A SERIOUS EPISTLE TO Mr. WILLIAM PRYNNE, Wherein Is interwoven an Answer to a late Book of his, the Title whereof is inserted in the next leaf. By J. HALL, of Grays-inn.  
PROV. 6. 2 and 3. 
Thou art snared with the words of thy mouth, thou art taken with the words of thy mouth.  
Do this now my son, and deliver thyself; when thou art come into the hand of thy friend: go, humble thyself, and make sure thy friend.   
LONDON, Printed for John Place, and are to be sold at his Shop at furnifolds-inn gate, 1649.   

To him that will Read.  
THat this Book hath come later from the press, then either stands with the Celerity of the Adversary, or duty and obligation of the Author, it will be hoped you will be inclined to Forgive, when you once are assured that a Treatise of almost ten-times the bigness of this, might have come abroad in the time this was a making ready; Notwithstanding all clamours and expostulations; and therefore the Author may promise himself so much Justice, as to be Rescued from the savageness of their opinions, who dam all things not immediately falling under their concern, or complying with the pettishness of their own Humour.   

A legal VINDICATION Of the Liberties of ENGLAND, AGAINST illegal TAXES And pretended Acts of Parliament, Lately enforced on the People: OR, Reasons assigned by WILLIAM PRYNN of Swainswick in the County of Somerset, Esquire, why he can neither in Conscience, Law, nor Prudence submit to the New illegal Tax or Contribution of Ninety Thousand pounds the MONTH; Lately ●mposed on the kingdom, by a pretended Act of some Commons in (or rather out of) Parliament.   

To Mr. WILLIAM PRYNNE of Swainswick Greeting.  
Mr. PRYNNE.  
YOu will scarcely believe, what an high obligation, you have lately put upon all men, that can but the lest discover between good and evil in Books, and how much you were likely▪ to have further endeared yourself to them, By the continuance of your patience and silence. For whereas you were accustomed usually once a week to great them, with a small Trifle of some twenty or thirty sheets; and thereby either incur their indignation or laughter; you have been of late graciously pleased to withdraw your benevolences of that nature, and ●o put them in hopes that you would no more lend an hand to the Multiplication of evil Things: Nor any more bear a part in the variety of those hideous noises, which do now distract and deafen Europe.  
But indeed (this is but a friendly congress, and we must be free and open) your silence to me was very Omnious and full o● bad signification; nay, I must confess to you; far more dreadful than the opening of the mouth and speaking. For having found and Experimented that your Nature was such that it could no more forbear scribbling then a paralytic his shaking, or one bit with a Tar●●tula his dancing, I began to fear and tremble lest either you were in l●bour with some great voluminous work, which like a Leviathan▪ would swallow up all the Paper, and be a means to raise Ballads and Pamphlets, from three farthings to a penny a sheet, or else that you were intended shortly to depart this world (as the volentary slipping of fistulas and Issues betoken Death to the party) and so not live a while to survive your Progeny, and see the Memory of them lost among Men.  
But indeed I was of late doubly undeceived, for I both found (to my amazement) that you were alive, as also that your late Book was but eight sheets, which indeed for that very cause I should have bastardized and disclaimed for being yours; But that I therein found that a many profuse and impertinent dashes did absolutely characterise it yours, and besides I saw abundance of Quotations, which I suppose no other Man would upon that occasion have placed there.  
Now finding your Book (as I said) so short and withal so little to the question; a kindly Itch and lechery presently Tickled me to answer it, & the rather because I suppose I might gratify you in giving you an occasion to write again, as also make your opposition to the present Government, more known and famous (a thing I know you cove●) as also be a procatartic cause of some further sufferings, which I knew could not but be very acceptable because I have observed your Genius more especially delighted in persecution and opposition to the present power, and therefore I could never blame you for precipitating yourself into a heady action; as being willing to permit every man to follow his own Inclination, and I knew you were led very strongly this way.  
Nor indeed was I insensible of some advantage on my side. No man lying, so open, so unguarded, so easy to be beaten by his own Weapons as you. Besides you most times take i●● aims, & strike clear besides your enemy. So that besides these small encouragements, I saw I needed not be half so long as you, (and this is somewhat with the judicious) and I needed but once state the questition, and all your Arguments would fall in pieces, and for quotations I knew it was either transcribing of yours into my 
Pref. to Don quixot▪  margin (which is as much concerned in them as yours) or else to follow Cervantes his advice, and take t●e first Catalogue of Authors I met and own them.  
But then again upon second thoughts I began to demur, as considering you a person very dreadful and terrible; as well by your Roman constancy in writing, (for you never yet permitted any Adversary to have the last word, nor any power so long as you had pen and ink to put you to silence as by the Reputation you have of a various learning & multiplicity of Reading: Not to mention your numerous Prints, whereby you have not like Tostat three sheets for every day in your life, but almost three volumes, so that it is pity that you were not either borne of German parents, to have written in high-dutch that you might have outdon the reputation of the greatest of their Authors, who are commonly valued at the rate of their boldness and prolixity. Notwithstanding upon a third dispute with myself I found all these were chimaeras, and could cause no Real affrights▪ as for your pertinacy in Answering, Responding Rejoyaing anti-query, Reviewing &c. However it ●ad wrought upon some other men I resolved it should not do on me▪ until you forsook your custom of unweaving the web at the wrong end, & never approaching to the heart of a dispute (as I shall presently instance) and this was a favour which as being a stranger to you I supposed you would hardly confer on me, although you had ability and possibility, either given you by nature or believed of you by men.  
For the fame of your Learning I found that it had rather invaded the minds of the multitude, and possessed the weak inconsiderate swallowers of all Books, and interested itself in those people, who had before interested themselves in those opinions, which you either oppugned or maintained, than any ways recommended you to those judgements, who calling all things to a sharp Test, are not wont to favour without Eminency of merit. And therefore I called to mind that I had heard many of them say, that (though your industry were not at all discommendable, yet it did not infer any such vastness or Immensity of nature in you, as the Titles or margins of your Books seem to promise, for (say they) Nature makes ever the dullest Beasts most laborious, and the greatest feeders. Therefore they observed that▪ though you had read and swallowed much, yet you had concocted little; and so (wanting Rumination) it was no wonder if you vomited up abundance of things crude and raw and I could prove it to you out of Authors, that to cast up things unaltered is a symptom of a feeble and infirm stomach; and as an error in the first concoction derives itself to the others, and nourishing up a prevalescent humour begets at last a disease; even so your judgement being once depraved turns all your Reading, (be it never so choice) into bilious or putrid humours, which being perpetually increased by your insatiate gluttony of Books do miserably foment and heighten your malady of writing.  
