A TREATISE OF Romances AND THEIR ORIGINAL. By Monsieur HUET. Translated out of French. LONDON, Printed by R. Battersby, for S. Heyrick, at Gray's Inn Gate in Holborn. 1672. Licenced, October 21. 1671. Roger L'Estrange. THE Translator TO THE READER. AS our Manners and People are refined, Romances also hold pace with us, and by the same degrees arrive to perfection. Giants, Dragons, and Enchanted Castles, which made so much noise in Romances of former times, are now no longer heard of. The Composers do now consult Nature, and endeavour to exhibit her true and lively Portrait in all their works, and so link Instruction with Delight, that while the Reader gapes for this, he swallows both; they cajole and surprise him into Virtue, and make him good when he never dreams on't. But it is not my Province to plead for Romances, be they good or bad, since they are now so much in vogue in the World, and make so considerable a part of the politer Learning: 'tis presumed the Ingenious have a Curiosity, and desire a more perfect account of them, then possibly hitherto they have met withal. The generality are so much in the dark about these matters, they neither know whence they spring, nor how they got the name of Romances. The two Italian Authors, cited in this Treatise, were it should seem diligent enough in their researches: yet you will find what pitiful conjectures they were forced upon, and how wide they shoot from the mark, while one would derive it from 〈◊〉, the other from Rheyms. You will find in our Author, besides his great learning and acquaintance with Antiquity, a critical wit and correct Judgement; many instances whereof are displayed as he traverses Egypt, Phoenicia, Arabia, Persia, Syria, and the Indies, in pursuance of his design: for our Author is not content with Suidas, and Photius, and what other Magazines of Learning and Monuments are found in Europe; but he ransacks the East, and makes the Oriental Libraries contributory. After our Author has taken survey of these people, and considered their Wit, Inclination and Genius, and critizised upon their Writings and Romances, he descends in course to the famous Bishop of Tricca, Heliodorus; whom he avows to have excelled all whoever went before him; and among other things takes notice of the singular Modesty, observed religiously throughout his Work, though others say too superstitiously. For I find the Critics are not well pleased that he should make Theagenes give the fair Chariclea a box o'th'Ear, once when she would have kissed him: that have Lovers to do, say they, with his Episcopal virtues? the toyings and little freedoms of Lovers and the reverence of Bishop's suit but ill together; a Vestal Chastity is none of the accomplishments of an Hero, whose Love is above these scrupulous formalities which clog his Noble emotions and agreeable transports. They conclude that he had better have burnt his Book ten times over, then have made his Hero so absurdly guilty, and left so vile an aspersion on his Name. After Heliodorus Romances degenerated, and yielded to that common fate which shortly after fell upon good Letters; and of Natural, Exact and Probable, became Wild, Grotesque and Chimerical; and so continued till of late days Monsieur d'Urfee took Pen●● Hand, and presented the World with his Astrea; which our Author avers to be the most perfect piece that ever was Writ in its kind. For all this, he escapes the Critics no better than Heliodorus: what notion, say they, had he of bien-seance, when he makes his Heroine Astrea one of the three Shepherdesses, who are discovered all naked to Celadon? was this confistent with her honour? or had not she otherwise sufficient wherewith to complete her Conquest. And Silvander, say they, is made a philisopher to good purpose; brought from the famous School of the Massilians to turn Shepherd, and in this habit and condition to read Philosophical Lectures, and deliver such profound notions, as might turn the Brain, and confound all the Shepherds in Christendom: And is allowed the opportunity to discover his Talon, and talk wisely, but once in all his life time, and that is when nobody hears him. Our Author next takes notice of Madamoiselle de Scudery, to whom the World is obliged for the Illustrious Bassa, Grand Cyrus, and Clelia; the worth of all which pieces the Reader cannot be ignorant of; I shall therefore only present the Reader with some cavils or exceptions, which are made against some particulars in them. Some object that her so Illustrious Bassa is no very good Christian, and that it was no part of an Heroic virtue to dissemble his Religion. His Horns should have been concealed and not his Religion whereas they are made most shamefully notorious: to make the Hero a Cuckold (say they) is such on enormity, as but too much bewrays the sex of the Author. She very frankly gives him a Wife, who (make him thankful) was no Novice, a Woman of experience, andone who after three Month's abode in the Seraglio gave him to judge whether she had needed any of his instructions. They say likewise, that whoever had taught this Author her Geography, had cheated her extremely. The Fleet of this Bassa departed from the Port at Constantinople, and at or about the end of three Weeks after were seen Caracaoling in the Caspian Sea; 'twas merrily Sailed, in about three week's time four hundred Leagues by Land; what mortal Ships could do the like in these days? She had consulted some Cambridge Burgess to make the Highways Navigable. The Grand Cyrus too, say they, is as injuriously dealt withal. For all his Toil, Travail, and Fatigue, all his Trophies and Conquests, which he Sacrifices to Mandane; he is like to have but a sorry bargain of her, she having been stolen away four times ere she came to his hands. The Grand Cyrus must be so credulous as believe she escapes pure and untouched from all these Ravishers; or else this mighty Hero must be content with their leave. Grant she were Chaste, these were too unconscionable proofs of her virtue; for once peradventure she might come off clear, but relapses are always mortal in these cases. Her Honour might defend her the first assault, but the second bears down all, is not to be resisted by a Fort already shaken, or by so frail materials as Flesh and Blood. Neither (say they) has this Author been more favourable to her own Sex. Clelia has as much cause to complain of hard usage, in assigning her such a paltry Gallant as Aronces. Never a younger Brother of Normandy could leave a meaner Idea of his person and virtue, than the Hero of this Romance. Suppose one who has neither Page nor Equipage; one in a greasy Buff● Doublet, who changes his Crabat but once in eight days, whose fortune has no establishment, who sponges upon his friends, dining to day with one, next day with another, and climbs up three Stories h●gh to Bed at Night; This is the Portrait of Aronces. And because forsooth he was Son to Porsenna, King of the Etrurians, (whose whole incomes scarce amounted to ten thousand pounds per annum and who at one whistle could call all his Subjects together) ●lelia must be made his Conquest. If (say they) it cost an Author ought to rig out his Hero in good and handsome Equipage, to Lodge him in a sumptuous Palace, and provide him a plentiful Table, it than might be presumed that none would tick with him for so much; but considering that all this expense is only imagination, 'tis strange that any should be such a niggard of it, and deny so small a matter to an Hero; unless it were done on purpose to disparage Clelia, and with these indignities destroy the quality and reputation of an Heroine, which she so well had merited. Whereas our Author gives a hint of the Runick Characters, I might give account here of the famous Edda, which contains the wonderful achievements of Woden, and his Wife Frigga, (whose names we still retain in our Wednesday and Friday) with the rest of our Gothish Ancestors: a Book which for antiquity might contend with Homer, and as fabulous as the best. And whereas in the controversy betwixt the Greeks and the Arabians concerning Aesop our Author seems to give the balance to the Greeks, I might easily turn the scales with the advantage to the Orientals. And whereas he compute what time Rhymes first obtained in Europe; I might examine whether or no Nero, who was a better Poet than Emperor, had any knowledge of them, and made then his diversion; and likewise whether they or the Measures and Cadences of the Greeks and Latins have the advantage, some affirming that Rhyme is trivial and childish, others asserting that Rhyme is more agreeable, more sweet, and more natural than the other; and though the other came first into the World, yet nature (like most Mothers) rather gives her blessing to the Cadet, then to the First born. The general approbation of all Nations, and the Hebrews themselves using Rhyme in whatever Poesies they make at this day, all concur to the strengthening of this opinion. But I have already too long detained thee from what will give thee greater satisfaction; shall therefore only entreat that thou mayst not impeach our Author for making Melkin and Thaliessin English: seeing that Foreiners think themselves not bound to take notice when this Isle was called Albion, when Britain, when England; besides that, writing in French, if he had called them Britain's, they might have passed with some for French Britain's, and thereby our Nation have lost the honour of having given Birth to the first Romances in Europe. MONSIEUR HUET TO MONSIEUR de Ségrais. SIR, YOur curiosity stands with reason, and the desire to know the Original of Romances is proper for you, who so perfectly understand the Art to make them; but the doubt is, whether it be so proper for me to undertake your satisfaction. I have not Books, and my head at present is filled with matters of altogether another nature: And I know well how cumbersome and difficult this research is; 'tis neither in Provence nor Spain (as many believe) that we may hope to find the first beginnings of this agreeable Amusement; we must in quest thereof travel remotest Countries, and in the most latent Paths of Antiquity. However I will comply with your desire; for as our ancient and strict friendship gives you right to demand me all things, so it takes from me the liberty to deny you any thing. Heretofore under the name of Romance were comprehended not only those which were writ in Prose, but those also which were writ in Verse. Giraldi and Pigna his Disciples in their Treatises De Romanzi scarce take notice of any others, and give the Boyardoes and Arioste for Models. But at this day the contrary usage has prevailed, and they which now are properly called Romances, are Fictions of Love-Adventures, writ in Prose with Art, for the delight and Instruction of the Readers. I say Fictions, to distinguish them from true Histories; I add, of Love-Adventures, for that Love ought to be the principal subject of a Romance. They must be writ it Prose, to be conformable to the Mode of the times. They must be writ with Art, and under certain rules; otherwise they will only be a confused mass without order or beauty. The chief end of a Romance, or (at least) that which ought so to be, and which the Composer ought to propose to himself, is the Instruction of the Reader, to whom he must always present Virtue crowned, and Vice punished. But as the spirit of man naturally hates to be taught, and self-love does spurn against Instructions, 'tis to be deceived by the blandishments of pleasure, and the severity of Precepts to be sweetened by the agreement of Examples; and thus our own faults may be amended while we condemn them in others. Thus the diversion of the Reader, which a good Romancer seems chief to design, is but subordinate to his principal end, which is the Instruction of the mind, and correction of manners: And Romances are more or less regular, according as they are more or less remote from this definition and end. 