THE true INFORMER, Who in the following discourse, OR COLLOQVIE, Discovereth unto the World the chief Causes of the sad Distempers in Great Brittany and Ireland, Deduced from their Originals. Magna est Veritas, & prevalebit. And also, A Letter writ by sergeant-major KIRLE, to a Friend at Windsor. Printed in the year, M. DC. XLIII. AN Interlocutory Discourse betwixt Patricius and Peregrin, touching the Distractions of the Times, with the Causes of them. Patricius. GEntle Sir, you are well met, and welcome to England, I am heartily glad of your safe arrival, hoping now to apprehend some happy opportunity whereby I may requite part of those worthy favours I received from you in divers places tother side of the Sea. Peregrin. Sir, I am as joyful to see you, as any friend I have upon the earth; but touching favours, they deserve not such an acknowledgement, I must confess myself to be far in the arrear to you, therefore you teach me what to speak in that point: But amongst other offices of friendship you have been pleased to do me from time to time, I give you many thanks for the faithful correspondence you have held with me since the time of our separation by intercourse of letters, the best sort of fuel to warm affection and to keep life in that noble virtue friendship, which they say abroad, is in danger to perish under this cold Insulary clime for want of practice. Patr. Truly, Sir, you should have had an account of matters hence more amply and frequently, but that of late it hath been usual, and allowed by authority, to intercept and break open any letters; but private men need not complain so much, since the dispatches of Ambassadors, whose packets should be held as sacred as their persons, have been commonly opened, besides some outrages offered their houses and servants; nay, since their majesty's Letters under the cabin Signet have been broke up, and other counterfeit one's printed and published in their names. Pereg. Indeed I must confess, the report hereof hath kept a great noise abroad; and England hath suffered much in point of national repute in this particular; for even among Barbarians it is held a kind of sacrilege to open Letters; nay, it is held a baser kind of Burglary, than to break into a House, Chamber, or Closet: for this is a plundering of outward things only, but he who breaks open one's Letters, which are the ideas of the mind, may be said to rip up his breast, to plunder and rifle his very brain, and rob him of his most precious and secretest thoughts. Patr. Well, let us leave this dista stefull subject; when these fatal commotions cease, this custom, I hope, will be abhorred in England: But now, that you are newly arrived, and so happily met, I pray be pleased to make me partaker of some foreign news, and how the squares go betwixt France and Spain, those two great wheels, that draw after their motion (some more, some less) all the rest of the Western world: and when you have done, I will give you account of the state of things in England. Pereg. I thought you had so abounded with domestic news, that you had had no list or leisure to hear any foreign; but to obey your commands, you know that I have been any time this six years a wanderer up and down the world; and truly I could not set foot on any Christian shore that was in a perfect condition of peace, but it was engaged either in a direct, auxiliary, or collateral war, or standing upon its guard in continual apprehensions and alarms of fear: For, since that last flaming Usher of God's vengeance, that direful Comet of the year 1618. appeared in the Heavens, some malignant and angry ill-aspected star hath had the predominance ever since, and by its malignant influxes, made strange unusual impressions upon the humours of Subjects, by inciting them to such insurrections, revolts, and tumults; which caused a Jewish Rabbi to say lately, that it seems the grand Turk thrives extraordinarily in his devotions, it being one of his prime prayers to Mahomet, that he should prevail with God Almighty to continue dissensions still among Christian Princes. And truly as the case stands, one may say, that the Christian world is all in pieces; you know well with what fearful fits of a high burning fever poor Germany hath been long shaken, which hath wrought a lethargy in some of her members, by wasting of the vital spirits, which should diffuse themselves equally through that great body; and how she still fostereth a cold Northern Guest within her bosom, and is 〈◊〉 annual fear of a worse from the Levant: In the Netherlands one shal● hear the half-sterved soldier murmur in every corner, and railing ●gainst his King, and ready to mutiny for want of pay. In France you shall see the poor Asinine Peasant half weary of his life, his face being so pitifully ground, ever and anon with new taxes. You know there are two sovereign Princes, who have a long time wandered up and down in exile, being outed out of their own ancient patrimonial Territories, and little hope yet God wot, of restoring them. The world knows how Savoy is become of late a kind of Province to France. Nay, Spain, who hath been so dexterous to put her neighbours together by the ears, and to foment war a far off, to keep her own home secure, is now herself in the midst of two fearful fires, kindled on both sides of her by quite-revolted Subjects, the Portuguese and Catalan, and is so puzzled, she cannot tell what Saint to pray unto. The Venetian also, with the Pope, and all the Princes of Italy are arming apace; the Hollander only, Salamander-like, thrives in these flames; and as I have heard of some, that by a long habitual custom, could feed on poison, and turn it to nourishment, so Hanse alone grows fat by these wars. And being weary of eating my bread in such a distracted world abroad, and hoping to take some sweet repose in England, I find that she is in as bad a case, if not worse, than any other. So much news I give you in a lump, I will be more particular with you some other time, if you please to spare me now. Patr. I hear, not without much resentment, these pithy expressions you have been pleased to make of the torn estate of Europe abroad, and since you mention that blazing star, I remember what a Noble Knight told me some years ago, That the Astronomers, who lay sentinel to watch the motion and aspect of that Comet, observed, that having pointed at divers climates, at last it seemed to look directly to these northwest Islands, in which posture it spent itself, and so extinguished; as if thereby it meant to tell the world, that these islands should be the Stage whereupon the last Act of the tragedy should be played. And how many Scenes have passed already, both here and in Ireland, we know, God wot, by too too woeful experience. Pereg. There is a saying, When your neighbour's house is on fire, by its light you may see in what danger your own stands. And was England so blind, as not to take warning by so many fearful combustions abroad: When I took my leave last of her, I left her in such a complete condition of happiness, both in Court, country, city and Sea, that she was the envy of all Europe, in so much, that that Golden Verse might be fitly applied to her then Golden times: Mollia securae peragebant otia Gentes. The Court was never so glorious, being hanselled every year almost with a new royal offspring; the gentry nowhere more gallant and sportful; the Citizen never more gorgeous and rich, and so abounding with treasure, bullion and buildings, that no age can parallel; Commerce inward and outward was never at that height; the customs increasing every year to admiration; the narrow Seas were never guarded with braver Ships, nor the navy royal for number of Vessels and Magazines of all sorts of materials was ever so well replenished; the Universities had never such golden days; and lastly, the Church did so flourish, that amongst the rest of the Reformed Churches of Christendom, I have heard her called the Church Triumphant. Besides, Ireland was arrived almost to the same degree of prosperity, for all the arrearages of the Crown were paid, and not a penny sent hence for many years to maintain the standing army there, or for any other public charge, as formerly; traffic came to that monstrous height, that in few years the Crown-customes came to be five times higher. In fine, Ireland was brought not only to subsist of herself, but enabled to contribute towards the filling of the English Exchequer, and to make some retribution of those vast expenses the Crown of England hath been at any time these 400 years, to reduce her to civility; her bogs were almost all dried up, and made good land, her mudwals turned apace to brick in divers places; so that one summer that I fortuned to be there, above 50. new Bricke-houses were built in one Town. But it hath been the fate of that Island to be oftentimes near a condition of a settled happiness, and yet to have some odd accident still intervene to cross it. In conclusion, there wanted nothing to make England and her united crowns so exactly blessed, that she might have assumed the Title of one of the Fortunate Islands. Good Lord, how comes it to pass, that she is now fallen into such horrid distempers, and like a distracted body, laying hands upon herself, would thrust the sword of civil war into her own bowels? I beseech you, Sir, impart unto me the true cause of this change; for I know none so capable to do it as yourself. Patr. Infandum Peregrine, jubes renovare dolorem. First, Sir, in the general you know, that it is with the Regions upon Earth, as it is with those of the Ayre● sometimes we have a clear azur'd sky, with soft gentle ventilations, and a sweet serenity throughout the whole Hemisphete; at other times we know the face of the Heavens is overcast with frowns, with Frog vapours, and thick clouds of various shapes, which look like Monsters, hovering up and down, and break at last into thunder and fulgurations, and so disquiet and raise a kind of war in the aerial Common wealth. Just so in the Regions that are dispersed up and down this earthly Globe, & peopled with men (which are but a composition of the Elements) you have sometimes a gentle calm of peace and quietude, with a general tranquillity all the country over; at other times you have ugly misshapen clouds of jealousies, fears and discontentments do rise up, which break out at last into acts of disobedience, rebellion, and fury. And as those aereal Meteors and Monsters above are engendered of those watery fogs and mists which are drawn up out of fenny and rotten low grounds here upon earth; so in the Region of the mind, the ill vapours which ascend to the brain from rotten and impostumated hearts, from desperate and malcontented humorists are the causes of all civil commotions and distempers in State. But they have much to answer for in the world to come (though they escape it in this) who for any private interest or respect whatsoever, either of Promotion, Vain glory, Revenge, Malice, or envy, will embroil and plunge their own native country in any public engagement or civil war, by putting a partition-wall betwixt their sovereign Prince and their fellow Subjects. Truly, in mine opinion, these may be called the worst kind of Betrayers of their Countries: but I am too far transported from satisfying your request in relating the true causes of these calamities: I will now fall to work, and bring you to the very source of them. There is a pack of perverse People (composed for the most part of the scummy and simplest sort) multiplied in England, who by a kind of natural inclination, are opposite so point blank to monarchy in State, and hierarchy in Church, that if they were in Heaven (whither 'tis to be feared they run a great hazard ever to enter, it being a Rule, that he who is rotten hearted to his King, can never be right hearted to his creator) I say, if these men were in Heaven, they would go near to repine at the monarchical Power of God Almighty himself, and at the degrees of Angels, and the postures of holiness in the Church Triumphant. They call every Crotchet of the brain, tenderness of conscience: which being well examined, is nothing else but a mere spirit of contradiction and disobedience (to all higher Powers) which possesseth them. There are no Constitutions either ecclesiastical or civil can please them, but they could cast both into such a mould, which their cracked brains would fain devise, yet are never able to bring to any perfection; they are ever labouring to bring Religion to the dock, to be new trimmed, but they would take down her forecast, and scarce allow her the King's arms to adorn her; they are great listeners after any Court news, and prick up their ears when any thing is spoken of King, Queen, or privy counsellor, and are always ready though upon loose trust, to take up any report whereby they may whisper in Conventicles and corners, and so traduce the Government. These great Zealots use to look upon themselves most commonly through multiplying glasses, which make them appear to be such huge Santons, that it renders them not only uncharitable in their opinions of others, but Lucifcrian-like proud in their own conceit, insomuch that they seem to scorn all the world besides, believing that they are the only Elect, whose souls work according to the motion of the Spirit; that they are the Children of promise, whose faces alone look towards Heaven; they are more