A GENERAL HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, Together with a Particular HISTORY OF THE HOUSES OF DOUGLAS AND ANGUS. Written by Master DAVID HUME of GODSCROFT.  
EDINBURGH, Printed by EVAN TYLER.   

The Author to the Reader.  
I Know (Reader) that he who undertakes to write, makes himself a mark of censure for men to levelly at. For to please all men, shall then only be possible, when all men shall be of one mind; till then, we look for as many dislikings, as there is diversities of opinions, each man condemning what is not according to his own humour and palate. Some will storm or scorn (perhaps) our writing as an un-necessary scribbling, and paper blurring: others will quarrel at the subject, that we should write a History; others that such, so composed, and formal of a private family, with such commendation. Again, some will accuse us of partiality; and some will even question the truth of it. Neither will there be wanting such as will blame the form and fashion of the work, as too short, or too long; and many (I doubt not) will carp at the Style, the Phrase, the Periods, the Diction and Language. In all these particulars, to satisfy all men, is more than we can hope for: yet thus much shortly of each of them, to such as will give ear to reason: That I write, and of this subject, I am constrained to do it; not by any violence or compulsion, but by the force of duty, as I take it: for being desired to do it by those I would not refuse, I thought myself bound to honour that name, and in, and by it, our King & Country. And so I have done what I can, & should have been glad to have done more, if it had lain in my power. As for the writing of a History I could never have dreamt that I should have needed to make Apology for it: neither did I ever hear it accounted profane, till I had done. Then by chance I lighted on a certain Author who excuseth himself for so doing, and promiseth to do so no more. It may be neither shall I. Yet dare I not promise so much: neither see I any reason why I should: for if by profane, they mean that History maketh men profane, and leadeth to profanity and atheism; then certainly we may justly say, that it is nothing less. For in it we see and behold, as in a Glass, God's Providence guiding and ruling the World, and men's actions, which arrive often to unexpected events, and sometimes even to such ends as are quite contrary to the Actors intentions. In History also we see men, and ourselves in them, our virtues or vices, which is the second point of wisdom: this leads us also to God. But if (by profane) they mean whatsoever is not Scripture, and would have men to read and write nothing but what belongs unto it; then must we condemn all humane learning & knowledge, all Arts and Sciences, which are the blessings of God, and in which Moses and Paul were trained up, and well seen. It is true, there is no knowledge comparable to that of holy Scripture, and we cannot be too conversant about it; yet there is no kind of knowledge but is useful, & may and aught to be esteemed and embraced Our last end should ever be to God and Christ: but to speak always of him directly, is neither required nor possible. As he is the end, so the way to this end is by speaking of him, or of things which may lead us to him: yet is it not necessary at all times to speak of such things professedly as lead us that way. He is our end in himself, and for himself, and happy were we if in him we could terminate all our desires. Virtue leads to him, and is to be embraced as such: but to obtrude it at first for that consideration, and on that respect, it may be doubted whether or not that be always the right Method and best way of proceeding. The other may happen to prove more available with some, which is, to learn first to be enamoured & to love honour; then virtue for honour; then virtue for itself; then to account nothing virtue without God, who not being to be found but in Christ, must needs be sought for above all things. Now History is, as it were, the A B C. of this Method, and the beautiful Picture; by looking on which, our desire of honour is kindled, and so of virtue, which only brings true honour with it. Neither is it needful to proclaim this intention to the world: yea, I know not whether to say thus much be not even too much. It is enough to set the object before them, and to furnish them matter for their thoughts to work upon: as for the measure of praise we give them, if after thou hast read and weighed, thou shalt think it too much, all that I can say, is, that I think it but their due, and speak as I think, & according to the scantling of my own judgement. Touching partiality, I deny it hot, but am content to acknowledge my interest. Neither do I think that ever any man did set pen to paper without some particular relation of Kindred, Country, or such like. The Romans in writing the Roman, the Grecians in writing their Greek Histories; friends writing to, of, or for friends, may be thought partial as Countrymen and friends. The virtuous may be deemed to be partial toward the virtuous, and the godly toward the godly and religious: All Writers have some such respect, which is a kind of partiality. I do not refuse to be thought to have some, or all of these respects, and I hope none will think I do amiss in having them. Pleasing of men, I am so far from shunning of it, that it is my chief end and scope: But let it please them to be pleased with virtue, otherwise they shall find nothing here to please them. If thou findest any thing here besides, blame me boldly. And why should any be displeased that will be pleased with it? would to God I could so please the world, I should never displease any. But if either of these (partiality or desire to please) carry me besides the truth; then shall I confess myself guilty, and esteem these as great faults, as it is faulty and blame-worthy to forsake the truth. But otherwise so the truth be stuck unto, there is no hurt in partiality and labouring to please. And as for truth, clip not, nor champ not my words (as some have done elsewhere) and I believe the worst affected will not charge me with lying. I have ever sought the truth in all things carefully, and even here also, and that painfully in every point: where I find it assured, I have set it down confidently; where I thought there was some reason to doubt, I tell my Author: So that if I deceive, it is myself I deceive, and not thee; for I hide nothing from thee, that I myself know, and as I know it; leaving place to thee, if thou knowest more or better. Which if thou dost, impart and communicate it; for so thou shouldest do, and so is truth brought to light, which else would lie hid and buried. My pains and travel in it have been greater than every one would think, in correcting my errors; thine will not be so much. And both of us may furnish matter for a third man to find out the truth more exactly, than either of us hath yet done. Help therefore, but carp not. Concerning the manner & form, this is partly the cause why I have used this, which I do here follow, that all things being laid open, & exposed to thy view, thou mayest have to choose on, or to find somewhat of thine own; & where I could not resolve a doubt, thou mayest see it, and have some mean (perhaps) to solve it better. I have also in many places interposed my judgement of men's actions: I think it the life of History, & without which it were little better, than an old wife's tale. It is true, it were not so needful. if all men were alike judicious: but seeing they are not so, it is absolutely necessary; that so those who read carelessly and sleepingly may be awaked; who mind only pleasure, may have profit thrust upon them; that the dull may be quickened, and the judicious have his judgement sharpened, and a finer edge put upon it, by this whetstone. I know there are that think otherwise, and that all should be left to the collection and discretion of the Reader: But this is my opinion, and I know no Writer of note, or account, but interposeth his censure of things. What name you give this piece, I am very indifferent; Call it History, Chronicle, comentary, Annals, Journal lives, or (if you please) discourses or exercitations, it matters not much. Let who will, for me, define, divide, and dispute of the nature, of the bounds and Marches of Airts, and writings, and of their Laws, this kind is my lot or choice at this time. For the same cause or reason (that men may not take any thing upon mere trust, I sift the judgement of others, and am content that thou like wise canvas mine. I do it without partiality, or respecting any man's person: though otherwise, and in other things I reverence them never so much, yet I cannot but respect reason more: where they bring not that strong enough to satisfy, I do not conceal of dissemble it, I do not refuse the same measure from others: if thou dost not like my reason, reject it, but let reason be thy rule, for it is mine according to my capacity. For the Language it is my Mother-tongue, that is, Scottish: and why not, to Scottish-men? Why should I contemn it? I never thought the difference so great, as that by seeking to speak English, I would hazard the imputation of affectation. Every tongue hath the own virtue and grace. Some are more substantial, others more ornate and succinct. They have also their own defects and faultiness, some are harsh, some are effeminate, some are rude, some affectate and swelling. The Romans spoke from their heart, The Grecians with their lips only, and their ordinary speech was compliments; especially the Asiatic Greeks did use a loose and blown kind of phrase. And who is there that keeps that golden mean? For my own part, I like our own, & he that writes well in it, writes well enough to me. Yet I have yielded somewhat to the tytannie of custom, and the times, not seeking curiously for words, but taking them as they came to hand. I acknowledge also my fault (if it be a fault) that I ever accounted it a mean study, and of no great commendation to learn to write, or to speak English, and have loved better to bestow my pains and time on foreign Languages, esteeming it but a Dialect of our own, and that (perhaps) more corrupt. I say the same of the Style: I follow no rules, but according to my disposition for the time, so it is high or low, long or short, sweet or sharp, as was my humour for that hour, As in Poesy, so in Prose; who can choose? Or how many are there that care for these things, or can discern? The Age is too secure for Writers to be too curious. And thus much shall suffice to have spoken of these things, and to satisfy (I hope) the candid Reader. As for those who delight to carp, we say no more to them, but only this, That as they take a liberty to themselves to judge others, so there will be found some that will pay them home in their own coin. Farewell.   

A CATALOGUE OF THE Lives contained in this History.  

PART. I. Of the House of DOUGLAS.  
1. SHolto fol. 1.  
2. William, father of the Scoti in Italy. 5.  
3. William the first Lord, created at the Parliament of Forfair. 10.  
4. John the second Lord. 11.  
5. William the third Lord. 12.  
6. Archbald the fourth Lord. ibid.  
7. William, maker of the Indenture with the Lord Abernethie. ibid.  
8. Hugh, whom his foes found never sleeping. 15.  
9 William the Hardy. 16.  
10. Good Sir James, slain in Spain. 20.  
11. Archbald Lord Galloway, slain at Halidoun. 53.  
12. Hugh the ninth Lord. ibid.  
13. William Lord Liddisdale, the flower of Chivalry. 62.  
14. William the first Earl. 79.  
15. James, slain at Otterburne. 92.  
16. William Lord Nithsdale. 108.  
17. Grim Archbald. 111.  
18. Archbald Tine-man. 114.  
19 Archbald Earl of Wigton. 133.  
20. William, slain in Edinburgh Castle. 144.  
21. Gross James. 157.  
22. William, slain in Stirlin. 161.  
23. James put into Lindores. 194.   

PART. II. Of the House of ANGUS.  
OF the House of Angus before it came to the name of Douglas. 205.  
1. William Earl of Douglas, and Angus. 207.  
2. George his son. 208.  
3. William. 209.  
4. James. 210.  
5. George the second. ibid.  
6. Archbald, called Bell the Cat. 219.  
Of George Master of Angus, and son to Archbald the first. 237.  
7. Archbald that married the Queen. 238.  
8. David. 277.  
9 James, Earl Morton, Regent. 278.  
10. Archbald the third, called good Earl Archbald. ibid.    

THE PREFACE.  
Of the DOUGLASSES in general: that is, Of their 1 Antiquity, (to which is joined their Original) 2 Nobility and descent, 3 Greatness, 4 and Valour of the Family and Name of DOUGLAS.  
I Think it will not be amiss to place here before the door (as it were) and entry into this discourse and Treatise (like a Sign or Ivy-bush before an Inn) an old verse, which is common in men's mouths.  
So many, so good, as of the Douglasses have been, Of one surname were ne'er in Scotland seen.  
This saying being ancient, and generally received, will serve to invite the curious and candid Reader, and like a charm will fright away malignant spirits, and detractors, who labour to lessen and extenuate what they cannot deny. Neither is this a public fame only roavingly scattered, and soon vanishing, but such as hath continued from age to age, and which is authorized and confirmed by all Writers, and which is most of all true in itself, (as shall appear by this discourse) and nothing immodest or immoderate. For if we consider these two together jointly (so many and so good) that is, their number and their worth, we shall finde none that can match them in both these put together. There may be found of other names some as good, but not so many. And again, though there be as many, yet are they not so good. This truth I have not heard impugned, but it hath hitherto been embraced without all contradiction (even of calumny itself) I know not if without envy. But let that monster eat her own heart, and tear her own bowels: and that she may do so yet more, we will give her further occasion to do it, by enlarging this comparative thus; So many, so good, &c, of subject's race were never in Europe seen: And yet farther, In the world were never seen. This is not any rhetorical amplification, or poetical hyperbole, but a positive and measured truth. If any, after he hath read and pondered their actions, and paralleled them with those whose names any History hath transmitted to the knowledge of posterity: If any man (I say) shall find after due search and strait judgement, either in this our country, or in this our Isle of Britain, or in this fourth part of the world, Europe; or throughout the whole Universe, such valour to have continued in any one house or name (that were Subjects, and not Kings, or Princes) and to have been so hereditary to all of them; and as if it had been entailed, descending by succession from father to son, and from brother to brother, (the successor still striving to out go his predecessor) in that height of excellency, and for so many generations: Then let this saying be suspected as partial, or branded with an untruth. Otherways be contented to bear witness to the truth, or at least give others leave to do it, and receive thou it as such, without murmuring, or impatiency. Now as they have surpassed all other names, so if we compare them amongst themselves, it will prove a hard and difficult judgement to determine who deserves the prize and hath been most excellent. There ●…ath been twenty persons and mo●…, who have possessed the chief houses, and principal families of Douglas and Angus from William (to go no higher) who died in Berwick a prisoner, besides those worthy branches (the Lord of Niddisdaill, Liddisdaill, Galloway, Ormond murray, Balvain, Dalkeith, etc. There is none almost, whose life and the times afforded occasion of action, but hath made himself singularly conspicuous by some notable exploit or other, as is to be seen in their several lives. For the present we will only take a general view of them in gross, according to these heads: 1. Antiquity (which includes their original) 2. Nobility. 3. Greatness. 4. Valour. And first, we will consider them without any comparison in themselves simply, and absolutely, than we will compare them with others both within, and without the Country; and so I hope the truth of our assertion shall appear clear and evident unto the eyes of all those, that will not obstinately shut their eyes against so bright shining a light.  
To begin then with their Antiquity and Original, so far as we can learn and 
Their Antiquity and Original.  find either in History, or Monument, by evident or tradition, which we will set down here in order of time, as we have gathered and collected them. 1. And first, we have that tradition which is most ancient of all others in the days of Solvathius King of Scotland in the year 767. when Donald Bane usurped the title of King, and had in a battle almost defeated the King's army, a certain Nobleman (called afterward Sholto Douglas) came in to their succour, and overthrew the said Donald, whom he slew in the field and scattered his army, as is set down at length in his life. 2. The second witness of their Antiquity and Original is brought from beyond sea, out of Italy, in the family of the Scoti of Plaisance which is proved to have sprung from the Douglases at large in the life of William the fourth man of that name. The time is in the days of Charlemaign in the year 779. or (as our Writers) 800. or 801. In the reign of Achaius King of Scotland. 3. Our third witness is a public Monument out of a Monastery (which were the Registers of those times) the Monastery of Icolmekill, which tell that Malcolm Kenmore at the Parliament of Forfair in the year 1057. or 1061. (did not advance to that dignity, for they had the equivalent of it before) but adorned with the new stile of Lord, is some of the name of Douglas, which stile was then first brought into this Country by imitation of other Nations. 4. Our fourth witness is in the year 1133. The foundation of the Abbey of Lesmie Hagoe confirmed by King David, wherein it is expressly bounded by the barony of Douglasdaile. Now seeing this is but a confirmation, the dotation must have gone before in some other King's days. 5. The fifth witness is in the days of King William (Nephew to this David) who began his reign in the year 1163. He erected the town of Air into a free borough Royal, and amongst the witnesses of their Charter are Alexander and William Douglasses. 6. The sixth is a mortmain, and dotation granted to the Bishop of Murray, where the same names are inserted (William and Alexander Douglasses) for witnesses. It is not certain whether these be the same that were witnesses in the former Charter of Air, but it is likeliest they were the same. In what year of King Williams reign this was we have not yet learned, but he reigned till the year 1214. 7. The seaventh is, the Indenture made between William Lord Douglas, and Hugh Lord Abernethie in the days of King Alexander the third, 1259. Some forty five years after this last King William, the particulars of this Indenture are set down in the life of the said William, who is the ninth man of the name of Douglas. 8. Eighthly, we have also (though much later) in the days of King Robert Bruce, and good Sir James Douglas, mention made of two Douglasses, (besides Sir James) one James Douglas of Lowden, and Andrew Douglas in the public rolls (three rolls marked, 1. 16.) King Robert gives to James of Lowdon a confirmation of the lands of Calderclecre, and Kinnaule, and Carnewath: To Andrew Douglas he gives Corsewell, which was fallen into his hands by the forfeiture of the Earl of Winton, or Wigton. Now what these two were, and whether or not they were in kin to the Lords of Douglas we know not. Only I have heard it reported that the lands of Lowden were gotten from the Lords of Douglas; and Calder-cleere is known to have been given off from their estate. Now howbeit these two be not very ancient, yet it may be gathered that the name of Douglas was ancient, even then being propagated into so many branches, which could not have been done of a sudden, but in process of time: These things do confute those Authors who reckon the Original of the Douglasses from good Sir James, or at the most from his father William: Because our Writers, Major, Boetius, and Buchanan, name none before them. But they intending, and minding more the general History of the Country, than the descent, or beginning of particular houses, may perhaps be excused herein; yet it doth not follow, that there were none before, because they have passed them in silence. And so much shall suffice to have spoken of their Antiquity, and Original as far as we know. I say expressly as far as we know; for certainly we do not yet know them fully; We do not know them in the fountain, but in the stream; not in the root, but in the stock and stem; for we know not who was the first mean man, that did by his virtue raise himself above the vulgar to such eminent place and state, as our Sholto behoved to have been of, before he won the battle, and got the name of Douglas, which hath drowned his former name: for none but some great man of great friendship and dependence could have been able to have overcome this Donald Bane, (Being already victor) and changed the fortune of the day: And William indeed was created a Lord ai Forfair, but we hear not that he was raised from a mean estate, or enriched by the King's liberality; wherefore we may justly think, he had the same place in effect before, but under some other name, as of Thane, Abthane, or some such title.  
The next point we propound to speak of is their Nobility. There is great contest 
2 Of their Nobility.  among men, who should be most Noble; but where will true Nobility be found so entire? In what subjects race is it so full and perfect, according to all the acceptions, and significations thereof? They define it to be a lifting or raising up above the vulgar: and what name, I pray, hath been so elevated, and hath so transcended all other, as this of the Douglasses? They add this condition, that it be for true worth; and hath there been any so worthy? Those that will distinguish it into several kinds, make five sorts of it; 1 Nobility of virtue; 2 of degrees; 3 of Offices and Employment; 4 of Birth and descent; 5 Lastly of Fame and renown.  
1. Of all these the first is the ground, without which the rest are never well 
1. Of Virtue.  built, and are but shadows without the substance: virtus nobilitat virtue doth ennoble, is a saying, which is no less true than ancient; for it makes him in whom it doth reside, truly noble by its own power beyond all exception. It hath not the dependence on Kings or Princes to give or take it away: It is ever the self, whether exalted, or not exalted; regarded, or neglected; respected, or disrespected. Nay, it doth ever carry along with it such respect and regard, as no baseness of place, of birth, of means or employment, can slain or lessen; making lowness itself to overtop whatsoever is highest in the eyes of the world. It adds honour to whatsoever place, majesty to whatsoever estate, sufficiency to whatsoever means, splendour to whatsoever obscurity: which no contempt of tongues, no detracting speeches, no disesteem of presuming pride, is able to impair or darken. Where honour and virtue do meet, there honour is an external addition and confirmation of the inward testimony in the mind of the virtuous: but where virtue is wanting, outward honours are but false ensigns, lying inscriptions of empty boxes. That this name was virtuously noble, and nobly virtuous, the deduction of their lives will sufficiently show.  
2. As for the second, Nobility of Degrees, of Dignities and Titles given by 
2. Of; Degrees.  Kings and Princes; such as are these of Knights, Barons, Lords, Earls, Dukes, etc. all these they had conferred upon them both at home and in foreign Countries. This kind of Nobility is in account amongst men; because although oftentimes it proceeds merely from the Prince's favour upon small or no desert, yet it is supposed to be grounded upon virtue, or that it should always be grounded thereon: Now in the Douglasses it was ever so, for they were never greater than they deserved: and whatever titles of honour they had, were rather thrust upon them, then ambitiously sought and hunted after: Nay, we read of grim Archibald, that he rejected and refused the title of Duke.  
3. The third sort is very like and near unto this, if it be not a part of it consisting 
3. Of Offices and employment.  in public offices and employment either in peace or war, such as to be Wardens of the Marches, Lieutenant's, Governors, Leaders, and Conductors of armies: This was almost proper, and (in a manner) hereditary to the house, in which places also they so behaved themselves, that for their good services done to the King, and Country, their Family and Posterity do enjoy (at this hour) many privileges and immunities granted to them in their Charters, such as 1. Regalities, (and exemptions thereby.) 2. The first place and vote in Parliament, Counsel, or meeting, and convention of the States. 3. The leading of the vanguard in the day of battle: 4. And the bearing of the Crown at riding in Parliament.  
4. The fourth is Nobility of blood, and Descent. This some do place only in the descent of the right line masculine without interruption, and esteem him most 
4. Of blood.  Noble, whose extraction proceedeth from most of this kind. Others again will have it to be on both sides; and certainly it seems to stand with reason that both should be regarded, seeing every ground is not fit for Noble seed, and every flock will not serve to engraff a generous imp. However, we shall find the Douglasses Noble also in this way, in their descent on both sides, in their affinity and alliance, being come of Kings, and Kings of them: and first of all King Robert Bruce and William the Hardy (or Long leg) were of kin by the house of Carrick. For Martha Countess of Carrick and this William were Cousin Germane, his mother having been sister to her father the Earl of Carrick that died in Syria. Now Martha was mother to King Robert, and hereby King Robert and Good Sir James were Cousin Germane once removed. But this was ere Bruce was King, while he was yet but a private man. 2. Secondly therefore, Robert Stuart (the first of the Stuarts that was King, and who was grandchild to Robert Bruce) gave his eldest daughter in marriage to Earl James, slain at Otterburne. 3. The same King Robert gave another of his daughters to William Lord of Nithisdale. 4. The Duke of Rothsay, Prince of Scotland (son to King Robert the third) married Marjorie daughter to Archbald the Grim. 5. Archbald (the third of that name, and first Duke of Turaine) had to wife Margaret Stuart daughter to the same King Robert (the third) as the black book of Scoone expressly witnesseth, which calls him, Gener Regis, the King's son-in-law. Ballandine (the Translator of Boetius) calls him the Kings Meugh, or Ally, and king James the second claimeth Stuarton from James the last Earl of Douglas in the conditions of peace sent to him. Now Stuarton is known to have been the proper inheritance of john Stuart, and after him of Walter, then of Robert (the first king of the Stuarts) and so of Robert the third, which (in all likelihood) he hath given with his daughter (as her dowry) to this Archbald. 6. Also john Earl of Buchan (the king's brother's son) married a daughter of this Archbald, whom he hath had apparently by some other wife. 7. Then Alexander, son to the Earl of Buchan, married Isabel Douglas Countess of Marre, daughter to William the first Earl of Douglas. 8. William the first Earl married Margaret Stuart daughter to Thomas Earl of Angus, who was uncle to king Robert the second, and first king of the Stuarts. 9 George Douglas, son to the same William who was the first Earl of Angus of the name of Douglas, married Mary Stuart, daughter to king Robert the third, and sister to king james the first. 10. james Douglas Lord of Dalkeith married a daughter of king james the second. 11. Archbald brother to William the eighth Earl of Douglas married the inheritrix of Murray, who was Niece to king Robert the second, and so became Earl of Murray. 12. Archbald Earl of Angus, the second of that name, married Margaret Queen of Scotland, relict of king james the fourth, and eldest daughter to king Henry the seventh, sister to king Henry the eighth of England, and mother to king james the fifth of Scotland: by her he had Lady Margaret Douglas. 13. Lady Margaret Douglas, his daughter, was married to Matthew Stuart Earl of Lennox, who was also of the blood Royal. 14. Henry Stuart Lord Darnely (son to Lennox and Lady Margaret) married Mary Queen of Scotland, only daughter and heir to king james the fisth: She bore to him james the sixth of Scotland, and now happily the first king of Great Britain, France, and Ireland. And so much for Nobility in blood and alliance.  
5. The fifth and last kind of Nobility is that of same and renown. Those 
5. Of Fame.  that take upon them to derive and deduce the Pedigree and Etymology of words, do think that this signification is most proper, as being chiefly employed in the word Nobilis, quasi Notabilis; so that those are said to be most Noble, who are least obscure, who are most eminent and conspicuous in the eyes of the world, and most praised and blazed by Fame in their own and foreign Countries. This kind of Nobility hath ever accompanied their virtue, as a shadow follows the body, and that both at home and abroad. And so we have done with their Nobility, which is the second point we propounded to be treated of.  
The third main head to be considered, is their Greatness, concerning which 
3. Greatness.  in general our Chronicles do witness, that those of the name of Douglas, together with their Friends, Vassals, and Dependers, were able to make an Army of thirty thousand, or forty thousand men.  
This also doth argue their greatness, that it was thought an honour and credit to have dependence on them. Histories do testify that the Hamiltouns and Flemings thought it no disparagement to follow them. Humes were their Pensioners and Vassals, even the chief houses of them. This is verified by a bond of a thousand nobles (a great sum in those days) made by Archbald Earl of Wigtoun, and Long Willie (who was after his father's death Earl of Douglas) to Alexander Hume of Hume, dated at Bothwell 1423. The same Earl also (for his father was Duke of Turaine) gave the lands of Wedderburne to David Hume brother to the said Alexander (propter multiplicia sua servitia) for his many good services. This Charter of Wedderburne is anterior to the gift of Alexander's pension some eight or nine years, being dated in the year 1414. The Lawders of Basse, and Loganes of Rastarigge, were their Messengers into France, and other parts. Grace, Salton, Seaton, Oliphant, were their followers also. Neither could any man of ordinary pitch of power, have brought such aid to a foreign Prince, as this same Earl of Wigtoun transported over into France, (five thousand, or as some say ten thousand) which he levied and carried over at his own proper cost, all brave and choice gentlemen. If for this he were rewarded with the Duchy of Turaine, it was but the just recompense of his service, and no more than he deserved, and would but countervail his charges. Wherefore I wonder with what indifferent judgement Du Serres (Author of the French Inventarie) doth grudge at it, and can call it mercenary. Certainly the kings of France have thought it their due, or else they would not have continued it so long for five or six generations, that is, until the Earls of Douglas were forfeited. Few subjects of foreign Princes have been so much respected, and so rewarded. It is also an evidence of their power and greatness, that Henry the sixth of England did contract and covenant with George the second (Earl of Angus) for his aid and assistance against Edward the fourth, and made an Indenture, wherein he promises to give him lands erected into a Duchy, lying betwixt Humber and Trent. Edward the fourth made James the last Earl of Douglas Knight of the Garter, even when he was banished, so much did he honour and respect his name and virtue. So Henry the second of France made Archbald the second (Earl of Angus) one of the Order of Saint Michael, or the Cockle. Their magnificence and stately entertainment, and courage at home and abroad, doth likewise show their greatness. William the fourth of that name, and sixth Earl, being but a very young man, not above fourteen or fifteen years of age, bad for his ordinary train a thousand horse; he dubbed Knights, had his Counselors and Officers of State, like a Prince: and William the fifth was admired for his train and magnificence, as he passed through Flanders, France, and Italy, in his journey to Rome. Our Writers indeed blame him for it, and call it pride, ambition and ostentation in him: but however that be, It was an evident proof of Greatness.  
The last and main point that we are to treat of is, their valour. Let their 
4. Their valour.  deeds and actions speak for this property. But to take a general view of it: The common Epithet in the mouths of the common people hath appropriate unto them this virtue: who never speak of them, but with the addition of doughty, the doughty Douglas. And from hence indeed chiefly their greatness and honours did spring; and we shall find none of them but were both skilful commanders, and stout soldiers, being no less endowed with personal valour, than discretion and judgement to direct, and conduct. That brave matchless Roman (Scipio Africanus) when he was taxed for not hazarding his person, and fight with his own hand, thought it enough to answer (Imperatorem mater me peperit, non bellatorem) My mother bore me a Commander, not a fighter: but our Douglases were both maximi Imperatores, nec minus strenui bellatores, wise Commandars, and hardy fighters and warriors; they had both good heads, and good hearts and hands. In the beginning ere Rome came to its greatness, it is said of the first Captains (Decorum erat tum ipsis ducibus capescere pugnam) That it was no disparagement, but honourable for the Leaders themselves to fight with their own hand; None were more ready and forward to fight then the Douglasses, only Wallace is thought to have gone beyond any of them. But he is but one, and that singular and extraordinary, without any second, at least of his own name; and our comparison stands between name and name, where the number is as well to be remembered as the worth. So many so valorous of one surname, is that which we have undertaken to prove. Besides, none of the Douglasses did ever encounter with Wallace to try who was the better man, and if we parralel their actions done apart, what act of Wallace can be produced more admirable, then that of Archbald Tineman at the battle of Shrewsburie, where with his own hand he slew Blunt the King of England's Standard-bearer, and three more, who were apparelled like Kings, and at last unhorsed the King himself, whom he had also slain, if he had not been rescued by his son Henry the fifth. In an English manuscript I have seen it thus expressed,  

And there with fiery courage he assails  
Three all as Kings adorned in royal ways,  
And each successive after other quails,  
Still wondering whence so many Kings did rise:  
Till doubting, lest his hands or eye sight fails,  
With these confounded, on the fourth he flies,  
And him unhorses too, whom had he sped,  
He then all Kings in him had vanquished.  
For Henry had divided as it were  
The person of himself into four parts,  
To be less known, and yet known every where etc.   
It is written also of William Lord of Niddisdail, that he was exceeding both stout and strong, beyond any that lived in his days, so that whomsoever he struck but once with mace, sword, or spear, he needed never to double his stroke, eveblow carried death with it. Also James (slain at Otterburne) his personal valour and strength is very highly extolled by the writers of these times, who besides that he had the better of Percy in their duel at Newcastle, he himself was the chief cause of the victory that got the honour of the day at Otterburn (where he lost himself, but won the field) by his own personal valour. They tell how he fought with a huge iron mace, that was heavier than any ordinary man of those days could wield, and more than two or three of such as now live. Qualia nunc hominum producit corpora tellus. We might add unto these Archbald Bell the Cat (Earl of Angus) who in a duel with Spence cut off his thigh (through bone and all) at a blow, and divers others, as Archbald of Kilspindie, whom King James the fifth called always his grey steel, for his valour and ability of body; but these shall suffice here for a taste of their valour.  
But we will not content ourselves with a general and absolute commendation, we will also descend to the comparative, which we desire may be as far from envy, as we hope it shall be found near to truth. To begin then first at home, there is no subjects race in this Country that can match them in these of which we have spoken, Antiquity, Nobility, Greatness, and Valour or worth: in these (I say) jointly: that is, there is none so Ancient, and withal so Noble, Great, and Valorous. No name is or ever was in this Country of which there can be reckoned so many and so worthy, for so stands our comparison. The Grahames are very Ancient, (in the days of Ferguse the second, anno 424.) and very Noble, but have never attained to that degree of Greatness as the Douglasses have done. The Hays also are a very old and honourable name (in the reign of Kenneth the third, anno 976.) but not so ancient as our Douglasses by two hundred years, for they began in the reign of Solvathius anno 767. These two (Hayes and Douglasses) do agree in this, that they are (as the Grahames also are) natural Scots borne; but there is great odds between them other ways: For the Hays have not reached to that pitch of greatness either in degree or estimation, and account of men by many stages, as the Douglasses have attained. Other names which now are great, are nothing so ancient, and besides are come from other Countries, such as Hammiltouns, gordon's, Campbels: The Campbels from France, and the other two out of England. The Hammiltouns came in King Robert Bruces time, the gordon's in Mackolme Kenmores. The Murrayes are more ancient, and before all these, yet they are strangers, and not of the first blood of the Scots, and there was but one of them great and remarkable, who was Governor of Scotland; few or none Nobilitated till of late: but none of all those names comes near that number of Nobles and Worthies (by lineal or lateral descent) and as it were of hereditary virtuous succession and race of men, which we find of the Douglasses. There have been some great and worthy of other names, but if they enter into comparison, they will be found (rari nantes in gurgite vasto) but few, one or two eminent of a name, or of the chief house: it will also appear that their honours (most of them) have flowed more from their Prince's favour, than their own great deserving, or great service against the enemy. The Cummins were the most numbrous and powerful of any that ever were in Scotland before or since (as some of our Writers say) yet their greatness hath rather been in lands and possessions, or friends, then in deeds of arms, and prowess of Chivalry, having done little or nothing of note, and worthy of renown. John Cummin indeed fought three battles at Roseline in one day against the English, in which we find nothing reported of his personal valour: whereas the Douglasses did ever show themselves in person to be singularly valorous. Besides, he was but one man, the rest are buried in silence, and there is nothing to be found of them all (though all their actions were put together) that deserves to be compared with the deeds of any one man amongst many of the Douglasses. Moreover, as there was no great action in them, they were scarce good Patriots, using their power to the disadvantage of their Country, and the opposing of the Liberties thereof, in King Robert Bruces days, rather than for the good and standing of the Kingdom, which the Douglasses did ever. We find also that they were not very careful to keep their promises, and thought the breach of their words and faith (so it were for their advantage) a point of good wisdom and policy, a foul and base quality, and, which is ever incident to mean and base spirits, being directly opposite to true generosity and magnanimity, which is the fountain and wellspring of upright dealing and truth in word and action, which were ever found in our noble Douglasses.  
For other Countries, to begin with our nearest neighbours of England, the most renowned name for deeds of arms amongst them, is that of the Percies of Northumberland, between whom and the Douglasses there hath ever been a noble and generous emulation with various success, but for the most part to the Douglasses advantage; so that we may say (Contendisse Decorum) of the Percies. But they come far short of that number of worthies, that we have in ours. Besides the Percies have not been so loyal Subjects, having often taken arms against their lawful Princes, and being guilty of divers rebellions, plots, conspiracies, according to which Sir Josseline Percy said merrily of the powder treason, that it had not been a right treason, unless a Percy had had a hand in it.  
But to go higher, even to the Mistress and Empress of the world, Rome itself: the Fabii and Cornelii were the most numerous families, and out of these two houses proceeded more Commanders, and brave Captains, than out of any that I have read, or can remember of amongst them. Now the first mention that we have of them is where they are both named, in the year 267. from the building of Rome, twenty years after the banishing of their King Tarqvinius; at which time Quintus Fabius, and Servius Cornelius, were Consuls together: from that time till Quintus Fabius Consul in theyeare 740. for the space of 437. years, we find of the Fabii about some 24. persons that were Consuls, Tribunes, Decemviri, Dictatours, Generals, and Leaders of Armies; but for their valour or prowess, personal courage, or proper worth, the three first are only famous, Q. Fabius, M. Fabius and Caeso Fabius. These three being brothers, and Marcus Fabius being Consul, fought against the Hetrusci (in the year 269.) and Q. Fabius being slain, Marcus and Caeso having encouraged the army (that was discouraged by the death of their brother Quintus) leaping over the dead corpse of their brother, assaulted the enemy in their own persons, and by their valour and example stayed their men from flying, restored the battle, and at last obtained the victory: we read also of one Ambustus Fabius, whose 3. sons were sent in an ambassage to the Gauls to request them not to trouble the Clusinii (in the year, 364. 63.) These three when they could not prevail, nor persuade them to desist from invading the Clusinii did join with the Clusinii against the Gauls, in which conflict Quintus Fabius (one of Ambustus three sons) slew with his own hands in sight of both armies the Captain of the Gauls, and carried away his spoil: But he quickly stained that honour, he and his two brothers, by their misgovernment at the battle of Allia against the same Gauls, where they fled shamefully without striking a stroke, and by their misguiding gave occasion to the sacking of Rome. The last is Fabius the dictator, who fought against Hannibal, famous for his conduct, but not so for any personal valour. So the Cornelii from the same 267. until 734. when P. Scipio was Consul, 736. when Lentulus was reckoning both these Cornelians, with the house of African the younger (a Cornelian by adoption, but an Emiliane borne) they are about three and thirty persons in these 167. years, who were in great place Consuls, Dictatours and the like, as the Fabii: some of them were also famous for their conduct in war, having been brave Leaders, and Generals of armies (as the two Africanes, their brother Lucius, their father and their uncle Publius, and Cneus) but for personal valour there are not many eminent, Only Aulus Cornelius Cossus, who slew Tolumnius King of the Veiens, and African the first (if it were he) who rescued his father at the battle of are remarked for their personal valour. Now neither of these two families doth equal the Douglasses; who in fewer years, viz. from the 1309. until 1588. about 300. years, brought forth 27. persons, all singular for their valour, and some of them far beyond any of these, as may be seen. This advantage these Romans had, that living in the continent of Italy, and in a Common wealth which did so flourish, and was so great, their actions and deeds were more conspicuous, being acted in a more large and ample theatre, than those of our men, who were penned up in a narrow and obscure corner of an Island; and had neither the Carthaginians nor Hannibal to fight against, whose overthrow would have given a greater splendour to their actions. And moreover they have had good Heralds to sound their praises aloud, and trumpet them abroad in the world, when as ours Omnes occiderunt illacrimabiles, caruere quia vate sacro. And yet even by this which we have been able to collect of them, our proposition will appear to be sufficiently proved; with which as we began, so will we conclude: So many so good, etc. in the world, were never seen of one name and family.  
Touching which assertion, I will earnestly entreat this favour of the courteous Reader, that he would be pleased to consider what hath been said in an even balance and indifferent judgement, setting aside all prejudice and preconceived opinion of any worth in any Nation; and if he do not approve of our conclusion, and assent to it, let him calmly and modestly impart his reasons, and he shall find me one that shall be most willing and ready to retract what hath been said, and to give place to the truth, if I be not able to satisfy him in reason. For my own part, I protest I speak as I think, and no more than I think; according to my reading and knowledge of men, and according to the measure of my judgement and understanding, without prejudice of any, who upon more knowledge and out of better judgement, shall find things to be otherwise then I have thought. In the mean time we will set down here, what we have said of them else where, speaking to King James at his return into Scotland out of England, in the year, 1617.  

Atque haec inter tot diademata celsa, corollam  
Annumer are tuis titulis fas ducis, & unum  
Privatam (verum magnis à regibus ortam,  
Regibus affinem magnis regumque gerentem,  
Sepe vicem, bellique domique & quod satis unum est,  
Gignentem Celsum generoso semine regem,  
Regem, quo tellus majorem non videt, unus  
Qui terna imperii tractas sceptra alma Britanni)  
Duglasiam, Angusiamque domum virtute secundam  
Haud ulli quas prisca aut Roma, aut Graecia jactat  
Seu numero heroum, seu robore mentis & armis,  
Sive side in patriam; sceptrorum ut millia sceptris  
Accumulesque tuis, numeresque in stemmate reges  
Latus quotcunque orbis habet: non ultima laus haec  
Duglasius etiam duxisse haeroibus ortum.   

And thou hast thought it not unfit to set  
Amongst thy many Crowns this Coronet;  
A private family, and yet they be  
Derived from Kings, and often did supply  
The place of absent Kings in war and peace,  
And what may be esteemed a greater grace,  
That from their loins thy Royal self did spring  
Thyself, than whom earth sees no greater King.  
You Britain's threefold Sceptre justly wield,  
Douglas nor Angus will to no house yield,  
Not the most famed of Greece, or ancient Rome,  
For numbers of brave men, nor are o'ercome  
In strength of mind, or arms, or faithful love  
To their dear Country: should your state improve,  
And you enjoy a thousand Sceptres more,  
And draw your stock from all the numerous store  
Of Kings the whole world holds, it would not be  
Thy least praise, that a Douglas lives in thee.    
THE HISTORY OF THE HOUSE and RACE of DOUGLAS and ANGUS.  

Of SHOLTO DOUGLAS the first that bore the name of DOUGLAS, and of whom all that bear that name are descended.  
TOuching the original of this illustrious Family and Name of Douglas, we must not look for an exact and infallible demonstration; things of this nature are not capable of it. Great Antiquity is commonly accompanied with much incertainty, and the originals even of Cities, Countries and Nations, are grounded (for the most part) upon no surer foundation, then conjectural proofs, whose beginnings are more easily known, and better remembered then those of private families. In such cases we use to take that for truth which comes nearest to it amongst divers narrations; and must rest on that which is most probable and apparent. Quis rem tam veterem pro certo affirmet? says the Historian in a matter not unlike. And we will say with the same Author, Cura non deesset, si qua ad verum via inquirentem ferret: nunc famae standum est, ubi certam derogat vetustas fidem. The beginning of our Nation, yea of both 
Liv. lib. 7. de lacu Curtio.  Nations (Scots and English) such as they now are, or of those that were before (Picts and Britain's) is not yet sufficiently cleared: neither is it as yet fully known from what people they are sprung, or how they got their name of Scots, English, Picts & Britan's; although the learned have bestowed their pains, andimploied their pens on this subject, to the wearying, but not satisfying of the Reader. As for Scotland, Mr Cambden grants so much, and mocks those that have laboured in it: yet hath he himself bestowed his time and pains to as small purpose in behalf of his countrymen the Britain's: Neither hath he done any thing, save that by his fruitless attempt (notwithstanding all his bragging) he hath made it appear, that to go about it is but to labour in vain; he himself (after all his travel) remaining no less Sceptic, (and to use his own words) Scotizing, than others. And even Rome itself (the mistress of the world) though the noon-tide of her Empire be clear and bright, like the Sun in her strength, yet how misty is the morning and dawning thereof. Darkness triumphs over the reigns and triumphs of her first kings; which are covered over with such uncertain obscurity, or rather drowned in so profound and deep night of darkness, that all her children (though they have beaten their brains, and spent much lamp-oil in searching of it) could never clear their mother's nativity, or vindicate their father Romulus' birth from the fable of the incestuous vestal, nor his nursing from being beholding to a she Wolf. Detur haec venia Antiquitati, ut miscendo humana divinis primordia urbium 
Livius.  augustiora faciat. If he had said, that Writers must have leave to be obscure or uncertain in setting down the original of Cities, it could not well have been denied him; but for men to invent, and to thrust their intentions upon others to be believed, because they know not what else to say Detur haec venia nobis, to believe no more than is probable. Neither will that serve his turn, Jam hoc gentes humanae patiantur aequo animo, ut imperium patiuntur. They may command our bodies, who cannot command our souls, or our belief; and now we have shaken off the yoke of the one, and so we do reject the other. There is no less uncertainty in plutarchs Theseus and Numa. Wherefore we must be contented in the original of a private family with what others are forced to content themselves in the beginnings of Cities, Nations, Kingdoms, and Empires; which are like to some rivers, whose streams and outlets are known, but their springs cannot be found out, as they report of Nilus. Yet this our Narration doth better deserve credit, than those of Romulus, Numa, Theseus, etc. seeing it contains nothing that is impossible, nothing that is fabulous or incredible: for here are neither gods for their fathers, nor ravening beasts their nurses. And albeit that the Chronicle of our Country now extant makes no mention of their beginning, yet what we find there doth rather confirm than confute our deduction thereof. And indeed it is no wonder that they are silent in this point; If we consider how Edward the first of England (surnamed Longshanks) whom his country men term (Scotorum malleus) the hammer of the Scots, because that he deceiving the trust, and abusing the power of arbitrator which was given him to decide the right to the Crown of Scotland between Bruce & Balliol, did so handle the matter, that setting the together by the ears, after they had well beaten and battered each other, he himself fell upon them both, and so hammered and bruised them, that he did thereby overrun all the low and plain champion Country. If we then consider, I say, how he had to make the Scots malleable and pliable to his unlimited ambition, after he had thus cut off the flower of the Scottish Nobility, destroyed also all the laws of the realm, both civil and ecclesiastical, burned the public Registers, together with private Monuments, Evidents, Charters, and Rights of lands; we shall have greater cause to wonder: that any thing escaped so powerful a King, intending the full conquest of the Country; and who had so jealous an eye over any thing that might encourage his new vassals to rebels, then that we have no more left us. Nay although he had not done this of set purpose, and with intention to root out all memorials of Nobility out of the minds of the Scots, and to embase their spirits, by concealing from them their descent and qualities; yet even the common chance and accidents of war were enough to excuse this defect: for the Lord Douglas lands lying in the south parts of Scotland, hard upon the borders of England, this calamity did chiefly afflict him, so that his houses were burnt, his castles razed, himself taken prisoner, and so all monuments of his original lost or destroyed. Let us remember also, besides all this, the quality and condition of those times, in which there was great scarcity of Writers, and learned men able to preserve the memory of things by their pens, all being set on war, unless it were some few cloistered Monks and Friars, who were both careless and illiterate drones. Notwithstanding all this, as no destruction is so general, and so far spread, but something doth escape the fury of it; and though all monuments had been defaced, yet some men being preserved, what was written in their minds and memories remaining unblotted out, they remembered what they had heard from their predecessors, and delivered it to posterity from age to age. By which means we have (as it were) some boards or planks preserved out of this shipwreck, which may perhaps keep us from being lost in this depth of Antiquity, if it do not bring us safe to land.  
According then to the constant and general tradition of men, thus was their original. During the reign of Solvathius King of Scotland, one Donald Bane (that is, Donald the white, or fair) having possessed himself of all the western Lands (called Ebudes, or Hebrides) and intitling himself King thereof, aspired to set the crown of Scotland also upon his head. For effectuating whereof, he gathered a great army; wherein he confided so much, that he set foot on the nearest continent of Scotland, to wit, the province of Kintyre and Lorne. The King's Lieutenant's Duchal and Culen, governor's of Athole and Argyle make head against him with such forces as they could assemble on the sudden. Donald trusting to the number of his men did bid them battle, and so prevailed at first, that he made the King's army to give ground, and had now almost gained the day, and withal the Kingdom, that lay at stake both in his own conceit, and the estimation of his enemies. In the mean time a certain Noble man, disdaining to see so bad a cause have so good success, out of his love to his Prince, and desire of honour, accompanied with his sons and followers, made an onset upon these prevailing rebels with such courage and resolution, that he brought them to a stand; and then heartening the discouraged fliers both by word and example, he turns the chase, and in stead of victory they got a defeat; for donald's men being overthrown and fled, he himself was slain. This fact was so much the more noted, as the danger had been great, and the victory unexpected. Therefore the King being desirous to know of his Lieutenant's the particulars of the fight, and enquiring for the Author of so valiant an act, the Nobleman being there in person, answer was made unto the King in the Irish tongue (which was then only in use) Sholto Du glass, that is to say, Behold yonder black, grey man, pointing at him with the finger, and designing him by his colour and complexion, without more ceremony or addition of titles of honour. The King considering his service and merits in preserving his Crown, and delighted with that homely designation, rewarded him royally with many great Lands, and imposed upon himself the name of Douglas, which hath continued with his posterity until this day. And from him the Shire and County which he got, is called still Douglasdale, the River that watereth it, Douglas River, the Castle which he built therein, Douglasse castle. This narration, besides that it is generally received, and continued as a truth delivered from han d to hand, is also confirmed by a certain manuscript of great antiquity, extant in our days in the hands of one Alexander macduff of Tillysaul, who dwelled at Moor alehouse near Straboguie. There (at his dwelling house) William Earl of Angus (who died at Paris 1616) being confined to the North (in the year 1595) did see and peruse it. Neither doth this relation cross or disagree with any thing set down in our Histories: for although they do not mention this man, nor his fact, yet they all speak of this usurper, and of his attempt and overthrow in the days of Solvathius (about the year 767.) Hollinshed and Boetius affirm, that this Donald was Captain or Governor of the Isle of Tyre. Some do call him Bane mack Donalde, but Buchanan calleth him expressly Donaldus Banus, an easy error in so great affinity of name. There is another of the same name called likewise Donald Bane, who did also usurp the title of the Kingdom, and was in like manner defeated in the reign of King Edgar (in the year 1000) but that being 333. years after this, and not much less after the Emperor Charles Le maigne, in whose time they had now propagated and spread themselves in Italy (as shall be showed anon) It cannot agree either with this History of our Sholto, or with that Donald whom he defeated; this last seeming to be rightlier named Mack Donald, as descended, and come of the former, who was donald: wherefore there is nothing here either fabulous, or monstrous; nothing incredible or contrary to itself or to reason; but all things very harmoniously answering one unto another; our tradition with the manuscript, and both of these agreeing with our own and foreign Histories. And thus concerning Sholto Douglas the root, and original of the name and family.   

Of Hugh Douglas, son to Sholto: And first of the name of Hugh.  
TO Sholto succeeded his son Hugh, of whom we have nothing to write, but that he assisted his father at the overthrow of Donald Bane the usurper, there being nothing else recorded of him.   

Of his son Hugh the second.  
UNto the former Hugh did succeed his eldest son named also Hugh: for he had two sons, Hugh and William. Hugh the elder lived at home in his native country as a Noble man, borne to a great inheritance, whose actions by the iniquity of time are buried in silence, and therefore we will insist no longer thereon. His younger brother William (as is the custom of younger brothers) went abroad into foreign Country's to seek adventures of arms, if so he might make himself a fortune that way. Of him therefore we will speak next.   

Of William Douglas father of the honourable family of the SCOTI in Italy.  
THis William was son to the first Hugh, and grandchild to Sholto, younger brother to the second Hugh: he it is that was father to the noble family of the Scoti in Placenza in Italy, which fell out thus, as it is related by the Italian Historians, agreeing with ours.  
Achaius' king of Scotland having succeeded to Solvathius, did enter into league with Charlemaigne, which league hath continued betwixt the Scots and French without breach on either side ever since until these our days; whereupon when the Emperor Charles went into Italy to repress the insolences of Desiderius King of the Lombard's committed against the Sea of Rome, Achaius as his confederate did send him four thousand choice men under the conduct of his brother William, a pious and valorous young Prince.  
Amongst other of his Captains that went with him, this William Douglas was one of the chief, and had the leading of the men of arms. The Emperor having restored Pope Leo the third to the dignity of his Seat, as he returned through Tuscanie, amongst other his notable acts, he restored also the Commonwealth of Florence to their former liberty; in which exploit the valour and actions of the Scottish Prince William were much remarked: the Florentines to show their thankfulness to the Emperor took to their Arms the Red Lily, a part of the French Arms, the colour only being changed: And in memory of the valour of Prince William they did instit●…te public plays yearly, in which they crowned a Lion with great ceremony and pomp, ordaining also that certain Lions should be kept upon the charges of the common Thesaurarie, because William had a Lion for his Arms, which is also the Arms of the Kings of Scotland. They have also a prophecy in Florence, which saith,  

While crowned Lions live in Florence field, 
Boet lib. 10. pag. 195. Holl. p. 164. Scot Chro. Anno 787   
To foreign Arms their State shall never yield.   
This Prince William, brother to Achaius' King of Scotland, passed into Germany, and gave himself wholly to the wars, where for his service by his sword, having obtained large Territories, he led a single life all his days, and thinking to make Christ his heir, he founded and doted fifteen Abbacies for those of the Scottish Nation. It is he (saith Major) who is named in songs made of him, Scottish Gilmore. Now while as the Emperor and Prince William were in their return from Italy towards France, William Douglas in his voyage through Plaisance did fall into a heavy disease, and not being able to go along with the Emperor, stayed at Plaisance till he recovered his health. And then considering the toil and danger of so long a journey, as it would be into his own Country, he resolved rather to remain there, then to hazard his person any more, which such travel would have greatly endangered: wherefore to gain the good will of the Citizens of Plaisance, and to strengthen himself (being a stranger) by a good alliance, he took to wife a daughter of Antonio Spettino, one of the most eminent and honourable houses in that City: by her he had many children, of whom are descended those of the most noble Family of the Scoti, who are so called by reason of this William, their Ancestor, who was a Scottishman, the name of his Country being better known, and more remarkable, then either his own proper name, or the name of his Family. This original of the Scoti in Plaisance is collected and confirmed, 1. by the testimony of the Italian Writers; 2. by the tree and genealogy of that family; 3. and by their Coat of Arms which they give, being the same with the ancient Coat of the Douglasses, with some difference.  
1 Touching our Authors, they are such as have written the History of Plaisance, which is followed forth by Umbertus Locatus, and Franciscus Sansovinus. This last (Sansovinus) in the first book of his History, De primo origine delle case illustri d' Italia, writeth thus: Quando Carolo Magno fece l' Impresa in Italia contra Desiderio Re de Longobardi (l' anno 779) hebbe per suo Conduttiere di huomini di armi un Gulielmo Scozzese della Familia di Conti di Duglasi, etc. as we have set down before. Only he calls it the 779 year, which our Writers call 800, or 801. There he shows how this House was illustrious from the very first beginning thereof: And for their rank they held in that City, he declares that it was one of the four Families which did distribute the Offices of the City, which were these; Scotta, Landra, Anguiscola, Fontona. And they grew at last so numerous, and so famous both for Letters and Arms, that having purchased many Rents, and great Lands and Territories, together with many Friends and Alliance, they acquired the Sovereignty of that City, and became absolute Lords and Princes thereof. So that from them when they were Princes of Plaisance did spring the Counts or Earls of 1 Vegelino, 2 Agazano, 3 and Sarmetti. They have been allied with the chief Families in those Provinces, the 1 Rangoni, 2 Fieshi, 3 Ressi, 4 palavicini, 5 Lodroni, 6 Strozzi, 7 Conti d' Arco: and the like. Then he reckons divers particular persons, and namely (which doth serve to confirm this deduction) Donatus Scotio Bishop of Bobio, (who lived in the year 846, or 48. who built a Monastery without the walls of Plaisance, which he dedicated to the memory and honour of Saint Bride (Patroness of Douglas) in remembrance that he was a Douglas, as is probable. He built also a Church within the walls, which he gave to the Friars of the Monastery of Bobio, who were of Saint Colme (or Columbanus) Order, who was Abbot of Icolmekill an Island amongst the Scottish Hebrides. And this he did (saith Sansovino) Non solament per l' amor de Dio, ma anchora perch San Columbano fu di Hibernia Isola de Scotia: Not only for the love of God, but because Saint Colme (or Columbanus) was of Ireland, an Island of Scotland, so he thought being a foreigner, being the Scots and Irish are mutually descended each of other. Then coming to speak of their worth and valour, he reckons up above six and twenty persons who were ever valorous in whatsoever fortune, good or bad, and had been in great employments continually for the space of two hundred eighty five years together, under the Emperor Henry the fourth, Charles' the fourth, and Sigismond: Also under John King of Bohemia, and Duke John Maria, in divers places, at Pavia, Candie, in Cyprus, in Albania, Famagusta, at the Isle of Thin against the Turks: in all which services they behaved themselves valorously, and discharged their places with credit and honour. There were some also famous for learning, as Christopher Doctor of the Laws, and Bishop of Cavaillon (in Provence of France) and Fiderico an excellent Jurisconsult, and who hath written learnedly. At last he relates how they were overthrown by the Duke of Milan, who besieged Alberto Vechio, the elder, and forced him to render upon composition, by which he gave divers Castles; Lands; and Territories, and divers Jurisdictions; with a competent estate and means. And here he reckons up above ten or twelve Castles which they still possess, all famous and honourable, with the greatest privileges that can be.  
2. As for the Tree and Genealogy of these Scoti, in it we have first this our 1 William Douglas, 2 then David, 3 Lanfrancus, who had four sons, 1 Johannes, 2 Raynaldus, 3 Ruffinus, 4 Rollandus. Johannes had Albertus, who begat four sons; 1 Petrus, of whom we find no succession; 2 Nicholaus, of whom are descended the houses of Fombii, Guardamilii, and Cassaligii; 3 Franciscus, or Francus, of whom are the Countess of Volgolino; Angazano, and Sarmetto, and those of Gragnani; 4 Jacobus, father of the Family of the Castri sti Johannis. Lanfrancus second son Raynaldus was Progenitor to the Gravahi and Varsii. 3 Ruffinus his third son was Author of the Momaghi, Magnani, & domorum del Boscho. 4 OF Rollandus his fourth son are descended the Passano, and Aygveriae. These, with their offspring, have multiplied and spread themselves into divers parts of Italy. Also they are found in the Marquisate of Salluce, in France, in Guienne, and about Bourdeaux, where they are known by the names of Houglas, having corrupted the original name, as strangers are wont to do. There are also of these Scoti in the town of Antwerp in Brabant, amongst which Petrus and Cornelius Scoti, inhabitants and merchants there of the best sort, who being lately challenged and interrupted by the Magistrates thereof, for presuming to set up the Douglas Arms upon the tombs of their fathers, did send over into Scotland, in the year 1619. a messenger of purpose (Alexander Seaton by name) with their several letters signed with the names of Scoti, alias Douglassi, directed unto the Right Honourable William Earl of Angus, Lord Douglas, etc. acknowledging their descent from his House; and entreating his Honour's testimonial thereupon. Upon which request, the said Earl having examined the matter by his Evidents, and other Records, found their claim to be just and right, was moved to send them by the same messenger an authentic Patent of their Pedigree under the broad Seal of Scotland, as likewise under the hands and several seals of William Earl of Angus, William Earl of Morton, dated the 16. day of March 1621. In which patent the said Petrus and Cornelius extraction from this William father of the Scoti, and grandchild to Sholto, is deduced particularly, as may be seen in the public Register of Scotland. 3. As for the ancient arms of the house of Douglas, they were three mullets (or stars) only in a field azure, until good Sir James did add the crowned Hart, because King Robert Bruce did concredit to him the carrying of his heart, and burying of it at Jerusalem. The Italian Douglasses (or Scoti) having come off before him, kept the field coat unaltered, as may be seen in their Tombs and other Monuments: for in Plaisance, in Saint Laurence Church, where there are above twelve several Monuments and Tombs of that Family (it being their burial place) whereof some are of marble, surrounded with iron grates, there is an ancient Monument of a noble Lady near unto the high altar, bearing these three mullets, with this inscription, Margareta Scota Contessa de Burla: but now the Italian Douglasses, or Scoti, give but two mullets, and between two they have drawn a beam argent, which begins at the right hand, and ends at the left. The reason of this difference is given in this letter sent by the Conte de Agazano to this present Earl of Angus, which we will set down in his own words and language, as he sent it written, and signed with his own hand, and sealed with his seal.  
Ill more Sigr mio Ess more,  
QUando 10 hebbi l' honore de vedere in Orleans vuestra illustrissima signoria gli promessi fargli havere l' Arbore de la famiglia Scota de Piacenza discesa d' illustrissima casa di Douglas. Ma perch non ho fin hora havuto comodita sicura di mandarlo, non ho pagato primo questo debito. Hora dunque con l' occasione di un gentle. huomo, mio amico, qui passa in Inghilterra non ho voluto tardare piu a mandarle come faccio detto arbore o Genca loigia; pregando us ill ma honorarmi, come mi promisse dell' arbore de la casa. Douglas in Scotia, almeno quella parte che la rigidezza di tempi passati di guerri in quel regno havera permesso di poter conservare la memoria, et io gli ne restero obligatissimo. L' arma antiqua di Scoti en Piaienza era conform a L' antiche de Douglasso, come se vedo in ditta citta ne la chiesa de santo Lawrenzo. Ma all tempo che Ghelsi, & Ghibellini guerregiavano in Italia: Li Scoti, come partiali di Francesi furon elletti capi di Gelphi in Piabenzo. Et perch tutte le cose d' numero non paro si intendevano Ghibellini, furono donque necessitati di rendere il numero delle tre stelle o vero a quattro o vero a due. Ma giudacando i accrescerne non conveniva: Si resolvettero Levarne una, a la piazza della quale per memoria missero. La sbarra bianca che commiciando de le parte destra va a finire a la sinistra, che si la sbarra comminciasse a la sinistra, & finisse a la destra, saria Ghibellini. Il champo che solea essere rizo fu d' Arrigo. 4. Imperatore dato insieme col Cimere d' un Pellicano, it Cimere a quei Scoti soli che le Portano di present, & il campo a tutta la familia generallment. Ho giudicato bene fare questa poca digressione, accio us Illam hebbi qualche notitia perch sum seguita la mutatione. There sara caro ch' ella si compiaccia screvermi lae ricevuta di detta Arbore, all arma del quale manca la corona sopra, che ci deve essere in loco del cimere. Et volendo mi honorare di sue lettere, in viandore all. Illustrissimo & Essmo Sr Duca di Nevers mio capitano sicure, & io ne tenero obligo particular a us illma; a la quale per fine, insieme con Li Signori suoi fratelli, & figlioli hacio le mani, conpiegarle da N. S. ogni prosperita.  
Di Paris le 8. Maggio. 1622. Di us ill ma Devotissimo Servit re & parent Il Conte Marc Antonio Scoto d' Agazano  
My honourable Lord, William Douglas.  
WHen I had the honour to see you at Orleans, I promised to send you the Tree of the Family of the Scoti of Plaisance; which is descended of the illustrious house of Douglas: But because I have not hitherto had a convenient opportunity of sending it safely, I have not yet paid this debt: Now therefore having found the occasion of this Gentleman my friend, who was to go into England I would delay no longer to send, the Tree or Genealogy: which I have done, beseeching your Lordship as you promised me to honour me with the Tree of the house of Douglas in Scotland; at least, so much of it as the iniquity of times past, and the wars in that kingdom have suffered to remain undefaced, and undestroyed, and I shall rest your Lordships obliged for this favour.  
The old arms of the Scoti in Plaisance, were conformed to the old arms of the Douglas, as may be seen in the foresaid City, in the Church of Saint Lawrance. But when the Ghelves, and Ghibellins did war one against another in Italy, the Scoti as partners of the French, were chosen to be heads of the Ghelves in Plaisance. And because all things of an odd or unequal number were taken for Ghibelline, they were constrained to change the number of three stars, into either four or two. But esteeming that it was not fit to increase the number, they resolved to take one from them: in the place of which (in memory of it) they put a white or argent bar, which beginning at the right hand is drawn along, and ends at the left: for if it had begun at the left, and ended at the right hand, it had been Ghibelline. The field which was given by the Emperor Henry the fourth, together with a Pelican for the crest, which is the Crest of the Scoti only, who carry it at this hour, and the field of the whole Family generally.  
I have thought good to make this short digression, that your Lordship might have some knowledge wherefore this change was made in our coat: your Lordship should do me a singular favour if you would be pleased to write unto me of the receipt of this Tree, in the arms of which the Coronet is wanting, because the Crest is the place where it should be, and to honour me with your letters, which you may send to my noble Captain the Duke of Nivers, and so they shall come safe to me; for which favour I shall be particularly obliged to your Lordship. So kissing your Lordship's hands, together with thèse of your brethren and children, I pray the Lord to bless you with all happiness and prosperity.  
Paris 8. May 1622. Your Lordship's humble servant and Cousin, Mark Antonio Scoto Count d'Agazano.  
This Tree was received by the Earl of Angus, who did also send to him the Tree of the house of Douglas.  
Now besides all this which we have said, the Evidents and Monuments, Charters and Writs of privilege of their house, do witness the same: for in the privileges granted to them by the Emperor Henry the fourth, and Sigismond, as also by Giovanni Maria Duke of Milan, the surname of Douglas is expressly inserted with the titles of Earls given to three several persons of that house, first Francisco created Conte de vigolino; Giovanni (his brother) Conte d'Agazano, by the said Duke, and to Alberto expressly entitled, Conte de Douglas & Vigolino, by Sigismond the Emperor.  
Now after all this, I hope we may justly say with John Leslie Bishop of Rosse; Unde certissimâ conjecturâ assequimur illam perantiquam famil●…am quibus (Scoti cognomen) confirmabit jam usus loquendi, Placentiae florentem ex nobilissimâ nostrorum Duglassiorum comitum prosapiâ oriundam fuisse: that the Scoti in Plaisance are come of the Douglasses in Scotland. And thus much for William the second, son to Hugh the first, and grandchild to Sholto.   