'Tis only of these I pretend to entertain you, and I presume your curiosity reaches no further. I shall not therefore treat here of Romances in Verse, much less of Epic Poems; which besides that they are in Verse have moreover different essentials, which distinguish them from Romances, though otherwise there is a very great relation; and following the maxim of Aristotle (who teaches that a Poet is more a Poet by the Fictions he invents then by the Verse which he composes) Makers of Romances may be ranked among the Poets. Petronius tells us that Poems are to move in a great circumference, by the Ministry of the Gods, and expressions free and hardy, so that they may be taken rather for Oracles, thrown from a spirit full of fury, then for a faithful and exact Narration. Romances are more simple, are not so lofty, nor have those Figures in the invention and expression. Poems have more of the marvellous, though always bounded within probability. Romances have more of the probable, though sometimes they incline to the marvellous. Poems are more regular and more correct in the contrivance, and receive less of matter of Events and Episodes. Romances are capable of more, because being not so elevate and full of Figures, they do not so much stretch the wit, and so suffer it to be furnished with a greater number of different Ideas. In fine, Poems have for their subject some Military on Politic action, and treat not of Love but upon occasion. Romances on the contrary have Love for their principal Theme, and meddle not with War or Politics but by accident; I speak of regular Romances: for the most part of the old French, Spanish, and Italian Romances have much more of the Soldier than the Gallant in them. This made Giraldi believe that the name of Romance came from a Greek word, which signifies Force and Valour, because these Books were made to set forth and vaunt the valour and prowess of the Palladines; but Giraldi was mistaken in this, as you shall see afterwards. Neither are these Histories comprehended here, which are observed to contain many falsehoods, such as that of Herodotus, who (by the way) is not so guilty as many think. The Navigation of Hanno; the Life of Apollonius, writ by Philostratus, and many others. These works are true in the mane, and false in some parts; Romances on the contrary are true in some particulars, and false in the gross; those contain truth mingled with some falsehood, these are falsehoods with some intermixture of truth. I would say that truth has the greater stroke, in Histories, but that falsehood is predominant in the Romance, insomuch that these may indeed be altogether false, both in the parts and in the whole. Aristotle teaches us that Tragedy, the argument whereof is known and taken from History, is the most perfect, because 'tis nearer verisimility then that whose argument is new and mere invention; nevertheless he condemns not the later, his reason is for that notwithstanding the argument be drawn from History, yet the greater number of the Spectators are ignorant of it, and it is new in respect of them, and fails not however to give diversion to all the World. The same may be ●aid of Romances, with this distinction always, that a total Fiction of the argument is more allowable in Romances, where the Actors are but of indifferent Fortune, as in the Comic Romances, then in the Heroic Romances, where Princes and Conquerors are the Actors, and where the adventures are Memorable and Illustrious, because 'tis in no wise probable that the great Transactions and Events lay hid to the World, and neglected by Historians and probability which is not always found in History, is essential to a Romance. I exclude also from the number of Romances certain Histories which in the gross and in the detayl are mere invention, but invented only for default of truth: such are the imaginary Originals of most Nations, especially of the most Barbarous; of which sort are those Histories so grossly forged by the Monk Annius Viterbensis, which have merited the indignation or contempt of all the Learned. I put the same difference between Romances and these kind of works, as betwixt those who by an innocent artifice disguise and go in Masquerade to divert themselves, while they give diversion to others. And Rogues who taking the name, and personating such as are dead or absent, possess themselves of their goods by favour of some resemblance. Lastly, I exclude Fables also from my Subject, for a Romance is the Fiction of things, which may but never have happened. Fables are Fictions of things, which never have nor ever can happen. After having agreed what works properly deserve the name of Romances, I assert that their invention is due to the Orientals, I mean to the Egyptians, Arabians, Persians and Syririans. You will avow the same without doubt, when I have shown that most of the great Romancers of Antiquity sprung from these people. Clearcus, who made Books of Love, was of Cilicia a Province near Syria. jamblicus, who writ the Adventures of Rhodanes and Sinonis, was born of Syrian Parents, and educated at Babylon. Heliodoras', Author of the Romance of Theogenes and Chariclea, was of Emeses' a Town of Phoenicia. Lucian, who writ the Metamorphosis of Lucius into an Ass, was of Samosata, chief City of Comagena, a Province of Syria. Achilles Tatius, who taught us the Amours of Clitophon and Lencippe, was of Alexandria in Egypt. The Fabulous History of Barlaam and Josaphat was composed by St. John of Damas' Metropolis of Syria. Damascius, who made four Books of Fictions, not only incredible, as he Entitles them, but gross and far remote from all probability, was also (as Photius assures us) of Damas. The three Xenophons' Romancers, which Suidas speaks of, one was of Antioch in Syria, and another of them of Cyprus, an Isle near that Country; so that this Country deserves rather to be called the Country of Fables than Greece, whither they were only Transplanted; but withal they found the Soil there so good and agreeable, that they have admirably well taken Root. 'Tis also hardly credible how all these People have a Genius singularly disposed and addicted to Poetry, Invention and Fiction; all their discourse is Figures; they never express themselves but in Allegories; their Theology and Philosophy, but principally their Politics and Morals, are all couched under Fables and Paraboles. By the Hieroglyphics of the Egyptians we may see to what point that Nation was Mysterious, every thing with them was expressed by Images, all in disguise; their Religion was veiled; they never made discovery of it to the Profane, but under the Masque of Fables, and they never ●ook off this Masque, but for such as they judged worthy to be imitated in their Mysteries. Herodotus saith that the Greeks had from them their Mythologick Theologie, and he tells some stories, which he learned of the Egyptian Priests, the which (for all he is so credulous and fabulous himself) he relates only as Tales; which Tales failed not to be agreeable, and tickle the curious wit of the Greeks, a people (as Heleodorus testifies) desirous to learn, and lovers of Novelty. And it was without doubt from these Priests that Pythagoras and Plato in their Voyages to Egypt learned to transform their Philosophy, and to hid it under the shadow of Mysteries and Disguisements. For the Arabians consult their Books, you will find nothing but Metaphors, drawn by the head and shoulders, similitudes and fictions. Their Alcoran is of this sort, Mahumet saith he made it so to the end it might be learned with less difficulty and no● so easily be forgotten. They have translated Esop's Fables into their Tongue, and some among them have composed the like. That Locman, so renowned throughout all the East, is no other but Aesop; his Fables, which the Arabians have amassed together into a huge Volume, got him so great esteem among them, that the Alcoran vaunteth his Wisdom in one Chapter, which is therefore Entitled by the name of Locman. The lives of their Patriarches, Prophets, and Apostles, are all fabulous. Nothing relishes so deliciously with them as Poesy, which with them is the ordinary study of their best Wits. This inclination of theirs is not new, it possessed them before Mahumet, and they have Poems of those times. Aerpennius affirms, that all the World beside put together have not had so many Poets as single Arabia. They reckon sixty which are among them as it were Princes of Poesy, and which have great Troops of Poets under them. The best have treated of Love in their Eclogues, and some of their Books on this Subject have passed into the West. Many of their Caliphs' have not thought Poesy unworthy of their application. Abdalla (one amongst them) signalised himself upon this occasion, and made a Book of Similitudes, as Elmacin reports. 'Tis from the Arabians (in my opinion) that we receive the art of Rhyming; and I see much of probability that the Leonine Verses have been made after their example; for it does not at all appear that rhymes had course in Europe, before the entrance of Taric and Muza into Spain; whereas great quantity might be observed in the following Ages; though otherwise I could easily make it appear, that Verses in Rhyme were not altogether unknown to the Ancient Romans. The Persians have not at all yielded to the Arabians in the art of Lying agreeably; for notwithstanding Lies were otherwise most odious to them in conversation, and they forbidden their Children nothing with so great severity; nevertheless in their Books and Commerce of letters, these pleased them infinitely if Fictions are to be called Lies. To be convinced of this one shall only read the fabulous Adventures of their Lawgiver Zoroaster. Strabo saith that the Masters among them give their Disciples Moral Precepts, wrapped up in Fictions: he tells us in another place that much credit is not to be given to the Ancient Histories of the Persians, Medes, and Syrians, by reason of the inclination their Writers had to relate untruths for these, seeing that they who made profession of writing Fables were in esteem, were persuaded that people would take pleasure to read Fables and forged Relations, written after the manner of Histories. The Fables of Aesop are so much to their gust, that they appropriate the Author: he is the same Locman of the Alcoran, whom I mentioned before, who is so renowned among all the people of the Levant, that they will needs rob Phrygia of the honour of his birth, and attribute it to themselves; for the Arabians say he was of the Race of the Hebrews, and the Persians say he was an Arabian Negro, and lived in the Town of Casuvin, which was the Arsacia of the Ancients. Others on the contrary seeing that his life writ by Mirkond has much resemblance with that of Aesop, which Maximus Planudes has left us; and having observed that as Angels give Wisdom to Locman in Mirkond, so Mercury bestows the Fable upon Aesop in Philostratus. They are persuaded that the Greeks have stolen Locman from the Orientals, and made thereof their Aesop; but I must not here discuss this controversy. I shall only put you in mind by the way to remember what is said by strabo; that the Histories of the people of the East are stuffed with Lies, and are in no wise faithful or exact; and that it is most probable they have been Fabulous in speaking of the Author and Original of Fables, as well as in all the rest; and that the Greeks are more diligent, and of better credit, both in their Chronology and History; and that the conformity of Mirkonds Locman with the Aesop of Planudes and Philostratus, does no more prove that Aesop is Locman, than it proves that Locman is Aesop. The Persians have surnamed Locman the Sage, for that Aesop was in effect ranked among the number of the Sages. They say he was profoundly knowing in Medicine, that he found out admirable Secrets, and among the rest that of reviving the Dead. They have so well glossed, paraphrased, and augmented his Fables, that they (as the Arabians) have made thereof a very great Volume, a Copy whereof is to be seen in the Vatican; his Reputation has reatched even unto Egypt and into Nubia, where his Name and Wisdom are in great veneration. The Modern Turks have no less esteem for him, and believe with Mirkond that he lived in David's time, wherein (if in truth it be Aesop, and that we may believe the Greek Chronologie) they are mistaken but about the matter of 450 years, which for the Turks is very well computed, for they rarely hit so near in their computation. This would accord better with Hesiod, who was Contemporary of Solomon, and to whom is due (according to the report of Quintilian) the glory of the first invention of Fables, which is attributed to Aesop. There are no Poets that equal the Persians in the licence they give themselves to Lie: in the lives of their Saints, and about the Original of their Religion, and in their Histories, they have so disfigured those, the truth whereof we know by the relations of the Greeks and Romans, that they are not to be known again; and even degenerating from that laudable aversion they heretofore had against those who served themselves with a lie for their interests, they now account it an honour. They are passionately in love with Poesy; it is the diversion both of the Princes and People, and the principal at a Begale were wanting, if no Poetry were there. Their works of Gallantry, and Love-stories have been famous, and discover the Romancing Genius of this Nation. The Indians also (Neighbours of the Persians) had like them a strong inclination to fabulous inventions. Sandaber the Indian composed a Book of Paraboles, which was Translated by the Hebrews, and which at this day is to be found in the Libraries of the