Nor truly was I much amazed with your Books themselves, which though they appeared big and tall were extreme feeble and ill complexioned, and though they carried menacing aspects, yet were things purely childish and unactive, they put me in mind: (I beseech you pardon so homely a comparison) of the two giants that stand to guard Guildhall, and look down as furiously upon the contentious Rabble, as if themselves intended to be peacemakers, and to powder them all with one blow, when alas one uncourteous greeting with a hazel stick would presently discompose all their gallantry▪ and reduce them to their first matter of sticks and pasteboard. For (Sir) 'Tis the general opinion of all Learned men (as I could bring quotations to that purpose) that books large and empty are the greatest enemies to that perpetuit● and largeness of fame, that every diligent Writer ought to aim at, that can be possible. For Posterity that passes a severe and impartial sentence upon all things formerly done, cannot but hate and brand those men that deal ●o unreverently with her, as to put things upon the file of Memory as would even be tedious in table talk where no drollery for the most part comes amiss, and therefore we see all Ages willing to op off such excrescencies, and destroy if possible their very Remembrance.  
Saepius in libro memoratur Persius uno.  
Quam levis in tota Marsus Amazonide.  
Now you having so unpardonably offended this way, I would not at all start back at you● volumnous and Gigantous Nothings, but resolutely encounter and grapple with them. For though you have a Faculty (to your great renown) to put that into ten sheets, which another man might comprise in ten lines; and therefore have filled as much paper as if you were to burn for a Martyr would serve instead of faggots; yet must I say, there is very little in all this to the purpose. For though you are not yet a Didimus▪ and transcribe whole Tragedies, yet I may say you insert many things not condusing to the present purpose, though I must acknowledge the great praise of your humanity and goodness▪ that you commonly either write the most material things (as you conceive) in Capitals, or else very courteously with an hand or a Note on the margin, direct the Reader to them. Vt si maluerit lemmata sola legat. And therefore were it for no other cau●e▪ Master Noy de●lt very uncourteously with you, that offered to make you and the water-poet, bedfellows in Lincolns-inn Library, as being two of the same altitude, and crisis of writing.  
For the multitude of them I was of Virgil's mind, Non Numer●m lupus, the smallest insectas come in greatest shoals out o● the womb of their dam putri action. A Python, a Hydra, or any such royal Monster come alone, and that but rarely, if at all, petit creatures can be delivered of many at a birth; lions, Elephants▪ and those more noble carry but one, and that after long impregnation: by the same Analogy men of poor, strait, low and slender thoughts, have ever the greatest exuberance and vent most; whereas Regular and Castigated souls, who know how dear and hard it is to think aright, and how difficult the pursuit of Truth is, and under how many censures any thing of public concern must necessarily fall; vent their notions nicely and scrupulously, as thinking they must be writ in marble, whilst the inconsiderate put every running thought upon the sand; is for example, most of your sustian puff-paste Treash, which within a few years is as quite effact, as if your I●k had been made of nothing but ●oprisse: and no more Regarded than the Inventory of some sick man's dreams; and therefore to me you have writ a very few things, they being such as no man will inquire after, but such as delight in things obsolete and antique, or supposing the things are many, 'tis a lump made up like Democrit●● worlds of atoms which raise up a great mass yet are imperceptible in themselves.  
I suppose by what I have said, you may have a shrewd guess, at what I conceive of the pertinency of them, never was there any thing truer said in all senses then in Multi loquio non deest peccatum, Certainly so your literary sins in this kind (not to account your moral or theological) are horrid and Innumerable and (without the interposition of somewhat above Mercy) Impardonable, How pitifully did you once afflict the House of Commons in that fatal Night of Voting the Kings answer the grounds of a firm Peace, yet when that most Insuls Harang came to see the Press the substance (so you Title it) does but amount to some seventeen sheets close Printed: It joyed your New-liguers, and comartyrs, the Cavaliers, that they had sprung such a Champion, and therefore the Book (and as I think the first of yours that was so) came to be twice Printed, and possibly is yet extant for all men, that have a mind to survey the art of Amplication, to peruse, with much about such di●cretion as this▪ Do you endeavour to blow up liberty of Conscience, for in your Book superscribed, The sword of Christian Magistrates supported you first lay down the whole question (in effect) as a postulate or undeniable axion, and upon that ground make a shift to Rear up a Paper, trifle of 20. large sheets, and this with that Celerity (the infallible sign of a good writer) that between the Date of the Book you answer, and your own, there interceeds but (as I Remember) twenty days: Notwithstanding you say they are the lucubrations of a few cold Winter Nights, and you tell the Lords you have not lost one minute from their service. I could tell also that while you should explode the vanity of love locks, you only fall foul upon long hair, and so run clear out of distance from your question, with a Man of much less Reading might have embossed with curious Philo●ogy, and instructed the age into an affright off: Thus in your unhealthfulness of health drinking, you only quarrel at much drinking, and so make a forementioned escape. But I am sorry such dust and cobwebs stick in my memory, I have repeated too much already, and for particular passages I could put you in Remembrance, usque ad nauseam & Ravim, but that I would no● slip into an humour which so much disgusts me in you. Only that posterity may acknowledge how strongly you have obliged them by your poetry▪ I cannot but with pleasure put you in mind what a dear son you have been to the Muses. Never did any man tune such round delays as you have. Never did any man so powerfully drag and hale poor s●●lables into verse. Never durst any tyrant exercise these cruelties upon the body's men, that you have upon Meeter. 'Tis the greatest praise of the Architect of this universe, that he did all things in Number, Weight and Measure, and the just contrary must fall upon all your Works, especially o● this nature. Alas, what ups and downs have you! what noises, what calms! what tractures, what unnatural closures! how do you one time Rumble like a brewer's empty Cart, another while d●il you meters miserably on a sled: certainly (Sir) i● you had been that Poet that presented the Poem to Alexander▪ and was to receive as Recompense a buffet for every bad line, you had been buste●ed to death, thou you had had as many lives as nine Cats: Verily had you had Orpheus' place in the Fable, you ●ad put all your birds and trees into a fright, instead of a Letalto, and your Thracian women out of mere Revenge of your noise had done t●●t out of justice to you, which they did out of cruelty to him: Verily had you been Amphion, and gone about to build the walls of Thebes with Your harp, the stones out of mere rage w●uld have mu●ined and pelted You to death. O Master Prynne, Master William Prynne, Master William Prynne an utter barrister of Lincolns-inn▪ late a Member of the House of Commons and now of Swainswicke in the County of Somerset Esquire. 'Tis impossible that all the Rage of a drunken Imagination could have imagined, or prophesid such a Bard as you are. Certainly, after you; we may say all Monsters will be natural and quotidian▪ and that al● men may do whatsoever they desire or dream of. For I profess to you 'tis a Miracle to me, however it could enter into your thoughts to make Verses: subjects I am sure you could not want; you might have been throwing the dust of Records in the faces of the Bishops, you might have put on a fool's Coat, called your sel●e tom-tell-troth, and barked against the army, you might have busied yourself about Excommunication, or conquering independency, and propping up the House of Lords; but so dismally to mi●carrie: to improve Rocks, (which certainly are so●ter than your Meditatiō●) to ma● new Sea compass, and quack Cordials, I am lost, I am lost (great Sir) I am lost, this is too deep for me, and exceeds my understanding.  
