A Seasonable Address To both HOUSES of PARLIAMENT, Concerning the Succession, The fears of Popery, and Arbitrary Government.  
By a true Protestant and a hearty Lover of his Country.  
IT was the Egyptians practice, before Physic was reduced into Art or Profession, to carry forth into the Roads and Highways, the Diseased, and inquire of all passengers concerning the Causes and Remedies of their distempers; out of whose prescriptions, their Friends selected, and applied what they judged most proper.  
What was then done for the Natural, is now as necessary for the Body politic of this Country, sick almost unto death, of Fears and Jealousies; the plots and devices of the wicked and ambitious; exposed to all Travellers, among whom good Nature and Self-preservation have at length, after two years silent compassion, prevailed upon me to give my opinion of the Causes and Cures of our Evils; which I will offer without fear or favour of Party or Faction, of Court or City; enquiring how far our apprehensions of Popery and Arbitrary Government, that have so long discomposed us at home, and made us contemptible abroad, are just and reasonable.  
Tho' I confess 'tis said, There never was smoke without some fire; yet at first sight it seems hard to believe that sober men should ever attempt innovations, seldom or never advantageous, always hurtful, because necessarily attended with the sad effects of Civil War; a calamity that has so lately proved fatal to the Kingdom in general, to the Prince and to the Subject. Whence it may be reasonably presumed, when our passion is over, and we have fully considered the rise, progress and event of the Last Rebellion, we shall grow calm and wise, permit the King to enjoy his own Prerogatives, and content ourselves with our just Rights and privileges. 'Twill be time enough (when these are invaded, if Religion even then will allow it,) to oppose, or stand upon our defence; to offer at it sooner is madness and folly, Rebellion and Impiety.  
For the better coming to our point, 'tis necessary we take a review of the times preceding Forty One, when from the end of King James' Reign, the people were, as now, full of murmur, repine and distrusts against the Government. At last the smothered Embers burst forth into a Flame; and after ten years' Violence, War and Confusion, and near as many more of Usurpation and Tyranny, the Commonwealth was so far from being bettered, by any of the many changes and expedients, that the recalling our King from his unjust Exile was found, and unanimously agreed, the only way to prevent its utter Ruin. Our Gracious Sovereign, merciful beyond example, pardons his Rebellious Subjects, the Murderers of his Royal Father, and the Usurpers of his own Crown and Dignity; loads, even among them, with Offices and Honour, such as seemed penitent, and were capable. He than proceeds, first to the resettlement of the Religion of the Church of England, like Virtue seated in the middle, and equally endangered by the two extremes of Popery and Presbytery; and after, to that of the State in peace and quiet, which we enjoyed to the envy of our Neighbours. This happiness occasioned a War with Holland, France and Denmark, to their great Loss, and the Renown of England, ending in a League of friendship and amity, for the general good of Europe. Not long after, the King was advised to grant a toleration for the ease of tender Consciences, and the advancement of Traffic and Manufacture. This was pressed with arguments, That the want of it occasioned Venner's Insurrection; the Plot in 1662., for which several suffered at Tyburn; that in 1663. begun in Ireland, and carried on in England, for which in 1664. divers were executed in Yorkshire, as were others after in London, April 1666, who confessed at Tyburn a Design of subverting the Government, seizing the Tower, and firing of London the September following; and withal, declaring there were those behind of their party, that would still effect that design, which as to that part was too evident. This is notorious from the historical account published in 8 . and confirmed by the Gazette; and therefore I cannot but wonder at the Commons Vote of last January the 10th. That it is the opinion of this House, that the City of London was burnt in the year 1666 by the papists, designing thereby to introduce arbitrary Power and Popery into this Kingdom. It would be a great satisfaction to the World to publish the grounds of this opinion, because that otherwise that otherwise considering they did not pursue it, nor any reason assigned what should have hindered, it will hardly gain more credit, than the philosopher's paradox, that Snow was black. I have read of some, who never wanted opinions, could they but find arguments to make them probable, for which their being at a loss made them ridiculous with the sober part of mankind.  
The King consents, and at the same time declares a War against Holland, whose insolence and injustice in point of Trade and Honour was become insupportable. Soon after the Parliament conveen'd, and apprehending the Indulgence might in time prove destructive to the established Religion, prayed it might be revoked; the King Contrary to the then Ministers advice, answered their desires. Hereupon they grow peevish, and thenceforeward vow and study all the methods of Revenge and Confusion, though with the hazard of the public. Ever since we have been continually alarmed with Libels against the Government; at last a discovery is made of a Popish contrivance, sisted as far as possible by the King in Council, and after earnestly recommended to the Parliaments further consideration. This is pursued, but some men laying hold on this, design to drive it on to further purposes, and under pretence of defending the King's Person and expelling Popery, set up Presbytery, and pull down the Monarchy. But there being too strict a bond of mutual love and loyalty between the King and that Parliament, means are now used, upon a great Ministers being impeached, to have it dissolved: An Act that answered not his expectations. A new one is called, and exceeding the bounds of prudence and moderation, quickly sent home. A third is summoned, and the King having to this, as to the former, over and over pressed the impartial examination of the Plot, the trial of the Lords, and the care of the established Religion, wherein by all just and lawful ways he often declared he would not follow, but hearty go along with them. But alas! they intended no such thing. The Plot must be kept on foot, else they would be defeated. The King perceiving they still neglected the good of the public, breaks them, and summons a fourth at Oxford; where I wish they may be inspired, with softness and prudence, answerable to the designs of the Place, and the needs of the Kingdom.  
