THE Grounds & Reasons OF MONARCHY Considered. IN A Review of the SCOTCH Story, gathered out of their best authors and Records. By J. H.  
Corrected and Reprinted According to the Edinburgh Copy. Anno MDCL.   

THE PREFACE.  
THere is nothing hath more confounded knowledge among men, than the reciprocal violences of the understanding and the will; or, to speak plainly, the passion of the one and blindness of the other: Since some by chance or interest take up Principles with they force the Understanding by strained Arguments to maintain: Others by the custom of some opinion so bewitch the will into confederacy, that they can never quit it after confutation; to remedy this, since I had purposed with myself to say somewhat to this point (which though it be but a small wire, yet the great weight of civil felicity lies upon it) I knew no better method then to take the scales off the eyes of the Understanding, and show the Will how better to bring about her great design of good: And in the prosecution of this, I would not skirmish with every Argument which had been a thing of immense slavery and not for every eye; but I choosed rather to strike at the foundations, that the understanding might lose his passion, and more freely consider upon what quicksands they lay; and in this I needed not to be positive, because I take a task which most men-are rather happy in, that is, to supplant error rather than to assert Truth: Hence I consider kingship simply, not troubling myself to maintain any other form, or consider Oaths, Ends, changes of Government, or particular necessity or Reasons of safety: they being distinct Considerations and tasks by themselves. Now if this negative way satisfy not, I see no such great cause to be discouraged, for (I confess) I do not perceive it so easy a thing to find an error, and I had rather tell a man he was out of the way, then in endeavouring to lead him to the end of his journey, lead him further about: and it is my opinion, that as Sceptiscime is not only useless, but dangerous; if in setting our thoughts in a posture of defence, it makes us absolutely wavering and incredulous: so had I rather be sceptical in my opinion, then maintain it upon Grounds taken up and not demonstrated.  
The second Part is merely an instance as to the Arguments of the First, wherein I would not be understood to be a writer of an Epitome; (I have other employments for my Time and Thoughts; and nobler too) but to set down a true Series by way of Example, and therefore I was only to note Accesses and Recesses to Governments, and the effects proceeding from the persons of governors, and here as I needed not much trouble the chronology: So lest it might be a bare skeleton, I sprinkled some observations, that came to hand, and seem to afford either pleasure or use. Thus much left I might be misunderstood, I thought necessary to premise.   
THE GROUNDS OF MONARCHY.  

The first Part.  
I Have often thought it strange that among all the Governments, either past or being, the monarchical should so far in extent and number exceed the Popular, as that they could never yet come into comparison. I could never be persuaded, but it was more happy for a people to be disposed of by a number of persons jointly interested and concerned with them, then to be numbered as the herd and Inheritance of One to whose lust and madness they were absolutely subject; and that any man of the weakest reason and generosity would not rather choose for his habitation that piece of earth, whereon there were access to honour by virtue and no worth could be excluded; rather than that where all advancement should proceed from the will of one scarcely hearing and seeing with his own Organs, and gained for the most part by means lewd and indirect, and that in the end to amount to nothing else but a more splendid and dangerous slavery. To satisfy this, I considered how inscrutably Providence carries on the turns and stops of all Governments, so that most people rather found them then made them; the constitutions of men, some not fit to be masters of their Liberty, some not capable, some not willing: the Ambition of settled Tyrants, who breaking their own bounds have brought in violent alterations, and lastly, civil discord, which have either corrupted or altered better settlements.  
But these are observations, rather than Arguments, and relate to fact, rather than reason. That which astonished me most was to see this heroic learned Age, not only not rising to thoughts of Liberty, but in stead thereof foolishly turning their wits and swords against themselves in the maintenance of Them, whose slaves they are, and indeed they can be no weak causes that produce so long and settled a distemper though some of them I supposed, if not most of them, are these.  
He knoweth nothing that knoweth not how superstitiously the generality of mankind is given to hold up traditions, and how pertinacious it is in the maintenance of its first prejudices, insomuch that a discovery or more refined reason is as insupportable to them, as the sun is to an eye newly brought cut of darkness; hence opiniatritry (which is commonly proportioned to their ignorance) and a generous obstinacy sometimes to death and ruin: So that it is no marvel if we see many Gentlemen whose education enabled them only to use their senses and first thoughts, so dazzled with the splendour of a Court, prepossessed with the affection of a Prince, or bewitched with some subdolous favour, That he chooseth rather any hazard then enchantment should be broke up. Others perhaps a degree above these, yet in respect of some Title stuck upon the Family (which hath been as fortunate a mystery of Kingship as any other) or in rereverence to some glorious former achievements (minding not that in all these cases the people are the only effective means, and the King only imaginary) they think they should degenerate from bravery in bringing on a change. Others are withheld by sloth and timorousness, either not daring or unwilling to be happy; some looking no further than their private welfare, indifferent for the multiplication of public evils. Others (and these the worst of all) out of pravity of nature sacrificing to their ambition and avarice, and in order to that, following any power concurring with any Machinations, and upholding their authors: whilst Princes themselves, (trained up in these Arts, or receiving them in Tradition) know how to wind all their humours to their own advantage, now foisting in the Divinity of their Titles into Pulpits, now amuzing the People with magnificencies and inter-ludes, now diverting their hot Spirits to some unprofitable foreign War (making way to their accursed ends of revenge or glory, with the effusion of that blood which should be as dear to them as their own:) Now stroking the People with some feeble but enforced Law (for which notwithstanding they will be paid;) and 'tis observed, the most notorious Tyrants have taken this course; Now giving up the eminentest of their Ministers (which they part with as indifferently as their Robes) unto the rage and fury of the People, so that they are commanded and condemned by the same mouth, and the credulous and ignorant believing their King set over them, sit still, and by degrees grow into quiet and admiration, especially if lulled a sleep with-some small continuance of peace (be it never so unjust, unsound, or dangerous) as if the body politic could not languish of an internal disease, whilst its complexion is fresh and cheerful.  
Those are the Reasons, which (if I conceive aright) have stupefied the less knowing part of mankind, Now how the more searching part hath so oddly miscarried, will fall under consideration.  
First, then, we need not take the pains to demonstrate how easy a thing it is for men of acuteness, not conversant in Civil things not only to miscarry in the apprehension, but even in the judgement of them; for they instead of bringing the series and reason of affairs into rule and method, use contrariwise to measure them by their own presupposed speculation; and by that means become incapable of weighing rightly the various incidences and circumstances of businesses: For it is to be observed, that the Theorems of no Art or Profession are more easily found, or of difficulter practice, than those of Policy; so that it is no wonder if men merely contemplative, fail so oft in the very laying of grounds, as we shall anon instance: now how fruitful dainties are error and Absurdity, we all know. But more especially the contentions of contemplative men are most numerous, various and endless; for wrangling is with them an Art, and they are endued with that ungenerous shame never to acknowledge: Besides their principles are most times ill riveted, and it is to be feared, that in their superstructions, they as often call in their imaginations, as their judgement to frame arguments. Besides, these men fighting only with Pen, Ink, and Paper, seldom arrive at a means to decide the quarrel, by which he that gains the last word is supposed conqueror. Or the other leaves almost as inglorious a conquest to the Victor as if he had been overthrown  
That which I would say from all this, is, that the generality of speculative men, for the most part guiding their understandings by those notions which they find in Books: fall not seldom by this means into considerable errors: For all Books, those I mean that are human, and fall directly under consideration, either lay down practical things, and observations of kingship, or some general and universal Notions, or else controversially Assert Monarchy against some opposers. Now in the two latter there are generally found two grand and insupportable fallacies, the first whereof is, that they fraudulently converse in generals, and (to borrow the School-term) speak of that in the Abstract, which they should do in the concrete: As for example, where they should assert the particular right of this or that Prince, they cunningly or ignorantly lay out most of their discourse in general about Monarchy, and not seldom weary and amaze the dispute, before they come to the true Ground and stating of the Quarrel, whereby the Readers diverted by such prepossession, and entangled by general Notions of Authority, Power and Government, seldom descend into the consideration of particulars; where the great scruple and difficulty for the most part lies. So that any King (be his access to the Government never so fraudulent and unjustifiable) becomes to be looked on as sacred Authoritative, and by degrees begins to blush at the Attributes of Sacred Majesty, Grace, and highness; or any other Terms that the servile flattery and witty Barbarity of Courtiers can give unto them; nay some even of the wicked Roman Emperors, could be content to be saluted with Perennities and Divinities, whereas if men would call their reasons into council, they might find that these blazing Stars were opaque Bodies, and shone only by reflection: These men having no more than either the Cabal of their own state and distance. or the wretched Imposition upon the People cast on them; For would men divest the Authority from the Person, and then commonly find it inconsiderable, if not positively evil. And again, consider Authority in itself as a thing fixed, veritable, immutable, and (when justly administered) sacred, they might find, that granting a Prince to be the most Regular Just person in all the World, yet many men as good, joined with him, and entrusted, and concurring to the same end, might do much more good; and that to deny this, were to be as irrational, as to deny that one Person could do no good at all. But however, this I take to be certain and demonstrable out of their own Principles, that Kings being only to be considered in respect of the trust and power that lies on them, a number of men by as just means (to say not better) invested with the same trust and power, are every jot as sacred, and of as much divine right as any Monarch is (the power being essentially the same united or divided, as if a Commission be to one or three) it will then result, that republics may be as Just and Authoritative, as kingships, and then their radical Argument of the Jure Divino of kingship is wholly enfeebled, and the other rendered equally as sovereign. And I am to note (but this is but transiently) the poorness, or to say better, the Blasphemy of that Argument, that flourishes out Kings as the Eclypes of Divinity, and vainly lavishes some metaphysics, to prove that all things have a natural tendency to an oneness; nay, the itch of some merry wits, have carried them to run over most of the Attribuies (as some English Lawyers have talked of the Legal, I must say fantastical ubiquity and omniscience of our Kings, though we see the contrary, and some Civilians about the Emperor, have gone before them) whereas they should consider, that the immense simplicity of God flows out in its several workings, with ineffable variety, God being everywhere and the same, or as the Platonists say, a centre in every part of his Circle, a Spirit without Quantity, Distance and Comprehension; whereas man is a determinate narrow thing, who doing one thing, ceaseth to do another; and thinking of one thing, is forced to quit his former thought. Now how fit he is to be a shade of this Archytipe, let any judge, unless he could be refined from his corporeity, and enlarged into a proportionable immensity. Besides, I know not whether it be safe to think or no, That as God, who for the most part, suits men with gifts suitable to the places to which he calls them, would in some measure pour out his Spirit proportionate to these men, whereas as most commonly we find them, notwithstanding their extraordinary Advantages, of society, education and Business, as weak men as any other, and good Princes being swayed by the advice of men, good and wise, and the bad seduced by men of their own inclinations; what else are all Monarchies, but in reality Optimaces for a few only essentially govern, under the name of one who is utterly as unable as the meanest of those over whom he claims superiority.  