curious. Father Poussin the Jesuit has joined to his Pachymeron, which he lately Printed at Rome, a Dialogue between Absolom King of the Indies and a Gymnosophist, upon divers questions of Morality, wherein this Philosopher never expresses himself but by Paraboles and Fables, after the manner of Aesop. The Preface imports that this Book was made by the wisest and most knowing Men of the Nation, and that it was carefully kept in the Treasury of the Charters of the Realm; that Perzoez, Physician of Chosroez King of Persia, Translated it out of Indian into Persian; some other from Persian into Arabian, and Simeon Sethi from Arabian into Greek. This Book is so little different from the Apologues, which bear the name of the Indian Pilpay, and which were seen in French some few years since, that there is no doubt but that it was either the Original or the Copy; for 'tis said that this Pilpay was a Brachman who had share in the grand affairs of State and Government of the Indies under King Dabchelin, that he comprises all his Politics and Morals within this Book, which was preserved by the Kings of the Indies as a Treasure of Wisdom and Learning: that the reputation of this Book being carried so far as to Nonchirevon King of Persia; he procured a Copy thereof by the means of his Physician, who Translated it into Persian, that Calife Abuiafar Almanzor caused it to be Translated from Persian into Arabian, and another out of Arabian into Persian; and that after all these Persian translations, a new one was made different from all the former, and from this came the French translation. Certainly whoever shall read the History of the pretended Patriarches of the Indians Erammon and Bremaw, of their Posterity and Propagation, shall need no other proof of the love this people have for Fables. I therefore readily believe that when Horace gave the Epithet of Fabulous to the River Hydappes, which has its Source in Persia, and finishes its course in the Indies; his thought and meaning was that it gins and end its course among people very much addicted to Fiction and Disguisements. These Fictions and Paraboles which you have seen make up the Profane learning of the Nations before mentioned, have in Syria been Sanctified; the Sacred Authors complying with the humour of the Jews, made use thereof to express the inspirations they received from Heaven. The Holy Scripture is altogether Mysterious, Allegorical, and Enigmatical. The Talmudists believed that the Book of Job is no other but a parable of the Hebrews invention: this Book, that of Davia, the Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, the Canticles, and all other Holy Songs, are Poetical works abounding with Figures, which would seem bold and violent in our Writings; and which are ordinary in those of that Nation. The Book of Proverbs is otherwise called the Paraboles; because Proverbs of this sort, according to the definition of Quintilian, are only short Fictions, or Parables expressed in little. The Book of Canticles is a kind of Dramatic Poem, where the passionate sentiments of the Bridegroom and Spouse are expressed after a manner so tender and touching, that we should be charmed thereby; if these expressions and figures had some little more of conformity with our Genius, or that we could divest ourselves of that unjust preoccupation, which makes us dislike all that is any little remote from our usage, in which we condemn ourselves without perceiving it; since that our lightness never permits us to persevere long in the same customs. Our Saviour himself scarce ever gave any precepts to the Jews, but under the veil of Paraboles. The Talmud contains a Million of Fables, every one more impertinent than other: many of the Rabbins have afterwards explained, reconciled, and amassed them together in their particular works; and besides this have composed several Poesies, Proverbs, and Apologues. The Cypriots and Cilicians have invented certain Fables, which did bear the name of these People; and the habit which the Cilicians in particular had of Lying, has been noted by one of the Ancientest Proverbs, which has been currant in Greece. Lastly, Fables have been in such vogue all over these Countries, that amongst the Assyrians and Arabians (according to the testimony of Lucian) there were certain persons, whose sole profession was to explain Fables; and these men lived so regularly, that they lived far longer than other People. But it is not sufficient to have discovered the Source of Romances; we must see by what Channels they have been conveyed to, and spread over Greece and Italy: and whether they have passed from thence to us, or that we have them from elsewhere. The jonians, a people of Asia Minor, being raised to a great Power, and having acquired vast Riches, were plunged in Luxury and Voluptuousness, inseparable companions of plenty. Cyrus' having subdued them, by the taking of Croesus, and all Asia Minor being with them fallen under the power of the Persians, they received their manners with their Laws; and mixing their Debauches with those their own inclination had before carried them to; they became the most Voluptuous people in the World: they refined upon the pleasures of the Table, they made the addition of Flowers and Perfumes, they found out new Ornaments for their Houses; the finest Wools, and the fairest Tapestries of the World came from them; they were Authors of the Lascivious Dance called the jonick; and they became so remarkable for effeminateness, that it past into a Proverb: but amongst these Milesians furpassed all in the science of pleasures, and were most ingenious in their delicacies: these were the first who taught the Persians the Art of making Romances, and traveled therein so happily, that the Milesian Fables, that is to say their Romances, full of Love-stories and dissolute Relations, were in the highest reputation: 'tis very likely that Romances were innocent, till they fell into their hands; and only contained singular and memorable adventures: that these first corrupted them, and stuffed them with lascivions' narrations and affairs of love. Time has consumed all these works; it has indeed preserved the name of Aristides, the most famous of their Romancers, who writ several Books of those called Milesian Fables. I find that one Dionisins a Milesian, who lived under the first Darius, writ fabulous Histories, but not being certain whether this was not only a compilation of Ancient Fables, and not seeing sufficient foundation, to believe that these were of those, properly called Milesian Fables, I do not number him amongst the makers of Romances. The jonians who came from Attica and Peloponnesus, mindful of their original, maintained a great correspondence with the Greeks. They sent their children reciprocally for breeding, and that they might be acquainted with each others manners; by this so frequent commerce, Greece, which of itself had inclination enough for Fables, learned readily of the jonians the art of composing Romances, and did cultivate it with success; but to avoid confusion, I shall essay, according to the order of time to give account of those Greek Writers, who have been famous in this art. I find none before Alexander the Great, which persuaded me that the Romantic Science made no considerable progress among the Greeks, before they had it from the Persians themselves when they subdued them, and run it to its Source. Clearcus of Soli, a Town of Cilicia, who lived in Alexander's time, and was with him a Disciple of Aristotle's, is the first I find to have writ Books of Love; though I do not well know whether these were not a Collection only of several Love-passages, drawn from History or vulgar Fable, like that which Parthenius afterwards made under Augustus, which is yet extant. That which causeth this suspicion, is a little story cited by Atheneus out of him, wherein are reckoned several tokens of love and esteem, which Gyges' King of Lydia gave to a Courtesan his Mistress. Antonius Diogenes according to the conjecture of Photius lived some little time after Alexander, and in imitation of Homer's Odysseis, and the hazardous Voyages of Ulysses, made a true Romance of the Voyages and Amours of Dinias and Dercyllis. This Romance, though very faulty in many things, and filled with fooleries and relations improbable, and scarce excusable even in a Poet, may notwithstanding be called regular. Photius has an abstract thereof in his Bibliotheca, and saith he believes it to be the source of that which Lucian, Lucius, jamblicus, Achilles Tatius, Heliodorus, and Damascius have writ in this kind; however, he adds in the same place, that Antonius Diogenes makes mention of one Antiphanes more ancient than himself, who (he saith) writ a Book of wonderful Histories, like his; so that he may as well be thought to have given the Idea and matter to these Romances which he names, as Antonius Diogenes. I suppose he must be understood to speak of Antiphanes the Comic Poet, who, the Geographer Stephanus and others say, made a Book of incredible relations and ridiculous. He was of Berge a Town of Thrace, but 'tis not known of what Country Antonius Diogenes was. I cannot tell precisely in what time Aristides of Miletus lived, whom I spoke of before; what we may be confident of is, that he lieved before the Wars of Marius and Sylla, for Sisenna a Roman Historian of that time translated his Milesian Fables: this work was full of obscenities, and thereby gave great delight and entertainment to the Romans, so that the Surenas● or Lieutenant General of the Parthian Estate, who defeated the Roman Army under Crassus his Command, having found these among the Baggage of Roscius, took occasion thereupon before the Senate of Seleucia, to insult over and rail at the weakness and effeminate disposition of the Romans, who even during the War could not be without such like diversions. Lucius of Pairas, Lucian of Samosata, and jamblicus were all well nigh contemporaries, and lived under Antoninus and Marcus Aurelius, the first of these is not to be accounted among Romancers, for he only made a collection of Metamorphoses, and the Magical Transforming of Men into Beasts, and of Beasts into Men, dealing bona fide, and believing every thing that he writ. But Lucian more wise and cunning than he, relates some part of his History to mock and make sport therewith, according to his custom, in the Book which he Entitled Lucius his Ass, to intimate that that Fiction was taken from him. This in effect is an Abbridgement of the two first Books of Lucius his Metamorphoses, and this fragment lets us see that Photius had reason to complain of the smuttiness so frequent in him. This so ingenious and renowned Ass, whose History these Author's writ, was much akin to another of like worth and merit, whereof elsewhere the same Photius speaks after Damascius; This Ass (saith he) was the Chattel of a certain Grammarian named Ammonius, and was endued with such a gentle spirit, and 2o born to be polite and capable of fine things, that it would gladly even leave Meat and Drink, to hear Verses repeated, and would be sensibly touched and taken with the graces and beauties of the Poetry. The Brancaleon is doubtless a Copy of this Ass of Lucian's, or of that of Apuleus; this is an Italian Fiction very divertising and full of Wit. Lucian besides his Lucius made two Books of wild and ridiculous Histories, and which he declared to be such, protesting withal that those things never have, nor ever can come to pass; some seeing these Books joined to that wherein he gives directions for the writing a History well, have been persuaded that he intended this for an example of what he had taught, but he declares at the entrance of the Book, that he had not any further design in it, save only to mock at so many Poets, Historians, and even Philosophers themselves, who with impunity delivered Fables for truths, and writ such false relations of Foreign Countries, as Ctesias and jambulus had done. If then it be true, as Photius assures us, that the Romance of Antonius Diogenes has been the Source of these two Books of Lucian; 'tis to be understood that Lucian took occasion from this Romance, as also from the Fabulous Histories of Ciesias and jambulus, to write his, and thereby make their vanity and impertinence appear. About the same time jamblious published his Babylonicks, for so he called his Romance, in which he far excelled all those who went before, for if one may judge of it by the abridgement, which Photius has left us, his design comprehends but one action, dressed with all convenient Ornaments, accornpanied with Episodes arising from the principal matter; Verisimility is observed most exactly, the Adventures are mixed with a World of Variety and without confusion, Art only is wanting in the contrivance of his Plot; he has grossly followed