After this short account, is it possible to believe these, who insinuate, the King himself is in the Plot, is a Papist, and intends arbitrary Government? Oh! ridiculous nonsensical fancy. If the Plot be against his Person and Government, and contrived by Papists, and among them (as Bedlow has sworn) none in England but have received the Sacrament upon't, and he be of the number, he must join with others to cut his own throat, stab, shoot, or poison himself. But here's some mystery in this pretty Invention; Charles Stewart conspires against the King; this imitating the Long Parliament in his Father's time, who fought for the King for his politic capacity, against himself, his Natural, his Person. But if he were a Papist, would he have passed into Laws every Bill tendered him by both Houses, as well before, as since this Plot, in their disfavour? And yet we know one of the godly party was lately fined 500 l. for saying, The Duke of York was a Papist, and the King little better; a saying no longer minced nor whispered, but now loudly and plainly spoken every day. Could he have been wrought to change of Religion, in time of his banishment, he had not withstood, the offers of foreign Princes, and the solicitations of a fond Mother, to reinstate him in his own Dominions with absolute arbitrary power. But he was too much a Christian, and too good a King, not to prefer continuance in exile, to the designs of enslaving his Subjects, either in their souls, or in their bodies. Must he now, in an Age desirous of rest and quiet, be upbraided with such purposes, that had resolved against them in the heat of his youth, the great spur of ambition? Now when to compass this wicked and ridiculous project is as impossible, as before it was the contrary; when after his restoration, besides foreign assistance, offered at any rate, and to any purpose, he had an obsequious General, a victorious Fleet and Army, and a Parliament, whose zeal and devotion seemed in nothing to be bounded but by the limits of his own pleasure; when to the immense treasure he was possessed of, bestowed among his people with equal bounty as it was given, he might have added vastly by the confiscations of more than half the Estates and Wealth of the Three Kingdoms. But instead of this, he often pressed his Parliament to expedit the Act of Oblivion, disbanded his Army, and enlarged the Fleet, by making one Squadron of more value than all three in the time of Queen Eliz. disabled, in all his Dominions, without exception, all Papists, from bearing any office Civil or Military. Has he not passed the Bill, excluding for ever all Popish Lords out of the House, to which his Father could never be persuaded? Has he not likewise curtayled the Royal power by two other Acts, that of the Habeas Corpus, and against Quartering of Soldiers? Three Statutes, for which he might have had as many Millions, had he insisted on a bargain, or known how to distinguish between his own private Interest, and that of the Subject, or the truckling way of Bartering, when the good of his people was concerned. Why did he, but for the sake of the Protestant Religion. Refuse the Elder Daughter of the Crown to the Dauphin of France, and marry her to the Prince of Orange? And this without putting his Parliament to the charge of a Portion, or a much greater Sum, which they would have gladly given, had he made the proposition. And no other could be the motives of recalling his Troops from France, raising an Army for the defence of the Netherlands, at the expense of above 200000 l. more than was given, & his prohibiting Trade with that Crown. These things put a stop to the progress of that victorious King's Arms occasioned his quitting Messina, & clapping up a general peace, when he was just at the point of his proposed Conquests. If our Prince intended an arbitrary Government, why, besides his former neglecting the opportunity, would he disable himself for the future by parting with one of the greatest instruments for that purpose, the Court of Wards & Liveries, Tenors in Capute and Knight-Service, Purveyance, etc. And what did he receive for this excess of bounty for the chiefest and most useful flower of the Crown, but a trifle, a feather, half the Excise not above a fourth of the others yearly value. And after all this, Knaves invent, and Fools believe, he is now setting up for Tyrrany and Popery, when his years are passed the heat of ambition, his Coffers empty, France disobliged, and his own people alarmed; and bend against it with all imaginable resolutions of oppositions. Can any man imagine, that a person, who disarms himself, intends to fight.  
Besides, What one Illegal Arbitrary Act has he done in his twenty years' Reign? Whom has he desrauded of an Ox or an Ass, of Lease or Possession? where has he in any one instance invaded Magna Charta, our Rights, Properties or Liberties? What Bill tendered by Parliament for the security of our Lives or Fortunes, has he rejected? He passed all without exception. As for the Bill for intrusting the Parliament with the Militia for a limited time, reason then and experience since, has proved it was a needless encroachment on the Royal prerogative, without the least prospect of public good; and to have parted with that power but for a moment, was for so long to unking and divest himself of a power he could not be certain would be ever restored. As he has freely passed all Laws, has he not as cheerfully offered to enact any thing that was agreeable to Justice and Reason for our further security in Religion, Liberty and property?  
