A Rough Draught OF A NEW MODEL AT SEA.  
LONDON, Printed for A. Banks. 1694.   

A Rough Draught OF A NEW MODEL AT SEA.  
I Will make no other Introduction to the following Discourse, than that the Importance of our being strong at Sea, was ever very great, so in our present Circumstances it is grown to be much greater; because, as formerly, our Force in Shipping contributed greatly to our Trade and Safety. So now it is become indispensibly necessary to our very being.  
It may be said now to England, Martha, Martha, thou art busy about many things, but one thing is necessary to the Question, What shall we do to be saved in this World? There is no other answer, but this, Look to your Mote.  
The first Article of an English-man's Political Creed, must be, That he believeth in the Sea, etc. without that, there needeth no General Council to pronounce him incapable of Salvation here.  
We are in an Island, confined to it by God Almighty, not as a Penalty, but a Grace, and one of the greatest that can be given to Mankind. Happy Confinement, that hath made us Free, Rich, and Quiet; a fair Portion in this World, and very well worth the preserving; a Figure that ever hath been envied, and could never be imitated by our Neighbours. Our Situation hath made Greatness abroad by Land Conquests unnatural things to us. It is true, we have made Excursions, and Glorious ones too, which make our Names great in History, but they did not last.  
Admit the English to be Giants in Courage, yet they must not hope to succeed in making War against Heaven, which seemeth to have enjoined them to acquiesce in being happy within their own Circle. It is no Paradox to say that England hath its Root in the Sea, and a deep one too; from whence it sendeth its Branches into both the Indies. We may say further in our present Case, That if Allegiance is due to Protection, ours to the Sea is due from that Rule, since by that, and by that alone, we are to be protected; and if we have of late suffered Usurpation of other Methods contrary to the Homage we owe to that which must preserve us. It is time now to restore the Sea to its Right; and as there is no Repentance effectual without amendment, so there is not a moment to be lost in the going about it.  
It is not pretended to launch into such a voluminous Treatise, as to set down every thing to which so comprehensive a Subject might lead me; for as the Sea hath little less variety in it than the Land; so the Naval Force of England extendeth its self into a great many Branches, each of which are important enough to require a discourse apart, and peculiarly applied to it. But there must be a preference to some consideration above others, when the weight of them is so visibly Superior that it cannot be contested. It is there first that the Foundations are to be laid of our Naval Oeconomy; amongst these there is one Article which in its own nature must be allowed to be the Cornerstone of the Building, viz.  
The Choice of Officers, with the Discipline and Encouragement belonging to them. Upon this Head only I shall then take the liberty to venture my opinion into the World, with a real submission to those who may offer any thing better for the advantage of the public.  
The first Question than will be, out of what sort of Men the Officers of the Fleet are to be chosen; and this immediately leadeth us to the present Controversy between the Gentlemen and the Tarpaulins.  
The usual Objection on both sides, are too general to be relied upon. Partiality and common Prejudices direct most men's Opinions, without entering into the particular reasons which ought to be the ground of it: There is so much ease in aquiescing in Generals, that the Ignorance of those who cannot distinguish, and the Largeness of those who will not, maketh Men very apt to decline the trouble of stricter Inquiries, which they think too great a Price for being in the right, let it be never so valuable.  
This maketh them judge in the Lump, and either let their Opinions swim along with the Stream of the World, or give them up wholly to be directed by success: The effect of this is that they change their Minds upon every present uneasiness, wanting a steady Foundation, upon which their judgement should be form. This is a perching upon the twigs of things, and not going to the Root: But sure the Matter in question deserveth to be examined in another manner, since so much dependeth upon it.  
To state the thing impartially, it must be owned that it seemeth to lie fairest for the Tarpaulin: It giveth an Impression, that must have so much weight as to make a Man's Opinion lean very much on that side, it carrieth so much Authority with it, it seemeth to be so unquestionable that those are fittest to command at Sea, who have not only made it their Calling, but their Element; that there must naturally be a prejudice to any thing that can be said against it: There must therefore be some reason very extraordinary to support the argument on the other side, or else the Gentlemen could never enter the Lists against such a violent Objection, which seemeth not to be resisted. I will introduce my Argument with an assertion, which as I take to be true almost in all Cases, so it is necessary to be explained and enforced in this. The assertion is, That there is hardly a single Proposition to be made, which is not deceitful, and the tying our Reason too close to it, may in many cases be destructive. Circumstances must come in, and are to be made a part of the matter of which we are to judge; positive Decisions are always dangerous, more especially in Politics. A Man who will be Master of an Argument, must do like a skilful General, who sendeth Scouts on all sides to see whether there may not be an Enemy. So he must look round to see what Objections can be made, and not go on in a straight Line, which is the ready way to lead him into a mistake.  