the order of time, and has not at his first Launching plunged the Reader, as he might have done, into the middle of his subject after the example Homer gives us in his Odyssis. Time has been favourable to this Piece, and it is to be seen in the Library of the Escurial. Heliodorus has surpassed him in the disposition of his Subject, as in all the rest. Hitherto the World had never seen any thing better designed, and more complete among Romances, than the Adventures of Theagenes and Chariclea, nothing can be more chaste than their Loves. Whereby may appear (besides the Christian Religion, whereof the Author made profession) that his own nature had given him such an air of Virtue, as shines throughout all his work; in which not only jamblicus, but even almost all the rest are much his Inferiors; besides his Merit advanced him to the Dignity of an Episcopal Sea, he was Bishop of Tricca a City of Thessaly; and Socrates reports that he introduced within that Province the custom of deposing such of the Clergy, as abstained not from those Women they had Espoused before they were ordained Priests. All which makes me much suspect what Nicophorus a credulous Writer of little judgement or fidelity relates, that a Provincial Synod understanding what danger the reading of this Romance, which was authorised by the dignity of its Author, made the young people fall into; and having proposed to him this alternative, either to consent that his Book should be burned, or else to resign his Bishopric, he made choice of the latter; for the rest I cannot but exceedingly wonder that a Learned Man of these times should doubt whether this was the Book of Heliodorus Bishop of Tricca or no, after so evident Testimony of Socrates, Photius, and Nicephorua. Some have been of opinion that he lived about the end of the twelft Age, confounding him with Heliodorus the Arabian, whose life Philostratus has writ among those of the other Sophists. But it is known that he was contemporary of Arcadius and Honoriu●; we also see that in the Catalogue which Photius made of the Romancers, who he believed had imitated Antonius Diogenes, where he names them according to the order of time, he has placed Helioderus after jamblicus, and before Damascius, who lived in the time of the Emperors Justinian. By this account Achilles Tatius, who made a regular Romance of the Amours of Clitophon and Leucippe, should have preceded, for I find nothing else whereon to ground my conjecture of his Age, others think him more recent by his style, but however he is not in any wise to be compared with Heliodorus, neither in the regularity of his manners, nor in the variety of events, nor in the Artifice in unravelling his Plots; his stile (in my mind) is to be preferred to that of Heliodorus, he is more simple and natural, but Heliodorus more forced: finally, some say that he was a Christian and Bishop too; 'tis strange that the obscenity of his Book should be so easily forgot, and more than this that the Emperor Leon surnamed the Philosopher, has commended the Modesty thereof in an Epigram, which is yet extant, and not only permitted, but counselled the reading of it from one end to the other; to those who profess the love of Chastity. Possibly I place here too rashly that Athenagoras, under whose name there goes a Romance, the Title whereof is, of true and perfect Love; this Book has not appeared abroad but only in French of Fumee's translation, who tells us in the Preface that he had the Greek Origina from Mr. du Lamane, Prothonotary of Mr. the Cardinal d'Armagnac, and that he never saw it elsewhere. I almost dare add, that never any person saw it since, for his name was never mentioned (that I know of) in the Catalogues of any Libraries; and if at this day it have any being, 'tis certainly buried among the dust, in the Closet of 2ome Illitenate person, who possesses this Treasure and knows not of it; or else 'tis in the hands of the envious, who might gratify the public therewith but will not; the Translator saith further, that he believes this to be the Production of that famous Athenagoras, who writ the Apology for Christian Religion, in the manner of a Legation, addressed to the Emperor's Marcus Aurelius and Commodus, and a Treatise of the Resurrection. The chief ground of his opinion is the style which he finds conformable to that of his works, and whereof he might well enough judge, having the Originals in his power. And finally he takes this for a true History, not understanding the art of Romances. For my part though I cannot pronounce thereof with certainty, not having seen the Greek Original, nevertheless by reading the Translation I shall not stick to affirm that he does not without some reason attribute it to Athenagoras Author of the Apology, the reasons are, that the Apologist was a Christian, and this speaks of Divinity, after a manner which is inconsistent with any but a Christian, as when he makes the Priests of Hammon say, That there is but one God, and that every Nation desirous to represent his essence to the simple, had invented divers Images, all which expressed but the same thing; that their true signification being lost with the times, the Vulgar believed that there were so many Gods as they saw Images, and idolatry sprung from thence, that Bacchus when he built the Temple of Hammon, placed in it no other Image save only that of God, because as there is but one Heaven, which contains but one World, so in this World there is but one God, who is communicated in Spirit. He makes thus much and more be said by certain Egyptian Merchants, to wit, that the Gods of the Fable denoted the different actions of this Sovereign, and one only Divinity, who is without beginning and without end, and whom he calls obscure and dark, for that he is Invisible and Incomprehensible. Moreover the discourses of the Priests and Merchants upon the Divine Essence, very much resemble those of Athenagor as in his Legation; the Apologist was a Priest of Athens, this was on Athenean Philosopher, both seem Men of sense and great learning, and well read in Antiquity. But on the other side many things may make us suspect, not only that this is not Athenagoras the Christian, but also that the Book itself is a mere forgery. Photius giving an exact account of those who had been makers of Romances before his time, takes no notice of him at all; no body ever saw a Copy of this Romance in any Library, and that which the Translator made use of never appeared since. Besides he represents the Habitation, Life, and Conduct of the Priests and Religious of Hammon, so very like the Convents and the Government of our Monks and Religious, that it ill accords with what History informs us of the time when the Monastic life began, and when it arrived to perfection. What among so much obscurity seems to me most probable is, that this is an ancient work, but later than the Apology. For I find such a profound knowledge both in things, of Nature and of Art, so great acquaintance with the Annals of times past, so many curious remarks not taken from the Ancient Authors, which are left us, but which relate to and explain them, so much of the Greek Phrase, which one may discover thorough the translation, and over all a certain Character of Antiquity, which cannot be counterfeited; so that I cannot be persuaded that it is any production of Fumees, whose Learning was but indifferent, or that the most able and ingenious person in those days could devise any thing like it; if Photius have not mentioned him. How many other great and famous Authors have escaped his cognisance, or his diligence? and if in our days only one Copy was found, which peradventure is since lost, how many other excellent works have undergone the same destiny? if this gives you not satisfaction, but you will oblige me to push further my conjectures, and essay to find out precisely the time he lived in, I have nothing to support my opinion, save one passage in the Preface of his Romance, where he complains of the fatal blow, which his Country Athens was about to receive in the universal desolation of Greece, which cannot be understood, but of the Scythians irruption into Greece, which happened under the Empire of Gallienus, or else of that of Alaric King of the Goths, which fell out in the times of Arcadius and Honorius, for Athens was not sacked since Sylla's time, till the Invasion of the Scythians, which was about 350. years after, and that of the Goths was about 700 years after, but I see more reason to apply the words of the Author to the Conquest of Alaric, then to that of the Scythians, for that the Scythians were readily chased from Athens ere they had done much mischief, but the Goths treated them more rudely, and left there the sad marquess of their barbarous cruelty. Synesius who lived at that time, speaks of them in the same terms with our Author, and with him regrets to see learning, & the liberal sciences wrecked by the Barbarians, in the very place of their Birth and Seat of their Empire; but howsoever, this work of Athenagoras is invented with wit, conducted with Art, Sententious, and full of excellent moral Precepts, the events agreeing with verisimility, the Episodes drawn from the subject, the Characters clear and distinct, Decorum observed exactly all throughout, nothing low, nothing forced, or like the Pedant stile of the Sophists. The argument is double, that which made one of the great Beauties of the ancient Comedy, for besides the Adventures of Theogenes and Charidea; he relates likewise those of Pherecydes and Melangenia, whereby may appear the mistake of Giraldi, who believed that the multiplying of actions was the invention of the Italians; the Greeks and our old French have practised this before the Italians, the Greeks with dependence and subordination to one principal action following the rules of an Heroic Poem, as Athenagoras has done, and Heliodorus too, though not so accurately, but our old French have multiplied them without any order, connexion, or art; these are them whom the Italians have imitated, taking from them their Romances and their faults together; and this is an error in Giraldi worse than the former, that he would endeavour to commend this fault, and make thereof a virtue, if it be true, which himself acknowledges that a Romance should resemble a perfect Body, and consist of many different parts and proprotions, all under one head; it follows then that the principal action which is as it were, the head of a Romance should only be one, and illustrious above the rest; and that the subordinate actions, which are as it were members, aught to have relation to this head, yield to it in dignity and beauty, adorn, sustain and attend it with dependence; otherwise it would be a Body with many Heads, monstrous and deformed. The example of Ovid alleged in his favour, and that of other Cyclick Poets, which he might also cite, does not justify him in the least, for the Metamorphoses of the ancient Fable, which Ovid proposed to himself to amass into one Poem, and those of the Cyclick Poets consisting all of actions, which have no dependence on or relation to one another, and being all well nigh of equal beauty and eminence, it was altogether as impossible to make thereof one regular Body, as to build one complete Structure with Sand only. The applause which the faulty Romances of his Nation have received, and which he relles so much upon, does yet justify him less, one must not judge of a piece by the number, but by the sufficiency of the approbators; every one assume to themselves the licence to judge and censure Poesy and Romance; the sumptuous Palaces and the common Streets are made Tribunals, where the merits of greatest works is Sovereignly decided. There every one shoots his bolt, and presumes boldly to set the value of an Epic Poem upon the reading of a comparison or a description: and one Verse somewhat harsh, such as the place and matter sometimes requires, may there ruin the reputation of all, one happy thought or tender sentiment makes there the fortune of a Romance, and one expression a little forced, or one superannuated word destroys it; but they who compose them will in no wise submit to these decisions, but like the Comedian in Horace, who being hissed from the Stage by the people, contented himself with the approbation of the Chevalliers. These are content that they please the nicest and most able Judges, who have other kind of Laws to judge by; and these Laws are known to so very few, that as I often have said before, a good Judge is as rarely to be met withal as a good Romancer, or a good Poet: and that in the small number of those who understand and can judge of Prose, hardly one can be found who understands Poesy, or who is sensible and apprehends that Poesy and Prose are things altogether different. These Critics, whose Sentence is