The second Fallacy or paralogism is this, That men, while they Labour thus to support Monarchy tell us not what kind of Monarchy it is, and consequently gain nothing, although we should grant, them the former proposition to be true; For what does it avail to ascertain me of the Title of such a Prince, if I know not by what Title he holds, grant it were visible to me that such a man was marked out by providence to be my governor, yet if I cannot tell what kind of one, whether absolute, mixed, limited, merely Law-Executive, or first in order, how shall I know to direct my Obedience? if he be absolute, my very natural liberty is taken away from me, nor do I know any power can make any man such; The Scripture holding out just Limitations and restrictions to all governors. If mixed and limited, I must know the due temperature and bounds, or else he may usurp or be mistaken, and I oppressed or injured. If Law-Executive, the power fundamentally resides not in him, but in the great counsel, or them entrusted by the people, than I adore only a shadow: Now if any Prince of Europe can really clear up these mists, and show the lines of his Government drawn fairly, and his Charter whole and authentic, like that of Venice and the first Rome: For my part, I'll be the first man shall swear him Allegiance, and the last that will preserve him. But you will find that they will tell you in general about their office, and in particular of their claims of Succession, Inheritance and Ancestors, when look but three or four stories back, and you will meet either some savage unnatural Intrusion (Disguized under some forced Title or inexistent Cognation) or else some violent alteration, or possibly some slender Oath or Articles hardly extorted and imperrfectly kept. Now if any man thawill but run over these rules, and apply them to any History whatever (as we shall exemplify in that which for the present we have pitched upon) and not find most Titles Ambiguous, the effects of former Monarchies (for where, in a Catalogue of forty Kings, can you almost show me three good ones, but things merely struggling to maintain their Titles and domestic Interest) ruinous to the people (who, for the most part, considering them no otherwise then as to be Rescued from violent Confusion, not as they conduce to the positive happiness of a civil life) my small conversation in Books is extremely false: And truly I conceive it may be the rationallest course to set any judgement aright, because it instructs by experience and effects, and grounds the judgement upon material observation, and not blindly gropes after notions and causes, which to him are Tantum non inscrutable, But of that anon: A main mistake under this topic, hath been an erroneous Comparison and application of matters Civil and Military; for men observing that mixed counsels about Generals, Plurality, equality of Commands, often and sudden Military alterations, have brought on no small distempers and dangers to several Governments and attempts; Therefore they presently collect, that in Civils also it is the safest to continue a Command in one-hand for the preventing of the like disturbances: But here they are deceived, civil matters consist in long debate, great consideration, patient expectation and wary foresight, which is better to be found in a number of choice experienced heads, then in one single one, whose youth and vigour of Spirit innables him rather to Action, and fills him with that noble Temerity, which is commonly so happy in Martial things, which must be guided always to prevent occasions (which are seldom to be found again, and which, mistaken, are to scarcely amended) Besides the ferocity of daring spirits, can hardly be bounded while they stand level, so that it is no wonder if they extinguish all emulations, by putting the power into the hands of one, whereas in the city, it is quite otherwise; and Factions (unless they be Cruelly exorbitant) do but poise and balance one another, and many times like the discord of humours upon the natural Body, produce real good to the politics. That slender conception, that nature seems to dress out a principality in most of her works, as among Birds, Bees, &c. is so slender (in regard they are no more chiefs then what they fancy them, but all their prepotency is merely predatory or oppressive, and even lions, Elephants, Crocodiles and Eagles, have small inconsiderabe enemies, of which they stand in fear, and by which they are often ruined) that the recital confutes it; and if it were so, yet unless they could prove their One man to be as much more excellent as those are, and that solely, I see not what it would advantage them, since to comply with the design of Nature in one, they would contrary it in others, where she were equally concerned. But these Phylologicall and rhetorical Arguments, have not a little hindered the severer disquisition of reason and proposessed the more easy minds with notions so much harder to be laid aside, as they are more erroneous and pleasing.  
These are the fundamental errors that have misled the judgement; now those which have misguided the conscience, have principally proceeded from the misinterpretation of Scripture, and therefore seeming Sacred, have been less examined and doubted, as carrying the most authority. Thus in the old Testament, there being such frequent mention of Kings, which notwithstanding, were Given in wrath, they superstitiously hold forth, not only the necessity, but the impunity of Kings, whereas we know not their powers and limitations, and it is in consequential to argue, That because Judea was so governed, we should follow the pattern, when we find neither precept consequence, nor necessity convincing. And it is mad to think that while the Spirit of God so freely and vehemently exclaims against the iniquiries of men, that God would authorise it so far as to leave it in them unpunishable. As for the antiquity from Adam it is true, before his fall his dominion was large and wide, but it was over the Beasts (that after his fall learned to rebel against him) and aconomically not despotically over his wife and children, But what is this to Civil Government? In the new Testament (for I the brieflyer pass over this head, in regard it hath been so copiously treated upon by those under whose profession it falls, and that it doth not immediately conduce to my design) the principal hath been the meekness of Christ and his compliance with civil powers, which certainly if he had been disposed to have resisted, he could as easily have overthrown, as with a few cords whip the buyers and sellers out of the Temple. But he that was the wisdom of his Father, rather thought fit to build up his Kingdom, which is never earthly, nor known of men of earth, in meekness and obedience to civil powers, which are perpetually changed and hurried at the will of the first mover, otherwise he would never have concerned himself so much in giving dues to Caesar, and to God, what is God's; intimating the distinct obediences owing by all men, as Christians, and Citizens, when granting Monarchy, the most and the only lawful Government, yet every one knoweth, that knoweth any thing of the Roman story, that Augustus had no more Title to that Government, than any of those over whom he usurped, and that his access to Government was as fraudulent and violent as could be. Another is the mistaking of the Powers {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, when its clear, the Scripture speaketh of it in a latitude, as extending it to all established Governments. Now men have falsely assumed that those powers were only meant of Kings; and what by an indiscreet collation of the places of the old, and violent restings of others of the new, they perfected the other grand mistake, which since it hath been already cleared up (and as we said is but collateral with us for the present) we shall no further mention.  
As for the alleged examples and and speeches of primitive times, I see not much in them considerable, for through insurrections against Princes cannot be produced, or rather much is said against them; we are to consider, that the Gospel of Christ (which was at that time not much defiled by the world) engages not to any Domination, but wholly taken up with its own ecstasies, spiritual delights and expectations, neglects all other affairs as strange and dangerous. And more over (though I know what hath been said to the contrary) I cannot find (after consideration of those Ages) any probable ground how, if they would have risen, they could have Bodied. They were indeed numerous, but than they had Legionaries among them, and who knows not what an ineffectual thing a People is (be it never so desirous) when overawed by the Soldatesque: And they were a People (as greatness to God and man is different) not for their worldly power (for how few considerable Commanders were Converted in the first Ages?) but out of his own choice, so that it was not strange, if they could not do much. For God as he chose the weakest means in the planting of the Gospel, Fishermen; So, in the Primitive propagation he called the weaker men, though Christianity afterwards grew ample and August, and Kings were proud to give their names unto it.  
As for the Fathers (granting them f●ee of their many Bastardizations, interpolations, and all those Errors and uncertainties which the process of time and fraud of men hath foisted into them) they are to be accepted as Witnesses, not as Judges, that is to say, they may prove matter of Fact, but none of their words matter of Right, especially if we consider their writings either Homilies, Commentaries, or controversies, which are ever directed to another end then this is, and they themselves (men secluded from Business) are so much more unable to judge and resolve civil controversies (as this is) in regard the unhappiness of the latter Times hath produced many controversies: not know or thought of in their days, which falling directly under their profession, cannot receive any light or Authority from them.  
Having considered Kingship, how well it hath appeared through the false lights of understanding, we shall now consider, whether (taking it by itself) its foundations be laid upon a Cylender or upon a Cube, and this methinks we are the likeliest to do, if we consider them in their rights and uses, or to speak plainer; in their Legality and policy, so that if we find that none of the ways of the retaining of their Crowns can be authentical save one, and that one make against them, we shall find we have no such just causes of blind adoration or implicit enforcement to truckle under any of their Commands. And if again we discover that the Government itself is not so profitable as to the end of Civil happiness, but rather Diametrically opposite to it, we may suppose that men are either strangely obstinate, or else they might eradicate an error, which not only offers so many prejudices to their understanding, but hath such an evil influence upon their outward well being.  
We have then to consider, that for One man to rule over Many, there must necessarily be some right, though it be but colourable; for either he must be chosen by the people as their Arbitrator and supreme Judge, or else he must by force of Arms invade them, and bring them to obedience, which he by force preserving for his Sons of Successors, makes way for a third claim, which is Inheritance. A fourth, some have invented, though were it real, it is but a difference of the last, and I therefore shall mention it under that head. But to the Consideration.  