Before than that we conclude what sort of Men are fittest to command at Sea, a Principle is to be laid down, that there is a differing Consideration to be had of such a subject-matter as is in itself distinct and independent, and of such a one, as being a Limb of a Body, or a Wheel of a Frame, there is a necessity of suiting it to the rest, and preserving the harmony of the whole: A Man must not in that case restrain himself to the separate Consideration of that single part, but must take care it may fall in and agree with the shape of the whole Creature of which it is a Member. According to this Proposition, which I take to be indisputable, it will not, I hope, appear an Affectation or an extravagant Fit of unseasonable Politics, if, before I enter into the particular state of the present Question, I say something of the Government of England, and make that the groundwork of what sort of Men are most proper to be made use of to command at Sea.  
The Forms of Government to which England must be subjected, are either Absolute Monarchy, a Commonwealth, or a Mixed Monarchy, as it is now; with those natural Alterations that the exigency of Affairs may from time to time suggest. As to absolute Monarchy, I will not allow myself to be transported into such Invectives as are generally made against it; neither am I ready to enter into the aggravating-stile of calling every thing Slavery, that restraineth Men in any part of their Freedom; One may discern in this, as in most other things, the good and the bad of it: We see by too near an Instance, what France doth by it; it doth not only struggle with the rest of Christendom, but is in a fair way of giving Law to it.  
This is owing in great measure to a Despotic and undivided Power; the uncontrollable Authority of the directive Counsels maketh every thing move without Disorder of Opposition, which must give an advantage that is plain enough of itself, without being proved by the melancholy Experience we have of it at this time.  
I see and admire this; yet I consider at the same time, that all things of this kind are Comparative; that as on one side, without Government Men cannot enjoy what belongeth to them in particular, nor can a Nation secure or preserve itself in general; so on the other side, the end of Government being, that Mankind should live in some competent state of Freedom, it is very unnatural to have the end destroyed by the means that were originally made use of to attain it. In this respect something is to be ventured rather than submit to such a precarious state of Life as would make it a burden to a reasonable Creature; and therefore after I have owned the advantages in some kind of an unlimited Government, yet whilst they are attended with so many other discouraging Circumstances, I cannot think but they may be bought too dear; and if it should be so, that it is not possible for a State to be Great and Glorious, except the Subjects are wretchedly miserable. I am ashamed to own my low-spirited frailty, in preferring such a Model of Government as may agree with the reasonable enjoyment of a Free People, before such a one by which Empire is to be extended at such an unnatural price. Besides, whatever men's opinions may be one way or another, in the general Question, there is an Argument in our Case that shutteth the Door to any Answer to it, (viz.) We cannot subsist under a Despotic Power, our very Being would be destroyed by it; for we are to consider, we are a very little spot in the Map of the World, and make a great Figure only by Trade, which is the Creature of Liberty; one destroyed, the other falleth to the ground by a natural consequence, that will not admit a dispute. If we should be measured by our Acres, we are poor inconsiderable People; we are exalted above our Natural bounds, by our good Laws, and our excellent Constitution. By this we are not only happy at home, but considerable abroad: Our Situation, our Humour, our Trade, do all concur to strengthen this Argument. So that all other Reasons must give place to such a one as maketh it out, That there is no mean between being a Free Nation, and no Nation.  
We are no more a People, nor England can no longer keep its name from the Moment, that our Liberty are extinguished; the vital strength that should support us, being withdrawn. We should then be no more than the Carcase of a Nation, with no other security than that of Contempt, and to subsist upon no other Tenure, than that we should be below the giving temptation to our stronger Neighbours to devour us. In my judgement therefore, there is such a short decision to be made upon this Subject, that in relation to England, an Absolute Monarchy is an unreasonable thing to be wished, as I hope it will be impossible ever to be obtained.  
It must be considered in the next place, Whether England likely is to be turned into a Commonwealth. It is hard at any time to determine what will be the shape of the next Revolution, much more at this time would it be inexcuseably arrogant to undertake it. Who can foresee whether it will be from without or from within, or from both? Whether with or without the Concurrence of the People? Whether regularly produced or violently imposed? I shall not therefore Magisterially declare it impossible that a Commonwealth should be settled here; but I may give my humble opinion, that according to all appearances, it is very improbable.  
I will first lay it down for a Principle, That it is not a sound way of arguing to say, That if it can be made out, that the Form of a Commonwealth will best suit with the Interest of the Nation, it must for that reason of necessity prevail.  
I will not deny but that Interest will not lie, is a right Maxim, wherever it is sure to be understood; else one had as good affirm, That no Man in particular, nor Mankind in general, can ever be mistaken. A Nation is a great while before they can see, and generally they must feel first before their Sight is quite cleared: This maketh it so long before they can see their Interest, that for the most part it is too late for them to pursue it: If Men must be supposed always to follow their true Interest, it must be meant of a new Manufactory of Mankind by God Almighty; there must be some new Clay, the old Stuff never yet made any such infallible Creature.  