Of William the first Lord, created Lord of Douglas at the Parliament of Forsaire.  
NOw to return home again to the Scotish Douglasses, we find that King Malcolm Kenmore in a Parliament held at Forfair in Angus, in the year 1057. as the manuscript, Major and Buchanan have it, but according to Boctius, 1061. did create many Earls, Barons (or Lords) and Knights, amongst whom there is Gulielmus a Douglas, who was made a Baron: the words are these: Malcolmus Scotorum Rex 86 tus Sconae coronatus anno 1061. Ind Forfarum generale indixit Concilium, volens ut Primones quod antea non fuerat, aliarum more gentium à praedis suis cognomina caperent: quosdam vero etiam comites (vulgo Earles) quosdam Barones (vulg Lords) alios Milites, aut Equites Auratos (vulgo martial Knights) creavit Makduffum Fifae Thanum, Fifae Comitem, Patritium Dumbarum, Marchiarum comitem: alios quoque viros praestantes, Montethiae, Atholiae, Marriae, Cathanesiae, Rossiae, Angusiae, dixit comites. Johannem Souls, Davidem Dardier ab Abernethie, Simonem a Tueddell, Gulielmum a Douglas, Gillespium Cameron, Davidem Briechen, Hugonem a Caldella, Barones, cum diversis aliis, Equites Auratos, perplures pauci vero Thani relicti.- In English thus, Malcolm the 86t. King of Scots, being crowned at Scone in the year 1061, convened a Parliament at Forfaire, where, according to the custom of other Nations, he ordained that Noblemen should have their titles to be distinguished by their possessions, and lands, which had not been the custom of this Country in former times. And so he created some. Counts or Earls, others Barons or Lords, and others Cavaliers or Martial Knights: he made Mackdusse Earl of Fife, who had been Thane of Fife; Pàtrick Dumbarre, Earl of March: he made also others of the Nobility Earls of Monteeths, Athole, Marre, Murray Cathnes, Rosse, Anguse. John Souls, David Dardier of Abernethie, Simon of Tweddale, William of Douglas, Gilespie Cameron, David Briechen, Hugh of Calder, were made Barons or Lords: others more he knighted likewise a great many, so that few Thanes were left. This note of these very words were extracted out of the Register and Monuments of Icolmekill, and sent to George Buchanan, when he was in writing his history of Scotland; whereof John Read, (buchanan's servitor, and amanuensis) having reserved a copy, did communicate it to divers afterward. Now here this William being ranked amongst the Nobility, who were chosen out to receive these new honours, could be no mean man: but in all likelihood, the chief and principal of that name; and so the eldest descended of Sholto, and his son Hugh the first, and his grandchild Hugh the second, by lineal succession. This is all we have of him, save that it is a received general report and tradition, that his two sons, John and William, were Knights at the same Parliament, which is an argument that he hath been a man of good esteem, and eminent place.   

Of John, the second Lord of Douglas.  
WIlliam did leave behind him two sons, John and William, both Knights: The eldest was Sir John of Douglasburn, which is a parcel of ground and manor lying betwixt Ettrick forest, and Peebles. The other was William of Glendinning, which is about the upmost parts of West-Teviotdale near to Ewesdale. Now whether this John did succeed to his father in the Lordship, as being his eldest son and heir, who was designed (during his father's life time only) by the title of Douglasburn, or whether he had an elder brother, and so both he and Sir William were but cadets of the house of Douglas, we cannot affirm: But thus much they say, that these two brothers were men of great power and authority, and very worthy and valiant gentlemen. They affirm also that Sir William of Glendinning had two sons, Alexander and William, of whom are descended those of Cressewall, Strabrock, Pompherston, Pittendrigh, and Calder-Cleer.   

Of William the second of that name, and third Lord of Douglas.  
WE have but little mention of this man, only in a Charter granted to the town of Air by King David, first son to King Malcolm Kenmore, he is inserted a witness without any other title or designation: Then Gulielmus de Douglas, William of Douglas. This Charter was given the 25. or 27. year of his Reign, the year of God 1151. two years before his death, which was 1153.   

Of Archbald the fourth Lord of Douglas, and first of that name.  
THere is as little mention made of this Archbald, as of the former William: we find him only inserted witness in a second Charter granted to the town of Air, by Alexander the second son to King William, in the 22. of his reign, and of our redemption, 1236.   

Of the third William, and fifth Lord of Douglas, maker of the Indenture with the Lord Abernethie.  
THis William is found in an Indenture made betwixt him, and the Lord Abernethie, which the Earls of Angus have yet extant, amongst their other evidents and rights of their lands. The date of this Indenture is on Palmesunday, in the year 1259.. in the reign of Alexander the third: the place, the Castle of Edinburgh: It is a contract of marriage, in which the father called there William Lord Douglas, doth contract his son Hugh Douglas to Marjory Abernethie, sister to Hugh Lord Abernethie, The sum and contents thereof, are that the marriage shall be solemnised on Pasche day, that all things may be perfected before Ascension day. The conditions are these, for the Lord Abernethies part, that he shall give with his sister to Hugh Douglas, viginti carictas terrae (perhaps it should be Carrucatas terrae) twenty plough gate of land in the town of Glencors. And for the Lord Douglas part, that he shall give to his son Hugh Douglas and Marjory his wife 20. Carrucatas in feudo de Douglas, twenty plough gate of land in the few of Douglas. The witnesses are Alexander Cumine, Earl of Buchan, Raynold Cumin, John of Dundie-Moore, and one Douglas, whose Christian name was worn away, and could not be read. This should seem to be that Indenture which Sir Richard Metellane of Lithington, father to john Lord of Thirlestane, sometime Chancellor of Scotland, of worthy memory, doth mention in his manuscript, where he hath carefully collected some memories of the house of Douglas. He says that Sir John Ballandine of Achnoute Knight, did show to John Lesly Bishop of Rosse, one Indenture that makes mention of Douglassas 80. years before that Lord William (the Hardy) who was contemporary with William Wallace, and this Indenture is very near so long before his time. But he saith that the Lord Abernethie, who doth there indenture with the Lord Douglas, was father to Marjory, and our Indenture makes him brother to her. It may be there have been two Indentures; one before this made by her father, which not being accomplished during his life, hath been renewed by his son or brother, or that they have mistaken it, for there is no other save this only (which doth clearly call him her brother) amongst their writs and evidents. Upon this there was drawn up a Charter without date of either time or place; only it appears by the tenor thereof, that it was made after the Indenture. The giver is the same Lord William to Hugh his son and heir: the lands disposed to him are, Glaspen, Hartwood, Kennox and Carmackhope, and Leholme; together with the lands says he, (quae sunt in calumnia inter me & haeredes Johannis Crawford) that are in suit of law betwixt me and the heirs of John Crawforde, without any detriment. Then the cause of his giving is set down, that they may be a dowry to Marjorie Abernethie his son's wife, and sister to Hugh Lord Abernethie. Ever after this he entitles his son, Dominus Hugo de Douglas, Sir Hugh of Douglas. It hath an express caveat, that if after the marriage be solemnised, the said Sir Hugh of Douglasdale shall happen to die, or if he shall (aliquo malo suo genio) through some devilish or wicked disposition abstain from copulation with her, she shall brook and enjoy these lands, although the said Lord William should be alive: And if the said Marjory shall outlive the said Lord William, thought her husband Hugh should die before him, yet he shall have the third part of his lands in Douglasdale, excepting the third of so much as the said Lord William shall leave to his wife. There is in it another very strange point, and as it were a provision in case of divorcement, or not consummating the marriage: viz. that if the said Sir Hugh, or Lord Hugh (Dominus Hugo) be then (after his father's death) living lord and heir, or have an heir by any other wife, the said Marjory shall possess the lands notwithstanding, all the days of the said Hugh's life. Now he could not have an heir by another wife, unless he were first divorced from her. There is also one clause more touching her security, That if the Lord Abernethie, or his counsel shall desire any other security reasonable by Charter or hand-write, that they shall cause make the conveyance as they think good, and Lord William shall sign it, and set his seal to it. The seal at this is longer than broad, fashioned like a heart, the letters thereon are worn away, and not discernible save only (Will) and the arms seem to be three Stars or Mullets at the upper end thereof: but I cannot be bold to say absolutely they were so. This I have set down the more particularly and punctually, that by these circumstances the truth may be more clear and free from all suspicion of forgery and invention. I have done it also, that though every one be not curious or taken with these things, such as are (of which number I prefesse myself to be one) may find something to please their harmless desire of the not unpleasant, and some way profitable knowledge of Antiquity.  
By this Indenture it is clear that this William is not the same with William Hardie, who died in prison, and was father to good Sir James, because his name was William, and had a son Hugh, as the other also had: for if we do but suppose that Hugh contracted to Marjory Abernethie were 25. years of age at the making of the Indenture (1259.) and that his father Lord William were twenty five years elder than his son Hugh, fifty in all: then must he have been when he married the young English Lady (by whom he had divers children) and when he assisted William Wallace, when he surprised the Castles of Sanquhaire and Disdeir, and performed other warlike exploits, being still in action till the 1300. about 90. or 100 years of age, which carries no likelihood with it that one so old, should be so able of his body. Besides this Lord William the Author of this Indenture had for his eldest son and heir this Hugh contracted to Marjory Abern●…thie, but the eldest son and heir to that Lord William wanted good Sir James, who died in Spain: for all our Histories do tell how that the Bishop of Saint Andrews did suit King Edward for good Sir James to restore him to his father's lands and inheritance, but King Edward re●…sed to do it: and in a Charter given by King Robert Bruce in the fifteenth year of his reign, Borvici super ●…wedam, at Berwick upon Tweed, of the Lordship of Douglas, these express words are contained, Jacobo Domino de Douglas, Filio & Heredi Gulielmi de Douglas. This good Sir James dying without heir male lawfully gotten of his own body, his brother Hugh succeeded to him in the year 1342. in which year the same Hugh doth give a Charter of the said lands and Lordship, to wit, Douglasdale, together with the lands of Carmichel, Selkrick, etc. To his Nephew William son to Archbald his brother, which William did succeed to Hugh, he having no heirs male, he was afterward Earl of Douglas. Now it is against all reason to think that he that was contracted to Marjory Abernethy (1259.) should be the same with this Hugh who gives this Charter (1342.) seeing he must be now 106. or 107. years of age, which is not probable.  
This William had to wife Martha sister of Alexander Earl of Carrict, who bore to him two sons, Hugh his eldest, and William the Hardy: by their alliance with the house of Carrick, besides that he was not a little strengthened, they being great men and powerful, it fell out that his posteri●…y became of kindred to King Robert Bruce: for Fergus Lord of Galloway had two sons; the elder Gilbert, and Ethred the younger. At his death he ordained that the Lordship of Galloway should be divided betwixt them, which was done accordingly; and the division was ratified and confirmed by King William, who did then reign: but the King being afterward taken prisoner at Anwick be the English, Gilbert nothing contented with the division, having got Ethred his brother into his hands, caused put out his eyes, and possessed himself of the whole Lordship, and kept it till he died, which was before the Kings return out of England, before which Ethred also was dead. These two brothers left each of them a son behind him; Gilbert left Alexander, and Ethred Rowland. This Rowland finding his faction the stronger, thrust out his cousin Alexander, and seized upon the whole estate himself alone, and at the King's return took a new gift thereof of the King, who gave also to Alexander, Gilberts son, in recompense and lieu thereof, the Earldom of Carrick: This Alexander had but one sister named Martha, who was married to this Lord William Douglas, he went into Syria with Edward Prince of Wales, who was brother in law to King Alexander, the third, sent by the King and State at the Pope's request, to fight against the Saracens. There went with him the Earl of Athole, and many brave Knights and Gentlemen: in which expedition he died; leaving only one daughter his heir, Martha Countess of Carrick. She was married to Robert Bruce, son to Robert Bruce (who is known by the name of Robert the Noble) and to Isabel second daughter to David Earl of Huntingdon. To this Robert, the Countess of Carrick bare Robert Bruce, who was afterwards King of Scotland. So then we see how Martha Countess of Carrick, and William the Hardie were Cousin germane; and her son King Robert Bruce, and good Sir James Cousins once removed: so that not only the thralled liberties of Scotland, and his private losses, did oblige Sir James to side with King Robert, and to stick so constantly to him, but this tie of blood and consanguinity also, being so near a kinsman. We are also to observe here, that Martha Countess of Carrick, was also the nearest, just and rightful heir to the Lordship of Galloway, being descended of the elder brother Gilbert, and therefore to be preferred before Allane, who was descended of the younger brother Ethred by Rowland his father: and after her and her heirs, her father's sister married to this Lord William was next heir to both the Earldom of Carrict, and Lordship of Galloway. Whether this title did move the Douglasses to seek the Lordship of Galloway, as they did afterward, and helped them to obtain it the more easily of the King, or of others descended of Allane, and of his heirs, I leave it to be considered. How ever that be, we may see by the matching with this honourable house of Carrick, Galloway and Abernethy, the chief Peers in this Realm as then, that the house of Douglas was of no small esteem and account long before good Sir James, and that they mistake things far, and are but ill versed in Antiquity that think he was the first that did raise that name to Nobility or greatness, this William's marriage having preceded his time 80. years at least.   

Of Sir Hugh (the third of that name) and six Lord of Douglas.  
WIlliam had to his eldest son and lawful successor, Sir Hugh Douglas, who as we have said was married to Marjorie Abernethie, daughter to Alexander, and sister to Hugh Lord of Abernethie. This house of Abernethie were friends and followers of the Cummins, and did assist and party them in all their enterprises, as we may see by their joining with them at Kinrosse when they took King Alexander the third. Their credit and favour with their Princes appears by this; That Lord William Abernethie got of King William the Abacie of Aberbrothock, or (as it may be thought rather, for the writing was dim and hard to discern) the Collegiate Church lands of Abernethie, paying thence yearly twenty pound. This Hugh Abernethie obtained also of King Alexander the third, a Charter of the lands of Lenrie, and a pension of fifty pound sterling by year: likewise he got from the same King a confirmation of the lands of Hulkstone and Lilestone. In these gifts the Cummins still are witnesses, and with them styled Patrick Earl of Dumbarre. We find also a gift of twenty pound land granted by Isabella Countess of Stratherne Relict of Walter Cummin, and her husband John Russell. In the days of Balliol this house was so powerful, that thy were able to make their party good against the Earl of Fife, whom they slew, and were winked at by Balliol: with this house did Sir Hugh match, as his father had done with Carrict and Galloway, which as it was an honourable alliance for him, so doth it also argue that the house of Douglas even then was noble and honourable, and in the rank amongst the greatest, as we have said.  
How long this Sir Hugh Lord Douglas did live after his contract and marriage, we cannot find: but it is clear that he had no children that survived and outlived their father, because his brother William was his heir and successor. Neither can we relate any his particular actions; only fame and tradition have given him a received testimony of activity, watchfulness and diligence, by terming him good Sir Hugh Douglas, whom his foes found never sleeping. He with his wife are buried in Saint Bride's Church in Douglas.   

Of William the Hardic (or Long log) the fourth William and seventh Lord of Douglas.  
TO Hugh did succeed his brother William, who for his valour and courage is distinguished by the addition of William the hardy; he is named also William long leg, by reason of his tall and goodly, stature, having been a very personable man. He was twice married: first to the Lord Keeths sister, by whom he had two sons, james and Hugh, as is evident by a Charter of resignation made by his son Hugh to his nephew William the first Earl of Douglas: his next wife was an English Lady called Ferrar, or Ferrais, of which name we find the Earls of Derby to have been in the days of King Henry the third: She bore also two sons, Archbald Lord of Galloway, and john, of whom are descended the Lords of Dalkeith, Manes, and Loghleven.  
Concerning himself, we find in the English Chronicle, that when King Edward the first took in the town of Berwick (in the year 1295.) he was Captain of the Castle there, and not being able to resist and hold out, the Town being in the enemy's hands, he rendered the place, with himself also a prisoner, where he remained until the wars were ended; by the yielding of john Balliol to King Edward. During the time of his captivity he was to marry this English Lady, that so he might be drawn to favour the King's pretensions in conquering of Scotland. But his matching did not alter his affection towards his native Country, nor broke his constancy in performing his duty to it.  
Wherefore when he heard that William Wallace was risen up, and had taken open banner against the English, he joined with him, by which accession of forces, Wallace Army was much increased and strengthened; yet they were not always together, but according to the occasion, and as opportunity did offer, they did divide their companies, and went to several places, where they hoped to get best advantage of the enemy, and where there needed no great Army, but some few companies at once. In these adventures Lord William recovered from the English the Castles of Disdiere and Sanwheire. The manner of his taking the Castle of Sanwheire is said to have been thus: There was one Anderson that served the Castle, and furnished them with wood and fuel, who had daily access to it upon that occasion. The Lord Douglas directs one of his trustiest and stoutest servants to him to deal with him, to find some mean to betray the Castle to him, and to bring him within the gates only. Anderson either persuaded by entreaty, or corrupted for money, gave my Lord's servant (called Thomas Dickson) his apparel and carriages, who coming to the Castle, was let in by the Porter for Anderson. Dickson presently stabbed the Porter, and giving the signal to his Lord who lay near by with his Companies, set open the gates, and received them into the court. They being entered, killed the Captain, and the whole English Garrison, and so remained masters of the place. The Captain's name was Beuford, a kinsman to his own Lady Ferrais, who had oppressed the Country that lay near to him very insolently. One of the English that had been in the Castle escaping, went to the other garrisons that were in other Castles and Towns adjacent, and told them what had befallen his fellows, and withal informed them how the Castle might be recovered: whereupon joining their forces together, they came and besieged it. The Lord Douglas finding himself straightened, and unprovided of necessaries for his defence, did secretly convey his man Dickson out at a postern or some hidden passage, and sent him to William Willace for aid: Wallace was then in the Lennox, and hearing of the danger Douglas was in, made all the haste he could to come to his relief. The English having notice of Wallace approach, left the siege, and retired toward England; yet not so quickly but that Wallace accompanied with Sir John Grahame, did overtake them, and killed 500 of their number, ere they could pass Dalswynton. By these and such like means Wallace with his assistance having beaten out the English from most part of their strengths in Scotland, did commit the care and custody of the whole Country, from Drumlenrigge to Air, to the charge of the Lord Douglas. Now howbeit there be no mention of these things in our Chronicle, yet seeing the book of Wallace (which is more particular in many things) speaks of them, and the Charter of the house of Siminton descended lineally of the said Thomas Dickson, who for this and his other like services done to this Lord, and afterward to his son good sir James, got the 20. mark land of Hisleside, which his posterity doth enjoy still, holding of the Lords of Douglas and Angus, and there is no doubt to be made, but he hath done much more in his assistance he gave Wallace, then is recorded or extant any where, there being no likelihood that in those so busy times, these so valiant and brave warriors did lie idle, though the particulars lie buried in deep silence. And certainly it was not for nought that his lands were burnt by Robert Bruce himself, his wife and children taken prisoners, and brought to the King of England: his wife and children were taken by Bruce himself, by the Lord Clifford. King Edward required him to take his oath of fidelity to the Crown of England, and become his subject, which he utterly refusing to do, his lands were given to the Lord Clifford, and himself committed prisoner, and so he continued to the hour of his death. During which time he never abated any thing of his magnanimous courage and constancy, but showed himself worthy of his noble progenitors, and no ways short of whatever worth either they had, or fame hath bestowed on them: So did he also well deserve to be predecessor to such successors, and father to such posterity; who (as we shall hear hereafter) did follow this virtuous example and pattern. How praiseworthy is it in him, that neither the danger of his own person (being in the hands and power of his enemy) nor the example of so many as did yield to the victorious Conqueror, there being few or none beside William Wallace that stood out against him, no not the desperate case and estate of his Country brought to so low an ebb, could break his resolution to remain firm to his native soil: Notwithstanding, that by all appearance all was irrecoverably lost, so that his standing out against the King could bring no help to it, and certain enmity (for aught could be seen) to himself and his posterity for ever.  
Setting aside all these regards (which are so common, and so highly accounted of in this our last age) not measuring duty by profit, or commodity, nor following the common rules of that wisdom which now reigns in the world, which is to respect and prefer our particular before all other things; but weighing matters in another balance, and squaring his actions by what was generous and right, rather than that which was gainful and advantageous for himself: he hath left an example of true wisdom, virtue and honesty, and of true magnanimity unto others: he dieth a free man in despite of his enemies, though a prisoner, and beareth witness of the liberty of his Country, that it did not serve, but was oppressed, convincing the Tyrant of that time of violence, and the Advocates and Proctors, which either he then had, or since have pleaded for him in that debate, of most impudent and manifest lying. And there are some even in our days scarce yet ashamed of so shameful an assertion, as to affirm that Scotland, and some of their Kings have yielded obedience, and homage, to a foreign Prince, acknowledging him for their Sovereign. But the truth hereof is, that it hath been oppressed, but never served; it hath been overcome, and overrun, but it never yielded: And in the own time through constancy and courage, did at last overcome the overcomer, and shake off the yoke of foreigners in spite of all their force and fraud; whereof as the Lord Douglas in this catastrophe of his life is a pregnant witness, so hath he left behind him an honourable memory of an invincible mind, and a lesson for tyrants to te●…li, and let them see how weak a thing tyranny is, and how small power and force it hath when it meets with true courage, though it were but of one man, who overcomes their force and falsehood, with truth and constancy: And certainly this Lord's virtue and merits are such, as, how ever those that come after him did fall into more happy times, and had better occasions to show themselves, and to make their actions more conspicuous towards their Country: yet, there is no reason why he should be thought inferior to any one of them, because his fortune was harder than theirs: Nay, he ought rather to be preferred so much the more, as he was more assailed, and compassed about with difficulties; and did wrestle with the necessities of the times without shrinking, or succumbing under the burden: Besides it was he that planted and laid the foundation, upon which they builded so honourable interprises, & did perfect what they had begun.  
Some write that he being cited by King Edward, with others of this Country, appeared upon the citation, and that he was not apprehended by fraud or force, but came of his own accord to Berwick: which if he did, it hath not been to confess, or acknowledge any servitude, or homage, as due to Edward, or the English, but to plead for the liberty of his Country, and to protest and testify against his usurpation. Others say, that he and the Bishop of Glasgow being challenged to partake in a conspiracy against King Edward, under a pretext of a treaty with Per●…ie, (to avoid the imputation of disloyalty and treason, of which he would not be partaker) he came and yielded himself to the King, which if it be true, was a very honourable and generous fact, remarkable and rare to be found, that no love of his Country, nor hatred of tyranny (so strong and powerful motives) could draw him to be partaker of any dishonest action, though against his enemy. Methinks such noble carriage might have procured more noble dealing at King Edward's hands, and have wrung more favour from him, which since it did not, it may be taken as an argument, as want of goodness in himself, who had neither judgement to discern in virtue, nor a heart to honour it in others: But for my own part I think it most likely that he was taken by one means or other, and brought in against his will; but whether he were brought in with his will, or came in against his will, that word of yielding (which they ascribe to him) is either very impertinent, or else very warily to be understood; to wit, for the yielding of his person only, not of the liberty of his Country, which he never yielded: neither for the acknowledging of any English authority over it or himself which he never would do, but choose rather to die in prison in Hog's tower in Berwick. There are that say he was sent from Barwick to Newcastle, and from thence carried to York, in the Castle whereof he died, and was buried in a little Chapel at the fourth end of the bridge which is now altogether decayed. His death (which is rec●…ned of some to have fallen out in the year 1307.) must have been sooner in the year 1302. for his son Sir James returned into Scotland in the year 1303. when Edward was at Stirling, where the Bishop of Saint Andrew's did recommend him to the King: Now Sir James came not home till he heard news of his father's death. It is also said of this Lord, that he had the Isle of Man, whether as heritable possessor, or as Governor only it is not known; but it is well known that this Island belonged to the Crown of Scotland, and that the Douglasses have had more than an ordinary interest therein; Douglas Castle, and Douglas Haven, which carry their names to this day, do bear sufficient witness. But whether from this man or some other, is not so easy to determine peremptorily.   

Of good Sir James, the first James, and eighth Lord of Douglas.  
THe next is James, commonly called good Sir James, whom men account as the first, of whom the house of Douglas received the beginning of their greatness, which came at last to exceed others so far, that it did almost pass the bounds of private subjects. He was as we have said already, son to the same William by his first wife the Lord Keeths sister: his education in his youth is said to have been in virtue and letters; first at Glasgowe, aftetwards at Paris: for his father being encumbered with wars, and last imprisoned, his uncle Robert Keeth conveyed him away to Paris in the time of Philip le bell, where he remained exercising himself in all virtuous exercise, and profited so well, that he became the most complete, and best accomplished young noble man in the Country, or elsewhere. Being certified of his father's death, the love of his native soil made him to return into Scotland, to order the course of his life, by the counsel and advice of his friends. But when he came home, finding his patrimony disposed by King Edward to the Lord Clifford, and his friends scattered and dispersed, having by his mother some relation of kindred to William Lambert Archbishop of Saint Andrew's, he addressed himself to him, who did receive him kindly, and entertain him nobly. And when King Edward the first was come to Stirling in his last journey (at what time he in a manner overanne all Scotland, and destroyed the monuments thereof) the Archbishop going thither to salute him, carried this young man along with him: and taking his opportunity, presented him to King Edward, humbly entreating him to take him into his protection, and to restore him into his father's inheritance, and employ him in his service, as a youth of great hope and expectation, and such as might be useful and stedable if he should be pleased to use him. The King demanded what he was, and having understood what his name and lineage was, and that he was son to Lord William, did absolutely refuse to do him any courtesy, or favour, nay he could not abstain from reproachful and contumelious words against the obstinacy and treason (so was he pleased to nickname virtue) of his father, saying, that he had no service for him, nor for any such traitors son as his father was; that he had given his lands to better men than himself, and those that had done him better service than he was able to do; and though they had not been given, yet would he never have given them to him. So implacable he was, and such pride had he conceived, with contempt of the depressed estate of this supplicant, little remembering the variableness of the estate of man; and little knowing or considering, what weight and moment may be in one man alone, in whatsoever condition, to brawl sometimes, and to help even to disappoint and overthrow the enterprises of the mightiest Monarches. It came even so to pass in this man, who did this King's son and successor such a piece of shrewd service, as he had never the like in all his life: which had been more shrewd, if the speed of his horses, and the undutifulness of some Scots, that received him into their Castle of Dumbarre, when he fled from Bannockburne, had not stood him in better steed, than all his huge Host and rich Kingdom, wherewith he was so puffed up. Whereby Princes and great men may learn, not to despise the meanness and most afflicted state of any, nor to lose the reins neither to unjust actions, or reproachful words.  
Sir James being thus rebuked, what could he do against a King, a Monarch, a victorious and triumphant King? to whom all had yielded, with whom all went right well, in his ruff, in his highest pitch, in his grandor, compassed about with his guards, with his armies: to control him, he was not able; to plead for justice, it would avail him nothing; to reply, could profit him less: a Prince, his victor's word is a law, nay more than a law for the time. There was no contesting, no contradicting, were his speeches never so unjust: he behoved to swallow this pill (how bitter soever) there was no remedy but patience. Nay, the Archbishop must be silent also, and dares not mutter one word, wherefore home he goes with this scorn, to expect a better time of replying: not in words, but deeds, and of showing what service he was able to have done to him. The occasion of which though it were over long in coming in respect of his desire, yet did fall out, not very long after: for within two or three years (1305.) Robert Bruce came into Scotland, not yet a King (save in courage) but having right to be King of the Country, whom Edward had served in the same kind, and who had received the like answer and scorn in a Petition not unlike, for both did crave their father's inheritance, Sir James only a Lordship, and the Bruce a whole Kingdom, which was but his due, and he had done him better service than Sir James. He had fought against his own Country for him, spent the blood of his friends, and his own, in hope of it; with great loss to himself, and example to others not to do the like. But neither duty, nor desert, nor promise could oversway his ambition, and master it so far, as to suffer him to perform what he had promised: and not content to have fed this Prince with the food of fools, fair hopes, and after so much employment and many notable services, to frustrate him, he must needs also embitter all, with a flouting answer to his demand. To such a height of pride had prosperity raised him, that no modesty could keep him from losing the reins to an unbridled tongue, which doth never beseem a man, much less a Prince: wherefore as hatred and despite did animate him against Sir James, for his father's refusing to serve him: so ambition did work the same affection in him against Robert, though he had served him; both were refused of their suits, both their petitions were rejected; the one with spite, the other with derision. What (saith King Edward, being urged with his promise of giving the Kingdom of Scotland to Bruce) N'avons nous autre choose a fair, que de conquerir des royaumes pour vous? speaking in French, Have we nothing else to do, but to conquer Kingdoms for you? Kings, Potentates, Victors, should not be pressed with their promises: So they think, and so men say; laws are not made for them, which they leap over at their pleasure. And it might be thought so perhaps, if their power were perfect, and if there were not a more absolute and over ruling power, that is able to range them under reason. We shall find it so even in this particular in the own time, although this were no time for him to reply: no more than it had been for Sir James at Stirling. But the time being now come in the year 1305. as said is.  
But the time being now come, though not so fit as he could have wished, yet as it was he behoved to use it, and make virtue of necessity. And so withdrawing himself secretly out of England, he came to Dumfreis, and there slew John Cummin his greatest enemy, determining from thenceforth to behave and carry himself as King of this Realm. And here by the way, we may observe God's providence towards this Kingdom, in preserving the liberties thereof, who had before stirred up William Wallace like another Samson to vindicate it out of the hand of the English. Now that he is gone, he sends home our lawful Prince, and righteous successor to the Crown, to fight our battles for us, and to perfect the work which the other had begun; only for so much as about this time, John Monteeths under colour of friendship, had betrayed William Wallace into the hands of the English for money; and he being taken and carried to London, was by King Edward's command, tortured and put to death with great cruelty; and his arms, and legs, and head, hung up in the most eminent places and Cities both of England and Scotland. Of which fact of Edward's we will say no more, but only set down the said Wallace's Epitaph, which is perfixed to that book that is written of his exploits in Scots rhyme. The Epitaph is in latin verse, but the Author is incertain, and the more is the pity, for he deserves to have been better known. Thus it is,  

Invida morstristi Gulielmum funere vallam,  
Quae cuncta collit, Sustulit  
Et tanto pro cive, cinis; pro finibus urna est,  
Frigusque pro loricâ, obit.  
Ille licet terras loca se inferiora, reliquit:  
At fata factis supprimens,  
Parte sui meliore solum, Coelumque perrerat  
Hoc spiritu, illud gloria.  
At tibi si inscriptum generoso pectus honesto  
Fuisset, hostis proditi  
Artibus, Angle, tuis in poenas parcior esses,  
Nec oppidatim spargeres  
Membra viri sacranda adytis, sed scin quid in ista  
Immanitate viceris  
Ut vallae in cunctas or as spargantur & horas  
Laudes, tuumque ded●…cus.   
A verse, whereof Buchanan needed not to have been ashamed.  

Envious Death, who ruins all,  
Hath wrought the sad lamented fall  
Of Wallace, and no more remains  
Of him, than what an Urn contains.  
Ashes for our Hero we have,  
He for his armour a cold grave.  
He left the earth too low a state,  
And by his worth o'er came his fate.  
His soul death had no power to kill,  
His noble deeds the world doth fill  
With lasting Trophies of his name.  
O! hadst thou virtue loved, or fame;  
Thou couldst not have insulted so  
Over a brave betrayed dead foe,  
Edward, nor seen those limbs exposed  
To public shame, sit to be closed  
As Relics, in a holy shrine;  
But now the infamy is thine.  
His end crownes him with glorious bays,  
And stains the brightest of thy praise.   
But to return to our Sir James: he is no sooner advertised of the Bruces arrival into Scotland, and of the Cummins slaughter, when without either summons or entreaty (save of his own mind in that common case simpathising with the other) he resolves to try his fortune in that course with him. But what could he do (poor Gentleman) being in such necessity, and destitute of all help: he had neither horse, nor armour; nor followers for such a business: all was gone, and violently taken from him by the iniquity of the times, and the prevailing of the enemy. There was neither friend nor mean left for his provision. Shall he burden Archbishop Lambert? what could a Prelate do? what could he, especially being under the beasts feet, as we say, and subject to King Edward? It is better sometimes to force a friend, then to endanger him. Compulsion may be used where there is peril in the consenting: chiefly if the party be not unwilling, the ground right, and the cause good: otherwise, violence is never to be attempted, neither is iniquity, fraud or falsehood, (evil and hurtful courses) either against private men, or the public state to be warranted by this example. To it he goes, and robs Lambert of what he durst not give him: he enticeth his servants; whose hearts did serve them to serve him in that hazard, whom their Lord durst not command to go with him: he takes also some gold from him, and provides himself a horse and armour, and that all might seem to be done by the strong hand; and violence might plead for the Bishop at King Edward's hands, he beats the rest of the servants that were left behind, and so goes away with the prey: An honourable robber, and just spoiler! He meets Robert Bruce at Arickstone in the head of Anandale. If he were welcome or not, I leave it to the consideration of the Reader: he was received as his Cousin, and used as a companion, and continued a faithful Friend and loyal Subject, so long as their days continued, without variance, emulation or jealousy, or grudge on either side. A happy King by such a servant! A happy servant by such a Prince! A happy Country by such a society and pair of worthy friends! (So it is where virtues encounter, begetting mutual affection, and produce notable effects.) The Bishop of Rosse John Leslie says, that he carried this money to Bruce from the Archbishop, and makes no mention of any force, whose commendation of this James is not amiss to be here inserted. Hoc tempore quidam Jacobus Duglasius, altissimi animi, & ad quaevis pericula subeunda paratissimi adolescens, dum cum animo suo reputat Robertum (omnibus virtutum ornamentis excultum) injustis Anglorum armis vexari, & iniquis belli telis consigi, ab Episcopo Sancto Andreapolitano, in cujus fuit comitatu, pecuniam grandem ad Roberti causam labantem sustentandam impetravit; illamque illi quam ●…lerrime tulit. Cui in bello strenuam, in pace liberam, in adversis fidelem, in prosperis jucunda●… operam per reliquum vitae curriculum semper post ea navavit. Ab hoc Jacobo clarissima Duglasiorum familia primum sue Nobilitatis nomen accepisse perhibetur. In English thus: At this time one James Douglas, a youth of high spirit, and ready to undergo whatsoever peril, considering with himself how Robert Bruce (a man adorned with all virtues) was vexed with the unjust arms of the English, and pursued with war against all equity: obtained of the Bishop of Saint Andrews (in whose company he was) a great sum of money, to uphold the now declining cause of Robert; which money he carried to him with all diligence, and ever after aided him in his wars valiantly: in peace he was free and upright, pleasant in prosperity, and faithful in adversity, during all the days of his life. From this James the noble family of the Douglasses is counted to have taken the beginning of greatness: so far John Lesley.  
To return: their efforts at first were of exceeding hard success. Robert Bruce was crowned at Scone in the year 1306. in April, at which Sir James assisted, casting into a heap, as others did, a quantity of earth of his lands of Douglas, which making a little hill, it is called yet Omnis terra. This was the custom of those times, by which homage they that held the King of Scotland Supreme under God, were distinguished from others. Some months after the coronation, about the 19 of June, they were defeated in a conflict at Methven by Odamarre de Val●…nce Earl of Pembroke, but without any great loss of men: for they being few in number, and perceiving their inequality, fled betimes, while their men were yet in breath and unwearied, having adventured so far rather to try their fortune, what it was like to prove in their main intentions, then in hope of victory, where there was so great odds every way. There were taken at this battle Sir Thomas Randulph a young stripling, Sir Alexandar Fraser, Sir David Barclay, Insh Mairtin, Hugh de la Hay, or Hugh Hay, Somervale, and some others, whom Sir Aimer Valence caused to promise fealty to the King of England, and on that condition saved their lives: especially Randulph, who is remarked after this to have been very forward for the King of England, till he was taken again by Sir James Douglas, as we shall hear hereafter. After this battle they retired to the Castle of Kildrummie, where the Queen and divers other Ladies remained in great scarcity of vivers, being sustained most part by what Sir James Douglas took by hunting and fishing. Not long after, as they went by Athole into Argyle, Athole having intelligence of them, invaded them, together with Lorne his sisters, and constrained them to fight at a place called Dalree (which is to say, The King's field) about the twelfth of August; their fortune was no better than it had been before, the day was lost, some but not many of their men slain, they themselves put to flight, and by flight fain to save their lives by lurking amongst the hills for a season in a most desert place, living upon roots and herbs, and lying in the open fields on the bare ground, or among the heath, sometimes but with one, other times with none to attend them, being uncertain whom to trust, in that frowning of fortune, when commonly there are but few that remain friends, and many become enemies, base minds seeking thereby either to avoid harm, or to gain favour of the stronger. At last finding that they were hotly hunted after, and hardly followed, they thought it their safest way to go to the Western Isles. Lochlowmond lay in their way, whether being come, and having found an old boat, Sir James (however expert in that Art before) having learned so much by that great Schoolmaster Necessity, rowed his King over this Lake in a night and half a day. Thus saith the manuscript, but it seemeth rather to have been some other Lake than Lochlowmond, or rather some inlet of the Sea (which are called sometimes Lakes) between the main Land and the Isle in which they lurked: because Lochlowmond is of no such breadth, as that it should be esteemed a great matter to row over it in that space: and besides they did row to an Isle where they did rest amongst our Aebudes, to none of which Lochlowmond is adjacent. The Bruces book saith not that they rowed through the Lake to the Isle, but through the Lake to the next land, and then passed to the Sea side where they provided boats in which they sailed to the Isles. It attributes also this rowing to others, than Sir James, though he were the first finder of the old boat.  
Thus it went with them, and to such an exigent was the hope of our Country brought. Thus we see these great minds, and (afterwards) great men in a base, poor, and perilous, but never miserable estate (which virtue is not capable of) desolate in itself, destitute of friends, and their first attempts dashed by the mean under Captains of their great enemy King Edward. But ere they have done, they shall make his successor to fly in the like sort in a small fisher boat, poorly accompanied to save his own person, after the loss of his army. On such moments do the hopes and fears of mortal men depend, and such vicissitude is the estate of those glorious crowns subject unto, which men do so much affect, with such travel and turmoil; as for them, it was not the Crown only, but their libertty also, that they suffered for: and not their own liberty alone, but the freedom of their Country and Patriots, which they sought to maintain against injustice, fraud and violence. Wherefore we never hear that they fainted at any time, or dispaired any time in the midst of despair: such force hath a good cause in a good heart, the Author of goodness, no doubt sitting at the rudder of that boat, and preserving the old shards of it, so that they gave no place to the violence of the waves, and their hearts from yielding to that despair that every way did assault them, until he had finished that work he had to do with them; for recovering the liberty of their Country, and beating down the pride of tyranny, that he might in all this show his own might and prerogative, in casting down and setting up at his pleasure. Such hard beginnings have oftentimes the greatest works, and so little ought either hope or despair be grounded on the first success.  
Being landed in this little Isle, which the Bruces book calls Rachrine, (other Authors name it not) they remained a while hidden there with a special friend of King Roberts; both the Isle and the man being worthy of more express honour, and a perpetual memory of their names: he for his faithful friendship, the Isle for its safe receipt, and harbouring so good guests, and their good luck after this receipt, their efforts from hence forward having been almost ever prosperous. Their safety was (most part) in this, that men believed they were not safe; ceasing to seek those whom (they thought) had ceased to be, taking them to have perished, because they appeared no where to the view of the world. Like example is long since recorded of Masinissa King of Numidia: and their lurking doth bring forth the like fruit and effects.  
But it was not fit for them to lurk too long: their friends might so have been discouraged, and losing hope, have forsaken the cause, whereby the work would have been the more difficult, if not impossible. Therefore to begin again afresh, the King obtains from his good friend some small company of men, and Sir James with forty of these (which he got of the King) went and took in the Castle of Arane by a stratagem. A small, but happy flourishing of a better spring time, after that their tempestuous winter, which shall yield a full harvest, and bring forth the ripe fruit of liberty to their Country, and the settling of the Kingdom to his master, and his posterity, until these our days, and we hope for ever. Thither came the King also within two days (and hearing of them) Malcolm Earl of Lennox. These sailed from thence into Carrict, where they took a Castle of the King's proper inheritance, but the Writers do not name it.  
And here indeed the course of the King's misfortunes begins to make some halt and stay, by thus much prosperous success in his own person; but more in the person of Sir James, by the re-conquests of his own Castles, and Countries: from hence he went into Douglasdale, where by the means of his father's old servant Thomas Dickson he took in the Castle of Douglas, and not being able to keep it, he caused burn it, contenting himself with this, that his enemies had one strength fewer in that Country than before. The manner of his taking of it is said to have been thus: Sir James taking only with him two of his servants, went to Thomas Dickson, of whom he was received with tears, after he had revealed himself to him, for the good old man knew him not at first, being in mean and homely apparel. There he kept him secretly in a quiet chamber, and brought unto him such as had been trusty servants to his father, not all at once, but apart and by one and one, for fear of discovery. Their advice was, that on Palmsunday, when the English would come forth to the Church, being a solemn Holiday, he with his two servants should come thither apparelled like country taskers, with mantles to cover their armour, and when he should perceive that the English were in the Church, and his partners were convened, that then he should give the word, and cry the Douglas slogan, and presently set upon them that should happen to be there, who being dispatched, the Castle might be taken easily. This being concluded, and they come, so soon as the English were entered into the Church with Palms in their hands (according to the custom of that day) little suspecting or fearing any such thing; Sir James, according to their appointment, cried too soon (a Douglas, a Douglas) which being heard in the Church (this was Saint Brides Church of Douglas) Thomas Dickson, supposing he had been hard at hand, drew out his sword, and ran upon them, having none to second him, but an other man, so that oppressed with the multitude of his enemies, he was beaten down, and slain. In the mean time Sir James being come, the English that were in the Chancel kept off the Scots, and having the advantage of the straight and narrow entry, defended themselves manfully. But Sir James encouraging his men, not so much by words, as by deeds and good example, and having slain the boldest resisters, prevailed at last, and entering the place, slew some 26 of their number, and took the rest, about 10. or 12. persons, intending by them to get the Castle upon composition, or to enter with them when the gates should be opened to let them in: but it needed not, for they of the Castle were so secure, that there was none left to keep it save the porter and the cook, who knowing nothing of what had happened at the Church, which stood a large quarter of a mile from thence, had left the gate wide open, the porter standing without, and the Cook dressing the dinner within. They entered without resistance, and meat being ready, and the cloth laid, they shut the gates, and took their refection at good leisure.  
Now that he had gotten the Castle into his hands, considering with himself (as he was a man no less advised then valiant) that it was hard for him to keep it, the English being as yet the stronger in that Country, who if they should besiege him, he knew of no relief; he thought better to carry away such things as be most easily transported, gold, silver, and apparel, with ammunition and armour, whereof he had greatest use and need, and to destroy the rest of the provision, together with the Castle itself, then to diminish the number of his followers, for a garrison there where they could do no good. And so he caused carry the meal and malt, and other corns and grain, into the Cellar, and laid all together in one heap: then he took the prisoners and slew them, to revenge the death of his trusty and valiant servant Thomas Dickson, mingling the victuals with their blood, and burying their carcases in the heap of corn: after that he struck out the heads of the barrels and puncheons, and let the drink run through all, and then he cast the carcases of dead horses and other carrion amongst it, throwing the salt above all, so to make altogether unuseful to the enemy; and this Cellar is called yet the Douglas Lairder. Last of all, he set the house on fire, and burned all the timber, and what else the fire could overcome, leaving nothing but the scorched walls behind him. And this seems to be the first taking of the Castle of Douglas, for it is supposed that he took it twice. For this service, and others done to Lord William his father, Sir James gave unto Thomas Dickson the lands of Hisleside, which hath been given him before the Castle was taken, as an encouragement to whet him on, and not after, for he was slain in the Church: which was both liberally and wisely done of him, thus to hearten and draw men to his service by such a noble beginning. The Castle being burnt, Sir James retired, and parting his men into divers companies, so as they might be most secret, he caused cure such as were wounded in the fight, and he himself kept as close as he could, waiting ever for an occasion to enterprise something against the enemy. So soon as he was gone, the Lord Clifford being advertised of what had happened, came himself in person to Douglas, and caused re-edify and repair the Castle in a very short time, unto which he also added a Tower, which is yet called Harry's Tower, from him, and so returned into England, leaving one Thruswall to be Captain thereof.  
Sir James his men being cured of their wounds, and refreshed with rest, he returned again to the King, at what time he was ready to fight with Sir Aymore Valence, the Lord of Lorne, and Sir Thomas Randulph, at Cumnock. The King had not above 400. men, so that being almost encompassed by the enemy ere he was aware, he was forced to forsake the field, having lost his Banner, which was taken by Sir Thomas Randulph, by which he got great credit with King Edward. King Robert in his flight, or retreat, divided his men into three companies, that went several ways, that so the enemy being uncertain in what company he himself were, and not knowing which to pursue rathest, he might the better escape. When they were all come again to the place of their rendezvous, which the King had appointed when he divided them, Sir James Douglas persuaded the King to set upon a company of the enemies, who were very securely lying by themselves far from the body of the Army, without fear of any danger which the King did, and having slain 200. of them, he scattered the rest.  
After this, Sir Aymore Valence (being then Warden for King Edward in Scotland, and residing himself at Bothwell) sent Sir Philip Mowbray with a company of men, about 100 into Coil and Cunninghame, to keep the Inhabitants in their obedience to England; whereof when Sir James Douglas had notice, and knowing the way by which they must go (called Machanacks way) he lay in a strait ford between two marshes, called Ederfoord, accompanied with some 40. choice men, and there rising up of a sudden, ere Sir Philip was aware, they routed his men, and chased himself, who did escape very narrowly, for he left his sword with them, and fled alone to Kilmarnock and Kilwinnin, the rest back to Bothwell. This was before the battle of Lowdoun hill, where both the King and Sir James were present, at which they defeated Sir Aymore Valence and 3000. men, they having only 500 which Sir Aymore took so to heart, that he retired himself into England, where he gave over his charge of Warden, and never returned into Scotland again with any command, except it were when the King came in person. The English Chronicle says that the King discharged Sir Aymore who was Earl of Pembroke, and placed John de Britton in his office, and made him Earl of Richmond. These particulars I cannot guess why they should have been omitted by our Writers, being so remarkable defeats, where diligence, dexterity, and valour, have been used with wisdom and judgement. However, upon this withdrawing and departure of Sir Aymore Valence, King Robert being rid of the greatest danger, makes toward innerness, leaving Sir James behind him, to recover such places as were still in the enemy's hands. He therefore getting him into Douglasdale, did use this stratagem against Thruswall Captain of the Castle of Douglas, under the Lord Clifford: he caused some of his folks drive away the cattle that fed near unto the Castle, and when the Captain of the garrison followed to rescue, gave order to his men to leave them, and to flee away. This he did often, to make the Captain to slight such frays, and to make him secure, that he might not suspect any further end to be in it: which when he had wrought sufficiently (as he thought) he laid some men in ambuscado, and sent others away to drive away such beasts as they should find in the view of the Castle, as if they had been thiefs and robbers, as they had done often before. The Captain hearing of it, and supposing there was no greater danger now then had been before, issued forth of the Castle, and followed after them with such haste, that his men (running who should be first) were disordered and out of their ranks. The drivers also fled as fast as they could, till they had drawn the Captain a little beyond the place of the ambuscado; which when they perceived, rising quickly out of their covert, set fiercely upon him, and his company, and so slew himself, and chased his men back to the Castle, some of which were overtaken and slain, others got into the Castle, and so were saved; Sir James not being able to force the house, took what booty he could get without in the fields; and so departed. By this means, and such other exploits, he so affrighted the enemy, that it was counted a matter of great jeopardy to keep this Castle, which began to be called the adventurous (or hazardous) Castle of Douglas: whereupon Sir John Walton being in suit of an English Lady, she wrote to him, that when he had kept the adventurous Castle of Douglas seven years, than he might think himself worthy to be a suitor to her. Upon this occasion Walton took upon him the keeping of it, and succeeded to Thruswall, but he ran the same fortune with the rest that were before him.  
For sir James, having first dressed an ambuscado near unto the place, he made fourteen of his men take so many sacks, and fill them with grass, as though it had been corn, which they carried in the way toward Lanerik, the chief market town in that County: so hoping to draw forth the Captain by that bait, and either to take him, or the Castle, or both.  
Neither was this expectation frustrate, for the Captain did bite, and came forth to have taken this victual (as he supposed.) But ere he could reach these carriers, Sir James with his company had gotten between the Castle and him: and these disguised carriers, seeing the Captain following after them, did quickly cast off their upper garments, wherein they had masked themselves, and throwing off their sacks, mounted themselves on horseback, and met the Captain with a sharp encounter, being so much the more amazed, as it was unlooked for: wherefore when he saw these carriers metamorphosed into warriors, & ready to assault him, fearing that which was, that there was some train laid for them, he turned about to have retired to the Castle, but there also he met with his enemies; between which two companies, he and his whole followers were slain, so that none escaped; the Captain afterwards being searched, they found (as it is reported) his mistress letter about him. Then he went and took in the Castle, but it is uncertain (say our writers) whether by force, or composition; but it seems that the Constable, and those that were within have yielded it up without force; in regard that he used them so gently, which he would not have done if he had taken it at utterance. For he sent them all safe home to the Lord Clifford, and gave them also provision and money for their entertainment by the way. The Castle which he had burnt only before, now he razeth, and casts down the walls thereof to the ground. By these and the like proceedings, within a short while he freed Douglasdale, Atrick forest, and Jedward forest, of the English garrisons and subjection.  
But Thomas Randulph, Alexander Stuart Lord of Bonckle, and Adam Gordone, being Englized Scots, concluded to gather together their forces, and to expulse him out of those parts. Now it fell so out, that Sir James, intending to lodge at a certain house upon the water of Line, and being come hither for that purpose, by chance all these three were lodged in the same house before he came, which drew on a skirmish betwixt them, in which Alexander Stuart Lord of Bonckle, and Thomas Randulph, were taken prisoners, and Adam Gordone saved himself by flight. This piece of service was of no small importance, in regard of the good service done to the king by Thomas Randulph, both while the King lived, and after his death when he was regent, which all may be ascribed to Sir James, who conquered Randulph to the King's side. With these his prisoners he went into the North, as far as the Mernes, where he met the King returning from innerness, of whom he was heartily welcomed, both for his own sake, and because he had brought him his Nephew Randulph, whom the King did chide exceedingly. And he again reproved the King out of his youthfulness and rash humour, as though he did defend the Crown by flying, and not by fight; wherefore he was committed to prison, thereafter pardoned; and being made Earl of Murray, he was employed in the King's service. This is related in the Bruces book, and hath nothing fabulous or improbable in it: and therefore it ought not to be slighted: Especially seeing, as I am informed, the Book was penned by a man of good knowledge and learning, named master John Barbour, Archdeacon of Aberdene; for which work he had a yearly pension out of the Exchequer during his life, which he gave to the Hospital of that Town, to which it is allowed and paid still in our days. He lived in the reign of David the second son, and successor to King Robert Bruce.  
Sir James was with the King at Inverourie (ten miles from Aberdene) against John Cummine Earl of Buchan, who was there defeated on Ascension day, in the year 1308. From thence Sir James went with him when he recovered Argyle; the Lord whereof had once comed in to the King, but was now revolted to the English side. And likewise at many more journeys and roads, both in Scotland, and England, Sir James did ever more accompany him.  
In the year 1313. he took in the Castle of Roxburgh, called then Marchmouth, whilst the King was busy about Dumfrees, Lanrick, Aire, and others; and while Sir Thomas Randulph was lying at the Castle of Edinburgh: The manner of his taking of it was thus; about Shrovetide which is a time of feasting and revelling, he with sixty more, having covered their armour with black, that they might not be discovered by the glittering thereof, went in the forenight toward the Castle; & when they came near to it they lay along, and crept upon their hands, and feet, through a bushy piece of ground, till they were come close to the foot of the wall. Those that did watch upon the Castle wall espied them; but the night being dark, and by reason of their creeping they took them to have been cattle: for they at the foot of the wall heard the watchmen, (there being two of them) saying the one to the other, my neighbour such an one (naming him by his name) means to make good cheer to night, that he hath no care of his cattle, but leaves them thus in the fields all the night: to whom the other replied, he may make good cheer this night, but if the Douglas come at them, he will fair the worse hereafter; and with this discourse they went their way. Sir James and his men having heard this conference, were very well pleased withal, and glad to be so mistaken: they laddered the walls with ladders of cords, made by one Simon of the Leadhouse, who was also the first that adventured to scale with them himself alone, both to try how they would hold unbroken, and to view what guard and watch was kept above. The man that stood sentinel saw him well enough, but because there were no more with him, he gave no alarm, but stood watching to have catched him on the top of the ladder, thinking to have knocked him down, or to have tumbled him headlong over the wall: but the other prevented the danger, and leaping in nimbly upon him ere he was aware, stabbed him with a knife, and threw him over the wall amongst his fellows, to whom he called to make haste up, assuring them the coast was clear: but ere they could come up, another of the watch coming about, and perceiving a man standing on the wall, made towards him, but Simon dispatched him also. And now the rest of his companions were got up also, who marching towards the hall, they found the English at their shroving, eating, and drinking, and piping, and dancing. They entered the hall, he had but easy work of it, to do with them what he listed, being most of them drunk, and all of them unarmed: Only the Captain (Guillaum de fermes) fled into the great tower being dangerously hurt with the shot of an arrow, where he remained safe all that night, but the next morning he yielded himself because of his wound, upon condition that his life should be safe, and his person safely set on English ground, which was willingly granted, and faithfully performed. But he lived not long after, his wound being deadly and uncurable.  
Thus was the wheel of worldly affairs (which men call fortune) so whirled about by the King, and his partners, that in this year 1313. being the seaventh from his Coronation, and the fifth or sixth from the beginning of the course of his victories, there was not one strength remaining in the possession, or power of the English, save Dumbartane Castle (which was afterward yielded up by John Monteeths upon composition) and Stirling, which at this present was besieged by Edward Bruce the King's brother. To relieve Stirling, and to raise the siege thereof, King Edward the second came in proper person, and thereon ensued the battle of Bannockburn; a battle so famous and memorable, as few the like have happened in any age; where there were two Kings present, the odds so great, and the defeat so notable. The English King did bring into the field all that he was able to make, not only of English, but of his beyond sea dominions; neither of those that were his own Subjects only, but he was also aided and assisted by his friends and confederates, in Flanders, Holland, Zealand, Brabant, Picardy, Gascony, Normandy, Guien, Bullonois, and Bordeaux; of these and his own Countrymen, he had in all 150000. fight men, to place them in the middle number, which some say was but half the number, and that he had 300000 of the whole, in equal proportion of foot and horse; intending to have exterminated the whole nation of Scots, with so confident a presumption of victory, that he brought with him a Carmelite friar (a Poet according to the time) to commit his triumphs to writing: he was defeated by 30000 or 35000 at the most (as all agree) and that in a plain and open field, where there was slain of his men 50000. It was fought the 22 of June, 1314.  
Sir James being present at this Battle, did carry himself so before the fight, in the fight, and after it, as that his behaviour is not to be slightly slipped over with a dry foot (as we say) but particularly to be noted, both for his own honour (for it is indeed worthy of perpetual honour and praise) and for a pattern to be followed by others, especially by all such as set their hearts and minds to follow virtue, and to seek true glory, which ariseth from virtue. Before the battle, we have his kindness, love, and care of his friend, or (as some will have him to be) his emulous Competitor, joined with true magnanimity in his demeanour towards Thomas Randulph: for King Robert having sent Randulph with 500 horse to oppose the Lord Clifford with 800. who was making toward the Castle of Stirling; Sir James careful for his friend in respect of this odds in number, first very orderly sought leave of the King to go to his succours, but after the King had refused him, he went out without leave; which though it were a kind of breach of military discipline, yet it shows how dearly he loved the man, that for his sake he would thus transgress the order of the war, and to take his hazard of the King's displeasure, rather than to forsake him in this great danger, as he took it to be. And as he showed his love and kindness in this (a virtue of great price, and greatly to be commended) so did he also his modesty, courtesy, and magnanimity (all three concurring in one fact, and much more commendable) in that he seeing his friend to have the better of the enemy, stood aloof as a spectator, for fear to impair his glory in that victory, by being a sharer with him therein. Weak minds seek to participate of other men's glory, and for want of worth in themselves thrust in with others. Base and mean spirits are wont to lessen and diminish the actions of others, because they have no hope to equal them. Malignant dispositions envy them, and approve of nothing but what is their own, and would have it thought that they only are able to do all things, and that none besides them can do any thing. As these vices were here far from this man, so should they be as far from all others: and as the contrary virtues did shine in him, so let them also do in us. And thus he behaved himself before the Battle.  
In the Battle he with Randulph had the leading of the Vanguard, wherein he discharged himself so well, that for his good service he was knighted in the field. This honour in those days was given for desert, and was a badge and seal of valour, not of favour or riches, as now it is for the most part: neither was it so ordinary and common as now it is, and by commonness prostitute as it were, and dis-esteemed. But that it was in great esteem of old it appears by this, that notwithstanding this man's predecessors, and himself also (as his evidents do witness) were Barons and Lords, yet he thinks it no disparagement to be knighted, and did choose rather to be known and designed by that title, than the other; so as he was commonly called Sir James Douglas, rather than Lord Douglas. And indeed we have found that even Princes and Kings have taken uponthem this order, not as any diminution of their place, but an addition of honour, seeing by it they were received into the number and rank of military men and Warriors; their other titles showing more their dominion and power, or place, than their valour and courage. Wherefore we read how Edward Prince of Wales was knighted when he was sent against King Bruce: So Henry the second, being then Prince of England, received the honour of Knighthood from David King of Scotland, his grand Uncle, as from one that was the best and worthiest man in his time. Then it was that he took his oath, that he should never take from the Crown of Scotland, the Counties of Northumberland, Westmoreland, Cumberland, and Huntingdon. This cremonie was performed with great solemnity and pomp in those days, as our Writers observe: so honourable was it then; and of late it was thought so too: for the Earl of Clanrikart (chief of the Bourks' in Ireland) having done a piece of notable service to Queen Elisabeth at the siege of Kinsoile, and at an encounter between the Lord Deputies Army with the Irish Rebels, was knighted by the Lord Mon●…joy, than General Lieutenant for the Queen. Neither should any abuse discredit it now. Nor can it diminish the honourableness thereof in our Sir James, who is able to honour it rather by his worth.  
After the battle he is as diligent (as he was both diligent and valorous) in it. This is a virtue which hath been wanting in great Commanders, and hath been marked as a great defect in them. It was told Hannibal that great Carthaginian to his face: Thou canst obtain, but not use a victory, nor prosecute it to thy best advantage. Sir James did not so, but as far as he was able, with such companies as he could gather together, and with as much speed as was possible for him, he followed King Edward to have done him service, though his father Edward the first would have none of it, and set it at nought. But he was gone ere Sir James service came to the best: Now he would gladly have shown what it was worth to his son and successor (the second Edward) in most humble sort, though it had been to have pulled off his boots (no question) but his Majesty had no mind to stay for him, who notwithstanding made all the haste he could to have overtaken him, and followed him with four hundred horse more than forty miles from Bannockburne, to Dumbarre Castle, into which he was received, and so escaped. The next was to wait upon him in his way to Berwicke, which he did; but the King nothing well pleased with the service he had done, and expecting rather worse then better, seeing his importunity, and that other ways he could not be rid of him, went by sea to Berwicke in a small fisher's boat or two, with a very thin train to attend him: not unlike unto Xerxes who a little before was so proud of his huge army, is now become the scorn of his contemned and threatened enemies, a spectacle of pride, and an example of presumptuous confidence unto all ages. We told before how his father had driven King Robert and Sir James to the like shifts and straits, but theirs was not so shameful. A Christenmasse feast may be quit at Easter, says our Proverb, which they do here verify by this requital: And this was all the service Sir James could do to King Edward at this time: but afterwards we shall hear what service he shall do, if not to himself, yet to his son, Edward the third, at Stanhop Park some few years after this.  
In the mean time let us behold our Scots, enjoying there renowned and honourable victory, which cannot be denied to have been such, nor cannot be by envy itself. Their spoil and prey was great and rich, their prisoners many, and their ransoms proportionable. The Queen (King Robert's wife) was restored by exchange, and for her an English Nobleman set free without ransom: And as their joy was great, and their gaining not small, so was both the grief of the English, their shame and their losses. Their were slain of note in the field 200 Knights, together with the Earl of Gloucester, and Sir Giles of Argentine (whose death was lamented by King Robert very much) and of prisoners very ne'er as many, of which the chief were the Earl of Hartford, who fled to Bothwell, and was received by Sir Gilbert Gilbaston captain thereof, (as the Bruces book says) Sir John Segrave, John Clattengrave (perhaps Cattegrave) William Latimer, Sir Robert Northbrooke (Lord keeper of the broad seal) and Sir Ralph Mortimer, who had married the King's sister. Mortimer was dimitted ransome-free, and obtained the King's broad Seal at Bruces hands. These and many other prisoners of divers nations thus dismissed, are as many witnesses of the Scottish valour in the fight, and of their mildness and humanity after it, who used these their so spiteful enemies no worse, who if they had overcome, would have used another kind of cruelty, as they had both determined and threatened unto them.  
Amongst other Foreigners, there were two Holland Knights, who being in King Edward's Army before the battle, and hearing the bravery and brags of the English, and their spiteful rail against King Robert, had wished him good luck. These were turned out of the English Camp, and sent unto the Scottish, bidden in scorn to go and fight with them whom they wished so well, with a price set upon their heads to him that should either kill or take them prisoners in the battle. Their heads nevertheless were safe, and themselves did partake of the good fortune they had wished; and when they came home into their own Country, they built a lodging, naming it Scotland, upon which they set up the Scottish Arms, and King Robert's statue in Antwerp, as a monument of that notable victory; which remained there many years after. The Carmelite also changed his note, singing their victory, whose overthrow he came to set forth; and chanting their discomfiture, whose praises he was hired to proclaim. Thus he began his Ditty.  