First therefore Election, supposing the people either finding themselves unable to weyld their own happiness, or for preventing of disorder, make choice of one to be set over them, it here instantly followeth, that Authority is in the people, and flowing from them; for choice argues a power, and being chosen elected a subordination to it, in the end, I mean, though not in every Act: Now there is none chosen but for some, end, or for some intentions reciprocal betwixt both parties, for otherwise such a choice were but dotage, and consequently invalid: Now thus it will follow that those who pretend to King it upon this topic, must either show a formal Election, which I think many Kings are not able to do, or if he can show one, the Conditions and ends for which he was chosen. Now all parts being either implicit or explained, let him produce the Covenant, that it may be known whether he govern according to it or not, for if he transgresseth, he forfeits, and the other are disobliged. If the agreement be unwritten or intentional, either party is relatively tied, and then if he do any thing against the welfare of the people (that Soveraing Law and end of all Governments:) The people may not only justly suppose the form capitulation broken, but even endeavour, by what possible means they can, to restore themselves to their former rights: for why should the making of a Compact prejudice any when it is once broken; And here cometh in another fallacy, which the Assertors of Royalty have so flourished with, That an agreement between a people and one man, should enure, as the English Lawyers term it, to his Descendants, when as it is to be considered, that the people choosing of one man, is commonly in consideration of his person and personal merit, which not being the same in his Son (as commonly Families in the Horizon are in the Meridian, the Founders being braver than any that follow after them) that very intent is frustrated and ceaseth, and the People providing for the happiness of a few years, which are determinable with uncertainty of the latter part of the life of one man, run themselves and their posterity into an eternal inconvenience (for any thing they know) of bad governors; neither if the people would never so formally agree with him that in regard of his merits or felicity of actions, his Son should be received in that place, yet would they not do it, that very pact expiring with the life of either: For my Father may leave me notionally a slave in a Tenure (a thing frequently with our Ancestors) or as Civilians term it, it a Feodary, which I ā content with, in respect of the advantage it brings me, or because my own estate is to little to be independent, and therefore I think it good prudence to be sheltered under the protection of the greater, but my natural Liberty, that is to say, to make my life as justly happy and advantageous to me as I can, he can no more give away from me then my understanding or eyesight, for these are privileges whih God and Nature hath endued me with, and these I cannot be denied, but by him that will deny me a being. But to go on, Suppose a second Generation should accept the Son, and a third a Grandsire, yet this confirms not a fourth, and they very impolitickly strengthen, and confirm the power by continuance, and in a manner with their own hands lay the Foundation of absoluteness; their governors themselves growing in Interests, increasing in Aliances and gleaning Forces, so it is very improbable but within a little they grow to big and formidable, and leave nothing of the Liberty save the name and (if they be less cunning) not that. A pertinent example of this, it is so near us, that I cannot pass it, we see in young Orange and the Low Countries at this day, who continuing his Progenitors for their signal services, and him for theirs, are now punished for their generous and indiscreet rewarding of virtue, that their Liberty was lately blown up before they well perceived it to be undermined, and they are at charge to maintain their own oppression. As for that formal election and stipulation, who sees not what a vain and ridiculous cheat it is, they coming with swords in their hands to demand the sceptre of a weak and stupid multitude that appears only to gaze upon the Ceremonies, and whose refusal were ineffectual; but it is a gracious piece of the cabal of tyranny to deceive the People with Shadows, phantasms, and names of Liberty.  
As for those that intrude in by force, they cannot certainly have a forehead to infer a right, they being but as the pirate said to Alexander, public and more magnificent Robbers: certainly these are the nimrod's, the great Hunters, God's scourges, and the burdens of the Earth; and whether they be Founders of Empires, or great Captains (as Boccalini distinguisheth them) ought rather to be remembered with horror and detestation, than that undue reverence which they commonly meet with.  
But these are they that lay the the foundations of Succession, and from these do the Successors claim, and enjoy with the less reluctance, Because the Regret of the violences and hate of the first, daily wears out; whether it be by the continuance of Peace, that charms men into a love of ease, or that the continuance of slavery enfeebles their minds, that they rather chose to look at their present enjoyment, then real happiness, so that it is not strange if the Person of their oppressor become in time adorable, and he himself think that confirmed and justified to him in the process of time, which in the beginning he had no right to. But if he will consider the business a little higher, we might find that since neither the People (as we have proved before) have power to make themselves Vassals, nor the Intruders themselves cannot pretend any just title; their Domination is merely illegal, and apt to be shaked off with the first conveniency, it being every whit as equitable, that these men should be judged Enemies of mankind, and condemned to die the death of Parricides for usurping a power, as Nero for misusing it. But I would fain ask the Regions Defenders, by what Law they can maintain Governments, to be inherent in one, and to be transmitted to his Offa spring? If they say by the Law of God I would again demand how they can make this Law appear to me? If they say that the Scripture holds forth the right and sacreity of Kings, I ask them again, How they know that God extends that privilege and authority to this King; if they say, that he is involved in the general right, they do but run into the Circle; unless they can show me, that all his approaches to Government were regular, and such as God was pleased with, or else God had by some sign and wonder declared his approbation of him; for without these two, they must make God an author of evil, which is impious, and pretend Commission for an unlawful Act; and by the same right, any other may to an action never so unjust, it being no unusual thing to borrow the face of Divinity, even upon some foul impostures, (as to forbear further instances) Numa his conference with Aegeria, Scipio's retirement into the Capitol, and Sertorius his white Hart.  
Now, if they pretend the Law of Nature, they must demonstrate unto us, both that she endowed men with unequal freedom, and that she shaped out such a man to rule, whereas it appears on the contrary, that all men naturally are equal: for though Nature with a Noble variety hath made different the Features and Lineaments of men, yet as to freedom, till it be lost by some external means, she hath made every one alike, and given them the same desires. But suppose she had intended such a Family for Government, and had given them some illustrious marks, as we read of some had (whether by the imagination of their mothers, or by deceit yet then would Nature fall into a double irregularity; first in deserting her method in making all free; and secondly in making her general work merely subservient, and secondary to her particular, which how contrary it is to that beautiful harmony of hers, I need not much insist. Now if they say, they are Fathers of the People; as for that which they call themselves the Heads, inferring the People no more than a trunk, it's only metaphorical, and proves nothing: for they must remember, that since Father hath a Correllative upon which it depends, & upon whose removal it vanisheth, they themselves cannot bring any such; for by physical procreation they will not offer it. And for metaphorical dependence it will come to nothing, we seeing People languish when their Princes are fullest, and like Leeches, rather willing to burst then to fall off. And on the contrary the People upon the removal of a Prince, cheerful and relieved. Now if there were such a strict union between these two, such a contrariety and antipathy could never appear: for certainly when any two persons endeavour to gain one upon another, there is an enmity what ever is pretended; besides, if these men would be Fathers, it were then their duty to do like Fathers, which is, to provide for, defend and cherish, whereas on the contrary, it is themselves that eat the bread out of the mouths of their Children, and through the groans of the poor. And whereas flattery hath said, that what they draw up in vapours they send down in showers, yet are we sure, such are for the most part unfruitful, if not ominous and infectious: If they pretend the Law of Nations, it were well, they would declare unto us at first what this Law is, and whether generally agreed on or no by Nations: if they say, yes, they must resolve whether explicitly or implicitly; if they say the former, let them produce them; if the latter, they must demonstrate, that all Nations are agreed in such and such Notions; now if all men of these Nations since every one must be of equal capacity; when on the contrary, though the understandings of most men whom we know or have conversed with, seem to flee to some general maxims (yet unpolished, unnumbered, and unmethodixed) yet we see many Nations differing from us in many things, which we think clearly, fundamentally and naturally true, neither do climate and education only so diversity the minds of men, but even their understandings, and the different ways of thinking so distinguish them, though of one country, that though we may please ourselves in thinking that all men's thoughts follow the fantastical method of ours, yet we might find, if we were perfectly conversant with all men of the world, and well read in their wits (as we are not with half of them, no, nor any one man with the twentieth part) that there are scarce four or five axioms would be universally received. Now (for I have been the longer in this, by reason that this imaginary Law hath been so held up by the Civilians, and made the subterfuge of so many considerable disputes) if it be so weak as that we can scarce tell whether it be or no, for even that which we account the most sacred piece of it, the violation of public Messengers, the Taertar and Muscovite, unless withheld by fear, break it every day) What are the Arguments deducted from it? or if there were such a Law, what would it avail such a particular man, for why should other Nations impose a governor were they are not concerned; and if they pretend this Law, as to the preservations and impunity of their persons, the same Answer will serve again, with this addition, That they make an offender uncapable of punishment, it is but to give them a Commission to offend: Now if they run upon that distinction of Suspending only, and not punishing (as if forsooth this kind of people must be preserved, though by the ruin of mankind, to immediate vengeance) Now, I say, That Suspension is really a punishment, and if his demerits can deserve that, I see not but that upon a proportionable increase, they may deserve Dethronization or Death, as clearly as two and two make four, and four make eight. If they allege Positive or municipal Laws, and number Homages, they are not much the nearer, since that all such Laws are but Rivulets and Branches of those we before examined; and since we found that those speak so little in their favour, that which these do, cannot signify much, especially since Princes, who are ever watchful to prevail themselves of all occasions of this nature, can either by terror or artifice draw assemblies or the major part, to their own Lure; nay, even the worst of them have not forgot to be solicitous in this case: but it must be set down, That whatsoever positive Laws are repugnant to those general, they are injurious, and aught to be repealed: And truly it is a sad observation, that as Monarchs grow, either out of the weakness of Government, and (as I may say) pupillage, as Romulus and Theseus did at Rome and Athens, or else out of the disease or depravation of them, as Caesar again invaded Rome, so have the people been never more enamoured of them, then when manners were at the highest corruption, which ever gave access of strength to them; nor have they more distasted them, then when their Spirits and Discipline were the most brave and healthful; so fatally disagreeing are true Liberty, which is the very source of Virtue and Generosity, and the impotent Domination of a Single Tyrant, who commonly reign by no other means, than the discords of braver Citizens, who can neither endure Equality or Superiority among themselves, and rather admit a general Vassalage, then just equality, or the vices of the baser, which reconcile them and concern them in a bad example. But suppose Succession a thing sacred and inviolable, yet once break and interrupt it, it is little worth, either the Usurper being to be acknowledged regular, or the whole Series dashed out of order: Nay, we see Aspirers themselves, either so blinded with their pretences, or with animosity, so crying their own up, that it is almost impossible for any private judgement to do right in this case, themselves thwarting one another, and it not being in the power of nature that both should be right: But who can instance one Monarch, whose Crown is come to him by untainted Succession? and what History will not confirm the Example, I shall anon bring: Certainly though Succession were a thing that had not so little reason or being, yet I see not why men should with such a strange pertinacy defend it: Matters of Government ought to be governed by prudence, but this is to put them into the hands of Fortune, when a Child uncapable or infirm, under the Regiment of a Nurse, must (possibly) be Supreme governor, and those whom either their Abilities or virtues fit for it, Subordinate or laid aside: But what if the person whom Necessity hath set at the Stern, be uncapable, lunatic, Weak or Vicious, is not this a good way to prevent Controversies? with all this enervates all good council, when a King should have need of tutors, and that a mass of people should be commanded by one who commands not himself, and when we scarce obey even excellent Princes, to adore shadows and weak ones.  