For the quotations which are as delight●ull to you, as they are distasteful to all Mankind else; but V●etins who loves you for it, and I could wish you to consider whether the Ghosts of a many brave Authors ought not in all justice to haunt and torment you? some of them you make stand on the pillory of your margins for no cause, some of them you make to bear fal●e witness, other some you make tell half Tales, some of them you familiarly quote which you never conferred with nor possibly saw, so that what with these courses, and mistel●ing of Pages and Chapters, which are but Pec●adillo's with you, you make them pure Knights of the Post, and swear what you will. Certainly, a man that hath this Faculty may prov what he will, and write Libraries, and i● any man ever had the Knack so dexterously as you, my Acquaintance, with books is either none or false. How do you fit them, as proving the sovereign Power of Parliaments (which book I think you h●ve forgot you ever wrote) exactly quote moral sentences out of S●neca &c. What an Immense Annotation have you in your book against Cosens concerning Nile. How common i●st with you to prove out of How Hollinshead▪ Fabian, Speed, Taylor, that R. 2. was murdered at Pontefract. How naturally in your Arminianism doth bring men to disclaim opinions that were not thought on while themselves lived? What rare mosaic work do you make with sentences of Scriptures, and how cong●uously do you grave them on the stones of the Mount▪ Orgneil. How aptly do you q●ote Poets by the page▪ and sometimes bring in a piece of Tully by the Section▪ with all which acc●utrements I can count you no better th●n an Indian with Feathers about you; or if you will have it so I can compare you▪ to a pedlar's packhorse, that carries a●undance of Trinkets about him, which he can never either enjoy or use.  Iam dic Posthume de tribus capellis. 
Having with these considerations disburdened myself of all fear, I know no Reason why I may not now descend to a more particular consideration of your last Book, and the rather because it vainly threatens so much, and according to your usual fate produces nothing. Nay indeed declares you a person Incapable of meddling with the question, as having too scant a knowledge & too Purblind an insight to discuss it. For I suppose, No rational man will deny me, but that he would exactly examine the justness of all changes of States and Commonwealths, Must have another touchstone▪ then the bare municipal Laws of a Country, which commonly carry the stamp of their invaders, or else being made out of the necessity of times, are commonly declined by those men that desire to Innovate; No they are those general and royal Laws of Reason Nature, Nations and Necessity that must be appealed to, by these all must examine and Judge, and as being fixed veritable and universal, whereas particular Ordinances of any place are not so; but being either imposed by a power or become valid by contract, are no longer to be obeyed, when that power is broken or contract dissolved.  
But you (Master Prinne) do not go thus Rationally to work, nor Revitting your discourse on some steady maxims arise up to a full and perfect view of the general Laws, and then bring them home to the particular of our Nation, which had been your only true and Regular method, and likeliest to make good what you designed to yourself, but instead thereof you decline all examinations of Governments and their ends (a thing perhaps not to be treated of by one that writes scans ped● in uno) and most cruelly tormented with a many precedents and Statutes, which being either such as depended upon the will of them that usurped rule over us, or at best such as best suited the wisdom of the times that enacted them, I see not why they should preserve any more force than reason, especially seeing that daily contingencies and notations of human things, call ever a fresh for new Laws, and fresh provisions: not to add that the necessity of a time and occasion, the continual groans of the oppressed, the concurrent and visible hand of providence may many times Warrant that which to the strict formal Letter of the Law might seem otherwise. For certainly every Law must be conceived so far sacred and inviolable, as it conduces to the great design of the essential happiness of those for whom it was devized▪ and if so then suppose it, in itself and in the si good and profitable▪ yet if it dash and enterpher with the main end of Government, and that great Arcannum of preservation, I suppose he cannot be called a Bad Citizen that out of a just piety to his Country endeavours to break through it; or else rectify it to its right intentions.  
Thus much (out of a great deal else which I reserve as due and proper to another place) I have set down; to the end you may perceive how unfortunate you have been in grounding the question, as also that (if you please to take the pains) you may by it examine over all your reasons, and find them all either vain, sophistical or false. But lest you may be a wrighting some other Book and therefore want leisure, or if you had le●sure might possibly be desirous to save the pains, I shall to do you a courtesy, and merit of some of your Proselits whom I may reduce, examine them one by one, though I cannot promise ●ither your copiousness or rancour.  
Your discourse is founded upon a syllogism which taking up a page in you, I am given to transcribe, but shall thus ●ully and faithfully a br●viate. That by the fundamental Laws and known Statutes▪ No Tax ought to be Imposed but by the will and Common assent of the Earls Barons Knights▪ Burgesses, Commons, and whole realm in a free and full Parliament▪ By Act of Parliament, all other are unjust and oppressive, &c.  
But this present Tax of 90000. l. per mensem was not thus Imposed.  
Ergo, It ought not to be demanded nor levied, and you might in conscience and prudence withstand it.  
Your Proposition which you take as indubitable would in the first place be stated and Rectified, because so many of your Reasons, and indeed your most pressing, nay the very strength of the Assumption lean upon it, But you must consider that though I agree with you, that no Tax ought to be laid but in Parliament, yet I utterly dissent from you in the Acception of the word Parliament, and though I grant you the whole realm yet I do not extend it to your Latitude; which I thus explain and confirm.  