De planctu cudo metrum cum carmine nudo,  
Risun●… detrudo, dum tali themate ludo.   

In English thus:  
With barren verse this mournful rhyme I make,  
And am but laughed at, while such theme I take.   
Let us here consider the means and ways of both sides, we shall find on the one side confidence of their power, and a contempt and slighting of the enemy, which seldom falls well, because from thence there ariseth commonly sloth, negligence, disorder, and confusion: on the other side we may see carefulness, diligence, order, and exhortation, all possible means used both humane and divine: wisdom joined with religion, and prayer, and what pious forms were then in use. They digged trenches and ditches, which they covered with green turf, for the horsemen to fall into, and did knit together and twist as it were a net of cross ropes to entangle the footmen: which stratagems being seconded with true courage, resolution, and valour of the common soldiers and Commanders, together with the device of those that were set to keep the baggage, the skulls, and grooms, who made shows and musters, as if they had been another army (of their own head, without the direction of any) were the chief means of the victory. For the first was the overthrow of the men at arms, and barbed horses, and the second the bane of the middle battle of the English, who seeing this trap laid for them, fled presently, and turned their backs. But above all these, the principal and prime cause was even the Lord of hosts, who guided all these, and gave success unto them. Let no mortal man ever think other of any his enterprises, or that any man, however wise, provident, or valorous, can use his wisdom, providence, or valour, or whatever other virtue he hath, to any purpose, or successfully, unless it be given him in the very instant of using it. A lesson much inculcat, but little learned; often approved by experience, but seldom marked, or soon forgotten; at least little appearing by our practice, and which doth produce no other effect but a superficial acknowledgement, and slender confession thereof.  
But to return to our Douglas: though the King himself did thus escape 
1316. King Robert Bruce in Ireland.  his service, yet out of all doubt he hath been employed against his subjects, seeing our Historians do tell us, that after this battle there were divers incursions made into England, for which they never stirred, but sat quiet for 2. or 3. years: howbeit there are no particulars set down.  
In the year 1316. King Robert Bruce went into Ireland to support his brother Edward Bruce made King of Ireland; and King Edward of England thinking this a fit opportunity for him to be revenged on the Scots, did levy a great Army, and came to the borders of Scotland, hoping to do some notable exploit now in the King's absence. But many things fail that are intended, and princes as well as others may be disappointed of their purposes, and frustrate of their hopes. It seems he had forgotten, or not well considered what a Lieutenant he had left behind him, and how good a second Sir James had always been to his master the King. But howbeit he knew it not perhaps, or would not take any notice of him, yet King Robert knew it full well, and put such trust and confidence in his well known worth and sufficiency, that he durst go abroad out of his own Kingdom, and hazard himself and the flower of the youth in Ireland, concrediting the Country unto his care and conduct, leaving him Governor in his absence, and entailing the Crown unto him next unto Thomas Randulph, by making him Protector of the young King during his minority, if he himself should happen to die in that voyage, as the black book of Scone doth witness. And indeed Sir James did not deceive the King's expectation and trust, neither did King Edward find him asleep, but watchful and diligent in his charge, as became a good Governor: for he raised an Army to give him battle, and put both him and his people to flight, slew three notable Captains with his own hand, Sir Edward Lillow a Gascoine, Captain of Berwick; others call him Callock, and say that he was slain at the rescue of a booty which he had taken in the Merse and Tivedale; which narration agreeth with the Bruces book, which calls him Edmond de Callock. The second was Sir Robert Nevil, and the third a Nobleman whom they do not name, only they say that Sir James slew him with his own hand: but the Bruces book calls him John de Richmond, and says he slew him in Jedward Forrest, in the midst of his Army, Sir James having very few with him, not above fifty horse, and some Archers, in a straight Cleugh or Valley, between two hills, which he had of purpose taken as a place of advantage; and tying together the young birk trees by their boughs in the way by which the English were to pass, the horsemen being entangled in the thickets, he set upon them and defeated them. From hence it is that some think the Earls of Douglas and Angus have stakes & rice in their Coat of Arms; yet such points of Heraldry are hard to interpret and give a reason for them. This was the second piece of service that he did to King Edward himself (say some others) but others say that the King was not there in person, but sent a great Army commanded by divers Captains, with whom Sir James fought in three several battles, at three sundry times, and slew all their Chiestains, with most part of their companies. Others again affirm that in every one of those battles he slew the Commander with his own hand in sight of both Armies, the which whatsoever way it was, the victory was notable and glorious. And thus did he govern in the King's absence.  
He had been a good subject before when the King was present, now we see how well he governs when he is absent, and at his return laying down his authority, and returning to his former subjection, he proves as good a companion and colleague unto Thomas Randulph (then made Earl of Murray) with whom the King did join him for the prosecuting of the wars. It is seldom found that these virtues are so happily linked together in one person, ability to govern, and willingness to be subordinate, and obey; excellency of parts, and patient enduring of an equal and companion. I have often observed and admired it in these two (the ground whereof seems chiefly to have been in Sir James his love and modesty, as we observe in his carriage towards this man at Bannockburne) that in all their joynt-services, being equal in authority, and both commanding in chief, we never hear of any question, controversy, or debate, of any grudging or heartburning between them, but find them ever agree and concur, without any dissension or variance, with one heart and mind (as if they had been one man) in all business whatsoever.  
Their first association (after the Kings return out of Ireland) was when they went and burnt Northallerton and Burrowbrigs, and spoiled Rippon, where they spared the Church, only they caused those that fled thither to pay 5000. marks sterling to be free. They burned also Scarborough town, and hearing that the people had fled into the woods with their goods and cattle, they went and searched them out, and brought away a great booty. Then returning home by Skipton in Craven, they spoiled the Town, and after burned it without resistance. This was in the year 1318. in May.  
The next was in the year following. 1319. when King Edward having gathered an army lay before Berwick. These two entered England as far as Milton, which is within 12. miles of York, where the Archbishop of York, and the Bishop of Ely Chancellor, made head against them; in which conflict there were four thousand English slain, amongst whom was the Major of York, and a thousand drowned in the water of Swail, and if the night had not come in too soon, the battle being joined in the afternoon, few or none of them had escaped as it is thought. It is called the battle of Milton or Swail, or the white battle, because there were 
The white battle.  a number of Priests slain at it, belike they have been apparelled in their surplices.  
Hollinshed in his Chronicle of England, relateth the manner how it was done: He says that as the English men passed over the water of Small, the Scots set fire upon certain stacks of hay, the smoke whereof was so huge, that the English might not see where the Scots lay. And when the English were once gotten over the water, the Scots came upon them with a wing in good order of battle in fashion like to a shield, eagerly assailing their enemies who were easily beaten down, and discomfited. Many were drowned by reason that the Scots had gotten betwixt the English and the bridge, so that the English fled betwixt that wing of the Scots, and the main battle, which had compassed about the English on the one side, as the wing did upon the other. The King of England informed of this overthrow, broke up his siege incontinently, and returned to York, and the Scots home into their Country of Scotland.  
Their third expedition was that same year at Hallowtide, when the Northern borders of England had gotten in their corns, and their barns were well stuffed with grain, which was their provision for the whole year. They entered England and burned Gilsland, took divers prisoners, and drove away all the cattle they could find. Then they went to Brough under Stanmoore, and returned by Westmooreland, and Cumberland, with great booty and spoil, none offering to make head against them.  
The fourth was in the year 1322. when the King of England grieved with these invasions, having complained to the Pope, had purchased a Legate to be sent into Scotland, to admonish King Robert to desist from further disquieting the Realm of England, and because he would not obey, he with Sir James Douglas, and Thomas Randulph, were accursed by the two Cardinals, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and York, and all the Priests in England, every day thrice at Mass. These two, Sir James Douglas and Randulph (some say the King himself) following the Legate at the heels (as it were) entered England, little regarding their cursings, and wasted the Country to the Redcrosse, and coming to Darlington at the feast of Epiphanie, stayed there a while for gathering of booty, and destroying the Country: The Lord Douglas on the one hand, and the Lord Stuart of Scotland on the other; the one going towards Hartelpool and Caveland, and the other towards Richmond. The inhabitants of Richmondshire, having no Captains to defend them, gave a great sum of money (as at other times they had done) to have their Country saved from fire and spoil. These adventurers stayed 15. days in England, and returned without battle. It is said that the Knights of the North came to the Duke of Lancaster, then lying at Pomfret, and offered to go into the field with him against the Scots, but he refused; whether by reason of the discord between him and K. Edward, or for some other occasion I know not.  
At this time it is, that the King gives to Sir James Douglas a bounding Charter of Douglasdale, dated apud Bervicum super Tuedam anno Regni nostri decimo quinto, which is either the year 1320. or 1322. the first of April. It bears Jacobo de Douglas, filio & haeredi Gulielmi Douglas, militis, which decides the question of his age, and his brother Hughes, who outlived Sir James 12. or 13. years, and calls himself his heir, as shall be shown. It hath also this clause, Volumus insuper, etc. we will also, and grant for us and our heirs, that the said James and his heirs shall have the said lands free, ab omnibus prisiis, & petitionibus quibuscunque ita quod nullus ministrorum nostrorum in aliquo se intromittat infra dictas divisas; nisi tantum de articulis specialiter ad coronam nostram pertinentibus.  
To return, King Edward conceived such discontent, and was so grieved at this so wasting of his Kingdom, that he gave order to levy an army of 100000. to enter Scotland at Lammas: whereof K. Robert being advertised, entered England near to Carlisle; and burned some towns which belonged to King Edward's own inheritance, spoilt the Monastery of Holme, where his father's corpse were interred. Hither the Earl of Murray, and Sir James Douglas came to him with another army, whereupon marching further Southward, they came to Preston in Andernesse, and burned all that town also, except the College of the Minorites. This was fourscore miles within England from the Borders of Scotland. Then they returned with their prisoners and booty to Carlisle, where they stayed some fourteen days, wasting and destroying all about with fire and sword, and so they returned into Scotland on Saint James day, having remained within England three weeks, and three days, without any opposition or resistance. They were not long at home when K. Edward entered into Scotland with his army, and passed to Edinburgh, but for want of victuals (which were conveyed out of the way of purpose by King Robert's command and direction) he was forced to make a retreat, and go home the way he came, having discharged his choler with what he could meet with in his return. But he was quickly followed by the two Colleagues, Sir James and Randulph, who entered England, burnt North Allerton, with other towns and villages as far as York; and 
The battle of Billand.  overtaking the King at the Abbey of Biland, gave him battle, and defeated him. There was taken John Britton Earl of Richmond, who had also the Earldom of Lancaster: he being ransomed for a great sum of money, passed over into France, where he remained, and never came back again into England. The English Chronicle to excuse this defeat, lays the blame hereof upon Andrew Barkeley Earl of Carlisle, whom (they say) Sir James Douglas corrupted with money, upon which pretext 
Herkley.  Barkeley was executed, suffering (good Gentleman) to cover other men's faults. It doth me good to hear Master John Major answer the English Writers in his round and substantial manner: It is but a dream (saith he) and spoken without all likelihood, for neither were the Scots ever so flush and well stored with monies as to corrupt the English, neither was that the custom of good Sir James Douglas, a valiant Warrior, who did what he did, not with gold but with another mettle, sharp steel. The Earl of Carlisle also died without confessing any such thing. Some write that King Robert was there in person, but it is more likely that he was not, but sent these two, of whom we have spoken: however, if he were there, these two were with him. At this battle Sir James took three French Knights, Robert Bartrame, William Bartarhome, Elye Anyallage, with their vallats; for whose relief the K. of France requested K. Robert, and he willing to pleasure him, transacted with Sir James to give him for their ransom four thousand marks starling, for payment of a part of which sum, the K. giveth to him the next year appearently.)  
Indictamenta Latrociniorum, & Ministrationem corundem in omnibus, infra omnes terras suas subscriptas: Scilicet infra. 1. Baroniam de Douglas. 
The Douglas Emerald Charter.  2. Forrestiam nostram de Selkirk, de qua est officiarius noster. 3. Constabularium de Lauderio. 4. Forrestiam de Jedworth cum Benjedworth. 5. Baroniam de Batherewle. 6. Boroniam de Wester-Calder. 7. Baroniam de Stabilgorthane. 8. Raroniam de Romanok. Then in general, Et infra suas terras quascunque, infra regnum nostrum, cum pertinentibus, quas de nobis tenet in capite.  
Then follows the Privelledge.  
Etsi aliqui de hominibus suis, infra praedictas terras, fucrint judicati per Justitiarium nostrum; volumus quod dictus Jacobus, & haeredes sui, & eorum ministri habeant Liberationem, & liberam eorundem ministrationem, salvis nobis, & haeredibus nostris omnibus aliis particulis ad homicidium & coronam nostram pertinentibus. Tenenda, & habenda praedicta indictamenta, cum administratione corundem, & cum omnibus libertatibus commoditatibus ad praedicta indictamenta, & administrationem eorundem pertinentibus, praefata Jacobo, & haeredibus suis in feuda & haereditate in perpetuum de nobis & haeredibus nostris.  
Volumus insuper & concedimus pro nobis & haeredibus nostris, quod praefatus Jacobus & haeredes sui, & eorum homines infra praedictas terras manentes Libri sint institu●…m, de sectis curiae, de omnibus terris supradictis, & de Wardis castrorum, nec non de omnibus presis, talliagiis curiagiis & captionibus quibuscunque ad opus nostrum, & haeredum nostrorum, salvo tantum communi auxilio pro defensione regni nostri contingente.  
Et ut praesens charta robur firmitatis obtineat in perpetuum, manum ejusdem Jacobi, annulo, cum quodam lapid●… qui dicitur (Emeraudus) eidem Jacobo, & haeredibus suis nomine Sasinae in memoriale permansuro in futurum ex manu nostra personaliter invectimus. Apud Bervicum super Twedam octava die mensis Novembris anno regni nostri nono decimo, anno Domini. 1325.  
Then there is a precept directed to Bernard Abbot of Arbrothock, Chancellor, to cause make a Charter thereof under the broad seal, and deliver it to the said James. This I thought good to set down in the own words, because of the singularity, in that it is the promise of a King fulfilled to his subject, not for any proper debt, or money disbursed, but for the ransom of prisoners. 2 It is singular also in respect of the thing given, Inditements, Immunities, Liberties and Privileges. 3. The form and manner of it is not ordinary, to hold in feudo, and inheritance without any duty, or reddendo, as they speak. 4 And last of all, the manner of infestment and seizing; not by earth and stone, but by putting a ring on his finger with the Kings own hand, and thereby infefting both himself and his heirs (as it should seem) in this one action without reiterating. All which things how our Lawyers will allow of considering their formalities; and what their opinion will be of the validity hereof, I know not; but we find here plain and square dealing, and honourable meaning: whatsoever the subtleties and quirks of Law be, we see an upright and loving Prince, a liberal and bountiful King, willing to honour a princely loyal subject.  
This and the former Charter given four years before, and such others as may be thought to have been given after, to corroborate or increase (perhaps) these freedoms and privileges, is it whereunto Archbald the fourth and his successors have leaned and trusted to, in contemning Crighton and Levingston, at what time they told them they would preserve their own rights and privileges, and not suffer them to be infringed. And this also hath been the ground upon which the Bailies of William the eighth Earl, he being himself in Italy, would not suffer the King's Officers to meddle with these privileged things in his bounds, which men that know not their immunities particularly account treason and rebellion: and so their enemies did term it, to incense the King against them.  
This battle at Biland was the last piece of service that Sir James did to Edward Carnarvan, who having found fortune so froward to him in chance of war against the Scots, was thereby taught to doubt the trial thereof any further, and therefore he sued for peace, which was concluded at Newcastle to last for certain years. In this time of peace, although all occasion of Warlike action was cut off, yet Sir James was not idle, but did good offices for his King and Country. K. Robert did esteem so well of him, and had so good opinion of his prudency and fidelity, and did so confide in his love, that he entrusted and employed him in the greatest business that ever he could have to do, which concerned no less than the settling of his Crown, and his title to the kingdom, which Sir James performed dexterously and happily.  
For being sent into France to John Balliol of Hercourte to procure his 
Douglas sent into France to Balliol.  resigning all title and right to the Crown in King Robert's favour, he sailed into Normandy, and having declared his Commission, and delivered his message, he found Balliol very tractable, contrary to all men's expectation; for he plainly and ingeniously confessed that he had been deservedly rejected and debouted, being no wise useful nor profitable for the good of Scotland. He said like wise that it was Gods especial and favourable providence, that had advanced K. Robert thereunto, and therefore he did not repine nor grudge, to see the Kingdom in the hands of his Cousin, by whose high virtue, singular felicity, and great travel, it was restored to the ancient liberty, splendour, and magnificence, but rather rejoiced thereat. And chiefly for that they by whom he was deceived, did not enjoy the hoped fruits of their fraud. And calling together his friends and kinsmen in presence of them all, he did freely resign unto Robert, and to his heirs, all right and title, that he, or any from, or by him, had or might have to the Crown of Scotland, renouncing all interest and claim whatsoever that could be alleged or pretended for any cause, or consideration, from the beginning of the world unto that present day. This being done, Sir James returned into Scotland. This King Robert thought fit to be done, not because his own title was not good enough before, for it was good already and sufficient, and so found to be by a better judge than King Edward of England, to wit, the Estates of the Realm, who are the rightest judges in controversies of this nature, and who had power to have made it good, if it had not been so, & might have helped any defect that had been in it, seeing Balliol by his own fact had disabled himself, by giving it over to King Edward, especially seeing it was prejudicial, and against the common liberty, and good of the Kingdom, to accept of him who had betrayed these, and was not able to defend them. Wherefore King Robert being in possession, and the Kingdom being confirmed to him, and to his posterity, he needed no further right from Balliol: Notwithstanding of this, to cut away all pretences of quarrels and calumnies, that malicious men might surmise thereabout afterwards, he thought good to have a renunciation from Balliol of his title, and consolidate that with his own: whereupon esteeming none fitter for the purpose then Sir James, as well for the honourable place he held, as for his sufficiency to discharge the Commission, not without some consideration of his kindred with Balliol, by the house of Galloway: he laid the charge upon him, which he performed as we have heard.  
Sir James being thus returned out of France, King Robert being very glad that his business had succeeded so well, called a Parliament at Cambuskenneth, in the which the right of succession to the Crown was renewed to King Robert's heirs, and namely (failing his son David) to Marjorie Bruce his daughter, and Robert Stuart his son. This the Nobility did enact, and confirm by oath in the year (1325. or 1326.) and before the sending of Sir James Douglas, as some Authors record.  
Not long after King Robert fell sick, and partly for that cause, partly in regard of his age, not being able to ride abroad and endure travel himself, he committed the managing of all business of weight both in peace and war to the two Friends and Colleagues, Sir James and Randulph, two of the most noble Knights, and bravest Captains that were in their days, as our Writers do say. And now Edward the second was dead, and Edward the third had succeeded to him, to whom Sir James laboureth to do as good service, as he had done to his father. This Edward sent Ambassadors to King Robert to treat of peace, but being discovered to have no sincere meaning, and to deal fraudfully, in stead of peace they carried home war. So due preparation being made on both sides, our two Commanders assembled to the number of 20000. all horse men: (some say 20000. horse, and 5000. foot) and entered into England with resolution not to sighed but at their advantage and pleasure, which was the reason they took all or most part horse men, and few or no foot men. Against these King Edward came in person with a great Army of 100000. men, (as Froysard writes) 80000. horse, 24000. archers, having brought with him the Lord Beaumond out of the Low-Countries with 700. or 500 horse. The English soldiers of this Army were clothed in coats, and hoods, embroidered with flowers and branches, and did use to nourish their beards; wherefore the Scots in derision thereof, made this rhyme, and fastened it upon the Church door of Saint Peter in the Canongate, beards heartless, painted hoods witless, gay coat graceless, make England thriftless. He fortified the Towns of Carlisle and Berwick, and furnished them with men to stay the Scots passages. But they little regarding either his fortifications, or his forces, passed the water of Tine at known Fords, and made him first know of their arrival by smoke and fire: whereupon putting his men in order, he marched directly towards those places that were smoking, to have given them battle; but not finding them there, and not knowing how to force them to fight, his resolution was to pass Tine, and there to intercept them at their return, and to give them battle in those fields where the ground was more level and even, and so fitter for his Army. Thither than he goeth with great trouble and turmoiling both of men and horse, by reason of the great rain that fell, as also for scarcity of victual; and after he had lain there eight days waiting for them, he could hear no news of them: wherefore he chose out about sixteen able young men, whom he sent abroad into the Country to search for them, promising a great reward to him that should first bring him word where they were. They having roaved up and down the Country, at last one of them fell into the hands of the Scots, who when he had told how K. Edward had sent him to search for them, they let him go, and withal bid him tell the King, that they had been eight days as uncertain of him, as he had been of them, and that now they were come within 3. miles of him, where they would stay for him, and abide him battle, being as desirous to sight as he was. When the young man told the King this, he was rewarded with Knigthood, being made such by his own hand; and besides that he got 150. pound land to maintain his dignity. Then he gave order that his Army should march towards them; but when they came near, they found them so stronlgy encamped upon a hill, having steep rocks at the one side, and a river on the other, called by Hollinshed the water of Weire, that they durst not adventure to assail them at so great disadvantage: wherefore they sent a trumpet to them, and desired them to come down to the plain ground, and so to sight with true virtue, for honour and empire, and not to sit on the tops of the hills, where no body could come at them. The Scots answered with derision, that they would not sight how and when it pleased their enemy, but at their own pleasure; telling him withal, that they were come into his Country, and had done as he knew, if any thing that they had done did grieve him, he might come and seek his revenge: they would stay there as long as they thought meet and expedient for them, and if any should assail them, they would do what they could do to defend themselves, and make their enemy's smart. So they stayed there three days in his view, but he not thinking it safe to assail them in that place, after some few skirmishes at their watering place, the Scots removed their Camp to another place that was stronger and harder of access, which Hollinshed calls Stanhop park, whither the English also followed them. While they lay there encamped the one over against the other, Sir 
1327 Douglas at Stanhop park.  James Douglas (who was a provident and watchful Captain) perceiving that the English watches were somewhat negligently kept (either because they despised the small number of the Scots, or for that they thought they had no mind to fight, but to retire) adventured upon a hazardous but hardy and worthy enterprise: he did choose out two hundred of the choicest of his men, and passing the river in the night season, a little off from the English Camp, he entered the enemy's Trenches on that side they least expected, and approached the King's Tent, thinking either to have taken or to have slain him; but the King's Chaplain being a wake, discovered him, whom he slew with his own hand for his pains: and now the alarm was given, and the whole Army was up against him: wherefore having only cut the King's Tentroapes, he returned safe in spite of them, leaving 300. of them slain in the place, who offered to hinder his retreat. Upon this show and omen of success and good fortune, Thomas Randulph would have given them battle in the plain fields, but Sir James advised him otherways, showing him how it was not for them, being so few in number, to deal with so great an Army in the open and plain fields, but that their only way was to use slights and stratagems, and to keep themselves in places of strength and advantage. To which purpose he told him the Apologue of the Fox, whom a Fisherman finding in his Lodge carrying away a Salmond to his den for his young Cubs, he drew his sword, and stood in the door to kill him, knowing he had no other way to get out. The Fox being thus straitened, went and took hold of the Fisher's mantle (which lay by) and went toward the fire to cast it into it and burn it: the Fisher to save his mantle, ran to the fire, and left the door free, so that the Fox escaped out at the door, and in his way catched hold of the Salmond, and went clear away withal, to the fisher's great grief, who had his mantle burnt, his Salmond lost, and the Fox escaped. Even so, says Sir James, it fares with us; we have done these men harm, and they think they have us in the noose, and in a mousetrap, but I have espied a way, by which, though it may seem somewhat hard and troublesome, we shall escape safe without the loss of a man.  
They continued still in the same place certain days after this, without doing any thing of note or moment on either side; for the English warned by their late danger, kept better watch than they had done before: and now having taken a Scottish prisoner, they were informed by him, that the host of the Scots was commanded to be in readiness against the third watch to follow Sir James his standard. This put them to no small business, so that they presently armed, and stood all night ranked in order of battle, supposing that the Scots intended to make an onset, and assail them in their Trenches, and therefore their Watches and Sentinels were doubled, and the Fords strongly guarded. But the Scots by this time were risen and departed, passing through a Moss or Bogue two miles long, which was never passed before, especially by horsemen: but they had provided flaikes and hurdles, upon which they made the horse to pass without sinking, leading them in their hands, and walking on foot by them. About the break of day two Scottish Trumpeters were brought to K. Edward, who were taken by his Scouts, and being come before him, told that they were commanded to suffer themselves to be taken thus, that they might tell him that the Scots were gone home, and that if he had a mind to be revenged on them for any thing they had done, he should follow them. But he considering of the matter, and weighing all things, and with what men he had to do, being both valiant, and able to endure so much hardship, thought it his best to let them go, and so he returned to London, having seen his Kingdom burnt and spoiled under his nose, for all his great Army, and himself in the midst thereof in danger of his life, or of taking: which effronts he was forced to pack up at this time, not without great grief and anger without all doubt. And this is the third piece of service done by that so despised man to the posterity of his despiser; to his son before, and now to his grandchild in the year 1327. or 28. near unto Stanhop park; which because it cannot be denied, Caxton allegeth that it came to pass by the treason of Mortimer Earl of March, who being corrupted by the Scots with money, would not suffer (saith he) the Earl of Lancaster to pass the water, not very deep at that part to invade them, by which means they escaped. But our Major doth justly scorn that point of corrupting and bribing with money, and doth further affirm, that they had not any conference at all with Mortimer. So that it is likely, that what Mortimer spoke in that matter of not following, or invading the Scots at their departure, he hath spoken it out of judgement, and not partiality; and perhaps more prudently, than they that counselled the contrary. However they confess that the King miss of his purpose, and being very pensive therefore, broke up his army and returned to London. Amongst other things, they tell that after the Scots were dislodged, some of the English went to view their Camp, partly to see their customs and manner of living, and what provision they had, partly to seek some spoil; when they were come there, they found only five hundreth carcases of red and fallow Dear, a thousand pair of Highland shows called rullions, made of raw and untand leather, three hundreth hides of beasts set on stakes, which served for Caldrons to seethe their meat. There were also five English men who had their legs broken, and were bound naked to trees, whom they loosed and gave them to Surgeons to be cured. When they saw these things, and judged hereby how painful and able to endure the Scottishmen were, they found that counsel to have been good and sound, which was given to their King not to follow them, whether it were Mortimers or some others.  
The English Writers upon this scarcity and penury here found, and upon such other passages (as when Edward the second entered Scotland, and was forced to return for want of victuals, the King having caused remove all things out of his way) take occasion to speak contemptuously of the Scots, as though they had not defended their Country by virtue and prowess against England (between it and which they think there is no comparison) but partly by cold and hunger, partly because the English Kings did slight it, and were not desirous to conquer it: as also for the English forces were almost employed in France, so that they had no leisure to bend their whole power against Scotland, which if they had done, they might easily (as they think) have mastered it. Imputing hereby the cause of their failing to do it, they having so great odds in number of men and warlike appointment, to want of will, and their hindrance by France, and the poverty of our Country, together with the roughness thereof (being so Mountainous, and full of heaths and wastes, harder enemies than the inhabitants) giving no place to the virtue and valour of the people, very absurdly and maliciously: for as touching the first, that they have had no desire of it, it is a childish alledgeance, when they see they cannot get a thing, to deny that they desire it. The great means they have used, the many attempts they have made, and that common and proverbial speech so ordinary in their own mouths, and devised amongst themselves, (Qui la France veut gagner, a l' Escosse faut commencer) do testify the contrary. And above all, their often intending a full conquest of it, as their own Histories bear record. And as for the hindrance by France, their aides to Scotland have not been very great, nor very frequent; yea, it may be said justly, that France hath received more help than ever it gave: for since the league with Charlemaigne, it may be truly said without any poetical hyperbole, nulla unquam Francis fulsit victoria castris, sine milite Scoto; that the French armies never wanted Scottish soldiers, but the Scots have but very seldom had Frenchmen to help them. And if the Kings of England have sometimes bended their forces towards France, yet they did it not always, but have made more war in Scotland, when they had peace with France. And it is amongst the complaints of our Nation, that France have cast them into wars with England, when they might have had peace: Like as when they had advantage by war, France did often wring their weapons out of their hands, and forced them to a disadvantageous peace, which was commonly the greatest fruits of their friendship and league. Now as for the difficulties of hills, hunger, etc. These are not so great as they talk of; for neither is it altogether so poor, nor so hilly, and mountainous, as they would have it believed to be; and if King Robert at this time or any other at any time have caused spoil and waste in the Country at some times, thereby to famish or straiten the enemy, or have chosen to vex or trouble them with a Camp volante to eschew the hazard of a battle (as Douglas and Randulph did at this time) it hath been the practice of all warriors of all Nations: but neither hath it been, neither could it have been, the only mean of conserving this Country in freedom, except manhood and valour had been joined with it, and that in a great measure; whereof sufferance and hardness to endure great straits, want, scant, cold, hunger, and travel is no little part. As on the contrary, not to be able to endure these, is effeminateness, the ordinary consequent of riches, wealth, ease, abundance and delicacy, all reproachful to men. Even as the other (I confess) are oft the consequences of poverty, and are helps to harden the bodies, and whet the courages of men.  
Wherefore if they had meant nothing else, but that the poverty of Scotland did preserve the liberty thereof, because it kept the inhabitants in continual exercise both of body and mind, and did not suffer them to grow tender, delicate and effeminate, but hardened their bodies against want, and their minds and courages against perils and dangers, which they employed for the defence of their Country, and by the which (as the chief means under God) they did defend it, we could well admit of it, and acknowledge as much poverty, (that is to say, want of superfluity) and vanity, invented by soft and womenly minds, and covered under the mask of civility, as hath begotten in them valour and temperance, as it is said to have done in many people before; the Romans, Macedonians, Turks, Parthians, Scythians, etc. But since that is not their meaning, but even to detract from their valour, they exprobrate their poverty, and casts it up for a reproach, to breed contempt of them in others, and to ascribe to it what is due to their worth; to wit, the liberty, and preservation of their Country from all foreign enemies: we may say justly that it hath not been the immediate cause of their being preserved against England, Danes, or whatsoever enemy; but that there hath been as much sufficiency of things necessary (call it riches, or by what other name you list) as hath moved other Nations (especially England) to cover it, and coveting to invade it, and when they had done their best, they were driven from it; not so much by the barrenness and roughness of the soil, as by many and sad strokes of the inhabitants thereof; and by such acts and deeds, as became wise, valiant and courageous men. Touching all which, this one example will serve to confute whatsoever hath been, or can be said in this kind, than which we need no other proof, and that is this same huge and great army raised by this King (Edward the third) and intending to have come into Scotland, if he had not been thus affronted by Sir James and Randulph: and before in his father's time at Biland, (and which admitteth for no exception) at Bannockburne. In all which there is no colour of want of will; he showed it, he professed it, and presumed to devour them in an instant: No want of forces, having gat●…ered from all Countries not only his subjects, but his friends also: no scarcity of victual, he had abundance of all things: no hills nor mountains, they met in the plain fields: no foreign aid on the Scots side that we hear of, besides the two Brabanders, that King Edward sent to help them. And so again whatsoever progress, or appearance of conquest the English have made of Scotland, it was never by their valour and arms, but by the advantage of an intestine war, they siding with the one party, and at last overcoming both, as did Edward the first, in the days of Balliol; wherefore they make a wrong account, and much mistake the matter, that think the liberty of this Kingdom hath been maintained more by the wants of our soil, want of will in our enemies, or of leisure in the English, then by the worth of our predecessors, if we weigh things rightly. But the true way, and mean, by which our Country and liberty thereof have stood; and by which they have relieved and vindicated it, when it was thralled, are these we have spoken of; by which also they procured peace at all times, and now also at this time.  
For the same year, in March Ambassadors came from Edward to treat 
Peace with England.  of perpetual peace, which the next year was concluded by the Parliament of England held at Northhampton: unto this Parliament for treating of Articles of peace, King Robert sent Sir James, with some Prelates, where it was concluded on these conditions: That the King of England should renounce all title and claim that he and his predecessors had laid to the Crown of Scotland, and deliver unto them whatsoever Bonds, Contracts, Writs or Evidents, they had for their pretended Title thereto. And should leave that Kingdom as free as it had been in the days, and at the death of King Alexander the third, from all bondage and servitude for time to come. That the Scots should also resign to the English, all lands and possessions, which sometimes they had in England, or held of England in fealty, as beneficiars thereof, and that the Marches between the two Kingdoms should be Cumberland and Northumberland, unto Stone-moore: That David son to King Robert should marry Jane, King Edward's sister, called by some Jane of the Tower, and by the Scots, Jane make peace, (in derision) and that King Robert should pay to Edward three thousand marks sterling, for the damage done to his people in the late wars, by Sir James and Randulph, Earl of Murray. The first of these articles was presently performed, and the King of England delivered all the Writs and Evidents which he had concerning his alleged superiority of Scotland, and amongst them an Indenture which they called Ragman (saith Hollinshed) and certain Jewels won from the Kings of Scotland, amongst which the black Crosiere or Rood was one. This peace the same Author calleth unprofitable, and dishonourable, done by evil and naughty counsel. If it were dishonourable for England, it was so much the more honourable for the Scots that gave the peace. But the dishonour he meaneth is the renunciation of his title to the Crown of Scotland, whereof he had fair claiming. King Robert and the Scots had driven him out of his usurpation, and vindicated their liberty by force of arms. And as for his right and title in Law, the world knows what small account Scotland ever made of his pretensions; having never been subject unto any but to their own King. Wherefore it was only to take away all occasion of cavilling, and the better to keep peace with their neighbours, that they desired this surrender, as they had done before with Balliol, whose right notwithstanding carried a greater show of equity and reason, and truly it is not so much to be wondered at, that King Edward condescended to these Articles; as it is that King Robert should have yielded to them, being more unprofitable for him, then for the other: and a man would think it very strange that he should part with Northumberland, or give any moneys to recompense any damage done in a just war: and that there should not rather money have been given unto him, as a dowry or portion with his daughter in law. But the time answereth it, he was now of a good age, and unmeet for travel, and wars, being wearied with battles, and cloyed with victories, and ceased by sickness, he longed for peace to himself, and to his posterity, but with what fidelity, and how little it was kept by King Edward, we shall hear hereafter. No alliance, nor bond of amity (which ought but seldom doth tie Princes and great men) could keep him from breaking of this peace. The marriage was solemnised at Berwick, with all the pomp that might be, after which King Robert lived not a full year.  
A little before his death being at Cardrois, which stands over against Dumbarton on the other side of the water of Levin: whether he had withdrawn himself by reason of his age and sickness, to live a private, and quiet life; he called his friends together, and made his last Will and Testament, in which having ordered all his other affairs, he called to mind a vow that he had made to go into Syria, and there to fight against the common enemy of the Christian name: but because his wars before, and now his age and sickness would not suffer him to perform it in his own person, he recommended the performing of it to Sir James Douglas, requesting him earnestly to go and do it for him; and withal, to carry his heart to Jerusalem, and there to bury it near the holy Grave. This was esteemed a great honour in those days, both by Sir James himself and others, and withal a clear and honourable testimony of the King's affection towards him; and so he interpreted it. Wherefore King Robert dying the 7. of July 1329. he made himself ready, and prepared 
King Bruce, dieth 1329  all things for his voyage very diligently; yet there were some of the most judicious in those times, who took it to have a deeper reach; and that (however he did also respect Sir James, and think him the fittest for this business:) his main design was to prevent all dissension, which might have risen between these two great Captains, Douglas and Murray, Randulph to obviate the which, they think he devised to send Sir James out of the Country upon this honourable pretext. But there be Authors that say, the King did not particularly design Sir James by name, but desired his Nobles to choose one of his most noble Captains in the Realm for that effect, and that they after his decease laid it upon Sir James with one consent, who most willingly accepted thereof, as one (who during King Robert's life) had served the body wherein the heart had lodged. But whether the King desired him by name, or the Nobility did interpret the King's meaning to be such (under the title and description of the most noble Captain) or that they themselves did deem him to be so (as indeed he was most worthy) so it was, that the charge was committed unto him, and he most gladly undertook it, when his presence was very needful for the Country.  
For before he took journey, their fell out a matter that occasioned great troubles afterwards by Edward Balliol. One Laurence Twine an English man borne, and one of those who had obtained lands in Scotland for reward of his service in the wars, a man well borne, but of a vicious life. This man after King Robert's death presuming of inpunite in respect of K. David's youth, loosed the reigns to his licentious lewdness; and being often taken in adultery, and admonished by the official of Glasgow when he would not abstain from his wickedness, he was excommunicated; wherewith being incensed, he took the official as he was riding to the town of Air, and kept him prisoner till he was forced to redeem his liberty with a sum of money. Sir James Douglas highly offended with this enormity, caused seek him, that he might be punished; which Twine understanding, and fearing that he should not long escape his hands if he stayed within the Country, fled into France, and addressing himself unto Edward Balliol, he persuaded him to enterprise against the King of Scotland, and recover that which he had so good right to, and so fair an opportunity, which Balliol did in Sir James his absence, by his voyage, or after his slaughter in his voyage. And no question his absence was a strong inducement both to this Edward, and to Edward of England, to attempt the subduing of Scotland; which he did think would prove easy, by making Randulph away (which he sought to have done by poison) Sir James being absent. So that either the King's devotion (if it were indeed devotion or his policy, (if it were but policy) in sending of him out of the Country, is greatly condemned by our Writers. And to speak the truth it deserves to be condemned, having by so doing sent away so fit and useful a man, denuding the Country of such a Captain in so doubtful times; whereas a Prelate or some other Churchman had been fitter for that employment. And he ought to have considered that England would be still aiming at the Crown of Scotland, notwithstanding of the late alliance: neither needed he to fear any emulation between Randulph and Sir James, there being such entire love in Sir James towards Randulph, that howsoever he contended with him in virtue, yet his contention was but in virtue, and ever within the bounds of modesty, love, and friendship, behaving himself to him as to his Comrade and Brother in arms, whereof he had ever given in all the joint services so evident proof, especially at Bannockburne, where his love drew him out to have succoured him if there had been need, and the same love and candour (so to call it) or courtesy and modesty joined with true magnanimity, stayed him from going forward, that he might not arrogate to himself one share or parcel of that victory, whereby the others glory had been eclipsed. And when he had gotten the victory, he accompanied him joyfully unto the Camp, no less glad than if he had been victorious himself, far from any hateful or envious emulation: so that there was small reason to look for any harm from such a disposition, or any inconvenience from such emulation, but rather to have expected much good from that his so well known affection and constancy both towards Randulph, and his native Country: however, he out of his own worthy and good nature taking all in good part, he passed on with his journey, taking with him two hundred Gentlemen of note, and (as it is reported) seven hundred others. Amongst the Gentlemen of good quality, there was Sir William Sinclaire of Rosline, Sir Robert Logane of Rastaslrig, and Sir William Keith. De Froysard (in his 20. Chapter) reporteth that after his embarking in Scotland he arrived at the Sluice, and stayed there some 12 days, where he kept such state and port, as if he had been King of Scotland: That he had in company with him, a Knight Banneret, and 7 other Knights of Scotland, and was served by twenty six young Squires and Gentlemen of good sort, all his vessels being of gold or silver: That all that came to see him of all sorts of people were (according to their ranks) well and plentifully served with all manner of vivers, wines and spices, the best that could be had. He saith also that in his return from Jerusalem, he arrived at the port of Valence the great in Spain, where endeavouring to assist Alphonsus the king thereof, who warred against the King of Granado, than a Saracen, he was there enclosed by an ambush of the enemy, and so lost his life.  
He carried with him to Jerusalem the King's heart embalmed and put into a box of gold, which he solemnly buried before the high Altar there: and this is the reason why the Douglas bear the crowned Heart in their coat of Arms ever since. When he had performed this service to his dead Master, he went with such company as he had brought with him, and joined himself unto such other Christian Princes, as at that time were gathered with great power out of sundry parts of Christendom, to war against the Infidels; where he did so notable service, that by his frequent victories, he won great honour to the Christian name. At last, having accomplished things in those parts with no less fame and glory, then Princely Magnificence, he embarked for Scotland, but was cast by storm of weather upon the Coast of Spain, and forced to go a shore on the borders of Granado, where at the same time he found the King of Arragon fight against the Saracens that inhabited these parts: Sir James offered to the King to serve him in those wars, and so fought against the enemy valiantly, and with great success at divers times; till at last having conceived too great contempt of the enemy, esteeming them no Warriors, he became somewhat too careless and secure, so that he was enclosed in an ambush, and slain, with all that were about him: his bones were embalmed and sent home to Scotland, and buried in the Church of Douglas, called Saint Brides Kirk.  
And thus he died in the year 1330. the 20. of August, the next year after King Robert's decease. As for his virtues, his actions have declared him sufficiently, yet these in special are to be observed: In his youth he was careful to enable and fit himself for employment, by the study and exercise of letters, and all good and commendable arts, whereby his mind contracting a good habit, was solidly fixed upon the virtues of modesty and soberness, and emptied of all envy; which hardly and very seldom are joined with these great virtues of courage and magnanimity in a Military spirit and life, which commonly do hinder another. In his riper years we may see his perfect practice of them against the enemy, and towards his friends: In action he was bold, resolute, courageous, strong, diligent, and advised; and such every way as a stout Soldier or worthy Commander ought to be. Out of action, and in private converse, he was toward, affable, gentle, and courteous unto all: he was loving to his Country, loyal, faithful and obedient to his Sovereign; he contended in virtue with his equals, free from envy and hatred against any, and through the course of his whole life, without stain or blemish that we hear of.  
He is reckoned to have been in battles and encounters against the English fifty seven times, against the Saracens and other Infidels thirteen times ever victorious; thrice as often as he had been years in action, which were about twenty four from King Robert's Coronation. 1306. until the time of his death in 1330. which if it be so, we may see how many things were omitted by our Writers, all that are set down being far short of that number. Wherefore it is no marvel, if in such a continual course of victories, some confidence crept upon him; and if accustomed to so hard enemies, and good warriors, as the English, and Scots that sided with them (as commonly those are, who are born and bred in in the Northern parts of the world) he disesteemed and slighted the Saracens and Southern softness, weakness and effeminacy in respect thereof, whereby he fell into this Ambush, which was his death. Now as in these respects it is somewhat to be pardoned, so is this use to be made of it, that we despise no enemy however inferior, and to eschew too much confidence and presumption in whatsoever advantage, which hath been the ruin and loss of many worthy men. He is said to have been of a black and swart complexion, and to have lisped somewhat in his speech. We hear nothing either in History, or Monument, or otherwise of his marriage: he had two base or natural sons, William Lord of Liddesdale (of whom we shall speak hereafter) and one Archbald, whom the Lord of Liddesdale made Captain of the Castle of Edinburgh, when he took it in. To conclude, let this be observed, that Sir James is never mentioned by any either English or Scottish Writer whatsoever, but with honour and commendation, as worthy, valiant, noble, good, or some such Epithet; and confessed to have been one of the most valiant that lived in his days. Such is the force of virtue, and so prevalent is it, even with enemies. We will not omit here (to shut up all) the judgement of those times concerning him, in an old rude verse indeed, yet such as beareth witness of his true magnanimity, and invincible mind in either fortune, good or bad.  

Good Sir James Douglas (who wise, and wight, and worthy was)  
Was never overglad for no winning, nor yet over sad for no tineing,  
Good fortune and evil chance, he weighed both in one balance.   

Jacobus Duglassius Brucii Regis socius omnium laborum in Hispania coesus a Saracenis, 1330.  
Quicquid sors potuit mortali in pectore far  
Velure facere, hoc didici perficere, atque pati.  
Prima ubi luctando vici, sors affuit ausis  
Omnibus, & quid non pro patria ausus eram?  
Hosti terror ego: nullus me terruit hostis:  
Consiliis junxi robora dura meis.  
Proelia quot numerat, titulos, actosque triumphos  
Brucius, hinc totidem pene trophaea mihi.  
Quo jam signa feram? major quaerendus & orbis  
Atque hostis; famam non capit iste meam.  
Arma Saraceno objeci prope littora calpes  
Herculeae, hic tellus me male fausta tegit.  
Herculeae Graecis memoretur Gloria laudis,  
Fallor an Herculeis stant potiora mea.   

In English thus,  
What ever weight in furious Fortune laid  
On weak man's breast, I suffered undismayed,  
Nor less my active force; and when I tried  
Her power in war, propitious fate denied  
No help; whiles my endeavours well did prove  
How much I dared for my Country's love.  
A terror to my foes; I knew no fear,  
Wisdom and valour both united were  
In me. And look what triumphs great Bruce gained,  
As many Trophies were by me obtained.  
What more remaineth to increase my name?  
The world appears too little for my fame.  
To Spain my aid I gave, and did oppose  
The Saracen, there was the fatal close  
Of my brave life, wher't may be questioned much  
If Hercules his Monuments were such.    

Of Hugh the fourth and ninth Lord of Douglas.  
UNto this Sir James his brother german Hugh Douglas did succeed, the ninth Lord, and fourth of that name. Of this man, whether it was by reason of the dulness of his mind, or infirmity of his body, or through whatsoever occasion else, we have no mention at all in History of any of his actions, only it is certain that he succeeded, and was Lord of Douglas, which he demitted (in favour of his brother Archbald, slain at Halidoun hill) to his son William, who was the first Earl of Douglas, as shall be shown in his life. The honour of the name and dignity of the house was upheld by his brother Archbald Lord of Galloway, of whom therefore we are now to speak. This Hugh lived after the death of his brother Archbald (which was 1333.) some nine or ten years, till the 1343. as the Charter of resignation of the Lordship to his nephew doth witness. He died without children, and was never married.   