pleased with some new reach or fancy, (that may puzzle the pericranium) than a Frenchman is with some new fashion in clothing; they are nearest to the nature of the Jew of any people upon earth, and will converse with him sooner than with some sort of Christians; and as in the pharisaical Disposition they symbolise with the Jew, so in some of their Positions they jump pat with the Jesuit; for though they are both in the extremes, and as contrary one to the other as the scales of a Diameter, yet their opinions and practices are concentrique to depress regal power; both of them would bind their Kings in chains, and the Nobles in links of iron; they both deny all passive obedience, and as the one would have the mortar of the Temple tempered with blood, so the other would beat Religion into the brain with the Pole-axe. Their greatest masterpiece of policy is to forge counterfeit news, and to divulge and disperse it as far as they can, to amuse the world, for the advancement of their designs, and strengthening of their party: but the Jesuit doth it more cunningly and modestly, for he fetcheth his news from far, so that before the falsehood of it can be controlled, his work is commonly done, and the news forgotten; but these later politicians use to raise lies hard by home, so that the grossness and palpableness of them is presently discovered. Besides, to avoid the extremes of the other, these later seem fall into flat profaneness, for they may be called a kind of enemies to the very Name, cross, and Church of Christ. Touching the first, they repine at any reverence to be done unto it, though spontaneous, not coercive. For the second, which was held from the beginning to be the badge and banner of a Christian, they cry it up to be the mark of the beast; and for the last, they would have it to be neither beautiful, holy, nor amiable, which are the three main properties which God requires in his House. To conclude, when any comes to be seasoned with this sour leaven, he seems to degenerate presently from the nature and garb of a Gentleman, and falls to be of a sordid and low disposition, narrow hearted, and close handed; to be timorous, cunning and jealous, and far from the common freedom, and sweetness of moral society, and from all generous and loyal thoughts towards his King and country. These, these have been the chiefest machinators, and engineers of these unhappy Divisions, who Viper like have torn the entrails of their own mother, their dear country; but there were other extern concurrent causes, and to find them out, I must look Northward, for there the Cloud began to condense first; You know Sir, the Scotish Nation were ever used to have their King personally resident amongst them; and though his late majesty by reason of his age, bounty, and long breeding there, with other advantages, drew such extraordinary respect from them, that they continued in good conformity; yet since his death, they have been overheard to mutter at the remoteness and absence of their King, and that they should become now a kind of Province by reason of such a distance: some of their Nobles and gentry found not at the English Court, nor at his majesty's Coronation in Edinburgh that countenance, familiarity, benefit, and honours, which haply they expected, and 'tis well known who he was, that having been denied to be lorded, took a pet, and went discontented to his country, hoping that some Title added to the wealth he had got abroad, should have purchased him more respect. These discontented parties tampered with the mercenary Preachers up and down Scotland, to obtrude to the People what Doctrines they put into their mouths, so that the Pulpits everywhere rung of nothing but of invectives against certain obliquities and solecisms (and I cannot tell what) in Government, and many glances they had upon the English Church; yet all this while there was not matter enough for an insurrection, nor to dispose the people's hearts to a mutiny, until by the policy (as some affirmed) of the said discontented party, the English liturgy was sent thither: this by the incitement of those fiery Pulpiteers, was cried up to be the greatest idol that possibly could be brought into their Kirk, insomuch that when it was first offered to be read, the women and baser sort of mechanics threw stools and stones at the Bishop's heads, and were ready to tear them in pieces: and here began the storm. His majesty having notice hereof, sent a most gracious Proclamation, signifying, that whereas he had recommended that Book to be practised amongst them, wherein he himself served God almighty twice a day, he did it out of a pious endeavour to breed an uniformity of public Divine Service in all his Dominions, specially in that his native Kingdom. But since it had produced such dangerous effects, he was contented to revoke it absolutely; for it was never his purpose to press the practice of the said Book upon the consciences of any, he did only commend, not absolutely command the use of it: therefore he exhorted and required that every one unto whom it had given any scandal, should return to his pristine obedience, and serve God as formerly, offering here with a gracious pardon, and to pass an Act of Amnestia for an abolition of all faults passed. Peregr. And would not this suffice? In natural motions we find that the cause being taken away, the effect ceaseth, and will not this hold in civil Actions? Patr. No, this would not serve the turn, but there was a further reach in it, and for an inch to take an ell: you know, the Scots since their single Lion came to quarter with our three, are much elevated in their spirits, more respected, employed and trusted abroad, and heightened in their resolutions and aims, and will questionless be daily more and more. You have heard of a mine that reached from our exchequer to Edinburgh. And I believe you have not forgot Boccolinies' balance, that was showed us in Italy, wherein Lorenzo de Medici weighed all the States of Christendom, and throwing in England amongst the rest, you know how much he made her to weigh less by this addition. The former Proclamation I say, and Pardon would not suffice, but they took opportunity to fish in those troubled waters, and vent their spleen further, by an utter extirpation of episcopacy, and by trampling the Mitre under their feet, hoping to have some of the birds plumes, being plucked, to feather their own nests; and they brought their work about. Good Lord, what a deal of dirt was presently thrown into the Bishop's faces by every rural petty clerk! what infamous Ballads were sung, what a thick cloud of epidemical hatred hung suddenly over them, so far, that a Dog with black and white spots was called a Bishop amongst them up and down the streets. The chiefest Contrivers of this uproar, finding their design to go on so well, and perceiving the whole country so eagerly bent against Bishops, (and what artifices and suggestions were used to render them so odious is incredible) but finding withal his Majestic unwilling to alter the Government his father (of so fresh and famous memory) had left him, and to which he had been sworn at his Coronation, they put themselves in arms, and raised Forces to beat down the Mitre, with the Sword, if the sceptre would not do it. To the frontiers they came with a great army, (not half so great as was bruited) pretending they came as Petitioners (though they brought their Petition upon their Pikes point.) Some of the great ones about the King grew cold in the action: and what a Pacification was then shuffled up, and how a Parliament was called thereupon in Scotland, with other passages, is a fitter subject for a story than a discourse. Peregr. I could have wished two things, that either his majesty had given them battle then, having the flower of his nobility and gentry with him, who I understood came with all cheerfulness and promptitude to attend him, or else that after the said Pacification, his majesty had shaken off all jealousies, and with a royal freedom and a commanding confidence gone amongst them to handsel their new Parliament House at Edinburgh; for it is probable, it had averted those showers and cataracts of miseries which have fallen upon us since: but I pray Sir, proceed. Patr. As they say, There is no wind but blows some body good, so it was thought, this Northern Cloud did England some advantage, for a Parliament was summoned hereupon; a Parliament do I call it? It was rather an Embryo of a Parliament, an Ephemeran of 20 days. In this sitting his majesty declared unto both Houses the indignities he had received by his Scotch Subjects, and therefore purposed a supply to be made of 12 Subsidies to suppress that Rebellion; and in lieu thereof he was willing to forbear and utterly abolish the Ship money, which he had reason to think legal at first, being advised thereunto by Noy his attorney general, who had such a mighty repute in the Law; yet he would not rest there, but he advised further with his learned council, who concurred in opinion with Noy; nor would he rest there also, but he had the approbation of all the judges singly, and afterwards the major part of all the Twelve, jointly upon a demur. This was enough to induce his conscience to hold it legal all this while; it was clearly proved that the moneys levied this way, were employed to no other but the intended service, The guarding of the narrow Seas; and not only for that, but to preserve his right of Dominion in them, being the fairest flower of his Crown, which was not only discoursed of abroad, but began to be questioned: and touching danger, how could England be but in apparent dangers? considering how all her next neighbours were in actual hostility, which made huge Fleets of Men of War, both French, Dunkirk, Hamburgers and Hollanders to sail ever and anon in her Channels, and hard before her royal Chambers: nor came there one penny of that public Contribution to his private Coffers, but he added much of his own Demeanes for the maintenance of a royal Fleet every summer: yet he was ready to pass any Bill for the utter abolishing of the said Ship money, and for redressing of any other grievances, provided they would enable him to suppress this Scots Rebellion: some say the House was inclinable to comply with his majesty's demands, but (as the ill spirit would have it) that Parliament was suddenly broke up, and I would that they who gave that counsel had been in Arabia, or beyond the Line, in their way to Madagascar, who nevertheless have got to be in high request with this present Parliament. His majesty being reduced to these straits, and resenting still the insolence of the Scot, proposed the business to his privy council, who suddenly made up a considerable and most noble sum for his present supply, whereunto divers of his domestic Servants and Officers did contribute. Amongst others who were active herein, the Earl of Strafford bestirred himself notably, and having got a Parliament to be called in Ireland, he went over, and with incredible celerity raised 8000 men, who procured money of the Parliament to maintain them, and got over those angry Seas again in the compass of less than six weeks. You may infer hence to what an exact uncontrollable obedience he had reduced that Kingdom, as to bring about so great a work with such a suddenness and facility. An army was also raised here, which marched to the North, and there fed upon the Kings pay a whole summer. The Scot was not idle all this while; but having punctual intelligence of every thing that passed at Court, as far as what was debated in the Cabinet counsel, and spoken in the bedchamber, (and herein amongst many others, he had infinite advantage of us) He armed also, and preferring to make England the stage of the War, rather than his own country, and to invade rather than to be invaded, He got over the Tweed, and found the passage open, and as it were made for him all the way till he came to the Tine, and though there was a considerable army of Horse and Foot at Newcastle, yet they never offered so much as to face him all the while. At Newburgh indeed there was a small skirmish; but the English Foot would not fight, so Newcastle gates flew open to the Scot without any resistance at all, where it is thought he had more friends than foes, and who were their friends for this Invasion, I hope Time, and the tribunal of Justice will one day discover. His majesty being then at York, summoned all his Nobles to appear, to advise with them in this exigence: Commissioners were appointed on both sides, who met at Rippon, and how the hearts and courage of some of the English Barons did boil within them, to be brought to so disadvantageous a treaty with the Scot, you may well imagine. So the treaty began, which the Scot would not conform himself unto, unless he were made first Rectus in Curia, and the Proclamation wherein he was declared traitor, revoked; alleging it would be dishonourable for his majesty to treat with Rebels. This treaty was ad●ourned to London, where this present Parliament was summoned (which was one of the chiefest errands of the Scot, as some think, And thus far by these sad and short degrees, have I faithfully led you along to know the true Originals of our calamities. Peregr. Truly Sir, I must tell you, that to my knowledge these unhappy traverses with Scotland, have made the English suffer abroad very much in point of national