First, I take the realm of England to be no other, But that People which God and nature hath planted in this Island, free from all human power and positive Law, save what they elect and constitute over themselves, or their Representive (by their authority) enact for their good and welfare; and therefore whatsoever power is not derived from them, ought not to be obeyed by them, Nor the Laws imposed by and under that power to be held any other then tyrannical and not binding.  
That they are not under the Right of any foreign domination, I suppose you leave me as granted, and therefore to consider them in themselves, we must look whither they be a people naturally endued with a free disposition of themselves, (as was just now laid down) or else by the Laws of God, or their own stipulation they ought to obey some superior power (whither in one hand or many) which should Inviolably or unalterably rule over them.  
If you can affirm this of monarchy, you must ravel this consideration to its first principles (as there is no better way to understand the making of a watch then to take her in pieces) and consider what Right Kings have to Rule over us; if they say from God, this is but ● bare assertion; let them prove by some signs and wonders that it is God's declared will and we shall obey; if they say all Kings are of God. They must prove how they come to be Kings; if they say that in the Scripture God does favour and delight in Monarchy, let them tell us what kind of Monarchy it is, and what limits God hath appoi●ted both of power and Law, for certainly if they trespass never so little upon either of these they are usurpers: If they say from nature (I study brevity here) let them prove that nature makes one man to govern an other, nay such an other number of people, and that themselves are they. If they say by compact and choice of the people, let them produce it and its conditions, and then stand a trial, whither the people could pass away the liberty of their successors, or themselves upon breach of Trust or other considerations, Recall & annull: if none of these will hold, they must necessarily be intruders and deposable upon the first occasion.  
All this I conceive remained to be proved before our Kings can affect their Jus Regnands in so clear and safe a manner as the late CHARLES pretended to it. But if they were only elected (as the supreme expositor the Parliament have declared) than it evidently declares that in the height of their intrusion they either could not stifle a remembrance of the people's Right▪ or else by an odd Arcanum Imperii practised by the Primitive Roman Emperors) they were willing by a specious show of liberty, to banish all offence and Recollection of their Intrusion. And of election▪ questionless those that have power to choose have power also not to choose.  
Then secondly if Kings be not integral parts of our Parliaments, Representatives or national meetings ('tis things I mind not words for the people cannot all at once meet in council) it will Porismatically follow that the Lords being his vassals, constitutes or at least but counsellors, are not, as being not entrusted nor called thither by the people, who have the only power to make their Deputies, and gives voices in their national meetings.  
Thus much being gained there will flow a Third, That will immediately invest a supreme authority in those meetings, and this authority must needs make them Judges of cases of necessity, and necessity oftentimes warranting, nay bidding violent courses, some actions and carriages may be justifiable, nay laudable and glorious in them that Immedi●tly concern the public weal, although they vary from & throughout the Common Regular proceedings: Thus could no honest Roman have blamed Cicero, though he had suspended the major part of the Senate had they adhered to Catiline. Thus were the Tribins of the people never accounted traitors to their trust of preserving liberty, Notwithstanding they often brought Laws to make a Dictator who had an unlimited power. Nor have you Reason to storm with this Parliament, for voting the exclusion of part of their Members (whereof yourself were one) that had concurred in dangerous and destructive pernicious Votes.  
And now you may see how unsound your Proposition was, and how utterly the State of the whole Syllogi●me is altered, for if you will but take along with you what hath been said, you will find their was an huge deal of Equivocation and Fallacy in the words of Parliament and whole realm, and therefore the whole aught thus to be conceived.  
That by the fundamental Laws of the Nation what Tax is Imposed by the C●mmons of the realm in a free and f●ll Parliament, by Act of Parliament, and none other, is lawful.  
But this Tax of 90000. l. per mensem was thus Imposed, Ergo it ought, &c.  
The Proposition is manifest out of what hath bee● said to the Assumption for the present, I shall say thus much; That since King and Lords are no essential parts of it, and that they make up the customary number, we have no Reason to disavow them on that Tophick, some other Reason than must we search, and see whither they were either lawfully called, or else since their calling some act either done by themselves or others have in Law dissolved them. But for the legality of their Assembling yourself are so far from denying, that you found some Arguments upon it; & I further justify that they immediately were entrusted by the people, and that the Kings did put them into a course, not give them Authority, (for if it had, then must all power Immedidately flow from the King which we have denied) and therefore though the Right of the people were at that time c●og'd with that load, there is no Reason but they might when they could shake it off, and restore themselves to those privileges nature endowed them with. And therefore they must necessarily remain anauthoritative Body after the decollation of the King as not sitting by him: But it is a question according to the word of the Law, whither they ever can be dissolved or no▪ the King not being alive to dissolve them. Howsoever you can distinguish a King in the abstract, and concrete and know that it is not his personal presence adds any thing to them: for otherwise your own books must rise up against you, and all their actions since the King's de●ertion will prove unparliamentary.  
We must see if there be any thing that in Law dissolved them (since they are in origine a lawful Assembly) and that must either be by the King, themselves or some external power: By the King it must be either by some act of his, and that I think you are not ready to say, or by his remotion, and that we have just now answered: if by themselves why ●it they? or show me an Act or Ordinance of theirs why they should not: if from external ●●rce: external force I say may violate it but cannot dissolve it▪ since the Speaker declared his opinion two years ago, that nothing could dissolve this Parliament, But an Act of Parliament, which you cannot produce either in your own sense or mine.  
And now we see what miracles you have performed, & how according to your manner you have es●oygn'd from the question; for it is not the recital of a many Impertin●nt precedents with any slavish head, that has but the p●tience to collect may muster up to weariness.  
But a right stating and deduction of things, and a general view of the question in its whole latitude that must convince and enforce in these cases, For producing authorities though it may be of excellent use in proving matter of fact or that things were so, yet it is not of much concernment when matter of right or reason falls under dispute. For whosoever does rightly converse with the writings & Records of former times cannot bu● know, that since a many things are spoken out of the sense and interest of the times. A many things through decourse of affairs are altered from their Primitive reason, a many things imperfectly related and circumstances of great light often omitted, they are not at all authoritative to after times, save where a clear and undeniable analogy of reason does apply and enforce them.  
But lest you may think I fraudulently elude the strength of your arguments by these general avisos, I care not much if I put them (I mean the strength and heart of them for you are very fatal in setting down things at length) into a Catalogue briefly overthrowing those that are not immediately, Implicitly, or peremp●orily answered in the former pages, and putting the others to no other trouble, but a bare rehearsal, as things that carry their confutations in their bowels.  