As for Boxhornius distinction of successive, wherein the next Heir must necessarily succeed out of the original right of the former, I would ask him, whether the predecessor were a possessor or usufructuary; if the former, all our former Arguments fall on him; if the latter, it makes not for his successor, the people being owners; and besides, the distinction is one of his own coining, never pretended before, upon the first controversy it is invalid, although the first founder had a right, as we have proved the contrary.  
Having with what brevity I could, brought to an end my first intention. I shall now fall upon the second, which is the intrinsical value and expediency of this Government, and some little comparison with others; but herein we shall be short, and only so far as concerns this: And indeed it is a business so ticklish, that even Mr. Hobbs in his de Cive, though he assured himself that the rest of his Book (which is principally erected to the assertion of Monarchy) is demonstrated, yet he doubts whether the Arguments which he brings to this business be so firm or no; And Malvezzi contrarily remonstrates (in his discourses upon Tacitus) that Optimacies are clearly better than Monarchies, as to all advantages. And indeed if we look on their Arguments, they are either Flourishes, or merely Conceptions, such are the reference and perfection of an Unity, which must needs work better and more naturally, as one simple cause (besides that it stills and restrains all other claims) than many coordinate, whereas they never consider that though among many joint Causes, there may be some jarring, yet like cross wheels in an Engine, they tend to the regulation of the whole; What violent mischiefs are brought in by the contentions of Pretenders, Ambiguities of Titles, and lawless ambition of Aspirers, whereas in a settled republic all this is clear; and in case any particular man aspire, they know whom to join against and punish as a Common Enemy. As for that which alleges the advantage of secrecy in business, it carries not much with it, in regard that under that even most pernicious designs may be carried on; and for wholesome counsels (Bating some more nice Transactions) it matters not how much they be tossed, among those who are so much entrusted and concerned in them, all cross Designs being never in probability so feeble and ineffectual, as when there are many eyes to over look them, and voices to decry them. As for that expedition in which they say Monarchs are so happy, it may as well further a bad intention, as give effect to a just council, it depending on the judgement of a single man, to whose will and ends all must refer; whereas a select number of Entrusted persons may hasten every opportunity with a just slowness as well as they, though indeed (Unless it be in some Military critical minutes) I see not such an excellency in the swiftness of heady dispatch, precipitation in counsels being so dangerous and Ominous. As for what concerns private Suitors, they may as (if not more) speedily and effectually be answered in staid republics, as in the Court of a King, where Bribery and unworthy Favourites do not what is just, but what is desired.  
With these and many others as considerable, which partly willingly, and partly in this penury of Books, forgettingly I pass, do they intend to strengthen this fantastical and airy building; but as sly Controverters, many times leave out the principal Text or Argument, because should it be produced it could not be so easily answered; so these men tell us all the advantages of Monarchy, supposing them still well settled, and under men virtuous, but you shall never hear them talk of it, in Statu corrupto, under lewd Kings and unsettled Laws; they never let fall a word of the dangers of Inter-reigns, the minorities and vices of Princes, Misgovernments, evil counsels, Ambitions, Ambiguities of Titles, and the Animosities and Calamities that follow them, the necessary Injustices and Oppressions by which Monarchs (using the people's wealth and blood against them) hold them fast in their seats, and by some suspension of Divine Justice die not violently.  
Whereas, other Governments established against all these evils, being ever of vigour and just age settled in their own right, freed from pretences, served by experienced and engaged counsels, and (as nothing under the Moon is perfect) sometimes gaining and advantaged in their Controversies, which have not seldom (as we may see in old Rome) brought forth good Laws and Augmentations of freedom, whereas once declining from their purity and vigour; and (which is the effect of that) ravished by an Invader, they languish in a brutish servitude (Monarchy being truly a disease of Government) and like Slaves, stupid with harshness and continuance of Slavery, wax old under it, till they either arrive at that period which God prescribes to all people and Governments, or else better Stars and Nephews awaken them out of that Lethargy, and restore them to their Pristine Liberty, and its Daughter happiness.  
But this is but to converse in Notions, wandering, and ill abstract from things, let us now descend into practical observation and clearly manifest out of the whole Series of Time and Actions, what circumstances and events have either ushered or doged one race of Kings, That if there were all the justice in the world, that the Government of a Nation should be entailed upon one Family, yet certainly we could not grant it to such an one, whose criminal lives and formidable deaths, have been evidences of God's wrath upon it for so many Generations.  
And since no country that I know, yields such an illustrious example of this as Scotland does, and it may be a charity to bring into the way such as are misled, I have pitched upon the Scottish History, wherein as I have only consulted their own authors, as my fittest witnesses in this case; So have I (not as a just History, but as far as concerns this purpose) faithfully and as far as the thing would permit, without glosses represented it, so that any calm understanding may deduce, that the vengeance which at the present is leveled against the Nation, is but an attendant of this new introduced Person, and that he himself, though for the present he seems a Clog among his Frogs, and suffer them to play about him, yet God will suffer him (if the English Army prevent not) to turn Stork and devour them, while their cries shall not be heard, as those that (in despite of the warning of Providence, and light of their own reasons, for their own corrupt Interest & greedy Ambition) brought these miseries upon themselves.   

THE INSTANCE Out of the Scottish History, Which is the Second Part.  
ANd now we come to our main business, which is the review of Story, wherein we may find such a direct and uninterrupted Series, such mutual Endearments between Prince and People, and so many of them crowned with happy Reigns and quiet Deaths (two together scarce dying naturally) that we may conclude, that they have not only the most reason, but a great deal of excellent Interest, who Espouse the Person and quarrel of the hopeful descendant of such a Family; nor shall we be so injurious to the glory of a Nation, proud with a Catalogue of Names and Kings, as to expunge a great part of their number; though some who have done it affirm, There can be no probability that they had any other being then what Hector boys, and the black Book of Pasley (out of which Buchanan had most of his materials) bestow on them, there being no mention of the name of Scot in any authentic Writer, till Four hundred years after Christ: No, we shall no more envy these old Heroes unto them, than their placing the red Lion in the Dexter point of their Eschutcheon: But though we might in justice reject them as Fabulous and Monkish, yet since themselves acknowledge them, and they equally make against them, we shall run them over like veritable History: The first of this blessed race was Fergus, first general, and afterward got himself made King, but no sooner cast away on the coast of Ireland but a contention arises about the validity of their Oath to him, and Uncles are appointed to succeed, which argues it Elective; so Feritharis Brother to Fergus is King, but his Nephew enters a Conspiracy against him, forces him to resign and fly to the Isles, where he died. Foritharis dying soon after, was suspected to be poisoned: after him comes in Main (Fergus second son) who with his son Dornadilla reigned quietly fifty seven years. But Reuther his son, not being of age, the people make his Uncle Nothat take the Government, but he misruling, Reuther, by the help of one Dovalus, raised a party against him and beheads him; makes himself King with the indignation of the People that he was not elected, so that by the kindred of Nothat he is fought with, taken and displaced, but afterward makes a party and regains: His son Thereus was too young, so that his Brother Rhoutha succeeded, but after seventeen years was glad to resign. Well, Thereus reigns, but after six years declines to such lewdness that they force him to fly, and govern by a Prorex after his death; Josina his Brother, and his Son Finan are Kings, and quietly die so.  
But then comes Durst, one who slays all the Nobility at a Banquet, and is by the People slain; after his death the validity of the Oath to Fergus is called in question, and the elective power vindicated; but at length Even his brother is admitted, who though he ruled valiantly and well, yet he had Gillus a bastard Son, Vaser & Regni Cupidus: The next of the line are two Twins Docham and Dorgall (sons of Durst) they while they disputed of priority of age, are by the artifice of Gillus slain in a tumult; who makes a strong party, and seizing of a Hold, says he was made Supervisor by his Father, and so becomes King, cuts off all the race of Durst, but is after forced out of the Kingdom, and taken by Even the second his Successor (who was chosen by the People) and by him put to death in Ireland: after Even comes Eder: after Eder, his son Even the third, who for making a Law, that the Nobility should have the enjoyment of all new married women before they were touched by their husbands, was doomed to prison during his life & there strangled; his Successor was his Kinsman Metellan; after whom was elected Caratac, whom his brother Corbret succeeded; but than came Dardan (whom the Lords made take on him the Government, by reason of the nonage of Corbrets' son) who for his lewdness was taken by the People and beheaded.  
After him Corbret the second, whose Son Luctac for his lewdness was by the People put to death; then was elected Mogald, who following his vicious Predecessors steps, found his death like theirs, violent.  
His Son Conar one of the Conspirators against him succeeded, but misgoverning, was clapped in Prison and there died.  
Ethodius his sister's son succeeded, who was slain in the night in his Chamber by his Piper.  
His Son being a Minor, Satrael his brother was accepted who seeking to place the succession in his own line, grew so hateful to the People, that not daring to come abroad, he was strangled in the night by his own servants, which made way for the youngest Brother  
Donald, who outdid the others vices by contrary virtues; and had a happy reign of one and twenty years.  
Ethodiis the second, Son of the first of that name was next, a dull un-active Prince, Familiarum tumultu occisus.  
His Son Athirco promised fair, but deceived their expectations with most horrid lewdness, and at length vitiated the daughters of Nathaloc a Nobleman, and caused them to be whipped before his eyes, but seeing himself surrounded by Conspirators, eluded their fury with his own sword; his Brother and Children being forced to fly to the Picts. Nathaloc turning his injury into ambition made himself King, and governed answerably, for he made most of the Nobility to be strangled, under the pretence of calling them to council, and was after slain by his own servants.  