From these considerations, nothing will appear more vain and idle than our Fears and Jealousies, our Factious and Seditious reflections on the Government. I will not say without great caution, but we may run into those very things we so much dread, and would avoid, Popery and French Government, or (which is equally destructive of our Birthrights and Happiness) Presbytery and a Commonwealth. This will be no groundless surmise, if we look back, and observe that the leaven against the established Constitution both in Church and State has soured almost the whole lump; the poison of Presbytery, formerly known by the name of Puritanism, hatched at Frankford and Geneva, grown to a head in Scotland with the Reformation, has infected the generality of the Kingdom, the common Traders & Dwellers in Cities and Corporation the unthinking and illiterate part of the Gentry, with hatred against Monarchy and the Church of England. This was certainly the invention of Rome to overthrow us, by thus sowing Divisions they well foresaw our Kingdom and Church in itself divided could not long stand. All the Antimonarchical Principles are the same in both, the one as well as the other deny Supremacy in the King, the Jesuit will have the Pope, and the Presbyter Jesus his Head. King-killing and Deposing Doctrine is disowned by all honest Papists, as the Author even of Plato Redivivus does confess, though two or three Jesuits have privately asserted the opinion as problematical, for which themselves and writings were censured and condemned as false and damnable; But 'tis justified, both by Books and Practice of the whole Presbyterian party; 'tis so plain and fresh in our memories, I need not instance in the Authors. St. Peter's Chair is not more Infallible than that of an Assembly of Presbyters in a National Classis or Synod. Men of these Antichristian Principles stirred up the Late Rebellion, and being active and diligent, drew in many unwary honest men beyond the power of retreating. Did not the Faction here tamper in Scotland, where the promoters of the Covenant, that Godly instrument, applied to the Crown of France for protection, as appears by the Letter found with the Lord Lowden, therefore sent to the Tower?  
But what was the issue of this Contrivance, but Confusion and Misery through the three Kingdoms, the Presbyterian party overpowered by the Independents, and these again by the Army; a Commonwealth set up, and soon after turned into a perfect Tyranny, under Oliver Cromvel; after more money had been illegally squeezed from the Subjects, by Ordinances and Loans, Sequestrations and Decimations, Excise, and other Impositions, than was ever known before, or since. The people weary, call home their Prince, who by an excess of mercy and clemency, sparing to root up men of these Principles, gave way to their infecting others with the same humour of discontent. 'Tis to be observed, that the year 1535. is remarkable for the Geneva Reformation, and the spawning of the Jesuits Order, and that our unlucky homebred Divisions were fomented, if not first set on foot, under hand, by directions from the Court of France, as well as from Rome, the Interest of that State, as well as of the Church, depending on our Distractions; to which end Richlieu, that great Minister, employed many Pensioners into Scotland, as did after his Successor Mazarine in England. And therefore, there is nothing more inconsiderate than to think we are not now acting, and promoting French-Designs; 'tis their business to divide us, and yet so to manage the Balance, that they let neither the King nor Parliament have the better, or ever come to a Right understanding: They can not otherwise obtain the Western Empire, and 'tis directly against their Interest, ever to suffer England to be either a perfect Monarchy, or an absolute Commonwealth. Those that roar most against French Councils and Measures, under-hand-bargains and agreements between both the Kings, know they belly their own Conscience, and that the French have us in the last degree of contempt. This the E. of D. printed in his own vindication, perhaps not ignorant, that some of their Ministers did, in the year 1677. and 78. before the breaking forth of the Plot, declare, That Monsieur L. had greater Interest, and more Friends in England, than the D. of Y. That the K. had need be on his Guard, for he was in great danger of running the same risk with his Father; when it was likewise enquired, What Interest among the People two great Peers had, who have since the Plot been the great Pillars of the Protestant Religion, though neither was ever reputed to have any, were Ministers and Advisers in 1670. and 71. very good Friends to France and Popery, Enemies to the Triple Alliance, and to Holland, etc. It was also said, That 300000 l. a year bestowed in Scotland and England, among the Factious and Discontented, would better serve the Interest of France, than any Bargain they could drive with the Ministers. 'Tis too well known, that the greatest of these two Noblemen made a secret journey into France, some weeks before the Plot after some private Transactions here with others, among whom were Sir E. L. famed for Religion, for Morality, Major W. and H. N. as notorious for the same perfections, and their love of Monarchy, and hatred of a Commonwealth; nor did A. S. want his Share in the Consultation, a stout assessor of Prerogative, witnessed by his and others living out of this Kingdom, ever since the King's Restauration, until they saw some likelihood of a change, the one returning about the time the D. of B. and the other Lords were in the Tower, and the other a few months before the breaking forth of the Popish Conspiracy; which no sooner came before the Parliament, than some of the great Lords of the Committee for the Examination of the Plot kept their Consultations, and managed much of that affair at Wallingford-House, Major W. their Secretary, where they concluded to take hold of this opportunity, for the carrying on some long-hatched Designs of their own. Nor is it to be forgotten, that in June before, a Letter was writ by an eminent person of the Faction, and can be now produced, That very shortly somewhat would be discovered, that would prevent our much longer walking in the dark; and that one of the greatest Lords sent to an ginger to know, whether he was not in a short while to be in the head of 60000 men. The methods agreed upon in France, and pursued here, were to make a Court and Countrey-party, to sow and disperse Jealousies between both, and widen the Gap with all possible Devices; which