Your First Reason is The Parliament is dissolved by death of the King. 2. Or supposing it in being yet the Lords a●●ented not. 3. Suppose the Commons alone co●ld Impose a Tax yet now the House is neither full n●r free if you will give every man leave to be Judge of his own liberty, they can the best tell what they think of theirs, an● they have declared themselves free from any fear or Restraint; and certainly it is one shrewd sign of it▪ in that they have performed that under that which you call awe; which none of their Predecessors in all their pretended l●●erty and fullness could ever achieve; and if you say they are not full and free because all their Members do not actually sit. For my part I hold them freer, as being eased of so oppressive an humour, that so long rendered their counsels abortive or unprosperous, yet in poi●t of reason I see not why he should be entrusted with the liberty of a Country that is an enemy to it. Or admitted into a counsel whose ruin he is both by his i●terest and opinion obliged to endeavour. Though the tenderness of the Parliament is such that they Re●dmit all such as they can either with surety or safety, and the obstinacy of the absent Gentlemen is such that they refuse to comply with the ways of providence, and come into action, rather suspending▪ themselves than being suspended. 4. Though it should oblige those places whose Knights Citi●ens▪ Burgesses sit, yet, it cannot those whose &c. sit not. Now ou● of all your precedents find me one that shall warrant this distinction for that of the writ of wast will not do: for upon the same reason, the County o●Dur●am, or such boroughs as have no Members to sit for them are not tied by any act of Parliament, as not consenting to it, and for any thing I see the same reason should hold in those Counties or places whose Representatives should be for some unquestionable crime thrust out of the House; Nay, why may not this extend to absent Members? But I pray Sir consider that the House of Commons must be considered as a collected body▪ and not as made of particular persons, and that must be taken for its Ordinance which is the agreement of all, or the m●jor pa●t, without any other consideration of inidividuals, save sometimes the entering of a dissent, which may declare a private dislike, but cannot disauthorize any thing.  
For those two objections though you keep an hacking and slashing of them, yet you do not at all infirm or destroy them, For I would gladly know of you what radi●●ll distinction you can perceive, between businesses of greater and lesser moment in the House as you seem to infer, I mean what difference you can make between the House when it handles lesser businesses and the greatest, For questionless 'tis an House still and hath the same privileges and authority. Nor does your objection of the frequent summons make any thing for you, saving that it proves it hath been a custom to summon in absent Members, either when their abilities were particularly a●anting or else the number of absent Members took from the Majesty and splendour, Not the necessity and being of the House. 2. Though you suppose. They might make an House in cases of abso●ute Necessity, yet you say their was never such a case as till now, that 40 might expel 400 &c. To this I say that, Never was their so great a necessity▪ as that of their suspension, as may ea●ily be demonstrated. 3. 'Twas the Army suspended some Members indeed, but injured not the collective body, and abundance absented either through disaffection, guilt, or suspicion; and whereas you challenge them to show such a Law or custom, I cannot but laugh at you. For if it be lawfu●l▪ it may well stand on its one legs, without such an infirm and unproper stay If unlawful you will not expect any example should make it so▪ For by the same reason every vice that can but parallel itself in Zwinger or Lycosthenes', will soon be gilded into a virtue, and you yourself in every action you do and garment you wear, unless you can prove your Grandfather did and wore the like, sin extremely▪ and herein at one dash confu●e your whole histriomastix wh●n by so many precedents Records▪ journals, histories, Diarys, Ledgeer Books, An●alls Poems, Orati●ns, &c. it can be proved that plays have been in former times acted and entertained into the delig●ts of Princes, as yourself write, confess, declare, acknowledge, manifest, and prove by Authors in your Retractation to that purpose. 4. Then Fourthly, since you stand so stiffly upon it, I challenge you to show me by any journal, Year-Book, Records, the time when forty was not accounted a Parliament (though this far exceeds that number.) For 5. you say. Neither Commons nor whole House ought to do it without K. or LL. Still cramb ●is co●●au; said you not that Topic largely before, and do you now vomit it up again? I do not now wonder at the faculty of squirting Books, when you have this art of Repetition. Truly (voluminous Sir) methinks you are like Flaminius his host who entertain his Noble gu●st with a great many various dishes, which yet in the conclusion proved nothing but Swines-flesh, or rather to Erisichthon's daughter who though she were sometimes sold under the shape of a Cow, sometimes of an ass, sometimes of a Sheep, was but still Erisichthon's daughter, and therefore who knows one of your Book knows all▪ and who confutes one confutes them all. Only I advise all that shall hereafter have to deal with you▪ to meddle with you no otherwise then the great Grotius did with a learned man that spoils and loses abundance of brave learning amidst his volumes instead of answering the Book to confute the contents. So would I interdict any man further Commerce with you then the Title (which is ever the best of your books) and having confuted that▪ to sit down in quiet.  
For your answer to the second objection▪ (which sneaks in at the Back door▪ and stands like Ela in the Gamuth, and no wonder, for a man of your h●ste may easily forget Importancies.) viz. That the present Parliament shall not be dissolved unless by Act of Parliament, by t●e Statute of 17. Car.' swas con●uted ●ut of what hath been already spoken▪ and hath been already touched upon you. But to come closer to you, that if the King's Person were so necessary a business, with what face did you justify their proceedings without when he was at O●ford? or if the form o● writ calling them together to con●u●t with him Render them a mere Juncti●●o of his, and no lo●ger a body than he lends them a soul, what miserable, and slavish people were we, whose national counsels were to depend upon the will and pleasure of one man, as though we had been created for no other end, and cast hither by providence only to make so many vassals for a Tyrant. But I hope▪ Master Prinne you know better what the safety of a people is, then to adhere to so miserable Rules, which being commonly struck from the present occasion, cannot prevent all inconveniences, and therefore must be Subject to change, and alteration; and with what prudence can you ●rge that your Act was only intended as to your l●t● King not to his Heirs and successors (your reasons are so tr●fling I pass them) when you know the King of England never dies? and 'tis an horrid thing that the well-being of a people should depend u●on the truth of one who is but a Bubble and must die like ● man. For suppose in that heavy conjunctu●e of time (which produced the act) King Charles had put off his Mortality, either the best Parliament that ever was, shou●d have broke up and left us both in the present hazard of affairs, and danger of never any more Parliaments; or else the Supreme Right of the People and necessity would have confuted what you assert. Besides the Parliam●nt was called for such and such ends, and if the King had died before the fulfilling, had it not been m●erly an illusion and a frustration o● the very act, which even ob●●g● them to the accomplishment of such and such things. But methinks that clause which you so Ingenuously quote clears the business, and that every thing ●r things whatever done or to be done for the adjour●ment or proroging or dissolving of the present Parliament▪ contrary to the present Act, shall he utte●ly void and of none effect, upon this score the Anti-Parliament●t Oxford was counted unlawful, and the Kings disclaiming them (●or a while) of none effect. But (say you) the King's death cannot properly be said a thing done or to be done by him, for the adjournment of the Parliament contrary to this present Act, cannot make the King's death void and of none effect, by restoring him to life again.  Spectatum admi●●i Risum T●neatis am! 