the certain rule to value Poems and Romances by, did avow to Giraldi, that the Italian Romances have many very pretty things in them, and deserve many other commendations, but not that of regularity, contrivance, nor justess of design. I return to the Romance of Athenagoras, where the discovery of the plot, though without machine, is less happy than the rest; it goes not of smartly enough, it presents itself before the passion and impatience of the Reader be sufficiently warmed, and is made with too much repetition; but his greatest fault is the unseasonable ostentation, wherewith he displays his skill in Architecture, what he writes thereof might be admirable elsewhere, but is vicious, and out of of its place where he puts it. Ne do anco il Poeta, saith Giraldi, nel descrivere le Fabrichu, volersi mostrare in guisa Architettore, che descrivendo troppo minutament le cose a tale arte appartinenti, lasci quello che conviene all Poeta; alla quase cosa egli doe soura ogni cosa mirare, se cerca loda oltre che quest descrittioni di cose mechaniche recano con loro vilta, & sono ●ontane, & dall uso, & dal grande dell Heroico. A Poet ought not in describing a Fabric to show himself an Architect; for in describing too minutely the particulars appertaining to such an art, he leaves what is properly a Poet's work, which it concerns him principally to look to, if he expect commendation; besides, that such mechanic descriptions debase the work, are too mean and far below, the grandeur and magnificence of an Heroic Poem. He has taken many things from Heliodorus, or Heliodorus from him; for as I believe them contemporaries, I know not to whether is due the glory of the invention. The names and characters of Theogenes and Charidea resemble those of Theagenes and Chariclea. Theogenes and Charidea see and fall in love with each other at a Feast of Minerva; as Theagenes and Chariclea at a Feast of Apollo. Athenagoras makes one Harondates Governor of the lower Egypt. Heliodorus makes Oroondates Governor of Egypt. Athenagoras feigns Theogenes ready to be Sacrificed by the Scythians. Heliodorus makes Theagenes ready to be Sacrificed by the Aethiopians, and Athenagoras like Heliodorus has divided his work into ten Books. I shall not put among the number of Romances the Books of Paradoxes of Damascius, the Heathen Philosopher, who lived under Justinian; for notwithstanding Photius saith, that he imitated Antonius Diogenes, the model of most Greek Romancers, 'tis to be understood that he writ like him Histories Fabulous and Incredible, but not Romantic, nor after the manner of Romances; he relating only the apparitions of Spectres, and Goblins, and Events above Nature, either too lightly believed, or invented with little address, and becoming the Atheism and impiety of the Author. Two years after Damascius was the History of Barlaam and Josephat composed by St. John Damascenus. Many ancient Manuscripts father it on John the Sinaite, who lived in the time of Theodosius, but without reason as Billius makes it appear; because the disputes against the Iconoclasts, which are inserted in this work, were not then moved, nor were till long time after by the Emperor Leon Isanricus; under whom lived St. John Damascenus. 'Tis a Romance, but a Spiritual one; it treats of Love, but 'tis the love of God; and there one may find much blood spilt, but 'tis the blood of Martyrs: it is writ in the fashion of a History, not according to the rules of Romance, and notwithstanding that the verisimility is there exactly enough observed. It bears with it so many marks of Fiction, that it is not to be read but with some little discernment to discover it. In the rest one may perceive the fabulous Genius of the Author's Nation, by the great number of Paraboles, Comparisons and Similutudes, which are there in abundance. The Romance of Theodorus Prodromus, and that which some attribute to Eustathius Bishop of Thessalonica, who flourished under the Empire of of Manuel Comines, about the middle of the twelfth Age, are much what of the same nature: the first contains the Amours of Dosicles and Rhodanthe, the other, those of Asmenas' and Ismene. Monsieur Gaulmen has made both of them public together with his translation and notes. Seeing he saith nothing of Eustathius in the Preface of the Book which bears his Name, I will interpret his silence in his favour; and believe that being a Learned Man, he fell not into the error of those who are persuaded that the famous Commentator upon Homer was capable of making such a miserable work as that is. Moreoversome Manuscripts name the Author Eumathius, and not Eustathius; however the matter be, nothing is more frigid, nothing more flat, nothing more tedious, no decorum, no verisimility, no conduct; 'tis the work of some School Boy, or some wretched Pedagogue, who deserved to be a School Boy all the days of his life. Theodorus Prodromus is not much better, however he has something more of art though it be but little, he never extricates himself unless it be by machine's, and he understands not how to make the Actors preserve decorum, and the uniformity of their Characters. His work is rather a Poem then a Romance, for it is writ in Verse, and this makes his style (which is too licentious and full of Figures) more pardonable; nevertheless seeing his Verses are iambics, which are like Prose and which may be called measured Prose, I exclude him not from this last. Some say he was a Russian by Nation a Priest, a Poet, a Philosopher, and a Physician. I give well nigh the same judgement of Longus the Sophist his Pastorals, as of the two former Romances; for notwithstanding that most of the Learned of late times have commended them for their elegance, and agreement joined with a simplicity proper for the Subject; nevertheless I find nothing in all this but a simplicity, which runs sometimes even to childishness and foolery. There is nothing in it, either of invention or conduct. He gins grossly with the Birth of his Shepherds, and ends with their Marriage; he never clears up his Adventures but by Machine's, improper and ill contrived; so obscene for the rest, that one must be somewhat a Cynic to read him without blushing. His style, which has been so much cried up, is such as may be deserves less: 'tis the style of a Sophist, such as he was, like that of Eustathius and Theodorus Prodromus; which partakes of the Orator and the Historian, and which is proper neither to the one nor to the other; full of Metaphors, Antitheses, and sparkling Figures, which dazzle and surprise the simple, and tickle the Ear, without satisfying the mind; in leju of engaging the Reader by the novelty of the events, by the arangement and variety of matter, and by a clear and close Narration, which withal has its cadence, goes off roundly, and which always advanceth within the subject. He assays (as most of other Sophists) to entertain him with descriptions by the by; he leads him out of the way, and while he lets him see so much of the Country which he did not look for, he spends and consumes his attention, and the impatience he had to arrive at the end he sought for and proposed to himself. I translated this Romance with delight in my Childhood, and it is that age only which it can please: I shall not tell you in what time he lived; none of the Ancients have made mention of him, and he bears no token which may give place for conjectures, unless perhaps it be the purity of his style, which makes me judge him more ancient than the two former. For the three Xenophons' Romancers, whereof Suidas speaks, I can say no more of them then he has done: one of them was of Antioch, an other of Ephesus, the third of Cyprus. All three writ Love stories: the first gave his Book the name of Babylonicks, as jamblicus: the second Entitled his the Ephesia●ks, and relates the Amours of Habr●comas and Anthea: and the third named his the Cypriacks, where he recounts the Amours of Cinyras, Myrrah, and Adonis. I ought not to forget Parthenius of Nicaea, from whom we have a collection of love Histories, which he Dedicates to the Poet Cornelius Gallus of Augustus his time. Many of them are drawn from the ancient Fable, and all from ancient Authors which he citys. Some of them seem Romantic, and to have been taken from Milesian Fables; as that of Erippe and Xanthus in the 8th. Chapter, that of Policrites and Deognete in the 9th. Chapter, that of Lucone and Cyonippe in the 10th. Chapter, and that of Neaere and Hypsicreon, and of Promedon in the 18th. Chapter, for besides that these Adventures are attributed to Milesian persons, it doth not at all appear that they have been taken either from the Fable or ancient History. The same may be said of the Amours of Cannus and Biblis, children of the Founder of Miletus, which he reports in the 11th. Chapter, are a Fiction of the Countries, which has made it famous, and has been consecrated in the Antique Mythology. This however I offer only as a slight conjecture. In this account which I make, I distinguish the regular Romances from those which are not. I call regular those which are according to the rules of an Heroic Poem. The Greeks who have so happily improved most of Arts and Sciences, that one may account them the Inventors, have also cultivated the art of making Romances, and from rude and wild as it was among the Orientals, they have given it a better shape, adjusting it to the rules of the Epopee, and joining in one complete body the divers parts, which without order or harmony composed the Romances of former times. Of all the Greek Romancers which I have named, they who have observed these rules are only Antonius, Diogenes, Lucian, Athenagoras, jamblicus, Heliodorus, Achilles Tatius, Enstathius, and Theodorus Prodromus. I do not mention Lucius of Patras, nor Damascius, whom I have not ranked among the makers of Romances; for St. John Damascenus and Longus, it had been easy for them to have reduced their works under these Laws, but they either were ignorant of them, or despised them. I know not what to say of the three Xenophons', of whom nothing is left us: neither of Aristides, and those who like him writ the Milesian Fables. I believe however that these later were tied to some rules and measures, which I judge by the works made in their imitation, which time has preserved us, as the Metamorphosis of Apuleus, which is regular enough. These Milesian Fables, long time before they made this Progress in Greece which you have seen, were already passed into Italy, and were there first received by the Sybarites, a people more Voluptuous than one can imagine. This conformity of humour which they had with the Milesians, established among them a reciprocal commerce of luxury and pleasure; and united them so well, that Hero●otus assures us, he knew no people so strictly allied; they then learned of the Milesians the art of Fictions; and Sybaritick Fables were as common in Italy, as the Milesian Fables were in Asia; it is not easy to say what was their model, Hesychius gives us to understand in one passage very much corrupted, that Aesop being in Italy, his Fables there were so well approved, that they did improve upon them, and named them Sybariticks when they were changed, and they became a Proverb: but he discovers not wherein consisted that alteration. Suidas believed that they were like those of Aesop; he is mistaken in this as frequently else where. The old Commentator upon Aristophones saith, that the Sabarites made use of Beasts in their Fables, and Aesop made use of men in his; this passage is certainly corrupted, for as it appears that Aesop's Fables employed Beasts, it follows that those of the Sybarites made use of Men: and thus too he saith in an other place in express terms; those of the Sybarites were pleasant and provoked laughter. I find a piece of one of them in Elian: 'tis a little story which he saith he took from the History of the Sybarites, that is to say, as I take it, from the Sybaritick Fables, you may judge there of by the story itself. A Child of Sybaris going to School along with his Schoolmaster met in the Street one that sold Figgs, and stole from him one of them; the Schoolmaster sharply reproving him, snatches the Fig from him, & eats it. But these Fables were not only facetious but smutty withal. Ovid puts the Sybaritida, which was composed some little time before him, among the number of the most lascivious pieces. Many Learned Men believe that he intends the work of Hemitheon the Sybarite, whereof Lucian speaks, as of a mass of smuttiness: this appears to me without ground, for one cannot at all perceive that the Sybaritida did any other wise agree with the Book of Hemitheon, then in this, that both the one and the other were Books of Debauchery; and this was common to all the Sybaritick Fables. Bbesides this the Sybaritida was made but a little before Ovid's time; whereas the Town of Sybares was absolutely ruined, by the Crotoniates 500 years before him. 