resolutions some here were the sooner induced to embrace, upon this consideertion, That they should not live to see the issue, and were unconcerned for what should come after. But yet I am too charitable to think, if we have any French Agents at home, they are imposed upon by their own unwariness, and the others cunning, to act rather against, than with, their knowledge, a part so much contrary to the Interest of England, and the Duty of a Christian. But however it be, I am morally assured, we are doing their work; and if we are not Knaves and Pensioners, we are Blockheads or Fools, that are blind and besorted like men prepared for Destruction. Quos Jupiter perdere v●lt, hos dementat. If any one talk thus, he is presently called a Papist and a Tory; every true Son of the Church of England, and Loyal Subject, is Branded with Nicknames, and run down by Noise and Faction; and he that opposes Popery, if he defends not Presbytry, is but a Protestant in Masquerade; if he commends Monarchy, and our Legal Constitutions, to the discredit of a Commonwealth, he is a Rascal, a Villian, and a dangerous person, not considering, that we are made Tools and Instruments for French purposes, betrayed by their Cunning and Adresse, to forward and act with our own hands, our Slavery and Ruin. Shall we be still blind and deaf to reason and demonstration? Can we not reflect upon the French double-dealing in our late Civil Distractions, and remember what the Lord Keeper Puckering tells the Parliament in Q Elizabeth's days, That the Puritans, even at the time of the Spanish preparations for Invasion, were urging and pressing intestine Commotions; where he largely sets forth their being as dangerous to the Crown and Mitre as the others, and therefore that both were to be equally suppressed, Papists and Puritans. I cannot find, that either have since altered their Principles, and consequently cannot but wonder why the Papists should be persecuted, and the other countenanced, even against Law and former Statutes. 'Tis surely very imprudent to expect your House will be warm by shutting a Window, and setting open the Doors. And therefore in this I can freely agree with Plato Redivivus, that the fear of Popery is not the cause of our present disturbances; I shall without regard to Religion, consider the Papists and Presbyterians as two Factions in the State, like the Arminians and L●vaste●● party in Holland; and as such prorounce, that both are to be suppressed, or neither, because by emp●●ing only one of the Scales, the Balance is broken, and the Court, or Monarchical party is first weakened and destroyed, and after the whole form of Government altered into that of a Commonwealth; and I am fully convinced, if that had not been that Author's Designs, as to an ordinary Reader is past doubt, he he would have set down this as one of the Remedies of our present Evils. But the contrary was his purpose, and in order to it he cunningly, to preserve the Monarchy, would set up a plain Democracy, and for an English King, obtrude upon us a D●eg of Venice; for he tells you at large, that the ancient Power of the King is fallen into the hands of the Commons, and therefore to keep up the former illustrious splendour of the Crown, he would have all its Jewels taken out, and set about the Speakers Chair, the King made a cipher, and divested of all Power but the Name, to keep up the three several and distinct shares of the Government, King Lords, and Commons. 'Tis an Ingenious way of arguing, but we are not yet, I hope, such fools to have it pass, to venture at play, and not know how to distinguish false Dice.  
Oh! but says a Factious Petitioner, that takes the House of Commons (sufficiently proved by, the learned Answer to Petyt's Book, to have had no share in the Legislative power) to be the Parliament, all their Votes, how wild and unreasonable soever, as we have lately as well as formerly seen in print, to be the sense of the Nation, and have the force of Laws, and yet deny any Authority to the King's Proclamation: This Scribbler (says he) is Popishly affected, a French designer, a mere Tory; not considering, that there is not less hazard in splitting upon a Rock, than upon a Sand-bank; that if I must be a slave, and forfeitt my liberty, 'twere at lest as good to do so under a single person, as more; the tyranny of many is much more intolerable than that of one. 'Tis equally destructive of my liberty, whether the King or the House of Commons, taketh away Magna Charta; I am still against arbitrary Government, ruling according to pleasure, not the Laws and known Constitutions of the Land, whether assumed by King or Commons; if there be any choice, the odds are against the latter; and to speak truth, by what has passed since the Plot, any one in his wits, would believe the King is invaded, not an invader; that his frequent Prorogations and Dissolutions have been his legal defensive weapons, used as much for his Subject's security, as his own honour; that arbitrary power, is a delicious thing, and therefore aimed at by our Demagogues and tribunes of the people; bad and to be decried, only while in the Sovereign. 'Tis very convenient to cry Whore first. Solomon tells us, He that appeareth first in his own cause, seemeth just, but his neighbour cometh after and proveth him. If the people in an Island are alarmed, that an Invasion is designed, and that only at one Port, and they become so foolish, as for the guard of that, to neglect and expose all other, they do but make the easier way for their enemies to land and overcome. Those, who are the Watchmen, the sentines of our Safety, aught with Janus to have two faces, one behind and the other before, and many eyes like Argus, there being otherwise no security against surprise. I remember in Thucydide's that the Grecians besieging a strong City, found no means but Stratagem to become Masters, which they thus contrived: After they had purchased within some Pensioners, they kept the besieged awake, and put them into great distress by continual false alarms, and, as designed, prepared to believe nothing more was intended, than amusement and distraction. The false Citizens within taking this advantage, affirmed, they ought for the future to make it death to any Watchman to give the Alarm. This decreed, notice was given to the enemy, and without the least resistance, the besieged were taken and undone, when and where they least suspected; whereupon this Proverb was taken up, Amyclas perdidit silentium. I wish we may never run the same fate; the application is too easy and natural to be dwelled upon.  