honour; therefore I wonder much that all this while there is none set a work to make a solid apology for England in some communicable Language, (either in French or Latin) to rectify the world into the truth of the thing, and to vindicate her, how she was bought and sold in this Expedition, considering what a party the Scot had here, and how his coming in, was rather an Invitation than an Invasion, and I believe if it had been in many parts of the world besides, some of the Commanders had gone to the pot. Patr. It is the practice of some States I know, to make sacrifice of some eminent minister, for public mistakes: but to follow the thread of of my Discourse. The Parliament being sat, His majesty told them, That he was resolved to cast himself wholly upon the affection and fidelity of his People, whereof they were the Representative body; therefore He wished them to go roundly on to close up the ruptures that were made by this unfortunate War, and that the two Armies, one domestic, the other foreign, which were gnawing the very bowels of the Kingdom, might be dismissed. Touching grievances of any kind (and what State was there ever so pure, but some corruption might creep into it?) He was very ready to redress them: concerning the Ship-money, He was willing to pass a Bill for the utter abolition of it, and to establish the property of the Subject; therefore he wished them not to spend too much time about that. And for Monopolies, he desired to have a list of them, and he would damn them all in one Proclamation: Touching ill counsellors, either in Westminster Hall, or White Hall, either in Church or State, he was resolved to protect none, therefore he wished that all jealousies and misunderstandings might vanish: This, with sundry other strains of princely grace he delivered unto them, but withal he told them, that they should be very cautious how they shook the frame of Government too far, in regard it was like a Watch, which being put asunder, can never be made up again, if the least pin be left out. So there were great hopes of a calm, after that cold Northern storm, and that we should be suddenly rid of the Scot, but that was least intended, until some designs were brought about. The Earl of Strafford, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the judges, and divers Monopolists are clapped up, and you know who took a timely flight to the other side of the sea: and in lieu of these, the Bishop of Lineolne is enlarged, Bastwick, Burton, and Prynne are brought into London, with a kind of Hosanna. His majesty gave way to all this, and to comply further with them, he took as it were into his bosom, I mean, he admitted to his privy counsel those Parliament Lords, who were held the greatest zealots amongst them, that they might be witnesses of his secretest actions; and to one of them He gave one of the considerablest Offices of the Kingdom, by the resignation of another most deserving Lord, upon whom they could never fasten misdemeanour; yet this great new Officer will come neither to the same oratory, chapel, or Church, to join in Prayer with his royal Master, nor communicate with him in any public exercise of devotion; and may not this be called a true recusancy? To another he gave one of the prime and most reposefull Offices about his own person at Court, and thereby he might be said to have given a staff to beat himself. Moreover, partly to give his Subjects an Evidence how firmly he was rooted in his Religion, and how much he desired the strengthening of it abroad; the treaty of marriage went on twixt his eldest daughter and the young Prince of Orange. Hereunto may be added as a special Argument of compliance and grace, the passing of the Bill for a triennial Parliament; and lastly, (which is the greatest evidence that possibly can be imagined, of that real trust and confidence he reposed in them) He passed the Act of Continuance. Peregr. Touching the triennial Parliament, there come some wholesome fruit out of it, for it will keep all Officers in awe, and excite the nobility, and young gentry of the Kingdom to study, and understand the Government of the Land, and be able to sit and serve their country in this great Senate; but for this Act of Continuance, I understand it not; Parliaments are good physic, but ill meat; they say abroad that England is turned hereby from a monarchy to a democracy, to a perpetual kind of Dictatorship; and whereas in former times there was an heptarchy of seven Kings in her, They say now she hath seventy times seven. But in lieu of these unparalleled Acts of grace and trust to the Parliament, what did the Parliament for the King all this while? Patr. They promised, specially upon the passing of the last Act, That they would make him the most glorious, the best beloved, and richest King that ever reigned in England: and this they did with deep protestings and asseverations. But there intervened an ill favoured accident which did much hurt, viz. A Discourse (for truly I think it was no more) which some green heads held to bring up the Northern army, to check the Puritan party, and the rabble of the city: This kept a mighty noise, and you know who fled upon it, and much use was made of it to make that Cloud of jealousy which was but of the breadth of an hand before, to appear as big as a mountain. Yet his majesty continued still in passing Acts of Grace, and complying with them in every thing. He put over unto them the Earl of Strafford, who after a long costly trial (wherein he carried himself with as much acuteness, dexterity, and eloquence, as human brain could be capable of for his defence) he was condemned to the Scaffold, and so made a sacrifice to the Scot, who stayed chiefly for his head, which besides those vast sums of money, was given him to boot. Peregr. Touching the Earl of Strafford, 'tis true he was full of ability, elocution, and confidence, and understood the laws of England as well as any, yet there were two things, I heard, wherein his wisdom was questioned; first, that having a charge ready against his chiefest Accusers, yet he suffered them to have the priority of suit, which if he had got, he had thereby made them Parties, and so incapable to be produced against him. Secondly, that during the time of his trial, he applied not himself with that compliance to his jury as well as to his judges, for he was observed to comply only with the Lords, and not with the House of Commons. Patr. Howsoever, as some say, his Death was resolved upon, (si non per viam Iustitiae, saltem per viam expedientiae) which appears in regard the proceedings against him are by a clause in the Act not to be produced for a leading case or example to future ages and inferior Courts. I blush to tell you how much the rabble of the city thirsted after his blood, how they were suffered to strut up and down the streets before the royal Court, and the Parliament itself, with impunity; they cried out, that if the Common Law failed, club Law should knock him down, and their insolency came to that height, that the names of those Lords that would not doom him to death, should be given them to fix upon posts up and down; and this was the first tumult that happened this Parliament, whereof so many followed after their example, being not only connived at, but backed by authority, for there were prohibitions sent from the Parliament, to hinder all process against some of them. These Myrmidons, as they termed themselves, were ready at a watchword, so that one might say there was a kind of discipline in disorder. Peregr. Were there any troubled for delivering their Votes in the Houses? I thought that freedom of opinion and speech, were one of the prime privileges of that great national Senate. Patr. Yes, Those that were the Minions of the House before became now the subjects of popular malice and distraction, because against the dictamen of their consciences, they would not vote the Earl of Strafford to death, and renounce their own judgements, and captivate it to the sense of others, yet they stood firm to their first grounds, that he was a delinquent in a high nature, and incapable ever to bear o ffice in any of his majesty's dominions. Per. I perceive Sir by your speeches, that one of the chiefest causes of these combustions may be imputed to the city of London, which may be called the Metropolis of all these evils, and I little wonder at it, for it hath been always incident to all great towns, when they grow rich and populous, to fall into acts of insolence, and to spurn at government; where so many pots (so many brains) are a-boiling, there must needs be a great deal of froth, but let her look to herself, for majesty hath long arms, and may reach her at last. But the truth is, that London bears no proportion with the size of this Island, for either one should be larger, or the other less: London may be well compared to the liver of a crammed Italian goose, whose fattening emacerates the rest of the whole body, and makes it grow lean and languish, and she may well be termed a goose now more than ever, for her feathers are plucked apace; but now that you have done with the Earl of Strafford, what is become of all the rest who were committed? Pat. They are still in durance, and have continued so these two years and upward, yet are not proceeded against, nor brought to their answer to this very day, though all the courts of Justice have been open ever since. Many hundreds more of the best sort of Subjects have been suddenly clapped up, and no cause at all mentioned in many of their commitments, and new Prisons made of purpose for them, where they may be said to be buried alive, and so forgotten, as if there were no such men in the world: and how this can stand with Magna Charta, with the Petition of Right (to vindicate which, there was so much pains taken the last Parliament) let any man of a sane judgement determine, Yet one of the Judges, who hath an impeachment of high treason still lying Dormant against him, though he be not Rectus in curia himself, is suffered to sit as Judge upon the highest tribunal of England, whereas another for a pretended misdemeanour only is barred from sitting there. Others who were at first cried up and branded to be the most infamous projectors and Monopoliz●s of the land, are not only got loose, but crept into favour, and made use of. Per. Hath the House of Commons power to commit any but their own members without Conference with the Lords? Or hath any Order or Ordinance of one of the Houses singly, or of both conjunctly, to enjoin a virtual binding power of general obedience without the royal consent. Pat. The power of Parliament, when King, peers and Commons, which is the whole kingdom digested into one volume, is indefinite; but what either of both Houses can do of themselves singly, or jointly, without the King who is the life of the Law, I dare not determine: especially when a visible faction reigns amongst them. — tantas componere lites nonopis est nostroe— But for mine own opinion, I think it is as impossible for them to make a Law without the King, as it was for Paracelsas to make a man without coition, either for abolishment of old, or establishment of new laws. The results of Parliament without the royal consent, are as matches without fire; And it is an incontroulable principle, that the old Law must be our guide, till new be made, nor is any Act of the Subject justifiable, but what is warrantable by the old. But to proceed in the true discovery of these domestic scistures, my Lord of Strafford being gone, we hoped fair weather would follow, (He who was the cause of the tempest, being thrown overboard) but unlucky mists of jealousy grew thicker and thicker; Yet the Scots were dismissed, having had fiddlers fare, meat, drink, and money, for eleven long months together. So his majesty went to Scotland, where the parliament there, did but ask and have any thing, though it be the unquestionable prerogative of majesty to grant or deny Petitions, and to satisfy his conscience before any council. But during his sojourn there, this formidable hideous Rebellion broke out in Ireland, which though it may be said to be but an old play newly revived, yet the Scene was never so tragical and bloody as now: for the barbarisms that have been committed there have been foe sanguinary, and monstrously savage, that I think posterity will hold them hyperbolical. The Irish themselves affirm there concurred causes to kindle this fire. One was the taking off Straffords head, (who awed them more than any Deputy ever did) and that one of his Accusations should be to have used the Papists there too favourably. Secondly, the rigorous proceedings and intended courses against the Papists here in England. Lastly, the stopping of that Regiment of Irish, who was promised by his majesty's royal word and letter to the King of Spain, who relying upon that employment, rather than to beg, steal, or starve, turned Rebels: And that which hath aggravated the rebellion all this while, and heightened much the spirit of the Irish, is the introduction of the Scot, whom they hate in perfection above all people else, and the design spoken of in our Parliament, to make an absolute Conquest, and national Eradication of them, which hath made them to make virtue of necessity, and to be valiant against their wills. Per. Indeed I heard that Act of staying the Irish Regiment, considering how the Marquesses de Valada, and Malvezzi, and Don Alonso de Cardenas, who were all three ambassadors here for the King of Spain at that time, having by reliance upon the sacred word and letter of a King, imprested money, and provided shipping for their transport, and been at above 10000 Crowns charges, I say this act was very much censured abroad, to the dishonour of his Majesty, and our reproach. Patr. I am very sorry to hear it. Well Sir. His Majesty by his presence having settled Scotland, was at his return to London received with much joy, and exultation, but though he was brought in with a Hosanna at one end of the town, he found a Crucifige at the other: For at Westminster there was a Remonstrance framed, a work of many weeks, and voted in the dead of night, when most of the moderate, and well-thoughted Members were retired to their rest, wherein with as much industry and artifice as could be, the least moat in government was exposed to public view, from the first day of his majesty's inauguration to that very hour: Which Remonstrance as it did no good to the public; but fill people's heads with doubts, and their hearts with gall and retard the procedure of all business besides, so you may well think, it could expect but cold entertainment with his Majesty, who hoped his great council according to their often deep protestations, had done something for his welcome home, that might have made him the best beloved King that ever was amongst his people. Per. 