This being premised, it is to be inquired, Whether instead of inclination or a leaning toward a Commonwealth, there is not in England a general dislike to it; if this be so, as I take it to be, by a very great disparity in numbers, it will be in vain to dispute the Reason whilst Humour is against it, allowing the weight that is due to the Argument which may be alleged for it; yet if the Herd is against it, the going about to convince them would have no other effect than to show, That nothing can be more impertinent than good Reasons, when they are misplaced or ill-timed.  
I must observe that there must be some previous Dispositions in all great Changes to facilitate and to make way for them; and I think it not at all abused to affirm, that such resolutions are seldom made at all, except by the general preparations of men's Minds, they are half made before it is plainly visible that Men go about them.  
Tho' it seemeth to me, that the Argument alone maketh all others unnecessary, yet I must take notice, that besides what hath been said upon this Subject, there are certain Preliminaries to the first building a Commonwealth; some materials absolutely necessary for the carrying on such a Fabric, which are at present wanting amongst us, I mean Virtue, Morality, Diligence, Religion, or at least Hypocrisy. Now this Age is so plain dealing, as not to dissemble so far as to an outward pretence of Qualities which seem at present so unfashionable, and under so much Discountenance.  
From hence we may draw a plain and natural Inference, That a Commonwealth is not fit for us, because we are not fit for a Commonwealth.  
This being granted, the Supposition of this form of Government of England, with all its Consequences to the present Question, must be excluded, and absolute Monarchy having been so too by the reasons at once alleged, it will without further Examination fall to a Mixed Government, as we now are: I will not say that there is never to be any alteration; the constitution of the several Parts that concur to make up the frame of the present Government, may be altered in many things, in some for the better, and in others perhaps for the worse, according as Circumstances shall arise to induce a Change; and as Passion and Interest shall have more or less Influence upon the public Councils: but still if it remaineth in the whole so far a Mixed Monarchy, that there shall be a restraint upon the Prince, as to the exercise of a Despotic Power, it is enough to make it a groundwork for the present Question. It appeareth then, that a bounded Monarchy is that kind of Government which will most probably prevail and continue in England; from whence it must follow (as hath been hinted before) that every considerable part ought to be so composed, as the better to conduce to the preserving the harmony of the whole Constitution. The Navy is of so great importance, that it would be disparaged by calling it less than the Life and Soul of Government.  
Therefore to apply the Argument to the Subject we are upon, in case the Officers should be all Tarpaulins, it would either be in reality, or at least it would be thought too great a tendency to a Commonwealth; such a part of the Constitution being Democratically disposed, may be suspected to endeavour to bring it into that shape; and where the influence must be so strong, the supposition will be the more justifiable: In short, if the Maritime Force, which is the only thing that can defend us, should be wholly directed by the lower sort of Men, with an entire exclusion of the Nobility and Gentry, it will not be easy to answer the Arguments supported by so great a Probability, that such a Scheme would not only lean toward a Democracy, but directly lead us into it.  
Let us now examine the contrary Proposition, viz. That all Officers should be Gentlemen.  
Here the Objection lieth so fair of its introducing an Arbitrary Government, that it is as little to be answered in that respect, as the former is in the other. Gentlemen in a general definition will be suspected to lie more than other Men under the temptations of being made Instruments of unlimited Power; their Relations, their way of Living, their taste of the Entertainments of the Court, inspire an Ambition that generally draweth their inclinations toward it, besides the gratifying of their Interests. Men of Quality are often taken with the Ornaments of Government; the Splendour dazleth them so, as that their Judgements are surprised by it; and there will be always some, that have so little remorse for invading other Men's Liberties, that it maketh them less solicitous to preserve their own.  
These things throw them naturally into such a Dependence as might give a dangerous Byass: if they alone were in Command at Sea, it would make that great Wheel turn by an irregular Motion; and instead of being the chief means of preserving the whole Frame, might come to be the chief Instruments to discompose and dissolve it.  
The two former exclusive Propositions being necessarily to be excluded in this Question, there remaineth no other Expedient; neither can any other Conclusion be drawn from the Argument as it hath been stated, than that there must be a mixture in the Navy of Gentlemen and Tarpaulins, as there is in the Constitution of the Government, of Power and Liberty. This mixture is not to be so rigorously defined, as to set down the exact Proportion there is to be of each; the greater or less number must be directed by Circumstances, of which the Government is to judge, and which makes it improper to set such Bounds, as that upon no occasion it shall on either side be lessened or enlarged. It is possible the Men of Wapping may think they are injured by giving them any Partners in the Dominion of the Sea; they may take it unkindly to be Jostled in their own Element by Men of such a different Education, that they may be said to be of another Species; they will be apt to think it an Usurpation upon them; and notwithstanding the Instances that are against them, and which give a kind of Prescription on the other side, they will not easily acquiesce in what they conceive to be a hardship to them.  