And yet I cannot but take notice how the late House of Commons have assumed to themselves a power extraordinary, and by a Vote without proof or conviction, made eminent men and known Protestants, guilty of Popery and French designs, made them Advisers and Counsellors according to their own fancies, imprisoned several DURING PLEASURE, seized Closets and Writings without information, and contrary to Magna Charta; voted Acts of Parliament, made for the preservation of the established Religion, useless, and their execution grievious to the Subject, against the Protestant interest, and an encouragement to Popery, etc. and among these, which is most wonderful, a Law made by the darling Queen Eliz. who cannot well be supposed to have been a friend to Popery. If these be not odd and arbitrary proceed, I know not what they are, nor why that should be tolerable or lawful for them, which is not for any, no not for our Sovereign. Considering men are afraid the a betters of such practices are not friends to peace and quiet, but rather factious and dangerous, willing to enslave us to foreign Invasions, or Domestic Encroachments. Whatever may be said to the contrary, these actings are but too good grounds for such apprehensions. The cunningest Whores seem most devout, and inveigh very bitterly against the lewdness they daily study and commit. Your rooking Gamesters abhor, if you believe their shams and oaths, the use of false Dice, and the un-Gentleman-like trick of cheating. However, none but Cullies, who want wit or years to make observation, can be wheedled and drawn in by such pretences.  
Before the discovery of the Plot, our Ministers were reflected on, as designing Popery and arbitrary Government, by many scandalous Pamphlets, and one in particular called, An Account of the growth of Popery, etc. as if the people were to be prepared to believe the whole Court were Popish; that while they were alarmed against that party, they might be unprovided to defend themselves against the other. The Presbyterian true blue, who, like Aesop's Cat, tho' transformed into the beautiful shapes of our Court-employments and Honours, will still be hankering after the old sport of Mousing; they will ever be lovers of a Commonwealth, and enemies to Monarchy. This is plain from former, as well as later, proceed, since the discovery of the Popish Plot, when they began to show themselves in their proper colours, when they cried not only the Court, but the Church was Popish, and all that are for the established Government. You cannot now be loyal, unless you be factious, nor a Protestant, if no Presbyterian. But pray observe, none tell you this, but the spawn of those seduced, or concerned in the late Rebellion; men turned out, or that would get into Court-employments, that account themselves slighted or disobliged; men of great Ambition, or of desperate Fortunes, who make all this noise and clutter, to be taken off. To what purpose else, did the late House of Commons make the Vote against the bargain or hopes of Court-preferment, but that such a design was driving between some leading Members and Courtiers? Can they after such a discovery pretend zeal for Religion, and the good of their Country? For shame, let not Faction and private Interest make men forgetful of the public, of the peace and quiet of the Nation: Let them secure our Constitutions against the encroachments or invasions of any, whether Presbyter or Papist: and remember that the most forward in the Long Parliament, were soon turned out by others; and because what is Sauce for a Goose, is Sauce for a Gander, this of course will be the fate of those, who now glory in being Ringleaders of Faction, to thwart and oppose their Sovereign; Nay, it may possibly be worse, the Gentlemen, the Knights of the Shires, may be kicked out by Mechanics, by Citizens and Burgesses; for he that practiseth Disobedience to his Superiors, teacheth it to his Inferiors. Sir W. I. Sir F. W. Colonel T. etc. all know were disoblidged, and if taken into favour, the Employments and Honours they covet, would stand up for the Court, as much as now they do against it. Whether the Petitioning Lords be not of the same temper, will best appear from the story of every single person. One of them has the humour conveyed with's Blood. His Father was a Gentleman that appeared zealous in the long Parliament for the good of his Country, the first that brought in the complaint of Ship-money. But soon after, when he was made a Lord and a Courtier, he changed notes, and sung another song, no man more for the Monarchy, in its defence he lost his life, and at his death publicly repent his actings against the Earl of Strafford. His Son was made an Earl upon the King's return, sent Ambassador Abroad, and Lord Lieutenant into Ireland; to get this Command, be despised not the Courtship and assistance of Coll. T. though a R. C. and a Creature of his R. H. to whom he made no slender professions; not being satisfied with gaining vastly in that Station five years, he grew peevish in hopes of being sent the second time, nay, rather than fail, he is content to be Commissioner of the Treasury, in hopes that by the Courtship and Interest of some Women, no matter what Religion they are of, he may come to be Lord Treasurer: But not like to gain the White Staff, and perhaps not caring to govern an empty Exchequer, he bent his thoughts again towards Ireland; slighting the Treasury he is outed, and grows more discontented; and at last turned out of Council, the next day he repeats a Speech of E. of S. his making, and unasked, presents a piece of Council and Advice to his Sovereign, pretending as a Peer it was his duty. I am sorry his zeal made him forget, that Peers have no right of advising the King, but when he makes them of his Council, or by Writ Summons 'em to Parliament. And what's very odd, he advises just the contrary to what he and the other Noble E. had done the year before, when Courtiers. This Nobleman's Life would make a Comical History; he knows how to put on all shapes, and in the late times, was not ignorant how to make an Appletree supply the place of a Pulpit, he knew how to serve himself in all turns and changes, and he has not failed since 1640. to have been often out and in with the several Higher Powers. To give him his due, he is a man of extraordinary parts, but if one of these Lords said true, when he was a Courtier, and the other newly removed, they are all fitted and turned for confounding and amusing, but not for extricating out of difficulties. He wants not