'Tis therefore more credible that this Sybaritida was composed by some Roman and so called, because it was made in imitation of the ancient Sybaritick Fables. A certain old Author, whose name I believe you do not much value, gives us to understand that their style was curt and Laconic; but all this doth not convince us that these Fables had nothing of the Romance in them. This passage of Ovid makes it clear, that in his time the Romans had given admittance to the Fables of the Sybarites amongst them: and he teaches us in the same Book, that the famous Historian Sisenna had also translated for them the Milesian Fables of Aristides. This Sisenna lived in Sylla's time, and was with him of the great and Illustrious Family of the Cornelians: He was Praetor of Sicily and Acaia; he writ the History of his Country, and was preferred before all Historians of his Nation, who went before him. If the Roman Republic disdeigned not the reading of these Fables then, while it yet retained an austere Discipline and rigid manners; 'tis no wonder if being fallen under the power of the Emperors, and after their example being abandoned to luxury and pleasures, it was likewise touched with those which Romances gave the mind. Virgil, who lived a little after the first rise of the Empire, gives not any more agreeable diversion to the Naides, Daughters of the River Peneus, while they were assembled together under their Father's Waters, then to relate the Amours of the Gods, which were the subject of the Romances of Antiquity. And Ovid, Virgil's contemporary, makes the Daughters of Menius tell Romantic Tales; and while their hands were busy and employed, their tongues and wit were at liberty. The first is of the Loves of Pyramus and Thisbe; the second of those of Mars and Venus; the third of those of Salmacis for Hermaphrodite. By this appears the esteem Rome heretofore had for Romances, which is yet more clear by the Romance which Petronius (one of their Consuls, and the most polished man of his time) composed; he made it in form of a satire, of that kind which Varre had invented, intermixing agreeably Prose with Verse, and the serious with the jocose, the which he named Menippian; because Menippus before him had treated of grave matters, in a pleasant and scoffing style. This satire of Petronius fails not to be a true Romance; it contains nothing but agreeable and ingenious Fictions, but very often too wanton and immodest. Hiding under the bark a fine and tart raillery against the vices of Nero's Court. Seeing what remains of it are only some fragments, which scarce have any coherence at all one with another, or rather the collections of some industrious person; one cannot exactly discern the form and tissue of the whole piece, nevertheless it appears to be conducted with order. And 'tis probable the incoherent parts would make up a complete body with those that are wanting. Though Petronius seems to be a very great Critic, and of an exquisite taste in learning, his style does not always altogether answer to the delicateness of his judgement; something of affectation may be observed; he is somewhat too much Painted and Studied, and degenerates from that natural and majestic simplicity of the happy age of Augustus. So true is it that the art of speaking, which all the World practices (and which so very few understand) is yet much easier to understand then to practise well. Some say that the Poet Lucan, who also lived in Nero's time, composed Saltick Fables, that is (as some think) fables wherein are recounted the loves of Satyrs and Nymphs. This agrees well with a Romance, and the wit of that Age, which was Romantic confirms my suspicion. But in regard nothing is left us but the Title, and that too does not clearly enough express the nature of the piece, I shall say nothing thereof. The Metamorphosis of Apuleus, so well known under the Title of the Golden Ass, was made under the Antonins. It had the same Original with the Ass of Lucian, being taken out of the two first Books of the Metamorphoses of Lucius of Patras, with this difference always, that these Books were abridged by Lucian, and augmented by Apuleus. The work of this Philosopher is regular, for notwithstanding he seems to begin with his infancy, yet what is there said is only by way of Preface, and to excuse the Barbarousness of his style. The true beginning of his History is at his Voyage into Thessalia. He has given us an Idea of the Milesian Fables in this piece, which he declares withal to be of that sort; he has enriched it with pretty Episodes, and among others with that of Psyche, which no person is ignorant of; and he has not at all retrencht the smuttiness which was in the Originals which he had followed. His style is that of a Sophist, full of affectation and violent figures, hard, barbarous, and befitting an African. Some hold that Clodius Albinus, one of the pretenders to the Empire, who was vanquished and slain by the Emperor Severus, disdained not a like travail. Julius Capitolinus reports in his life, that there were seen certain Milesian Fables under his name, greatly esteemed, though but indifferently written; and that Severus reproached the Senate, that they had commended him for a Learned Man, whereas he read nothing but the Milesian Fables of Apuleus, and spent all his Study in old Wives tales and such like trifles, which he preferred before serious employments. Martianus Capella has (as Petronius) given the name of satire to his work, for that it is writ like his in Verse and Prose; and that the profitable and the agreeable are there interwoven; having design to treat of all those which are called the Liberal Arts, he therefore takes a circumference, giving them persons; and feigning that Mercury, who has them in his Train, Espouses' Philology, that is to say, the love of good Letters, and gives her for a Nuptial present whatever they have most fair and most precious; so that it is a continual Allegory, which properly deserves not the name of a Romance, but rather of a Fable: for as I have already remarqued, a Fable represents things which never have nor ever can happen; and a Romance represents things which may, but never have happened. The artifice of this Allegory is not very subtle; the style is barbarism itself; so bold and so extravagant in his figures, that they were not to be pardoned the most desperate Poet; and covered with an obscurity so thick, that it is hardly intelligible: otherwise it is Learned and full of Notions which are not common. Some writ that the Author was an African, if he were not he might well be one, his manner of writing is so harsh and forced. The time wherein he lived is not known, it only appears he was more ancient than Justinian. Hitherto the Art of Romancing was maintained with some splendour, but it declined afterwards with Learning and the Empire, when these boisterous Nations of the North carried every where with them their ignorance and barbarity. Before Romances were made for delight; now were devised fabulous Histories, because none were acquainted with the Truth. Taliessin, who is said to have lived about the middle of the sixth Age, under that King Arthur so famous in Romances; and Melkin who was somewhat younger, writ the History of England, their Country, of King Arthur, and of the round Table. Balaus, who has put them in his Catalogue, speaks of them as of Authors filled with Fables. The same may be said of Hunibaldus Francus, who was (as some writ) contemporary of Clovis, and whose History is no other but a mass of lies grossly conceived. In fine, Sir, we come to the famous Book of the exploits of Charlemain, which some ascribe very untowardly to the Archbishop Turpin, though he be later than it by more than two hundred years. Pigna and some others have believed ridiculously, that Romances took their name from the Town of Reims, whereof he was Archbishop, for that his Book (as Pigna reports) was the Source from whence the Romances of Provence chief issued; and that he was according to others the principal among the makers of Romances. However there are to be seen many Histories of Charlemagnes life full of extravagant Fables, and like that which bears the name of Turpin. Such were the Histories attributed to Harcon, and to Solcon Forteman; to Savard the Sage, to adel Adeling, and to John Son of the King of Freezland, all five Freezlanders; and who are also said to have lived in the time of Charlemain. Such also was the History attributed to Occon, who according to the common opinion was Contemporary of Otho the Great, and had Solcon before named to his great Uncle. And such were those which contain the Achievements of King Arthur, and the Life of Merlin. These Histories composed for delight pleased the Readers, who were simple and more ignorant than those who made them; they did not in those days trouble themselves in the researches after good Memoires, and in being informed of the truth for writing of Histories. They had the stuff in their own head, and went no farther than their own invention. Thus Historians degenerated into true Romancers. In this Age of ignorance the Latin Tongue too as well as truth was despised. The Versifiers, Composers, Inventors of Tales, Jesters, and in fine those of this Country who studied that which was there called the Gay Science, did begin about the time of Hugh Capet to Romance it pell mell; and over run France, giving about their Romances, and Fables composed in the Roman Tongue; for heretofore those of Provence had more of Learning and Poesy among them, than all France besides. This Roman Tongue was that which the Romans introducted among the Gauls together with their Conquests; and which being corrupted by the times with a mixture of the Gaulish Language which was before, and than French or Tudesque which followed, 'twas neither Latin, Gaulish, nor French, but a certain medley of all, wherein Latin however was predominant, the which for that reason was always called the Roman, to distinguish it from the particular and natural Language of each Country, as the French, Gaulish or Celtique, Aquitanique, Belgic; for Caser writs that these three Languages were different among themselves, which Strabo explains of a difference, which only was as the divers dialects of the same Language. The Spaniard use the word Romancé in the same signification with us, and they call their ordinary language Romancé; the Roman being then most universally understood, those of Provence who Studied Fictons made use thereof for their Fictions, which from thence were called Romances. The Versifiers also travaling about the Country, were bountifully rewarded for their labours, and nobly entertained by Lords, whom they made visits to; some whereof would be so transported with delight to hear them, that they sometimes would even despoil themselves of their Robes to adorn the Versifiers therewithal. Those of Provence were not the only persons who delighted in this agreeable exercise: almost every Province of France had their Romancers, even to Picardy, where were composed their Servantois, pieces treating of Love, and sometimes Satirical: and from thence come so very many of old Romances, whereof some part are Printed, others are rotting in Libraries, the rest consumed by the length of time. Spain itself, which has been so fruitful in Romances, and Italy too, have from us received the art of composing them. Mi par di poter dire che questa sort di Poesia: These are the words of Giraldi speaking of Romances. Habbia haunta la prima Origine, & il primo suo principio da Francesi, damn ' i quali ha' force onco haveto il nome. Da Francési pio e passata questa maniera di peteggiare a gli Spagnuoli, & ultimamonte e stata accettata da gli Italiani. So that I may say this sort of Poesy has had its first Original and Source from the French, and from them peradventure took the name. From the French afterwards this kind of Poetising passed to the Spaniards, and lastly was entertained by the Italians. The late Salmasius, whose memory I have in singular veneration, both for his great Learning, and for the friendship which was contracted between us, was of opinion that Spain having learned of the Arabians the art of making Romances, did afterwards communicate it by their example to all the rest of Europe. To maintain this one must hold that Taliessin and Melkin both English, and Hunnibaldus Francus, (which three are believed to have composed their Romantic Histories about the year 550) are more recent by at least about 200 years then can be imagined. For the revolt of Comte Julian, and entrance of the Arabians into Spain, happened not till 91 of the Hegira, that is to say, the 712 year of our Lord; and some time must be allowed for these Romances of the Arabians to spread in Spain, and for those which (as is pretended) the Spaniards made in their imitation to be dispersed throughout the rest of Europe. I shall not take upon me to maintain the antiquity of these Authors, though I have some right so to do, seeing the common and received opinion is for me. 