'Tis true, there is no Government upon earth, made up of men, but is subject to corruption, there is no Court of Judicature so clean, but some cobwebs may gather in it, unless an Act of Parliament could be made to free and exempt men from infirmities and error; It cannot be denied, but Scotland might have something to complain of (though I think least of any) and so leapt first into the pool to be cured; and what she fished besides in those troubled waters 'tis too well known. England also no doubt might have some grievances, which his majesty freely offered, not only to redress for the present, but to free her of all fears for the future, from falling into relapses of that kind; but to redress grievances by arms, by plunging the whole country into an intestine war, this makes the remedy worse than the malady, it is as if one would go about to cure a sick body by breaking his head, or let him blood by giving him a dash on the nose; it is as mad a trick as his was who set the whole house a fire to roast his eggs. But truly Sir, in my opinion; his Majesty at his return from Scotland might have justly expected some Acts of compliance and gratitude from his Parliament, considering what unparalleled Acts of Grace he had passed before. Pat. His Majesty did not rest there, but complied further with them by condeseending to an Act for putting down the Star-Chamber-Court, the High Commission, the Court of Honour; nay, he was contented his own privy council should be regulated, and his forests bounded not according to ancient Prerogative, but late custom; nay further, he passed a Bill for the unvoting, and utter exclusion of the spiritual Lords from the Parliament for ever, whereby it cannot be denied, but by the casheering of twenty five votes at a clap, and by excluding the Recusant Lords besides (who subsist most by his grace) he did not a little enervate his own prerogative. Add hereunto that having placed two worthy Gentlemen Lieutenants of the Tower, he removed them both one after another, and was content to put in one of their Election: And lastly, he trusted them with his greatest strength of all, with his navy royal, and called home that knowing Knight who had the guard of the narrow Seas so many years. Per. Truly Sir, I never remember to have heard or read of such notable Acts of grace and confidence from any King: but would not all this suffice? Pat. No, But they demanded all the Land soldiery and military strength of the kingdom to be disposed of by them, and to be put into what posture, and in what Equipage, and under what Commanders they pleased; And this was the first thing his Majesty ever denied them, yet he would have granted them this also for a limited time, but that would not serve the turn; Hereupon his majesty grew a little sensible, how they inched every day more and more upon his royal prerogatives and intending to go to his Town of Hull to see his Magazine, he was in an hostile manner kept out, Canons mounted, Pistols cocked, and levelled at him. But whether that Knight did this out of his fidelity to the Parliament, or out of an apprehension of fear that some about the King, being moved with the barbarousness of the action would have pistoled him, I will not determine. Peregr. I have read of divers affronts of this kind, that were offered to the French Kings, Rochel shut her gates more than once against Henry the great, and for the King now regnant, they did not only shut him out of many of his towns, but upon the gates of some of them, they writ in legible Characters Roy sans Foy, Ville sans peur, A faithless King, a fearless Town. Yet in the greatest heat of those wars, there was never any Town refused to let in her King, provided he came attended only with his own train, and besides other people abroad, I heard the scois Nation did abhor that Act at Hull. But I pray Sir go on. Patr. His majesty being thus shut out of one Town, he might justly suspect, that an attempt might be made to shut him in, in some other; therefore he made a motion to the York shire Gentlemen, to have a guard for the preservation of His Person, which was done accordingly. But I am come too forward, I must go back and tell you how the King was driven from Westminster. When his majesty was returned from Scotland, he retired to Hampton Court, whence upon the Lord maiors and the Cities humble solicitation, he came back to Whitehall to keep his Christmas. But when the Bill against Bishops was in agitation, which business lasted near upon 10 weeks, a crew of bold sturdy mechanics, and Mariners, came from the city and ruffled before Whitehall, and Westminster-hall, and would have violated the abbey of Westminster, so that for many nights a Court of guard was forced to be kept in the body of that Church, (the chiefest sanctuary of the Kingdom.) Moreover, His majesty having impeached some of the Members of both Houses, of high Treason, and being denied to have them delivered up, he went himself to the Lower House to demand them, assuring the House they should have as fair and legal a trial as ever men had. But as it pleased God, they were not there, but retired to London for refuge; the Londoners grew stark wild thereupon, and notice being sent to all the adjacent Counties, this Act of the Kings (though it wanted no precedents of former times) was aggravated in the highest degree that possibly could be. Hence you may easily infer, what small security his Majesty had at Whitehall, and what indignities he might have exposed himself unto, by that which had passed already from the Rabble, who had vilified and cried tush at his Proclamations, and disgorged other rebellious speeches with impunity, therefore he retired to Hampton Court (as we read, our Saviour withdrew himself once from the multitude) thence to Windsor Castle, whence accompanying her majesty, with his eldest daughter to the sea side for Holland, and having commanded the Prince to attend him against his return at Greenwich, the Prince had been surprised and brought to London, had not the King come a little before. Thence he removed to York, where he kept his Court all the summer. But to return to London, the very next day after their majesty's departure, the country about, especially Bucking hamshire being incited by the city and Parliament, came in great swarms, and joining with the London mechanics, they ruffled up and down the streets, and kept such a racket, making the fearfullest riot that ever I believe was heard of in Parliament time: so those Members which formerly were fled into the city, were brought to the House in a kind of triumph, being guarded by land and water in warlike manner by these Champions: After this, sundry troops of Horse came from all the shires near adjoining to the Parliament, and Buckingham men were the first, who while they expressed their love to their Knight, forgot their sworn oath to their King, and instead of feathers they carried a Printed Pretestation in their hats, as the Londoners had done a little before upon the Pikes point. Per. This kept a foul noise beyond Sea I remember, so that upon the Rialto in Venice, it was sung up and down, that a midsummer Moon (though it was then midst of Winter) did reign amongst the English, and you must think that it hath made the Venetian to shrink in his shoulders, and to look but ill favourably upon us, since we'll have none of his currants. But Sir, I heard much of that Protestation, I pray what was the substance of it, Pat. It was penned, and enjoined by the Parliament for every one to take, and it consisted of many parts, the first was, to maintain the true Protestant religion against all Popish innovations, which word Popish (as some think) was screwed in of purpose for a loophole to let in any other innovation) the second was to maintain the Prerogative and honour of the King; then the power and privilege of Parliaments; and lastly, the propriety and liberty of the Subject; for the two first parts of this Protestation, the people up and down seemed to have uttrly forgotten them, and continue so still, as if their consciences had been tied only to the two last, and never was there a poor people so besotted, never was reason and common sense so baffled in any part of the world. And now will I go to attend his majesty at York, where as I told you before, being loath to part with his Sword, (though he had half parted with his sceptre before) by denying the Parliament an indefinite time to dispose of the Militia, (Alleging, that as the Word, so the thing was new) He sends forth his Commissions of Array according to the old law of England, which declares it to be the undoubted right, and royal Signiory of the King, to arm or disarm any Subject. The Parliament sends out clean counter-mands for executing the said Militia; so by this clashing twixt the Commission of Array and the Militia, the first flash of this odious unnatural war may be said to break out. The pulse of the Parliament beats yet higher, they send an admiral to the sea, not only without, but expressly against the King's special command. They had taken unto them a Military guard from the city for their protection, without his majesty's consent, who by the advice of the Lord Keeper and others, had offered them a very strong guard of Constables and other Officers to attend them, which the laws usually allow; yet the raising of that guard in Yorkshire for the safeguard of his majesty's person, was interpreted to be levying of war against the Parliament, and so made a sufficient ground for them to raise an army, to appoint a general, with whom they made public Declarations to live and die. And they assumed power to confer a new appellation of honour upon him, as if any could confer honour but the King! And this Army was to be maintained out of the next contribution of all sorts of people; so a great mass of money and plate, was brought into the Guild-Hall, the seamstress brought in her silver Thimble, the Chamber maid her Bodkin, the Cook his spoons, and the vintner his bowls, and every one something to the advancement of so good a work, as to wage war directly against the Sacred person of their sovereign, and to put the whole country into a combustion. Per. Surely it is impossible that a rational Christian people should grow so simple and sottish, as to be so far transported, without some colourable cause, therefore I pray tell me what that might be? Patr. The cause is made specious enough, and varnished over wonderful cunningly; The people are made to believe they are in danger, and a prevention of that danger is promised, and by these plausible ways the understanding is wrought upon, and an affection to the cause is ushered in, by aggravation of this danger, as one would draw a thread through a needle's eye: This huge bugbear Danger, was like a monster of many heads, the two chiefest were these, That there was a plot to let in the Pope; And to cast the civil Government into a French frame; It is incredible to think how the Pulpits up and down London did ring of this, by brainsick Lecturers, of whom some were come from New England, others were picked out of purpose, and sent for from their own flock in the country, to possess, or rather to poison the hearts of the Londoners, to puzzle their intellectuals, and to intoxicate their brains by their powerful gifts; It was punishable to preach of Peace, or of Caesar's right, but the common subject of the Pulpit was either blasphemy against God, Disobedience against the King, or Incitements to Sedition, Good Lord, what windy, frothy stuff came from these fanaticke brains! These Phrenetici Nebulones, (for King James gives them no better Character in his {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}) who may be said to be mad out of too much ignorance; who nevertheless are come to that height of profaneness and pride, that they presume to father all their Doctrines, all their nonsense raptures and ravings upon the holy Spirit. Nor did the Pulpit only help to kindle this fire, but