Wit to hold forth in the House, or in the open Air, upon occasion; nor is he meanly Skilled in the Methods of Court-Pleasures, as well as Business. He must have an ill memory that forgets, who advised the breaking of the Triple-League, and making an Alliance with France, and a War with Holland, pronouncing in the Language of the Beast Delenda est Carthago, that a Dutch Commonwealth, was too near a Neighbour to an English Monarch; the shutting up the Exchequer, the granting Injunctions in the case of the Bankers, and lastly, the source of all of our present misfortunes, the general Indulgence: These things being found of ill consequence, and the Ministers removed as designers of Popery, presbytery, Atheism, or Irreligion, Arbitrary or French Government; must any of such Principles assoon as turned out of Court, be received into the Country, as if these two had different Interests? Whoever say there is more than one Common-weal in both, are Deluders, and Incendiaries, and Betrayers of the Nation. Those that strive to divide the King and his people, are to be looked upon as pensioners of France, and to be most severely punished. There are that can tell Tales, what Great man since the Plot, offered a Reconciliation with the D. and for a Restoration to his former Power and Greatness, would be his servant to all intents and purposes. But the D. could not be persuaded, one that had as often changed Parties, as Proteus his shapes, and the Chameleon his Colours, could be true to any Interest, but his own; and therefore rejected his many Messages on this subject. Another Peer, whose Son is in the Lower House, is the great Tribune of the people, would have had a Dukedom added to the Garter, to make both Sing to another Tune. A fourth would fain be a Privy Councillor in Reversion. A fifth not long since at any rate of purchase, would have been Master of the House to the Duke: Strange! that a Protestant Lord should think of serving a supposed Popish Prince, and after hope, though thus mounted on Horseback, to get to Heaven. It would be tedious to give particular accounts of all; only by the way observe, that a Young Lord newly come to Age, owned himself to his Majesty Disobliged, because after a Voyage to Tangier, his great Valour there shown, And spending his youth in his Prince's Service, (these were his own words to the King) another was preferred to the Command of the Lord Plymouth's Regiment. I cannot but commend this Nobleman's Ingenuity in owning the true Cause, and not pretending, as others, Conscience and public good for his motives. But I am sorry he should forget, not only the obligations of gratitude, which he is under, for his Bread and for his Honour, but also who says, Appear not wise before the King, and give not Counsel unasked. He has learning enough to understand the meaning of in consilium non vocatus ne accesseris. 'Tis to be hoped he may repent, and with more years his wit may be turned into wisdom.  
As for the D. of M. I believe him perfectly drawn in by designing Politicians for ends of their own, who never intended him more than as an useful Tool, afterwards to be laid aside. 'Tis no wonder that one of his Youth and Spirit should be tempted with the Baits, and Allurements of a Crown, the splendour and gaiety of Power has blinded many Elder men's understandings. But that they never had him in their thoughts, for K. appears from the Author Plato Redivivus; and indeed if they had, they went the wrong way to work. They should not have engaged him so far, as to deserve his being turned out of his Command as General, a Post that would have best enabled him to seize upon, and make good any pretence to the Crown, after the death of his Majesty. I am not apt to believe his Grace is sorry for what is past; I am certain it were his Interest to throw himself at the King's Feet, and quite the Counsels of those men, who intriguing for themselves, puff him up with false hopes, & yet sufficiently discover, that nothing is farther from their hearts than his Exaltation, or what is so much in their mouths, public service to the King and Country. 'Tis much better for him to be content with the second place in the Kingdom, than by pretending to the first, against all manner of Reason, and the obligations of gratitude, forfeit all, his Fame and Honour, Life and Fortune.  
The Petition being already answered, I will only observe, that His Majesty, intending to turn them out, sent Mr. Secretary to the E. of E. for a List of the Papist he mentioned in the Guards; But the Noble Peer had none to give, but may be supposed to have taken the story upon hearsay from some, that had the malice to invent it. And now must the Nation suffer themselves to be rid by any Faction, because designing particular advantages, they gild all with the specious pretences of Religion and Loyalty, particular respect for the Church of England, by opening her Doors to all Dissenters, and for the Monarchy, by clipping the King's power to prevent the Papists Contrivances against his Person? Examine whether the zealous sticklers for the Protestant Religion, have any at all; or if they have, whether it be not as far from that Established by Law, as Popery? Whether if the King would grant all their desires, receive them into Offices and Power, they would not stand up in justification of the Court as fiercely as now they do the contrary? What has been before, may well be expected again. He that considers this, and that malice never spoke well of any, will give the Factious little credit; especially, when against reason and sense they would impose upon us that the King himself is in the Plot, or as one of the Members in a printed Speech tells the House, The Plot is not so much in the Tower, as in White-Hall; there 'tis to be searched for, and there to be found: And all this because he will not unking himself, and put his Crown into their hands, and against Law, his Coronation Oath, and brotherly affection, pass the Bill of Exclusion, to the prejudice of himself and the whole Kingdom. This is not a single or private man's opinion, but the judgement of the Supreme Tribunal of England, the House of Lords; where upon the first reading it was thrown out, with the odds of 63 against 31; for which reason their Lordships are called Masquerading-Protestants, Tories, Papists, or their adherents; as if the Lords must not be allowed the privilege the Commons take with any of their Bills, without censure and affront. But why for their Act must His Majesty be loyally libelled and aspersed? It had been time