'Tis certain that the Arabians were extremely addicted (as I have made appear) to the Gay Science, I mean to Poesy, Fables, and Fictions. This Science having continued with them while it was rude, without having been improved and cultivated by the Greeks. They brought it along with their Arms into Africa when they subdued it; though besides it had always flourished among the Africans; for Arestole and after him Priscian make mention of the Lybick Fables, and the Romances of Apateus and Martianus Capella Asricans, whereof I before have spoken, show that it was the wit of these people; and this conduced much to the fortifying of the victorious Arabians in their inclination. We likewise learn out of Leo, Afer and Marmol, that the Africain Arabians do still passionately love Romantic Poesy, and that they sing in Verse and Prose the exploits of their Buhaluh, as among us are celebrated those of Arthur and Lancelot; that their Morabites compose Love Ditties, that in Fez on Mahumets Birthday the Poets have their assemblies and public sports, and repeat their Verses before the people; and who in their judgement had done best, is created Prince of the Poets for that year; that the Kings of the House of the Benimerinis, who have Reigned this three hundred years, and which our old Writers call Bellemarine, assemble on a certain day every year the most able Judges in the City of Fez, and makes them a most spendid Feast, after which the Poets repeat their Ver●es in honour of mohammed; that the King bestows on him who excels the rest a sum of Money, a Horse, a Slave, and his own Robes, which he wore that day; and that none of the rest return home without recompense. Spain having received the yoke of the Arabians learned withal their manners, and took from them the custom of singing love Verses, and celebrating the actions of great Men after the fashion of the Bards among the Gauls; but these Songs which they named Romances, were much different from what is called a Romance, for they were poesies made to be Sung, and consequently very short. Some have made a collection of many of them, some whereof are so Ancient, that they can hardly be understood; and they have sometimes served to clear up, and explain the Histories of Spain, and to reduce the events to order in Chronology. Their Romances are much later, and the ancientest of them are of nothing so old a date as our Sir Tristrams and Lancelot's. For some Centuries of years Miguel de Cervante, one of the best wits Spain has produced, made a fine and judicious Critic in his Don Quixot; and hardly could the Curate of the Marcha, and Maistre Nicolas the Barber, find in so vast a number six which were worthy to be preserved; the rest are delivered over to the secular arm of the old Wife, to be put in the fire. Those which they judged worth the keeping, were the four Books of Amadis de Gaul, which is said to be the first Romance of Chivalry, which was Printed in Spain, the model and best of all the other. Palmerin of England, which some believe was composed by a King of Portugal, and which they judge worthy to be put in a Box, like that of Darius, wherein Alexander kept the Works of Homer. Don Beloanis, the Mirror of Chivalry: Tirante the White, and Kyrie Eleison of Montauban, (for in the good old times it was believed that Kyrie Eleison and Poralipomenon were the names of some Saints) where the subtleties of Madam Pleasure-of-my-Life, with the Love and Guiles of Widow Reposada are highly extolled. But all this is but of yesterday in comparison of our old Romances, which in all probability were the Models and Originals of them, as the conformity of the works and vicirity of the Nations may persuade. He also gives his censure upon the Romances in Verse, and other Poesies which were found in the Library of Don Quixot; but this is beside our Subject. If any object that as we took from the Arabians the art of Rhyming, 'tis credible that we had from them also the Art of Romancing: seeing that the most part of our old Romances were in rheum, and that the custom of the French Lords, to give their Vestments to the best Poets, and which Marm●l saith was practised by the Kings of Fez, gives yet more ground for this suspicion. I allow that it is not altogether impossible that the French learned time of the Arabians, having taken from them likewise the usage of applying it to Romances. I allow also that the love we then had for Fables, might be augmented and fortified by their example, and that our art Romantic was (it may be) enriched by the Commerce which the Neighbourhood of Spain, and the Wars gave us with them: but not at all that we are indebted to them for this inclination, seeing that it possessed us long time before it was taken notice of in Spain; neither can I more believe that the Princes of France took from the Arabian Kings that custom of despoiling themselves of their Garments in savour of the Poets. I rather think, that both the one and thed other touched with the excellence of the works they heard repeated, they could not hold from exerting their liberality immediately; and finding nothing more near or ready than their habits, they made use of them for that occasion: as we read of some Saints, who have done the like for the poor; and that this which often came to pass in France by accident, is practised every year at Fez by custom, probably was there too at first introduced by chance only. It is very credible that the Italians were first brought to the composing of Romances, by the example of those in Provence, then when the Popes held their Sea at Avignon; and even by the example of other French, then when the Normans and Charles Comte d' Anjou (Brother to Saint Lovis) a virtuous Prince, a lover of Poesy, and a Poet himself, made War in Italy; for the Normans also would be tampering with the Grey Science. And History reports, that they sung the deeds of Roland before they gave that memorable Battle, which won the Crown of England to William the Bastard. All Europe in those days was covered with darkness and thick ignorance; but France, England, and Germany less than Italy, which then produced but a small number of Writers, and scarce any makers of Romances at all. Those of that Country, who had a mind to make themselves distinguished by some tincture of knowledge, came for it to the University of Paris; which was the mother of Sciences, and Nurse of the Learned of Europe. St. Thomas Aquinas, St. Bonaventure, the Poet Danfe, and Bocace came thither to Study, and the Precedent Fauchet shows that this last took most part of his Novels from French Romances; and that Petrarch and the other Italian Poets have pilfered the richest fancies and conceits from the Songs of Thiband King of Navarre, from Gaces Brussez, Chastelain de Corcy, and the old French Romancers. 'Twas then in my opinion, in this mixture of the two Nations, that the Italians learned from us the Science of Romances, which by their own confession they own to us as well as the Science of rhymes. Thus Spain and Italy had from us an art, which was the fruit of our ignorance and rudness, and which the politness of the Persians, jonians, and Greeks had produced. In effect as in necessity to preserve our lives wanting Bread, we nourish our Bodies with herbs and roots; so when the knowledge of truth, which is the proper and natural Food of the mind gins to fail us, we nourish it with Lies, which are the imitation of truth; and as in plenty to satisfy our pleasure, we often quit Bread and our ordinary Viands, for Ragousts. Thus when our minds are acquainted with the truth, they often forsake the Study and speculation thereof, to be diverted with the Image of Truth, which is Fiction; for the Image and imitation according to Aristole, are often more agreeable, than the truth itself; so that two Paths directly opposite, which are ignorance and learning, rudeness and politness often carry Men to one and the same end, which is the Study of Fictions, Fables, and Romances. Hence it is that the most Barbarous Nations love Romantic inventions, as well as those which are the most polished. The Origines of all the Savages of America, and particularly those of Peru, contain nothing but Fables; no otherwise then the Origines of the Goths, which they writ heretofore in their ancient Runick Characters upon great stones; whereof I have seen some remains in Denmark. And if aught were left us of those Works which the Bards among the Ancient Gauls composed to eternise the memory of their Nation, I question not at all but we should find them enriched with abundance of Fictions. This inclination to Fables, which is common to all Men, is not the result of ratiocination, imitation or custom. 'Tis natural to them, and has its bait in the very frame and disposition of their mind and soul; for the desire to know and to learn is particular to man, and no less does distinguish him from other creatures than his reason. One may find even in other creatures some sparks of a rude and imperfect reason; but the coveting of knowledge was never observed, save in Man only. This proceeds (according to my sense) from that, that the faculties of our Soul being of too vast an extent, and of a capacity too large to be filled by the present objects; the Soul does ransack and search in what is past, and what is to come, in truth and in fictions, in imaginary spaces and in impossibility, for wherewith to exercise and employ it. Brutes find in the objects which present themselves to their sense wherewith to satisfy the powers of their Soul, and are not concerned further; so that one sees not in them this restless desire which agitates incessantly the mind of Men, and carries it to the research of new knowledge; to proportion (if possible) the object to the faculty, and find there a pleasure resembling, that we enjoy in appeasing a violent hunger, or quenching a long thirst. 'Tis this Plato would express by the Fable of the Marriage of Porus and Penia, that is to say, Riches and Poverty, whereof he saith, is born pleasure, the object is signified by Riches, which are not riches but in the usage, and otherwise remain unfruitful, and in no wise beget pleasure. The faculty is intended by Poverty, which is sterile, and always attended with inquietude, while it is separated from Riches; but when it is joined thereunto, pleasure is the issue of this union. All this we meet withal exactly in our soul; Poverty, that is to say, ignorance is natural to it, and it sighs continually after Science, which is its riches; which when it is possessed of, this enjoyment is followed by pleasure; but this pleasure is not always equal, it often costeth it much pains and travail; as when the soul applies itself to difficult speculations, and occult Sciences, the matter whereof is not present to our senses, and where the imagination which acts with facility has a less part than the understanding whose operations are more laborious; and for that labour is naturally irksome to us; the soulis not carried to hard and spinous learning; unless in prospect of the fruits, or in hopes of a remote pleasure, or else by necessity; but the knowledge which attracts the soul and delights it most, is that which is acquired without pain, and where the imagination (in a manner) alone does act, and on matters like those, which fall ordinarily under our sense; and especially if this knowledge excites our passions, which are the great movers in all the actions of our life. Such are these Romances; there is required no great contention or torment of the mind to comprehend them. No long reasonings to be made, nor the memory over-burth-end, nothing is required but the fancy; imagine only and 'tis enough. They move not our passions, save only to appease them; they stir not our fear or compassion, but to make us see out of danger or misery those we feared or complained for; they touch not our tenderness, but to let us see them happy we had a love and tenderness for. Finally, all of our passions find themselves there agreeably provoked and calmed. 