Of Archbald Douglas Lord of Galloway, Governor of Scotland, third brother to Sir James.  
BEfore we proceed to speak of the next Lord Douglas, the time, and order of the History requireth that we speak of Archbald Douglas Lord of Galloway, and Governor of Scotland: he was third brother to good Sir James, as Boetius affirmeth in these words; Archibaldus Duglasius Germanus Jacobi de Douglas, quem nuperrime in hispania interiisse scripsimus. This Archbald did outlive Sir James not above three years, as we shall show hereafter. Neither is the loss of the battle wherein he died, imputed to his youth, but to his haste and indignation. And in the battle of Annand, he showed wisdom and advisedness sufficiently. Touching his education, there is no mention thereof in History: he married Dornagilla daughter to Red John Cummin, whom King Robert slew 
His marriage.  at Dumfrees. This John Cummin was styled Lord of Galloway, having married a daughter of Allane Lord of Galloway, called Mary, whose elder sister Dornagilla, John Balliol had married: and therefore he is also styled Lord of Galloway. There was also a third of these daughters married (as our Writers say) to the Earl of Abermale: it seemeth the lands of Galloway (Lord Allane dying without heirs male) have been divided among the three sisters: as for his third we find nothing else of her. This Archbald having married John Cummins daughter, the inheritrix of the lands of Galloway, was employed in the war against Edward Balliol, whom he defeated and chased to Roxburgh, whereupon for this service, and also by another title which he claimed as nearest to the house of Galloway by his Grandmother, the Earl of Carricts sister, (which right we have deduced at large in the life of Lord William the third maker of the Indenture) Balliol being forfaulted, he obtains the lands of Galloway, as Evidents and Histories bear record, styling him Archibald Lord of Galloway, which continued in his posterity until the forfeiture of the Earls of Douglas. Some allege that Red John Cummin did not marry the Lord of galloways daughter Marry, but a daughter of John Balliol of Harcourt in Normandy, called Adama, whom he begot on his wife Dornagilla, who was daughter to Allane Lord of Galloway: but how came Red John to style himself Lord of Galloway, seeing his wife was Adama Balliol, who had brothers, at least one, to wit, John Balliol that was Competitor with Bruce. However it was, Archbald Douglas 
He is made Lord of Galloway.  having chased Edward Balliol, and Balliol being forfeited, was made Lord of Galloway.  
This Archibald had by his wife, Dornagilla Cummin, two sons, William, 
His sons.  who succeeded to his Uncle Hugh in the Lordship of Douglas, and was created Earl of Douglas, and Archibald after Lord of Galloway: he had also a daughter called Marjory married to Thomas Earl of Marre.  
We have heard in the life of good Sir James, how King Robert Bruce before his death had taken all pains for establishing the Kingdom to his posterity, and to leave it peaceably unto them, and had done for that effect what the wit of man could devise: he had beaten out his enemies by arms, he had ratified and confirmed his right by the Laws and Act of Parliament, he had obtained a renunciation of all title and claim he could pretend, from John Balliol his Competitor: he had gotten also the like renunciation of the King of England, and all Evidents, Writs, and Monuments concerning his pretences delivered up unto him, discharged and canceled, and declared to be null, and of no value, by consent of the English Parliament, and (to be the surer of King Edward's friendship) he had married his son David to Jane his sister. He had cut off the rebellions that were springing up against him, by executing such as were guilty, established Randulph Tutor and Protector to his son, and Governor of the Country, he had removed all occasion of emulation, that might have fall'n out therein, and settled all with good advice, good precepts, good council in his Testament, both for peace among themselves, and war against the enemy. But what is the wit of man, and how weak a thing are his devices! or what bonds will bind whom duty cannot bind?  
This same Balliol, whose father had renounced his right (nothing regarding what his father had done) renewed his claim to the Crown. This same King of England, who had himself solemnly renounced, who had bound up friendship with the most sure and strongest bonds that can be amongst men, regarding neither his resignation made, nor his affinity and alliance, nor any duty towards God, or faith and promise to man, used all means to strip his brother-in-law (by consequent his sister) out of the Kingdom of Scotland; as if nothing were unlawful, that could fill up the bottomless gulf of his ambition. First, he caused an English Monk (under colour of giving Physic for the gravel) to poison the Governor Thomas Randulph Earl of Murray; and afterward aided Edward Balliol with 6000. English, upon condition that Balliol should hold the Crown of him. Edward Balliol entering Scotland with these forces, and being assisted by the malcontents in Scotland, prevailed so, that having won a battle at Duplin (1332. the 22. of September, the third year after the death of King Robert, and about one year after the death of Randulph) 
1332. Battle at Duplin.  in which many were slain, to the number of 3000. together with Duncane or Donald Earl of Marre, the Governor; he was Crowned at Scone, and these of the Bruces side constrained to send their King (David Bruce 
Balliol Crowned at Scone.  with his wife) into France, having no safe place at home to keep him in.  
After his Coronation, having taken in divers places that stood out against him, he went at last to Annand, receiving such as would acknowledge him, and taking their oath of Allegiance and Fidelity. Whereupon Andrew Murray Earl of Bothwell (chosen Governor after Marres death) sent Archbald Lord of Galloway to see what he could do against Balliol in these quarters: he taking with him his nephew William Douglas Lord of Liddesdale, and John Randulph (the Governor Randulphs' son) together with Simeon Fraser, having in company with them a thousand horse, went first to Mophet, and having there understood of Balliols' careless discipline and security, departing from thence in the night, he came so suddenly to Annand where Balliol lay, that he escaped very narrowly, 
Douglas chaseth Balliol at Annand, the 25. of December, 1332.  being half naked (not having leisure to put on his clothes) and riding upon a barm horse unsaddled, and unbridled, till he came to Carlisle. Others write, that howbeit he came very quietly to have surprised the enemy at unawares in the night time, yet they had notice of his coming, and issued forth of the Town with a great army, where they fought long, and stoutly, till at last Balliol was overthrown, and fled. There were slain many of his friends, and amongst these, Henry Balliol (who behaved himself very manfully) John Mowbray, Walter Cummin, Richard Kirbie. Robert (or Alexander) Bruce Earl of Carrict, (and son to Edward King of Ireland) was taken prisoner, and obtained pardon by the intercession of his Cousin John Randulph.  
Hollinshed writeth, that somewhat before this time the friends of David Bruce understanding that Balliol did sojourn within the Town of Perth, had besieged it, but that they were constrained to raise the siege, because of the men of Galloway, who having been sometimes the Balliols' dependers, invaded the besiegers lands under the conduct of Eustace Maxwell; whereupon he saith, Archbald Lord of Galloway, with the Earl of March and Murray, invaded Galloway with fire and sword, and brought away great booties, but slew not many men, because they got them out of the way, for fear of that terrible invasion. This narration may be true in the last part thereof concerning their invasion, but the cause of this invasion is not probable: that the men of Galloway should invade men's lands that lay so far from them, as they behoved to be, that did besiege Saint Johnston; for in all liklihood it was besieged by these that were nearest to it, being in kin, and friends to those that were slain in Duplin; and both Hollinshed himself, and others, write that it was recovered in Balliols' absence about the same time, while he sojourned in Annand, by those that lay near to it, without mentioning any other siege before that at which it was taken.  
This battle at Annand so changed the case, that he who even now was Crowned King (in September) who had far prevailed, to whom all men (even King David's nearest friends and kinsmen) had yielded, (despairing of his estate) was by this act of Archbald Lord of Galloway turned quite out of his Kingdom and Country, and compelled to fly into England, to save his life, the 25. of December the same year, about three months after his Coronation, and was compelled to keep his Christmas at Carlisle in the house of the Friar's Minors. A notable example of the inconstancy of worldly affairs, and constancy of an honest heart in the Douglas, not abandoning his Prince's cause, when others had forsaken it, and also a proof of his good service, and useful; for which as he deserved perpetual praise and favour of his rightful Prince, so did he incur great hatred of his enemy, the usurping Balliol; who the next day after (the 26 of December) going into Westmoreland, and there being honourably received by the Lord Clifford, gave unto him the whole lands of Douglasdale, which the said Lord Clifford's grandfather had before in the days of King Edward the first. So proudly did he presume, to give that which was not in his power: And so little had he learned the lesson of the uncertainty of humane affairs, grounded on whatsoever power, appearance, or even success: and so difficult a lesson it is to learn, where there remains means so great as he trusted to, the power of the King, and Kingdom of England, with his own particular friendship and faction within the Country of Scotland, which shall indeed have power to trouble the State a while, but not to establish either the Kingdom to himself, or any part of Douglasdale to the Lord Clifford.  
The next year, 1333. K. Edward of England having shaken off all colour 
War proclaimed.  of duty to his brother-in-law K. David, made open war to be proclaimed between the two Countries, which turned on all hands to the disadvantage of Scotland, even upon both the Marches. For the Lord of Liddisdale was taken prisoner on the West hand, he having the charge of that quarter: and Murray the Governor on the middle March was taken likewise at the Castle of Roxburgh, by pursuing the victory too far on the bridge, and so excluded from his own. King Edward took openly upon him the protection of Balliol, having caused him to swear homage to him, and so with a great Army both of his own subjects and foreigners, came in person and sat down before Berwick, and besieged 
Berwick besieged by K. Edward the third.  it, both by sea and land. Hereupon the Nobility of Scotland choose Archbald Douglas Lord of Galloway to be Governor, and General of the Army, advising him to enter England, and to spoil it with fire and sword, so to force K. Edward to rise from before Berwick, and leave the siege. And this whilst he was about to have done, he is advertised from within the Town, that Sir Alexander Seaton Governor thereof had made a paction with K. Edward to render the Town, if he were not succoured 
Occasion of the battle at Halidoun hill.  by the Scots before the first of August next, and for performance thereof had given him his son and heir in pledge and hostage. Hereupon the Lord Governor changeth his purpose, fearing the loss of the Town, and against the opinion of the wisest of his Army, marcheth directly towards Berwick, and the third day after he set forth, he came within the sight both of his friends and foes. Before this King Edward (besides Thomas Seaton, who was given him in pledge) had taken also Alexander Seaton, another son of the Governor of Berwick (whilst at a sally out of the Town he followed upon the enemy too eagerly) and had now both the brothers in his power, the one a pledge, the other a prisoner. He therefore seeing now that the Town was like to be relieved, sent to the Captain, certifying him plainly, that unless he did render the town forthwith into his hands, both his sons should be hanged immediately upon a gibbet in sight of the Town before his eyes. The Captain returned him answer, that the days of Truce were not yet expired, and therefore desired him either to keep the covenant he had made, or else deliver the Hostages, and be at his advantage. When the King could not prevail with him, nor break him off his resolute constancy (to which his virtuous and generous Lady did also notably encourage him) he was as good as his word, and performed indeed what he had threatened, against the law of Nations, and against all humanity, hanging them up almost in the very sight of their Parents, who bore it patiently and constantly for the good of their Country, and thought their children's lives well bestowed in that regard: only that they might not be beholders of so heavy a spectacle, they retired themselves to their chamber apart.  
This strange, tyrannical, barbarous, and monstrous fact is suppressed in the Histories of England, and buried in silence, not unwisely, it being capable neither of defence nor excuse; and yet is contrary to the laws of Histories, and the duty of an Historian, who ought (according to the oath of witnesses) to tell all the truth, and nothing but the truth; seeing where the truth is either adulterated or suppressed, the life of History is lost, which consists in particular circumstances, truly related. Neither do I see how this same King (in the end of his life) can pertinently and justly be called courteous and gentile, after such a fact, whereof few the like have fallen into the hands of the cruelest Tyrants that ever were recorded in story. And for my part I think certainly, that it is not possible that one who is of a nature truly gentile and courteous, should commit and be guilty of so foul a crime. It is a perpetual blot and unexcusable, and such as no wit can wash away. So it is still, and so let it ever be branded and detested. So it was by our Governor the Lord of Galloway, and so much did it move him, and so far stir up his noble indignation, that he thought he could never be exonered with credit, without avenging of it, or spending his life in the quarrel, and so being resolved to fight, he would never give ear to any counsel on the contrary, nor alter his determination for any difficulty that could be proposed. And now K. Edward (after that unpleasant spectacle, detested even by the English themselves) had drawn up his Army, and taken a hill to the west of Berwick, called Halidoun hill, a place very advantageous for him; and the Scottish Army did stand over against them in battle array. The Governor commanded to march up the hill, and to invade the English where they stood, altogether against the counsel of the best advised, who both before, considering the inequalities of the Armies, both in number (they being but few in respect of the English) and in experience (being for the most part young and raw soldiers, not yet trained) had dissuaded him from fight any at all, and now seeing the odds, and inequality of ground, would gladly have opposed themselves thereunto. But all was in vain: he was so incensed with that so detestable fact, that boiling with anger, and desiring of revenge, and trusting to the goodness of his cause, and to the forwardness of his Army, who being inflamed in the like anger, upon the same occasion, were very desirous to join battle, esteeming that their earnestness of mind would supply their want of skill, and overcome all other difficulties, and thinking in himself, that if having been a spectator of that vile and cruel murder, he should turn his back without fight, it would be accounted cowardice; he prosecuted his resolution, and commanded to march forward, which was accordingly performed. They were first to descend and go down from a little hill on which they stood, then through a valley, and so to climb up another hill so steep that one man may (as Major saith) keep down four, such is the situation thereof on the west side. Wherefore the Scots, ere they could come to strokes, were almost overwhelmed with shot and stones; when they were come up, being quite out of breath, and charged from the higher ground, they were borne down with violence, and slain. Some write that the first joining of the battle was at the foot of the hill, upon more even ground, but that the English gave somewhat back towards the side and ascent of the hill, and having gotten that advantage of the rising of the hill, made a fierce onset upon the Scots, who pursued them too rashly, supposing the English had fled, by which mean they were utterly overthrown.  
There died of the Scots in this battle 10000 others say 14000. the English writers say 30000. A rare host amongst the Scots, though the Country had not been divided in itself: and there were but few more than 30000. when they overthrew the King of England with his invincible Army at the renowned battle of Bannockburn: but such is the custom and form of their Writers, to extol their own facts, and to lessen their neighbours, for they say there were slain only at Bannockburne of the English 10000 and at this battle but 15. how apparently let the Reader judge. Our Writers say there was no small number of them slain, and that it was fought with great courage, nevertheless of this inequality: neither did the Scots turn their backs, or give ground, until their General (fight valiantly in the midst of them) was slain. There died with him John, James, and Allane Stuarts, sons to Walter Stuart, in his own battle, the Earl of Rosse, to whom he had committed the Vanguard, with Kenneth Earl of Sutherland, Alexander Bruce Earl of Carrict, Andrew, James, and Simon fraser's. Few were taken prisoners, and such as were taken, by the commandment of K. Edward were beheaded the next day, against the law of arms: some few were saved by their keepers, who were more covetous of their ransom, then of their blood. Such cruelty did this gentile nature practise before the battle (upon the seaton's) in the the chase (upon the flyers) and after the battle (upon the prisoners) in cold blood. But his aim was to make a full conquest of Scotland, which did fail him notwithstanding. This battle was fought July 22. 1333. called magdalen's day, accounted, by the superstition of the people, unfortunate for Scotland.  
Thus died Archbald Douglas Lord of Galloway fight for his Country: his love thereof, his indignation against so inhuman a fact is commendable: his magnanimity likewise and valour is such as became his house: his conduct is blamed, and the cause thereof, whether it were anger or error: his anger or desire of revenge, though the cause be never so just, should have been bridled and tempered, and so governed, with such wisdom as might have effected a due punishment indeed, and not so heady, as to have precipitated himself and the Country into extreme danger and ruin, whilst he sought revenge. Or if it were error, and too much relying upon the forwardness of his Army, that indeed is a thing not to be neglected, but to be taken hold of, and made use of, yet it ought not to be so far trusted, but well employed, and managed with judgement, as a good addition to other means and helps, but not that the whole hope of the victory should be grounded and hang upon it alone; far less ought it to be made use of when there is too great odds. In which case it serves but for a spur to set us on to our more speedy ruin. If it were fear that he should be thought a coward if he did not fight that moved him, his fear was needless: he had given good proof of it before, and might have given more thereafter: he should have remembered that he was a General, and Leader, in whom want of wisdom and government were as much to be blamed as fearfulness. He was also a Governor, in whose safety the Kingdom was interessed, and who ought to have regarded the good thereof. In this balance he should have weighed things, and should have done according to it, though with hazard of a sinister report for a while, which might easily have been recovered in the own time. Concerning which, and all idle fame, and vain opinion of ignorant people, we have that notable example of that worthy Fabius Maximus, the Roman Captain, who neither by the provocation of the enemy, nor importunity of the soldiers, nor disgraceful rumours scattered among the people, as if he durst not have fought, or had colluded with Hannibal, and other such slanders, could be moved to fight but at a convenient time. Nay rather than he would do it, he suffered the half of his Army to be taken from him, and given to his Lieutenant, as the hardy man than he, who both durst, and would fight, as he bragged. And so he did indeed upon the first occasion, but with such foolhardiness, as that he had both lost himself, and his whole Army, if Fabius had not come in time to his rescue; who at that fit time of fight showed in effect both what he durst in manhood, and what he could do in wisdom; and easily made those fond rumours to vanish, to his perpetual glory, the confuting and confounding of his Competitour, and confession and acknowledgement of his worth from those who had blamed him before. Not unlike to this was the saying of great Scipio the African, who being reproached by a certain man that he was not so forward a fighter as he could have wished (though in very deed he was forward enough) daigned him with no other answer, but that his mother had borne him to be Commander, not a fighter; thinking that a Captains chief honour is to command well, and to choose fit times, places, and means for fight. And not to go any farther; we heard before in good Sir James his life, how little he was moved at the English Heralds demands, who desired (in the King's name) that he would fight him on the plain field, upon equal ground, if he had either virtue or honour. Sir James sent him away with derision, as one that had made a foolish request, telling him, that a good Captain should account it his honour not to fight for his enemy's request, but as he found most expedient and convenient for himself, in wisdom, choosing the form, the field, the time, the place, and all for the advantage of his Army, and giving no advantage to the enemy whereof he could possibly hinder him. And this I have insisted upon so much the more, because many that are of good spirits otherwise, do oftentimes err in this false opinion, and thereby do both lose themselves and their honours. So that while they affectate to be called hardy fighters, do prove indeed to be foolish Captains, and ill Commanders, and so do not eschew reproach, but incur it. Neither get they the honour of valour, which they seek, but the blame of temereity and rashness, which they should avoid. So that the Writers speaking of this fact, do all of them condemn it, and brand it with a note of ill conduct; and some of them say in express terms, Archbald Lord of Galloway was not valiant (in this case) but temerarious and foolish; very truly and wisely, to warn others to take heed, and beware of failing in the like kind; very soberly and respectively, restricting it to this particular only, and in this case leaving him his due praise and commendation in his other actions, as ye have heard he very well deserved.  
This defeat drew on with it the surrendering of the Town of Berwick (the next day after) by Sir Alexander Seaton, and of the Castle by Patrick Dumbarre Earl of March, lives and goods safe, themselves giving their Oath of allegiance and fealty to the K. of England. He commanded the Earl of March to re-edify the Castle of Dumbarre, which he, being not able to keep it, had demolished, that it might not be a receipt to the English. And within a short time this overthrow had wellnigh overthrown the Kingdom, and the cause: for the greatest part of the Nobility, that were not dead before, being slain in this conflict, the rest flying to save themselves, to strengths & defa●…ts; Balliol assisted by Robert Talbot (a Noble man of England, whom the King had left with him, with a few English bands) being aided by his Favourers in Scotland, made himself once more King, and was confirmed by Parliament, within half a year after he had been driven out. All yielded obedience to him, save only four Castles, to wit, Lochleven, Dumbarton, Kildrummie, Urwhart and Lowdon peel, seated on a little lake; so that no man in Scotland durst call David Bruce their King, except young children in their plays: so far were matters altered by this check! Where it is to be marked, that as by the wise and wary government of the same Archbald, his Country and lawful King were defended, and Balliol chased out of his usurped Kingdom: So by the same man's oversight in government, both the usurping Edwards (English and Scots) are repossessed again therein, and his Country plunged into misery, and the rightful King and his partners brought to great extremity.  
Of so great efficacy is good, or evil government: therefore it is so much the more circumspectly to be looked to, and to be exercised according to the rules of wisdom, and not after the opinions of men, fame, and reports, anger, or whatsoever other cause doth make men stray from the right and straight course of reason. This was the lamentable condition of our Country: But let us have patience a while, and we shall shortly have better news. Both these usurpers shall ere long be driven to let go their hold, and at last be utterly disappointed of all their hopes and projects; God conserving the liberty of this Country, and the Crown thereof to the rightful heir, and the Bruces blood, in whose posterity it shall yet prosper. In which work no little part shall be the valiant and faithful efforts of the Douglasses. Amongst whom it were requisite to speak of the next Lord Douglas: But the order of time draws me another way: it being long before his turn come in, even ten or twelve, or perhaps twenty years, as shall be seen in the own place, for he hath been young (it should seem,) and abroad out of the Country, but in his absence some other of the Douglasses must not be idle.  

Archibaldus Duglasius ad Halidonem coesus, 1333.  
Non potuit perferre nefas, foedamque Tyranni  
Persidiam. Et quisnam sustinuisse queat?  
Ergo furens animi, atque accenso pectore inardet  
Praelia, & ingratas increpat usque moras.  
Poscimus aut aequo (dixit) certamine Martem,  
Aut certum est fatis cedere velle tuis.  
Ah nimis! ah properant! Non illis ignea virtus  
Defuerat: nocuit praecipetasse nimis.  
Nec te victorem jactes, temeraria virtus  
Sic nocuit. Vinci vis animosa nequit.   

In English thus,  
He was not patient enough to see  
The Tyrant's faithless fact (and who could be)  
Hence his inflamed breast with anger swelled,  
Enraged at such impediments as held  
His hand from just revenge. Come let us try  
Our chance, and win the field, or bravely die.  
If fate will have it so, he said: and all  
With too much haste obeyed their General.  
No courage wanted, but the hard event  
Proved the act rash, and lose the punishment  
Of ill ruled valour. Thou didst nothing gain,  
Who to his passion yields commands in vain.    

Of William Douglas Lord of Liddesdale, called the stowre of Chivalry.  
BEfore we proceed to the rest of the Lords of Douglas, the order of the History requires, that we speak something of William, not Lord of Douglas, but Lord of Liddesdale, and a worthy member of the house and name of Douglas. The first mention of him, and his actions, is at the battle of Annand, where he was with Archbald, Lord of Galloway. The last of his actions of importance are in the beginning of the first Earl William, before the battle of Durham the space of thirteen years or thereby: which time he employed for his lawful King and Country against the usurpers, so diligently as shall be deduced in the progress of this Story. Writers call him natural son to Sir James slain 
Son natural to Sir James.  in Spain, which is truth: But they err when they say that John Lord Dalkeith was brother to William Lord of Liddesdale, he being Liddesdales' uncle, and Sir James brother, so master John Major hath Davidis, for Gulielmi, and Hollinshed, and Boetius William for Archbald, who was made Captain of the castle of Edinburgh, by this same William. But it is so clear and manifest whom they mean of, that there is no question to be made of it. However it be, he hath so honoured and nobilitated himself by his virtue, that no posterity needs to inquire of his birth. We find that he was married to a daughter of Sir John Grahame, Lord of Abercorne, called Margaret Grahame, by whom he got the lands of Liddesdale, he had but 
Her marriage  one only daughter (Marry) who was married to Sir James of Lowden, who after the Lord Liddesdales his death, and Margaret Grahames, got 
One child Marie.  the lands of Liddesdale.  
His first appearing, to wit, at the battle of Annand, hath been spoken of: after that he was for his wisdom and manhood accounted worthy to have the custody and government of the West Marches, as the charge of the East Marches was committed to Patrick Dumbarre. Being Wairden there, he had his residence at Annand, where at a certain skirmish with the English, his men were scattered, himself was hurt and taken prisoner, about that same time that Regent Murray was taken at Roxbrough, to wit, in the year 1332. before the battle of Halidoun hill, which was the occasion that he was not there with his uncle Archbald, Lord of Galloway. He continued a prisoner until 1335. and then he and Murray were both 
1335  set at liberty, having paid a great sum of gold for their ransom. It is strange that these two great Politicians (the two Edward's I mean) intending a conquest of Scotland, should have suffered such men to be set at liberty at any rate, without making them sure to their side; considering that the detaining of them would greatly have facilitate their designs: and their liberty, being enemies, hinder and annoy them, as we s●…all hear it did not a little. It was apparently the pride of their hearts in that good success, which made them careless and secure, not fearing any danger from these or any else. So doth success and pride growing thereupon commonly blind men: or so doth God blind the, wisdom of unjust men, when he hath a work to do against them. But before we come to the rest of the deeds of this valorous Lord, we must take a view of the estate of things at that time, that the circumstances (which are the life of History, and light of actions) being known, the actions themselves may be the better considered.  
We have heard how desperately things went on the Brucian (which was the only right) side: he that was lawful King durst not be named, nor there was none that durst do so much as on●…e offer to call him King, but the little children in their play, who still styled him so; whether by a natural inclination to their rightful Prince, or by some spark of Divine inspiration joined therewith, who can tell? or who knows these things? what motions will either remain of old or spread of new in the hearts of men, where God's work is to be done? wise men keep silence, and therefore the stones behoved to cry out, and foolish simple babes bear witness that the Bruce was King, for all the usurpers confidence and cruelty: no doubt, it was with great derision, and contempt of the hearers, but the event did justify it, that it had a secret mover. No man saw the means how it could come to pass, but means will not be wanting, where a work is to be done. This aught to be a heartening to good subjects in their lawful Prince's quarrel, and for good men in all good causes, not to despair for want of means. Let men do their best, means will come from whence they least dream on: Perhaps it will fall out so here in this case: Out from among the midst of the enemies the first glimpse of deliverance doth arise.  
There were that conspired against the Bruce to wrack him, and the Country, England and the Balliols' faction in Scotland, and those had overrun all. There comes a blink of favour, and hope from Rome, by the procuring of France. The Pope sends to King Edward of England, to desist from invading of Scotland, but that evanished without effect: pride had so far prepossessed his heart, that he thought himself sure to make a conquest of Scotland, pleasing himself in his own conceit, and supposing Scotland neither durst, nor could ever make head against him hereafter: wherefore he will not do so much as give the Ambassadors leave to come into his sight. A manifest contempt, not so much of the people, as of the voice of equity and reason: But he called it reason what he had ability to do: (Stat pro ratione voluntas) is the voice of Tyranny, and indeed a change being to come, pride behoved to go before; bùt the working of this is obscure, and not perceived at first openly: dissension amongst the conspirators doth arise upon a light occasion, a gnats wing (as the Proverb is) but it grows to a Mountain. Talbot an English man was appointed with Balliol (as hath been said) for to govern Scotland, his co-adjutors for reconquering of it were (amongst other Scots Englized) David Cummin Earl of Athole, Henry of Beaumond, John Mowbray an old favourer of that faction, from the time of Edward the first, of whom he had received divers lands for ill service to his Country, which Edward esteemed to be good; as indeed it was profitable to him. This John Mowbray was dead, and had left his lands to be divided between his two daughters, and his brother Alexander, or rather as a bone, and a matter of debate amongst the whole faction: for his daughters claiming it as heirs of line, his brother by heir-male as entail, the Case was brought to judgement. Henry of Beaumond had married one of the daughters, he therefore was fracker froward that way, as one that was interessed. Talbot and Cummin swayed this way; Edward Balliol inclined to the other party, and gave sentence for Alexander the brother. Hereupon dissension ariseth; they grudge and murmur against the judgement, they complain of it in their open discourse, and speeches, as unjust: they withdrew themselves from Court, as mal-contents. Talbot goes into England (perhaps to complain to the King) and as he came thorough Lowthian, he is taken by some of King Bruces party (who began to show their heads upon this occasion) and carried to Dumbarton where he died: Beaumond put hand to work, and without so much as acquainting the King withal, takes Dungard a strong Castle in Buchan, and the rest of the lands that were in plea, he ceaseth them, and makes them his own by the law of the strongest. Cummin gets him into Athole and there fortifies himself against whosoever should assail him. This terrifies Balliol so, that he retreats his sentence, and turns his coat; agreeth with those two, granting unto Beaumond the lands which he had adjudged from him, and giving Cummin divers other good lands which belonged to Robert Stuart, who shall reign afterward, to show upon what ill ground that gift was founded. But is he the better for this injustice? for injustice it must be either first, or last, he is not so much the better, as in likelihood he should have been; for injustice is never profitable. If he gain one, he losseth another: he wins Cummin and Beaumond, but he loseth Alexander Mowbray: who thereupon joins himself to the other party. And thus was this usurpers faction brangled, then bound up again, and after divided again by want of worth in Balliol their head. But this is not all, for it seems that Cummins mind hath not been so much sound reconciled to Balliol, as it hath been only plastered over, which may appear to be probably collected out of the History, which they say is thus. Edward of England came with 50000. men into Scotland; to what purpose so many? was there war? None saith he, nor rebellion greatly, that appeared any where, what doth he then? doth he fight with any man? doth he fortify Castles? we hear no word of any such matter. What hath been his intention then? wherefore came he, and with so huge an Army? they tell not. But let actions speak, they will tell: All agree in this, that he took away Balliol into England; there is one point: Then he hath been jealous of him, and hath feared perhaps that he would not continue long his vassal, as his Grandfather had proof, in Balliols' father: but what doth he more? he leaves Cummin to guide the affairs in Scotland; there is another point: He makes him Viceroy in Scotland for Balliol, and Balliol in effect prisoner in England. Of which course Edward of England is the Author, let it be so; who will purge Cummin of having been a Counsellor, a suggester of information for his own advancement? he being a man that did ever hunt after preferment, which he made the scope of his actions, and compass, by which he ever failed, being also of an aspiring mind, and of a fickle and various disposition and nature. However it be, this is another division in that society between the Edward's, the usurping Kings. And thus much of the estate of their faction.  
Concerning the other party that stuck to the lawful King Robert Stuart, that afterward was King, had escaped Balliols' ambush: being but fifteen years of age, and by the help of his friends, was conveyed to the Castle of Dumbarton, where he was received by Malcolm fleming Captain thereof. Now both the Edward's being absent, and he having a particular spleen against Cummin, who possessed his private inheritance; the said Robert with the help of Colin or Duncan campbel in Argyle (from whom he obtained an aid of four hundreth men) had taken the Castle of Dunholm in Coil, and destroyed the English Garrison there, whereupon the men of Boot (which was his private inheritance) had taken arms, slain Allane Lyle there Captain, and Sheriff, who was placed there by Balliol and Cummin, and were come home very joyful to their old master the Stuarts. Upon this Thomas Bruce Earl of Carrict with his friends, and neighbours of Coil, and Cunninghame, and William Karrudise of Annandale (who had ever refused the English yoke) coming forth out of the place where they had lurked, resorted to him also. John Randulph Earl of Murray was returned from France, and did encourage them with hopes of foreign help of Jefferey or Godfrey Rosse (Sheriff of Air) had drawn Coil, Carrict, and Cunningham to be of the party; Ranfrow was also returned to the Stuarts. By their example, the dependers of Andrew Murray had drawn all Cliddesdale to them, partly by fair means, partly by force. These under the command and leading of Robert Stuart, and John Randulph had passed into the North parts, chaised David Cummin, Governor for the English to Lochaber, and compelled him to yield, and swear obedience to David Bruce: Notwithstanding, that the enemy had committed to him so great a charge, as to be Lieutenant for him in those parts.  
About this time or a little before, William Lord of Liddesdale returns from his captivity, having been three years in prison: And he is no sooner returned, but that presently he begins to serve his King and Country faithfully, and diligently against both their enemies, Scots and Englized usurpers; recompensing his long imprisonment with his enemy's losses, especially in Lowthian: for the more easy performance hereof, and that he might annoy them that were in the Castle of Edinburgh, (which was then held by the English) and them that went toward it, he lay in wait in Pentland-hills. To him John Randulph, after that he had left David Cummin Earl of Athole Lieutenant for him in the North parts (Randulph and Robert Stuart were chosen Governors by the King's party) did adjoin himself as to his old and fast friend: from thence they both went to Perth, to a Convention of the States, the 2. of April 1335. 
Convention at Perth, 2. April. 1335.  But there was nothing done at that meeting, because of the enmity betwixt the Lord Liddesdale, and David Cummin Earl of Athole. The occasion was, the Lord of Liddesdale alleged that he was detained longer in prison, than other ways he would have been, by the means of the the Earl of Athole, who (no doubt) did think it meet for Balliol and the English faction, and therefore advised them to keep him. And certainly he was wiser in that point, than they that set him at liberty for ransom: Now under the colour and pretext of this ill will between him and Liddesdale, Athole was so strongly accompanied with his servants and dependers, that the rest being jealous of his disposition, and fearing his present power did conclude no matter of importance, Robert Stuart inclined toward him, but all the rest favoured the Lord Liddesdale. Robert was young, and knew not the disposition of Athole, which the rest knew better, and what odds was between them in fidelity, which was not long in discovering. For King Edward of England came with a great army, both by Sea and Land, and brought Balliol with him. So soon as he came to Perth, Athole being solicited to defection from Bruce, he was not very hard to woo, whereas Liddesdale did still his uttermost endeavours for him. One of the Governors (to wit, Robert Stuart) being sick, and the other (John Randulph) thinking it too heavy a burden for him alone to fight, divided his forces, that so he might the more annoy the King. Now word was brought to him, that there was a great army of the Gelder's coming through England, to join with Edward, and help him against the Scots. Wherefore Randulph passeth over into Lowthian, to try if he could conveniently intercept them, and cut them off ere they should join with the King. There came hither to assist Randulph (the Governor) Patrick Earl of March, William Lord Liddesdale, and Alexander Ramsay of Dalhousie, and others. These being assembled together, lay in wait for them near Edinburgh in the Borrow moor: and so soon as they came in sight one of the other, without any delay of either side they joined battle, and after a great conflict, the Gelder's were put to rout, and chased to a little hill, where was a ruinous Castle. There they were besieged all that night, and the next day, they rendered themselves, lives safe.  
Others write that they fled to the Castle hill of Edinburgh, up Saint Mary's wind or lane, defending themselves valiantly through the high street till they came to that place, where they slew their horses, and made (as it were) a rampart of their carcases, and so saved themselves. There they stayed all that night, and having neither meat nor drink, nor convenient lodging, oppressed with hunger, and cold, and thirst,, yielded themselves on the morrow. This narration seems not to be so probable, as the former; for if it had been at the Castle of Edinburgh, it might have made them more support, at least relieved the Duke, and have saved him. Besides that, the town of Edinburgh should suffer strangers to pass through the midst of them, and neither aid them if they were friends, nor assail them if they were enemies, nor shut their gates if they were neutral, for fear of some danger to come to their town thereby, but suffer both parties to have free access into their chief street, and to stand as lookers on, it hath no great likelihood. They ascribe also the winning of the field, to the Lord of Liddesdale, who was not (as Hollinshed says) present at their first joining battle, but came to it from Pentland-hills in so convenient time; that if he had not come, the Gelder's who fought exceeding well, had got the day. Others make no mention of Randulph, but of the Lord Liddesdale, and Alexander Ramsay with him.  
Those that write of this battle, tell of a huge and wonderful stroke given by Sir David Annand in his fury, he being hurt, struck his enemy on the shoulder with a Pole-axe, and clavae him and his horse down to the hard pavement, in which, the force of the stroke left a great mark long after. And no less memorable is the valour of a woman in the Gelder's army, who at the beginning of the battle stepped forth before her company, and encountered in a single combat or duel a Scotish Squire, named Robert Shaw, whom she slew, and afterwards beat down her enemies on each side, till at last after a good time she was compassed about, and so slain. The Duke of Gelder their Captain having yielded, was courteously, and honourably used, his stuff and baggage was restored to him, and himself set free. The reason of this was, because Randulph Earl of Murray, having been bred in France, knew that the French King did affect him; and therefore to gratify him, he showed him this favour to let him go without any other hurt or damage; only he made him swear, he should never aid the English again against the Scots. This same Author says that this was not the Duke of Gelder's, but the Earl of Namurs called Guy contrary to all our Writers, who with one consent affirm that it was. And if it were Guy of Namurs, he had always been an enemy, and received greater courtesy than enemies deserve, and more favour than was expedient for the Country. Nay, Randulph was not content to dismiss him free only, but would needs for his safety, accompany him to England, in which journey they were suddenly set upon by the Lord Percy, and the Englized Scots, who had dressed an ambuscado for them, and there Randulph was taken, and the Lord Liddesdale hurt in the leg. The Governor was carried to the two Edward's that lay before Perth, which town was thereupon soon after rendered unto him.  
Upon this success of the usurpers faction, Athole very glad of what had fall'n out, accounting the prize now won, and following forth his fraudulent policy revolted again to the usurping Kings; thinking it safest to side with the stronger, and did now clearly show, how worthy he was of that favour bestowed on him by Robert Stuart, who at the Convention at Perth had appeared on his side against the Lord Liddesdale. And not only did Cummin come in to them, but undertakes also the government of Scotland once more as Lieutenant for the English, promising to root out all these of the contrary part that should stand out, and would not acknowledge their authority. The King of England partly for lack of victuals (which were put out of the way by the Governor) partly because of his journey into France, which he was then projecting, returned into his own Country, and took along with him Balliol, who had the name of a King, but was indeed a very slave to another man's affection, for a vain and empty title; a just reward for his foolish trusting to a stranger in prejudice of his Country.  
Athole being willing to do what he had said to the Edward's, that he might approve his service and fidelity unto them (whereby he proved also false to his lawful King, and late benefactors; his so friendly enemies, who had not only pardoned him so lately, and saved his life, but trusted him so far, and committed so much to him) left no kind of cruelty unpractised, that he could against his Country, so far, as that almost the whole Nobility relented, and became slack and remiss against him, or did yield unto him, having forgotten their duty. But behold the reward of such wisdom, and the due fruit of such seed as he had sown; a fruit that is often reaped of such seed, if men would believe, & observe it: though the present appearance, the first buds and blossoms of things do blind their eyes, & make them choose that which should not be chosen, which is unacceptable to man, and not passed over by God, as is seen in this man before the year be fully expired. For Robert Stuart being sick, and Randulph a prisoner, there were left but three Noble men who stuck fast, and were faithful to their King, and Country. These were William Lord Liddesdale, Patrick Earl of March, and Andrew Murray who had been Governor. They were so constant, that no promises could corrupt their fidelity, nor no threatening nor danger could quail their courage so, as to bow their hearts to any English servitude. Some add unto these the Earl of Rosse, and William Lord Keith. These did greatly hate his unnatural dealing against his Country, and treachery against his promise, and cruelty joined withal: three things ever odious and hateful to honest minds. Wherefore understanding that he lay at the siege of the Castle of Kildrummie, they levied such companies and number of men as they could get, and marched towards him. Cummin being advertised hereof, raiseth the siege, and meeteth them in the fields within the Forest of Kilblane: There they fought it very hardly, and Cummin being more in number, had overthrown them (as it is thought) but that John Craig Captain of Kildrummie, issuing forth with three hundredth fresh men, restored 
Cummin overthrown at Kilblane, and slain.  the battle which was almost lost, and gave them an undoubted victory, which when Cummin perceived (being conscious of his own ill deserving) that he might not fall into his enemy's hands alive, he rushed 
1337.  into the midst of the battle, and so was slain: Sir Robert Minyeis fled to the Castle of Kenmure (saith Boetius) who saith also that Alexander Gordon was he that flew Athole; but others attribute it to the Lord Liddesdale himself, who for that cause, and for the slaughter of Sir Thomas Minyeis (it may be they mean Sir Robert) at the Castle of Lochindors, in the Sheriffe-Sheriffedome of Bamfe, was rewarded with the Earldom of Athole, and is so styled in the resignation by which he surrenders it again some four years after (to wit, 1341) the 16 of February in favour of Robert Stuart, Great Stuart of Scotland, whereof the evident is yet extant in the Register. There died in this battle besides Athole, Walter Braid, and Robert Cummin, and a great number of others both Gentlemen and Commons. Sir Thomas Cummin was taken prisoner, and the next day (being the 1. of January) he was beheaded. They were not above 1000 or (as some write) 500 choice men against 3000. yet the event was (as we have said) favourable to the just and right cause. This battle was fought the last of December, 1337. By this blink of fair weather in such a storm of foreign assaults, things were again somewhat changed, and the Brucians' encouraged: wherefore that they might have some face of a settled estate and government, they choose Andrew Murray Regent as he had been before his captivity. He went into the North, and in the mean time the Lord of Liddesdale with a company of chosen men passeth over into Fysse, and besieged the Castle of Saint Andrews, Falkland, and Luchers, all which he took in with small difficulty, by his wisdom, and manhood, though they were strongly manned, and well fortified, and furnished with munition, and victual. Major referreth this to the time after the Governor came back out of the North. After this, he returned into Lowthian to his old haunt in Pentland-hills to wait his time, and watch the English that say in Edinburgh Castle, that he might slip no occasion of troubling, and molesting them. At last this occasion did happen; the Town being full stuffed with a great number of Soldiers, both English and Scots: There was a scottish man amongst them of a stout stomach, named Robert Phanderghest whose lot was ●…allen to be on that side, but his heart was with the other party, and he carried no great good will to the English. This being perceived he was the worse entreated by them, so that one day his head was broken by the Marshal Thomas Kneveton, whereat taking indignation, he sought all means to be avenged thereof, and so brought it to pass that he shortly after slew him; and to avoid the danger of punishment, fled to the Lord Liddesdale, whom having informed of the negligence that was grown amongst the English; he persuaded him to take advantage of their sloth, he nothing slack in a business of that nature, went secretly in the night to the Town, and slew four hundreth of them in their sleep, and drunkenness, before they could make any resistance.  
About this time Murray the Regent dieth, after he had brought back all the Northern parts of Scotland to his Prince's obedience excepting Perth, a great loss for his Country, and he greatly regretted; But no loss is without some gain. Robert Stuart had now recovered his health, who was the other Governor; (and as some write) he assumed the Lord Liddesdale for his colleague, whether that were so or not, and what ever his place and name was, he was a notable adjunct to Robert Stuart, and under his authority performed much good service, and profitable to King and Country with great hazard of his life, by receiving of many wounds; while he did assail and vanquish greater numbers with far fewer: So that by his prowess and singular valour he reduced Tivedale, Niddesdale, Annandale and Cliddesdale (except the Hermitage) to the King's obedience, having expulsed from thence all the English. These lands and strengths were lost again after the battle of Durham, and recovered again the second time, by William the first Earl of Douglas, which we have inserted here, lest men inconsiderately should confound, and mistake the one William for the other.  
By these doings his name came to be spread throughout the whole Island, insomuch that Henry Lancaster Earl of Derby hearing thereof, and being himself a valiant man, and desirous of glory, provoked him to fight with him hand to hand on horseback: but at their first encounter, the Lord of Liddesdale his hand was so sore wounded with his own spear (which broke hard at his hand) that he was not able to prosecute the combat, whereupon it was delayed. Major maketh mention of his just, and joineth Alexander Ramsay with him at Berwick: he telleth also of one Patrick Grahame, who being provoked and challenged by an English man into the field, told him he was content; but wished him to dine well, for he would send him to sup in Paradise, which he also did: hereupon he condemns these justs and duels in time of peace; so that it should seem there have been some peace or truce. But we hear not of any, I do rather think there hath been some assurance at that time.  
That same year, the King of England sent a very valiant Knight named Sir Thomas Barcklay into Scotland with a great power of men to assist their faction: Robert Stuart and the Lord Liddesdale go against him, and gave him battle at Blackburne; where the Lord of Liddesdale fought so eagerly, that all his men being slain, he and Robert Stuart having only 
A battle at Blackburne.  three left with them, continued still fight, and defended themselves till night, which being come on, by favour thereof they escaped, and saved themselves by flight.  
It was not long ere he recompensed this loss, by the defeating of John 
John Stirline defeated by Liddesdale.  Stirline and his company. This Stirline with five hundreth men assailed the Lord Liddesdale at unawares, at a place called Cragens, having but forty in his company, as he was journeying without any fear or suspicion of an enemy. This did put him into a great fear at first, but he recollecting himself out of that sudden affrightment, fought so valiantly that he defeated Stirline, slew fifty of his men, and took forty prisoners.  
Afterward the English that lay at Creighton, made divers onsets and incursions upon him, in one of which he was run through the body with a spear, and was thereby disabled to do any service for a season.  
So soon as he was recovered, being accompanied with twenty men only, he set upon sixty English, at a place called The black Shaw, and having wisely taken the advantage of the ground, which was fitter for foot then horsemen, he slew and took them every one.  
In the same year 1338. the 24. of December, or as others, the 2. of November, he set upon the convoy of the English that were carrying vivers to the Castle of Hermitage, as they were in Melrosse, or near to it, and defeated them, but not without great slaughter of his own men: and so having got the victuals, he went and besieged the Castle of Hermitage, 
He takes the Castle of Hermitage.  took it, and did victual it with the same victual which he had taken at Melrosse.  
He vanquished also Laurence Vauch (alias Rolland Vauch) a very valiant man, with a great company of Englishmen.  
And in the year following (1339) he fought five times in one day 
He fighteth five times with Laurence in one day, and vanquisheth him.  with Laurence (or William) Abernethie, a Leader under Balliol, and having been put to the worse four times, saith Hollinshed, Boetius, five times, at the sixth time vanquished him, and slew all his men, and took himself prisoner, and thereafter presented him to Robert Stuart, who sent him to the Castle of Dumbartan. For these and such other exploits achieved by him, he was highly esteemed of all men, and got the name which is commonly used of him, The flower of Chivalry.  
He was after this sent Ambassador into France to inform King David 
He is sent Ambassador into France.  of the estate of the Realm, and to confer with him about weighty matters, being either chosen for his worth, or only sent by Robert Stuart as his Colleague, and so fittest for that employment. While he was there he obtained pardon of the K. of France, and peace for one Hugh Hambell a famous Pirate.  
During his absence in France, Robert Stuart had laid siege to St. Johnstoun 
Perth besieged by Robert Stuart.  in the year 1339. and had divided his Army into four squadrons, under four chief Captains (each Captain commanding a part) of which he himself was one, the Earl of March another, William Earl of Rosse the third, and Magnus Mowbray Lord of Cliddesdale the fourth. It was divers times assaulted, but they were repulsed with loss, it being valiantly defended by the English that were within. They had lain at it ten weeks without doing any good, and were now almost quite out of hope to take it; so that they began to think of leaving off, when in the very mean time the Lord Liddesdale arrives on Tay, having brought with him out of France Hambell the Pirate, with five ships well furnished with men, munition, and weapons. These men the Lord Liddesdale had hired in France of purpose for this business; amongst them were two Knights of the family of Castle Galliard, and two Esquires, Giles de la Hayes, and John de Breise, He landed a part of the soldiers, and left the rest in the Ships to keep the mouth of the river, and he himself marched to Cowper in Fife to take it. It had been deserted by the Englishmen for want of ●…ivers in the time of Murray the Governor, and now again it was seized by the Englized Scots for the use of the English. Their Captain at this time was one William Bullock an English Priest, but a valiant man, who was also Treasurer for them and the faction. The Lord Liddesdale deals with him, that seeing there was no hope of succour from England, and that the Scots Garrison was not to be trusted to, he would forsake the English faction, and enter into King David's service, promising to procure him lands in Scotland. Bullock accepted his offer, and having obtained his promised lands, he did much service afterward to the King and the Lord of Liddesdale. Having by this means recovered Cowper, he returned to the siege of Saint Johnstoun, where (as he was ever forward) he was hurt in the leg with the shot 
Recovereth Cowper.  of a Crossbow going to the Scalade. Nevertheless, he departed not till the Town was taken, or given up by the Governor thereof Thomas Uthred. 
Perth taken.  The manner of the taking of it was this: when the siege had lasted four months, and was like to have continued longer, the Earl of Rosse by digging of Mines drew away the water, and dried up the Fousses and Ditches, so that the Soldiers going to the assault upon dry ground, and approaching the walls without any let or difficulty, beat the defenders from off the walls, especially by shooting of darts and arrows out of the Engines which they had caused make: And so they rendered, and departed with bag and baggage in the year 1340.  
Within four days after Stirline was also besieged, and rendered on the 
Stirline taken  same conditions.  
After the siege of Saint Johnstoun was ended, the Lord Liddesdale rewarded the Frenchmen very liberally, and sent them back into France well contented. He caused also restore to Hugh Hambell one of his best Ships, which was taken by the enemy during the siege. For Hambell having adventured to approach the Town with his Ships to give an assault, one of them was taken by the English, and now was restored.  
Thus K. david's party did flourish by the faithful valour of these his good and notable subjects, and prevail against the pretended K. Balliol: who seeing such success in K. David's affairs, durst show his face no longer; but having lurked a while in Galloway, by changing and shifting places for fear of being intercepted, and wearying of that kind of life, he returns into England now the second time after his conquest; he did not possess his Kingdom long, and but with little ease or contentment, what by the Scots chase of him, what by the King of England (his good Master) detaining of him little better than a captive. A shadow of a kingdom, or slavery rather; being miserable indeed, yet sees he not his misery, but seeketh it again, and loseth it again.  
But let us return to our Lord of Liddesdale, who desists not here from doing of good service to his King and Country. Edinburgh Castle is yet in the possession of the English: it was too strong to force, wisdom must supply, which was not lacking in him, no more than valour; a good harmony, and happy conjunction, which were ever to be wished! There was one Walter Towers (of whom are descended the Towers of Innerleith) a man of his acquaintance, and a follower of him, had (by chance) a Ship 
The original of Innerleith.  laden with victual in the Firth of Tay beside Dundie. Liddesdale causeth him to bring about his Ship to Forth, where (as he was instructed) feigning himself to be an English Merchant, and sending some slagons of very fine wine to the Captain of the Castle, he prayed him to take him into 
Occasion of taking the Castle of Edinburgh.  his protection, and that he would give such order as the rest of his victual might be free from all danger and peril of his soldiers, and of the enemy; promising that if the Garrision in the Castle had need of any thing, he should command any thing that was in his power, so far as it could reach. The Captain desired him to send some hogsheads of the same wine, and some biscuit bread, and promised him access when he pleased: he further warned him that he should come timely in the morning for fear of the Scots, that did make frequent onsets and incursions in those parts. The Lord of Liddesdale being advertised hereof, chooseth out 12. of his best men, and the same night goeth out to Walter Towers ship, and he and his men having borrowed the Mariner's apparel, did put it on above their Armour, and so went to the Castle, carrying the wine and victual with them: he had before placed the rest of his men as near as he could, that they might be in readiness, upon a sign given them, to come to the Castle to his aid. Liddisdale himself, with Simeon Fraser, and William Bullock (say our Writers, but his name was Sir John Bullock) went a little before, and the rest followed a certain space after. When they were let in within the Bulwark, perceiving the keys of the Castle hanging upon the Porter's arm, they slew him, and without noise opened the gate, and presently gave the signal, by winding of a horn. This sound gave warning both to his friends and enemies, that the Castle was taken. Both made haste, the one to defend, the other to pursue; but the Scots having a steep hill to ascend, behoved to come forward the more slowly: for that cause (lest their Lord should be excluded from his men) they cast down the carriage in the gate to keep it open, and having fought 
The Castle taken, he makes Archbald Douglas his brother Keeper.  a sharp fight, at last they that were within gave place: the Captain with six more were taken, the rest were all slain. And having thus won the Castle, he made his brother William Douglas (say they, but should call him Archbald) Keeper and Captain thereof.  
This same year or the next (1342. the 30. of March) Alexander Ramsay took Roxburgh in Tividale, and soon after John Randulph was set at liberty in exchange for John Montague taken in France (saith Major) and took in his own Castle of Lochma-bene in Annandale.  
So that by the industry and efforts of these three Wairdens, the Lord Liddesdale in the middle March, Alexander Ramsay in the East, and John Randulph in the West: the English were wholly expelled out of Scotland beyond the Borders, which fell out in the time of Edward the third: neither did the English men possess one foot of Scottish ground, excepting the town of Berwick. Such good service did these Noblemen, with the other good Nobility, in the minority and absence of their Prince from his Country, against the great force of England, and a great part of their own Country of Scotland, being unfaithful Subjects, unnatural Sc●…ttishmen. And this these Nobles did even for the love they bore to King Robert, this David's father, bearing the heat of the day for him, while he is at ease and security, with watching, hunger, thirst, cold and great effusion of their blood, to make the Kingdom peaceable to him, choosing to adventure their lands, their lives, and whatsoever worldly thing is dear unto men, rather than to abandon him, and follow his enemies with ease and quietness, under whom they might have lived a peaceable life; if they would set aside regard unto their honour and duty.  
Such is the force of the love of Subjects, beyond all strength of men, and riches of treasures, only able to bide a stress, and hold out: As may be teen by this example to be remarked greatly by subjects, and entertained above all treasure by Sovereigns, and to be accounted a chief, yea almost the only point of true policy, to love and make much of all men, and most specially their Nobility; that they may in such their Prince's straits (when they shall happen) endure the better as these men did, which they could not have done, if they had not had authority and dependence, and so been respected by their inferiors: who so would diminish this authority in Noblemen; abasing them too far, and making them suspect to Princes, and not safe for them, they err greatly in policy, and unadvisedly cut the props of the Princes standing, which being brangled but a little, his Kingdom is easily bereft him, all authority going away with his own person: It fell well out with King David Bruce, that these Noblemen were not so, and therefore the more able to do so great things for him.  
After these things, they sent Ambassadors to desire King David to come home, and so he did the 2. of June that same year. His first Act was carefully to inquire for, and gratefully to reward such as had suffered in his service, a prudent Act; But alas (the mal heur) it falleth often out that Princes know not all things, and ere they be informed, they many times conclude. The cause of many errors and much mischief hath happened thereby, as it fell out here. We have heard how the Lord of Liddesdale (amongst many his notable services) had in special expelled the English out of Tividale, and divers other places, by his wisdom and valour, and was therefore rewarded with the same lands, which he enjoyed afterwards as his rightful inheritance from thenceforth he so used it, as in a manner conquered by himself. He was Wairden, and so defended it: defending ministered justice, and discharged the place and office of Sheriff, having won it from the enemy. This he did with the tacit consent of the Country, and by allowance of those that were in authority.  
Thus being in possession, and trusting to his deserving towards King and Country, and the Nobility of his blood, and potency of that house he was come of; he looked for no competitour in that which he had taken from the enemy. And not knowing or not caring for the Law (as is customable to Martial men) or perhaps being prevented, being slower in going to King David, or on some such like occasion: the Sheriffeship is give●… from him to another. Alexander Ramsay was amongst the first that welcomed King David at his return, and was received kindly as he had merited, and much made of by him, who for his service gave him the keeping of the Castle of Roxbrough, and together with it (whether of the Kings own free and mere motion, or any other suggestion, or by Ramsayes' procurement) the Sheriffeship of Tividale, very unadvisedly if he knew Liddesdales' interest, very ill form, if he knew it not. Very imprudently (say our Writers) who blame the King's indiscretion, for giving it from William Douglas Lord of Liddesdale, to Alexander Ramsay; and for withdrawing of it from so worthy a man, so well deserving to whomsoever, for that was to make a division among his own: so it proved, for William Douglas of Liddesdale took it very highly that Alexander Ramsay, should be preferred before him to that office. But he was chiefly incensed against the taker of it, as having done him a great indignity, which makes it apparent that he hath not only accepted of it, but sued for it: therefore set altogether on revenge, he suppressed his ire for that present. But after some three months, as Alexander Ramsay was exercising the office in Hawick, and looked for no such thing: he set upon him, and having slain three of his men that stood to the defence of their master, he hurt himself, and casting him on a horse, carried him to the Hermitage, 
Alexander Ramsay taken by Liddisdale, and starved in the Hermitage.  where he died of famine, according to the testimony of sundry of our Writers, and the black book of Sc●…ne, where it is shown that he was taken the 20. of June, and keeped seventeen days without meat, save that some few grains of corn, which falling down out of a corn lost which was above him, were gathered by him and eaten.  
Such is the unbridledness of anger (justly called fury) to be greatly blamed in him, yet they mark the cause thereof, the King's unadvisedness in procuring thereby the loss and ruin of so worthy a man of war, far from his father's prudency and probity. The King (not acquainted yet with military dispositions) was marvellously moved therewith, and purposed to have punished it exemplarily to deter others from doing the like, and therefore caused search very diligently to have apprehended Liddesdale, but in vain: for he withdrew himself to the mountains, and desert places; and in time obtained pardon by the suit of his friends, of whom he had purchased good store by his worthy acts for the liberty of his Country; Among whom Robert Stuart the King's sister's son was his special good friend. That which most effectually served to procure him favour, was the magnifi●…ke, but true commemoration of the great exploits achieved by him, the consideration of the time, in respect whereof (the peace being uncertain without, and things not very quiet at home) military men were to be entertained, and used with all favour. By this occasion he did not only obtain pardon for his fault, but he got also the gift of keeping of the Castle of Roxbrough, and Sheriffeship of Tivedale (and all other his lands in Tivedale, or elsewhere restored to him) which the other had, and which were the cause of the slaughter. This clemency of King David was (perhaps profitable for that time, but pernicious in example.) This fell out (as hath been said) three months after the Kings coming home, and therefore in October, or (perhaps in September) at the head Court in Hawick. His pardon was obtained, 
1346. He is banished and restored again.  and his peace made with the King a little before the battle of Durham, which was in the year 1346. the 17. of October: So as he hath been three or four years a banished man.  
After his return from banishment, finding the King bend upon his journey against England, he wisely and earnestly dissuaded him, and did exhort him first to take order with the discorders at home, and before all things to settle them. For the Earl of Rosse had slain the Lord of the Isles, whereby a great party of the King's army was diminished, the Lord of the Isles men lying back for want of a head; and so the Lord Rosse, and his men for fear of punishment. So did also many others that lay near them, retire and go home, fearing lest they should suffer in their absence by their neighbourhood to those disagreeing Lords, and be some way endamaged; wherefore they thought good to provide in time, the best they could against all perils that might happen. For this cause he counselled the King, first to settle peace amongst his own subjects before he enterprised a foreign war; that peace being settled, and his army united, he might the more strongly, and with better success invade England. But the King contemning his good and wholesome counsel, (his French friendship prevailing more with him, then either his own good, or the good of his Country) he raised an army wherewith he entered England, and was encountered by the English at Durham, where the Scots 
The battle of Durham. King David ta●…en.  were defeated, King David Bruce taken prisoner, and with him (beside others) William Earl of Douglas, and the Lord of Liddesdale, who were shortly after ransomed or dismissed so much the more easily, for that they had the King, and so cared the less for others. This sell out in the year 1346. October the 17. as hath been said.  
While the Lord Liddesdale is a prisoner amongst his enemies, he forgetteth 
Liddesdale taken also.  not his friends at home. Sir David Barcklay had slain one John Douglas, brother to Sir William, and father to Sir James of Dalkeith (say our Writers) beside Horsewood: but they should say rather, brother to Sir William, (for there Sir William is the same Lord of Liddesdale, of whom we now speak, son natural to good Sir James) neither was John Douglas slain in Horsewood, but in Kinrosher, by Lochleven. This Barcklay also had taken Sir John Bullock at the King's command, and put him in prison in Lindores, where he died of hunger almost in the same sort that Sir Alexander Ramsay died. The Writers lay the blame on the Nobility that envied so worthy a man, and accused him salsely to the King of unsaithfulnesse; but they tell not in what point. They themselves call him a worthy Chaplain of great wisdom, singular prudency, and eloquence, beyond any in his time, who had been Chamberlain to Edward Balliol, Treasurer to the rest of the Englishmen in Scotland, and lastly, Chamberlain to King David, and amongst the chief of his Counsellors reputed as another Chussay. Nevertheless, thus was he delated, and taken away, having done divers good offices in the Commonwealth, and being very necessary unto it. The Lord of Liddesdale had drawn him from the English faction to King David's party, and he had used him in good services, whereof he was not forgetful, ever remaining one of his special friends. This giveth men matter of suspicion, that his death was for ill will to the Lord of Liddesdale by the King incensed against him, never digesting in heart the death of Sir Alexander Ramsay, whereby the King is blamed, as counsellor or follower thereof; and that Sir David Barcklay enemy to him, did execute it willingly, or did procure the Kings command thereto. The taking of the Castle of Edinburgh, in the year 1341. by the Lord of Liddesdale, was plotted by Sir John Bullock, say the Writers, who in quickness of wit, and sharpness of invention past all men in his days. In revenge of this, Liddesdale causeth slay Sir David Barcklay, by the hands of Sir John Saint Michael (say they) but they should have said Carmichaell in Aberdene. A just fact, but not justly done; the matter was good, the form ill, being besides and against all order, but who could wait for order in so disordered a Country? when should he by order of law have obtained justice, his Prince being in captivity; his duty to his friends defendeth the fact, the estate of the Country excuseth the form. God looketh not so upon things: he had before (as we heard) slain Sir Alexander Ramsay, he must not want his own share, but who durst do it? The avenger of blood finds the means. Such is the estate of man, what can they lean to on earth? ere he do not pay that debt of blood, the Earl of Douglas shall exact it; his Chief, his Cousin, and to add that also his own son in Baptism (as the Lord Liddesdale was to the Earl of Douglas, for the black book of Scone calleth him his spiritual father) and thus it came to pass.  
The Lord of Liddesdale being at his pastime, hunting in Attrick Forrest, is beset by William Earl of Douglas, and such as he had ordained 
1353 He is slain by the Earl of Douglas.  for that purpose, and there assailed, wounded and slain beside Galsewood in the year 1353. upon a jealousy that the Earl had conceived of him with his Lady, as the report goeth, for so says the old song.  