enough, one would have thought, to have called him Papist, etc. had he rejected the Bill after it had passed both Houses. Oh! than who could have doubted, but his doing more against the Papists than any of his Predecessors had been promoting their Interest, that this pardoning noman condemned, nor stopping the execution of any Law against Recusants, was making it no Plot, and that passing the Test was letting in Popery by wholesale. He that can believe these things, is prepared for any thing, to say a Lobster is a Wale, or a Whale a Lobster; that the Moon is a Green-Cheese, and the Sun a round Plate of red hot Iron; and then, I presume, it may not be decided whether we are Fools or Madmen. Let us not thus idly and unjustly belly our Consciences, and publish to the Nation and all the World, that nothing can secure us against Popery, but the shaking and alteration of the Monarchy, by the Bill of Exclusion; an Act in itself, unjust and impolitic, both for the King and People. No man is to be punished ex postfacto, by the Laws of this and all other Countries. Besides, why should the Duke, more than any Fanatic of England, be outed his Birthright? The Scripture says You must not do evil, that good may come of it; And prudence will tell us, That this is an evil, that must be attended with greater. For the minute that it passes, the Duke is at liberty to recover his Right by secret or open Violence, Force Foreign or Domestic; He is declared an Enemy and Traitor; condemned without Trial or Conviction. This piece of injustice must be defended by an Association of an Army; this Army must be entrusted in the hands of the King or a General, either may make himself Absolute and Arbitary; and therefore if people are now afraid of slavery from the Government, what may then be their apprehensions? And if they are jealous of the King, what General will they find to entrust? Those meanly skilled in story, know that Commanders of Armies have at pleasure subverted Commonwealths and Kingdoms: Agathocles from being General, became Tyrant of Syracuse; Pisistratus of Athens, Sforza of Milan, the Medici of Florence, the Caesar's of Rome, and not to go so far off, Cromwell of the Three Kingdoms. Most of the Roman Emperors were dethroned by their Generals; and therefore this cannot but make the King as unwilling as the People, to entrust this great Power in any person. And yet without such trust the Act of Exclusion is not worth a straw; nor with it can we be secured against Slavery, whether the Duke conquer or be overcome. The Duke will still find a party, at least if he outlives the King, in the Three Kingdoms to fight his Quarrel; and if he comes in by force; he may well use us as a conquered Nation, break our old, and give us what Laws and Religion he pleases; Whereas if we attempt no such thing, we shall not run the hazard of a CIVIL WAR, the King being as likely to outlive, as to be outlived by His Brother. If he should chance to succeed peaceably, he cannot be presumed to offer any alteration in Religion so much against his Interest, and who never forwarded any in his own Family, suffers his Children to continue in the Church of England, knowing that Christianity forbids compulsion for its propagation. To say he would be priestridden, is ridiculous; why he more than the French King, who openly opposes the Pope's Usurpation, and assumes to himself the cognizance even of Church-affairs? This is but a pretence to impose upon the ignorant and the credulous; if there be not Laws enough already, new ones may be made to prevent any such intention. When all Offices and power are in the hands of Anti-papists, I cannot see where can be our danger.  
But this, if granted, would not be all, the Monarchy is hereby made elective, and the possessor may as well be removed, as the successor debarred. In order to this, is there not a History of the Succession published, showing that the Monarchy is rather elective than hereditary? Of which here I will only say, that the Writer is a notorious Plagiary, and steals all out of a seditious Book writ on the same Subject by Parsons the Jesuit, under the Name of Doleman in Queen Elizabeth's time, with design of distracting the people, and making way for a Spanish Conquest and Inquisition; the Presbyterian Transcriber proves himself of the same Jesuitical principles, and with equal honesty pursues the same ends, Usurpation and Slavery. 'Tis not to be doubted, but that there has been frequent interruptions of the Succession of the Crown, but no title, but that of the Sword, was ever put in balance with proximity of blood, and he that will oppose Fact to Right, is very unjust, and argues not upon the principles of Morality, nor the Laws of Nations. Much such another good Christian, is the Writer of The appeal to the City, who tells us, if we set up a King with none or a cracked title, we shall have the better Laws; and instances that Richard the 3d. an Usurper, a Murderer, and a Tyrant, made excellent Statutes. But he might, had he been just, have found the Laws of that King outdone by those of our present Sovereign, whose title none can question.  
And yet it is not unreasonable to suspect a design on foot of subverting the Monarchy, if it be considered, that the passing the Bill against the Duke, will not alone satisfy his adversaries, who further expect, that all those now firm to the King be removed, and their trust put into considing hands; and thus when they had him in their own power, it would be no hard matter to act their pleasure. The Speech disowned by the protestant Lord, and burnt by the Hangman (a fate the Author does certainly deserve) tells us in plain English, We must have a Change, and a King we may trust, and well affected Counsellors, with much more treasonable and seditious stuff. These things, and the frequent mentioning the fates of Edw. 2. Rich. 2. and Hen. 6. cannot but alarm his Majesty, and restrain him from ever complying with such persons against his only Brother. He has so often affirmed the Bill should never pass, that he cannot now without diminution of his own honour, as well as safety, altar his well-grounded resolution, taken upon the sense of conscience and duty, the present and future good of himself and people. An act that would be the highest violation of Magna Charta, that ordains none should be put by his birthright and inheritance, but by the Law of the Land, and legal process. And therefore I hope, what cannot be supposed, will be granted, will no longer be insisted on, lest the consequences prove fatal.  