'Tis therefore that they who act more by passion then by reason, and travail more with their imagination then their understanding, are most taken therewith; though these other are so too, but after another manner. These are touched with the beauties of Art, and that which proceeds from the intellect; but the former such as are children and the simple, are sensible only of that which strikes their imagination, and stirs their passions, & they love fictions in themselves, without looking further. Now Fictions being nothing but narrations, true in appearance and false in effect; the minds of the simple, who discern only the bark, are pleased with this show of truth, and very well satisfied. But these who penetrate further, and see into the solid, are easily digested with this falsity, so that the first love the falsehood, because it is concealed under an appearance of truth; these others are distasted with this Image of truth, by reason of the real falsehood, which is couched under it; if this falsehood be not otherwise ingenious, mysterious, and instructive, and buoys itself up by the excellence of the invention and art. And S. Augustin saith somewhere, that these falsities which are significative, and couch a hidden meaning, are not lies, but the Figures of truth, which the most Sage and Holy persons, and our Saviour himself have made use on upon occasion. Since then 'tis true that lies ordinarily flow from ignorance, and the grossness of our intellectuals, and that this inundation of the Barbarians, who issued from the North, spread over all Europe, and plunged it in so profound an ignorance, as it could not clear itself from, till after two Ages or thereabouts, is it not then very probable that this ignorance caused the same effect in Europe, which it always had produced every where besides; and is it not in vain to seek for that in chance, which we find in nature? there is then no reason to contend, but that French, Gorman, and English Romances, and all the Fables of the North are of the country's growth, born upon the place, and not imported from elsewhere; that they never had other Original than the Histories stuff with falsities, and made in obscure and ignorant times, when there was neither industry nor curiosity to discover the truth of things, nor art for discribing it: that these Histories mixed with true and false, having been well received by the rude and half-barbarous people; the Historians thereupon took the boldness to present them such as were purely forged, which are the Romances. 'Tis also a common opinion that the name of Romance has been heretofore given to Histories, and was applied afterwards to Fictions; which is an irrefragable testimony, that the one has come from the others Ramanzi, saith Pigna, secondo la common opinion in Francese dettis erano gliannali, & percio le Guerre di part in parte notate sotto questo nome uscivano, poscia alcuni dalla verita partendosi, quantunque favoleggiassero, cosi apunto chiamorono li scritti loro. Romances according to the common opinion in France were the Annals; and for that the History of the War published part after part had that Name, some afterwards who neglected the truth, howsoever Fabulous they were, gave their writings also the same Title. Strabo in a passage I have already alleged, saith that the Histories of the Persians, Medes, and Syrians have not deserved much credit; for that those who writ them, seeing that the Inventors of Fables were in great esteem, believed they might be so too, by writing of Fables in the form of Histories, that is to say, Romances: whence one may conclude that Romances, according to all appearances and likelihood have among us had the same Original, which they had heretofore among these people. But to return to the Troubadours or Trouverres [so were called these Poets] of Provence, who were the Princes of Romancery in France, about the end of the tenth Age, their mystery was so generally approved of, that all the Provinces of France, as I have said, had also their Trouverres. They produced in the eleventh Age a matchless multitude of Romances, both in Prose and Verse, many whereof maugre the envy of time, are preserved even to our days. Of this number were the Romances of Garin le Loheran, of Tristram, of Lancelot du Lake, of Bertain, of St. Greal, of Merlin, of Arthur, of Perceval, of Perceforest, and of most part of those 127 Poets, who lived before the year 1300. of whom the Precedent Fauchet has given his censure. I shall not undertake to make you a Catalogue of them, nor examine whether the Amadis de Gaul be Originally from Spain, Flanders, or France, and whether the Romance of Tiel Ulespiegel be a Translation from the Germane, nor in what language the Romance of the seven wise Men of Greece was first written, or that of Dolopathos; which some say was taken from the parables of Sandaban the Indian: some say likewise that it is to be found in Greek in some Libraries; which has furnished the matter of an Italian Book called Erastus, and of many of Bocace his Novels, as the same Fauchet has remarked: which was writ in Latin by John, Mon●k, of the Abbeyde Hauteselue whereof ancient Copies are to be seen; and Translated into French by the Clerk Hebert, about the end of the twelfth Age, and into High Dutch about ●00 years after; and after an hundred years more, from High Dutch into Latin again by a Learned person, who changed the Names thereof, and was ignorant that the Dutch had come from the Latin. It will suffice that I tell you all these works, to which ignorance has given Birth, did bear along with them the marks of their Original, and were no other than a fardel of Fictions grossly huddled together without head or foot, and infinitely short of that Sovereign degree of Art and Elegance, whereunto the French Nation has afterwards brought Romances. 'Tis truly a subject of wonder, that having yielded to others the Bays for Epic Poesy and History, we have carried these to so high a pitch, that the best of their Romances do not equal the very meanest of ours. We own I believe this advantage to the refinement and politness of our Gallantry; which proceeds (in my opinion) from the great liberty in which the Men in France live with the Women: these are in a manner recluses in Italy and Spain, and are separated from Men by so many obstacles, that they are scarce to be seen, and not to be spoken with at all. Wherefore Men have there neglected the art of cajoling them agreeably, because the occasions for it are so rare. All the study and business there is to surmount the difficulties of access; and this being effected, they make use of the time without amusing themselves with forms. But in France the Dames go at large upon their Parole; and being under no custody, but that of their own heart, make thereof a Fort more strong and sure than all the Keys and Grates, and all the vigilance of the Dovegnaes'. The Men hereby are obliged to lay a formal Siege to this Fort, and employ so much industry and and address to reduce it, that they have made thereof an art, which scarce is known to other people. 'Tis this art which distinguishes the French from other Romances, and which renders the reading of them so delicious, that they have caused the more profitable reading to be neglected. The Dames were the first taken with this bait: These made Romances their whole study, and have so despiced that of the ancient Fable and History, that they now no longer understand those works, from which they formerly received their chiefest accomplishment; that they may not blush at this ignorance, which they so often find themselves guilty of, they perceive that they had better disapprove what they are ignorant of, then take the pains to learn it. The men have imitated them, in complaisance, and have condemned what they condemned, and called Pedantry that which made an essential part of politess, even in Malherbe's time. The Poets and other French Writers who succeeded, have been constrained to submit to this judgement; and many among them seeing that the knowledge of antiquity was of no advantage to them, have ceased to study what they durst no longer practise. Thus a good cause has produced a very ill effect, and the beauty of our Romances has drawn on the contempt of good Letters, and consequently ignorance. Not that I pretend for all this to condemn the reading of them. The best things in the World are attended always with their inconveniences. Romances may have much worse too than ignorance. I know what they are accused for: they drain our devotion, they inspire as with irregular passions, and corrupt our manners. All this may be, and sometimes does happen. But what cannot evil and untoward minds make a bad use on? weak souls are even contageous to themselves and make poison of every thing: Histories must be forbidden, which relates so many pernicious examples; and the Fable, for there crimes are authorized even by the example of the Gods. A Marble Statue which made the public Devotion among the Heathens, caused the passion, brutality and the despair of a certain young man. Cherea in Torence fortifies himself in a criminal dissign, at the sight of a Picture of Jupiter's, which may be, drew the respect of all other spectators, Little regard was had to the sobriety of manners in most part of the Greek and old French Romances, by reason of the vice of the times, wherein they were composed. Even the Astrea and some others which have sollewed, are yet somewhat licentious: but the Modern Romances (I speak of the good ones) are so far from this fault, that one shall find not one expression, not one word which may shock chaste ears, nor one single action, which may give offence to Modesty. If any object, that love is there treated of after a fashion so delicate and so insinuating, that the bait of this dangerours' passion, enters glibly in young hearts. I answer, that it is so far from being dangerous, that it is even in some sort necessary, that the young persons of the World should be acquainted with this passion, that they may stop their ears to that which is criminal, and be better enabled to deal with its artifices; and know their conduct in that which has an honest and sacred end; which is so true that experience lets us see, that such as are least acquainted with Love, are most obnoxious to it; and the most ignorant are the soon Duped. Add hereto that nothing so much refines and polishes the wit, nor conduces so much to the fashioning, and making it fit and proper for the World, as the reading of good Romances. These are the dumb Tutors, which succeed to those of the College, and which teach to speak and to live by a Method more instructive, and much more persuasive than theirs, and of which may be said, what Horace affirms of Homer's Iliads, that they teach morality more effectually, and much better than the most able Philosophers. Monsieur d Urfee was the first who retrived them from Barbarity, and brought them to rules, in his incomparable Astrea; the most ingenious and most polite work, which ever appeared in this kind, and which has Eclipsed the glory which Greece, Italy, and Spain had acquired. Nevertheless he has not discouraged those who come after him to undertake what he had enterprised; and has not so wholly engrossed the public admiration; but that some yet is left for the many excellent Romances, which have appeared in France since his. None can without astonishment look upon those which a Maid, as illustrious by her Modesty, as by here merit, has published under a borrowed Name, depriving herself so generously of that glory which was her due, and notseeking for a reward but in her virtue: as if while she travailed thus for the honour of our Nation, she would spare that shame to our sex. But at the length, time has done her that Justice which she denied herself, and has informed us that the Illustrious Bassa, Grand Cyrus, and Clalia are the Works of Madam de Scudery; to the end that hereafter the art of making Romances, which might defend itself against scrupulous censours, not only by the commendations which the Patriarch Pholius gives it, but likewise by the great examples of those who applied themselves, thereto, might also justify itself by hers; and which after having been cultivated by Philosophers, as Apuleus and Athengoras, by Roman Praetors, as Sisenna; by Consuls as Petronius, by pretendors to the Empire as Clodius Albinus, by Priests as Theodorus Prodromus, by Bishops as Heliodorus and Achilles Tatius, by Popes as Pius Secundus, who writ the Loves of Euryalus and Lucretia, by Saints as John Dam●scenus; it had moreover the advantage to have been exercised by a wise and virtuous Maid. For your part, Sir, since 'tis true, as I have demonstrated, and Plutarch assures us, that one of the greatest charms of a man's soul is the tissue of a Fable well invented and well related; what success then may not you presume upon from Said, where the Adventures are so new and touching, and the Narration so just and so polite. I could wish for the concern I have for that great Prince, whom Heaven has placed over us; that we had the History of his wonderful Reign writ in a style so Noble, and with as much accuratness and discernment. The Virtue which doth conduct his actions is so Heroic, and the Fortune which attends them so surprising, that Posterity would doubt wheter it were History or Romance. FINIS.