The Countess of Douglas, out of her Bower she came,  
And londly there that she did call;  
It is for the Lord of Liddesdale,  
That I let all these tears down fall.   
The song also declareth how she did write her love letters to Liddisdale, to dissuade him from that hunting. It tells likewise the manner of the taking of his men, and his own kill at Galsewood, and how he was carried the first night to Lindin Kirk, a mile from Selkirk, and was buried within the abbacy of Melrosse.  
The cause pretended, or the cause of this slaughter, is by our Writers alleged to be the kill of this Alexander Ramsay, and Sir David Barklay, and some other grudges, and so the Earl said himself, as they say, and so it was indeed, if we look unto God; but who doth believe him, that it was on his part? no Writers, no report, no opinion of men doth believe it, not until this day. They lay the cause on his ambition, on his envy of Liddesdales' honour, and jealousy of his greatness. Reason sways to the same side, and brings great if not necessary arguments: for what had he to do with Alexander Ramsay, that he should for his sake dip his hands in his own blood? far less for Sir David Barcklay, on whom he himself should have taken avengement, if the Lord Liddesdale had not done it; this John Douglas whom Barcklay slew, being so near to himself; but something must be said to colour things. But this will not colour this blemish, though in a fair body indeed as we shall see hereafter. Doth ambition spring from a great mind? Doth envy, of virtue? jealousy, of hatred? Let noble hearts eschew them; it is the basest thought that can fall into a man's mind. Right minds love virtue, even in strangers, even in enemies; generous minds strive to do better, not to hinder such as do well. It is a strange maxim and ill grounded, a wicked wisdom and perverse policy, to keep back ones friend in whom virtue appears. It is of follies the greatest folly, to hinder their growth, for fear they should overgrow our greatness; the which when we do, it comes to pass that we are outgrown by strangers, and often by our enemies: yea undermined oftentimes, while our friends (thus kept under) are unable to underprop us, as they both should and would do: a just reward of so unjus●… wisdom. But for themselves to put hand in them for their worth, I can find no name to it. I must wish this Nobleman had been free from so foul a blot, and I would fain vindicate him, and some small appearance there is, that it was not his fact. But the current of witnesses lay it upon him, and who can contend against all the world. Wherefore let us regrate it and not allow it, eschew it and not excuse it, or follow it, as we are too ready to ●…ollow evil examples.  
To return, thus he lived, and thus he died, for whose Elogium short, but worthy; let it be said (as it was then blazed in the mouths of men, and ●…ited by the manuscript) He was terrible and fearful in arms; meek, mild and gentle, in peace; the s●…ourge of England, and sure buckler and wall of Scotland, whom neither hard success could make slack, nor prosperous slo●…full. He is styled by the Writers a second to none, and by consent of that age and voice of the people, the slowre of Chivalry: he was often wounded, thrice a prisoner, and ever ready to fight again, what manhood? what wisdom behoved it to be? with fifty men, to overcome five hundreth: with twenty, to take and slay sixty. What invincible mind was it, that being defeated five times in one day, he had the courage to sight and overcome the sixth time. Let Hannibal wonder at Mar●…llus, that neither overcoming, nor overcome, would suffer him to rest yet was he not thus restless that we read of, a worthy branch of such a stock, a true member of such a house, well retaining that natural sap sucked from his Predecessors, of valour, and of love to his Country. And thus far concerning the name of Douglas in this branch thereof, in the time of the minority or absence of the chief. Now let us return to the Principal stock, the Earl of Douglas himself.  

Gulielmus Douglassius Liddalianus, 1333. caesus  
Omnia quando habeas, quae Mars dedit omnibus unus  
Ut Mars Marte ferox fulminet alta tuo,  
Hoc putes ut patiare parem; tibi Def●…it unum hoc:  
Quin age posce hostem caetera solus eris.   
John's Heroes.  

In English thus.  
Whiles thou alone all valour didst enjoy,  
Mars doth bestow on those he would employ,  
One only virtue wanting, doth appear  
To make thee excellent, thou couldst not bear  
An ●…all, bate this pride, and thou s●…alt have  
This honour never soldier was more brave.    

Of William the fifth of that Name, the tenth Lord, and first Earl of Douglas.  
UNto Hugh the ninth Lord of Douglas, did succeed his nephew William son to Archbald Lord of Galloway, and Governor of Scotland, who was slain at Hallidon hill. Of this William the other great branch of Douglasses doth spring; to wit, the house of Angus, which overtoppeth the rest, and at last succeedeth unto the place of the stock. He it is also that raiseth the house to the dignity of an Earldom, and doth greatly increase the state thereof. That he was son to Archbald, and not to Sir James (as some do mistake it) it is clear by divers confirmations, in which Sir James is expressly termed his uncle, and Archbald his father. And so doth the Charter witness, upon which the confirmation proceeds. The Charter is given by Hugh Lord Douglas brother and heir to the late Sir James Douglas, to William son and heir to Archbald brother to good Sir James Douglas. It is dated at Aberdene the 28. of May. 1342. The King's Charter likewise cleareth it, bearing David dei gratiae, &. Sciatis nos concessisse, &. Gulielmo de Douglas (saith the one) Confirmasse dilecto, & fideli nostro Gulielmo de Deuglas militi (saith the other) Omnes terras reditus, & possessiones per totum regnum nostrorum, de quibus quondam Jacobus dominus de Douglas avunculus suus, & Archibaldus de Douglas Pater suus milites obierunt vestiti.  
Touching his marriage, we find that he had three wives! The first was Margaret, daughter to the Earl of Dumbarre and March; by whom 
His marriage, wives, and children.  he had gotten two sons; James slain at Otterburn, and Archbald called the grim Lord of Galloway, and afterward Earl of Douglas: and one daughter married to the Lord of Montgomerie. His second wife was Margaret Marre, daughter to Donald or Duncan Earl of Marre, and afterwards heir, and inheritrix of that Earldom: for this Duncan had but one son named Thomas and this Margaret, Thomas twice married: by his first marriage he had one only son named Thomas also: This second Thomas was married to Marjoric sister to this William Earl of Douglas, but died without issue: his father Thomas married a second wife, Margaret Stuart, who was inheritrix of the Earldom of Angus, but he had no children by her: so that there being none left now of duncan's race, but this Margaret Marre, married to the Earl of Douglas: we find him styled Earl of Marre in his wives right in the year 1378. whereof divers Monuments and Evidents yet extant do bear witness. By this Margaret Marre, he had one only daughter Isabella Douglas, who did succeed to the Earldom of Marre. She was twice married, First to Malcome Lord Drummond, by whom she had no children. Secondly, to Alexander Stuart, son to the Earl of Buchan, brother to King Robert the third, but had no children by him neither, yet she did resign the Earldom in his favour, as a Charter given thereupon by King Robert the third to him and his heirs, which falling unto her and her heirs. Thirdly, the Earl of Douglas after the decease of Margaret Marre, took to his third wife Margaret Stuart daughter to Thomas Stuart Earl of Angus, and his heir and inheretrix of the lands, & Earldom of Angus. This Thomas was son to John Stuart, & brother to Walter Stuart the great Stuart of Scotland, who married Marjorie Bruce, daughter to King Robert Bruce. Now this Margaret had a brother who died without issue, and a sister called Elizabeth, married to Alexander Hamilton of Cadyow. Margaret Stuart herself was first married to Thomas Marre Earl of the same, and son to Duncan or Donald, but had no children by him. Then she was married to this William Earl of Douglas, by whom she had a son named George. This George succeeded to her in the Earldom of Angus, and by gift of his sister Isabel Douglas inheritrix of Marre, he got the lands that she had gotten from her father: which disposition Isabel made to her brother George, and not to James or Archbald, for good considerations to be related at large hereafter, when we shall come to treat of the house of Douglas.  
And so we see him very fortunate and honourable in his marriage, in his purchases, and in his children: his honourable mind appears in his deportment to his sister Uterine, whom the Writers call Elconora de Bruce, to whom he gives no less than the Barony of Wester Calder in maritagium to her and her heirs whatsoever, with her husband Sir James sandiland's, as the transumpt of the Charter bears, extracted by James Douglas Lord Dalkeith 1420. April 4. The Charter itself is not dated, but the giver is clear, Gulielmus Douglas Dominus loci ejusdem, and Sir James his entail doth clear it, in which he is called Earl of Douglas and Marre. This Elionora Bruce had to her father Robert Bruce (some call him Alexander) son to Edward slain in Ireland, and Cousin German with K. Robert. He was Earl of Carrict, and after the death of Archbald Lord of Galloway, he married his relict this Earl's mother, and had by her this Lady Elionora, who (as we have said) was married to Sir James sandiland's. In regard of this marriage, and the Donation of these lands, that house of sandiland's gave the coat of the house of Douglas, a Heart, and three mullets, which none else hath besides him, except those of the name of Douglas.  
This Earl William was bred in France, and as the manuscript beareth, most part in the wars; his first return to Scotland was before the battle of Durham some few years, which appears by the forenamed Charter given him by his uncle in the year 1342. Touching his actions after his return, the first was a hard entry at the battle of Durham, where the King made many Knights to stir them up to fight valiantly; and first he created William Lord Douglas an Earl. In the morning, being Warden, he is sent to view the English Camp, and engaged among them ere he was aware, he had a number of his men slain, and himself also narrowly escaped. In the battle (being Leader of the Forward) he was taken, and 
He is taken prisoner at Du●…ham.  the King himself likewise, with divers others. But his success after is more fortunate: for the better understanding whereof, let us remember the estate of affairs of the Country of Scotland at that time.  
After King David Bruce was taken prisoner at the field of Durham, the English repossessed themselves of the Merse, Tivedale, Liddesdale, and Lawderdale: so that their Marches were Cockburnspath and Sawtray, and from that to Carnilops, and the Corse-cave. Balliol had gotten again his old inheritance in Galloway, and wasted Annandale, Nidisdale and Cliddisdale, with fire and sword, and had also with Percy overrun Lowthian: neither could there be an army made up in Scotland to resist him for some few years, so that Balliol behaved himself again as King: but we hear that no obedience he got by the good will of the people. The Scots had chosen Robert Stuart (who was King afterward) to be Governor in the King's absence, but no great action is recorded, that he was able to take in hand at such a time, and in such estate of his Country. The Earl of Douglas being ransomed or dismissed, the more easily for that they 
Ransomed.  had the King in their power, returned home. Thereafter there fell out a matter very greatly to be lamented, that it should have fallen into the hands of so worthy a person, the kill of the Lord of Liddesdale by the Earl: let me never excuse such a fact, I may well be sorry for it. But I 
He kills Liddesdale.  wonder at this, that the Earl after his slaughter, should have obtained his whole estate: not only that which he did acquire for his own virtue and valour in the Borders, as Liddesdale with the Sherisship of Roxbrough, or Tweddale, but also those lands which he had gotten by his wife, as Dalkeith, newland's, Kilbugho, etc. But being rightly considered it seems not so strange, for after the Lord of Liddesdale had slain Sir Alexander Ramsay, the King apparently hath never pardoned from his heart. But being still incensed against him (as may appear in that action the King allowed, or rather moved of Sir David Barcklay in taking and slaying Sir John Bullock a special friend of the Lord of Liddesdale, and for ill will and spite of him (say our Writers) and that his anger being renewed, and increased by the kill of Sir David Barcklay: It is possible the King hath been well pleased to hear and know of his ruin, whereupon the Earl of Douglas there being none so able to do it as 
And obtains his whole estate.  he, being his Chief and kinsman, having his own particular grudge, was encouraged to make him away, and having done it, hath obtained his lands the more easily. Our Histories testify that the house and name of Douglas was divided against itself, pursuing each other for many years together with much bloodshed, and all upon this occasion. Belike the marriage of the Lord Liddesdales' daughter, to Sir James Douglas of Lowden, Kincavell, and Calder-cleere, hath been or should have been made in his own time, which hath moved the Douglas of Dalkeith, Calder-cleere, and them of Strabrock to make head against the Earl, as those who did most resent that slaughter. But at last the Earl (as commonly remorse cometh after blood) repenting, or at the intercession of friends, giveth the lands of Dalkeith, newland's, and Kilbugho, to Mary daughter to the Lord of Liddesdale, by resignation in favour of her (as is extant in our public Register) to regain the favour and dependence of his friends, that were alienated from him; retaining Liddesdale and his other Borderlands and Offices in his own person: for we find in the Register James Douglas son to William Earl of Douglas, and Mar, styled Lord of Liddesdale in a letter of pension of 200 marks sterling granted to him by King Robert the first of the Stuarts.  
His first care was to deliver his own inheritance from the English bondage, for which purpose having gathered together a company of his friends. He recovered Douglasdale from them, having slain and chased them every man out of it: then encouraged with this success, the favour of his country people increasing towards him, and greater companies drawing to him: he expelled them also out of Attrick Forrest and Tueddale, and the greater part of Tivedale.  
At that time John Copland (I know not whether it were he) that had taken King David at the battle of Durham, or some other of that same name, was Captain of the Castle of Roxbrough, and seeing that the Earl of Douglas did so prevail against his country men, gathered together a great company of them, and went forth to oppose him, but was quickly put to flight, and constrained to retire to the said Castle again.  
Thus having repressed and ejected the English out of those parts of Scotland, he not contented therewith resolveth to invade them in their own Country: wherefore he accompanied with the Earl of March (his own father in law) and having gathered together a great power of men, as privately, and as secretly as he could, he marched towards England. They sent William Ramsay of Dalhousie before, and gave him order to 
Conflict at Nisbet-moor.  burn Norame, and to spoil the Country about, to draw the English upon their host, which lay in ambuscade at a place called Nisbet-moore. Ramsay having done his part very dexterously as he was enjoined, having gathered together a great booty of cattle, made as if he would drive them into Scotland. The English to recover their goods, pursued him eagerly, and he flying of purpose drew them into the ambushment, where the Scots arising suddenly, set upon them fiercely, and put them to flight with great slaughter. There were taken prisoners, Thomas Grace and his son, with John Darcy a Noble man, and many others, even the greatest part of them.  
After this (being encouraged by their former success) they did enterprise 
He takes Berwick.  against the town of Berwick, and took it in by scalade, not without great opposition and resistance, having been discovered by the watches. They had in their company Eugenie Garrantiers, with some forty Frenchmen more, whom John King of France had sent into Scotland a little before, with four thousand crowns to wage soldiers therewith, and this was all excepting fair promises, a weak support in so great a straight! and let it be well marked, that men may see how far they err from the truth, that allege that our Country and the liberty thereof hath been maintained and upheld by support from France, and not by the valour and industry of the inhabitants. The Nobility took the money, and divided it amongst themselves, prosecuting the war in their own manner by frequent incursions and inroads. These forty were present at this exploit, and at other occasions where they behaved themselves valorously. It is said by some, that Thomas Stuart Earl of Angus was present at these surprises, and that he had a chief hand in it, as being the man that first broached it, and drew the rest to it by his persuasion: But most Authors mention only the two former. There were slain within the town of Berwick, Alexander Ogle, Governor thereof, Thomas Percy brother to the Earl of Northumberland, and Edward Grace with others: but they could not win the Castle which he held against them: whereupon King Edward coming to rescue it; they being not able to keep the town, rifled it, and then burned it, and razed the walls thereof, in the year 1355. King Edward caused repair it again, and while that was 
1355. Regained by the English.  in doing, he went himself to Roxbrough, where he kept his residence for that time: Thither came Balliol, and being wearied (as may be supposed) of his titular Kingdom, resigned all that he had, which was a show and pretence to it. The King of England requesting instantly that he would avenge him of the injuries done to him by the Scots, who would not acknowledge nor obey him, but had expelled him out of his Kingdom: King Edward heard him very willingly, and upon that pretext invaded Lowthian by sea and land: but his Navy was dispersed and broken by storm of weather, and by land the victual was put out of the way, so as he was constrained to retire home again, after he had poured out his fury upon Edinburgh, Hadington, and other towns in Lowthian which lay in his way. He being gone, the Earl of Douglas passed into Galloway, and partly by force, partly by persuasion and entreaty, he reduced that whole County to the King's obedience; and caused Donald Mackdowgall one of the principal men in Galloway, to take his oath of allegiance and fidelity in the Church of Cumnock. Hollinshed attributeth this to the Lord of Niddisdale his brother's son, natural son to the Lord of Galloway: he took also by force the Castle of Dalswinton and Carlaverock, and razed them. Some Histories say they were razed by composition, and upon agreement by King David himself after his return. At this time also John Stuart son to Robert the Governor recovers Annandale from the enemy, and Roger Kilpatricke took in Disdeir. And even as before in their King's minority they had done: so now during his captivity, these his faithful subjects made his enemies to reap but small profit of all the pains, having now again delivered this Country from them almost every where. Let it be remarked (as we said before) to the end that Kings and Princes may think it the best policy that can be to procure and entertain the love and hearty affection of his subjects, and more specially of his faithful Nobility.  
Shortly after this they write, that the Earl of Douglas went into France with 3000. men, and was made Knight of the chiefest order in that Kingdom: he was present at the battle of Poitiers; where the 
Douglas at the battle of Poitiers.  field being lost, and John King of France taken prisoner by Edward the black Prince (son to King Edward the third) the Earl of Douglas escaped very hardly, being rescued by his own men, of whom there was slain Andrew Stuart, Robert Gordon, Andrew Haliburton, and Andrew Vasse Knights. Archbald Douglas, son natural to good Sir James, and brother to the Lord Liddisdale was taken prisoner, and with him William Ramsay of Colluthie. Archbald was known for a man of quality, but the other not known to be a man of any estate, and they perceiving it, the more to deceive their taker, Archbald used him as his servingman, making him to pull off his boots, and do such other drudgery, by which means he was set at liberty for a small ransom.  
Now, as these actions of war do show his valour and love to his Country, so likewise there fell out an occasion at home in matter of State Policy, which did no less manifest his prudency, magnanimity, and affection to his native soil; which was this: King David being returned from his captivity, after he had spent some five years in settling of the troubles and affairs of his Kingdom, after he had fined such as had fled first at the battle of Durham, and composed such broils and disorders as were amongst his subjects, at last in the year 1363. he kept a Parliament. 
1363 A Parliament  There he propounded unto the Estates, that they would give way to the uniting of the two Kingdoms of Scotland and England; and 
The union of the Kingdoms sought.  seeing he himself had no children, be contented to give way, that King Edward of England, or his son, might be his Successor. Whether he made this proposition, because he did judge it indeed to be most profitable for both Kingdoms, so to end all their quarrels, and wars, or that he had taken a great liking of the King of England's son, or else that he had been constrained to promise and swear to do it by King Edward, when he was in his power, or some other occasion, it is uncertain. But the motion was so ill taken by all that were there present, that they had no patience to stay till every man's vote were asked in his turn, but altogether with one voice did cry out with a confused noise and clamour, detesting it, and protesting, that so long as they were able to bear arms, they would never give their consent thereunto; that they had one of age to be heir already, whensoever God should call him. Especially the Earl of Douglas took it so to heart, that he entered into League with Robert Stuart Earl of Stratherne, (who was next heir, and was chiefly prejudiced hereby) with Patrick Earl of March, George Earl of Murray his brother, John Stuart of Kile, (afterward Robert the third) and Robert Stuart of Monteith (after Duke of Albany) to withstand and oppose this business to the uttermost of their powers, in case the King should prosecute it, and to descend themselves if he would use violence against them. And they were so forward herein, and went so far on in it, that it had almost come to an open rebellion. Neither were they reconciled until the King changed his purpose; And then by the mediation of the Prelates of the Realm, they desisted, and gave their oath of fidelity to him again in the year 1366. having been at variance and jealousy the space of two or three years. The English Writers would make it seem to have been but collusion, and that the King did but propound it for exoneration of his promise to King Edward, and was glad of the refusal, for that he was not to labour further in it. But our Histories signify no such thing, and say directly that he did it sincerely, and was highly offended with the denial for the time, and that those who had refused, looked for the worst, and set themselves for defence; yea, that they went so far, that some of them made incursions upon the towns and villages in the Country, to terrify the King (saith Major) and that he might learn to know, that the whole Kingdom did not altogether depend upon him, but upon the good counsel, and mature advice of the Nobility. And Boetius writes, that the convention being dissolved, there followed rebellion of some of the Nobility: whilst they feared that they had offended the King with their free speeches, determining to enterprise and do somewhat before they should be caused to suffer. Such is the force of jealousy when it entereth into men's breasts. And therefore it is to be eschewed with great care, and the occasions thereof cut off betimes: For it cometh often to pass, that upon such suspicions, when neither party have had an ill meaning, but have been afraid of ill, and sought to prevent it, such inconveniences have followed, as would not have fallen out otherwise. And therefore above all things assurance should be given to Counselors, and free voters, that in their free delivering of their opinions, they shall not offend there; or if they do suspect they have offended him, the suspicion should be removed betimes, and they put in security. And this King David did in this matter, as the most judicious of our Writers say. They that had carried out against it most freely (saith he) hearing that the King was angry, were about to have made defection, whose fear when the King understood, he remitting all wrath, received them immediately into favour. By this wise government and modesty on all sides suspicion was taken away, and howbeit he was offended for the time, because they did not yield to his desire, yet afterward he rejoiced greatly (as certainly he had great cause) to see the true and hearty affections of his subjects to their Country, to his own blood, and the house of Bruce, the uprightness, sincerity, and magnanimity (virtues requisite and necessary for Counselors) in resisting even himself for himself, for his own honour and good, which were both greatly interessed by this his desire, if he had obtained it; being so prejudicial to his sister, and her off spring, who have happily succeeded yet since, besides the breach of oath to his father, the servitude of his Country, subjecting it to strangers, and the stain of his honour for ever, to have been the author of so unworthy a fact. And without all doubt, it was greatly against the security of his own Person, in regard of the ambition of his designed Successor and Heir (King Edward) and his impatiency to abide God's leisure, who in a colder hope, had used indirect means to make away Thomas Randulph. What would not that man have attempted for a certain possession? And what miserable case had the Person of this good King been in, if he had gotten his own will? if his will had been accounted as a Law by these his subjects? A notable example to Counselors, of freedom, where their Princes good, and the good of their Country doth require it: to Princes of modesty in opposition made to that which may be their will for a time, and whereunto for the present appearance they may be very bend. A happy King that can so dispose himself not to be wedded to his own affections only! Or if not so, yet happy is he that hath such Counsellors, who will resolutely remonstrate the right, and stand to it, by which means he may be brought to examine his own affections, to see the errors of them, and rejoice thereafter that he did not what he most desired. Certainly, this King hath rejoiced at it all the rest of his days, living in great quietness some four or five years. There was not any grudge, heartburning or suspicion after this between him and any of them: such was the integrity of heart on both sides, and so it should be in reconcilements; otherwise enmities must be perpetual, or would be so, if it were not hoped that the reconciliation would be sincere, and entire. Nay, where it is not so, that peace is worse than any war, and nothing else but a snare to entrap men. King David died in the Castle of Edinburgh in the Tower which he himself had caused build, and is called from his name David's Tower, in the year 1370. the nine and thirtieth year of his reign, and was buried at Holyrood-house.  
After his decease there was a Convention of the States at Linlithgow, to have Crowned Robert Stuart son to Marjorie Bruce King Robert's daughter. Thither went the Earl of Douglas, and did claim the Crown; where he was so strongly accompanied, that they feared he would have taken it by force, if it were not given him voluntarily. He alleged that he was to be preferred before Robert Stuart, because his right was derived both from Balliol and Cummin: Now for the better understanding of the ground of his claim, we must remember that King Alexander the third dying without heirs, the title of the Crown was devolved to David Earl of Huntingdon, brother to the said Alexander's Grandfather, King William. This David of Huntingdon (as Histories relate) had three daughters, Margaret, Isabel, and Alda or Ada. The eldest (Margaret) was married to Allane Lord of Galloway; Isabel the second, to Robert Bruce, called commonly Robert the Noble; the third, Alda or Ada, to Henry Hastings, whose Posterity doth still yet happily with good report possess the Earldom of Huntingdon. This Alane Lord of Galloway had by his wife Margaret (eldest daughter to David) two daughters (as is most commonly reported) Dornagilla and Mary. Dornagilla his eldest daughter was married to John Balliol, father to that John Balliol who was afterward Crowned King of Scotland. Marry his second daughter was married to John Cummin Earl of Marre, and (by her) Lord of Galloway, called Read John Cummin slain by King Robert Bruce at Dumfrees. Some write that this Alane had three daughters, and that the eldest was married to one Roger Earl of Winton, of whom seeing we have no mention in pretention to the Kingdom, it is apparent that either there hath been no such woman, or that she hath died without children. Buchanan says he had three daughters at his death in the life of Alexander the second. Also Boetius (in his thirteenth book, fol. 294.) saith the same, and calleth this man Roger Quincie Earl of Winton, who (saith he) was made Constable for his father in law Alane, and continued in that Office until the days of King Robert Bruce, and then being forfeited for treason, the Office of Constable was given to Hay Earl of Arrall: he says also that John Cummin did not marry one of Alanes daughters, but one of this Quincies' Earl of Winton, who had married the said Alanes eldest daughter, which is carefully to be marked. Hollinshed says the same in his Chronicle of Scotland, and calleth him Roger Quincie. John Cummin had by Mary his wife one only daughter, called Dornagilla, who was married to Archbald Douglas slain at Halidon hill, father to this Earl William, of whom we now speak; whereby he was Grandchild to Mary, and great Grandchild to Margaret (David of Huntington's eldest daughter) and by consequent reckoning from David of Huntingdon his daughter, 1 Margaret, 2 her daughter Mary, 3 Martes daughter, 4 this Earl William is the fourth person. On the other side, for Robert Stuart, reckoning likewise from the said David of Huntingdon; his daughter 1 Isabel, her son, 2 Robert Bruce Earl of Carrict, 3 his son King Robert, 4 his daughter Marjory. 5 her son Robert Stuart is the fifth person, which is a degree further than the Earl of Douglas, who was in equal degree with Marjory his mother. This reckoning is not unlike that whereby Robert Earl of Carrict did claim it before when he contended with Balliol; for Bruce was a Male and a degree nearer, equal with Balliols' mother, and this Earl was also the Male, and a degree nearer than Stuart, equal with his Mother; and besides all this, he was come of the eldest of David's daughters, which Bruce was not. This was the ground of his claim; but finding his pretention evil taken, and disliked by all the Nobility, and disputing that which had been decided long before in favour of King Robert Bruce, who had been confirmed King, and to whom Balliol had renounced whatsoever right he could claim; to whom also and to his posterity they all, and Earl Williams own predecessors, had sworn obedience, and continued it the whole time of his life, and of his son David the space of 64. years.  
To which Robert Bruce, and not to David of Huntingdon, Robert Stuart was to succeed; wherefore the Earls chiefest friends George and John Dumbars, Earls of March and Murray, his brothers in law by his first wife, and Robert Ereskene his assured friend, keeper of the three principal Castles in Scotland, Dumbartan, Stirlin and Edinburgh, dissuaded him from it: And so he was contented to desist, and joining very willingly with the rest of the Nobility, accompanied him to Scone, and assisted at his Coronation; being no less acceptable and commended for his modest acquiescing, than he had been before displeasing for his unseasonable motion. For the which in token of his good will, and that he might so much the more tie the Earl to him, the new King bestows two very honourable gifts upon him: His eldest daughter Euphane on the Earl's son James, that failing heirs Male, the Crown might so fall to his house. The other benefit was bestowed upon the Earl himself, the marriage of Margaret Stuart Countess of Marre and Angus, daughter and heir to Earl Thomas: This Countess of Marre and Angus did bear to this Earl, George Earl of Angus, that was married to one of King Robert the thirds daughters; as we shall see in the house of Angus. It is known that these two lived after from thenceforth in good friendship, as Prince and Subject without suspicion, grudge, or eye list on either party; for neither did the King remember it as an aspiring, whereby to hold a continual suspicious eye over him; neither did he fear the King as jealous of it, or as esteeming that he had suffered wrong in the repulse, nor seekking any means to prosecute it further, laying aside all quarrels with the cause in sincerity on both sides.  
This should be the practice of all honest hearts, and is the only mean to end all debates, entertain peace, and keep humane society: far contrary to this now called wisdom of dissidence, distrust, jealousy, curbing and keeping under those with whom we have had any difference, which is the only way to foster variance, and to make enmity eternal. For trust deserveth truth, and moves a man to deserve that trust, and to be worthy of it. Time wins and allures even the wildest minds of men, and also of beasts, even of fierce lions, if it be not a monster in nature, or worse than a monster, one amongst a thousand, which is the only true and solid policy, that makes the hearts of men ours; for men must be led by their hearts, and by no other way, and so employed, or else let no man think ever to make any great use of them.  
King Robert after his Coronation made divers Earls and Barons (or Lords) and Knights; amongst whom James Lindsay of Glenaske was made Earl of Crawford. This same year the peace with England was broken, which had been made with King David at his releasing from captivity for fourteen years, and had now continued not above four or five years only. The occasion of it was this: there is a yearly Fair in Roxbrough, and some of the Earl of Marches servants going thither, were slain by the English that kept the Castle thereof. When the Earl of March craved justice, and could not obtain it, the next year when the Fair day came again, he having gathered a sufficient power of men, invaded the Town, slew all the Males of any years, and having rifled it, and taken a great spoil and booty, he burned it to the ground.  
We read that a good while after this, the Earl of Northumberland and Nottingham set forward toward Scotland with an army of three thousand men at arms, and seven thousand archers, and sent forth Sir Thomas Musgrave with three hundreth spears, and three hundreth archers to Melrosse, to try what he could learn of the Scots in those parts, 
Sir Thomas Musgrave taken by ' Douglas.  with whom the Earl of Douglas encountering, took Sir Thomas himself, a hundreth and twenty prisoners, besides those that were slain.  
The same year (1380.) the Earl Douglas entered England with twenty thousand men, and went to the Fair of Pennure; and having taken all the goods that were there, he burned the Town. Hollinshed in his English Chronicle speaking of that journey (in all likelihood) saith they brought away forty thousand cattle, and were assaulted by the way, but came into Scotland with the prey, having lost some few of their men; he says the occasion of it was, because the men of Newcastle had taken a Scottish ship well known to be a Pirate, but very rich, worth seaventy thousand pound, whereat the Scots being angry, and offended, made this incursion.  
About this time the Earl of Douglas intreateth for mercy to James Lindsay Earl of Crawford, who had been banished a certain time before for killing of John Lion, son in law to the King, and Chancellor (as some call him) or Secretary as others: he was the first of the name of Lion, of whom the house of Glammes is descended. This Lion was a 
The original of the house of Glammes.  young man endued with all the natural gifts of body and mind that could be. He was comely in personage, well bred, and of a good carriage, & winning behaviour, which made him to be well liked of of all men, and in special by this James Lindsay, who received him into his train, and made him his Secretary. By this occasion being often at Court, the King took notice of him, and liking his deportment, and upon crawford's commendation, took him into his service, and made him his Domestic Secretary. It fell so out at last, that the King's daughter (by Elizabeth Moor) fell in love with him, and was made with child by him; which he revealed to the Earl of Crawford. The Earl fearing that the King would take the matter heavily and heinously, and use the young man hardly, devised this way for his safety: he causeth another Gentleman of his acquaintance to take the blame on him, and to absent himself as guilty; and then being very familiar with the King, deals with him to bestow his daughter (seeing she had thus fall'n) on John Lion, and to give him the lands of Glams with her; which was done accordingly. He got also for his coat of Arms, the flower de-luce, field argent, and a Lion azure, with a double treasure, and a woman's head for his Crest. What unthankfulness the Earl of Crawford did find in him afterwards, or did apprehend and conceive, it is not particularly set down; but finding his own credit with the King to decrease, and John Lions to increase, and taking Lion to be the cause thereof, esteeming it great ingratitude after so great benefits he took it so highly, and with such indignation, that finding him accidentally in his way a little from Forfaire, he slew him very cruelly, and fearing the King's wrath, fled into a voluntary exile: and so he remained certain years, until (at the Earl of Douglas intercession) the King suffered himself to be so far entreated, as that he was restored, obtained pardon, and received into the King's favour. What interest the Earl of Douglas had in it, and what friendship with the Earl of Crawford, or what pity of his afflicted estate, or commiseration of him; or weighing the cause that drew him to so hard a fact (as great men will regard one another, where they think they have been evil requited by them to whom they have been beneficial) or how necessary the presence of so worthy a man was for the King and Countries present estate, it is hard to conjecture: but this is clear, that the Earl of Douglas hath been not a little respected and accounted of at that time, seeing at his suit the King consented to forgive the murder of his own son in Law, and to receive the Author thereof into favour.  
The year following, (which was 1381.) there ensued a truce between the two Countries for three years. There met for concluding of this truce John of Gant Duke of Lancaster, who was Uncle to King Richard the second, with some other Lords of the English side: and for the Scots, the Earl of Douglas and March. In the very time of their meeting and treaty, both parties were informed of the insurrection made by Jack Straw in England, and both dissembled the matter until the truce were agreed upon. Then when all was ended, the Earl of Douglas with a generous wisdom (far from that which is now in vogue and request) addressed himself to the Duke of Lancaster, and told him, that from the very first beginning of their conference, he was not ignorant in what estate the affairs in England were; but that they were so far from catching hold of any advantage of the time, and from making either of peace or war accordingly, that they had the rather consented to the truce, because of the troubles in England. And for yourself (saith he) if it please you, you may remain here in Scotland, until these tumults be settled, or if you had rather return home, you shall have 500 horse to accompany you, and to set you safe in what place in England you please. The Duke thanked them for their courtesy, but thinking that he needed it not at that time, made no use of either of their offers. But afterwards being on his journey home, when he found that they shut the gates of Berwick against him, and would not receive him into the Town, he came back again, and was conveyed to Haliroodhouse by the Earl of Douglas and his brother Archbald Lord of Galloway, and remained there till matters were composed in England.  
After the truce was expired, Archbald Lord of Galloway, assisted by his brother the Earl of Douglas, and by the Earl of March, won the Castle of Lochmabane, as we shall hear in the life of the said Archbald.  
Upon this the Duke of Lancaster by way of revenge made an incursion upon Scotland, in which having rifled Edinburgh, and wasted the Country, he returned home. And he being gone, the Earl of Douglas took in all the Castles and houses of strength in Tivedale, which the English had kept since the battle of Durham, Roxbrough only excepted, and purged that Country of Brigands and Robbers, who had in time of the war been very licentious and bold.  
This was the last work of this Nobleman, worthy (say our Writers) 
1384. Earl ‛ ouglas death.  of his house and Predecessors, for he died soon after of a Fever in the Castle of Douglas, and was buried in Melrosse in the Abbey, in the year 1384. as they reckon, and is likely: for his son James is styled Earl in the year 1385. March 20. Of what age he was at his death it cannot be certainly collected: but from his father's death at Halidoun hill we have 51 years after he began to come upon the stage, and appear in business, and the affairs of his Country: 30. years at least or 40. since we account that he came home before the battle of Durham.  
He was a man (without question) of exceeding great valour, whom even the English Writers spare not to call one of the most valiant personages in his days, within the Realm of Scotland: And certainly his actions bear no less, even as they are summarily set down. But if all had been particularly described, with the full circumstances, it would have been far more clear. And not only his valour would have appeared, but his wisdom also, travel, and diligence, which he must needs have used in recovering of so many Countries and Castles, as he is recorded to have won, and in so many years, as he was employed in continual action, ever victorious, without mention of any repulse, overthrow, or evil success, where himself was Conductor, and we may say, nor elsewhere, safe at the battle of Durham. Now all is involved in general, and rolled up in gross, expressing little or nothing of the accidents, or particular ways of his exploits, only they tell us this road he made, and these Castles he won, and tell the event indeed to have been successful, but no more. This good fortune (as men call it) though it be commended, and commendable in Leaders, yet it is seldom alone, but accompanied with virtue, to which it gives the lustre, and without which he could never have achieved such enterprises.  
The love he carried to his Country, and to the liberty thereof, needs no declaration. Those his travels declare it, which could have no other end, chiefly that act of withstanding King David in bringing in a foreign King, with such resolution, even to the discontentment of his Sovereign, to whom otherways he had been ever most obedient, with the hazarding of his person and estate. In which opposition, if we weigh it narrowly, how many virtues do appear? An unspeakable love to his Country, with such hazard, freedom of mind, and uprightness far from flattery, or any dissimulation; not following his Prince's humour, or soothing him in his present disposition, but regarding what was most for his good and honour, what best for his Country, and what the King was like to acknowledge best for him, when he should be out of that fit. We may also see in it a strange magnanimity and courage, in his resolving (as he did without all doubt) to part with all that the world could afford, and whatsoever is dear to men in the world, rather than not to maintain that which he accounted to be right, his life, lands, dignities, honours, and all such things, both for himself and his posterity. For what was that banding for it, but a plain opposing himself to the power of both the Kings (Scottish and English) the Suitor, and for whom it was suited; who questionless would both have concurred in that cause: and what could the consequent of opposing then be other, than the loss of his life, lands, and all? or what other hope could he have? and what means to double it out? The more is his constancy remarkable that never yielded up that disposition. As for his wisdom, it is included in all these things, and doth shine in all his actions, which without it could not have been performed. Likewise in that favour which was borne unto him by men, the causes of favour are employed, and such qualities and virtues are apt to gain and procure affection, to wit, gentleness, meekness, soberness, liberality, and the like; his generosity and courteous humility in his speech, which are the true and only means of acquiring the good will and hearts of men: his generous mind and courteousness appeared in his speech and carriage towards the Duke of Lancaster, his justice in pacifying the Country, and purging out the thiefs: a worthy catastrophe of so well an acted life.  
Some may think him ambitious in standing for the Crown, but if he thought he had right, what could he do less? it was no ambition to seek what was his due. And there was as great appearance of right on his side, as might have deceived a better Lawer than he was. Yet let it be his ambition, and that he was not so ignorant but that he knew where the title was: have not many dispensed with great duties in that case? And is it not thought half duty, not to be over precise in duty; and half justice, not to look too narrowly to justice? Si violandum est jus, etc. If law or lawfulness should be broken, where should it rather be broken, then for a Kingdom? which is not so much the saying of one man, as the tacit opinion of almost all men, as appears by the approbation of themselves, and all others after they have gotten it. It were to be wished that error were away, and men saw as well the inward thorns, as the outward pearls of the Diadem, that they might let it lie at their foot, and not take it up, though they might have it for the lifting: but that will be called a Stoical Philosophy, and even the Stoics are thought to have much ado to keep themselves in that moderation. Neither do men believe them when they say they do it in lesser matters, where they may attain them: and what they lack is thought to be for want of power and dexterity to compass and obtain, not of judgement to contemn or neglect. What could the Earl Douglas then do, who was not so well schooled or skilled? who had honour and glory for the great objects of his intentions, which is the objects of these great spirits, and many think it should be so. So that in regard of this common opinion of men, and the instructions of that age, yea of all ages, even of this age almost, in such military men, or politic wise men, who are not pedants (as they call them) or Theologues (to give them the best name men term them with) I think it not so strange that he insisted, as I marvel that he desisted so soon, and easily: neither can I so much dispraise his motion, as I have reason to commend his modesty. For his motion, belike, hath not been immodestly moved, or too vehemently pressed, that he gave it soon over; far from the unbridledness of turbulent minds, that would rather have moved heaven and earth (as we say) to have come to their purpose, and have cast themselves, their Country, and all, into confused broillerie and into foreign hands and power: nay (which is more and worse than merely foreign) into English, our enemies, which would be flat slavery, as both the Balliols' (John and Edward) had done before him, and the last of them on no better, nay not so good a ground. Wherefore if we will needs call it ambition, yet certainly it hath not been of the worst sort thereof, neither unruly, nor immoderate, but by the contrary, very sober and temperate, and such as may well fall, and often doth fall into the best and greatest spirits, that are not brought up and deeply instructed in the inmost and profound points of humane and divine Philosophy Of which sort how few be there? and how meanly are they accounted of? Let us either think better of them, or find the less fault with him. Certainly, if he cannot be fully excused, yet can he not be over hardly censured, neither condemned: yea, no more condemned for the moving, then praised for his speedy leaving off, and yielding, truly acquiescing, and sincerely obeying in all times thereafter.   

Of James, the second of that name, the eleventh Lord, and second Earl of Douglas, slain at Otterburne.  
UNto William the first Earl his son James did succeed, a man in all kind of virtue worthy of so great a father, and honourable place; who was no whit inferior to him either in courage or fortunateness, unless we account him less fortunate for that he lived but few years: wherefore we shall hear his own judgement at his death.  
He had two wives, Euphane eldest daughter to the King (as we have said) by his wife the Earl of Rosses daughter: yet the genealogy of the 
His wife and children.  Kings in the Acts of Parliament says that she was daughter to Elizabeth Moor, and not the Earl of Rosses daughter. He had a son by her, who lived not half a year: he had also two base sons, William (of whom is descended the house of Drumlanrig, as evidents do witness given 
The Original of the houses of Drumlanrig, and Cavers.  by Jacobus Douglas Comes de Douglas silto nostro) and Archbald of whom is come the house Cavers and Sheriffs of Tivedale, who if they had been lawful, had been sons to the King's daughter, and had succeeded to the Earldom before his brother Archbald the Grim, who did succeed to him. But though they did not succeed, yet have they showed themselves very worthy, and amongst the chief great men of the land. Of this William also are descended the houses of Coshogle, Pinyerie, Daveine, and others in Niddisdale: for Archbald Douglas the first of Coshogle, was second son to this William of Drumlanrigge, and was married to one Pringle of the house of Galasheiles, who bore to him twelve sons, and after his death she was married to one Carnel Wallace, and bore twelve more to him also.  
Touching Earl James his actions, which were done in his father's days, one thing we have spoken of them in his father's life, as most proper: there is one thing more, besides what hath been said, recorded of him by some; that during his father's life he was sent into France, for renewing the 
He goeth into France.  ancient League with that Kingdom; in which Ambassage were joined with him Walter Wardlaw, Cardinal and Bishop of Glasgow, and his Uncle Archbald, Lord of Galloway. This is said to have been in the year 1381. which is the eleventh year of the reign of Robert Stuart. The occasion of it was a message that came out of France from Charles the sixth, who desired to have it so.  
After his return in September, he recovered the town of Berwick 
He taketh Berwick.  from the English; and entering England with a competent power, burnt and spoilt all the Country about as far as Newcastle.  
About the time of his father's decease (in the year 1384.) there was a Truce concluded between France and England, to last a year, in which Scotland was also comprehended. This treaty was at Boulogne, or at Lillegham (as others write) and for intimation hereof, some French men were directed to come into Scotland: but while they prepare themselves too negligently, the Earls of Northumberland and Nottingham, with such as lay nearest to the Scottish Marches, laying hold of this opportunity to annoy Scotland, so that the Scots should have no time to revenge it before the truce were proclaimed, entered Scotland with an Army of 20000. or (as others say) 10000 horse, and 6000. Archers and Bowmen, and spoilt the Country far and wide; especially the lands pertaining to the Douglasses, and Lindsayes. The Scots who trusting to the brute of the truce dreamt of no such thing, finding themselves thus used, were greatly grieved with their own sloth, and no less incensed at the fraud and falsehood of England, and resolved to avenge the same. In the mean time the report of the English incursion coming to the ears of the French, who had the charge to intimate the assurance, admonished them of their slowness: wherefore to make amends (though somewhat too late) they hasten over to London in the very time that the English Army was in Scotland. There they were very cheerfully received, and magnificently entertained with feasting and banqueting, and under this colour cunningly detained, until it was known that the English Army was come home and dismissed: then being suffered to depart, they came into Scotland, and show their Commission. The greatest part of the Nobility, but chiefly the Earl of Douglas and such as with him had received great loss by that expedition, cried out against the craft of the English, that this their fraud and manifest ludification was no way to be suffered. The King went about to pacify them, and showed plainly that he meant to receive and keep the truce, which they perceiving, drew out the matter at length by reasoning and arguing to and fro, until such time as they had gathered together quietly 15000. horsemen; then Douglas, 
15000. horsemen.  Dumbarre and Lindsay, withdrew themselves from Court without noise, at a day appointed; and joining their companies at the place of rendezvous, enter England with displayed banners, waste and spoil Northumberland to Newcastle. Then they do the like to the Earl of Nottinghams' lands, and the mowbray's, and so return home with a huge prey of men and cattle. Strait after their return the truce was proclaimed meeting fraud, not with fraud, but with open force, by a just and honest re●…ompence and retaliation. Neither were the English discontented for all this to accept the truce, acknowledging that the Scots had reason to do what they did, or confessing their own weakness and want of ability to avenge it at this time, or both, by their sitting still and acceptation: for neither could right (though weak) have had patience in so great an injury, neither would force (if it had thought itself sufficient) have been bridled with reason only in so manifest an affront, and so great damage. How ever it be, they stirred not, and so the truce was kept till it expired of itself.  
When it was run out, John de vienne a Burgundian, a very valiant man, Admiral of France, and Earl of Valentinois, arrived in Scotland, and brought with him 2000 men, amongst whom were 100 men at Arms. He brought also 400. Curiasses, and 400. half long swords to be distributed amongst the Scots, and (as some write) 50000. Crowns. Before their coming James Earl of Douglas entered into England with a new Army; and upon their arrival was called back to Court, where they attended his coming. Then having consulted of their business, and the Army being ready, they accompanied him into England, where they took in the Castles of Wark, Ford and Cornwall, and spoilt and burnt the Country between Berwick and New castle. But when they intended to go on further, the continual rain that fell in great abundance (being in Autumn) did so spoil the ways, and raise the waters, and wet the Soldiers with their armour, that they were forced to retire home again into Scotland. In the mean time King Richard greatly moved that the Scots must bring in strangers to waste his Country, entereth Scotland with an Army of 60000. foot, and 8000. horse, and used all sort of Hostility in the Merse and Lowthian, not sparing the religious houses and persons, such as Newbotle, Melrosse and Dribrough, with the Monks thereof. The French Admiral better remembering, and more careful of his Master's directions, then considering what was fit to be done, dealt earnestly with the Earl of Douglas to give him battle. But the Earl knowing better, and regarding more the good of his Country, and weighing with judgement the English power and forces, would no ways listen to him: he told him it was not for want of affection to do the King of France service that he refused to fight, but in respect of the unequal number and appointment of the Armies at that time. And that he might the better see the English forces, he took him up to a hill, from whence they might have a reasonable view of them as they passed by in order; which when the Admiral had seen, and considered thereof, he easily yielded to the Earl's opinion. Hollinshed setteth down the odds, saying, that the Scots and French were not above 8000. spears, and 30000. of all other sorts, and the most part of those not well armed: where he reckoneth of English 6000. horse, and 60000. Archers, which are 2000 horses fewer than our Histories do reckon. In this inequality therefore being no less a wise conductor, than a valiant Warrior, he resolved not to hazard a battle, but determined to take another course, which he did, for he entered England on that quarter, which was furthest distant from the English Army, and wasted Cumberland and the adjacent Country near to it. The King of England being advertised hereof, purposed to have followed him, and forced him to fight, but being better advised, and put in mind (no question) of what had befallen his Grandfather (Edward the third) at Stanhope Park against good Sir James, he altered his purpose, and marched the readiest way home. And so both Armies having spoiled and wasted each others Countries, they returned without encountering or fight of other.  
In the return the Earl Douglas persuaded them to besiege Roxbrough Castle, making full account that the King of England would not raise a new Army before the next Spring, and so they sat down before it; but it did not continue eight days ere they raised the siege. The cause was a reasonless demand of the Frenchmen, who would needs have the Castle to be given to them, and to belong to the King of France, when it were won from the enemy. This demand did so offend the Scots, that they could by no means hear of it, and so the enterprise was deserted upon this occasion, but chiefly by the Frenchmens insolent and licentious behaviour and carriage in the wars; who rob and steal, and use all manner of force and violence: there arose many times great strife, and many quarrels between the Country people, and them: for the Country people watched them when they were alone, or but few together, and sometimes robbed them of their horses, sometimes of their valises and luggage: sometimes they hurt, and at other times slew of them. The French Commanders complained to the King's Council, and the common people answered, that they had received more loss and hurt by the French, who professed themselves to be friends, than they had done by the English, who were sworn enemies. And therefore they said it were reason that the French should no ways be suffered to go home, until they had satisfied for the wrongs they had done. The Earl Douglas in this hard case seeing they were strangers that came to aid Scotland, was willing partly to bear with their faults, as proceeding from an evil custom and form used at home in France, and therefore interposed himself to have mitigated the people, but could hardly pacify them, yet at last with great instancy and entreaty, being greatly favoured, and generally well beloved and popular, he obtained that the common Soldiers, and the Army should be suffered to return into France, and that their Captains and Commanders should be retained still until satisfaction were made for the loss they had sustained. And so the King of Frances desire was satisfied, who had then sent for them, and withal order taken with the damage done by them.  
This was the aid, and this was the success of the help received from France now the second time. It was very small before, and it is now to very little purpose: more hurtful and troublesome to the Country, then of importance against the enemy. After their embarking the Scots remained still in England the space of two months, and then the English having withdrawn and conveyed all the victual out of the way, they returned into Scotland. And hereby they did show clearly how little they leaned to foreign aid, without which there greater enterprises were ever performed: neither was there ever either by these, or by others before or since (though we look over all Histories) any great exploit achieved. All the help they ever got was only in the besieging of some Towns at some happening times, and some such trifles scarce worth the naming, in respect of the whole power of the body and state of the Country which I remark again, and commend to the Reader to be truly considered for vindicating the valour and worth of the inhabitants, from that obloquy and unequal judgement of such as diminish and impair it: who cannot but know that it was never foreign forces (as is wrongfully surmised) but the virtue and valour of their Predecessors that hath preserved the honour and liberty of their Country, all manner of ways: and that any one man amongst divers of the name of Douglas hath done more in that cause, than the force of France (if it were put all together) did ever to this hour.  
The year following, the Earl of Douglas with Robert Stuart Earl of Fise, and Archbald Douglas Lord of Galloway his Uncle, entered into England with an Army of three thousand men, passing the water of Solway so secretly, that they were at Cocket-mouth on such a sudden, that the people had no leisure to convey their goods out of the way. Wherefore having for the space of three days gathered together a rich booty, they returned home through Cumberland, Westmoreland, and Northumberland, into Scotland again without any encounter.  
Not long after Archbald Lord of Galloway in company of the same Earl of Fise, made a road into England, in revenge whereof the King of England sent an Army into Scotland, which did great harm in the Merse, 
Occasion of the battle of Otterburn.  and occasioned that notable battle of Otterburn.  
For the Scots irritated herewith boiled with desire of revenge, being at that time very flourishing with strong youth, and never better furnished with Commanders. But King Robert a man by nature given to quietness, ●…arre stricken in years (seaventy three years old) was become slacker, and seemed not to make so great account of the public injuries. His eldest son John was dull of nature, and having received a hurt by a stroke of a horse, which pertained to James Douglas Lord of Dalkeith, was thereby lame of a leg, and halted, and so unfit for the travel of war. Therefore they have their recourse to the King's next son the Earl of Fife, and do easily agree with him, resolving to avenge the hurt and damage they had lately received. So every man promising his best endeavour, appointment is made to conveen in August, or (as some say) in July, but so covertly, as it should not come to the knowledge of either of the two Kings, lest the King of Scotland should hinder them, or the King of England prevent them: yet when they had used all the expedition and secrecy they could: The English had notice of it, and were informed of both the day and place of their meeting. Wherefore that they might entrap them and take them at unawares, they advertised one another, and the Noblemen commanded the Commons to be in a readiness against the next advertisement, without appointing any certain day, for fear that the Scots should hear of it. These things thus ordered when they heard that the Scots were convened in Tivedale not far from the March to the number of 30000. or (as Froysard saith) 40000. men, not daring to join battle with such a multitude, they concluded not to stir or appear before the coming of the enemy, but that every man should ramain in his own bounds, till they saw on what coast and quarter the tempest would light, and then to take the best course they could according as occasion should offer, and if they could do no more, to invade Scotland on another hand far from the enemy, as the Scots had done to them the year before, and so to recompense loss with loss: In the mean time they sent a spy to the Scots camp, who might bring them more certain report of all things; desirous to know not only their intention, but even their particular speeches and actions. He who was sent (being nothing different from the rest in language, apparel, or armour, did easily pass for a Scot, and by that mean having been in the company undiscovered, and having observed sufficiently all that was needful to be known) as he returned to his horse to be gone, which he had bound to a tree, he found that he was taken away, whereupon taking him to his feet with his cloak, boots and spurs, and his other riding equipage; he was perceived, suspected, taken and examined what he was, whence he came, and whither he went: and being found to vary in his answers, he was brought before the General of the Army, where being threatened with the rack, he confessed all, and revealed the English men's intentions, and purposes. Upon this the Scots altered their purpose, and whereas they were before minded to have gone all together in one Host, they now divided themselves in two; so that the greatest part of the Army should pass in at Carlisle, led by the Kings two sons, the Earls of Fife and Stratherne, together with Archbald Douglas Lord of Galloway, Uncle to the Earl. The other part of the Army was committed to the Earl of Douglas, and with him George and John Dumbars Earls of March and Murray (his Uncles) William or James Lindsay Earl of Crawford, the Earl of Arolle Constable, the Lord Montgomry, and Patrick Hepburn of Hales with his son: the number of his company is not agreed upon. Some say that he had the half of the Army, 15000. others but 2000 foot, and 300. horse, with as many foot men waiting on the horse men, who were lightly armed and able to fight, and almost equalling the horse men in speedy expedition. Some say they were four thousand chosen horsemen in all, which is most apparent by the great diligence and haste he made: with his company he entered England on the East hand, and crossing the river of Tine with great celerity, he was past Durham, before ever the enemy was advertised or knew of his coming, till he himself made it known by fire and smoke, in burning the Country.  
The Earl of Northumberland hearing of him, himself being a man of great years, sent his two sons Henry and Ralph (hardy and valiant young men) to Newcastle, commanding the rest of the Country also to resort thither, that they might intercept the Earl of Douglas in his return: but he having spoilt the Country about Durham, and gotten a great booty, passeth Tine again, about three miles above Newcastle; and being desirous of glory, and encouraged by this success, esteeming it but small honour for him to spoil the villages, and not to dare to look upon the towns, marched towards Newcastle, and did make offer to have assaulted it, and (as some write) did assault it, having first filled the ditches with hay and faggots, hoping thereby to have drawn out the enemy to the open fields, having stayed there two days; there passed some light skirmishes amongst them every day: And at last, Henry Percy eldest son to the Earl of Northumberland (called Hotspur) being desirous to try his valour, either provoking the Earl Douglas, or provoked by him; the combat was offered, and accepted betwixt them. They mounted on two fair steeds, and ran together with sharp ground 
A combat betwixt Percy and Douglas.  spears at outrance; in which encounter the Earl Douglas bore Percy out of his saddle. But the English that were by did rescue him so that he could not come at himself, but he snatched away his spear with his guiddon or witter; and holding it aloft, and shaking it, he cried out aloud, that he would carry that into Scotland as his spoil. Hollinshed saith (out of Froysard) that they did not run on horseback, but that in an assault at the Barriers without the gate, Douglas by chance being matched hand to hand with Percy, by force plucked his Pennon from him, and holding it up on high, said, he would carry it for his sake into Scotland.  
There was then at Newcastle a great number of people, for besides the indwellers, there were all the choice men from York to the borders, as the Writers relate. Wherefore Earl Douglas (in respect of his small number) caused keep straight watch; and on the morrow removing his Camp, he marched toward Scotland a slow pace, being laden with booty. Then sending it away before, he assaulted, took, and demolished a certain Castle and Town, that was in their way, called Pouclane, whereof Sir Aymer of Alpholl was Lord, whom he took within the Castle and made him a prisoner. Then marching forward, they came to a place called Otterburn, about twelve miles from Newcastle, where they pitched down their tents, that the Soldiers might take some rest, and refresh themselves after their great travel, as not having rested that day, nor the night before, nor much any where since their entry into England. There they consulted about the rest of their journey, and the most part advised to march toward Carlisle, that they might join with the other Army, that so they might observe the order given them, which was not to fight at all, till both Hosts were joined together. But the Earl Douglas thought best to stay there some three or four days that they might refel the Percies bragging, who had affirmed that they should not carry his spear into Scotland, and that the Soldiers might not be idle the while, they might be taking in the Castles, and gentlemen's houses about, that lay near. To this opinion the others did yield for his sake, howsoever it seemed not to be the most expedient: so they fortified and strengthened their Camp as well as they could on that side where it was weak, being fenced with Marshes on the other side: they went and besieged a certain Castle, called Combure. Percy would fain have followed them presently upon their retreat, but he was hindered by the better advised, for fear of an ambush: for they thought it was not likely, that the Scots being so few in number would have assaulted so strong a Town, unless they had known of some greater power to succour and aid them.  
Having therefore searched diligently that day, and the next, and understanding that the other great Army wat not to be feared, as being far 
The battle of Otterburn.  from the Earl Douglas; Percy marched towards him with 10000 strong, not staying for the Bishop of Durham, who was said to be at Newcastle that same night, esteeming his present forces sufficient to overthrow his enemies, who were fewer in number by the one half at least. The avantcurriers of the English Host were come in sight, whilst the Scots were some at supper, and others gone to rest, being wearied with assaulting the Castle. Hereupon the alarm was given, and the English approaching, assail them fiercely, and were received valiantly by a part of the footmen, and the lackeys, and the grooms; who having the advantage of the Fortification which had been made, sustained the charge till the rest were armed and ready. At their first encamping when they viewed the fields, they had espied a little hill which they meant to make use of if the enemy should follow and assail them, (as they did certainly expect) and now it stood the horsemen in very good stead: for whiles the English assaulted the entry of the Camp, the horse men fetching a compass about this hill, charged them in flank at the far side, in which charge many were slain, and the whole Army was filled with tumult and fears. But by the coming of fresh supplies, the English abounding in number, the battle was restored, and their ranks ordered as before: yet this profit it brought to the Scots, that the fight being slaked at the entry of the Camp, they had space to go forth, and to put their men in array. In the mean time night drew on, which was troublesome, and unwelcome to both; but being short (as in the Northern parts it useth to be in July) and the season fair, the Moon light did serve them in stead of Day light, and the fight was continued very hard as amongst noble men on both sides, who did esteem more of glory, than life. Percy strove to repair the foil he had gotten at Newcastle, and the Earl Douglas did as much labour to keep the honour he had won: So in unequal number, but both equally eager in mind, they continued fight a great part of the night. At last a Cloud covering the face of the Moon, not being able to discern friend from foe, they took some respite for a while; but so soon as the Cloud was gone, the English gave so hard a charge, that the Scots were put back in such sort, that the Douglas Standard was in great peril to have been lost. This did so irritate him, that he himself in the one wing, and the two Hepburnes (father and son) in the other, pressing through the ranks of their own men, and advancing to the place where the greatest peril appeared, renewed a hard conflict, and by giving and receiving many wounds, they restored their men into the place from whence they had been beaten, and continued the fight until the next day at noon. The Earl Douglas not being satisfied, nor contenting himself with that, that he had renewed the battle, but himself with two companions, Robert Hart, and Simon Glendining, rushed into the midst of the enemies, and equalling the courage of his mind with the strength of his body, whatsoever way he set himself he made great havoc of the enemies. It was a wonder to see the great vassalage that he wrought: Major in describing them can make no end, nor satisfy himself: his comparisons are high, like a Lion of Lybia: his description of his body is, that it was fair and well compacted, his strength huge, which he yet amplifieth with greater hugeness, saying that he fought with a Mace of iron, which two ordinary men were not able to lift, which notwithstanding he did wield easily, making a great lane round about him wheresoever he went: his courage and confidence appeareth in his so valiant insisting, as though he would have slain the whole English Army himself alone: and seeking to find Henry Percy amongst the midst of them, he was entered far within the ranks of the enemies. Hollinshed confesseth, that with a great Mace in his hand he laid such sad strokes about him, that none came within his reach but he went down to the ground. And Boetius saith plainly he fought with a mase heavier than any man is able to bear in those days, and that rushing into the midst of his enemies, he made such a slaughter, that it was chiefly attributed to his virtue, that the Scots won the field.  
But whiles he is thus fight in the midst of them, before his friends could come at him, though they pressed forward to have seconded and assisted him with all the force and speed that might be, they found him lying on the ground with three deadly wounds. There was lying dead by 
Douglas flain.  him Robert Hart; and the Priest called Richard Lundie (who was after made Arch Dean of Aberdene) that had ever stood fast by his side, defended his fainting body with a halberd from injury: he being in this estate, his kins●… James Lindsay, and John and Walter Sinclairs came to him, and asked him how he did: I do well (saith he) dying as my Predecessors have done before; not in a bed of languishing sickness, but in the field. These things I require of you as my last Petitions, First, that ye keep my death close both from our own folk, and from the enemy; then that ye suffer not my Standard to be lost, or cast down; and last, that ye avenge my death, and bury me at Melrosse with my Father. If I could hope for these things, I should die with the greater contentment, for long since I heard a Prophecy that a dead man should win a field, and I hope in God it shall be I. Hereupon they covered his body with a cloak that it might not be known, and then hoiseing aloft his Standard, and crying (as the manner is) a Douglas, a Douglas, most part repairing thither from all quarters they began the fight afresh; for not only the common sort of Soldiers came thither, but the Earl of Murray also came with great speed, thinking that the battle went hard on that hand, for he had beaten those that he had to deal with, and Sir John Mackyrell had taken the young Percy named Ralph, and delivered him to his Master the Earl of Murray, who had sent him (being hurt) to the Camp to be cured, as Froysard saith. Hollinshed and Boetius agree that it was Keith Martial that took him. By this means the ardour of the battle being relented on that hand, the fight was renewed, and the strife redoubled on this side, and the Earl Douglas followers (who were gathered about his Ensign) did at last scatter and defeat the English, weary with the former fight which had continued both day and night: And in this assault the Earl of Montgomery took Henry Percy their Captain prisoner, whereupon the Army fled and turned their backs. There were slain in this batteil 1840. of the English, and 1040. taken prisoners, 1000 also were hurt. Of the Scots there were 100 slain, and 200. taken prisoners, whilst they followed over rashly (fewer following more) they turned and took those that would have taken them.  
This is the battle at Otterburn, memorable not only for the magnanimity, courage, perseverance, tolerance of travel, and (in victory) modesty of Soldiers and Captains, but also for the variable event, where the victor in high expectation of glory prevented by death, could not enjoy the fruit of his travels: the vanquished, albeit his Army was defeated, and himself made a prisoner, yet lived long after this battle with praise; for it was no reproach to him to be overcome, nor so great a blot to have been put to the worse, as it was honourable to have so contended. The event of battles is uncertain, and only in the hands of the highest: if men do there endeavour, what more can be required? It is not the least part of the Percies honour that they did contest with the Douglasses, and did sometimes overcome, and sometimes were thus vanquished: thought it were but seldom that the Douglasses got the worse, when their forces were equal  
Here there was great inequality, where notwithstanding he won the honour through the loss of himself: neither was it accounted dishonour to his Army, though more in number, or to himself to have been thus overcome: for they are recorded to have done their endeavours, and discharged the parts of valiant men, and were only overmatched by excellency of valour as we have shown, and as it may be seen by all Writers; not by hunger, or cold, steepness of hills and mountains; which I speak not to reproach any, but to make known the truth, and withal, not to cover virtue on either side, which was confessed of all in that age, neither was any man found of another mind: only the Earl Martial of England being a little after sent down with a company to be Warden of the Borders during Percies captivity (who did build for his ransom the Castle of Penoun near to Glasgow) durst extenuate the virtue of the Scots with the reproach of his own Countrymen, attributing the cause of this victory, not to the valour of the Scots, but to the cowardice of the English that fought against them, boasting much of himself, that if he had been present, or if he should happen to have occasion to fight with the Scots, he should do great matters; but his brags were soon made to appear but idle words: for moved by these his speeches, the Governor of Scotland (viz. Robert Earl of Fife) having raised an Army, went into England with Archbald Earl of Douglas (called the Grim) brother to this deceased Earl (and who did succeed him in the Earldom) and made directly toward the Earl Martial, and as soon as they came in sight, offered him battle: and when they could not draw him out to fight, they sent an Herald to him to challenge him, and provoke him to fight, but all in vain, for neither did he send back any answer, neither would he come to an equal and even ground. Therefore they having spoilt and wasted the Country with fire and sword in his sight, and as it were under his nose, returned home into Scotland, to the great contentment of the Scots, and no great discontentment of the English prisoners, who were not sorry that his vanity was thus discovered. Certainly, the truth can hardly be belied, and if partiality will nor, yet indifferency will bear witness to it. Froysard (a stranger, and favouring more the English) concludeth touching this battle, that in all History, there is none so notable by the virtue of the Captains, and valour of the Soldiers, fought so long, so hardly, so variable, the victory inclining diversely divers times, and at last obtained, not by the cowardice of the overcome, but by the valour of the overcomers: neither is that virtue of valour only remarkable in this place, and marked by him, but their modesty when they had overcome, rare and wonderful to him (as it is indeed to others) but common enough to the Scottish Nation, practised by them often in their victories, and almost ever where some great enormity hath not irritated them, contrary to their nature and custom; yet here very singularly: for in the heat of the conflict no men ever fought more fiercely, in the victory obtained none ever behaved themselves more mercifully; taking prisoners, and having taken them, using them as their dearest friends, with all humanity, courtesy, gentleness, tenderness, curing their wounds, sending them home, some free without ransom, some on small ransom, almost all on their simple word and promise to return at certain times appointed, or when they should be called upon. So that of 1000 prisoners scarce 400. were brought into Scotland, the rest all remitted in that same manner, with Ralph Percy; and by his example, who because of his words desired this courtesy of the Earl of Murray, and obtained it, and was sent to Newcaste on his naked word to return when he should be called for. But what courage and confidence was it, that they durst adventure with so great peril to be so courteous as they were? when the Bishop of Durham approaching to invade them the next day, 10000 (as some say) with 7000. (as others) of fresh men, yet they would not kill their prisoners that were within their Camp, equal (almost) to the half of their own number, but on their own promises to remain true prisoners (how ever the field went) and with a small guard, having only pinioned them together with small cords, suffered them to live in the Camp, and went themselves to encounter the Bishop, full of confidence and scorn, that after the defeat of the slowre of Northumberland, with there so worthy Leaders as the Percies, that a Priest (so they called the Bishop, should dare to set upon them, or but to abide them three marked strokes, as their Leaders said to them in his exhortation, as it came indeed to pass without any strokes: for they affrighted him with the only sound of their horns (as it seems Major would say) which they winding against him, and the hills redoubling the sound thereof, he was afraid and durst not invade them, finding them ready and resolved to fight, whom he thought to have found weary, because of their former travel, or negligent because of their victory. And considering (saith Froysard) there was more to be lost, then to be won at their hands, the Captain distrusting his Host, and the Host their Captain, it was thought best not to give battle, and so he retired without assaulting them. Their Leader after the Earl Douglas death, was the Earl of Murray (saith Buchanan) but I should rather take it to be the Earl of March, for he was the elder brother; and Major saith it was March. However our Scottish men's courtesy and courage is exceeedingly to be commended, who notwithstanding that they looked for nothing but to have fought with the Bishop of Durham, yet did they spare their prisoners, which (and the like actions) when I consider, I would gladly understand of such as delight to reproach our Nation with all the calumnies they can invent, and amongst the rest, style them barbarous, what it is they call barbarity? and if cruelty, and inhumanity be not the special points of it? whereof they shall never read that any Nation were more free, or that ever hath been more courteous, humane, gentle, in peace and in war, even at all times, and in all places. I wish all men would acknowledge the truth as it is: if they will not, yet shall it be truth, and truth shall never want a witness. It will be acknowledged, and must prevail to their great reproach that seek to hide or to impair it.  
To return to our History: when the news of these things were brought to the other Camp, which was in Cumberland, they were stricken with extreme grief, and were more sorry for the death of the Earl of Douglas, than they were glad for the victory obtained; all their joy for that success being turned into grievous lamentation. So great was the affection of all the Army towards him, that not only those who followed him, but those of the other Army also, retired home silent and sad, as if they had been discomfited, and overcome. It increased the commiseration of men, that he died in the flower of his age, and that he alone should be deprived of that victory which was obtained by his virtue and valour. And I think that the same affection both continue in the hearts of the Readers of the History, which is never mentioned without a tender compassion.  
And for myself so often I call to mind his great worth, and short life, I remember withal that of the Poet,  