One thing I cannot but admire, that the Duke should be absolutely excluded on supposition of being a papist, for otherwise he is allowed by all a Prince of incomparable virtues and endowments, leaving no room for enjoying his right, in case he become Protestant. Do they suppose an alteration of opinion impossible? that's false and foolish. There are instances of men that have changed often, and to mention no more, the Duke's Grandfather Hen. 4. twice altered his opinion. Besides, it is unjust, and contrary to their own practice; for L. Br. was an imprisoned Plotter, but as soon as he became a Convert, without further process or trial, he was innocent and acquitted. We do in this exceed the Papists in France, and condemn our Protestant Ancestors, and all others abroad, who accused them as Antichristian and Rebellious, for opposing their lawful King Hen. 4: on the score of Religion; for the Parisians loved his person, and stood upon no other condition than his turning Papist, to receive him for their Sovereign; as all the other R. C's of that Kingdom had done before. And therefore I very much suspect we are grown weary of Monarchy; and with an inconstancy natural to Islanders, affect a Change tho' for the worse. To this I am induced by many Reasons, and not a little from a Protestant Lords Speech, the last Sessions, That the people of Athens were so fond of good King Codrus, that they resolved to have none after him. But to attempt this piece of folly and wickedness, will inevitably embroil us in a Civil War, And of that the event is so uncertain, that we ought to dread the loss of all, by striving to enlarge our present liberties. This madness ordinary prudence will carefully avoid, because in all probability the King must get the better; his condition is not like his Fathers: He has standing Troops, which the other wanted, to Guard his Person; he has the Militia in his own hands, he has no Scotch nor Irish Rebellion, to divide or distract his Forces; and above all, he has the Parliament in his own power, to let them, Sat or no Sat, at his pleasure and their good behaviour. And 'tis happy he has this power, to secure himself from popular jury, at this time especially, when whatever the Papists have done, we daily see others run into Clubs and Cabals, distinguishing themselves by Green Ribbans, by general Committees and Sub-committees, where all Transactions of Parliament are first designed and hammered, Collections made, a Common Pursue managed, and Agents employed in every County, to prepare and influence the people; writ and disperse false News, Libels against the Government, Addresses made and sent into every Shire and Burrow, and if the Members do not go down to their Elections, they can Print for them such Speeches as serve their purpose. Witness one my Lord Vaughan spoke at his election, though his Lordship was not out of London. I have not heard before, that Sir Samuel Morlans Speaking Trumpet could convey a voice a hundred Miles distance. But this is nothing with our True Protestant Intelligencer, B. H. who printed an Address from the City of Colchester, that never was seen nor presented by any of the Inhabitants, as by an Instrument under the Town Clarks hand does plainly appear. But though Swearing be, Lying is not, against the interest or practice of the Godly; the presbyterian, true offspring of the Ignatian Fathers, who out do them in the Doctrine of piae Frauds, as well as in all other their immoral and Antimonarhick principles.  
And now considering that none that have any thing to lose, can ever get by a Rebellion, and that there is no just pretence for one, our Liberties and Properties not being broken or invaded, the Rich, unless they are mad, will never begin; and yet with, or without their assistance, a Rising of Jack Cade or Wat Tyler instigated by greater persons, will but enlarge the Regal power, and enrich the Crown: And for these and many more reasons, I look upon the Threats or Fears of Rebellion, as idle and vain, as our Jealousies and Apprehensions of Popery, never possible in England, but by a Civil War, since their numbers here are but as one to 230. and by an exact calculation in the three Kingdoms, the whole number of Papists is but as one to 205. non-Papists, and their wealth and possessions is not one to 300. If their power had been so terrible, they wanted not since the Plot, provocations to make us feel, as well as hear on't. But these noises are like Armies in disguise at Knightsbridge, and Regiments of Horse hid in Cellars under ground, and blowing up the Thames to drown London; artifices formerly used to draw in the easy and the credulous. But 'tis to be presumed, the same trick will not pass twice upon us in one and the same Age, while the bleeding wounds of the last are still so fresh in our memories. To remedy and compose our present madness and distractions, and prevent future evils, must, without doubt be the hearty endeavour of all honest men, who expect this will be a healing Parliament, that will make up all our breaches, and unite our divisions, by the methods of prudence and discretion; weighing the true causes, and applying fit remedles, without regard to faction or interest, heat or passion; reflecting how unreasonable it is, to suspect in the King or his Ministers any design of introducing Popery and arbitrary Government; a malicious and idle invention, set on foot with purpose, to inflame the Kingdom, by men who were outed, or desirous of Court-employments, disobliged persons, or French Pensioners; That the Bill of Exclusion is not like to pass, either the Lords House or the King, because in itself unjust, impolitic and dangerous, not only to the Prince, but to the Subject: That all other legal ways for preventing Popery and Presbytery, are to be taken by those, who design the preservation of the established Monarchy and Religion: That this is already, or may with ease be secured against the attempts or power of any Popish Successor: That our fears in this point are groundless, and best founded upon accidents, that may never happen: That 'tis the highest imprudence to run into real, present, to avoid possible, future evils: That innovations of this sort would be against the Prince's interest, who having not a 4th. part of the Revenue, necessary for the support of the Crown, must be under a necessity of complying with his people in Parliament; and that his temper, practice and Declarations, secure us against impositions of this nature; That it be considered, whether the unquiet apprehensions from the Plot, may not be laid, by a speedy and impartial trial and execution of all the accused and convicted, and the Kings after granting a general pardon, with such exceptions as have been usual. The doing this will beget a right understanding between the King and his people, defeat the contrivances of our adversaries, restore us to peace and quiet at home, and rescue us from contempt and danger abroad, and make the Name of Parliament as famous and renowned, as some Libelers endeavour to make it base and odious. How this is to be compassed, you yourselves are deservedly made the Judges, and therefore I will not like the foolish Orator, teach Hannibal the Art of War. — Fiat Justitia, ruat Coelum.  
FINIS.   

EDINBURGH, reprinted, Anno DOM. 1681.