the press also did contribute much fuel; What base scurrilous Pamphlets were cried up and down the streets, and dispersed in the country? What palpable and horrid lies were daily printed? How they multiplied in every corner in such plenty, that one might say there was a superfetation of lies, which continue unto this day! One while the King of Denmark was coming over from the Sound; another while the king of France had an huge army about Calais designed for England; another while there was an army of Irish Rebels coming over with the privity of the King; another while a plot was cried up and down to burn London; another while there were subterranean invisible troops mustered under ground in Wales, and thousands of Papists armed in Lancashire, & divers reports of this nature were daily blown up, and though the Authors of them were worthless & mean futilous persons, yet the reports themselves had that credit as to be entertained and canvased in the high Court of Parliament. But these false rumours produced one politic effect (and it was the end indeed for which they were dispersed) they did atemorize, and fill the people's hearts with fears, and so dispose of them to uproars and to part with money. Peregr. I know there be sundry sorts of fears; there are Conscientious fears, there are Pannik fears, there are pusillanimous fears, and there are politck fears. The first sort of Fear proceeds from guilt of Conscience, which turns often to frenzy. The second sort of Fear may be called a kind of Chimaera, 'tis some sudden surprisal or Consternation arising from an unexpected strange accident. Pusillanimous Fear makes a mountain of a molehill, and proceeds from poverty of spirit, and want of courage, and is a passion of abject and degenerous minds, and may be called cowardice, and this Fear is always accompanied with jealousy. politic fear, is a created forged Fear wrought in another, to bring some design about; and as we find the Astronomers (the comparison is too good) do imagine such and such shapes and circles in the Heavens, as zodiac, equinoctial, colours and Tropics, with others, though there be no such things really in nature, to make their conclusions good; so the politician doth often devise and invent false imaginary fears, to make his proceedings more plausible amongst the silly vulgar, and thereby to compass his ends and as the Sun useth to appear far bigger to us in the morning than at noon, when he is exalted to his Meridian, and the reason the philosophers use to give, is the interposition of the vapours which are commonly in the lower Region, through which we look upon him, as we find a piece of silver look bigger in a bucket of water than elsewhere, so the politician uses to cast strange mists of fear, and fogs of jealousy before the simple people's eyes, to make the danger seem bigger: But truly Sir, this is one of the basest kinds of policy; nor can I believe there be any such politicians amongst the Cabalists of your Parliament; who pretend to be so busy about God's work, A glorious Reformation; and you know there is a good Text for it, that God needeth not the wicked man, He scorns to be beholding to liars to bring about his purposes: But I pray Sir, deal freely with me, Do you imagine there was a design to bring in the mass again? Patr. The mass? You may say, there was a plot to bring in Mahomet as soon, to bring in the Koran, or Talmud as soon, for I dare pawn my soul, the King is as cordial a Protestant, as any that breathes under his three crowns, which besides his public deep Protestations, and his constant quotidian exemplary open practice, many other convincing private reasons induce me to believe, and it is in vain to think the Pope can take footing here to any purpose without the King's leave. You know as well as I Sir, that of all the Reformed Churches in Christendom, the Lutheran retains most of the Roman, both in his positions and practice, and comes much nearer unto him than we do, yet I have observed, that from the first day of his Reformation, to this, He is as averse, and as far off from Rome, as the rigidest Calvinist that is; and shall I think, because there are some humble and handsome postures, and decent vestures revived in ourChurch, for they were never abolished, because the Communion Table stands in the East end where it ever stood since Christianity came in all our Cathedrals, which should be a rule to all interior Churches, which yet the Separatist cries out to be an Innovation: because her majesty hath a few simple Capuchins, fewer than was allowed by the matrimonial Capitulations, whither to retire sometimes: Because Schismatickes were proceeded against with more care, and the Government of the Church borne up lately with more countenance, shall I believe that the Pope must presently come in? shall I believe the weakness of our Religion to be such, as to be so easily shaken and overturned? Yet I believe there was a pernicious plot to introduce a new Religion, but what I pray? not popery, but presbytery, and with it to bring in the Doctrine of Buchanan and Knox, for civil Government, and so to cast our Church and State into a Scots mould. Peregr. Indeed, I heard the English much censured abroad for enslaving as it were their understanding and judgement in points of Religion to the Scot, whom they made Christians, and Reformed Christians first, and now for the English to run to them for a Religion, and that the Uniformite should proceed from them, they having disdained us formerly, what a disparagement is it think you to the Anglican Church? This with other odd traverses, as the eclipsing the glory of the King, and bringing him back to a kind of minority, the tampering with his conscience, I will not say, the straining of it so far, the depriving him of all kind of property, the depressing of his regal Power, wherein the honour of a Nation con●●sts, and which the English were used to uphold more than any other, for no King hath more awful attributes from his Subjects, as, Sacred sovereign, Gracious and Most Excellent majesty, nor any King so often prayed for, for in your morning liturgy he is five times prayed for, whereas other Princes are mentioned but once or twice at most in theirs, I say this, with interception of letters, some incivilities offered Ambassadors, and the bold lavish speechees that were spoken of the greatest Queens in Christendom, and his Majesties late withdrawing his royal protection from some of his Merchant-Subiects in other Countries, hath made the English lose much ground in point of esteem abroad, and to be the discourse, I will not say the scorn of other people. They stick not to say, that there is now a worse malady fallen upon their minds, than fell upon their bodies about an age since by the sweeting sickness, which was peculiar only unto them, and found them out under all Climes. Others say, there is a {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} amongst them, that they are turned to Wolves, (as you know it is a common thing in Lapland,) and that the old Adage is verified in them, Homo homini Lupus. Nay our next neighbours give out, that the saying was never truer than now, Rex Anglorum, Rex Diabolorum. Nor is it a small disrepute to the English, that the word Cavallier, which is an attribute that no Prince in Christendom will disdain, and is the common appellation of the nobility and Gentry in most parts of the world, is now used, not only in Libels and frivolous Pamphlets, but in public Parliamentary Declarations, for a term of reproach. But truly Sir, what you have related touching the Pulpit and the press, transforms me into wonder, and I should want Faith to believe it, did you not speak it upon your knowledge; but the English when they fall to work upon a new humour, use to overdo all people. Patr. You have not yet the tith of what I could give you, you would little think that Coachmen, and Feltmakers, and Weavers were permitted to preach up and down without controlment, and vent their venom against Church and State, to cry down our hierarchy and liturgy, by most base and reviling speeches. Per. Touching your liturgy, I have heard it censured abroad by the rigidest Calvinists of Geneva and Dort, yet I never heard any other Character given of it, but that it is a most Pious, pathetic, and perfect piece of devotion, both for the matter and form of it, which I have been a little curious to observe. It begins with some choice passages of holy Scripture, and a previous Declaration or Monitory to excite us to the work in hand; The first address we make to God is by an humble and joint Confession which is appliable to any conscience, and comprehends in it all kind of sins. Then followeth a pronunciation of God's promises and proneness to pardon and absolve us; we go on to the Lord's Prayer, which having been dictated by our Saviour himself, we often use, and is as Amber thrown in amongst our Frankincense, to make the Sacrifice more precious and pleasing unto God. Then we proceed to some choice psalms, and other portions of holy Scripture taken out of the old and new testament; Then we fall to the symbol of saith, where of we make a solemn joint confession in such a posture as shows a readiness and resolution in us to defend it: and so to the litany, wherein the poor penitent peccant soul may be said to breathe out herself into the bosom of her Saviour by tender ejaculations, by panting groans, and eviscerated ingeminations, and there is no sin, no temptation whatsoever that human frailty is subject unto, but you shall find a deliverance from it there; it is so full of Christian charity that there is no condition of people, but are remembered and prayed for there. Then we proceed by holy alternative interlocutions (whereby we hear ourselves speak as well as the minister) to some effectual short prayers; because in long prayers the mind is subject to wander, as some zealots now a days use to bring their Hearers into a wilderness by their Prayers, and into a Labyrinth by their Sermons. Then go we on to the Decalogue, and if it be in a cathedral, there is time enough for the Hearer to examine himself, while the music plays, where and when he broke any of God's holy commandments, and ask particular forgiveness accordingly; Then after other choice portions of Scripture, and passages relating to our Redemption, and endearing unto us the merits of it, with a more particular Confession of our Faith, we are dismissed with a Benediction: so that this liturgy may be called an Instrument of many strings, whereon the sighing soul sends up various notes unto heaven. It is a posy made up of divers flowers, to make it the more fragrant in the nostrils of God. Now touching your Bishops I never knew yet any Protestant Church but could be content to have them, had they means to maintain the dignity, which the Churches of France with others have not in regard the Reformation began first among the people, not at Court, as here it did in England: For unless there be some Supervisers of God's house, endowed with eminent authority to check the fond fancies, and quench the false fatuous fires of every private spirit, and unless it be such an authority that may draw unto it a holy kind of awe and obedience, what can be expected but confusion and atheism? You know what became of the Israelites when the wonted reverence to the Ark, and the Ephod, and the Priest, began to languish amongst them: For the brain of man is like a garden, which unless it be sensed about with a wall or hedge, is subject you know to be annoyed by all kind of beasts which will be ready to run into it; so the brain unless it be restrained and bounded in holy things by rules of canonical authority, a thousand wild opinions, and extravagant fancies will hourly rush into it: nor was there ever any field so subject to produce Cockle and Darnell, as the brain is rank and ready to bring forth tares of schism and heresy of a thousand sorts, unless after the first culture the sickle of Authority be applied to grub up all such noisome weeds. Pat. Yet this most ancient dignity of Bishops is traduced and vilified by every shallowpated petty clerk, and not so much out of a true zeal, as out of envy that they are not the like. And touching our liturgy, whereof you have been pleased to give so exact a Character, people are come to that height of impiety, that in some places it hath been drowned, in other places burnt, in some places torn in pieces to serve for the basest uses, nay it hath been preached publicly in Pulpit, That it is a piece forged in the devil's shop, and yet the impious foul mouthed Babbler never was so much as questioned for it. Nor did the Church only echo with these blasphemies; but the press was as pregnant to produce every day some Monster either against ecclesiastical, or Secular government. I am ashamed to tell you how some bold pamphleteers in a discourse of a sheet or two, would presume to question, to dispute of, and determine the extent of Monarchik jurisdiction, what sturdy doubts, what saucy queries they put, what odd frivolous distinctions they framed, That the King though he was God's Anointed, yet he was man's appointed: That he had the commanding, not the disposing power: That he was set to rule over, not to over rule the people; That he was King by human choice, not by divine Charter; That he was not King by the grace of God, so much as by the suffrage of the people; That he