Ostendent terris hunc tantum fata, nec ultra Esse sinent, etc.  
The fates shall make but of this youth a show,  
Such virtue must not tarry long below.   
And with a great hyperbole, greater than Piety can well admit, if any such speeches can be over great, which do not import what they speak, but are only brought to express the highest excellency that can be.  

Nimium vobis Romana propago  
Visa potens, superi, propria haec si dona fuissent.   

The Heavens had made the Roman race to be  
Too blest, if this gift had held on with thee.   
Change but the Country name, call it (Scotana propago) and you shall accommodate these verses more fitly here to this man: but most of all in the simple sense, that which follows,  

Non illi quisquam se impune tulisset  
Obvius armato, seu cum pedes iret in hostem,  
Seu spumantis equi foderet calcaribus armos.   

No man in Arms that durst to him make head,  
Did scape unfoild, on foot, or foaming steed.   
Which he speaking of Marcellus, if he had lived, is witnessed of this Earl Douglas, even by the adversary, whiles he yet lived. To which purpose I remember that worthy Sir Philip Sidney in his defence of Poesy writeth of himself, that he never heard the song of Douglas and Percy, but he found his heart more moved therewith then with a Trumpet; whereof he allegeth the cause to be the force and power of Poetry: though it be sung (saith he) by some rude crowder, and with no rougher voice than a gross stile. What he saith of himself I doubt not but others have found in themselves: neither is it the music of that rough singer, that giveth it this force, far less the virtue of the gross rhyme: it is the matter that gives the efficacy, and the virtue of the man that begetteth a resembling virtue in the heart; not by Poesy, but by the rightly described History. Indeed this is the man apparently, who hath given subject to those songs, being the first that encountered with Percy in such a particular conflict: but that which is commonly sung of the hunting of Chiviot seemeth indeed Poetical, and a mere fiction (perhaps to stir up virtue) yet a fiction, whereof there is no mention neither in the Scottish, nor English Chronicle: neither are the songs that are made of them both one, for the Scots song made of Otterburn telleth the time about Lammasse, and the occasion to take preys out of England; also the dividing of the Armies betwixt the Earls of Fife and Douglas, and their several journeys, almost as in the authentic History: It beginneth thus:  

It fell about the Lammas tide  
When yeomen won their hay,  
The doughty Douglas 'gan to ride,  
In England to take a prey.   
Whereas the other maketh another occasion, and altogether different, yet it is not more effectual to move virtue, than the true History here ●…et down: nor indeed so effectual as it. And therefore let it be read, and read over again, by such as delight in Military virtues; chiefly by those to whom these examples are as hereditary, and domestic, which they must needs affect, as also all the other actions of the life, but none testifying a better mind, a better resolution of the mind; more courage, more valour, with gifts of the body, strength and activity, all ruled by reason, and guided by wisdom, as is seen in his dealing with the French men, when they would have had him to fight with the King of England: which virtues of valour and wisdom so joined, are able to make a due harmony, acceptable to a right judgement, commendable to after ages, and profitable for the present.  
Boctius writeth that he died not in the field, but after the field in his own Tent, and that the Earls of Crawford, Murray, and March, went into his Tent, and found him lying hurt with three great wounds, almost dead: at which sight, each looked upon other with a silent astonishment, and then burst forth into tears and weeping: which he beholding, said unto them (with a weak and faint voice which could scarcely be heard) I beseech you good friends leave your lamenting, and be glad of the present victory which God of his goodness hath granted to us: We exposed our bodies to the enemy's sword, to obtain that which we have obtained: Turn therefore your tears unto thanks, mindful rather of the benefit, then sorrowful for that which is happened otherways then ye wished. If ye regard my pains and my life, which for you I lose, pray for my soul, and follow Virtue, and Arms, as ye do, which you may employ for the liberty of your Country, keeping concord amongst yourselves, with a kind remembrance of me.  
Soon after these words were uttered, he died in the arms of his friends. There are that say, that he was not slain by the enemy, but by one of his own men, a Groom of his Chamber, whom he had struck the day before with a truncheon in the ordering of the battle, because he saw him make somewhat slowly to: and they name this man John Bickerton of Luffenesse, who left a part of his armour behind unfastned, and when he was in the greatest conflict, this servant of his came behind his back, and slew him thereat: but this narration is not so probable. He was buried at Melrosse besides his father, with a Military pomp 
Buried at Melrosse.  of the whole Army, and all the honour that could be devised for him besides by the Abbot, and Monks of that Convent, after the most solemn manner of those times:  

Jacobus Duglassius qui obiit ad Otterburnum Julii 31. 1388. Moriens.  
Quaeritis ô quid agam? an animam jam ago, fata meorum  
Hac sequor. Innumero huc vulnere facta via est.  
Nesciat hoc hostis, sequitor quam quisque secat spem:  
Atque aliquis nostri funeris ultor ades.  
Finiit: Et subito redivivo funere surgens  
Mars novus intonuit, victor & ultor obit.   
Johnst. Herees.  

In English thus:  
My friends you ask me how I do.  
My soul is now prepared to go,  
Where many wounds have made her way.  
Conceal it, till you win the day:  
Pursue your hopes: this said, he died;  
Then the whole rank's a Douglas cried,  
And charged a fresh, that thou mightst have  
Revenge and honour in the grave.   
Before we proceed to speak of the next Earl of Douglas, the order of the History requireth that first we speak of Archbald Douglas Lord of Galloway, brother to William the first Earl of Douglas, and of the said Archbalds' natural son William Lord of Nithisdale. Of this Archbald we have mentioned what was remarkable in his brother Earl William's life, for that was the time of his action. The first was after the battle of Penure, to be revenged of the loss, whereof the English invaded Scotland with 50000, men (as they say that make them the fewest) or 40000. (as others) conducted by the Lord Talbot a very valiant man: with this huge number when they had spoilt the Country far and wide, as they retired towards England, they were assailed at a straight passage by the Lord of Galloway, who had not above 5000. in his company: with these he discomfited his host, and recovered the whole booty. There were slain of the enemies in the conflict. 400. and 200. taken prisoners, and many were drowned in the river Solway, as they fled unadvisedly. Some write that he set upon them in the night being encamped in a straight valley, not far from England, where the first that they met withal being slain, the rest were affrighted and disordered, and so overthrown.  
The next thing that we hear of him, is that he was with his brother the Earl at the conference with John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, concerning a truce, and that he accompanied the said Duke to Holyrood-house. The truce was made for three years.  
And after these were expired, the Lord of Galloway being very much grieved that there should be a Garrison of English in the Castle of Lochmabane, which did daily spoil and rob the villages and towns of Galloway, and Annandale, raised a great power by the help of his brother the Earl Douglas, and the Earl of March, and besieged the Castle for the space of eleven days. There came some English companies to have raised the siege, and relieved the Castle, but he repulsed them. Thereafter having assaulted it very fiercely, the Captain thereof, Sir William Ediston, 
He taketh and razeth the Castle of Lochmabane.  yielded it up unto him, lives and goods safe, and he having gotten it into his hands, razed it to the ground.  
It is written also of him that he went into France with his Nephew James Earl of Douglas, when he was sent to renew the ancient league with that Kingdom.  
The last of his actions that we can find is that he was with his Nephew James Earl of Douglas, and the Earl of March, at the taking of Wark, Ford, and Cornhill, where he wasted and spoilt the Country betwixt Berwick and Newcastle with the Frenchmen. These Frenchmen not contented herewith, but desirous to do some other exploit, joining with Archbald Lord of Galloway, passed Solway sands, and did wonderful great hurt in Cumberland.  
He is accounted by Writers, to have been a very sufficient and valorous 
His death. He founded the Hospital of Holywood.  Gentleman, and that he died before the battle of Otterburn, in the year 1387. He founded the Hospital of Holiwood, and to him succeeded his Nephew Archbald (called the Grim) in the Lordship of Galloway, who afterwards was both Earl of Douglas, and Lord of Galloway.  
And here it is to be observed, that there were three Archbald Douglasses almost contemporary, which are to be distinguished, that we mistake not one for another. The first is this Archbald, brother to William the first Earl, who was Lord of Galloway, then when his brother lived, and who was father to the Lord Niddisdale. The second Archbald was son natural to good Sir James, slain in Spain, who was made Captain of the Castle of Edinburgh, when it was taken by his brother the Lord of Liddesdale, who is wrongfully named William in our Chronicles, in stead of Archbald. He was at the battle of Poytiers, and is reported to have married in France, and remained there till his death. The third is Archbald the Grim, of whom we shall speak hereafter. Our Writers through inadvertance do divers times confound these three; taking one of them for another. As when they say Archbald Lord of Galloway, son to sir James slain in ●…pain, was taken at Poytiers, it is a manifest error: for if he was Lord of Galloway, he was not son to Sir James; if he were son to Sir James, then was he not Lord of Galloway; for Galloway did never belong to Sir James, but to his brother Archbald slain at Halydoun hill, who obtained it by marrying the heir of Galloway (as hath been said) and gave it to his second son this Archbald. Thus much I thought good to advertise the Reader in this place, for the better distinguishing of them.   

Of William Lord of Niddisdale (son natural to this foresaid Archbald Lord of Galloway) commonly called The black DOUGLAS.  
THis William Lord of Niddisdale (son natural to Archbald Lord of Galloway) is (if any else) worthy, who should be spoken of by himself being highly commended by Writers, who say that he was the prime and principal of the youth of Scotland, that he was a man accomplished with all abilities of body and mind, strait and tall of stature, not overcharged with flesh, but big of bone, a mighty personage, valiant, courteous, amiable, merry, faithful and pleasant in company and converse, of such extraordinary strength, that whomsoever he struck with Sword or Mace, he fell to the ground, were he never so well armed: he was also wise and sober. At one time having but 800. in his company, he fought against 3000. English, of which he slew 200. and took 500 prisoners. This is he that is commonly called The bla●…ke Douglas, 
He is called the black Douglas.  because he was of a black and swart complexion. His first vassalage of note was at the inroad made by Robert Earl of ●…ife, and James Earl Douglas, when they burnt Cumberland, Westmoreland, and Northumber land. In this expedition he is said to have gained great reputation, for (beside many other exploits not expressed) he with other two only made great havoc of the enemies at the burning of the Suburbs of Carlisle (who offered to hinder him from passing the bridge by slaying some, and turning over others into the river. Some say that he slew with his own hands three of the most valiant of the English, of which one was a chief Commander: afterwards, when the same Town was besieged, the enemies having made a sally, whilst he repulsed them, and followed too eagerly, he was engaged too far in the midst of his enemies, and taken prisoner. As he was led along toward the Town by four men (having been before disarmed, and his weapons taken from him, he struck two of them to the ground with his fists, and the other two betaking themselves to flight, he returned safe to his company. Hereupon his name was terrible to the English, especially the common sort, who did ordinarily astright and scare their children, when they would not be quiet, by saying, The black Douglas comes, the black Douglas will get thee.  
These his virtues moved Robert the second to savour him so far, as 
He marries the King's daughter Egidia.  to bestow his daughter on him, though he knew him to be a bastard. The Lady's name was Giles (or Egidia) and she was a mirror of rare and singular beauty, so that whithersoever she went, she drew the eyes of all men towards her with admiration. The chief noble youths of the land did suit her in marriage, but the King preferred our William of Niddisdale for his worth before them all. Bocce writeth that the King of France having heard of the fame of her beauty, sent a painter into Scotland privately, who having drawn her portraiture truly, and showed it to the King, he was so enamoured thereof, that incontinent he dispatched Ambassadors to desire her in marriage; but all too late, for she was married (before their coming) to Niddisdale. The King gave him and his heirs to be begotten by him with his daughter, the Lordship of Niddisdale, lying nearest unto Galloway, with the Office of Warden of that Border, and Sheriffeship of Dumfrees, with the Office of Justice, and Chamberlain, with a pension of three hundred pound sterling by year out of the great Customs of certain Burrowes designed to that effect. He had by this Lady a daughter, who was married to Henry Sinclaire 
His daughter married to the Earl of Orkney.  Earl of Orkney, who bore to him a son called William, afterward Earl of Orkney. This daughter of his (married to Orkney) was named Giles (after her mother) as appeareth by a note that is extant of the descent of the Sinclairs. Her husband is called Henry Sinclaire, and his titles are, Knight of the Cockle, of the Garter, and Prince of Orkney. This note calleth William Douglas, Lord of Niddisdale, Prince of Danskine, Duke of Spruce. Sir William Sinclaire, son to Henry and Giles, is called Knight of the Golden Fleece, and of the Cockle, Prince of Orkney, Duke of Holdenburgh, Earl of Cathnes, Lord Sinclaire, Lord of Niddisdale, with the valleys of Neth, Sheriff of Dumfrees, Great Admiral of Scotland, Warden of the Marches, Great Justice General, Baron of Erkfoord, Caverton, Cowsland, Rosseline, Pentland, Harbarshire, Disart, Newbrough in Buchan; Titles to weary a Spaniard: which I have set down to recreate the Reader, either by seeing his greatness, or to laugh at the vanity of the Writer: and yet he hath forgotten one of his titles, which is, Chancellor of Scotland, as Buchanan calls him, and á confirmation given him by King James the second in the year 1456. April 29. wherein he calls him his Chancellor and Cousin. This confirmation is of the Earldom of Cathnes united into one Barony, and his lands of Orkney in compensation of his claim and title to the Lordship of Niddisdale, Offices and Pensions whatsoever that were given to William Douglas (his Grandfather by his Mother) by contract of marriage with Giles Stuart (daughter to K. Robert by his wife Elizabeth Moor) as is at length therein contained.  
About the time of the field at Otterburne, because some Irishmen that 
He goes into Ireland.  adhered to England had roaved upon the coasts of Galloway, and carried away store of booty and spoil, the Lord of Niddisdale to be revenged thereof, gathered together a competent number of men, by the aid of his brother in-law Robert Earl of Fife, and by licence from the King providing himself of Ships and vessels, passed the seas into Ireland, and besieged Carlinfoord, a rich Town in those parts. The Townsmen fearing their Town should be taken by assault, obtained a truce for certain days, promising to give him a sum of money to have their Town saved. But in the mean time they assembled some 500 men through the help of a neighbour Town called Dundalke, and joining with them, they divided themselves into two squadrons or companies: the one of which invaded Robert Stuart of Disdier, who conducted the Earl of Fifes men, and was gone abroad to bring in some prey: the other assailed the Lord of Niddisdale, who lay still before the Town. Notwithstanding of this unexpected sally, they were received with such courage and valour, that at last they were put to flight; and immediately Niddisdale gave an hard assault to the Town, and carried it: having taken and rifled 
He takes and burns Calinfoord.  it sufficiently, he set it on fire, and burned it to ashes. Others write, that at his first landing the Citizens hearing it was the Lord Niddisdale (whose name was so fearfully spread over all those quarters) not only rendered the Town to him, but also received him with great triumph, as if he had been their King or Prince; and that hereupon he used them courteously. But when his men were in great security, scattered and separated, as fearing no hurt or danger, and some at their Ships, some sent with Robert Stuart of Disdier to spoil the Country about, which stood out against him, and to furnish his ships and the town; so that there remained not with the Lord Niddisdale above 200. men when they set upon him, as before we have said; and being beaten, the Town was sacked and burnt. Then they took 60. ships, which they found in divers Havens and Creeks, and laded 15. of them with such spoil as they had gotten, and burned the rest. Then returning homeward, they spoilt the Isle of Man, which lay in their way. He landed at Loch-rien, which divides a part of Galloway from Carrict, and hearing there of the road into England, he hasted him hither with all diligence. 
He returns out of Ireland   
But truce being made for certain years with England, that he might not languish in idleness, he passed into Spruce, from whence he heard that an Army was to be sent against the Infidels. There he gave such proof of his virtue and valour, that he was chosen Admiral of the 
He is made Admiral.  whole Fleet, which was very fair and great, esteemed to consist of 250. sail, and was there created Duke of Spruce, and Prince of Danskin. But there arose dissension hetwixt him and the Lord Clifford an Englishman, upon an old emulation, and present envy of his new preferment, at which Clifford grudged. Wherefore being challenged to the field by Clifford, he accepted it gladly: but the other weighing with himself what a hazard he was like to run by fight with such a man of such incomparable valour, found means (before the day of the combat came) to make him 
He is murdered by the Lord Clifford.  away by hired Assasines and Brigands, who murdered him in the night on the bridge of Danskin. The Manuscript seemeth to say that combat was not taken on there and then, but long before, while they were both at home; and that Niddisdale before the day passing to Paris to provide armour fit for him (or on whatsoever occasion else) Clifford gave it out that he had fled the combat; but when he saw that he was returned before the day appointed, fearing to match with his well known strength and valour, would have shifted the fight with many frivolous excuses. Now there being assembled and met together at that time brave Knights from all the parts of Christendom, Clifford partly for envy of the honour conferred upon his adversary, and partly remembering their old debates, but chiefly because of this disgrace and infamy, of being put to this necessity of refusing to fight with him, he caused mercenary cutthroats to lie in wait for him, who as he happened to walk through the streets, and view the walls of the Town, set upon him, and murdered him, not without great difficulty: by which loss that enterprise against the Infidels was disturbed and dashed.  
We told before how he is styled Prince of Danskin, and Duke of Spruce, in the Monuments of the Sinclairs, of whom one had married his daughter: sure it is, by the report of many eye-witnesses, that there was a gate in Danzig on which the Coat of the Douglasses was carved and graven in stone, which decaying, and being of late re-edified, this monument of him is perished. The common opinion is, that Danzig having been taken by Infidels, was regained by Scottishmen, and therefore it is that the Scots have such privileges there: and there is a part of the Town which they call little Scotland, which is inhabited almost with Scottishmen. All which must be referred (most apparently) to the Lord Niddisdale, and to this time, and doth testify in some measure he hath surpassed the quality and condition of a private man, or of a stranger in those parts, seeing he acquired the title of Prince and Duke, whereof we can affirm no more than hath been said. This fell out about the year 1389. or 1390. about the death of King Robert the second.   

Of Archbald the second, called The Grim, the third Earl, and twelfth Lord of Douglas and Bothwell.  
UNto James (slain at Otterburn) succeeded his brother Archbald, whom Hollinshed wrongfully calleth his Cousin. He was married to the daughter of Andrew Murray, sister's son to K. David Bruce, and Governor of Scotland: by her he got the Lordship of 
His marriage.  Bothwell, and many other lands; and she bore to him two sons, first William, who died a year before his father without children; and Archbald, 
His children.  who succeeded to his father: also a daughter named Marjorie, married to David Prince of Scotland. Concerning this Archbald the Grim, we find not many particular acts of his recorded, besides those which he did in his father's time, and in his brothers (of which we have already spoken) although certainly he cannot but have done divers worthy of memory, seeing he hath the name and reputation of a most worthy Captain, being so stern and austere in carriage and countenance, that he was termed, The Grim Douglas, and by our Writers, Archbald the Grim.  
Now that we may the better understand the reasons of the Douglasses proceedings and actions, let us (as our manner is) take a general view of the estate of the Country at this time. His succession to the Earldom by the death of his brother was (as we have said) not long before the death of King Robert the second, who died in the Castle of Dundonald in the year 1390. April 19 Before his death there was a Truce taken between England and France for the space of seven years, wherein Scotland was also comprehended. By reason of this Truce partly, and partly for that his son John, who was afterward called Robert the third, was lame both of body and mind, and so no ways fit for war, there is no mention of any exploit done by this man: only it is said of him, that when King Robert the third, in the year 1396. and the seventh of his reign, created divers Dukes, and would have made this Archbald one, he refused it as a novelty and an empty title, not worthy of the accepting, seeing it 
He refused to be Duke.  was neither bestowed for merit, nor service done, nor had any real advantage in it, save an airy show of appearing honour to please the humour of ambitious minds, of which he was none.  
The next year following, Richard the second of England, was deposed, and the Duke of Lancaster was made King in his room, who was Henry the fourth: In the beginning of Henry's reign, the seeds of war were sown upon this occasion.  
George Dumbarre, Earl of March had betrothed his daughter Elizabeth to David the King's eldest son, and had paid a great part of their portion before hand: But the Earl Douglas, alleging that the King's private contracting of his son without the consent of the State, was not according to the custom of the Kingdom, nor right and orderly done, caused the matter to be propounded by his Majesty to the Parliament, as former Kings had done, and as reason required, seeing the whole Kingdom hath interest in the matching of their Princes, and Kings children. There he handled the business so, that the contract with Marches daughter was declared void and null, and his own daughter Marjorie Douglas, 
His daughter Marjory contracted to Prince David.  was contracted to the said Prince David by consent of the Parliament; having offered a greater portion with her, than the Earl March had done with his daughter. He obtained for her jointure, all the rents and revenues which belonged to the King on the south side of Forth. The way he took to bring this to pass, was by the means of the King's brother Robert Earl of Fife, now made Duke of Albany, and Governor of the Country under the King, as he had been in their father's time; who did also then even govern both King and Kingdom, and every thing as he listed: and Douglas and he were inward, and dear friends, as his brother James (slain at Otterburn) and he had ever been: now whether the Earl Douglas had that respect indeed to have matters of such importance to the Kingdom done by common advice of the Nobility chiefly, or if his chief end were his own particular, because of the old emulation betwixt the Earls of March and Douglas, to hinder the growth of that house by this great advantage of alliance, or if he had an eye to both, or to any thing else, I leave it to be judged of others.  
The marriage was solemnised in the Church of Bothwel the year 
1400. Their marriage.  1400. with greater haste then good speed, or any comfort to either party that we hear of. For neither came this David ever to be King, which was the thing that was expected, that thereby the house of Douglas might have been greatned: Neither did this alliance of Prince David with the Earl of Douglas, stand him in any stead: in that he was most miserably handled by his Uncle the Governor, who aspired himself to the Crown, which makes me to wonder why he did not rather hinder this marriage of his Nephew with the Earl Douglas, then thus further it; seeing in all likelihood it might have been a great let and strong hindrance to those his ambitious designs: But so are the secrets of things hid from us, that we cannot find out the causes and reasons of them by no means, being not observed, or not mentioned by the Writers of those times; however this marriage bred great contention and enmity between the Earls of March and Douglas (though near kinsmen) and did also disturb the peace and quietness of the Kingdom: for March before the marriage was solemnised, did not stick to go to the King, and upbraid him with breach of promise, which (he said) was neither just, nor Princely; craving also importunately, and roughly the restitution of his monywhich he had advanced for his daughter's portion. The King having not answered him according to his mind, he spared not to threaten that he should be avenged on that rufle and disgrace that he had put upon him and his daughter. And so retiring from Court, he fortifies his Castle of Dumbarre, and gives it in keeping to his Nephew Robert Metellan, he himself (having received leave of King Henry) went into England; whereupon the Castle of Dumbarre was summoned in the King's name by an Herald of Arms, and was surrendered by the Captain thereof Robert Metellan into the hands of the Earl Douglas. The Earl of March returned into Scotland, but being excluded out of his Castle at Dumbarre, went back again into England, taking his Lady and children along with him, together with the nearest of his kinsmen, and his chief friends accompanying him. There he joined with Henry Percy (called hot spur) a perpetual enemy of the house of Douglas, and trusting to the favour and good will borne him by these who dwelled on the East Border or March of Scotland, most of which were his vassals and dependers, many of them his kinsmen, and all of them tied to him by some relation, or obligation, he troubled the Merse chiefly and the Earl Douglas lands with frequent incursions and inroads. The King hereupon caused proclaim him rebel, and yet notwithstanding, sent to him a Herald of Arms, with proffer of pardon, and restitution, upon condition that he would return and live peaceablely at home; and that he should receive all such satisfaction for any wrong he could justly complain of, as he desired. But when he refused to embrace this offer, the Herald passed on to King Henry, and complained of the Earl of March, craving that he might be delivered according to the Articles of the truce. But he was answered by the King, that he had given him his word, and could not break it.  
In the mean time Percy, and the Earl of March, being emboldened with divers successful attempts upon the Borders, adventured with 2000 men to come into Lowthian, where they wasted the Country near unto Hadington, assaulted the Castle of Hales twice but in vain: burned the towns of Hales, Traprens, Markill, and other adjacent villages. And while they encamped at Linton upon Tine, hearing of the Earl Douglasses approach, who had raised sufficient forces, and was marching towards them, and was come as far as Penkrake, they arose and fled in great haste, leaving behind them all their booty, together with their own luggage and carriage. The manuscript and black book of Scone say clearly that the Earl Douglas followed them so quickly, that he overtook them or they got to Berwick, and killed divers, having wrested an ensign out of the hands of Sir Thomas Colbouth which he brought into Scotland with him. Boetius relates it not much otherwise. Other Histories make no mention hereof, but only say, that the Earl returned to Edinburgh with great congratulation and joy of all men.  
He died not long after of a burning fever the same year 1400, in the 
His death.  beginning of February: very unseasonably for his Country; which was destitute of able Commanders in war, having lost divers others of good note not long before. He was buried in Bothwell with his Lady. He was a man nothing inferior to any of his Predecessors, or Successors of his house and name, in any kind of virtue, and in special of true and real kindness to his friends and followers, as appear by a letter of his to the Earl of March in favour of the Laird of Ridpeth, a Gentleman in Lammer moor who was his follower, and was wronged by the Earl of March in the possession of some lands: but more in Marches refusal to right him; he assembleth his forces, and dispossesseth the Earl of Marches son, and reponed Ridpeth in his right, and maintained him therein ever after, which his successors do enjoy at this day. As for his valour and conduct in war, he is termed the best Captain of his time, and that in his person the splendour and glory of warfare both stood and fell.  
Others say that he left behind him an honourable memory of high Prowess, and noble valour, showed in many enterprises by him happily achieved for the good of his Country. In Piety he was singular through his whole life, and most religious according to those times. He did very much honour and reverence all religious persons; for whose use he founded the College of Bothwell. Out of his zeal and sincerity 
He founded the College of Bothwell.  he expelled the Nuns of the abbacy of Lincloudon, and changed it into a College of Clerks, because the Nuns (saith Boetius) kept not their institution of their order: and Major saith it is to be presumed, that they kept not their Chastity, otherwise he could never have thrust them out. And in this he commendeth him, as having an eye to Religion, and a special care of the pure and sincere worship of God, as his only end and intention. As for his prudence and providence, it appeareth that he did greatly increase his Revenues, and enlarge his Dominions: he was trusty and faithful in his promises, and carried a mind free from all ambition, and vain glory: All virtues greatly to be accounted of, and imitated of all.   

Of Archbald the third of that Name and thirteenth Lord, the fourth Earl of Douglas, Lord of Bothwell, Galloway and Annandale, first Duke of Turrane, Lord of Longe-ville, and Marshal of France.  
UNto Archbald (the Grim) succeeded his second son, named also Archbald; he was married to Margaret daughter to King Robert the third, and second of the Stuarts. She lieth buried in the Church of Linclouden, with this inscription on her Tomb,  

Hic jacet Margarita Scotiae regis silia, Comitissa de Douglas, vallis Anandiae, & Gallovidiae Domina.  
Herelies Margaret daughter to the King, Countess of Douglas, Lady of Annandale and Galloway.   
He had by her two sons, Archbald, to whom Thomas Flemine Earl of Wigton resigns the Earldom of Wigton, and he is entitled (during 
His children.  his father's life time) Archbald Earl of Wigton: his other son was James, Lord Abercorne, called gross James. He had also two daughters, Margaret, married to Sir William Sinclair Earl of Orkney who was fifth in line from the Earl of Saint Clarence's second son, that came first out of France, and was son to Giles (or Egidi●…) Douglas, daughter to the Earl of Niddisdale. Elizabeth was the other, who was married to John Stuart Earl of Buchan, second son to Robert the Governor, afterward Constable of France: her dowry or portion given with her in marriage, were the lands of Stuarton, Ormeshugh, Dunlope, Trabuyage (in Carrict) by resignation.  
This Archbald is he who was called Tine-man, for his unfortunate and hard success he had, in that he tint (or lost almost all his men, and all the battles that he fought. This nickname, or cognomination in the 
Or Tine man.  old manuscript (of Sir Richard Metellan of Lithington) giveth to Archbald slain at Halidoun hill, and calleth this, Archbald one eye, for distinction, because of the loss of his eye in a battle against Percy. But that surname of Tyne man cannot be given so conveniently to the former Archbald, who lost only one field, and himself in it; whereas this man ever lost his men, himself escaping often: he is distinguished also from others by the Title of Duke of Turrane: But however he be named, it is true, that no man was less fortunate, and it is no less true, that no man was more valorous, as will appear by the History.  
At his beginning to be Earl, a little after the decease of his father in August 1409. Henry the fourth of England entered Scotland with an Army, and came to Edinburgh, where he besieged the Castle, in the which the Duke of Rothsay (Prince of Scotland) and with him the Earl of Douglas, were. The Governor of Scotland raised an Army to have given him battle, and was come to Calder-more, but went no further, and there disbanded his Army. The English Histories say, that the Governor sent word to the King of England, that if he would stay for him but six days only he would give him battle, and that the Herald got a silk gown, and a gold chain for his news from the King; but the King having stayed twice six could hear nothing of his coming. The cause of the Governors' slackness is given out by some to have been the desire that he had that the Duke of Rothsay might perish, and be taken out of the way, that he himself might come to the Crown. Now as all do agree, that he had these ambitious thoughts, so Major showeth that there was also some other particular between them, whereof he relateth the occasion to have been this. There was one John R●…morgeny, who first laboured to persuade the Duke of Rothsay to cause slay the Governor, and then (when he could not prevail with him to wrong his Uncle) he dealt with the Governor to cut off the Duke his Nephew, as one that would ruin him, if ever he should come to be King. This Remorge●…y was seconded by Lindsay, who was upon the plot with him, and helped it forward upon malice against Rothsay, who had betrothed his sister, and rejected her, as he had done to the Earl of Marches eldest daughter. This seemeth not to be unlikely, and giveth some further light to the History, as containing the cause of the Governors not relieving the Castle of Edinburgh. It is also a remarkable example of crafty Counselors, who are to be noted and avoided. And I marvel much how it hath escaped the diligence of our best Writers. I thought it not to be omitted in this place, as an instance of fear concurring with ambition in the Governor: and indeed these two are commonly joined together, and take matter each of other. Ambition bringeth fear with it, and fear spurreth forward ambition toward that it aims at; as being not only honourable, but necessary, and the only mean to secure a man's self: especially where it lighteth upon such Counselors, as these were, to blow the fire, whereof Princes had need to be aware, and stop the entry to the first motions thereof.  
The black book of Scone saith that Henry the fourth acknowledged himself to be (semi Scotus de sanguine Cumini) half a Scot of the blood of the Cummins, and that he took the most High to witness, that he was not come to hurt the Country, but only to have reason of some of the Nobility, who had written to the King of France that he was a Traitor in the superlative degree (which letters his men had intercepted) and to try if the Authors of these letters durst fight it with him. The Manuscript saith that he was disappointed of his purpose notwithstanding: for he thought to have taken the Castle of Edinburgh, and to have made Scotland subject to him thereafter; but it being valiantly defended by the Earl Douglas, he was constrained to rise from before it with great 
Edinburgh Castle def●…nded by Douglas against King Henry the fourth.  loss and discontentment, and no great credit; especially for that the winter drew on apace, having sat down before it about the end of September. I am not ignorant that our Writers give this Henry the commendation of great modesty in this journey, as being mindful of the courtesy shown to his father the Duke of Lancaster in Scotland, and that they say that he used the prisoners not cruelly but courteously, and that when he passed by the Castles and Forts of the Country, he did only require of the Captains and Keepers of them, that his Ensigns might be set on the top of the wall, as a token of their submission, and that they were in his will: but seeing their own Authors deny him this honour, and say that he burned the Towns, Villages, and Castles, even a great part of Edinburgh and Leith, we have small reason to contend with them for it; and so we accept of it, and follow the Scottish Manuscript.  
Upon Henry's departure, because the Earl of March troubled the Country with frequent rather then with great incursions, the Earl Douglas (who had the government of Lowthian, and the Castle of Dumbar) went with an Army into Northumberland, and wasted the Country with great havoc. At his return he gave order that the Barons and Gentlemen should choose some of their number to be Captains, and allot unto them a competent number to follow them, who might by turns wait and be in readiness, either to resist the enemy, or to make an in road upon him in his own Country, as they should find occasion. The first turn fell to Thomas Haliburton Lord of Dirleton, who having entered England, and gotten a great booty near unto Bambrugh, returned home safe. But Patrick Hepburne of Hailes (the younger) had not the like success: for he going upon the like adventure, had indeed taken a rich booty, but having stayed a day longer than he should (and had been advised by his friends) in the enemy's bounds, they gathered themselves together, and following him, overtook him at West Nisbet in the Merse. There, after a sharp encounter, the Scots had gotten the better of the English, and well nigh the victory, till George Dumbarre, the Earl of Marches eldest son, coming in with an hundred fresh horse, regained the victory to the English, and slew the flower of the youth of Lowthian, together with their Captain Patrick Hepburne. The fight happened the 22. of June 1401. the place whereof is yet called, The Slaughter Hill.  
This Patrick Hepburne was entirely beloved of the Earl Douglas, and as dear to him as his own self: for he it was that fought so valiantly at Otterburne, and therefore he was filled with grief and indignation for his death, being so brave a Captain, and so dear a friend to his house, and to himself. His honour also, and the credit of his Country stirred him up also to seek a revenge of the Authors thereof. Whereupon having obtained leave of the Governor, he gathered together about some 10000 men, amongst whom were many of the chief Nobility of the land, even the Governors' eldest son Murdock (who succeeded to his father in the Government) George Earl of Angus (his own Uncle) Thomas Earl of Murray, and John Dumbarre brother to the Earl of March, one that had married the King's sister. With this company he entered England as far as Newcastle upon Tine, and having gotten a great booty, was retiring homeward. In his returning, near unto Milfield, Henry Hotspurre and George Earl of March lay in his way with a far greater 
Occasion of the battle of Homildon, near Milfield  power than he had. Wherefore the Earl Douglas took a ground of advantage, which was a little hill besides Homildon, a Village in Northumberland. Percy would have marched strait towards him to have assailed him, but the Earl of March (being very skilful in war, and more calm and advised) stayed him, and gave him counsel first to send a flight of arrows amongst them, and to give them a volee of their fielding pieces, which was done accordingly, and did greatly annoy the Scots, and slew many of them. Douglas perceiving that he could not brook that place with safety, thought it better to hazard the battle in plain field, then to stand still and see his men slain about him by the enemy's shot, while they stood safe, and came not within stroke of their swords, and long weapons. And so (though far inferior in number) down the hill he goes, and gave a fierce assault upon the enemy. But the Vanguard being brangled, and giving back (being much troubled and sore wounded by the Archers) though they were sharply rebooked by Adam Lord Gordon, and Sir John Swinton, and brought on again, yet were they not able to sustain and abide the shot of the enemy, but were defeated every man. The rest that were behind, being exhorted by their Captains to revenge the death of their fellows slain before their eyes, did acquit themselves bravely, but being overwhelmed with the greater number, were also overthrown at last. There were many slain, amongst whom were the forenamed Adam Lord Gordon (who had been at variance with the Earl Douglas, but in this expedition he had been reconciled to him, and Knighted by him) and Sir John Swinston, two that gained greater reputation of valour and courage that day, and fought so valorously, that if the rest had followed their example, that field had not been so lost. There were also divers others of note; such as John Livinston of Calender, Alexander Ramsay of Dalhousie, with a number of common soldiers. Many were taken of quality, Murdock the Governors' son, George Earl of Angus, Thomas Earl of Murray, Robert Ereskine of Alloway, James Douglas eldest son to the Lord Dalkeith, and his two brothers, John and William; George Lesly of Rothes, Patrick Dumbar of Be●…ll.  
In the black Book of Scone is set down the death of the foresaid George Earl of Angus, how he died in England of the plague being a prisoner (with many others) and Alexander Hume of D●…glas also, as the same Book doth witness. The Earl Douglas himself was taken also, having lost one eye in the fight. This battle was fought on the Holy 
The battle lost, and Douglas taken.  Rood-day in Harvest, or (as others) the 5. of May 1401. or 1402. rather as appeareth by the former History.  
Whilst the Earl Douglas was prisoner in England, the Duke of Rothsay became so riotous, and insolently unruly, that his father not being able to govern him by his own authority, did commit him to his brother, the Governors' tuition, to be corrected and ta●…ed by him. He made use of this occasion for compassing his own ambitious ends, or to be rid of the fear he had of him, shut him up in Falkland, and starved him to death. The black Book of Scone saith, that the Earl Douglas was with the Governor, when he brought the Duke from Saint Andrew's to Falkland. But it should rather seem that he hath been a prisoner in England, when the Duke was thus used: for if he had been at home, in all likelihood he would have reclaimed the Duke (being his brother in law) and have brought him out of his wild courses; or by his credit with the Governor would have saved him, and prevented such extremity, unless he had proceeded so far as to cast off the Earl's sister, whereof we hear nothing. And even in that case, seeing there is always some hope of reconcilement between man and wife, and therefore such fall out are often born with, in Princes upon that hope; it is likely he would have used his care and credit to have composed things in some better sort: however, whether through his absence or negligence, or that having small hope of amendment, he would not meddle in it: the Duke persists in his lewd ways, and grows rather worse then better. We read of no help or assistance that the Douglas made unto him, as he was bound by so near alliance. Neither do we hear how he carried himself toward the Earl's sister his wife; or whether she had any children by him or not, though they had been married at that time some four or five years, and he was a man of twenty three or twenty four years of age at the least, having been eighteen when he was installed Duke in the 1396. year, which is a great neglect and oversight in our Writers. This is clear that neither party had any contentment, or comfortable success from this match which they so much affected & brought to pass with so great trouble, disquiet, and mischief in the Kingdom: a notable lesson for men to moderate their desires of any thing, and not to seek it over eagerly (though it seem never so advantageous) in respect of the uncertainty of the sequel and event of all humane things.  
But to return to our prisoner: we see him hurt, defeated, a captive, but neither disgraced, nor discouraged; no nor any whit less esteemed of by his friends, or enemies: who indeed needed not to be over proud of this victory, which was obtained rather by the multitude of men, then mere valour, neither were they yet quit with the house of Douglas, for what they had received of them before: however these vicissitudes of fortune in the emulation of these two houses (Douglas and Percy) were matter rather of sharpening then discouraging, and dejecting their spirits, and bred not hatred, but an higher (though emulous) esteem of each towards other. This overthrow and loss of the Earl Douglas did not diminish, but rather increase his praise and glory, and that even in the opinion of the Conqueror. It became also the occasion of showing his worth in a more conspicuous and public Theatre, and on a more eminent subject, and powerful enemy: for not long after, the Earl of Northumberland (whether for envy of King Henry's good success, to whom he had been a great friend in the beginning; or for that Henry usurped the Kingdom contrary to his oath and promise; or for his neglecting to relieve Edmond Mortimer Earl of March, taken prisoner in his service against Owen Glendour by the said Owen, or out of indignation against him for craving to have his prisoners from him, which he had taken at West Nisbet, and 
Occasion of the battle of Shrewsbury.  at Homildon, of whom only they had sent Murdock Stuart to the King; or for what ever other cause) the said Earl entered into league with Edmond, Owen, and some other Lords, against the King, with such confidence, that they made a tripartite Indenture, wherein they divided all England into three parts, to each of them a third: whereupon Percy, esteeming highly of the Douglas valour, having had good proof thereof at Homildon, offered if he would take part with him in this enterprise, and show himself as yaliant on his side, as he had done against him, that he should not only be let go without ransom, but also (if they prevailed) he should have Berwick, and a part of Northumberland for his reward.  
Douglas, who was no ways slack to embrace any good occasion against England, gladly accepted the condition, and getting leave to come home, returned again at the time appointed, well accompanied with many of his friends and followers. The leading of the vanguard was committed to him, which place he discharged bravely, and behaved himself so, as no man ever did more valiantly and admirably by all men's confession: for after the Scots (who were led by him) had made a fierce onset upon the King's forward (conducted by the Earl of Stafford) and forced them to give back, having almost broken their ranks, the King came to their aid with his fresh troops, and renewed the fight more fiercely than before. Douglas and Percy, perceiving the King to be there in person, bend their whole forces towards him with such violence, that if George Dumbarre, Earl of March (who had of late betaken himself to the King's side) had not warned the K. to withdraw himself from that place, Douglas had certainly slain him, for he made so hard an onset on the King's Standard, that he bore all down before him, and slew the Earl of Stafford with his own hands, who had been made Constable of England that same day: as also three more, who were apparelled like the King: and when the K. restored the battle again, and had broken the ranks of those that stood against him, Douglas seeing him the fourth man in royal apparel, he said aloud in great choler and indignation, where the Devil were all these Kings borne? and withal running fiercely at him, beat him from his horse, and at the same instant slew Sir Thomas Blunt, the King's Standard-bearer, and overthrew the Standard. But the K. was rescued, and mounted 
Walter.  again by those that were about him, especially by his own son (afterward Henry the fifth) and so escaped. At last the victory fell to the King's side, who had behaved himself most valorously, and is reckoned to have slain with his own hands thirty six of the enemies. So that the victory is ascribed chiefly unto him, who did both by word and example encourage his Soldiers, that they renewed the fight, slew the Lord Percy, and with him discomfited the whole Host.  
The Earl Douglas was taken prisoner, and brought to the King, who 
Douglas taken  would on no wise consent to have him put to death (though divers persuaded him to it) but commended his faithfulness to his friend, and praised his valour, which he honoured much; in regard whereof he both caused cure his wounds, and sent him rich presents. Some write that being asked by those of the King's side, why he did join with such traitors against the King, his reply was only this; It seemeth (saith he) that the King is yet alive, though divers Kings have been killed to day. This answer being so full of resolution, and courage, and void of all fear, did move the King to regard him so much the more. They tell also that being hurt in his privy members, when after the battle every man was reckoning his wounds, and complaining; he said at last when he had hard them all, They sit full still that have a riven breike. The speech continueth still in Scotland, and is passed into a Proverb which is used, to design such as have some hid and secret cause to complain, and say but little.  
Holliwshed writeth, that in respect of his Noble parentage, and valour, he was tenderly cherished by King Henry, and frankly and freely demitted without ransom: and such indeed is the custom of generous minds to honour virtue even in the enemy. It is generally agreed upon by all, that he was highly honoured and esteemed, so that the King (or some of his Nobles) caused draw his picture, which is still to be seen in the privy Gallery at White Hall. But touching his delivery, some say that when he had stayed in England certain months, he was with difficulty set at liberty after he had paid a great sum of money. Others write, that he was detained eight or nine years at least, but that seems to be too much for this battle (called Shrewesbury field) was in the year 1403. in the fourth year of King Henry, on Saint Magdalins day, and Douglas was set free at the death (or not long after) of K. Robert the third of Scotland, 
1406. He is set free.  in the year 1406. When the Earl hard word of his death, he made shift to agree for his ransom, and so returned with all speed into Scotland. It is said, that George Earl of March did him very good Offices in England, and was a chief mean and instrument of his delivery, being reconciled to him during his imprisonment: wherefore the Earl Douglas at his return procured liberty for the Earl of March to come home into Scotland, and to be received a free Liege again; but upon condition that he should suffer the Castles of Lochmaban and Dumbarre to remain with the Earl Douglas and his heirs, notwithstanding of any agreement made between them to the contrary in England. And so in the year 1411 he was restored by the Governor, after he had remained fifteen years in England, or thereby, having done great hurt to his Country, and much good service to the Kings of England; but for all the service he did, he could neither move the King to restore him, and repossess him again in his own, neither obtain competent means and allowance for his estate and quality. A notable example for Subjects, to learn hereby not to forsake their natural King, and native Country in hope to be supported or aided by foreign Princes: far less thus to hurt and endamage their own Country, for the pleasure and advantage of strangers.  
The black book of Scone ascribeth the restitution of the Earl of March to Walter Halyburton son in law to the Governor (Gener Gubernatoris) by marrying his daughter Isabella (a widow, and Countess of Rosse) for which he got from March a forty pound land in Birgeam; and that the Earl Douglas got back Lochmaban, and the Lordship of Annandale: however it be, a year or two after the Earl Douglas was returned, the Earl March was restored, whereunto Hollinshed also seemeth to agree: for in another place after the death of King Robert (which he setteth in the year 1408.) forgetting what he had said before (that the King dimitted Douglas frankly and freely) he writeth thus. Archbald Earl of Douglas, as yet remaining captive in England, after he had knowledge of King Robert's death (to wit, five year after this at least by his own account) made shift to agree for his ransom, and so being set at liberty, returned with all speed now at length into Stotland. Wherein he contradicts himself, and casteth down all that liberality, and magnanimity of his King (in dismissing the Douglas freely) and with so much the more blemish, as in saying it was done, he acknowledged it should have been done, as it had indeed been most honourable and Princely, and might (perhaps) have gained the heart of that worthy Nobleman. But we find but few actions in that kind of full beneficence practised towards the Scots: and it seems that his great worth hath extorted their admiration, and some Offices of courtesy, & common humanity, such as were the preservation of his life, and curing of his wounds; but the old grudge of national quarrel remaining still in vigour, did choke the fruit of true Princely dealing, and kept it that it came not to that full maturity of beneficence, which the party deserved, and was suitable for such a King. Wherefore let him content himself with this honour, that his valour was acknowledged abundantly, and himself by the confession of King Henry's own Heralds, accounted one of the chief Chivaliers and Champions in Albion: and let him thank his own prowess more than their kindness for this testimony. We will also add a witness of these in our times, one of their own Poets (Samuel Daniel) who speaking of King Henry's son, who relieved his father in the battle of Shrewesbury from the Earl Douglas, he writeth thus:  

Lib. 3. Stanza 113.  
Hadst thou not here lent present speedy aid  
To thy endangered father nearly tired,  
From sierce encountering Douglas overlaid,  
That day had there his troubled life expired.  
Heroical courageous Blunt arrayed  
In habit like as was the King attired,  
And deemed for him, excused the fault of his,  
For he had what his Lord did hardly miss.   
Taking Blunt for one of those that were apparelled like the King, whereas others account him to have been the King's Standard-bearer. But in the wars between York and Lancaster, it is more amply set down in this sort:  

Lib. 4. Stanza 49.  
Yet here had he not speedy succour lent  
To his endangered Father, near oppressed,  
That day had seen the full accomplishment  
Of all his travels, and his final rest:  
For Mars-like Douglas all his forces bend  
T' encounter and to grapple with the best;  
As if disdaining any other thing  
To do that day, but to subdue a King.   

Stanza 50.  
And there with fiery courage he assails  
Three all as Kings adorned in Royal wise,  
And each successive after other quails;  
Still wondering whence so many Kings should rise.  
And doubting lest his hands or eye sight fails,  
With these confounded on the fourth he flies,  
And him unhorses too, whom had he sped  
He then all Kings in him had vanquished.   