After his death, Athirco's children were called back, and Findor his son, being of excellent hopes, accepted; who made good what his youth promised; he beat in sundry battles Donald the Islander, who seeing he could not prevail by force, sent two, as Renegadoes, to the King, who (being not accepted) conspire with his Brother, by whose means one of them slew him with a hunting spear when he was a hunting.  
His brother Donald succeeds (the youngest of the three) who about to revenge his brother's death hears the Islander is entered Murray: whom he encountering with unequal forces, is taken prisoner with thirty of the Nobility, and whether of grief, or his wounds, dies in Prison.  
The Islander, that had before assumed the name, now assumed the power (the Nobles, by reason of their kindred prisoners, being overawed) this man wanting nothing of an exquisite Tyrant, was, after twelve years' Butcheries, slain by Cratherinth son of Findor, who under a disguise found address and opportunity. The brave Tyrannicide was universally accepted, and gave no cause of repentance, his reign is famous, for a War begun between the Scots and Picts about a Dog (as that between the Trojans and Italians for a white Hart) and the defect on of Carausius from Dioclesian which happened in his time.  
His Kinsman Fyncormach succeeded, worthy of memory for little but the piety of the Culdys (an order of Religious men of that time overborne by others succeeding) he being dead, three sons of his three brothers contended; Romach as the eldest strengthened by his alliance with the Picts, with their assistance seized on it, forcing others to fly, but proving cruel, the Nobility conspired and slew him.  
Angusian, another pretender, succeeds who being assailed by Nectam King of the Picts, who came to revenge Romach, routed his Army in a pitched battle, but Nectham coming again he was routed and both he and Nectham slain.  
Tethelmac, the third pretender came next, who beating the Picts, and wasting their fields; Hergust when he saw there could be no advantage by the sword, suborned two Picts to murder him, who drawing to conspiracy, the Piper that lay in his Chamber (as the manner was then) he at the appointed time admitted them, and there slew him.  
The next was Even son of Fincormac, who was slain in a battle with the Picts, to the almost extirpation and banishment of the Scots; but at the last the Picts taking distaste at the Romans entered into a secret League with the Scots, and agreed that Fergus, (whose, Uncle the last King was) being then in banishment, and of a Militari breeding and inclination should be chosen King: with him the Danes maintained a long War with the Romans, and pulled down the Picts wall, at last he and the King of Picts were in one day slain in a battle against them; This man's access to Government was strange, ignotus Rex ab ignoto populo accersitus, and may be thought temerarious; he having no Land for his People, and the Roman Name inimical, yet founded he a Monarchy, there having been Kings ever since; and we are to note, this is the first man that the sounder writers will allow to be real and not fabulous. Him succeeded his son Engenius (whose Grandfather Grahame had all the power) a Warlike Prince whom some say slain, some dead of a disease. After him his Brother Dongard, who after the spending of five superstitious years, left the Crown (as they call it) to his youngest Brother Constantine; who from a good private man turned a Iew Prince, and was slain by a Nobleman, whose daughter he had ravished; he was succeeded by Congall Constantine's son, who came a tolerable good Prince to a loose people, and having spent some two and twenty years in slight excursions against the Saxons, left the rule to his Brother Goran, who notwithstanding he made a good League against the Britains, which much conduced to his and the people's settlement, yet they in requital, after thirty four years, made away with him; which brought in Eugenius the third of that name, the son of Congall, who was strongly suspected to have a hand in his death, insomuch that Gorans widow was forced to fly into Ireland with her children: This man in thirty three years' time did nothing but Reign, and make short incursions upon the Borders; he left the rule to his Brother Congall, a Monastical, Superstitious and unactive Prince, who Reigned ten years. Kynnatell his Brother was designed for Successor, but Aydan the son of Goran laid his claim, but was content to suspend in respect of the age and diseases of Kynnatell, which after fourteen months took him out of the world and cleared the controversy, and Aydan by the consent of Columba (a Priest that Governed all in those days) came to be King; a man that after thirty four years turbulently spent, being beaten by the Saxons and struck with the death of Columba died of grief.  
After him was chosen Kenneth, who hath left nothing behind him but his name. Then came Eugenius the fourth, son of Aydan (so irregular is the Scots succession that we see it inverted by usurpation or cross elections in every two or three Generations) this man left an ambiguous fame, for Hector, says he was peaceable, the Manuscript implacably severe, he Reigned sixteen years, and left his son Ferchard successor, who endeavouring to heighten the Prerogative by the dissensions of the Nobility, was on the contrary impeached by them, and called to an account, which he denying was clapped in Prison, where he himself saved the Executioner a labour: So that his Brother Donald succeeded, who being taken up with the Piety of those days, left nothing memorable, save that he in Person interpreted Scots Sermons unto the Saxons: He was followed by his Nephew Ferchard, son of the first of that name, a thing like a King in nothing but his exorbitancies, who in hunting was wounded by a Wolf, which cast him into a fever, wherein he not observing the imposed Temperance, brought upon himself the lousy disease, upon which discomforted, he was by the persuasion of Colman (a Religious man) brought out in his bed covered with haircloth, where he made a public acknowledgement to the People, and soon after died. Maldwin, donald's son followed, who after a twenty years ignoble Reign was strangled by his Wife. Eugenius the Fift succeed, son (they say) of King Dongard, though the chronology seem to refute it: This man spent five years in slight incursions, and was succeeded by Eugenius the Sixt, son of Ferchard: This man is famous for a little learning, as the times went; and the prodigy of raining of blood seven days, all Lacticinia turning into blood. Amberkelleth nephew to Eugenius the Fift, succeeded this rude Prince, while he was discharging the burden of Nature, was slain by an arrow from an unknown hand. Eugenius the Seventh followed, who being attempted by conspirators, had his new-married Wife slain in bed beside him; for which he being accused produced the murderers before his trial, and was acquitted, and so ended the rest of his 17. years in peace, recommending unto the People Mordack, son of Amberkelleth, who continuing a blank reign, or it may be a happy one, in regard it was peaceable, left it to Etfyn, son of Eugenius the seventh; the first part of his reign was peaceable; but Age obliging him to put the Government into the hands of four of his servants, it happened to him, as it doth to other Princes, whose fortunes decay commonly with their strength, that it was very unhappy and turbulent: Which miseries, Eugenius the Eighth, son of Mordack restrained; but he it seems, having a nature fitter to appease tumults, then to enjoy rest, at the first enjoyment of peace, broke into such lewdness, that the Nobility at a meeting stabbed him, and made way for Fergus the son of Etfyn, one like his predecessor in manner, death, and continuance of reign, which was three years; the only dissimilitude was, that the latter's Wife brought his death; for which, others being impeached, she stepped in and confessed it, and to elude punishment, punished herself with a knife. Soluath, son of Eugenius the Eighth, followed him, who though his gout made him of less Action, yet it made his prudence more visible, and himself not illaudable, his death brought in Achaius the son of Etfyn, whose reign was ennobled with an Irish War, and many learned men, besides the assistance, lent Hungus to fight against the Northumbrians, whom he beat in famous battle, which (if I may mention the matter) was presignified to Hungus in a dream; Saint Andrew appearing to him, and assuring him of it, and in the time of the battle, a white cross, (that which the heralds call a salter, and we see commonly in the Scots Banners) appeared in the Sky; and this I think to have been the occasion of that bearing, and an order of Knights of Saint Andrew, sometimes in reputation in Scotland, but extinguished for aught I can perceive, before the time of James the Sixth, though the Collar and Pendent of it are at this day worn about the Scots Arms. To this man Congal his Cousin succeeded, who left nothing behind him but five years to stretch out the account of time. Dongal the son of Soluath came next, who being of a nature fierce and insupportable, there was an endeavour to set up Alpine son of Achaius, which design by Alpine himself was frustrated, which made the King willinger to assist Alpine in his pretention to the kingdom of Picts, in the which attempt he was drowned, and left unto Alpine that which he before had so nobly refused, who making use of the former raised an Army, beat the Picts in many signal Victories; but at last was slain by them, leaving his name to the place of his death, and the kingdom to his son Kenneth. This man seeing the People broken with the late War, and unwilling to fight, drew on by this subtlety, invites the Nobility to dinner, and after plying them with drink till midnight, leaves them sleeping on the floor (as the manner was) and then hanging Fish-skins about the walls of the Chamber, and making one speak through a trunk, and call them to war: they waking, and half asleep, supposed something of Divinity to be in it, and the next morning not only consented to War, but (so strange is deluded imagination,) with unspeakable courage fell upon the Enemy, and put them to the rout: which being confirmed by other great Victories, utterly ruined the Pictish Name. This man may be added to the two Ferguses, and truly may be said to be the Founder of the Scots Empire, not only in making that the middle of his Dominion, which was once the bounds: But in confirming his acquests with good Laws, having opportunity of a long peace which was Sixteen years, his whole time of Government being Twenty. This was he that placed that Stone, famous for that illusory prophecy, Ni fallat fatum &c. (which first was brought our of Spain and Ireland, and from thence to Argyle) at Scown; where he put it in a Chair, in which all his successors (till Edward the First brought it away) were crowned, and since that, all the Kings of England, till the happiness of our commonwealth made it useless. His Brother Donald was his successor, a man made up of extremities of virtues and vices, no man had more bravery in the field, nor more vice at home, which increasing with his years, the Nobility put him in prison, where either for fear or scorn, he put an end to his days, leaving behind him his brother Constantine, a man wanting nothing of him but his vices, who struggling with a potent Enemy, (for the Picts had called in the Danes) and driving them much into despair (a bravery that hath not seldom ruined many excellent Captains) was taken by them, put into a little Cave, and there slain. He was succeeded by Ethus his brother, who had all his eldest brothers vices, and none of his seconds virtues; Nature it seems, making two extremes, and a middle in the three Brethren: This man voluptuous and cowardly, was forced to resign; or, as others say, died of wounds received in a duel from his successor, who was Gregory son of Dongal, who was not only an excellent man, but an excellent Prince, that both recovered what the others had lost, and victoriously traversed the Northern Counties of England, and a great part of Ireland, whose King a Minor, and in his power, he generously made no advantage of, but settled his country, and provided faithful and able Guardians for him. These things justly yield him the name of Great: Donald son of Constantine the second by his recommendation, succeeded in his power and virtues, notwithstanding some say he was removed by poison: Next was Constantine the third, son of Ethus, an unstable person, who assisted the Danes, which none of his predecessors would do, and after they had deserted him basely, yet yielded them succours, consisting of the chief of the Scots Nobility, which with the whole Danish Army were routed by the Saxons; this struck him so, that he retired amongst the Culdys (which were as the Greek Caloyers, or Romish Monks at this day) and there buried himself alive: After him was Milcom, son of Donald the third, who though a good Prince, and well skilled in the arts of peace, was slain by a Conspiracy of those to whom his virtue was burdensome: His successor was Judulf (by what title I find not) who fighting with the Danes, that with a Navy unexpectedly came into the Frith, was slain: duff his son succeeds, famous for an accident, which if it be true, seems nearly distant from a fable; He was suddenly afflicted by a sweating disease, by which he painfully languished, yet nobody could find the cause, till at last a Girl, that had scattered some words after torments, confessed that her mother and some other women, had made an Image of wax, which, as it wasted, the King should waste, by sweating much; the place being diligently searched, it was found accordingly; so the Image being broke, he instantly recovered: That which disturbed his five years' Reign, was the turbulency of the Northern people, whom, when he had reduced and taken, with intent to make exemplary punishment, Donald the Commander of the Castle of Forresse, where he than lay, interceded for some of them, but being repulsed, and exasperated by his wife, after he had made all his servants drunken, flew him in his bed, and buried him under a little bridge, (lest the cutting of turfs might bewray a grave) near Kilross Abbey; though others say, he turned aside a River, and after he had buried him, suffered it to take its former Channel: Culen the son of Induffe, by the Election of Parliament, or Convention of People succeeded, good only in this one Action of inquiring and punishing his predecessors death, but after, by the neglect of Discipline, and the exquisiteness of his vices, became a monster, and so continued three years, till being weakened and exhausted in his body, and vexed with perpetual diseases he was summoned by the Parliament, and in the way, was slain by a Thane (so they then called Lieutenants of Counties) whose daughter he had ravished.  