was a Creature and production of the Parliament: That he had no implicit trust, nor peculiar property in any thing; That populus est potior Rege: That Grex lege, lex. est Rege potentior; That the King was singulis major, universis minor, whereas a successive Monarch— Uno minor est love— Sometimes they would bring instances from the States of Holland, sometimes from the republic of Venice, and apply them to Absolute and independent royalty; But I find that the discourse and Inferences of these Grand Statists were bottomed upon four false foundations, viz. That the King of whom they speak must be either a Minor, an Idiot, an insufferable tyrant, or that the kingdom they mean, is Elective; None of all which is appliable, either to our most gracious and excellently qualified King, or to his renowned Kingdom, which hath been always reputed an ancient successive monarchy, governed by one supreme, undeposeable and independent Head, having the dignity, the royal State, and Power of an imperial Crown, and being responsible to none but to God almighty and his own conscience for his actions, and unto whom a body politic compacted of Prelates, peers, and all degrees of people is naturally subject; but this is a theme of that transcendency, that it requires a serious and solid Tractat, rather than such a slender Discourse as this to handle. But I pray excuse me Sir, that I have stepped aside thus from the Road of my main narration; I told you before, how the clashing twixt the Commission of Array, and the Militia, put all things in disarray throughout the whole Kingdom; The Parliament as they had taken the first military guard, so they began to arm first, and was it not high time then for his majesty to do something think you? yet he assayed by all ways imaginable to prevent a War, and to conquer by a passive fortitude, by cunctation, and longanimity. How many overtures for an accommodation did he make? How many Proclamations of Pardon? How many elaborate Declarations breathing nothing but clemency, sweetness and truth did drop from his own imperious invincible pen, which will remain upon Record unto all Ages, as so many Monuments to his eternal glory? Yet some ill spirit stepped still in, between his Grace and the abused Subject, for by the peremptory Order of Parliament (O monstrous thing!) the said Proclamations of Grace, and other his majesty's Declarations were prohibited to be read, fearing that the strength and truth of them would have had a virtue to unblind, or rather unbewitch (for Rebellion is as the sin of witchcraft), the poor besotted people? What deep Protestations, and holy vows did he reiterate, that the main of his designs was to preserve the true Procestant Religion, the known laws of the Land, and the just privileges of Parliament? How often did he dehort and woo the city of London (his Imperial Chamber) from such violent courses, so that she may justly be upbraided with the same words, as the Prince of peace upbraided Jerusalem withal: London, London, How often would I have gathered thee, as an hen doth her chickens under her wings, yet thou wouldest not? How often did He descend to acknowledge the manner of demanding the one and five Members in his public Remonstrances? And if there was an error in his proceedings, how oft did he desire his Great council to direct him in a course how to go on in the impeachment? which they never did, but would reserve the privilege to themselves to be Judge and party. Peregr. Can your Parliament protect high Treason? I am sure the character of an ambassador cannot, which the late French ambassador (who for his time played his Cards more cunningly than ever Count Gondomer did) knew well; and therefore, as I heard some French men say, he got letters of Revocation before his designed time: But it seems strange to me, that the King who is the protector of the Law, and Fountain of Justice, cannot have the benefit of the Law himself, which the meanest of his Vassals can claim by right of inheritance; 'tis strange, I say, that the Law should be a dead letter to him who is the Life of the Law, but that for omission of some puntillio in the form of the process, the charge of high Treason should be so slightly waved, speçially Treason of so universal concernmen●, that it may be called a complication of many Treasons; for if in every petty State it be high Treason to treat only with any foreign Power without the privity of the Prince, it must needs be Treason of an higher nature actually to bring them in; and hereof I could allege you many pregnant instances, ancient and modern, but that I do not desire to interrupt you in your Relation. Patr. The Parliament, as I told you before, armed apace, it was not fitting then his majesty should sit idle; therefore he summons those Nobles and others, who had an immediate relation unto him by office or service, to attend him at York, according to their particular obligation and Oath: but it seems the Parliament assumed power to dispense with those oaths, and excuse their attendance, which dispensation prevailed with some (tender) consciences; yet the Great Seal posted to Court, and after it most of the Nobles of the Land, and the flower of the gentry, with many of the prime Members of the Commons House; so that were it not for the local privilege, the Parliament, for number of Members, might be said to be ever since about the King: These Nobles and Gentlemen resenting his majesty's case, and what practices there were on foot to alter the Government both of Church and State, not only advised his majesty to a royal War for defence of his Crown and dignity, but contributed very cheerfully, and have stood constant to the work ever since. Peregr. They have good reason for it, for the security of the nobility and gentry depends upon the strength of the Crown, otherwise popular Government would rush in like a torrent upon them. But surely those Nobles, and those Parliament Gentlemen, and others, some of whom I understand, were reputed the wisest and best weighed men for experience and parts throughout the whole Kingdom, and were cried up in other Parliaments to be the most zealous Patriots for the propriety and freedom of the Subject, would never have stuck so firmly to His majesty, had they not known the bottom of his designs, that it was far from his thoughts to bring in the Pope or French Government; for thereby they should have betrayed their own posterity, and made their children slaves. Patr. To my knowledge, these Nobles and Gentlemen are still the very same as they were in former Parliaments, wherein they were so cried up for the truest lovers of their country, and best commonwealths men; yet now they are branded, and Voted to be Seducers and Traitors, because according to their oaths and consciences, they adhere to the King their Master and Liege-Lord, for maintenance of that Religion they were baptised and bred in. Those most Orthodox and painful Divines, which till the Parliament began, were accounted the precisest sort of Protestants, are now cried down for Papists, though they continue still the very same men, both for opinions and preaching, and are no more Papists, than I am a Pytbagorean. In fine, a true English Protestant is put now in the same scale with a Papist, and made Synonyma's. And truly these unhappy Schismatickes could not devise how to cast a greater infamy upon the English Protestant, than they have done of late by these monstrous imputations; they would fasten upon him such opinions which never entered into his thoughts, they would know one's heart better than himself, and so would be greater Kardiognostickes than God almighty. But to draw to a Conclusion; the Parliaments army multiplied apace in London, the Kings but slowly in the North, so that when he displayed his royal Standard at Nottingham, his Forces were not any thing considerable, so that if the Parliaments general had then advanced towards him from Northamptou, he had put him to a very great strait; they increased something at Derby and Stafford, but when he was come to Shrewsbury, the Welshmen came running down the mountains in such multitudes, that their example did much animate the English; so that his Army in less than a month that the Court continued in Shrewesbury, came to near upon twenty thousand Horse and Foot; nor was it a small advantage to his majesty's affairs, that the Nephew-Princes came over so opportunely. The first encounter Prince Rupert had with the Parliaments forces was at Worcester, where he defeated the flower of their cavalry, and gave them a smart blow. At Shrewsbury his majesty took a resolution to march with his whole army towards London, but after seven days march he understood the Parliaments forces were within six miles side long of him, and so many miles he went out of his road to find them out, and face them: Upon a Sunday morning he was himself betimes on Edge-Hill, where the enemy's Colours plainly appeared in the vale before Keinton; it was past two in the afternoon before all his infantry could get to the bottom, who upon sight of the enemy's Colours ran as merrily down the hill, as if they had gone to a morris-dance. So his majesty himself being Generalissimo, gave command the great Ordnance should fly for a defiance: so the battle began, which lasted above three hours; and as some French and Dutch Commanders told me, they never remembered to have seen a more furious fight for the time in all the German wars. Prince Rupert pursued the enemy's Horse like a whirlwind near upon three miles, and had there been day enough, when he came back to the infantry, in all probability a total defeat had been given them: So that the same accident may be said to fall out here, as happened in that famous battle at Lewis, in Henry the thirds time, where the Prince of Wales (afterwards Edward the first) was so eager, and went so far (by excess of courage) from the body of the Army in pursuance of the Londoners. His majesty (to his deserved and never-dying glory) comported himself like another Caesar all the while, by riding about and encouraging the soldiers, by exposing his person often to the reach of a Musket-buller, and lying in the field all that bleak night in his Coach. Notwithstanding that many lying pamphlets were purposely printed here, to make the world believe, that he had retired himself all the time of the fight; what partial Reports were made in the Guild-hall to the Londoners, and by what persons, I am ashamed to tell you: But that his majesty was victorious that day (a day which I never thought to have seen in England) there be many convincing arguments to prove it; for besides the great odds of men which fell on their side, and Cannons they lost, some of their Ordnance were nailed by the King's troops the next morning after, in the very face of their army. Moreover the King advanced forward the next day to his former road, and took Banbury presently after; but the Parliamenteers went backwards, and so from that day to this, His majesty continueth Master of the field. 'Tis true, that in some places, as at Farnham, Winchester, and Chichester, they have prevailed since, but no considerable part of the royal Army was there to make opposition; and I blush to tell you, how unworthily the Law of arms was violated in all those places. Perig. Good Lord, how can the souls of those men that were in the Parliaments Army at Keinton battle, dispense with the Oaths of supremacy and allegiance, besides the Protestation you speak of, they have taken to preserve the Person, honour, and prerogative of the King, when they thus actually bandy against his Person, and appear in battle with all the engines of hostility against him. Pat. I would be loath to exchange consciences with them, and boggle so with God Almighty; but these men by a new kind of metaphysic have found out a way to abstract the Person of the King from his Office to make his sovereignty a kind of Platonic Idea hovering in the air, while they visibly attempt to asiail and destroy his person (and Progeny) by small and great shot, and seek him out amongst his Life Guard with fire, and sword; yet they give out they fight not only not against him, but for him, and that their army is more loyal to him than his own; who, they say, fight only for the name King, though they have his person really amongst them, commanding and directing: Thus they make him a strange kind of Amphibium, they make him in one instant a King and no King of the same Individuum; a power which the Casuists affirm God Almighty never assumed to himself, to do any thing that implys a contradiction. Pereg. Noble Sir, you make my heart to pant within me, by the pathetic relation you have been pleased to make me of these ruthful times; But one thing seems to me to be no less than a miracle, how his majesty hath been able to subsist all this while, considering the infinite advantages the adverse party hath had of him; for they have all the tenable places and towns of strength, both by Land and Sea; They have the navy royal, they have all the Ammunition and arms of the crown, they have all the imposts and customs, Poundage and Tonnage (which they levy contrary to their former Protestation before the Bill be passed) they have the Exchequer at their devotion, and all the Revenue of the King, Queen and Prince, and lastly, they have the city of London, which may be called a magazine of money and Men, where there is a ready supply and