But pray Sir, is not death a privation? what talk you then of it as an Act and of a privation you will not say it hath any thing positive, the King hath done nothing by it whereby to dissolve and raise the Parliament.  
I shall add, only you stand so strictly upon poor Formalities▪ why you may not as well say that the Parliament is not at all because their are no Bishops in it, as well as you say about Loros: For you cannot be ignorant how far in these dark times of superstition the Bishops have incro●cht, (and why should precedents for the temporal Lords be more inviolable than for them) insomuch that they once came to a contest of Precedency, which certainly they would never have done without some assurance of themselves and interest, and therefore it was no more Injury to the Lords temporal to be dispossessed then for the spiritual, they being both derived from one power; and though you'll say the latter were ejected in a free and full Parliament, and so not the former, yet I think I proved other whilst I had in hand your syllogism, and must now tell you, I conceive not what more Right or title the one have then the other, and why they may not as well be disrobed of these privileges, which are both unnec●ssary and burdensome and to speak freely, Superior to any other in Europe, and Incon●istent with the liberty of our Nation.  
I shall not much trouble myself with your disingenuity in quo●ing the Parliaments former Declarations against them, since that They have been as good as their words in procuring the liberty of the Nation, and what they do● at this present is merely out of public necessity and safety; But I must tell you, that of all men living you ought the least to encounter your adversaries out of the●r own writings, since your own do abo●●d with such strong monstrous Contradiction and forgetfulness, that a man may suppose you change ●ou●es as often as you do shirts, or else there is an unanimous conspiration in mankind to adopt all absurdities whatsoever under your Name.  
And now have I (thank the courtesy of my fates) fully surveyed your first Reason, and truly if your other Nine take me up as much time, I sha●l with difficulty wade through the rest of this inglorious task, and I am afraid, obtain your faculty of Multiplication of lines, and in stead of your adversary turn your scholar: like Julian the Emperor, that essayed at first what he could say against Christianism, but at last exercised himself into a loss of it.  
And now for your second Reason, which tells us that there are some sit in the House who ought not to sit, some whose Elections have been Voted void, some chosen by a new great seal since the King's death, some that are Noblemen, and therefore uncapable of sitting there &c. But stay; bring me but one example or precedent where the illegality of Election deprived the Parliament (which must ever be considered in the Aggregat not disjunctively) of its authority, and Right, sure we have proved them a Parliament and supreme, why may not they make a Seal and use it, and for the Lords (since their House is broke up) why should the people be denied their liberty of choosing, or the Lords (without any demerit) their capacity of sitting.  
For your scruple at the Oath of allegiance, I see not how it obliged further than civil obedience in lieu of civil protection, or why it should oblige longer than the power that imposed it had existence, or why it should oblige a man to a perpetual pertinacy contrary to his judgement and conscience: Till I be satisfied in this, I must put away all your Arguments of this hea●, and in the mean time Recruit you to that judicious and learned piece of Mr. Asch●m concerning this subject and truly if you want emp●o●ment you would do well to gnaw a little upon that file.  
The Third you learnedly draw from the ends of your Tax, which being two, you accordingly branch your Argument into two heads; The first whereof the Maintenance of my Lord Fairfax his A●my, and to this you answer That their notorious defections & Rebellions have made them unworthy of pay. To this I say, you in your confused Catalogue of their misdemeanours, you lay many things to their charge, which are not properly theirs, a many things you mistake, and many things you falsely suggest: so that he that pares off your exaggerations, and considers them nakedly, will find them an illustrious brave sort of people, particul●rly favoured by Providence, and worthy all the encouragement and care of this State. Then secondly you say No ●ax ought to be imposed but in case of necessity (let any judge, whether there be not a Necessity for this Tax!) But you say there is no necessity of keeping up this Army for these strong Reasons.  
The kingdom is exhausted with seven years' Taxes, and therefore for saving a little, money now must be utterly ruined, and as though you in all your reading could want examples how often such a base parsimony hath been fatal to people and Cities. 2. The decay of Trade, as though a petty payment hindered either Importation or exportation, or slackened men's endeavours, or as though that money were not spent among the people that pay it, and so there can be no decrease in the main stock. But a decay of Trade must ever be expected in or immediately after a civil● w●rre, and so you lodge this cause amiss. 3▪ It destroys trade, why did you not tumble this with the former, for they both came to one head; Still you ●urn to your vo● it of impertinency and largenes●e. 4. There is no visible enemy in the field, and therefore not in Houses or abroad; Do not you know Ma●ter Pri●ue that an enemy is not quite vanquished when he is forced to give the field, but so long as he has animosities, grudges, opportunities, encouragements, hopes, is to be feared, and therefore for any people to gull themselves in such a mad security can be no other than to fall a sleep, that their enemies might with the better conveniency, cut their throats. Besides you cannot be ignorant that that Thing which you call a King hovers and flutters over, and if he could but engage any foreign Prince on his desperate lost fortunes, would come over, and see if he cou●d set up the Dagon of Monarchy once more amongst us, and you would have us tamely cast away our swords, that he might with more liberty exercise those cruelties upon us, and that either his indignation, revenge, flatterers, or possibly Inclination might suggest unto him. 5. This was but at first established 40000 l. per mensem and after 60000 But why 90000 l. now since those for Ireland of that establishment, Thou knowest not it seems Will, Prynne, Nor thy Neighbours at Swanswick that there are a great many new forces raised, and their are a great many there already to be maintained. The Country Militia's might serve, the form of them in secure time is good enough, But not in the midst of such contingencies as we daily see, and if we be at present so surrounded with enemies, as who knows we are girt with both extremes which now begin to close and unite into one, why should we dissolve any army of choice and brave Veterans, for a sort of Raw country fellows, that neither have the courage nor the art of fighting; not to mention the just causes of distrust of them, which though you endeavour to remove, yet you do nothing, for you say, 1. These men may enforce an Army till doomsday; as though their politic capacity took away their natural of Dying, or that things would be ever in their present insecurity. 2. If they dare not trust the People, why should the people trust them? (this I think is your sense for you are long and cloudy and want an expositor) The strong Retort! they will not follow the humour of the R●bble, and therefore the Rabble ought to get up on the Saddle; and act the bold Beauchamps upon the commonwealth. 3. The Gentlemen of England have little reason to trust this Army that have violated their Laws, and say all is theirs by conquest. Reader! understand this in the contrary sense, and Master Prinne is in the Right. But he should have told where ever the Army avered all was theirs by conquest, or if ever any private man said so, and if some had said it, why the integrity and actions of all shall be blasted through the vapour or Surquedry of a private soldier.  