Stanza 51.  
For Henry had divided as it were  
The person of himself into four parts,  
To be less known, and yet known every where,  
The more to animate his people's hearts;  
Who cheered by his presence, would not spare  
To execute their best and worthiest parts:  
By which two special things effected are,  
His safety and his Subjects better care.   

And in the 54. Stanza, speaking of Hotspurre,  
But he as Douglas with his fury led  
Rushing into the thickest woods of spears,  
And brooks of swords, still laying at the head.   

Then a little after in the 56. upon the kill of Hotspurre  
Which thus misspent, thy Army presently  
As if it could not stand, when thou wert down,  
Dispersed in rout, betakes them all to slay:  
And Douglas faint with wounds, and overthrown,  
Was taken; Who yet won the enemy  
Which took him, by his noble virtue shown  
In that days mighty work, and was preserved,  
With all the grace and honour he deserved.   
And that was all to be preserved and respected, but not easily nor soon dismissed: for (besides what hath been said of this point) there is an Indenture yet extant, which contains the agreement betwixt King Henry, and him. That whereas the said Earl was lawful prisoner to him, or to his son, John of Lancaster, he should have free liberty to return to his own Country of Scotland, upon his giving of twelve Noble Hostages for his reentry into the Castle of Durham, being then in the custody of the said John of Lancaster. The Hostages were, 1. Archbald Douglas, his own eldest son and heir: 2. James his brother: 3. James son and heir to James Lord Dalkeith: 4. Sir John Mongomery, Lord of Adderson: 5. Sir John Seiton, son and heir to the Lord Seiton: 6. Sir William Douglas, of Drumlainrig: 7. Sir William Sinclair of Hermiston: 8. Sir Simon Glendining son and heir to Sir Adam of Glendining: 9 Sir John Harris, Lord of Terregles: 10. Sir Harbert Maxwell: 11. Sir William Hay: 12. Sir William Borthwick. The Condition bears that upon the Earl's reentry of his person into the wards of the said John of Lancaster, the said Hostages were to be set free to repair with sate conduct into their own Countries, and that within forty days after the Earl's reentry, or alter his death. And that the Prince Thomas, and his said brother John, and the Earl of Westmoorland should be obliged by express commandment from the King to secure the said Hostages, during the time of their abode, and residence in England. And if the Earl should fail of his reentry again, that the said Hostages should be at the King's disposing. And in case the said Earl should die, his eldest son and heir was to abide prisoner with the King in his sons keeping, and the rest of the Hostages were to be set free immediately. And further it was conditioned, that the Earl should do his uttermost to keep the truce that had been reated of between the King, his Counsel, and the said Earl: and that he should cause it to be ratified and confirmed by both the Realms of Scotland and England, for sixteen years: and in case he could not obtain that, that then the said Earl for himself, and his Countries between the East and West seas, inhabited by any of his men and vassals, should keep truce with England from Pasch next, till Pasch thereafter. These conditions were drawn up by the King's Council in form of an Indenture, whereof each had a counterpane, signed, sealed, and delivered reciprocally by the said parties at London the fourteenth of March 1407.  
During the time of his captivity in England, the Duke of Rothsay was famished to death by his Uncle the Governor, who being accused thereof by the King his brother, made such a slender purgation, that the King fearing he would do the like to his other son James, sent him by sea to France, where he might remain in safety while he were come to years. But being driven in by storm of weather into the coasts of England, he was detained as a prisoner by the King and State. Hereupon followed the death of the desolate father, and the continuance of the Governor in his Office. And now Douglas being come home (in the year 1411.) he kept good correspondency with the Earl of March ever after, for there had always been friendship betwixt the two Houses (of March and Douglas) until the match with the Duke of Rothsay did separate them; and now that being away and digested, and March having furthered Douglasses delivery out of captivity, and Douglas procured, or helped to procure Marches peace and restitution, they joined ever thereafter in all common affairs. Some write that those two did burn the town of Roxbrough, but it seems to be mistaken; for that was done ere they came home, by William Douglas of Drumlanrig, and Gavin third son to the Earl of March. After their return, there is no mention of any exploit of war between Scotland and England for the space of ten years: whether it were that there hath been any truce, or that Henry the fourth dying, his son Henry the fifth was so taken up with the war with France, that he had no leisure to look toward Scotland; or that the Governor durst not attempt any thing against him, for fear he should send home the rightful heir to the Crown of Scotland, whom he had in his power and custody, and who (he doubted not) would find favour enough in Scotland, both for his right, and out of commiseration of his estate, and condition. So there was nothing done, except some slight and private inroads, such as when the Earl Douglas burned Penmoore a town in England 
He burns Penmoore.  at which the Earl March is also said to have been in the year, 1414.  
In the year 1420. The Governor died, and his son Murdock was made Governor in his place, having been relieved a little before by interchange of a son of the Earl of Northumberland. He was a man of a dull and heavy spirit, and of no authority, not so much as to govern his own family, which made him to be little regarded: about this time the civil war in France grew hot between, Charles' the sixth King of France, Philip Duke of Burgundy and Henry the fifth of England on the one part, and the Dauphin of France on the other, for Philip of Burgundy had persuaded the King of France to dis-inherrit his son the Dauphin, and to give the Crown with his daughter to Henry of England. So that the Dauphin, (afterwards King Charles the seaventh) was redacted to that extremity, that his enemies called him in derision, King of Bourg, because his residence for the most part, was in Bourg in Berrie. Wherefore he being thus abandoned by his own Country men, and destitute of all foreign help, sent (this year) the Earl of Vandosme Ambassador into Scotland to crave aid according to the ancient League, and made great promises to all the Scots that would assist him in this quarrel. It was willingly granted by the whole State, and seven thousand men agreed upon, as a competent number for that service, which was soon made up of Volunteers: the youth of Scotland being now greatly multiplied by long peace with England. Their Generals were John Earl of Buchan, and Archbald Earl of Wigton the one son, the other son in law to Archbald Earl of Douglas.  
Whilst they were busied in France, the Earl Douglas was not idle at home, for the black book of Scone beareth that he went with an army to besiege the Castle of Roxbrough, and with the Governor Murdock, against Berwick, but they returned both without effecting any thing, by reason of the treachery of some Scots; wherefore this was named the foul road. We read of Douglas also how he was judge to a duel in Bothwell-haugh, between John Hardy, and Thomas Smith: this Smith 
The soul road.  had accused the other of treason, which Hardy denying, and the other not being able to prove it by witnesses, the combat was appointed for trial of it, in which Smith (the accuser) was slain. The same book also saith that (in the year 1420. or 21.) the Earl Douglas entered England, and burned the town of Aewels.  
But here it will not be impertinent for us to step over to France, and see what Buchan and Wigton are doing, seeing that this employment 
His son Wigton and Buchan in France.  gave Wigton occasion to show himself there, and did afterward also draw over his father (the Earl Douglas) thither: and the order of time doth also lead us to speak of those things in this place. We have told before how John Stuart Earl of Buchan, who was second son to the former Governor, and brother to Murdock present Governor of Scotland) and Archbald Douglas Earl of Wigton (whose sister Buchan had married) were chosen to conduct the forces sent into France, to aid the Dauphin against the King of England, and Duke of Burgundy. The chief Gentlemen of note and quality that went along with them were Robert Stuart (another son of the Governor) Alexander Lindsay (brother to the Earl of Crawford) and John Swinton Knights, being arrived in France, they were received of the Dauphin with great joy, and made heartily welcome; who gave them the Town and Castle of chastilion in Turrain for their rendezvous and place of retreat and resort, being a fertile Country, and abounding in all things necessary; as also for that it lay near unto the enemy, for the Duke of Clarence (King Henry's brother and Lieutenant) was about to have spoilt the Country of Angiers, or as (Hollinshed) had spoilt it already, and had retired into the town of Beaufort in the Vallay, and was ready to assault a town called Vielle Bauge (old Bauge) some two days before Pasche. The Scots expecting that (as the manner than was) he would have abstained from all feats of arms, and have given himself to the devotion of the time: or having (as some others say) taken and given assurance for eight days, which is the space of time commonly bestowed upon that solemnity, were somewhat remiss and negligent in their discipline. The Duke of Clarence having notice hereof by a Lombard called Andrew Fregosa (as some say) or by some Scottish prisoner intercepted (as the Annals of France do bear) who discovered to him the government of their army, and the carriage of their Leaders and Captains, was very glad of so good occasion (as he deemed it) to take them at unawares, and defeat them. Wherefore he rose presently from dinner, and taking with him only the horsemen, leaving the Archers under the conduct of the bastard of Clarence, Sir Thomas Beauford, whom he had lately Knighted at Angiers, together with two Portugal Captains to assist him, he made strait toward the enemy, saying, that he and the Nobles only, would have the honour of that day. He went with great confidence to have surprised the enemy, carrying a fair Coronet of Gold on his head, and very magnificently apparelled, as if he had been riding in triumph.  
There was a Village called little Bauge, through which the Duke was to come, where a few Frenchmen of the Daulphins' side lay. These being terrified with the sudden coming of the English, got up into a steeple for safety and sanctuary: there while they make a halt, and assault the steeple, the cry riseth, and the noise of their approach was carried to the rest of the Army, when presently ran and took arms. While they were arming themselves, Buchan and Wigton sent 30. Archers to keep a certain bridge, by which it behoved the enemy to pass over a brook which ran in the way. These went as they were commanded, and as they were going Hugh kennedy came out of a Church where he lay with an hundred men, but unarmed, or half armed, by reason of the great haste, and joined with them: while they defended and made good the bridge, and kept off the horsemen with shot of arrows, the Duke with the principal of his company alighted from their horse, and made such an onset upon them, that they were forced to leave the bridge and passage open for the enemy. Being past the bridge while the Duke mounteth again on horseback, and the rest of his folks are passing after him, Buchan and Wigton came upon him with two hundred horse, and enter there into a sharp conflict on both sides, both parties being (most part) Noble men, who were desirous of glory, and had a mind to give a proof of themselves with equal courage, and hatred. The Scots were glad to have occasion to show the French what they could do; and to confute their whisper, and surmises, wherein they reproached them, as fit only to consume victuals: and the English were moved with great indignation, that they should be thus perpetually troubled by the Scots not only at home, but also abroad beyond the sea in a foreign country.  
And none among the English fought with a greater courage and resolution, than the Duke himself: but Sir John Swinton espying him 
The Duke of Clarence wounded by Sir John Swinton.  (being easily known by his Coronet shining with precious stones, and his glistering armour) ran fiercely at him with a lance, and wounded him in the face: he being hereby in a great fury, put forward his horse to have charged the enemy, but was encountered by the Earl of Buchan, who ran him through with a spear, and so slew him; or (as others) felled 
Clarence slain by Buchan.  him down to the ground with a steel hammer. The rest seeing him fall, some fled, and many were slain in their flight, being pursued till the night came on. This battle was fought on Pasch Eve, in the year 1420. 
Pasche Eve.  or (as our Writers and the English) 1421, There were slain of the English 200. Nobles and Gentlemen: The Duke of Clarence, The Earl of Tankervill, The Lord Rosse, Sir Gilbert Wimfravill (whom they call Earl of Angus) John Lumlay, Sir Robert the Earl of Summerset, and his brother (whose sister James the first did marry afterward) Suffolk and Perch, the Lord Fitzwater, Sir John Barcklay, Sir Ralph Nevil, Sir Henry Englishes, Sir William Lanton, Sir Thomas Boroughes, were taken prisoners. There were but few slain of the Scots and French, and those mean and obscure men. This is the most common report of the Duke of Clarence his death: but the book of Pustardan saith, that he was slain by Alexander Macklellane, a Knight in the Lennox, who also having taken the Coronet from off his head, sold it to John Stuart of Darnelay, for 1000 angels.  
This victory being obtained, most part by the valour of the Scots, the Dauphin in recompense hereof made Buchan Constable of France, and mortgaged the Dukedom of Turraine to Wigton, the revenue whereof at that time was valued to 10000 crowns. The reversion of this Duchy he gave afterward to the Earl Douglas his father, who was created absolute Duke of Turrain, and Lord of Longu-vill, and established the same to his heirs male, as shall be showed hereafter. The French Writers say also that he made Wigton Marshal of France.  
The King of England upon the death of his brother, came into France in May, or about the beginning of June; and carried along with him the heir of the Crown of Scotland: (afterwards King James the first) thereby to divert the Scots from assisting the Dauphin, or to have made the Dauphin to suspect their fidelity; but none of those plots succeeded as he would have had them: for neither would they acknowledge him for their King being in another's power: neither did the Dauphin conceive any sinister opinion or jealousy of them. Wherefore the same year (or the next, to wit, one thousand four hundreth and twenty one) the Dauphin caused besiege the Town of Cosme upon Loire. And Henry departed from Paris to have relieved it, but by the way he was overtaken with sickness, and returned to Bois-devincins: yet he sent the Duke of Bedford with a puissant Army to succour it; and the Scots and French finding themselves too weak to resist, rose and retired to a strength, where the rest of the Army had assembled with resolution to abide the enemies coming. While as the English were preparing to fight, news were brought them of their King's death, which made them to alter their purpose of giving battle. The King died about the last of August, one thousand four hundred and twenty one, and his corpse was carried into England, the two and twentieth of October. Not long after Charles King of France died also, which was the occasion that Buchan, and Wigton, with many of the Gentlemen that accompanied them, returned into Scotland.  
But it was not long ere the Dauphin had need of them, sent his Chancellor Rene de charters, and the Archbishop of Rheines into Scotland to recall his Constable, but the Earl of Wigton was so vehemently sick that he could not possibly travel. Wherefore the Earl Douglas his father 
The Earl Douglas goes into France.  went in person himself, and being a Noble man greatly regarded far above any other Subject in Scotland: there went with him great store of young Gentlemen, some to do him honour, some to be participant of his fortunes, and most to be trained under him in discipline of war. So besides those that went over with Buchan and Wigton, in the year 1420. there went at this time with the Earl Douglas 10000 more, as saith Hollinshed. They landed at Rochel, and being to come to the Dauphin, were gladly welcomed and much made of, especially the Earl Douglas, of whom he had heard much by report, that he was both valiant and skilful in war: And therefore he installed him in the Duchy of Turrain, which he gave to him and his heirs for ever; having only engaged 
Made D. of Turraine  it before to his son (upon reversion) and moreover made him Marshal of France.  
This hath been (in all appearance) in the year 1423. at most, yet we do not find any memorable thing done by them, or against them, until the battle of Vernoill, (which if we read our Histories) one would think it had been fought immediately upon their landing, thought it be clear, that it was not till after the death of King Henry the fifth, and in the second year of his son's reign in the year of God 1424. The occasion 
The occasion of the battle of Vernoill.  whereof was this: The Earl of Bedford having besieged Ivery, the Dauphin to relieve it, sendeth the Army under the Conduct of the Duke of Turrain (whom the French call Martial Douglas) of the Constable Buchans the Earl of Narbon and others. They not being able to force Bedford's camp, when they were come within two miles of him, returned towards Vernoill in Perch, which belonged to the King of England, and sent word to the Garrison there, that they had discomfited the English Army, and that Bedford with a small number had saved himself by flight. The Garrisons giving credit thereto did open the gates, and received them with the whole Army into the town, where having left a part of their Army, they came and encamped in the fields near the town. Bedford having gotten Ivery by composition, or surrender, followeth them, and sent word to the Duke of Turrain by a Trumpet, that he would come and dine with him: The Duke bade him come, he should be very welcome, for all was ready. Nevertheless, when the point came to consultation, his opinion was that they should not fight at that time, because he thought it not fit to hazard a battle, but in case of necessity, and that they had no necessity to fight at that time, in respect that they had Vernoill in their hands, and other two good towns besides, whereby they might be plentifully furnished with provision, which the English could not have, and thereby would be constrained to retire: But the Earl of Narbon was earnest to have them fight, and said the Nobility of France should not receive such a bravade from the enemies, and if none would fight, he would do it alone; and so getting him hastily out of the Counsel, he began to put his men in order.  
The Duke of Turraine took such indignation hereat, that he should offer to fight without his leave, that he determined not to have stirred at all, and it was long before he would suffer his men to go forth: yet at last, thinking that it would reflect upon him if he should sit still, and see them overthrown in his sight, he armed and went forth also. But then there arose some strife for the vanguard betwixt them, which made things to be so confusedly handled, that the English got the victory, slew 
A battle at Vernoil: Douglas slain.  the Duke, Buchan, Sir Alexander Lindsay, Robert Stuart, and Sir John Swinton, with above 2000 others of all sorts. Hollinshed in his Chronicles of England saith, (but upon what warrant we know not) that the Earl Buchan (Constable) was not slain, but lost an eye only, and was taken prisoner: he reckoneth among the slain Sir Alexander Hume, whom our Writers do not mention, yet it is true and known to them of that house: that Sir Alexander Hume of Douglas went thither in the Earl Douglas company, and was slain with him: for they tell how Sir Alexander being minded to send his brother David Hume of Wedderburn, went to accompany the Earl to his Ship, and when they were parting, Douglas embracing him kindly, said to him, would I have believed Sir Alexander that ever you and I could have been separated from one another: To whom he replied, surely than my Lord, I shall not part; and so taking his brother David's apparel and furniture, and sent David back: he went with him to take care for his house and children in his absence, or in case of his death: which he also did with such fidelity, and industry, after the death of his brother, that he greatly increased the estate, and purchased for a younger son of his brothers, called Thomas, the lands of Tiningham: and for another (named James) the lands of Spot: he is said to have purchased Wedderburn for himself: but the truth is, he had it ten years before, not by marriage, but by the gift of Archbald, Earl of Douglas, which must have been the same Duke of Turrain, as the date of the evident doth clearly show, being of the year 1413. His son Archbald also entitling himself Earl of Wigton, and Lord of Longuevill, and Eskdale giveth to the same Sir Alexander Hume a bond of one thousand Nobles, dated at Bothwell the 9 of February 1424. whom it designeth Sir Alexander Hume of that Ilke, which I mention the rather to show what great friendship hath been between them.  
Here again I cannot pass by the sloth. and unattentivenesse of Writers sloth, (Scottish and English) who reckon amongst the slain, here a son of the Earl Douglas (whom some call James) and make him his second son, nay, some do even make him his eldest son and heir, and call him Earl of Wigton. But those are all mistake; for the Earl of Wigton (whose name was Archbald) was lest sick at home, and possessed the Earldom after his father's death: Neither was it yet James his second son, who was Lord of Abercorn, and outlived his older brother, and his children, that were put to death in the Castle of Edinburgh, to whom also he succeeded in the Earledom, as the same Writers themselves (almost all of them) confess. Wherefore the Reader had need even to read the best Writers with judgement and attention, seeing such escapes are incident ever to the most accurate, and careful Historians.  
Touching this battle, this is the relation of it, by Duserres in his inventarie whom I have chosen to follow, not because I think it the fullest or faithfullest narration (for certainly the French Writers speak slenderly enough of the actions of strangers, as may be instanced in the battle of Baugue, and other exploits done by the Scots in France, which they pass in silence) but because his testimony cannot be rejected by the French, and may well be admitted by the English, as being indifferent for his person, and no ways partial in his pen, at least in setting forth this battle: but if we shall rely upon the writings or reports of our own Country men. The loss of that field was caused for the envy and treachery of the Earl of Narban. We heard how Douglas, and he contested for the vanguard, each striving who should be first: Douglas being ready sooner than he, or being quicker in his march led on before him, and charged the enemy first: whereupon he abandoned them, and would not second them as he should have done. And so it came to pass that they being destitute of his help, and not being able to make head against such a multitude, were encompassed about by the English (who saw their backs left bare) and so overthrown, fight valiantly, that they might die nobly. Some blame the Lombard's (who were in the Army assisting the French that were for the Dauphin) but tell not, why, nor wherefore, or wherein. Others say that there were 400. of them all horsemen, who being commanded to break the ranks of the English, either in the flank or in the rear, did what they were appointed to do: and having broken through the English Army, went to their carriage to pill and spoil, without prosecuting their charge anyfurther: and so having got their prey, departed off the field, whereupon 2000 English Archers that were set to keep the carriage, and had now no more to do; entered into the battle, and being fresh and unwearied, made such an impression, that they did cast the balance and gave the overthrow, whereas before they had fought for the space of three hours so doubtfully, that no eye could guess, which way the victory would go.  
Major also telleth us that there was some dissension between the Duke of Turraine, and Buchan, for precedency, but that is not likely: for although Buchan had the honour to be Constable, and was the chief Commander, so long as he had no other Colleague but Wigton (his brother in law) yet the Earl Douglas being an old experimented Commander, and it being ever his due to lead the the vanguard at home, and being even there, for his well known worth and sufficiency made Duke and Marshal upon his first arrival. It carrieth no appearance that the other would strive with him, especially seeing he was his son in law (for he had married his daughter) and also the younger soldier. And that the English did acknowledge the Duke for Chiftane, it is evident: for Bedford sent the Trumpet to him, and he returned answer: It was he that resolved they should not fight, and took it ill at Narbons' hands, that he would not follow his conclusion, and obey his direction: So as I cannot be persuaded that their could, or would be any difference between them for that matter: And if there had been any, they would have composed it, and agreed betwixt themselves before that time, to have resisted the common enemy. However, they both died in the field: And the Earl of Narbon wanted not his reward of his either treachery, or headiness and folly, for he was taken and hanged as guilty of the death of the Duke of Burgundy. A notable example of the end of such as carry themselves after such a manner.  
Of those that escaped at this defeat, Charles the Dauphin (afterwards 
The Scottish guard erected in France.  King Charles the seventh) erected a company to continue a guard to himself, and his successors for ever, of the Scottish Nation. For he was not contented to reward their Nobles and Leaders with honours and dignities, but thought himself also obliged to recompense even the inferior sort, and to respect the whole Nation, whose valour and fidelity he had found to deserve regarding: As also he saw their service would be steadable to him, and therefore in wisdom did thus oblige the whole Country, and engage them to assist him in his war with England. And so they did, as now, so often hereafter both within the Isle, and in France: neither could they ever be diverted by any loss or damage whatsoever. They did still cleave fast unto the French, until they were fully freed from the English: sending over army after army, and Captain after Captain, without wearying or relenting, or the least shrinking: and even after this battle we read of divers that spent their lives in the Frenches quarrel against the English, and that within three years, (notwithstanding this great loss) who were men of quality, such as William Stuart and his brother, and two Douglasses who were predecessors of the houses of Drumlanrigge and Lochleven. There was also amongst those that escaped at this battle of Vernoill, one John Carmichell of the house of Carmichell, in Douglasdale (who was Chaplain to the Duke of Turrain) a valiant and learned man, who remained in France, and was for his worth and good parts made Bishop of Orleans: he it was that during the siege thereof, did notably assist Jane D'arc, called the maiden of Orleans, The French History calleth him John de Saint Michael (for Carmichell) evesque d' Orleans, escossois de nation. He is mentioned in the particular Story of that Maiden, and in the Annals, Ecclesiae Aurelianensis auctore Carolo Sanseye Aureliano. Wherefore in the principal Church in Orleans, called Saint Croix, there is Mass said for the souls of the Scots daily that were slain there. But to return.  
The Duke of Turraine being thus slain, was buried in the Church of Tours, called Saint Gratians, the 20. of August, in the year 1424. whose coat of arms was to be seen long ago upon the gates of Tours. He was a man no where branded for any vice, and of unquestioned valour, for so much as belonged to his own person, equal to any that were before him. Neither can I see any evident fault in his conduct and leading. It is true Major taxeth him as unskilful and unfit for matters of war, though he gives him a large commendation of courage, and personal valour. But he seemeth to have grounded his censure more upon the success, then upon his actions, to which we will answer with the Poet, Careat successibus & quisquis ab eventu, etc. Or if that will not serve, we will choke him with the French Proverb, Le clerc aux arms, he is not a fit judge of such things. But we have to do with a more judicious indeed, who glanceth at no less for speaking of his father Archbald the Grim, he saith that Chivalry stood in him; as though he would have said, it fell also with him: which seemeth to prejudge this his son (Tine-man) if not in his valour (which no man can call in question) yet in his conduct, and leading, which is the chief property and quality of a General and Commander. Of which judgement questionless, the ground is the same, his hard success in his interprises. And there is no reason that he should be thought so of for it, if there be no other cause of evil success. But if there may be some other reason, and if many well guided Armies, and interprises have miscarried (which none will deem, there is no necessity nor just cause why he should be double burdened, both with ill luck, and the blame of it, unless it be showed where and how he erred, which neither he, nor any other Historian doth. We must therefore absolve him as free from this imputation, seeing they do not make it to appear, that he was guilty of any error, or oversight either at Homildon, Shrewsberry, or Vernoill. On the contrary, his wariness and circumspection may sufficiently appear to the attentive and judicious Reader. Let not then his praise be lessened, or his glory eclipsed by his cross fortune, nor himself esteemed any whit inferior to his Predecessors. Nay, he deserveth to have so much more praise, as that his worth doth shine through the thick cloud of the frownings of fortune, whereas their glory is increased, and lustred with the beams of a prosperous issue in their exploits.  

Archibaldus Duglassius Dux Turronensis, & Johannes Stuartus, Buchaniae comes ad Vernolium coesi.  
Gallia vos titulis; vos gallica regna trophaeis  
Auxistis, meritis utraque regna cluunt,  
Tertia si invideant, quid mirum ingentia damna  
Queis data, Saxonidum dum cecidere deuces,  
Desine lingua procax verbis incessere Testis:  
Gallus adest, servat tot monumenta ducum,  
Et vos aeternum memorabit Gallia cives  
Grata suos, titulos quae dedit, & tumulos.   
Johan. Johnston  
Heroes.  

Archbald Douglas, Duke of Turraine, and John Stuart Earl of Buchan his son in law, Constable of France, killed at Vernoill.  
France gave you Titles, you it Trophies gave;  
Both Kingdoms, mutual obligation have:  
If the third envied it, their loss received  
Might well excuse them, being oft bereaved  
Of their most ancient Leaders: no bold tongue  
By base detraction can have power to wrong  
Your merit, and the French will witness bear,  
To whom your memory shall still be dear:  
Their graceful Monuments the same express,  
As do the places you did there possess.   

Archbaldus Dux Turonensis etc.  
Bis victus, captusque amisso milite; caesus  
Denique cum sociis, Vernoliae occubui:  
Dura meis raro affulsit victoria signis:  
Nostra tamen nusquam sunt data terga fugae.  
Semper at ingentes haec dextra liquit acervos,  
Hostibus & semper maxima damna dedit.  
Hinc fortis, magnisque ducis veracibus urnant  
Me titulis; nec non hostis & ipse colit.  
In me virtutem videas, verumque laborem:  
Fortunam proprio quis regat arbitrio?  
Discite, ab eventu qui censes facta virosque  
Exemplo, non sic esse notanda, meo.   

Archbald Tine man, Duke of Turraine.  
Twice with my Army's rout I lost the field;  
Now with my friends, I am at Vernoil killed:  
My labours hardly met with victory,  
Yet did I never stay behind, nor fly,  
But killed my foes on heaps: my valiant arm  
Did ever bring revenge, and equal harm.  
Hence was I honoured, as most fit to be  
A Leader, courted even by th' enemy.  
In me you may the height of worth behold;  
But ah, who in his power can Fortune hold?  
O! you, who from th' event your censures take,  
Disprove yourselves, and me the instance make.    

Of Archbald the fourth of that Name, the foureteenth Lord, and fifth Earl of Douglas, he was the first Earl of Wigton, Lord of Bothwell, Galloway and Annandale, the second Duke of Turraine, Lord of Longe-ville, and Marshal of France.  
UNto Archbald Tine-man succeeded his eldest son Archbald: he had to wife Mauld Lindsay, daughter to David Earl of Crawford: he was married at Dundee with great solemnity and pomp. This alliance hath been the occasion of crawford's going with him into France (as we told before) and the ground of that friendship that was betwixt Earl William (slain at Stirlin) and that Earl Crawford, whereof we shall hear more of hereafter. It appeareth also, that there hath been continual friendship betwixt these houses from the first Earl Douglas time, who procured a pardon for Crawford who had slain John Lyon. His children were William, David, and a daughter named Beatrix. The time that he possessed the Earldom of Douglas, from his father's death in the year 1424. until the year 1439. is fifteen years; all the time of King James the first, and about two years in the minority of King James the second. So that the estate of the Country may easily be known, if we call to mind what hath been said of the death of King Robert the third, and of Robert the Governor, to whom his son Murdock did succeed in the government before the King came home out of England.  
This Murdock, when he had governed, or rather misgoverned some three years, or four, being provoked by an insolent fact of his eldest son Walter (who to despite his father, had wrung off the neck of a Hawk which he loved) determined in revenge hereof to send and fetch home the King out of England, and to possess him of his Kingdom.  
No other motive we read of to induce him to this; whether it be because there were no other, or because they have not been careful to set down the true cause, I know not. But if this were indeed, it is so memorable, that it deserveth not to be passed over with a dry foot (as we say) and without observation: For who can but wonder at so rare a fact betwixt a father and a son, as the like is not extant elsewhere in any Record or History, and hath not been heard of, I think, since the world stood: That a man to spite his son should quite a Kingdom, whereof he was possessed, and saw no other appearance but to enjoy it still. I confess there hath been much unnatural unkindness in the world, whereby they have procured the death and destruction of those, whose safety they were tied by the bonds of nature to maintain: but that hath been for their own honour and dignity, to obtain the place, or continue in it, which men do so much aspire unto: but that their unnatural despite should reach so far, as to undo themselves, and to quite a Kingdom, for obtaining and retaining whereof, ambitious men turn the world upside down, only to satisfy a passionate humour, or malice conceived against their own child; let him that can, parrellel it, and put this up in his note book for a second instance at least. It was for love of his Cousin, for respect to equity, out of duty to God, and love of his Country, which he saw he himself could not, and his son would not govern rightly, and therefore thought fittest to resign it to him that both could and would do it; it was a good, sober, wise and worthy thought. But then our Writers do him wrong, that never signify that such was his mind, no not in the least word: and mention only his own anger, and the instigation of Coline campbel a chief man in Argyle, who blew the coal out of a private spleen against Walter, who had done him some injury: but however it were, whether his spite moved him to do justice, or desire to do justice caused despite, he threatened to do it to his son, and performed what he threatened; for he sent Ambassadors into England to have the King released, of which this Archbald was chief, about the time of his very first coming to the Earldom. 
He is sent Ambassador into England.  He with his two Colleagues, William Hay Constable, and Henry Bishop of Aberdene, carried the matter so wisely, that they brought it to a conclusion, which was the more easily effected, because King James married a Lady of England without portion, which they thought would move him to forget any wrong he had received by their injust detention. The Ambassadors also condescended upon a ransom to be paid, though none were due from him, who never was lawful prisoner. So at last he was released, came home, and was crowned King the 22. of May 
Brings home the King.  1424.  
We have heard hitherto the rise of the house of Douglas, and the continual increasing thereof by their great deserts, with the approbation and applause of all men, with the good will and liking of their Princes for the space of many years: their Princes delighting to employ them, and they endeavouring to serve their Princes, and their Country to the uttérmost of their power, with a good harmony, and happy agreeing on all sides. Let us now be contented from henceforth to find the world to be the self still; that is, rolling and tumbling by perpetual vicissitudes, and changes: for though this house shall yet grow up, and to a higher pitch than ever, yet this concordance shall not continue so full, but shall begin to have some jarring; their Princes being jealous of them, they standing in fear of their Princes, sometimes in favour, sometimes out of favour; sometimes employed, and sometimes neglected: having men's affections sometimes towards them, sometimes averse from them, liking and disliking by turns and fits.  
They also for their parts were now well-contented, then malcontented: now dealing in affairs, then withdrawing from all meddling in State business, from whence did spring discords, imprisonments, banishments, slaughters: which things beginning in this man's time at his committing, strangeness and discontents continued in the next, and proceeded in his son's time to his putting to death, and was transferred as hereditary to his successors, with many interchanging of smile and frownings of fortune and Court, which at last ended in that fearful catastrophe of the final ruin of this flourishing family, in the year 1483. which troubles continued the space of 59 or 60. years, beginning at King James the firsts return into Scotland.  
For the very first year of his reign, this Earl Douglas is committed to ward, but is soon released: and then within some few years, was committed again. For his first commitment, there is no cause thereof recorded, only the time thereof doth furnish some matter of conjecture, together with other circumstances set down. As for the time, it was when Duke Murdocke, and his sons (Walter and Alexander) and their Mother, and her Father, Duncane Stuart, Earl of Lennox, were committed. The circumstances are, that he was not alone, but with him twenty four Earls and Barons were committed likewise, amongst whom there were some of the Kings own special friends, and kindred: as William Earl of Angus, who was the King's sister's son, and so Duke Murdokes Cousin. The Earl of Douglas was also allied with him: for Robert the Governors' son, John Earl of Buchan had married Douglas sister; and there had been cor-respondency, and friendship betwixt the Governor, and Archbald the Grim, as also Archbald Tyne-man (this Earl's Father and Grandfather) and Buchan and this Earl, had been fellows in Arms together in France at Baugue: as also Buchan and Archbald Tyne-man were slain together at Vernoill. Likewise the Earl of March, who had been restored by Duke Murdocks Father, and had kept good friendship with him, and his son after his restitution: Robert Stuart of Roth-house, Stuart of Dundonald: John Stuart of Carden, being also of the name of Stuart, and all in some nearness of blood to Murdock, as the King himself also was. The rest Hepburn of Hailes, hay of Yester, Ramsay of Dalhousie, Haliburto●… of Dirleton, we find to have been dependers of the houses of Douglas and March: and the rest also, Walter Ogilbe, Alexander Setton, or Gordon, hay Arroll, Scrimger Constable of Dundee, have been friends and followers of the house of Douglas, as we find they did assist and accompany them in divers battles; and have also perhaps had some friendship with the Duke or his Father in law, as commonly the Nobility are allied, and of kin one to another. Who therefore (thought they were willing, that their lawful and rightful Prince should enjoy his own place) would not agree so easily to the putting to death of those, whom the King was resolved to make out of the way. Now what it was that moved the King to this course, whether desire to be revenged of the cruelty of Robert the Governor (their Father) toward David D. of Rothsay his elder brother, or for his mis-demeanour and undutifusnesse towards his Father (Robert the third) or for his neglecting himself in his captivity, or for that he esteemed all that government (of Robert and Murdock) to be an usurpation of the Crown, and feared the like hereafter, or even perhaps found such practisings to his prejudice, is uncertain. However being resolved to rid himself of them, he thought it the safest way to make them fast, who he believed would not be so well contented with it, as he desired. He did therefore commit them till he had tried their minds, and drawn them to his course, or at least taken order with them to sit quiet. And this was not long a doing: for we read that the foresaid prisoners were all shortly relieved, and some of them also put upon the others quree (or assize) as Douglas, March, Angus, Arrole: But by what means he hath constrained them to be content, or what remonstrance or evidence he hath given them, to let them see that those men were guilty of death, or what crime they died for, (if any new conspiracy, or what else) our Histories tell us not, which is a great defect in them: Major thinketh it likely that there was some conspiracy found against the King, otherwise they would never (saith he) have condemned such men to death (Princes of the blood as we may call them) and their own especial friends. And thus much of the Earl Douglas first committing, and the issue thereof.  
For the second Hollinshed and Boetius do agree, that the K. arrest the Earl- Douglas, and kept him long in prison; till at last, by the mediation of the Queen and Prelates, he and the Earl of Rosse were released. Boetius calleth him Archbald Duke of Turraine plainly: but Hollinshed is pleased (out of sum partial humour as should seem) to suppress the Title of Duke of Turrain, and this is all the difference betwixt them. It was some years after his first committing, but what year? it is not condescended upon. Some say, it was in the year 1431. but impertinently, for the year 1430. is the year of his releasing, except we will think that he hath been imprisoned thrice, which is not mentioned by any. And a little mention there is of the cause wherefore he was warded, whereof Major complaineth saying, that our Annals tell not the cause of the Stuarts executions, and the incarcerating of the Earl Douglas and John Lord of kennedy, the Kings own sister son; for both were committed, Douglas in Logh-leeven, and Kennedy in Stirling; for how shall it be known whether it was done justly, or for matters of weight, or if for trifles only, and for his own pleasure. Others insinuate a cause, but do but glance at it without setting it down so clearly as to let men know, whether it were just or unjust, which is the light and life of History, and the right end and use thereof: for they say no more, but that they had spoken sinisterly or rashly, and somewhat more freely than became them, of the estate and government of the Country. What use can any man make of this generality? rashness may be a fault, yet perhaps none at all in them, of whom it is spoken, they being Privy Counsellors. Likewise the phrase (freelier than became) is so general, that the Reader remaineth unsatisfied: neither can posteriry (either King or Subject) judge of this fact, whether it were right or wrong, or whether the example were such as men ought to follow, or forbear and avoid.  
It should have been expressly set down what they spoke, to whom, if to the King himself, or to others: In what sort, if by way of admonition, counselling, or advising, or if by form of cavilling, detracting, murmuring, mutining, and such other circumstances, whereon the judging of it chiefly dependeth: In this uncertainty we can hardly condemn or absolve, praise or censure them, In that the Lord Kennedy was of the same mind, and category with the Earl Douglas, apparently it hath not been spoken in malice, seeing the King's nearest and his best friends (such as these Kennedies were) having approved thereof. And that Noblemen must not speak their opinion freely of things to the King, or if the King (being without malice) is very hard: for how shall a King know, that will not hear? he cannot know all by himself: And how shall he hear, if Noblemen have not leave to speak freely: he cannot hear all by himself.  
Such carriage as this hath often done Princes ill, and it may be, hath done this same Prince no good. And what ever it was, that displeased the Earl Douglas in the government was either for the Country's sake, or the Kings own sake, or for both: why might not the King think there might be errors? And why might he not then have heard them? To have proceeded so vehemently (for their hath been great vehemency in it) to have cut off his own kinsmen, and leave none but himself for the Earl of Athole to aim at: it was most important, and worthy to be considered of, whether or not it were best for him (in policy) to do. Doubtless his doing of it hath emboldened Athole to cut off the King himself, when all the rest were cut off first by the King. And was it nothing to lose the Nobility, to alienate their hearts? to irritate them by imprisonments, forfeitures? hath it not done ill think you, and encouraged him to go on in his intended treason? looking for the favour of the offended Nobility, or for neutrality, and slackness to revenge the King's death. We see the King himself retreateth his taxations once or twice, when he saw the people grieved therewith. And wisely, in that he was careful to keep the hearts of the people. But was there no care to be taken for keeping the Nobility also ungrieved? was it enough that they would not, or durst not (perhaps) or could not openly rebel? was it not something to want their affections? to want the edge, and earnestness thereof? to relent them, to cool them? Certainly such proceedings as these have encouraged his enemies in hope of impunity (greater than they found) yet in hope of it to go on with their designs, and hath furthered and hastened that dolorous conclusion which ensued.  
What ever the cause were, he acknowledgeth the Earl Douglas mind not to have been of the worst sort, in that he releaseth him, and in token of a full reconcilement, makes him a witness to the Baptism of his two sons (twins) which was in those days no small honour and signification of good will, and a pledge of intimate friendship. He made also his son William (though but a child of five years of age) the first knight of fifty, who were dubbed at that solemnity, as the Manuscript affirmeth. By which actions, as he honoured Douglas, so did he withal honour himself in the eyes of the people, and of foreigners, gracing his Court, and that so solemn action by the presence of such a Peer, far more than if he had been only accompanied by Creighton and Levingston, and such new men (who were but new and mean in regard of him) as then but growing under the King's favour. And so it is indeed, the Prince honoureth his worthy Nobles by his favours to them, and they grace, adorn, and decore, and give a lustre and splendour to him, and his Court, by their presence, and attendance thereat. And it is wisdom so to esteem, and so to use them; and happy are they on both sides, and happy is the Country where they thus agree and concur. This was he in the year 1430. in October, released out of prison, and this solemnity being ended, he passed into France, and was installed in his Duchy of Turrain: whether he went thither for that only, or if he used that fairest colour of his absence, that he might not see the government, which he disliked, and in which he had no employment, I leave it: yet his going thither gave others occasion to grow great, and to be employed; especially the house of Angus, which was at last the overthrow of his house. So as the honour and profit they had in France, may have been said to have been their wrack in Scotland: what by the envy of their greatness, what by their absence from home, as hath been said. So uncertain are the affairs of the world! neither is there extant any mention of his actions in France, though at that time (from 1430. till 1437.) the wars were very hot there, King Henry the sixth of England being brought over in person, and crowned in Paris. It is attributed to the Earl Douglas, that he moved the King of France to require King James his daughter (Margaret) in marriage to his son (afterward Lewis the eleventh) and that he met her when she landed at Rochel, and was present at her marriage.  
He remaineth there until the year 1437. in which, the 21. of February, King James was slain at the Black friars in Saint Johnstoun by Patrick Grahame, and Robert Stuart, at the instigation of Walter Stuart Earl of Athole, the King's father's brother by the Earl of Rosses daughter, who pretended to be the rightful heir to the Crown; and that he was wronged, and defrauded by the son of Elizabeth Moor, who was only a Concubine, as he alleged.  
This posterity of Elizabeth Moor he had craft●…ly caused to destroy one another the Governor Robert to destroy David Duke of Rothsay, and now King James (David's brother to destroy the house of the Governor D. Murdock, and his children. And thus causing the King to spo●…e and weaken himself by cutting off his friends, none being left alive but the King and his only son (a child of six years) he was emboldened to put hands in the King also; so much the rather, because he knew that many of the Nobility were discontented, what with being imprisoned, what with being endamaged in their goods, lands, and rents; what with putting to death of their friends. So that he hoped that they would be well contented with the King's death, at least they would not take great care or pains to be revenged thereof which things if the Earl Douglas foresaw, and being grieved therewith, admonished the King thereof, or caused any other to warn him that these courses were not for his good; this event showeth he did the part of a faithful Subject, Friends, and Counsellor. However, it was not so well taken by the King at that time, as being contrary to his humour, and present disposition. He did wisely also to withdraw himself, seeing he could not help things, as he would have gladly done. Now that the King was dead, he returns home, and was present (as some think) at the Coronation of his son James the second, who was crowned at Edinburgh the tenth of March 1437. not a month (or no more than a month) after the death of his father: where it is to be observed, that either the death of the King is not rightly said to be in the year 1437. in February, in stead of 1436. or else they reckon the year from the first of January, which was not the custom then. And yet Buchanan means so, for he says he was slain in the beginning of the year 1437. in February, which makes me think the Earl Douglas hath not come in time to the Coronation, seeing he could hardly have used such diligence to have had notice of the King's death, made himself ready, and come home out of France in so short a space, though the wind had favoured him never so much. However, through his absence, his adverse party and faction had gotten such possession of guiding State affairs in the late King's time, and had so handled the matter, that he was no whit regarded, nor was there any account made of him. He was not admitted to the managing of any business of the Commonwealth, or any public place or Office therein. Creighton and Levingston (the one made Protector or Governor, the other Chancellor) did all according to their pleasure.  
Our Writers say that the reason hereof was, because the Nobility envied the greatness of Douglas, which was suspected, and too much even for Kings. How pertinently either they write so, or the Parliament thought so, I refer it to be judged by the indifferent. He was far from the Crown, to which he never pretended title; his predecessors had quit all pretention, title, claim, or interest thereto, in the time of K. Robert the second he that did claim it, and gave over, and all his posterity after him had ever behaved themselves modestly, they had submitted themselves to all government, even to be ruled by them who were but Governors only, and not Kings (Robert and Murdock) as obediently in every thing as any of the meanest of the Nobility, and had never given occasion of any suspicion to any man, nor taken upon them any thing beyond or above the rest, unless it were they took greater pains in defence of the liberty of the Country, in which they spent their lives under their Kings. And this same man in the late King's time had behaved himself most humbly, going to prison once or twice, and obeying his Sovereign in all things, without the least show of discontentedness, far less of opposition. So that whatever hard opinion either the King had taken of him, or any man had put into the King's head, hath been without his deserving; who if he had been that way disposed, how easily might he have troubled the Governor, and the whole Country? But suppose they did suspect, and were jealous of his greatness (though without a cause) what moved them to neglect and pass by the rest of the ancient Nobility? was there none of them fit for those places? where was the Earl of March, a valiant man, and of an ancient stock? Where was the Earl of Angus, the Earl of Cassils', and divers others? They will say that Creighton and Levingston were wise men. But were they the only wise men? were there no more wise men in the Country? Then if they were wise, were they good also? were they just? were they sober, modest, and moderate? For without these virtues their wisdom was not good, but dangerous, and even ill; chiefly when it is joined with power, and is in authority. And I pray you what hath their wisdom been? or wherein did they show under to the late King? They tell not, and I believe it, if it be tried, it shall be found that which made him to have so short a life, that gave occasion to his enemies to take courage against him; even their seeking of their own particular advancement, with offence, and vexing of the Nobility, without regarding the King's good, or the good of the Country. And it must needs be so, if it were the same wisdom they show now after the King's death. Therefore if we shall speak in right terms of that matter, we shall say that Alexander Levingston, and William Creighton, both small Barons only, and not of the ancient blood of the Nobility; new men bend to seek their own profit only, without regard to any other duty, had misgoverned the State, and gotten the guiding of the late King, and drawn such a faction, that Douglas being absent in France, they had gotten all into their hands; Levingston being made Governor, and Creighton Chancellor, who is the first Chancellor that we read of in our Chronicles.  
The Earl Douglas took such indignation at this, esteeming it disgraceful to the whole Nobility, and more especially to himself, that finding he could not bow his heart to acknowledge such men, and yet not willing to oppose or impugn them who were clothed with authority (which would move war and trouble in the Country) he chose, as the calmest and best course, to withdraw himself, and not to meddle with any public business, or to take any care or share in ruling the Country, which he left to them to whom it was committed, and to such as had taken it upon them: with this resolution he returned home to his own house, without further troubling of them. But that he might keep them from infringing his liberties, and privileges granted to the house of Douglas of old by former Kings for their good services, he commanded such as were his to contain themselves within his regality, to answer to his courts, and to no other; professing plainly that he would keep his privileges, and that if any man should usurp or encroach upon them, he should be made sensible of his error.  
This was a bit cast into the teeth of the new Governors, and did curb them very short on the south side of Forth, he having large lands and lordships in those parts. And here their foolishness was quickly seen, in that they would take upon them such authority, and the unadvisedness of those who had given it them who were not able to execute it, but by the permission of another. Hereupon also fell out great inconveniences, for the men of Annandale (accustomed to theft and robbery) seeing the Earl Douglas discontented, and retired (who was the only man they stood in awe of, and was only able to restrain them) they began to slight and contemn the authority of these Governors, and to molest and vex their neighbouring Shires with driving away preys and booty by open force and violence, as if it had been from the enemy. This the Governors not being able to repress, the evil increased daily, as a canker, so that it overspred the whole region (almost) on that side of Forth.  
In the mean while these jolly Governors were so careful of the common good of the Country, and the charge committed to them, that in stead of thinking how to pacify and restrain those Annandians, they fall at variance each with other, sending out contrary Edicts and Proclamations: The Governor commanding that none should acknowledge the 
Variance betwixt the Governors.  Chancellor, and the Chancellor that none should obey the Governor; so that when any came to the one to lament his estate, and seek redress; he was used by the other as an enemy, and both pretended the King's authority. For the Chancellor had the King in his custody in the Castle of Edinburgh, and the Governor had the name of authority, and was in Stirling with the Queen mother: at last she under colour to visit her son, found means to convey him out of the Castle in a Chest to Stirling. And now the Governor having gotten the King's person to countenance and strengthen his authority, went with an Army to besiege the Castle of Edinburgh where the Chancellor was.  
The Chancellor to make himself a party, sendeth to the Earl Douglas, offers to come in his will, desireth his protection, remonstrates to him the cruelty, avarice, and ambition of the Governor, telling him that he was deceived, if he thought they would go no further then to seek to extinguish him, and that he would make him but a step to overthrow the Nobility, and him with the first.  
Douglas returned answer, That the Governor and Chancellor were both alike false, covetous, and ambitious, that their contentions were not of virtue, or for the good of their Country, but only for their own particular quarrels, and private commodity, in which contention there was no great matter which of them overcame, and if both should perish, the Country were the better: neither could there be a more pleasant sight for all honest men, then to see such a couple of Fencers yoked together. This answer was so true: that none can or doth contradict it. Their falsehood he hath known, and that is it which men call wisdom in them by a fair name. It showeth itself in their dealing with this Earl's son, and appears also in their carriage one towards another, each striving who should deceive the other.  
Their factiousness likewise, ever when they durst for fear of a third, and that their contentions were but for particulars grounded upon ambition and avarice, without any care of the common wealth, the world saw it then, and it may be seen as yet. And therefore it is most true that the Country had been better if it had been rid of such ambitious and avaricious Governors, seeking nothing but themselves; and that it was not for any honest man to embroil himself in their so dishonest debates, but a pleasant show and spectacle indeed, and to be desired to see each of them (though unjustly) yet to do justice upon the other. It was a free speech also, no man can deny. But they say it was not wisely spoken, for it made the two parties agree to his prejudice, and procured to him the hatred of both, at least increased their hatred: for no doubt they hated him before, and now he might have divided them by joining with the Chancellor.  
To this we answer, that seeing the Chancellor hated him, he would have done nothing, but served himself of him for his own particular: either to have overthrown the Governor, that he might have had all the prey and benefit alone; or perhaps made use of his help to agree with him on better terms, and easier conditions, as we see they did agree at last. It was for no common good of the Country, no nor for any good will to the Earl: what could he do then? why should he have meddled with them? they say to have met with him in his own craft, and to have used the one of them to overthrew the other, that so both might have been overturned. Will men never leave these things? such false tricks, such bastard and spurious wisdom? and shall we not think there is another way besides it? there is a true honest wisdom, that honest men may keep without fashood, or any point, or tincture thereof, without deceiving any, even the deceivers. What other answer did his request deserve? was it not fit that such crafty companions, who had abused the Country, should hear the naked truth out of a Nobleman's mouth? Should such a Nobleman have glossed with such as they were, flattered and dissembled, and struck cream in their mouth? Nay, it is a part of punishment to wickedness, even to hear the own name given to it: And it is very fit it should have it. So that his answer cannot be justly taxed, but commended as true, just, magnanimous, and such as became his place, house and birth, without fraud or dissimulation, calling (as the Macedonian did) a spade, a spade; vice by the own name: which as he did here, so perhaps had he done before, when he spoke of the government in the late King's time, whereby it would appear that such was his natural disposition, far from all frivolous flattery, or dissimulation, either toward King or others. Indeed now these are crept in, and accounted wisdom, to the prejudice of the ancient true generosity of these great spirits, far better, and far more worthy to be adorned with the full and due praise, then to be obliquely taxed and nipped by half words, as not being wisely and profitably enough spoken, when there can be no just blame laid upon them. Neither ought it to be thought unprofitably said, or dangerously, seeing (out of all question) the same courage and magnanimity that moved him to speak the truth, made him also now to despise their persons, contemn their spleen, and slightly account of any power they had to do him any harm, for all their joining together. Neither is there any appearance, but that he did it out of a right weighing of his own and their power, and not out of any arrogancy, or idle confidence. And certainly, any indifferent man can think no less, and that they durst not attempt any thing against him or his successor after him, but after a most treacherous manner as ever any was since the world stood. So that there was not any want of wisdom in this speech, nor in this same point of profit or harm.  
His death followed not long after in the year 1438. at Rastalrigge, of a 
His death.  burning fever: very opportunely & in a good time (say our Writers) and so it was indeed for them, and such as they were, who had now better opportunity to prey upon the Commonwealth, and spoil and use it for their best advantage. But it was unseasonably for the house of Douglas, which was left in the hands of a youth without experience; and therefore uncircumspect, yea untimely for the Nobility, who became a prey to the avarice, and ambition of these two, and untimely for the Country, in that these two were now left free from the fear of him they stood most in awe of, and who might most have repressed their attempts, and bridled their appetites.  
This thing only I can account worthy of reproof in him, that he suffered Annandale to overcome the adjacent Countries, and did not hinder them from wronging the innocent people: he should not have thought that it did not belong to him to hinder them, because he was no Magistrate. This if he had done, and kept justice within himself, it would have gotten him both favour and honour, and might have brought contempt upon the Governors, that could not keep peace in a more tractable and peaceable Country, nor amongst themselves: for how excellent a thing is it by good means to seek honour. It would have taken away the occasion of the Calumnies of his enemies, who yet did much worse themselves: he was otherwise a valiant wise man, a lover of his Country, and of a free, plain, good and generous nature; his generous disposition appeareth in his brave demeanour towards the Lord kennedy. There being something wherein the Lord kennedy had wronged and offended him, he conceived such high indignation thereat, that he published his desire of revenge to be such, that whosoever would bring the Lord Kennedies head, should have the lands of Stuarton. This offer proceeded from so powerful a man, and known to be a man that would keep his promise, the Lord kennedy hearing of it, (fearing he could hardly long escape his hands) resolved by way of prevention to be himself the presenter of his own head unto him, and accordingly (keeping his own intention close to himself) he came privately to Wigton, where finding the Earl Douglas at his devotion in Saint Ninians Church (a place famous in those days for the frequent resort of Pilgrims thither) immediately after divine Service, offered his head to the Earl, as one who had deserved the promised reward, and did crave it. The Earl seeing the resolution and confident assurance of the man, who had put himself in his power and mercy, forgave him all former faults, made him his friend, and withal gave him the reward he had promised, disponing to him and his heirs the lands of Stuarton, which his successiours (the Earls of Cassils') do peaceably enjoy to this day.  
He was buried in the Church of Douglas, called Saint Bride's Church, with this inscription.  
Hic jacet Dominus Archbaldus Douglas, Dux Turoniae, comes de Douglas, & Longe-ville: Dominus Gallovidiae, & Wigton, & Annandiae, Locum tenens Regis Scotiae. Obiit 26. die Mensis Junii, Anno Domini millesimo quadringentisimo tricesimo octavo.   