superfluity of all things, that may feed, clothe, or make men gay to put them in heart and resolution: Truly considering all these advantages, with divers others on their side, and the disadvantages on the Kings, it turns me into a lump of astonishment, how his majesty could bear up all this while, and keep together so many Armies, and be still master of the field. Pat. I confess Sir, it is a just subject for wonderment, and we must ascribe it principally to God Almighty, who is the protector of his Anointed, for his hand hath manifestly appeared in the conduct of his affairs, He hath been the Pilot, who hath sat at the helm ever since this storm began, and will doubtless continue to steer his course till he waft him to safe harbour again; add hereunto, that his majesty for his own part, hath been wonderfully stirring, and indefatigable both for his body and mind; and what notable things Her majesty hath done, and what she hath suffered, is fitter for a Chronicle, than such a simple Discourse. Hereunto may be added besides, that his majesty hath three parts of four of the Pceres, and prime Gentry of the kingdom firm unto him, and they will venture hard, before they will come under a popular government and corporations; or let in Knox or Calvin to undermine this Church and State. Pereg. Truly Sir amongst other Countries, I extremely longed to see England, and am no sooner come, but I am surfeited of her already, I doubt the old prophecy touching this Island is come now to be verified. That the Churchman was, the Lawer is, and the soldier shall be. I am afraid the English have seen their best days; for I find a general kind of infatuation, a total Eclipse of reason amongst most of them; and commonly a general infatuation precedes the perdition of a people, like a fish, that putrefieth first in the head; They say abroad, 'tis the Scots turn now to be a great Nation. Therefore I will truss up my baggage and over again, after I have enjoied you some days, and received your commands. Patr. Dear Sir, If you seriously resolve to cross the Seas again so soon, I may chance bear you company, for as you have since the short time of your sojourn here judiciously observed a national defection of reason in the people of this Island, which makes her so active in her own ruin; so by longer experience, and by infallible symptoms, I find a strange kind of Vertigo to have seized upon her, which I fear will turn to the falling sickness, or such a frenzy, that will make her to dash out her own brains; Nor are her miseries, I fear, come yet to the full; It is the method of the almighty, when he pleases to punish a people, to begin with rods, to go on with scourges, and if they will not do, he hath Scorpions for them; therefore, I will breathe anywhere sooner than here: for what security or contentment can one receive in that country, where Religion and Justice, the two grand Doriqne columns which support every State, are fallen down? which makes all conditions of men, all professions and Trades to go here daily to utter ruin. The Church man grows every day more despicable, as if he had no property in any thing, nor is there any way left him to recover his Tithe, but by costly troublesome suits. The Civilian, a brave learned profession, hath already made his last Will; and the Common lawyer's case is little better; the Courtier cannot get his Pension; the Gentleman cannot recover his rents, but either they are sequestered by an high hand of unexampted power, or else the poor Tenant is so heavily assessed or plundered, that he is disabled to pay them in; all kind of Commerce both domestic and foreign visibly decays, and falls more and more, into the hands of strangers (to the no small dishonour of the wisdom of this Nation;) nor can the Tradesman recover his debts, Parliamentary Protections continue still in such numbers, so that it is a greater privilege now to be a Footman to the meanest of the Lower House, than to be of the King's bedchamber: prentices run away from their Masters, and against their father's intent turn soldiers, and for money, which is the soul of Trade, I believe since the beginning of this Parliament, above one half of the Treasure of the Kingdom is either conveyed to the other side of the Sea, or buried under ground, whence it must be new digged up again. Moreover, all things are here grown Arbitrary, (yet that word took off the Earl of Straffords head) Religion, Law, and allegiance is grown Arbitrary; nor dares the judge upon the tribunal (according to his Oath) do justice, but he is overawed by Ordinance, or else the least intimation of the sense of the Lower House is sufficient to enjoin him the contrary, so that now, more than ever, it may be said here,— Terras Astraa reliquit. Peace also hath roved up and down this Island, and cannot get a place to lay her head on; she hoped to have had entertainment in Yorkshire, by the agreement of the best Gentlemen in the Country; but an Ordinance of Parliament beat her out of doors, than she thought to rest in Cheshire, and by a solemn Covenant she was promised to be preserved there; the principal Agents of that Covenant having protested every one upon the word of a Gentleman, and as they did desire to prosper, both themselves, their tenants and friends, should strictly observe it; but the like Ordinance of Parliament battered down that Agreement. Then she thought to take footing in the West, and first in Dorsetshire, then in Cornwall and Devonshire, and by the holy tie of the blessed Sacrament, she was promised to be preserved there; but another Ordinance of Parliament is pursuing her, to dispense with the Commissioners of the said Agreement for their oaths. Lastly, his majesty is mainly endeavouring to bring her in again throughout the whole Land; but the furious, frenetic Schismatickes will have none of her; for as one of them (besides a thousand instances more) preached in one of the most populous Congregations about the city, It were better that London streets ran with blood, and that dead carcases were piled up as high as the battlements of Paul's, than peace should be now brought in. And now that Peace is shut out, Learning is upon point of despair, her colleges are become Courts of guard, and Mars lieth in Mercury's bed. Honour also, with her Court, lieth in the dust; the cobbler may confront the Knight, the Boor the Baron, and there is no judicial way of satisfaction; which makes monarchy fear she hath no long time of abode here, public faith also, though she had but newly set up for herself, is suddenly become Bankrupt, and how could she choose? for more of the kingdom's Treasure hath been spent within these thirty months, than was spent in fourscore years before; but she hopes to piece up herself again, by the ruins of the Church; but let her take heed of that, for those goods have been fatal to many thousand families in this Kingdom: yet she thinks much, that those public sums which were given to suppress one Rebellion (in Ireland) should be employed to maintain another Rebellion (in England) And lastly, me thinks, I see Religion in torn ragged weeds, and with slubbered eyes, sitting upon Weeping cross, and wringing her hands, to see her chiefest Temple (Paul's Church) where God almighty was used to be served constantly thrice a day, and was the Rendezvouz, & as it were the Mother Church, standing open to receive all comers and strangers, to be now shut up, and made only a thoroughfare for Porters; to see those scaffolds, the expense of so many thousand pounds, to lie a rotting; to see her chiefest lights like to be extinguished; to see her famous learned Divines dragged to prison, and utterly deprived of the benefit of the Common Law, their inheritance: Me thinks, I say, I see Religion packing up, and preparing to leave this Island quite, crying out, that this is a country fitter for Atheists than Christians to live in; for God almighty is here made the greatest Malignant, in regard his House is plundered more than any. There is no Court left to reform heresy, no Court to punish any Church Officer, and to make him attend his Cure, no Court to punish Fornication, adultery, or Incest; Me thinks I hear Her cry out against these her Grand Reformers (or Refiners rather) that they have put division twixt all degrees of persons. They have put division twixt husband and wife, twixt mother and child: the son seeks his father's blood in open field, one brother seeks to cut the others' throat; they have put division twixt Master and Servant, twixt landlord and Tenant; nay, they have a long time put a sea of separation twixt King and Queen; and they labour more and more to put division twixt the Head and the Members, twixt his majesty and his political Spouse, his Kingdom; and lastly, they have plunged one of the flourishingst kingdoms of Europe in a War without end; for though a Peace may be plastered over for the time, I fear it will be but like a fire covered with ashes, which will break out again, as long as these fiery Schismatickes have any strength in this Island, so that all the premises considered, if Turk or Tartar, or all the infernal spirits and Cacodaemons of Hell had broken in amongst us, they could not have done poor England more mischief. Sir, I pray excuse this homely imperfect relation, I have a thousand things more to impart unto you when we may breathe freer air; for here we are come to that slavery, that one is in danger to have his very thoughts plundered; therefore if you please to accept of my company, I will over with you by God's help, as soon as it may stand with your conveniency, but you must not discover me to be an Englishman abroad, for so I may be jeered at and kicked in the streets; I will go under another name, and am fixed in this resolution, never to breathe English air again, until the King recovers his sceptre, and the People their Senses. A Letter writ by Sergeant-Major KIRLE, to a Friend at Windsor. Sir, YOu were pleased to command a constant account from me, as the only requital you would receive for admitting me an Officer in the Parliament army; and though divers things have come from us, which have been either doubted or contradicted, and seem to have no other credit than the Close Committee; yet what I am now about to tell you, shall run none of those dangers, but that with a great deal of confidence you may report, both in public to the House, and in private ●o my friends, that I am now at Oxford; nor shall your wonder last long, for by that time I have declared upon what grounds at first I undertook that service, and upon what reasons I have since deserted it, I shall without doubt (where there is charity or Reason) free myself from the imputation of dishonour, and undeceive others that are, as I was, seduced. About the time these distempers began here, I returned from serving the Swede in Germany, and the States of Holland; in both which Countries, I cannot without vanity say, I did nothing to the dishonour of mine own: as this absence made me ignorant of the condition of the Kingdom, so it rendered me more inclinable to receive an employment from the Parliament: for though neither my youth, nor this profession are curious after the affairs of State; yet so common were the grievances in that unhappy conjuncture of time, when I went abroad, that I retained the same impressions in me at my coming home, especially when I saw the complaints remain, but did not know that the Causes were taken away: thus possessed with prejudice, it was no hard thing for me to believe, that the pretences of War, (in themso specious) and the employment therein, to be full of Honour, Justice, and piety; and that there needed not the importunity of my nearest friends, or an argument from the necessity their former severity had cast upon me, nor an invitation from yourself, to seek for the preferferment you speedily procured me. How I behaved my self, while I was of your mind, and in that service, will be best judged by those, that know that from a Lieutenant I was soon preferred to be captain of a Troop raised to my hand: and shortly after, to be Sergeant-Major to the Earl of Stamfords Regiment of Horse: what prisoners I took, what contribution I brought in, what places and towns I secured, appears by the testimony given of me, and the thanks I received from you. It is not therefore necessity has made me leave you to go to the King, from whom you have taken not only His revenues which should give Him bread, but the benevolences (as far as in you lies) of His people that should maintain His Army. It is not ambition, to forsake a certain benefit for an uncertain employment, and (in justice) as doubtful a pardon: it is not malice for any particular neglect or injury, for I must confess no man received greater kindness from his superior Officers, or more ample thanks from yourselves than I have done; no civil human respect, but a perfect discovery of those false lights, that have hitherto misled me, and the deep apprehension of the horror which attends the persevering in such errors. I must confess (though you would little think it) that Master Sedgwicke, chaplain to that Regiment, first opened my eyes, and moved me to that reflection upon myself, which set me since in the right way; not by his persuasions or conversion, (for I can assure you, you may still confide in him) but by the Spirit (not that pretended to of meekness and peace, but) of fury and madness; he