Now to the second part of the same tune▪ the second End of this Tax is for Ireland, which was but at first 20000 l. now 30000 l. To this you say, 1. That by Statutes, &c. No Freemen ought to be compelled to go in person, &c. Or to pay Taxes, &c. without their consents in a free Parliament, such an one you deny this present to be, and I contrariwise affirm it, and have demonstrated it, and so farewell this Argument. 2. Most of those Ancient forces are revolted and declared rebels, and therefore this Parliament shall not avail themselves of others in their rooms. 3. Many now pretending for Ireland hath been obstructers of its relief. This is a strong Argument against the legality of the Tax. 4. The relief of Ireland is not now upon the first just and pious grounds. ('Tis false they are now just the same.) But to join with Owen Roe; the Parliament have disclaimed the actions of two brave men in that affair. Notwithstanding the prudence advantage and necessity of it; which certainly cannot but declare that they are not over affected with him and his Interest.  
Your Fourth Reason is the coercive power and manner of Levying this Tax, as though upon cases of necessity and Imminent danger a State must want necessary relief, because such and such a skittish person is not satisfied, and if we see that many actions of private men (otherwise illegal) are justified by their subordination to the public. How much more must we think of commonwealths themselves in whom the chief care and trust of preservation is reposed; which how they could be endowed with, know not I, unless they had also a power to enforce those reliefs, which necessity and reason of Sta●e so usually require, and therefore your First reason that they ought not to distrain is nothing, since it determines not in what cases it is unlawful to distrain, and you withal take it as granted that this is an unlawful Tax. 2. For Imprisonment; It hangs upon the same false supposition as the former, and all you can instance who hath been imprisoned upon this Act invalid; since a many Laws come accompanied with a terror, which they also intend shall seldom or never be put in execution. 3. Levying of Taxes by soldiers was judged high▪ Treason in Straford's case, as though there were not difference between a supreme authority and a Subject, a time of peace and War. 4. If any person bring his Action at Law we shall be stopped by the Committee of Indemnity, as though the Parliament (who are so much above all ordinary proceedings of Law) ought not in Justice to protect those who execute their just Commands.  
Your Fifth Reason is; The tune sticks much with you, for if we have such a Tax in the first year of England's declared freedom, what shall we have in the second, &c.  
To this I answer Evax! vah! there wants a Comma, to express Irrision and Indignation.  
Your Sixth, Is the order or newness of Tax is is the first you find jmposed by the Commons House after the Parliament dissolved.  

Lingua! thou strik'st too much upon one string  
Thy tedious plainsong grates my tender ears.   
I thought this Argument had been thread bare enough to be used again, But no matter 'tis your custom, but certainly, A man of your employment and speed is to be forgiven if he forget what he wrote three pages before; and yet this you confirm with a not able reason (as you think) out of Ovid's Remedio Amoris: Principiis obsta, &c. a but kin that may fit any fool, and clog any objection whatever.  
Your Seventh is the excessiveness of the Tax. A main objection indeed, when you were to treat about its Legality, but I must tell you occasions are also excessive, as I told you when I answered your third Reason in which this your seventh Reason (according to the usual cabal of your writing) was also involved, I shall only add now that I wonder by what arithmetic you Calculate 90000 pounds per mens▪ to be half the Revenue of the Nation, and by what Analogy of Reason; you instance the Imposition of the Pope's Legate on the English Clergy, to affront an Act of Parliament concerning the whole Nation.  
Your Eighth (for I would gladly once be rid of you) is, the principal Judgement of this Tax is to free us from Free quarter, and you say▪ 1. freequarter is illegal (and you make an ample citation for it) and so ought to be taken off without any compensation. 'Tis true! but when there is a Necessity of keeping up a soldiery whether of the two evils is to be chosen: and secondly, you say, That they have often promised to take off Free quarter, but still as soon as Contributions were paid, there was as much free quartering as formerly, and therefore because some under-Officers are negligent, and some common-soldiers rude; An Act of Parliament must become invalid, although it may be affirmed that the discipline of this Army is as regular and strict as can be possible, and therefore it is not strange, if they be not subject to such disorders as might commonly make such Companies of men both detestable or hated, and yet certainly there are some among them very rare Myrmidons, if that strange tragic-comedy of May 22. (a day it seems fatal to your strong-beer and provisions) be true, for certainly (according to your Lamentations) it is as dreadful and hideous as the breaking up of an enchanted Castle, or some new Commotion in the dolorous Cav●, or St. Patrick's Purgatory.  
To your Ninth (which in my understanding is the same with your third) the end of this tax is not for defence of the kingdom, but abolishing of Monarchy &c.  
We affirm this for the defence of the Nation, and all the rest we confess.  