Then came Kenneth, brother to Duff (though the forepart of his Keign was totally unlike his) who being invaded by the Danes, beat them in that famous battle, which was won by three Hays, husbandmen (from whom all the Hays now give three shields gules) who with their scythes reinforced the lost battle, but in his latter time he lost this reputation, by poisoning Milcolm son of Duff, to preserve the Crown for a son of his name, though of less merit (for says Bucanan, They use to choose the fittest, not the nearest) which being done, he got ordained in a Parliament, that the Succession should be lineal, the Son should inherit, and be called Prince of Scots; and if he were a minor, be governed by some wise man (here comes the pretence of Succession, whereas before it was clearly Elective) and at fifteen, he should choose his Guardian himself; But the Divine vengeance, which seldom, even in this life, passes by murder, overtook him; for he was ensnared by a Lady, whose son he had caused to be executed, and slain by an arrow out of an ambush she had laid. Constantine the son of Culen, notwithstanding all the artifice of Kenneth, by his reasoning against the Act, persuaded most of the Nobility to make him King, to that Milcolm the son of Kenneth and he made up two factions, which tore the kingdom, till at length Milcoms Bastard Brother (himself being in Englaend assisting the Danes) fought him routed his Army, and with the loss of his own life, took away his, they dying of mutual wounds. Grime, of whose birth they do not certainly agree, was chosen by the Constantinians, who made a good party, but at intercession of Forard (an accounted Rabbi of the times) they at last agreed, Grime being to enjoy the kingdom for his life, after which Milcolumb should succeed, his father's Law standing in force; but he after declining into lewdness, cruelty and spoil (as Princes drunk with greatness and prosperity use to do) the people called back Milcolumb, who rather receiving battle then giving it (for it was upon ascension day, his principal holiday) routed his Forces, wounded himself, took him, pulled out his eyes, which altogether made an end of his life, all factions and humours being reconciled.  
Milcolumb, who with various Fortune fought many signal battles with the Danes, who under their King Sueno had invaded in his latter end he grew to such Covetousness and Oppression, that all authors agree he was murdered, though they disagree of the manner; some say, by Confederacy with his servants; some, by his Kinsmen and competitors; some, by the friends of a maid, whom he had ravished. Donald his Grandchild succeeded, a good natured and unactive Prince, who with a stratagem of sleepy drink, destroyed a Danish Army that had invaded and distressed him, but at last being ensnared by his Kinsman Macbeth (who was pricked forward by Ambition, and a former vision of three women of a sour-human shape, whereof one saluted him, Thane of Angus, another of Murray the third King) he was beheaded.  
The severity and cruelty of Macbeth was so known, that both the sons of the murdered King were forced to retire, and yield to the times, whilst he courted the Nobility with largesses: The first ten years he spent virtuously, but the remainder was so savage and tyrannical, that Macduff thane of Fife fled into England to Milcolm, son of Donald, who by his persuasions, and the assistance of the King of England, entered Scotland, where he found such great accessions to his party, that Macbeth was forced to fly, his death is hid in a such a mist of Fables, that it is not certainly known.  
Milcolumb, the third of that name, now being quietly seated, was the first that brought in those gay inventions and distinctions of Honours, Dukes, Marquesses (that now are become so airy, that some carry them from places, to which they have as little relation as any, as Island in America, and other from Cottages and Dovecoats) his first trouble was Forfar Mackbeths' son, who claimed the Crown, but was soon after cut off: some war he had with that William, whom we call falsely the conqueror, some with his own People, which, by the Intercession of the Bishops, were taken up: At length, quarrelling with our William the second, he laid Siege to Alnwick Castle, which being forced to extremity, a Knight came out with the Keys on a Spear, as to present them to him, and yield the Castle, but he not with due heed receving them, was run through the eye and slain; some from hence derive the name of Piercy (how truly I know not) his son and successor Edward following his revenge too hotly, received some wounds, of which, within a few days, he died.  
Donald Bane (that is white) who had fled into the Isles for fear of Macbeth, promised them to the Kings of Norway, if he would procure him to be King, which was done with ease, as the times than stood, but this Usurper being hated by the People, who generally loved the memory of Milcomb, they set Duncan Milcombs Bastard against him, who forced him to retire to his Isles; Duncan a Military man, showed himself unfit for Government, so, Donald waiting all advantages, caused him to be beheaded, and restored himself; but his Reign was so turbulent, the Islanders and English invading on both sides, that they called in Edgar son of Milcolmb, then in England, who, with small assistances, possessed himself, all men deserting Donald, who being taken and brought to the King died in Prison. Edgar secure by his virtues, and strengthened by the English alliance, spent nine years virtuously and peaceably, and gave the People leave to breathe and rest after so much trouble and bloodshed. His Brother Alexander, surnamed Acer, or the fierce, succeeded, the beginning of whose Reign, being disturbed by a Rebellion, he speedily met them at the Spay, which being a swift River, and the Enemy on the other side, he offered himself to ford on horseback but Alexander Car taking the employment from him, forded the River with such courage, that the Enemy fled, and were quiet. The rest of his Reign some say he had the name of Acer, for that some conspirators being by the fraud of Chamberlain, admitted into his Chamber, he casually waking first, slew the Chamberlain, and after six of the conspirators, not ceasing to pursue the rest, till he had slain most of them with his own hands, this with the building of some Abbeys, and seventeen years' Reign, is all we know of him.  
His Brother David succeeded, one whose profuse prodigality upon the Abbeys brought the revenue of the Crown (so prevalent was the superstition of those days) almost to nothing, he had many battles with our Stephen about the title of Maud the Empress, and having lost his excellent wife and hopeful son in the flower of their days, he left the kingdom to his Grandchildren, the eldest whereof was David a simple King, baffled, and led up and down into France by our Henry the second, which brought them to such contempt, that he was vexed by frequent Insurrections, especially them of Murray, whom he almost extirpated; the latter part of his Reign was spent in building of Monasteries, he himself tied by a Vow of Chastity, would never marry, but left his Successor his brother William, who expostulating for the Earldom of Northumberland gave occasion for a War, in which he was surprised and taken, but afterwards released upon his doing Homage for the Kingdom of Scotland to King Henry, of whom he acknowledged to hold it, and putting in Caution the Castles of Roxborough (once strong, now nothing but ruins) Barwick, Edinburgh, Sterling, all which notwithstanding was after released by Richard Ceur de lion, who was then upon an expedition to the Holy War, from whence returning, both he, and David Earl of Huntington, brother to the King of Scots were taken Prisoners: the rest of his Reign (saving the rebuilding of Saint Johnstone, which had been destroyed by the waters, whereby he lost his eldest Son;) and some Treaties with our King John was little worth the memory; only you will wonder that a Scottish King could Reign forty nine years and die in peace.  
Alexander his son succeeded, famous for little, save some Expeditions against our King John, some Insurrections, and a Reign two years longer than his Fathers. His son was the third of that name, a boy of eight years old, whose Minority was infested with the turbulent Cumins, who at riper age, being called to account, not only refused, but surprised him at Sterling, governing him at their pleasure; but soon after he was awaked by a furious Invasion of Acho King of Norway (under the pretence of some Islands given him by Macbeth) whom he forced to accept a Peace and spent the latter part amidst the turbulencies of the Priests (drunk at that time with their wealth and ease) and at last having seen the continued funerals of his Sons, David, Alexander, his wife, and his daughter, he himself with a fall from his horse broke his neck, leaving of all his race, only a grandchild by his daughter, which died soon after.  
This man's family being extinguished, they were forced to run to to another Line, which that we may see how happy, expedient, immediate Succession is for the Peace of the Kingdom, and what miseries it prevents; I shall as briefly and as pertinently as I can, set down.  