revealed the mystery of this war, and in his inspired rage, broke the shell, Religion, safety of the King, liberty and propriety; and showed us the kernel, atheism, anarchy, Arbitrary government and confusion what was meant else by his saucy and impertinent talking to God almighty, whom he seemed rather to command than entreat? what was meant else by his traducing the King and cursing him, while he seemed to pray for him? and presently with a tone as gentle as his language magnify the Worthies the Estates assembled in Parliament; what was meant else by encouraging violence, and sharing in things plundered? nor had one man given me a just prejudice of the cause, but that I saw the whole lump of these pseudo clergy, seasoned with the same leaven, who hate (and so instruct the people) an innocent ceremony, but thirst after blood; who abhor learning and Bishops, but adore ignorance and division; who while they are severe (and therein they do well) against drunkenness and adultery, they make robbery, rebellion, sacrilege, and murder become virtues, because they are in order to effect their designs; and truly I had not trusted my ears, if the same and much more had not been confirmed by my eyes; for those few regiments then with us were a perfect model of the whole army, and most certain I am, that all the Officers of no one Company were all of the same opinion what Religion they fought for: some loved the book of commonprayer and Bishops, others were zealous for extemporary prayers and Elders, another thought Bishops so many Elders, and Elders so many Bishops, and therefore they fought to set Jesus Christ in his Throne, meaning independency: Some liked the chaplain of the Regiment, another thought his corporal preached better; some had so much of the spirit they wanted courage, and when they should fight, thought it better to pray, or else declared it was revealed unto them they should be beaten, and to fulfil the prophecy, threw down their arms; and one would think, that every company had been raised out of the several Congregations of Amsterdam; who wanted not Scripture for every mutiny; who plunder and call it God's providence, who if they cannot prove any of quality to be a Papist, yet as he is a Gentleman he shall want grace; and that is title enough to possess the estates of all that are more richer than themselves: and in truth had it not been for this persuasion, you might have made riots, but not a war; for under the promise of malignant's estates are included, not only those that directly take part with the King, but all those too that shall not concur with you in all things: hence it is that those were thought meritorious, who voted Bishops out of the House of peers, but are become Malignants, because they will not put them out of the Church: hence some that contributed with a large hand to this war, received marks of favour, but are become Malignants, because they will not give all that they are worth: hence those that in tumults cried for justice were worthy of thanks, but are become Malignants, because they will not help to depose the King. I shall not need to tell what dishonourable and indirect means have been used to these ends, what burdens have been laid upon weak consciences of some men by Divines, what preferment have been promised to some, what threatenings have been used to others; the sending of Horses, money, Plate, shall expiate for past sins, or cover others which by their busy emissaries they have found out, and will otherwise discover: he that has power in his country and will use it for you may oppress his neighbour, who must not sue him because he is in their service, and if he would be revenged; it is no hard thing to procure a warrant and the sergeant's man, and lay him up till he find an accusation, to produce one he never means to prove. I could instance in divers, who have been by these allurements, invited to this war, and so to the ruin both of themselves and families; nor can I forget that more obvious artifice, which has made the press the fruitful Mother of many Bastards; when the taking three Scouts in an Alehouse, has been made at London, a Castle and the defeat of a Regiment, and Cler. Parl. has made the Pamphlet sell for a truth: when a defeat has been voted a victory, and to amuse the People an Order has been made, that God should be thanked for it, and indeed the Officers at last found that to tell truth when they had the worst, sometimes endangered their cashiering, always procured them an ill opinion, and when they saved the labour of doing the contrary, they were the better used, and therefore of late have justly wracked betwixt this Scylla and Charybdis, while they rather complied with their humour then obeyed truth, so that Religion is but the reverent name for blood and ruin: and it is most evident, it was only used as a disguise, that we might with the more ease devour one another, which nature otherwise would forbid us to do. Next to this nothing wrought more upon me, than that strange mystery, that fighting for the safety of the King was shooting at Him; as at edgebill and elsewhere, where I thank God I was not; for sure the apprehension is so horrid unto me, that had I been in that action, the wounds of my conscience would never have been healed. I am told the laws are very severe not only against those that raise arms against the crown, and offer violence to the person of the King, but extend even to the intentions, words and thoughts: certain I am, Religion and Nature rank Treason and Rebellion among the foulest sins, and follows them with the worst of punishments; and doubtless Ravailliac might as well have excused his bloody fact, by saying the King was in his way, when he stabbed him, as those that justify these late actions, by saying his majesty was among their enemies, when he was on his own ground and amongst his own Servants. And who ever shall consider what his majesty has done before this war began, in reparation of these errors past, what calumnies and reproaches he hath suffered since (injuries not to be born by private spirits how beyond hope and expectation His army rise from being despised to be justly feared; and lastly, what royal promises, and sacred Protestations He has so often and so solemnly made, cannot but renounce charity and Honour, or else he must believe and trust His majesty, resent his sufferings, and acknowledge the miraculous hand of God in his preservation. But I confess the reason of complaining against you for using the King no better, seems to grow less, whilst the Subject is in a much worse condition. Laws we have indeed, but they are so little exercised, that shortly they will be buried in the places of those late risen Fundamentals, which no man yet could ere discover where they lay; when for the liberty of the Subject, there is such good provision made, that whereas one gaol was enough for a whole county, now there is more than one almost in every Parish; when the superscription of a Letter (and may be that feigned too) the information of a malicious neighbour, a fear, a jealousy, deprives many of their liberty, some of their lives; most of their healths and fortunes; when the petitioning for laws established, and for Peace (without which we can enjoy neither laws nor Truth) are become (with the crime of loyalty) the only things punished; and with such a severity that as no condition, so no age is spared; the Youth entering into the world, and having undergone the labour of an apprenticeship, instead of being made free of the city, are to serve again in a prison; and those reverend Aldermen, who have gone through the several Offices of London with honour, stooping under the weight of many years, and the infirmities thereof, have been drawn from their hospitable houses, (and some from their beds, where extreme age had kept them many years before) to loathsome prisons, from thence at midnight in cold and stormy weather, in a little Boat to Gravesend, and from thence to the unwholesome air of some Port-town, that they might not live long, to bewail that banishment from their dear wives and children. And herein I acknowledge the greatest Justice, for propriety has no privilege above liberty; for being lately at London I found Prisons and Plundering went hand in hand, and it is worth the observing how these Disbursements like hasty weeds, grew on a sudden to so great an height; as first a gentle Benevolence, than Subscription, then sending in Plate, next Taxations by an Order, at last the twentieth part by an Ordinance; besides those smaller diversions of Under-writing for Ireland, and spending it in this War, of gathering for the distressed Protestants of that Nation, and bestowing that charity upon the Ministers of our own, whose seditious Sermons, had brought a just poverty upon them; of sequestering estates and Benefices, of taking Portions, and keeping Orphans upon public Faith, of seizing the stocks of Churches, till by the same public Faith, they build or repair the same; and doubtless were not my thoughts more for the general, than my private interest, I might easily and by authority grow rich with the spoils of that propriety you seem to defend, and as others be gallant with the overplus taken for the twentieth part; who likewise by an Order take the Coach-horses of persons of quality, and use them afterwards in their visits, and to taverns for the service of the commonwealth. I had not made instance in so many particulars, but to justify myself thereby to all the world for what I have now done, which upon these considerations will be rather approved than condemned, by any that have not wholly given up their reason unto Faction, for doubtless dishonour is fixed upon levity, ambition, cowardice, upon the persisting in that course which by conscience is declared unjust & irreligious. The breach of Articles renders void all Covenants, much more when that which is contracted for, is not only altered but subverted. They were but pretences not realities I have hitherto served under, & Justice and Honour commands me to leave them. Some soldiers take Honour in so large a sense, that if they took pay under the Turk they would not desert him: the comparison is not amiss: but sure where there is such an indifferency, as to serve any for pay, Religion is no part of their Honour, but if they be of the Mahometan persuasion, I shall not blame them to be true to that service, no more than I do those here, if their consciences tell them decency and order is Antichristian, and authority and magistracy Heathenish: for certain I am, there is nothing more base and unworthy a Gentleman and a Christian, than to forsake the dictates of his own reason and conscience, to persist in an erroneous way, because he has already entered into it: If this false opinion of Honour should be received as Orthodox, it will be in the power of every subtle Sophister, and cheating mountebank, to engage men for ever in ignoble actions, because they brought them once to an opinion that conduced thereunto. And lastly, whereas the end of War is Peace, what hope can there be of a reconciliation, or that those that have got the Regal and supreme power into their hands, should ever leave that which they have usurped, to resume that which they were borne to; or that the Officers of that army should consent to a Peace as long as they can have supplies of money: since that then a great part from being Colonels and captains, must again betake themselves to their aprons and shops, and instead of receiving pay, must bethink themselves how to satisfy their beguiled creditors: for my part, I am borne to no inconsiderable fortune, and as I abhor my name should be branded with Treason, or that forfeited by a confiscation, so am I as loath we should ever be reduced to have a parity in either (which is aimed at) or have both buried in the ruins of this miserable Nation. I do protest, had none of these promises wrought upon me, yet the very sight of His majesty's army would have done it; the discipline, unanimitic, and exact obedience thereof, the excellent conversation of so many gallant and noble personages who know no other emulation than that of Honour, who dare do any thing but what is base, and (on my soul) daily express hearty desires of Peace (not out of any defect in the army) but to prevent the ruin, and procure the happiness of their country. To conclude, what English Gentlemen that ever heard of the ancient Honour of this Kingdom, or would preserve that of himself and family, can tamely see our courage (terrible sometimes to foreign Nations) basely degenerate into a Rebellion against our natural Prince, to whom malice itself can object no crime, and therefore casts upon Him the faults of others, and since it cannot touch His Person, quarrels at his Crown: you see Him powerful at the head of His army, and may see Him glorious in His Throne of Peace, you ought not to doubt His Justice, and (if you will) you may (as I have done) obtain His mercy. Sir, I have freely told you my sense, if it hath any proportion to yours and so incline you to that effect it hath wrought in me, I shall take it (next to the condition I am in) as the greatest happiness, and if I be so fortunate, since in these dangerous times you cannot safely convey it by Letters, let me know it by your publishing this, whereby also you may happily benefit others, and certainly oblige Your humble Servant, R. K. FINIS.