But I shall in a good measure reconcile myself to them by what follows; (viz.) The Gentlemen shall not be capable of bearing Office at Sea, except they be Tarpaulins too; that is to say, except they are so trained up by a continued habit of living at Sea, that they may have a right to be admitted free Denizens of Wapping. Upon this dependeth the whole matter, and indeed here lieth the difficulty; because the Gentlemen brought up under the connivance of a loser Discipline, and of an easier Admittance, will take it heavily to be reduced within the Fetters of such a new Model; and I conclude they will be extremely averse to that, which they will call an Unreasonable Yoke upon them, that their Original Consent is never to be expected. But if it appeareth to be convenient, and which is more, that it is necessary for the preservation of the whole, that it should be so, the Government must be called in Aid to suppress these first boilings of Discontent; the Rules must be imposed with such Authority, and the Execution of them must be so well supported, that by degrees their Impatience will be subdued, and they will concur in an Establishment, to which they will every day be more reconciled.  
They will find it will take away the Objections which are now thrown upon them, of setting up 〈◊〉 Masters without having ever been Apprentices; or at least, without having served out their time.  
Mankind naturally swelleth against Favour and Partiality; their belief of their own Merit maketh Men object them to a prosperous Competitor, even when there is no pretence for it; but where there is the least handle offered, to be sure it will be taken. So in this Case, when a Gentleman is preferred at Sea, the Tarpaulin is very apt to impute it to Friend or Favour: But if that Gentleman hath before his preferrment passed through all the Steps, which ought to lead to it; that he smelleth as much of Pitch and Tarr as those that were swaddled in a Sail-cloth; his having a Scutcheon will be so far from doing him harm, that it will set him upon the advantage Ground: It will draw a real respect to his Quality when so supported, and give him an Influence and an Authority infinitely superior to that which the mere Seamen can ever pretend to.  
When a Gentleman hath learned how to Obey, he will grow very much fitter to Command; his own Memory will advise him not to exact unreasonable things; and for smaller faults, not to inflict too rigorous punishments: He will better resist the Temptations of Authority (which are great) when he reflecteth how much he hath at other times wished it might be gently exercised, when he was liable to the rigour of it.  
When the undistinguished discipline of a Ship hath tamed the young Mastership, which is apt to arise from a Gentleman's Birth and Education, he than groweth proud in the right place, and valueth himself first upon knowing his Duty, and then upon doing it.  
In plain English, Men of Quality in their several Degrees, must either restore themselves to a better opinion both for Morality and Diligence, or else Quality itself will be in danger of being extinguished.  
The Original Gentleman is almost lost in Strictness, when Posterity doth not still further adorn by their Virtue: The Scutcheon their Ancestors first got for them by their Merit, they deserve the penalty of being deprived of it.  
To expect that Quality alone should waft Men up into Places and Employments, is as unreasonable, as to think that a Ship, because it is Carved and Gilded, should be fit to go to Sea without Sails or Tackling. But when a Gentleman maketh no other use of his Quality, than to incite him the more to do his Duty, it will give such a true and settled Superiority, as must destroy all Competition from those that are below him.  
It is time now to go to the Probationary Qualifications of an Officer at Sea; and I have some to offer, which I have digested in my thoughts, I hope Impartially, that they may not be Speculative Notions, but things easy and practicable, if the directing Powers will give due countenance and encouragement to the execution of them: But whilst I am going about to set them down, tho' this little Essay was made to no other end, than to introduce them, I am, upon better recollection, induced to put a restraint upon myself, and rather retract the Promise I made at the beginning, than by advising the particular Methods, by which I conceive the good end that is aimed at may be obtained, to incur the imputation of the thing of the World, of which I would least be guilty, which is, of anticipating by my private opinion, the Judgement of the Parliament, or seeming out of my slender stock of Reason, to dictate to the Supreme Wisdom of the Nation. They will, no doubt, consider the present Establishments for the Discipline at Sea, which are many of them very good, and if well executed, might go a great way in the present Question. But I will not say they are so perfect, but that others may be added to make them more effectual, and that some more Supplemental Expedients may be necessary to complete what is yet defective; and whenever the Parliament shall think fit to take this Matter into their Consideration, I am sure they will not want for their direction the Auxiliary Reasons of any Man without doors, much less of one whose Thoughts are so entirely and unaffectedly resigned to whatever they shall determine in this or any thing else relating to the Public.  
FINIS.