David, brother to King William, had three daughters. Margaret married to Allan, Lord of Galloway, Isabella married to Robert Bruce, Lord of Annadale and Cleveland; Ada married to Henry Hastings, Earl of Huntington now Allan begot on his wife Dornadilla married to John Baliall after King of Scotland, and other two daughters, Bruce on his wife Robert Bruce, Earl of Carick, (having married the heretrix thereof,) as for Huntington he desisted his claim; The question is, whether Balial in right of the eldest daughter, or Bruce being come of the second (but a man) should have the Crown, he being in the same degree, and of the more worthy sex; the controversy being tossed up and down, at last was referred to Edward the first of that name of England he thinking to fish in these troubled waters, stirs up eight other Competitors, the more to entangle the business, and with twenty four councillors, half English, half Scots, and abundance of Lawyers, fit enough to perplex the matter, so handled the business, after cunning delays, that at length he secretly tampers with Bruce (who was then conceived to have the better right of the business) that if he would acknowledge the Crown of him, he would adjudge it for him, but he generously answering that he valued a Crown at a less rate, then for it to put his country under a foreign yoke; he made the same motion to Baliall, who accepted it; and so we have a King again, by what right we all see, but it is good reason to think that Kings, come they by their power never so unjustly, may justly keep it.  
Baliall having thus got a Crown as unhappily kept it, for no sooner was he Crowned, and had done honage to Edward, but the Abernethys having slain macduff Earl of Fife, he not only pardoned them, but gave them a piece of land in controversy, whereupon Macduffs brother complainis against him to Edward, who makes him rise from his seat at Parliament and go to the bar, he hereupon enraged, denies Edward assistance against the French, and renounses his homage, Edward hereupon comes to Berwick takes and kills seven thousand, most of the Nobility of Fife and Lowthian, and after gave them a great defeat at Dunbar, whose Castle instantly surrendered: After this, he marched to Montrosse, where Baliall resined himself and Crown, all the Nobility giving Homage to Edward, Baliall is sent prisoner to London, and from thence after a years detention into France. whilst Edward was possessed of all Scotland, one William Wallace arose, who being a private man, bestirred himself in the Calamity of his country, and gave the English several notable foils. Edward coming again with an Army, beat him (that was overcome with envy and emulation as well as power, upon which he laid by his Command, and never acted after, but slight Incursions) but the English being beaten at Roslin, Edward comes in again, takes Sterling, and makes them all render homage; but at length Bruce, seeing all his promises nothing but smoke, enters into League with Cumen to get the kingdom; but being betrayed by him to Edward, he stabbed Cumen at Drumfreis, and made himself King. This man though he came with disadvantage, yet wanted neither patience, courage, nor conduct; so that after he had miserably lurked in the mountains, he came down, and gathering together some force, gave our Edward the second such a defeat near Sterling, as Scotland never gave the like to our Nation, and continued war with various fortune with the Third, till at last, age and leprosy brought him to his grave. His son David a Boy of eight years, inherited that which he with so much danger obtained, and wisdom kept; In his minority he was governed by Thomas Randolf Earl of Murray, whose severity in punishing was no less dreaded than His valour had been honoured, but he soon after dying of poison, and Edward Balial, son of John, coming with a Fleet, and strengthened with the assistance of the English, and some Robbers, the governor the Earl of Mar was put to the rout, so that Balial makes himself King, and David was glad to retire into France; Amidst these parties (Edward the third backing Balial) was Scotland pitifully torn, and the Bruces in a manner extinguished, till Robert (after King) with them of Argyle and his own family and Friends, begin to renew the Claim, and bring it into a War again, which was carried on by Andrew Murray the governor, and after by himself; that David after nine years' banishment durst return, where making often Incursions, he at length in the fourth year of his return, Marched into England, and in the bishopric of Durham was routed, fled to an obscure Bridge, showed to this day by the Inhabitants, where he was by John Copland taken prisoner, where he continued nine years, and in the thirty ninth year of his reign died.  
Robert his sister's son, whom he had intended to put by, succeeds, and first brought the Stewarts (which at this day are a plague to the Nation) into play: This man after he was King, whether it were age or sloth, did little; but his Lieutenants and the English were perpetually in Action; he left his Kingdom to John his Bastard Son by the Lady More his Concubine, whom he married, either to legitimate the three Children (as the manner was then) he had by her, or else for old acquaintance (his Wife and her Husband dying much about a time) this John would be Crowned by the name of Robert (his own they say, being unhappy for Kings) a wretched unactive Prince, lame, and only governed by his brother Walter, who having David the Prince, upon the complaint of some exorbitancies, delivered to him to take care of, made him to be starved; upon which the King intending to send his Son James into France, the Boy was taken at Flamburgh, and kept by our Henry the Fourth; upon the hearing of which, his Father swooned, and soon after died: His reign was memorable for nothing, but his breaking with George Earl of March, to whose daughter, upon the payment of a great part of her portion (which he never would repay) he had promised his Son David for an husband: to take the Daughter of Douglas who had a greater, which occasioned the Earl of March to make many inroads with our Henry hotspur; and a famous Duel of three hundred men a piece, whereof of the one side ten remained, and of the other one, which was the only way to appease the deadly Feuds of two Families: The Inter-reign was governed by Robert, who enjoying the power, he had too much coveted, little minded the liberty of his Nephew, only he sent some Auxiliaries into France, who, they say, behaved themselves worthily; and his slothful Son Mordac, who making his Sons so bold with indulgence, that one of them killed a falcon on his fist, which he denied to give him; he in revenge procured the Parliament to ransom the King, who had been eighteen years' prisoner. This James was the first of that Name, and though he was an excellent Prince, yet had a troublesome Reign; first in regard of a great Pension raised for his ransom, next for domestic Commotions, and lastly for raising of money, which though the Revenue was exhausted, was called covetousness, which having offended Robert Graham, he conspired with the Earl of Athol, slew him in his Chamber, his Wife receiving two wounds, endeavouring to defend him.  
This James left the second, a boy of six years, whose infancy by the misguidance of the governor, made a miserable People, and betrayed the Earl Douglas to death, and almost all that great Family to ruin; but being supplanted by another Earl Douglas, the King in his just age suffered minority under him, who upon displeasure rebelled, and was killed by the Kings own hand; afterwards having his middle years perpetually molested with civil broils, yet going to assist the Duke of York against Henry the Sixth, he was diverted by an English Gentleman, that counterfeited himself a Nuncio (which I mention out of a Manuscript, because I do not remember it in our Stories) and broke up his Army: soon after besieging Roxburgh, he was slain by the bursting of a Cannon in the twenty ninth year of his Age.  
James the Third left a Boy of seven years, governed by his Mothe, afterwards the Boyds through the persuasions of Astrologers and Witches to whom he was strongly addicted, he declined to Cruelty, which so enraged the Nobility, that headed by his son, they conspired against him, routing his Forces near Sterling, wherein he flying to a Mill, and asking for a Confessor, a Priest came, who told him, that though he was no good Priest, yet he was a good Leech, and with that stabbed him to the heart: A Parliament approved his death, and ordered Indemnities to all that had sought against him.  
James the Fourth, a Boy of fifteen years, is made King, Governed by the murderers of his Father, a prodigal vainglorious Prince slain at Floddon Field or as some suppose at Kelsey, by the Humes, which (as the Manuscript alleges) seems more probability, in regard that the Iron Belt (a Ring to which he added every year) which he wore in repentance for the death of his Father, was never found, and there were many the day of the battle habited like him. His Successor was his son, James the Fifth of that Name, a Boy of not above two years of age; under whose minority, what by the misgovernment of Tutors, what by the factions of the Nobility, Scotland was wasted almost into famine and solitude, yet in his just age, he proved an industrious Prince, but could not so satisfy the Nobility but he and they continued in a mutual hate, till that barbarous execution of young Hamilton, so filled him with remorse, (he dream-that Hamilton came and cut off his Arms, and threatened after to cut off his Head) and displeased the people. that he could not make his Army fight with the English then in Scotland, whereupon he died of grief, having heard the death of his two sons, who died at the instant of his Dream, and leaving a Daughter of five days old, whom he never saw.  
This was that Mary, under whose minority (by the weakness of the governor, and ambition of the Cardinal) the kingdom felt all those woes that are threatened to them whose King is a Child. Till at length the prevalency of the English Arms (awakes for her Cause) brought the great design of sending her into France to perfection, so at five years old she was t●ansported, and at fifteen married to the dauphin Francis, after King, (Whilst her mother, daughter of the Guise, in her Regency, exercised all Rage against the professors of the pure Religion then in the dawn) who after two years, left her a childless Widow, so that at eighteen she returned into Scotland to succeed her Mother (Than newly dead) in her exorbitoncies.  
This young Couple in the transport of their nuptial solemnities, took the Arms and Title of England; which indiscreet Ambition we may suppose first quickened the jealousy of Elizabeth against her, which after kindled so great a flame.  
In Scotland she showed what a strange influence loose education hath upon youth, and that weaker Sex, all the French effeminacies came over with her, the Court lost that little severity which was left. David rise was the only Favourite, and it too much feared, had those enjoyments which no woman can give, but she that gives away her honour and chastity.  
But a little after, Henry Lord Darnly, coming with Matthew Earl of Lenox his father into Scotland, she cast an eye upon him, and married him. Whether it were to strengthen her pretention to England, he being come of Henry the seventh's Daughter, as we shall tell anon, or for to colour her Adulteries, and hide the shame of an impregnation, (though some have whispered, that she never conceived, and that the son was supposititious) or some frenzy of affection drew her that way; certain it is she soon declined her affection to her husband, and increased it to David (he being her perpetual Companion at Board, and managing all Affairs, whilst the King with a contemptible train was sent away) insomuch that some of the Nobility that could not digest this, entered a Conspiracy, which the king headed, and slew him in her Chamber.  
This turned all the neglect of her Husband into rage, so that her chiefest business was to appease her favourites Ghost with the slaughter of her Husband; poison was first attempted, but it being (it seems) too weak, or his youth overcoming it, that expectation failed. But the Devil and Bothwel furnished her with another that succeeded, she entices him being so sick, that they were forced to bring him in an horse-litter to Edinburgh, where she cherished him extremely, till the credulous young man began to lay aside suspicion, and hope better; so she puts him in a ruinous House near the Palace, from whence no news can be had, brings in her own bed, and lies in the House with him; and at length when the design was ripe, causes him one Sunday night, with his servant, to be strangled, thrown out of the window, and the House blown up with gunpowder, her own rich bed having been before secretly conveyed away. This and other performances made her favour upon Bothwel so hot, that she must marry him, the only obstacle was, he had a Wife already; but she was compelled to sue for a Divorce, which (so great Persons being concerned) it was a wonder, was in granting so long as ten days. Well, she marries but the more honest nobility amazed at those exorbitances, gather together, and with arms in hands begin to expostulate: The new-married people are forced to make back Southwards, where finding but slender assistances, and the Queen foolishly coming from Dunbar to Leith, was glad at last to delay a parley till her Dear was escaped and then (clad in an old tottered coat) to yield herself a prisoner.  