To the Last, which you suppose chain-shot, but indeed is a squirt, whereas you say, that in your poor judgement it will be offensive to God and good men. Certainly God hath stamped too many visible Characters of his favour upon these proceedings, to withdraw his assistance from this Parliament, for prosecuting that work which he is pleased with: and for good men; there are thousands think it both necessary and fit to pay it. Scandalous to the Protestant religion. As how? dishonourable to the English Nation, for bravely asserting their liberties, and giving so fair an example of Magnanimity and bravery to Europe and posterity, hindering the speedy settlement of our peace. Me thinks we are at peace already, if you mean a peace with C. Stewart, cursed be the peacemakers: engage Scotland and foreigners to avenge the King's death, (as though that arm that hath hitherto held us up were shortened) and disinheritance of his Posterity, who you say will be settled. Quid si coelum ruat? and therefore you would have us accept of C. Stewart, and jumble up a Peace. Certainly, Mr. Prynne) if you had but the least dram of a considerate person within you, you could not but know that the Re-establishment of the King of Scotland among us, were somewhat worse the an Anarchy, and that a peace with him were more dangerous and destructive than any war, for if we will consider his attaining the Crown of England according to the principles of his own party, we may find it a business so horrid and detestable, that none but a Catiline could lend a wish to it: Either certainly he must come in by foreign Conquest, or under pretence of his old Title, or else by Admission and Constitution of the People: if the first, what English man can conceive it either safe or honourable? What man would not dread to be scourged by foreign force? or whether are such auxi●iaries safe or no to him that employs them? or by what Law or Justice could he bring in people of strange Tongues or habits to subdue those peop●e, whose father he pretends to be? or who must give account for the blood that must necessarily be spilled in such a quarrel? or where will there be found wealth in an exhausted Nation to satisfy the Avarice of strangers, make up the losses of homesufferings, and reward deservers? Questionless the Outrages of Marius and Scylla, and the Spanish butcheries in America would be but petty Executions to what the Victor (Armed with rage and revenge) would inflict, and we should suffer; and how many brave lives would be taken away, and made sacrifices to the ghost of our last King, 'tis Perfidy and disloyalty (Methinks) to the majesty of the People of England to imagine the sadness of these consequences; Nor see I how those of the second head are much milder; For suppose him like Titus, or our Henry the Fift, bettered by his access to Government, and that he dealt with this People as Tender and cautiously as any man under heaven could do. Yet were not our weakness able to endure that alteration. For if it hath cost so much blood and Treasure to come to the point where we are. A relapse must needs be considerably worse, seeing it would be impossible to eradic●●e Memories and Revenges; but the dregs thereof would stir the prevailing party to some Insolensies which the spirit or condition of this people were unable to endure, and what this would by degrees come to; It is not safe to imagine: or if you would have it the third (as methinks an Elective King suits but ilfavouredly with your politics) methinks it were not hard for the People to find out some hand to which (in case there were either necessity or Reason for such a change) they might entrust their liberties, better than with one who coming from an unfortunate Family, scourged for many Generations with tragical and untimely ends, and now a long time groaning under the Anger of Divine Justice, must in all reason and probability export the consumma●ion and accomplishment of the same fate. Not to say that a filial allegiance may oblige him to some savagenesses, which could not at all fall under the interest of another person, and that education and continual infusion of the same Machivilian counsels, must necessary make him bend his Government that way, which hath been so detestably oppressive to three Nations, that they preferred a long, sharp and unnatural war, before durance under it.  
For your Transcriptions out of John Lilburn's Book of June 8. I shall not say much, because 'tis indeed his work (excepting a few idle glosses of your own) and 'tis you that I only have at Task and Time, and besides that book hath been fully answered in another place, only give me leave to fix a Remark upon your violent and furious malice that so blinds you, that you seize upon any thing (though never so unjustly or indiscreetly) that may the least contribute to the dishonour of that Senate from whence your demerits have so worthily ejected you: that Lilburn whom not many month's since, you called liar, detestable liar, notorious liar, whom you writ against in several of your Treatises, and loaded with all those Calumnies and Reproaches which an ●xulcerated malice, or a debauched Pen could cast upon him; now, when he begins the least to close with you (though God knows upon different ends and principals) is no more an Abaddon, a Fury, a disturber, but a grave veritable authentic Classic author, and one whose excellent writings (for never in all this world were two pens so like) must contribute above ten pages to the latter end of your book.  
And besides, consider what Reputation it is to you, that seem to carry the face of a grave civil writer, to stuff your material books (and this indeed I think you conceive one of your masterpieces) with such large Contributions of the most unworthiest pamphlets, which the disease and intemperance of a depraved time can vomit up amongst us. Consider it I pray you, and flatter not yourself with any hope that the world will continue to expect any thing else from you then dirt and Ribaldry, and that your books will carry any other destiny with them (as being all born under such bad ascendants, and untoward aspects)▪ than had the Cardinal Compegio's Sumpters, which though they Marched in a magnificent and sightly array, were (upon a little bolder examination) found to be stuffed with old boots and rags, and such like Trumpery.  
And now before a close give one (who though he be much inferior to you both in years, and acquired Knowledges, yet hath spent the small time he hath lived in the best observation of men and things that he could) to be a little serious and remonstrate unto you somewhat, which being spoke by them that have the most charity, and best wishes for you; cannot but if you follw it, bring repose unto yourself, some content to the world, ease to the Stationer, and possibly make the Catalogue of indiscreet busy men less by one: You are of an honourable profession, do not dishonour it by a Continuation of your lybelling. In that orb you may Arrive to some estimation, but when you stray out of it, you are a traitor to your own credit, and do yourself that same disrepute which your enemies could wish unto you; if you stay where Providence hath placed you: your precedents, and bulkish quotations may be of use and service, but when you break your ●edder, you run wild, and like Ajax in the Trajedy, fight with sheep in stead of men; for it seems that All-seeing wisdom hath not designed you a master of those knowledges which direct and enable the mind of man to judge and examine the changes of human things, and therefore it were no more but your duty rather to sit still with a sober Acquiesce and acknowledgement of that knowledge you now enjoy; then vainly and wildly to run in such paths whither neither your stars nor Genius seem to lead or prosper you.  
Another thing is, that this continual kicking at the present power, shows you to have somewhat of the Salamander in your nature, and that like the camel you list to drink of no waters which your feet have not troubled, and therefore you would do yourself much more right with all that are to judge you, if you discreetly and patientl● complied with all the outgoings of Providence, and would not murmur at some dispensations, which it seems God would have to be no otherwise: and therefore give me leave to conjure you to manage your leisure better than in producing such filthy ill-natured pamphlets as you almost every day belch out against the State, which protects you; Or that if you must needs write, you would be pleased to inhibit or suppress them, and by that means save the charge of brown paper for Roast-meat and pye-bottoms: or else according to Horace his advice, let them serve a nine years' apprenticeship at the druggists, which if they serve, you might try whether you yourself had the patience to read them, and so learn to forgive others that could not: But if none of this will do▪ and you are deaf and inexorable to your own purposes; we must give you up as incurable, and say, the spirit of sedition and Jenkins hath entered this man, and the Blatant-Beast (in Spencer) is never like to be bound again so long as she survives in you. Fare ye well.  
The End.