Being brought to Edinburgh, and used rather with hate of her former enormities, then pity of her fortune, she received a message, that she must either resign the Crown to her son James (that was born in the time of her marriage with Darnby) or else they would proceed to another Election, and was forced to obey: So the Child then in his Cradle was acknowledged James the Sixth, better known afterwards by the Title of Great Britain.  
The wretched mother flying after into England, was entertained (though with a Guard) by Queen Elizabeth, but after that being suborned by the Papists, and exasperated by the Guises, she entered into plots and machinations, so inconsistent with the safety of England, that by an Act of Parliament she was condemned to death, which she after received by an hatchet at Fothering-gay Castle.  
The infancy of her son was attended with those domestic evils that accompany minority of Kings: In his youth he took to wife the Daughter of Denmark (a woman I hear little of, saving that Character Sallust gives Sempronia, she could saltare elegantius quam necesse est probae) with whom he supposing the Earl Gowry too much in League, caused him and his brother to be slain at their own House whither he was invited, he giving out, that they had an intent to murder him, and that by miracle, and the assistance of some men (whom he had instructed for that purpose, and taught their tale) he escaped. For this Deliverance (or to say better assassination) he Blasphemed God with a solemn Thanksgiving once a year all the remainder of his life.  
Happy had it been for us, if our fore fathers had laid hold of that happy opportunity of Elizabeth's death (in which the Teuthors took a period) to have performed that which (perchance in due punishment) hath cost us so much blood and sweat, and not have bowed under the sway of a Stranger, (disdained by the most generous and wise at that time, and only supported by the Faction of some and sloth of others) who brought but a slender title, and (however the assentation of the times cried him up a Solomo) weak commendations for such an advancement.  
The Former stood thus, Margaret, eldest daughter to Henry the Seventh, was married to James the Fourth, whole Son, James the Fifth, had Mary the Mother of James the Sixth. Margaret after her first husband's death, martyrs Archibald Douglas, Earl of Angus, who upon her begot Margaret, wife of Matthew Earl of Lenox, and Mother of that Henry Darnly, whose Tragical end we just now mentioned. Now upon this slender Title, and our internal dissensions (for the Cecilians and Essezians, for several ends, made perpetual applications) got Jammy from a revenue of 30000. li. to one of almost two Millions, though there were others that had as fair pretences (what else can any of them make) the Statute of 25. Ed. 3 expressly excluding foreigners from the Crown? and so the Children of Charles Brandon by Mary the Second Daughter, Dowager of France, being next to come in. And the Lady Arbella, being sprung from a third Husband, (the Lord Stewart) of the said Margaret, and by a Male line, carried surely a formidable pretention (it should seem) that even that iniquity which was personally inherent to her, made her days very unhappy and most part captive, and her death ('tis thought) somewhat too early, so cruel are the Persecutions of cowardly minds, even against the weakest and most unprotected innocence.  
And indeed his right to the Crown was so satisfactory even to the most judicious of those days; that Toby Matthew having a suit about some privileges which he claimed to his bishopric (which was then Durham) wherein the King opposed him; having one day stated the Case before some of his friends, and they seeming to approve of it; yes, says he, I could wish he had but half so good a Title to the Crown; and 'tis known that some speeches of Sir Walter Raleigh, too generous and English for the times, was that which brought him to Trial and Condemnation for a feigned crime, and afterwards so facilitated that barbarous design of Gundamar, to cut of his head for a crime, for which he was condemned fourteen years before, and which by the Commissions he after received (according to the opinion of the than Lord chancellor, and the greatest lawyers) was in Law pardoned.  
This may besides our purpose, but we could not sever this Consideration, unless we would draw him with an half face, and leave as much in umbrage as we expressed. That which most solemnised his Person, was, first the consideration of his adhering to the Protestant Religion, whereas we are to consider that those sleight velitations he had with Bellarmine and the Romanists, tended rather to make his own authority more intrinsically intense, and venerable, then to confute any thing they said, for he had before shaked them off, as to foreign Jurisdiction, and for matter of popery, it appeared in his latter time that he was no such enemy to it, both by his own Compliances with the Spanish ambassadors, the design of the Spanish Match (in which his Son was personally embarked) and the slow assistances sent to his Daughter, in whose safety and protectiod Protestantism was at that time so much concerned.  
For his knowledge, he had some glancings and nibblings, which the severity of the excellent Buchanan, foreed into him in his younger time, and after conversatian somewhat polished, but though I bear not so great a contempt to his other works, as Ben. Johnson did to his poetry, yet if they among many others were a-going to the fire, they would not be one of the first I should rescue, as possibly expecting more severe and refined judgement in many other. And knowing that he that had so many able Wits at command, might easily give their their Oracles through his mouth: but suppose the things generous and fit to live (as I am not yet convinced) yet what commendations is this to a King (who should have other business then spinning and weaving fine Theories, and engaging in School Ciquaneries) which was well understood by Henry the fourth, who hearing some men celebrate him with these Attributes; yea (answers he very tartly) He is a fine King, and writes little Books.  
'Tis true, he was a good droll, and possibly after Greek Wine somewhat factious. But for substantial and heroic wisdom, I have not heard any great instances; he himself used to brag of his kingcraft, which was not to felicifie his People, and prosecute the ends of a good King; but to screw up the Prerogative, divert Parliaments from the due disquisition and prosecution of their freedoms, and to break them up at pleasure, and indeed his rendition of the Cautionary Towns of the Low countries, and that for so small a sum, showed him a person not so quick-sighted, and unfit to be overreached.  
For his peaceable reign, Honourable and just Quarrels he wanted not, but sloth and cowardice withheld him, and indeed the ease and luxury of those times, fomented and nourished those lurking and pestilent humours, which afterwards so dangerously broke out in his son's Reign.  
We shall not trouble his ashes with the mention of his personal faults, only, if we may compare God's Judgements with apparent sins; we may find the latter end of his life, neither fortunate nor comfortable unto him, His wife distasted by him, and some say, languishing of a foul disease; his eldest son dying, Nimis apertis indiciis, of poison, and that as is feared by a hand too much allied: His second (with whom he ever had a secret Antipathy) scarce returned from a mad and dangerous voyage; His daughter (all that was left of that sex) banished, with her numerous issue, out of her husband's Dominion, and living in miserable exile; and lastly, himself dying of a violent death (by poison) in which his Son was more than suspected to have an hand, as may be infered by Buckingham's Plea, that he did it by the Command of the than Prince; his own dissolution of the Parliament that took in hand to examine it; and lastly, his indifferency at Buckingham's death (though he pretended all love to him alive) as glad to be rid of so dangerous and so considerable a Partner of his guilt; yet the Mitred Parasites of those times, could say, one went to Heaven in Noah's Ark, the other in Elisha's chariot, he dying of a pretended fever, she (as they said) of a dropsy.  
Charles having now obtained his brother's inheritance, carried himself in managing of it, like one that gained it as he did. The first of his Acts, was that glorious attempt upon the Isle of Rhee. The next that Noble and Christianly betraying of Rochel, and consequently in a manner the whole Protestant interest in France. The middle of his Reign was heightening of Prerogative and Prelacy, and conforming our Churches to the pattern of Rome; till at last just indignation brought in his Subjects of Scotland into England, and so forced him to call a Parliament; which though he shamelessly say in the first line of the Book (Called his) was out of his own inclination to Parliaments, yet how well he liked them may appear by his first tampering with his own Army in the North, to surprise and dissolve them, than the Scots (who at that time were Court-proof) then raising up the Irish Rebellion, which hath wasted Millions of lives; and lastly, open secession from Westminster, and hostility against the two Houses, which maintained a first and second sharp War, which had almost ruined the Nation, had not Providence in a manner immediately interposed and rescued us to liberty, and made us such signal Instruments of his vengeance, that all wicked Kings may tremble at the example.  
In a word never was man so resolute and obstinate in a tyranny, never people more strangely besotted with it, to paint the Image of David with his face, and Blasphemously parallel him with Christ, would make one at first thought think him a Saint: But to compare his Protestations and actions; his actions of the day, his actions of the night, his Protestant Religion, and his Courting of Pope, and obedience to his wife, we may justly say, he was one of the most consummate in the Arts of Tyranny that ever was. And it could be no other than God's hand that arrested him in the height of his Designs and greatness, and cut off him and his family, making good his own Imprecations upon his own head.  
Our Scene is again in Scotland, who hath accepted his Son, whom for distinction sake, we will be content to call Charles the Second. Certainly these People were strangely blind as to God's judgement perpetually poured out upon a family, or else to their own interest, to admit the spray of such a stock; one that hath so little to commend him, and so great improbability for their designs and happiness, a Popish (or very near it) education, if not Religion too (however for the present he may seem to dissemble it, France, the Jesuits and his Mother good means of such improvement) the dangerous Maxims of his Father, (besides the revenge he owes his death, of which he will never totally acquit the Scots) his hate to the whole Nation, his sense of Montrosse his death; his backwardness to come to them till all other means failed (both his foreign begged Assistances, his Propositions to the Pope, and Commissions to Montrosse) and lastly, his late running away to his old friends in the North; so that any man may see this his Compliance to be but Histrionical and forced, and that as soon as he hath led them into the snare, and got power into his own hands, so as he may appear in his own visage; he will be a scourge upon them for their gross hypocrisy, and leave them a sad instance to all Nations, how dangerous it is to espouse such an interest, which God with so visible and severe a hand fights against, carried on by, and for the support of a tyrannising nobility and clergy, and wherein the poor People are blindly led on by those affrighting (but false and ungrounded) pretensions of perfidy and perjury, and made instrumental with their own estates and blood, for the enslaving and ruining themselves.   
FINIS.