Of William slain in Edinburgh Castle, the sixth William, the sixth Earl of Douglas, and third Duke of Turrain, etc.  
UNto Archbald Earl of Wigton, succeeded his son William, a youth of no great age, of an high spirit, and of a sweet, tractable, and meek disposition. And therefore we cannot but detest and execrate the wickedness, and treachery of his enemies, who did so unworthily cut off such a sprig in the very budding; from whose blossoms none could but have expected passing good fruit, to the great good of the commonwealth, and Kingdom, if malice and envy had suffered it to come to maturity. Let us notwithstanding rest contented with his change begun in his father by warding, and displacing from the room of his Predecessors, from managing of affairs in the Kingdom, prosecuted against him in his life time, and now followed forth against his son. This vicissitude which befell this house, is to be found and seen in all humane affairs, and doth overturn all due and right order in the world, as far as men can judge: for innocency is often overthrown by cruelty; honesty and uprightness of heart by craft, falsehood and treachery: and yet let us reverence the Sovereign cause, and Over-ruler of all things, who in this disorder directeth all things certainly by a great wisdom, and with good order doubtless, things unfearchable by man. But as nothing hath ever been so enormous, which may not receive some colour, either of virtue to make it seem good, or at least of some extenuation to make it seem not so ill, as it is: So this fact amongst others I perceive to be of the same kind: by some thought to be good (but very ignorantly, or maliciously) by some excusable, both in form and in fact, by a necessity, or pretext of the common good; by all that have written, more slenderly handled, and doubtingly, then ought to be. For they leave it almost uncertain what ought to be judged of it, whether it be good or ill: so that sometimes you would think they condemn it, sometimes they allow of it, and none of them deals with it so fully, as reason would they should do for the information of posterity, and according to the right law of an History: but as men do with nettles which they would gripe, they are afraid to handle them heartily and hardly.  
Now that this so instant a fact may the better appear in the own colours, I will labour to wash away the painting and plaster wherewith the Authors would so fain (but falsely) overly it; or wherewith men's judgements (whereof many are but half wise, and perceive but the half of matters; not plumming and sounding the depth and ground of things so well as were needful) may be deceived by others, or may fancy to themselves for excusing of it, that we may learn to detest and abhor so detestable and horrible facts with a true detestation and abhorring in earnest and effect, that Posterity may know and condemn, and avoid the like practices.  
And for this purpose, before we come to the narration of the fact itself, we will speak something of the Authors thereof, Levingston, and Creighton, and their actions in the last Earl Douglas time.  
We heard before (and we must not forget it) how well these men guided the Country, what care they took of the Commonwealth; or to say better, how little care they took of it: how they cared for nothing save their own particular, under colour of the Commonwealth: each striving to disgrace other by their private speeches, and open Proclamations: so greedy and ambitious they were, that howbeit they had all the Country between them, yet it could not satisfy, or content them: they could not so much as agree between themselves, to divide the spoil, and part the booty peaceably and quietly, which thiefs and robbers, and Pirates are wont to do without discord or injustice. But they had not so much modesty, but fell at variance; spoiling, fight and besieging one another, till remembering themselves that a third might come and take the bone from both, they were so wise as to agree for fear of him I mean the Earl Douglas: and that they did so, more in that regard, then for any good to their Country or love they bore one to another, it soon appeared after his death: for incontinent thereupon they returned to their old bias, and the agreeance that was made for fear of him, lasted no longer than he lived: wherefore Levingston being Governor, and having the King also in his custody, being freed from the fear of the Earl Douglas, respected the Chancellor Creighton no longer, but began to despise him, and though now there was no band to bind him any longer to him, he would give him no share of his booty and spoil of the Country, but would needs keep all to himself. This was his ambition, or avarice, or both; for ambition would be alone in all, and likes of no equal, no fellowship, no copartner. And avarice might also have moved him to this, for guiding all, he might take all: and if he made the other partaker of the guiding, he behoved to make him partaker of the gain: and therefore he would none of his assistance in the government. But let us see now how well he governed, he imprisoneth the Nobles at his pleasure, upon light grounds of suspicion only, yea he casteth them into fetters.  
The third of August 1439. he warded the Lord Lorne and his brother Sir James Stuart, who had married the Queen Mother, upon suspicion only for their dealing with the Earl Douglas, and did commit the Queen herself to be kept in a close chamber in Stirling Castle, of which he himself was Captain: so that she could not get herself released, until there was kept a Convention of the Lords, then by the intercession of the Chancellor and some others, she was dismissed, having given Sir Alexander Gourdon (alias Seton) who was the first Earl of Huntly, surety and cautioner for her, that she should pay 4000 marks to the Governor. This was his iniquity, yea tyranny, and barbarous abusing of Noblemen, and yet he gave remissions, and pardoned men guilty of great crimes, or passed them over by conniving.  
The Chancellor therefore (who thought he should have his share of the booty) seeing his life thus debouted by the Governor, and not being able to help it, nor to have patience, and sit quiet, it being more than he could digest or bear with, retired him from Court to Edinburgh Castle, there to be safe in his Fort, and lie in wait for the first opportunity that he could find to supplant Levingston. Neither was he slow in coping of him: for before the year was ended, he took occasion of the Governors going to Perth, and knowing by intelligence the time and place of the Kings hunting in the fields about Stirling, thither he rides, and bringeth him away to Edinburgh Castle. By this means the dice are changed, he had now gotten the durke (as our Proverb goes) he will divide the prey over again, he will have his large share of all, and direct all now, as Levingston had done before. The other finding himself in this straight, might lament his case, but could not help himself: necessity hath no law. The Chancellor had yielded to him before, when he (or the Queen for him) stole away the King. Now he hath gotten a meeting, he must yield to him again, and so he doth: Bows his bonny heart, goes to Edinburgh, gets mediators, brings on a meeting, and finally agrees by the mediation of Henry Lighton, Bishop of Aberdene, and John Innesse, Bishop of Murray.  
But if you would see the right face of a stage play, deceivers, deceiving, dissembling, and putting a fair outside on their foul falsehood, and proceedings; read me there harangues on both sides, that you may either laugh or disdain them. I cannot take leisure to set them down at length (as they are to be found in our Histories) but in a word, you shall find nothing but pretexts of the Commonwealth, of the Public peace, the good of the King, and the well being of all honest men, which is all joined, and depends upon them, and their well being forsooth. That hath been still their scope, that hath been the aim of all their intentions, no particular, no ambition, no avarice; only love of those things which were common and profitable unto all; and because in them all did lie and subsist, in their standing honest men did stand, and by their ruin honest men did fall; nay, the King and Country were ruined. For this cause and for no other, that the Country might be well, that wickedness may be bridled, they forgive one another, avouching that their discords arose only from diversity of opinion, and judgement; while as both seeking the common good, one thought one form the best for it, and the other another form to be best for it, and the other another form; which if it were true, let what hath been said above bear witness. It would make a man to loathe speaking virtuously, to see virtue by them so far abused; yet the old Proverb might have warned them: (Oportet mendacem esse memorem) and sometimes a liar will speak truth is verified in them. They confess their ambition, and striving for honour and pre-eminence, they are ashamed to say for goods and riches, but it was no less true, and both were alike faulty, and they exhort one another, and promise to amend thereafter by a better strife, who should be most moderate and just. But they were as true in keeping that promise as they were in their discourse what was passed. When the Fox preacheth, take heed of the hens (saith the Proverb:) we shall see notable moderation and justice, such, as the world hath scarce seen the like example of treacherous tyranny.  
This is the sum of these jolly men harangues. The conclusion is a new friendship (if falsehood be friendship) or rather a conspiracy against the Country, and directly against the Noblemen, who (their conscience telleth them) hate them as new men, lifted up to the highest degree (as they grant themselves) and that was reproach enough to the Nobility, and an argument of their unworthiness. But they might have said as truly, that they were hated for abusing the King and Country for their private advantage, under pretext of the common wealth, which whether the whole Nobility resented or not, we cannot tell; for there is no mention, and it is a wonder if they did not, yet it would seem they did not: they had stooped and taken on an unworthy yoke of slavery. But what ever the rest did, there was one that was a sore thorn in their foot, and moat in their eye, it behoved to be plucked out.  
The Earl of Douglas was of the old spirit, of the ancient Nobility: he could not serve, nor obey but whom he ought, and the lawful commanders, lawfully commanding for his honour and utility, whereof they were neither. Such a spirit is unsufferable, under these new conspiring Tyrants: he will not acknowledge their authority, his father had told them their holy day's name, himself took them for his enemies. But how shall they do with him? he is not easily to be dealt with; they must have muffles that would catch such a cat. Indeed he behaved himself as one that thought he would not be in their danger, he entertained a great family, he road ever well accompanied when he came in public, 1000 or 2000 horse, were his ordinary train. He had great friendship, and dependence of old, he had been careful to keep them, and had also increased them, and conciliated many new followers and clients by his beneficence and liberality, and his magnificence, which was answerable to his place, suitable for an Earl of Douglas, and Duke of Turrain; which Duchy he had obtained himself to be invested in, as heir to his father: having sent Malcolm Lord Fleming, and Sir John Lawder of Basse, (or Haton as others say) into France for that purpose; and was well accepted of in remembrance of his father: and grandfather, he had all his affairs in singular good order: he had his ordinary Council, and Counselors for guiding his affairs: he dubbed Knights also, as he thought men worthy; which power and privilege he did not usurp out of pride, nor take upon him by imitation to counterfeit Kings (as some would insinuate) but by virtue of both his dignities of Duke and Earl. And although he were but fourteen years of age at his father's death (in the year 1438. or 39) and was put to death in the year 1440. not having attained to fifteen or sixteen, or little above at the farthest, yet in this his port and behaviour, did not only appear the sparks of a great spirit, but also of such wisdom and providence as could scarce be looked for from so young a man. This galled them so much the more to think if that fruit should come to ripeness at any time, how poisonable, or rather, how great a counterpoison it would prove to their greatness. But here the skin of the Lion would not serve their turn (he was too hard for them to deal with by force) they do there sow that on that of the Fox.  
The occasion fell out thus: During the time of the jars betwixt themselves, the common affairs were neglected between stools, and partly because they could not (being but mean men of small power) partly because they cared not to prevent, or to amend things, many insolences were committed without redress. The men of the Isles had come into the main land, had put all to fire and sword, men, women and children, young and old, far and wide, omitting no kind of example of avarice and cruelty: and that not only on the Sea coast, but in the Lennox also: out of the Isle of Loch-lomond (called Inch-mertin) they had made an appointment with a Gentleman, named John Calhoon (Laird of Lusse) as if it had been to end some business and slain him (the 23. of September) with many such things, and many fowl facts had been done in divers parts of the Country. Likewise Sir Allane Stuart of Darnelay was slain at Paselay, by Sir Thomas Boide; and again, Sir Thomas Boide was slain by Alexander Stuart of Belmot (brother to the foresaid Sir Allane) and his sons, through which there arose great troubles in the west parts of the Country and Kingdom. The Borderers had not been idle, who living under the Earl Douglas, and being his followers, or retainers, what they did was interpreted to be done by his allowance. And at a Convention in Edinburgh many complaints were given in against him, but never a word spoken of the tax of Isles men: never a word of Levingstons and Creightons own doings, who had warred one upon another, not a word of any other slaughter or bloodshed, but as though nothing were amiss in the Country, but what was done by the Earl Douglas dependers; they only were complained of. Whether the cause was in his enemies, and that this proceeded from them, or was done by their instigations, our Histories tell not, neither can we affirm it: yet it is strange, that there being so many more, and more enormous faults (for the Isle-mens' were more heinous) none should be taken notice of but his men's. Theirs are exaggerated, multiplied, and made odious; and the envy thereof derived upon the Earl, as Author of all: hereupon Sir Alexander Levingston, (carrying malice in his heart, but dissembling it for a time, with a false deceitful mind) persuaded the rest, that the Earl Douglas was rather a man to be dealt with by fair means, then to be irritated by suspicions: As one who had such power, that if he should oppose himself, he might frustrate all their conclusions & decrees. Wherefore he procured a letter to be written to him in an honourable manner in all their names, entreating him, that being mindful of his place, mindful of his progenitors, whose good deeds and deservings, most ample and notable towards his Country of Scotland, were still extant, he would come to the Convention of the States, which could not be conveniently kept without him, & his friends. If he had taken offence at any thing, they would satisfy him so far as was possible. If there were any oversight committed by him, or any of his friends, they would remit it, and would forgive many things to his most noble house which had done so many good offices, and so much good service to his Country. They would impute many things to the times, and consider his youth, and the great hope and expectation they had of him That he should come therefore, and take what part of the affairs of the commonwealth he best pleased, and as his Ancestors had often delivered the Realm from dangers of wars by their arms and victories, so that he would be pleased now by his presence to raise it, and establish it almost sunk, & overthrown with intestine discords.  
This letter as it was honest in words, and very right, carrying that right course that should have been used towards him, and the duty that all these reasons contained, craved to have been done to him, if it had been in sincerity: so being in falsehood, and with a treacherous intention, used only to entrap him, makes their ditty the clearer: for he (out of the honesty of his own heart) interpreting their meaning to be according to their words, and being of no ill disposition, but of a sweet and tractable nature, desirous of glory by good means, that so he might have followed the footsteps of his Predecessors in all good offices to his Country, not having so great malice in his mind, and therefore not thinking any could have so great in theirs against him, as to seek his life, (for there had been no such occasion, their contentions with his father had not come to that height and degree, but had been contained within the bounds of words only) and therefore not imagining that so great villainy could have been harboured in their hearts, he willingly embraces the occasion of making peace in the Country, & that he might contribute thereto his best endeavours, taketh his journey for Edinburgh. His friends are reported to have furthered him in this resolution, in hope of their own particular employments and preferment, which (say they) blinded their eyes that they saw not the danger. But truly I cannot fee how they could have seen any peril, unless we will say that they might have known that the Governor and Chancellor were treacherous men, and had given some proof of as great disloyalty before, which is not mentioned any where that we know of; for though they were known to be subject and inclinable to falsehood (as his father had objected to them before) yet it was so well covered, that it was not accounted falsehood, but wisdom: for there are degrees, and there be many who will dispense with themselves to step something aside from the strict rule of uprightness (which is accounted simplicity) that will be ashamed of so high a degree of manifest treason, as this was. So that howbeit they knew their falsehood in some measure, yet could they not have looked for such proditorious dealing: besides it might have seemed to any man in discourse of reason, that if they cared not to blot their names with the foulness of the fact, yet they could not have great hope to gain or profit much by it: for what could it avail them to cut him off, seeing another was to succeed in his place, as ill (perhaps) as he? so that by putting of him to death, all that they could gain would be but an irreconcilable deadly feud with that house, which was too high a degree of enmity for any thing had yet been amongst them, being nothing but grudges, and such things as might have been easily taken away. So that (sith the discourse of man for aught we can judge, could never have reached so far as to have suspected what followed, but rather to have looked for the contrary) I see not how the Earl nor his friends can be blamed for credulity, or how it can be censured in him as a defect of his youth, and proceeding from want of experience: for what otherwise could he have done, if his experience had been never so great? or himself never so old? neither is there sufficient ground to tax his friends as if their hopes had blinded them so that they could not see any peril which no discourse of reason could see, or apprehend. It is true, men ought to be circumspect, but it is a fault also, and proceeds of an ill nature to be suspicious, as he might well have seemed to be, if he had refused to come. The event shows there was cause to suspect the worst: but I deny that reason could foresee that event, or any, considering of the circumstances, could have made one to have looked for it: neither can any man save himself from such treason, neither can it be reputed as simplicity to the sufferer, but as a monstrous enormity to the doer.  
To return to our purpose, their disloyal practice stayed not in this smooth letter: they double fraud upon fraud: for so soon as Creighton knew he was on his journey, he came many miles to meet him, and inviting him to his Castle of Creighton (which was near the way he was to go) he feasted him, he cherisheth him, he entertaineth him friendly, cheerfully, and magnificently: and that not for one day, but two days, kindly, with all the tokens and demonstrations of a friendly mind that could be given. And to remove all suspicion of unfriendlinesse, and the more circumvein him, he admonished him familiarly, that he would remember the royal dignity of his Prince, and his own duty towards him. That he would acknowledge him for his Lord and Sovereign, whom the condition of his birth, the laws of the Country, and the consent of the estates had placed at the rudder of the Commonwealth: that he would labour to transmit his so great Patrimony acquired by the virtue of his Ancestors, and with spending of their blood to his Posterity, even so as he had received it: that he would be careful to keep the name of Douglas, which was no less illustrious and renowned for their faithfulness, than their deeds of arms, not only from the foul blot of treason, but even from all stain of suspicion, or aspersion thereof: that he himself would abstain, and cause his men to abstain, from wronging the poor people: that he would put from about him thiefs and robbers: finally, that in time to come he would set himself to maintain justice, that if he had offended any thing in times past, it might be imputed not to his natural disposition, but to ill counsel, and that infirmity of his youth, penitency would be admitted, and accepted as innocency. Venomous Viper that could hide so deadly poison under so fair shows! unworthy tongue, unless to be cut out for example to all ages! Let not the Poets be thought fabulous, who have transformed men into beasts; lo a beast composed of many beasts: a Lion, a Tiger, for cruelty of heart: a Wasp, a Spider, a Viper, for spite & malicious poysonablenesse: a Fox and Camelion, for falsehood and doubleness: a Cockatrice and Crokodile, and whatsoever nature hath brought forth, that is deceitful and hurtful, a sweet singing Ciren, enchanting the outward senses to the destruction of the listner, so much the more odious, that it was in the shape of a man; and the more detestable, that it durst so pollute the image of God, so abuse the glory of man: the speech of the tongue therefore given him (beyond the beast) that he might employ it well to inform aright, to speak truth, and to do good to others. The honest heart of the hearer that knew what he spoke was right, and intended to follow so good counsel, taketh all in good part, believeth the speech for the truth's sake, the man for his speeches sake. And who could have done otherways? who would not have thought that he who knew so well what was right, would have had some regard to do right? shall we account it childishness, that he accounted so of them, and suffered him to be so deceived? nay, he could not keep himself undeceived. Good men, and wise men have often been deceived both in sacred and profane Histories. We must not impute it to childishness in Abner, that Joab stabbed him under trust, but esteem it vile treachery in Joab, of whom David says, Hce dieth not as a fool dieth, howbeit his hands were not bound, but as a good man falleth before a wicked man, that is by treason, which no man can eschew.  
It is said that his friends seeing so extraordinary entertainment, so fair language above measure, so humble behaviour, and withal so many messages (at every step almost) betwixt the Governor and the Chancellor, took some suspicion of ill meaning, and that there arose first a still murmur through the whole company; thereafter some began to admonish him, that if he would persist to go on, he would send back his brother David, being mindful of a precept of his fathers, That they should not come both together into one place where themselves were not masters, lest they should endanger their whole family at once. The unwary youth (unwary indeed; but what wariness could he have poor innocent?) and very well inclined, even angry with his friends, stayed those murmurs by a plain commandment, and assured his friends thus: That he knew well it was a perpetual pest of great houses that they had ever about them some men that were impatient of peace, who made gain of the perils, travels, and miseries of their Lords and patriarchs: and because in peace they were restrained by the bridle of the law, they were ever stirring up strife and sedition, that in troubled times they might have greater scope and liberty to their wickedness. As for himself, he reposed more upon the known wisdom and prudency of the Governor and Chancellor, then to give ear to their suspicious surmises.  
This speech thus uttered, testifying both an acknowledging of the evil past, and a resolution to amend, was it not sufficient to have purged whatsoever error had been, or might have been thought to have escaped him before? And certainly it would, if these men had regarded Justice, or the good of the Commonwealth, and had desired to reclaim him from his errors, and win him to his Country. But his so full confidence thus reposing on their credit, was it not enough to have tied them to have kept their credit? If there had been any spark of humanity or nature of man left in them: and if they had not been worse than savage beasts. Trust deserveth that we should prove worthy of that trust, and credit procures keeping of credit; where all humane nature is not extinct, and even simplicity deserveth favour and pity. Neither can a man that is not altogether given over, and hath not sold himself to wickedness choose but favour it, and have compassion of it; yea though he had been otherwise disposed in the beginning, it would even move any man's heart (that were indeed a man, and not changed into a beast) to favour and commiserate, and would have tamed and calmed any former discontentment, and have wrung from them any evil intention which they might (perhaps) have conceived before. However, this noble youth goeth on in the innocency of his heart, and that the more quickly, to cut off all occasion of such speeches, and with his brother, and with a few other principal friends goeth directly to the Castle, (being led as it were and drawn by a fatal destiny) and both enter, and so come in the power of those their deadly enemies and feigned friends. At the very instant comes the Governor (as was before appointed betwixt them) to play his part of the Tragedy, that both might be alike embarked in the action, and bear the envy of so ugly a fact, that the weight thereof might not lie on one alone: yet to play out their treacherous parts, they welcome him most courteously, set him to dinner with the King at the same table, feast him royally, entertain him cheerfully, and that for a long time. At last about the end of dinner, they compass him about with armed men, and cause present a bulls head before him on the board: the bulls head was in those days a token of death (say our Histories) but how it hath come in use so to be taken, and signify, neither do they, nor any else tell us, neither is it to be found (that I remember) any where in any History, save in this one place: neither can we conjecture what affinity it can have therewith, unless to exprobrate grossness, according to the French, and our own reproaching dull, and gross wits, by calling him Calves-head (teste de Veau) but not Bulls head. So that by this they did insult over that innocence which they had snared, and applaud their own wisdom that had so circumvented him: a brave commendation indeed, and an honest! yet I wonder what they meant by entertaining him so well at that time, there was some reason for it why they should have done it by the way, that they might work out their treason, until he were within their thongs: but being now within the Castle, and fully in their power, I wonder what it should mean to make him so fair a welcome, to feast him so liberally and solemnly at the King's table, and from thence to bring him to the shambles: what could have been their intention? might they not have conveyed him to some private chamber? might they not have carried him to the place of execution? what needed all this process? what needed they to have let him see the King at all? It would seem as if they had not been fully resolved upon the business before; and that their intentions and purposes were not treasonable, but that they took occasion to be treasonable from the facility to achieve it: but our Writers are clear against that, and say only it was pre-concluded, when he was written for. It might seem also that they did this to communicate the matter, or to transfer it altogether upon the King: but he was too young, and purges himself by disproving of it. So that I can see no other reason of it, but as the Lion with his prey, or (to use a more base, yet a more familiar example, and the base the fitter for them) as the cat with the mouse, which she might devour immediately, yet it pleaseth her to play a little with it: So they for their greater satisfaction, and contentment, delight to play out their Scene; so strangely (notwithstanding) that such process and uncouth forms of doing might seem to import some mystery, and deeper reach then ordinary: which I confess is so profound and deep a folly, and mischantnesse, that I can no wise sound it, unless it were that the Nobleman's place, and his worth forced their wicked hearts to acknowledge it notwithstanding their wickedness: And although the acknowledging could not prevail so far, as to make them leave off the enterprise, yet did it in some sort brangle their resolution, and wrung out this confession of his worth: as all the actions of wickedness, and all wickedness in the acting, are full of contradictions, as this same is most clearly: for if this Nobleman was guilty of death, why is he brought into the King's presence? why is he set at his table? If he was not guilty, why was he put to death? So difficult a thing it is in a lie to keep conformity, either in a lie of actions (so to speak) or in a lie of words! In words it is difficult so to speak that the attentive hearer shall not perceive contrariety: In actions it is impossible that they can be dissembled. This action is a lie, for it saith he is guilty of death; but their welcomming of him, their setting of him at the table with the King, and their feasting, says, he is an innocent, Noble, worthy man; Indeed only truth in word and action can accord with itself: as it is uniform, it floweth from unity, tendeth to it, and endeth in it, and keepeth the taste of the fountain from which it cometh. So they having given this confession of his worth, and again, (by that ominous sign) contradicted their confession, must needs be false witnesses however it go. The young Nobleman either understanding the sign as an ordinary thing, or astonished with it as an uncouth thing, upon the sight of the Bull's head offering to rise, was laid hold of by their armed men in the King's presence at the King's table, which should have been a Sanctuary to him. And so without regard of King, or any duty, and without any further process, without order, assize (or jury) without law, no crime objected, he not being convicted at all; a young man of that age that was not liable to the law in regard of his youth, a Nobleman of that place, a worthy young Gentleman of such expectation, a guest of that acceptation, one who had reposed upon their credit, who had committed himself to them, a friend in mind, who looked for friendship, to whom all friendship was promised; against duty, law, friendship, faith, honesty, humanity, hospitality; against nature, against humane society, against God's Law, against man's law, and the law of nature, is cruelly executed, and put to death: They, (in despite as it were) spitting in the face of all duty and honesty, proclaiming (as far as lay in them) there was no duty to God nor man to be regarded. And that the measure of their wickedness thus heaped and shaken, and pressed down might also run over; all this was done (as it should seem) without the consent, nay, against the will of their King and Sovereign, who wept at their execution, and forbade them to meddle with his Cousin: the shameless men chid him for weeping at the death of his enemy (as they call him) during whose life (say they) he needed never to look for peace, whereas they themselves were his chiefest enemies, and greatest traitors to him, and besides him to God and nature, and to the office of Justice which they bore; bringing a blot on the one, and the other, and blood-guiltiness upon his Crown, so far as lay in them.  
This is that detestable fact never enough to be extracted, which I have laboured indeed to set forth in the own simple colours, stripping it naked of all farthing (though I confess no words can equal the wickedness of it) that men may learn to detest such things wherein may be seen what respect they have carried either to justice, to equity, to common peace, or Commonwealth; that thought it better to root out such a plant, then to dress and to cherish it; to ruin such a house rather than to gain it, which they never would have done, if their private pride and avarice had not had the greatest sway with them. I think all honest minds should disdain to read what they gave out before of their love to the public good, having here so terribly belied it: neither should any man speak of it indifferently without a note of detestation; neither extenuate it by the Earl's simplicity, which seems to diminish and lessen this execrable perfidy, and cruelty. If this were the wisdom, whereof they had purchased an opinion and name under the former King James the first, and if they had practised such things as this, it hath been a bitter root, and hath brought forth a very bitter fruit, and hath, in all appearance been no small part of the cause of hastening his death, and the emboldening of his enemies unto it, as indeed I find some of our Writers inclined to say; for such new men go commonly about to persuade Princes, that ancient Noblemen are enemies to them, and bars to their absoluteness, which is it that these men here mean, in saying that the Earl Douglas was an enemy to the King. Not that he bore any ill will to the King's person (for that they could no ways make appear) but because he was so great a man: According to that general rule, that greatness in the Nobility is dangerous for the Prince, and as if to be a great man were by infallible consequence to be an enemy to the King. Which maxim I fear they have beaten into his head afterwards, not so much to strengthen and provide for his security, as to draw him to their party for strengthening of themselves: for we see all their intentions aim but at their own particulars; and so in this they intent nothing else; only they colour their particulars with the Pretext of the King's service, as they do this wicked fact also.  
David Douglas the younger brother was also put to death with him, and Malcolm Fleming of Cumbernald his special Counsellor. They were all three beheaded in the back Court of the Castle, that lieth to the West. This augments yet their wickedness, that they execute his brother also, whose age behoved to be less than his own, who was but very young too, as we have said. These were good Tutors and bringers up of a young Prince, thus as it were to bait him with the blood of his Nobility, and to imprint such a lesson in his tender mind that they were his enemies. But for conclusion of this matter, concerning these young men, as there was no law laid against them, so is there no History that beareth witness that they were guilty of any capital crime. And Major saith expressly, Apud Annales legi, quod viri illi non erant rei mortis, sed consilio & dolo Gulielmi Crighton, Scotiae Cancellarii haec perpetrata sunt: That is, I read in our Annals that these men were not guilty of death, but this matter was achieved by the counsel and fraud of Crighton Chancellor. It is sure the people did abhor it, execrating the very place where it was done, in detestation of the fact: of which the memory remaineth yet to our days in these words.  

Edinburgh Castle, Town and Tower,  
God grant thou sink for sin;  
And that even for the black dinner  
Earl Douglas got therein.   
Now sith these youths were not guilty, whereof were they not guilty that put them to death? and with what note of infamy to be branded? Though some seem to blame this innocent young man (as they cannot deny him to have been) with half words, as guided by flattery, given to insolency, presumptuous in his Port, yet is there no effect, or affection brought importing either his being addicted to flattery, or that he was more insolent, presumptuous or arrogant, then became a man of his rank. But contrary, that he was of a gentle nature, a repulser of flattery (now as he grew in age) and of due magnificence, such as well became him. Let us therefore account of him so, as one that was singular in respect of his years. And let the blame lie fully on his enemies, who shall find some meeting hereafter from their Cousin; that they may find all the house perished not with him, though indeed the punishment was not proportionated to that which they deserved.  

In Gulielm. & David fratres in Arce Edinburgena trucidatos.  
Vestra Sophocleo caedes est digna cothurno,  
Vestra Thyestea coena cruenta magis,  
Vos scelere atque dolis, vos proditione necati,  
Insontes, puerique & patriae proceres:  
Regius & vestro est foedatus funere vultus:  
Qui fertur siccas non tenuisse genas.  
Haeccine (Rectores) vestra est prudentia tanta?  
Haeccine laudatur justitia? haecne fides?  
Exemplum aeternis nunquam delebile fastis  
Perstat fraudis atrae, persidiaeque trucis.   

In English thus,  
Your murder may deserve a tragic Muse,  
Your horrid dinner justly might excuse  
Thyestes feast, by a more treacherous train  
Drawn to the axe, more barbarously slain  
Then was his son: your Princes guiltless eye  
Stained with the sight, wept at the cruelty.  
Is this these Ruler's wisdom? this their love  
To Justice? this the prudence men approve  
So much? O! black example fit to be  
Marked in eternal scrolls of infamy.    

Of James (called Gross James) the third James, sixteenth Lord, and seventh Earl of Douglas, Lord of Bothwell, Abercorne, and Annandale, the fourth Duke of Turraine, and Lord of Longe-ville.  
UNto William succeeded his father's brother, James Lord of Abercorne, in all the lands that were entailed, but Beatrix, sister to the said William, fell here to the rest that were not entailed, which were many (say our Writers) specially Galloway, Wigton, Balvein, Ormund, Annandale. This James was called gross James, because he was a corpulent man of body: he had to wife Beatrix Sinclair daughter to the Earl of Orknay, but which Earl it is not expressed. To find it, we must consider, that from 1 William Sinclair (the first that came out of France, and married Agnes Dumbarre, daughter to Patrick first Earl of March) 2 the next was Henry his son, who was married to Katherine daughter to the Earl of Stratherne. 3 His son called Henry, also married Margaret Gratenay, daughter to the Earl of Marre. 4 This Henry's son, Sir William passed into Spain, with good Sir James Douglas, who carried the Bruces heart to Jerusalem; he was married to Elizabeth Speire daughter to the Earl of Orknay and Shetland, and so by her became the first Earl of Orknay of the Sinclaires. The second Earl was 5 William also, who married Florentina daughter to the King of Denmark, the sixth person, and third Earl was (his son) Henry who married Giles (or Egidia) daughter to the Lord of Niddisdale. The seventh person and fourth Earl is Sir William, who married Elizabeth Douglas daughter to Archbald Tine-man (the first Duke of Turrain) and sister to this James the gross. Now this James his wife cannot have been this last Sir William's daughter, for than she should have been his own sister's daughter. And therefore she hath been either Henries (that married Giles Douglas) or else Sir Williams, who married Florentina; which of the two I leave it to conjecture; her great spirit, and high ambition would seem to argue that she was come of Kings, and near to them: but the Monument in Douglas calleth her daughter to Henry.  
She bore to this Earl James seven sons, and four daughters. The name of the eldest was William, and the second James, who were Earls of Douglas, both of them by succession, as we shall hear. The third, was Archbald, who married the daughter of John Dumbarre Earl of Murray, brother to George Earl of March, by which means he got the Earldom of Murray. The fourth, named Hugh, was made Earl of Ormond, and had sundry lands given him by the King in Tividale and Rosse. The fifth John was made Lord of Balvenie. The sixth Henry was Bishop of Duncalden. George, the seventh, died before he was fifteen years of age, as our Chronicles do witness; but there is no mention of him in the monuments at Douglas, where the rest are set down by name. As for his four daughtets, 1 Margaret the eldest was married to the Lord Dalkeith. 2 Beairix the second, to John Stuart Duke of Albany, Constable of Scotland, and Captain of fifty men at arms in France. The third was named Jennat, and was married to the Lord Flemine of Cumbernauld. Elizabeth (who was the fourth) died unmarried. This Gross James his eldest son William, partly to hold up the greatness of his house, partly by the Ladies own desire, (who directly refused to marry any other of the name of Douglas) married Beatrix Douglas his Cousin: She was called the fair maiden of Galloway: and so by this match the estate of Douglas was preserved entire, and those lands which she would have been heir to, and divided from it, were kept in their own hands. This match was made far against the opinion of the rest of the name of Douglas, who thought it better that she should have been married to some of the house of Angus or Dalkeith, alleging that the house of Douglas was too great already, and that their greatness would be the ruin of the house, which maxim although it proveth often true, that too great Dominions under Princes, as also Princes themselves having so large extent of territories, and other republics, and Commonwealths, when they come to that hugeness that they cannot easily be governed, do fall, and are overthrown by their own weight: and the conspiracies and combinations of neighbouring Princes, or States (who fear, and are jealous of their excessive greatness) or by their Subjects within, either through the Prince's jealousy (who suspects them) or others envy, who stir jealousy in the Prince, and draw him to suspect them. And therefore all, both Lordships and Empires, are to be restrained and kept within a mediocrity, and that as well Princes, and Commonwealths, as subjects; which all men will confess: but what this mediocrity is, they declare not, neither will they confess, or do they ever think that they are come to that fullness, that there is any danger of exceeding so far, as to procure their overthrow, or breed any peril. It is said of Augustus Cesar that he intended some moderation of the Empire, and had resolved to have propagate it no further: yet it was doubted upon what ground it was that he thus resolved; whether out of prudency, or of envy toward his successors, that none might go beyond him, or add any more to it then he had. And it is indeed a hard matter to persuade men, and perhaps no less difficult to prove, for all agree that these inferior things (even all of them) are in a perpetual flux and motion, and that they cannot stand long at a stay, without going either forward or backward, increasing or decreasing. If therefore they go not forward, they must go back; if they do not increase, they must decrease: which if it be true, it were better to seek to increase so long as men may, then to take them to a standing, from which they must decrease, if they do not increase.  
But whether out of that discourse of reason, his friends of the name of Douglas would thus have persuaded him not to become too great, for fear of falling, or for any particular of their own, or whether he for this other reason, or rather for the common disposition of men to press ever forward, I know not, but he chose to be great, and take his hazard. And because the two parties were within the degrees prohibited by the Roman Church (Brothers children) he sent to Rome for a dispensation, which being long in coming, and he fearing lest the King, and the rest of the name of Douglas would cast all the impediments they could in the way to hinder the match (which was also reported, and not without ground) caused hasten the marriage before the dispensation came, and that in Lent too, a time forbidden also, and which is more, on the friday before Pasch, called commonly Good-friday. This was thought ominous, and the unhappy event confirmed this opinion. They were married in the Church of Douglas. Some write that this marriage was procured and made by the young man himself, after the decease of his father. However, this was a special cause of dissension, and division amongst those of the name of Douglas.  
For the actions of this gross James, we have no particulars recorded in Histories, either in his brother's time, or his nephews time, or now when he cometh to be Earl himself. There is no mention at all made of him, whether he did any thing for to revenge the murder of his nephews by Creighton and Levingston: belike as he hath been corpulent, so hath his corpulensie caused a dulness of spirit, as commonly it doth. Some write that he was Warden of all the Marches, and his Monument at Douglas agreeth with them, and says that he was a great justiciary. Others write that he was no ill man, that he entertained no disordered wicked men, but yet he did not repress them sharply enough, and therefore was suspected by the King, and disliked by many: he died in Abercorne within two years, or not three (says the manuscript) after the marriage of his son, which hath not been long in the making. We may guess it most probably to have been not fully three years, and so that he died in the year 1443. He was buried in Douglas, where on his Tomb he is called (Magnus Princeps) and amongst other Titles, Lord of Liddisdale, and Jedward Forrest: his wife is styled Domina Aveniae, Lady of Avendale. His Epitaph there is yet to be seen thus,  
Hic jacet magnus & potens Princeps, Dominus Jacobus de Douglas, Comes de Douglas, Dominus Annandiae, & Gallovidiae, Liddaliae, & Jedburg-Forrestiae, & Dominus de Balveniâ, magnus Wardanus Regni Scotiae versus Angliam, etc. Qui obiit vicesimo quarto die mensis Martii, Anno Domini millesimo quadringentesimo quadragesimo tertio. 1443.  
His Wives is thus:  
Hic jacet Domina Beatrix de Sinclaire, (filia Domini Henrici Comitis Orcadum, Domini de Sinclaire,) Comitissa de Douglas, & Aveniae, Domina Gallovidiae.  
His children's thus:  
Hae sunt proles inter predictos Dominum, & Dominam generatae. 1 Dominus Gulielmus primò genitus, & haeres praedicti Domini Jacobi, qui successit ad totam haereditatem predictam. 2 Jacobus secundò genitus, Magister de Douglas. 3 Archibaldus tertiò genitus, Comes Murray. 4 Hugo quarto genitus, comes Ormundiae. 5 Johannes quinto genitus, Dominus Balveniae. 6 Henricus sexto genitus. Margarita uxor Domini de Dalkeith: Beatrix uxor Domini de Aubignia. Joneta uxor Domini de Biggar, & Cumbernauld. Elizabetha de Douglas, quarta filia erat.  
In English thus,  
Here lies a great and powerful Prince, Lord James Douglas, Earl of Douglas, Lord of Annandale, and Galloway, Liddesdale and Jedbrough-Forrest, and Lord of Balveny, great Warden of the Kingdom of Scotland towards England, etc. He died the 24. day of March, in the year 1443.  
His Wives is thus,  
Here lies the Lady Beatrix Sinclair, daughter of Henry Lord of the Isles, Lord Sinclair, Countess of Douglas and Evendale, Lady Galloway.  
Their Children.  
These are the children betwixt the said Lord and Lady: 1 Lord William his eldest son, and heir to the said Lord James, who succeeded to all the foresaids lands. 2 James the second son, Master of Douglas. 3 Archbald, the third son, Earl of Murray. 4 Hugh, the fourth son, Earl of Ormund. 5 John the fifth son, Lord of Balvenie. 6 Henry, the sixth son. Margarer, wife to the Lord of Dalkeith: Beatrix, wife to the Lord Aubignie: Jenet, wife to the Lord of Biggar and Cumbernald: Elizabeth Douglas was the fourth daughter.  

Jacobus Crassus,  
Duglasii crassique mihi cognomina soli,  
Conveniunt: O quam nomina juncta male.   

James the gross.  
To be a Douglas, and be gross withal,  
You shall not find another amongst them all.    

Of William stain in Stirling Castle, the seventh William, and eighth Earl of Douglas, the sixteenth Lord, and fifth Duke of Turrain, etc.  
UNto James succeeded his son William, a man of another mettle, and resembling more his Grandfather, and Cousin, (who was put to death in Edinburgh Castle) than his father, who did remember, and imitate more his Cousin's diligence, than his father's negligence, for he endeavoured by all means to entertain and augment the grandeur of the house by bonds, friendship, and dependences; retaining, renewing, and increasing them: and therefore his marriage of his Cousin Beatrix is attributed to him, and is thought to be his own doing, and not his fathers. Upon his first coming to be Earl, his first care was to establish some certain order for his affairs: for which purpose he convened his whole friends at Dumfreis, made choice of his Counselors, createth his Officers for his rents and casualties, and settleth a constant order in his house. Great was that house (as hath been said) and doubtless it was nothing diminished by him, but rather increased by the accession of his father's estate (which he had ere he was Earl) and his wife: which being added unto the old Patrimony of the house, made it to surpass all others that were but Subjects: for it had been ever growing from hand to hand, since the time of Lord James slain in Spain, continually, who had the Lordship of Douglas only at the first. To it was added the Lordship of Galloway by Archbald, slain at Halidoun-hill. By Archbald the Grim, the Lordship of Bothwell. By Archbald the third (called Tine-man) the Duchy of Turrain, and Lordship of Longe-ville. Annandale, and the Earldom of Wigton, by Archbald the fourth: and now the Lordship of Abercorn, by Gross James. So that his revenue hath been huge at this time, as appears also by the rank he ever carried, as second in the Kingdom.  
His dependence and following may be judged by these his Lordships, and estate, and for his other friendship, there were divers houses of the Douglasses; as Angus, Morton, Drumlanrigge. By his alliance he had Aubigny, and the Lord Fleming of Cumbernauld, who had married his sister. By his mother, the Earl of Orknay by his wife, at (Beatrix) the house of Crawford, of which her mother was a daughter, beside the old friendship that was ever betwixt them. And this may be seen by History, who list to observe it, whereof more may be found by a more accurate disquisition. Thus enriched, thus waited on, thus followed, thus served, thus underpropped, and sustained by wealth, friendship, dependence, alliance, and kindred, his power and greatness was such, as was not matched under the Prince by any in this Kingdom.  
But here is the maleheure, the Principals of his own name (Angus and Morton) assisted him not, but divided themselves from him; and either were not his friends, or even became enemies, as we shall hear hereafter. What the occasion thereof was, is not directly mentioned: some think it was the discontentment they had conceived at his marriage, either because they accounted it unlawful, or because some of them would have had her to themselves, which is the more likely, or in respect of their kindred with the King, who was indeed induced (though not yet) to think hardly of him; or out of emulation of his greatness, as an hindrance to their growth, which was Bishop Kennedies opinion to his brother, the Earl of Angus: and so it falleth out often, where a decay is to come upon a house, it first divides from, and within itself, yet that was but an insensible point at this time; his own greatness being such as would scarce suffer him to find the loss; standing as it were not by any friendship, but merely of himself, and upon his bottom.  
At the very first, when he entered to the Earldom, he entered also (as hereditary) to the enmity of the two grand guiders of the time Levingston and Creighton, with whom the hatred took beginning in his Uncle's time, and was thereafter traitorously, and cruelly prosecuted by them, on his two Cousins: it continued, though coldly, in his father's time, and was now quickened and revived by himself. They would needs lay the blame of whatsoever disorder happened in the Country upon him; not only of what fell out in the borders (where he commanded, and might command indeed) but even in the Highlands also, that which John Gorme of Athole did (who fought with the Laird of Ruthven, and would have rescued a thief out of his hands (being apprehended by him as Sheriff) if he had not been defeated, and thirty of his men slain by Ruthven) they would have it to be thought that the Earl Douglas forsooth had an hand in it. But it is well that our Writers say, it was but thought so: and thought it had been said so by his enemies, there is no necessity to believe it was so, for they had done him more wrong, and dealt more treacherously with him, then to make such a report for me, it soundeth not in my ears, that it had so long a foot, or that John Gorme could not do such a thing without the Earl of Douglas, or that the Earl Douglas would meddle with such a matter. This I think, that in his own bounds he would suffer none to acknowledge the Governors, which was his Uncle's course, as we heard, seeing he was himself to be answerable for them. It was his father's way also (though more coldly according to his natural disposition) as may be gathered of that which is said, that he repressed not thiefs, though he entertained them not: which is as much as to say, as he was not Author, or occasion of their theft, yet he being no Magistrate himself, and others having taken the government upon them, he would let them bear the weight of their own charge in executing thereof, and would not help them therein by restraining any. And that so much the rather, because having murdered his Nephew, he could not with credit employ himself to ease them of their burden by his assistance: he did them no hurt, he could not with honour do them any good. So he lets them alone, doing to them neither ill nor good, than which I think he could not do less. And where just cause of enmity was, how could it be more modestly used? Except they would have had him (after such a villainous fact) to go creeping under their feet (as we say) which the meanest man will not do after the smallest injury. And even where there is no injury, unless men reap some benefit, they will suffer others to do their own part, and not help them, where they have no interest either as belonging to their charge, or from whence they may gather some profit.  
It is true, he only could do that service, and there was no ability in them that had the charge, but he was not obliged to supply their inability: and why should they have taken on them? or why should the States (which I think did not, but that it was done by faction) have laid it upon them, that were not able to discharge it? This was not wisely done, and it is the very point of the error in the Estates (so called) and the ground of all the inconveniences that fell out, for they chose men that had not power to discharge the Office, and such as had, did let them do it alone; and withal (perhaps) disdained their preferment, as being without merit, for we see no merit in them by true virtue: hereon arose discontents, than grudges, then cross, then blaming, and reproaching in words and deeds, growing at last to an open enmity. Of such great importance is it, to make right choice of men for employments. And such wisdom is requisite in the choosers (be it Estates, be it Princes) not to follow affection, but to consider worth and ability rightly, and to employ accordingly: which if it be not done, it carrieth with it infinite inconveniences, & hath troubled many Estates, yea, ruined them; and it must needs be so. Happy State, happy Prince, yea, happy he whosoever, that having a necessity to employ others (as who hath not) employeth according to reason, and not affection, or hath his affections ruled by reason! which if he do not, it shall disgrace the imployer, breed disdain to him that is employed, and bring contempt upon both, which will burst out with occasion, and not long be kerbed, and kept in, thought it lurk for a time.  
It may be this Earl of Douglas hath gone further than his father in showing his contempt of these justice-bearers. It may be he hath borne with the Bordermen, and been more slack in repressing of them, (for his father repressed them, though not enough) because he had intention to employ them; being more sensible of the wrong done to his Cousins, & had a greater eye to revenge it, and therefore was loath to control these men of service, further than the mere necessity of his place did require at his hands, whereof the rule (in the eyes of the people) was to save all men from that misery as far as he could: in his own eyes, the rule which he propounded to himself, it was to protect his friends and dependers; and for his adversaries, to rejoice perhaps at their smart, if not to procure it: as for neutrals, to leave it to the Magistrate to redress what is amiss, not perceiving by that mean, he doth more hurt the Country, than his enemies, and wounds his own credit more than their reputation: and therefore he lost more by furnishing them with some ground of obloquy, offending the people and honest men, than he gained by the hurt of his adversaries, or favour of broken men. Nothing is more popular, yea nothing is more profitable than justice, (say all Writers) not to mean and private men only, who incur the danger of law by injustice, but even to great men, even to Princes, who if they incur not the danger of laws, being placed above the reach thereof, yet do they lose the most profitable instrument of all their actions, by which they must needs work, and without which they cannot, the hearts of men: It feareth me, too many think it enough to have their hands, to have their bodies at command, but let no man think he can have their bodies, if he have not their hearts: neither their heart, if he have it not indeed, in a high measure of affection. Who hath no measure of affection, can have no action of the body to any purpose, and a slack affection produceth but a slack action, as it hath ever proved. So that in effect, policy hath that chief object to work on the affections of men, and that not to deceive, or force them (for neither of these can work well and long.) Neither is it sufficient that a man see not a present evil, as a Prince a present insurrection, a great man a present loss of his followers, and favourers (which falleth out sometime, but not always.) Oftentimes it is like a canker, working by piecemeal, insensibly, from degree to degree upon the affections, till it hath consummated the work of disgrace of the party it seizeth on, and wound their favours out of the hearts of men. As commonly men's actions that procure it are of the same sort, not all in an instant, or at one time, but one ungracious fact cometh after another, and another again upon the neck of that, and so forth. This therefore is so much the more diligently to be taken heed of, and eschewed in the beginning; or if any error escape, to be taken up and recompensed by amendment, or some other grateful action importing as much favour, as the error did disdain: neither must the affections of men be suffered to cool, languish, and to be eaten up at unawares, till at last they utterly decay and perish.  
Thus (we may see here) he hath not been well advertised by those of his house of Douglas, which before were the most esteemed, the best beloved, and favoured universally almost by the whole Country. But now, while as they would trouble the Governors, and let their inability be seen, and for that end either bear with thiefs, or suffer them, they are not aware, that by this mean they suffer an ill opinion of themselves to creep into men's minds, and that love of the people to diminish by piecemeal, for the space now of three or four men's lives. And whereas they were wont with their heritage to succeed to a general favour of the people, now on the contrary, they succeed to a grudge, and ill opinion, and so an universal dislike, which at last hath done away all that wont love, and turned it into hatred; which did greatly advance and further the plots of their enemies against them, and made that their greatness odious, that was accustomed to be favoured. It is very true, that the men against whom he set himself, had used no good means, abused there Offices, abused their Country, and the name of the King, and Commonwealth for their own particular; yet he should not have used ill means, no not against ill men; and the bare name of authority is of weight in the eyes of men, as the name of theft odious; from any countenancing whereof, noblemans should be far, as also from seeming to rise against any manner of Authority, though Authority be put even in mean men's hands, as these were; chiefly when the opposers of Authority can make no other end appear, but their own private, and that blotted with the enormities of broken men: yet what shall be given to a just anger? what unto the time? what unto youth? all these plead pardon, if not approbation; The rather for that he taketh up himself from that sort of doing, so soon as he can get a right King, to whom he might have access, and to whom he might yield with honour which was ere long.  
The next year, 1444. the King taketh the government on himself directly. Thither immediately the Earl Douglas concludeth to address himself, and by all good means to obtain his favour; to satisfy the people, to satisfy all men that were offended, and fully to change that course he had before followed. Certainly repentance is worth misdeed: and it may be seen, that the force of enmity hath driven him into these faults, which as soon as he can, he layeth aside. So coming with a great company to Stirlin, he deals with the King by the intercession of such as were about him; and finding that he was appeased, goeth on, and puts himself and his estate in his Princes will, partly purging himself of the crimes past, partly confessing them ingeniously; and telling him, that what ever estate he should have from that time forth, he would owe it to the King's clemency, and not ascribe it to his own innocency: That if the King would be contented to be satisfied by good Offices, he would endeavour not to be short of any in fidelity, observance, diligence, and good will towards him: That in repressing and punishing of thiefs (whose actions his enemies laid upon him) there should no man be more severe, nor more careful: That he was come of a house that was grown up, not by doing injuries to the weaker, but by defending the weaker and common people of Scotland by arms. Certainly a true conclusion, & undeniable by his greatest enemies. But I have thought good to set down all as it was conceived: for whether there was any fault or not, his submission was great, and his repentance sufficient to purge it whatsoever it were. Such is his respect to his sovereign Prince; and such the force of authority rightly placed in the due owner thereof. And such was also the force of truth in his speech, that the King, understanding that it was true in his predecessor, and hoping it would be true in himself, moved also by the private commendation of his Courtiers, not only passed by, and forgave what ever had been amiss in his life before, but also received him into his most inward familiarity, and did communicate unto him the secrets of his counsel: Neither was the Earl unworthy thereof for his part, but behaved himself so well, that within a short time he acquired the favour of the King by obedience; of his Courtiers, and servants, by liberality, and of all men by gentleness, courtesy, and modesty, and put the people in hope that he would prove a meek and sober-minded man.  
The wiser sort doubted (say our Writers) whither so sudden a change would turn. But why should we think it a change? or if it were a change, it was very casual, very apparent, and nothing to be wondered at: for it is this in effect: he had been untoward to base men, why should he not yield to his King? he had slighted the shadow of authority in them, why should he not acknowledge and reverence the beams of it in his Prince? he had been froward to his enemies, why not gentle to his friends? he had sought to make them smart that wronged him, why not cherish those that did him good offices? he had warred on them, that had warred against him: why should he not keep friendship with those who kept friendship with him? certainly, these are not changes, neither of nature, nor of manners, but are commonly (we see) in one and the same nature, and proceed from one and the same cause, which is greatness of courage, and regard of due honour. The greater despiser of baseness, the greater reverence of true greatness, the greater repiner against compulsion: the gentler and calmer being used courteously: the harder enemy, the faithfuller and sweeter friend: so that we may suspect these men's wisdom, that did so far mistake his true courage, and accounted that a change, which was but a continuation of his inbred disposition.  
Two men are designed to have taken fray at the matter, whose consciences were guilty of what they had deserved: Alexander Levingston, and William Creighton, not for the change of his manners, but for the change of his credit. They had traitorously slain three innocent Noblemen, his two Cousins, and Malcolm Fleming. They had kept himself back from his Prince, and his Prince from him, and were sorry that ever they should have met in a friendly sort. They would have been glad to have blown the bellows of dissension, to have irritated the one, and misinformed the other, made their own quarrel the Kings, and so have caused the King and Country to esteem of it. They were now disappointed of that, and the Earl had access to inform the King of their misdemeanour in their Office, and to move him to call them in question for it. They knew he would remember the wrong done to his Cousins: they knew how unable they were to answer for many of their facts, and therefore they retire themselves from Court: Levingston to his own house Creighton to the Castle of Edinburgh which he had still in his keeping. Neither was the Earl Douglas negligent in this occasion, that was thus offered to seek justice by law and by justice, to be avenged of his enemies for the wrong done by them against law. Wherefore he diligently informed the King from point to point, of their misbehaviour in their Office: how they had abused him, abused his rents to their own private use, and moved him to call them to an account thereof, whereupon being summoned to a certain day, they durst not compeir; but to set a fair face on the matter, they answered by Procuratours, or by letters: That they were ready to give an account of their government, that they had been very careful of the King and Country, desired nothing so much as to give an account thereof before equal Judges. But for the present, when the minds of men were preoccupied with the favour of their enemies, and all access closed with armed men, the King behoved to pardon, that they did eschew not to come to judgement, but to come in the danger of their deadly enemies, and keep their lives for better times: when the Captain of thiefs, being removed from the King's side (which they had of times done before) they would approve their innocency to the King and all honest men.  
These reproaches, and brags touched, and were meant of the Earl Douglas. Him it was they called Captain of thiefs, because of the border men, of whom many were his followers. That they removed him often before was idle boasting: for he had abstained to come to the King, so long as the King was in their custody, so long as he was in the Castle of Edinburgh, where they might have murdered him, as they did his Cousins: That he was their enemy, he denied not, and had just cause so to be: but to take that excuse from them, he gave them assurance he should not proceed against them any ways, but by order of law; and offered for that purpose to go from Court, till they should come to it in safety. And to meet their reproach (of captain of thiefs) and their boasting of the just administration of their Offices, he was ready to prove that they themselves were thiefs, that they had stolen the King's revenues, and distributed to their friends, and converted them to their own particular use, and that they had traitorously against justice murdered his Cousins, whereof he besought the King to grant him justice; and so a new charge was given out, and another day appointed for them to compeir. Which being come, and they not compeiring, they were denounced rebels, in a Convention kept at Stirlin the fourth of November, and their goods and moveables confiscated.  
Thereafter John Forester of Corstorphin (a depender of the Earl Douglas) is sent with a power of men, to intromet with their goods; who having received their houses, some he razed, some he manned with new forces, and provision: and so without resistance he returned, laden with great spoil. He was scarce retired, when Creighton assembled his friends and followers so suddenly as none could imagine, furrowed the lands of Corstorphin, together with the lands of Strabrock, Abercorn, and Blackness, and amongst other goods, he drove away a race of mares, that the Earl Douglas had brought from Flanders, and were kept in Abercorn, doing more harm than he had received. This may seem strange to any man; neither do our Histories sufficiently clear it, either where he got these forces, or whither he carried the goods. They insinuate, that he was aided and assisted underhand by Bishop kennedy, and the Earl of Angus and Morton. Angus was the King's Cousin german, son to his father's sister, and by her, brother to the Bishop: Morton had married the Kings own sister. But of these, the Bishops power lay beyond Forth; (for he was Archbishop of Saint Andrew's) and the Earl of Angus further (beyond Tay): so it is hard to conceive, either how they could suddenly assemble to their folks, or that they could convene many (except such as Angus had on the South side of Forth in Liddisdale, Jedward Forrest, and Bonkle; likewise Mortons' lands and friends were (most part) on the same side of Forth) to make assistance against the Earl Douglas. But how ever apparently, they did it not openly; and this, it was against order, against authority, and against Law: and if the Earl Douglas had done it, it would assuredly have been called an open Rebellion against the King, theft, oppression, presumption, arrogancy, insolency, and faction, as we heard it was before, when he contemned the Governors only, and as it will be called (perhaps) hereafter. If men allege, that the King was guided with the Earl Douglas counsel, and his name used to a particular only: tell me (I pray you) was there ever any thing more formally than this against Creighton? And if the Earl Douglas his particular was in it, what then? how many actions of justice are otherwise done without instigations of private men? without the mixture of their cause? without their particular suiting? and particular insisting? and if it be lawful to any to seek justice for his own particular, the Earl Douglas his particular was such, as very well became him to insist in: the wrong so manifest, the murder so vile and traitorous. And if that which is done against the laws shall not be accounted wrong, nor esteemed to touch the King, because parties have their particular in that law, none or few things shall be accounted to be done against the king, or against law; for there is almost ever some particular joined: and the same hath been and will be the Earl Douglas his case. This therefore cannot be accounted innocence; yea no less than open violence, and plain rebellion, and presumption against the Earl, clad now with justice and laws, and against the king as protector, and Patron of justice. No marvel then if the Earl Douglas was offended herewith, both for his own cause, whom the loss touched so near, and for such manifest contempt of the King, and if therefore he seek to be avenged thereof.  
But there was a different form to be used, according to the different actors; of which we see there are two sorts, Creighton and Levingston were open enemies, open actors; they themselves obnoxious to the law; against them the law will strike, and so he proceeded with them: he besieges openly Creighton in the Castle of Edinburgh, and no question he had taken from him before whatsoever was without it. The others, not open enemies, and actors themselves, they were but secret stirrers up, abetters, and assisters of his enemies; and among them Bishop kennedy was the chief plotter and deviser; the law could not well be had against him; he must be met with in his own way, he had done besides the law, he must be met with besides the law: he had done disadvowedly, he must be met with disadvowedly. Therefore he writes to the Earl of Crawford, who with Alexander Oglebee of Innerwharitie gathered a great host, entered, life, and without resistance spoiled the Bishop's lands, either because they could not get himself, or because they had a greater mind to the booty, then to the quarrel. The Bishop using his own weapons, curseth them; but they made small reckoning of his curses. Nevertheless shortly after there fell variance between crawford's eldest son (the master of Crawford) and the Oglebees about the Bailliarie of Arbroth: for the Monks had given it from the Master to Innerwharitie, and hereupon having assembled their forces on both sides, they were ready to fight it out. But the Earl of Crawford (having gotten advertisement) came into the field to have composed the business, and trusted they would have respected him, and not have offered him any violence, he entered in between the two parties; where having stayed his son's company; he was going over to speak with the Oglebees to have brought matters to a parley, and treaty. In the mean time one that neither knew what he was, nor what his intent was, runs at him with a spear and slays him: hereupon the battles joining the victory fell to the Master of Crawford, there being 500 slain of the Oglebees' side, Alexander Oglebee taken, and the Earl of Huntly escaping on horseback. This victory was obtained chiefly by the valour of the Cliddisdale men, of whom the Earl Douglas had sent about 100 to assist the Master of Crawford. This Master of Crawford was now Earl (his father being slain) and was called Earl Beardie, of whom there will be mention made hereafter, he being that Earl with whom Douglas is said to have entered into league; though we see there was friendship betwixt them now, the Earl's Lady Beatrix being a sister daughter of the house of Crawford, besides the old friendship that had been (ever since the first Earl's time) betwixt the two houses.  
In the mean time the siege of the Castle of Edinburgh (where Creighton was shut up) had now continued some six or seven months, from the midst of July (as appeareth) unto the beginning of February in the next year: for there being a Parliament called, to be held at Perth, it was removed to Edinburgh, that the siege might not be interrupted, and sat down in the beginning of February 1445. The siege lasted two or three months after, which makes in all some nine months, or thereby: at last both parties (the besieger and the besieged) being wearied, the Castle was surrendered to the King, on condition that Creighton should be pardoned for all his offences which he had committed against the King, and should be suffered to depart life safe, which was granted unto him: Our Writers term them the offences which he was said to have committed against the King: As if they should say, There was no offence indeed done to the King: And more plainly a little after, as in all contention, he who is most strong would seem to be most innocent: which sayings are to be judiciously considered, and accurately weighed, whereof we have spoken before: But if they will needs have it so, we will not be contentious. Thus Creighton, not so much hurt, as terrified, escaped due punishment by means of the Castle, which could not easily be taken, but by composition. Whether this was through the impatience of the Earl Douglas, that would not take leisure to wait on the siege, until they should have been forced to yield for want of victuals; Or whether Creighton hath had some secret friends at Court, who did make use of this occasion to work his safety, there is no mention. But Levingstone leapt not so dryshod, being no less guilty of his Cousin's murder. The Earl had bend his just indignation against him also, and caused summon him to the Parliament of Edinburgh, together with his sons, James and Robert Levingstons (this Robert had been Thesaurer) and David Levingston his Cousin: His friends also, Robert Bruce of Arthur, with James and Robert Dundasses'. The Lord Levingston himself, with the two Dundasses', were convict, forfeited, and condemned to perpetual prison in the Castle of Dumbarton. The other three, James, and Robert his sons, and David his Cousin, and Bruce also, were execute: What the crimes were that were laid to their charge, whereof this difference of punishment did arise, it is not written, either by the old or late Historians. This appears, that it hath been no particular of the Earl Douglas (of which the father was most guilty) and that their Process hath not been guided and ruled by him, nor framed according to his spleen, which would have aimed most at the old man, as accessary to the death of his Cousins, whereas we see he escapes with imprisonment only: His sons are hardlier used, being put to death: So that it must needs have been for some other crime, whereof the acts of Parliament that are extant in print makes no mention, or particular relation, as the form is; and James Levingston in his speech at his death purgeth himself, as free of all true crime, what by being innocent of some, & having obtained a remission of others; yet he mentions not what was alleged against him; wherefore we must leave it as uncertain. Some conjecture, that it was for keeping of some castles, and strong houses, and not rendering them to the King being summoned, against an act of Parliament made by Creighton before, by which act Creighton also himself was forfeited afterward; but we know no ground for that opinion. They alleged also another act (which only is extant) the other not being extant (and may seem to sound something that way) made in the second Parliament, in the year 1488. against the re-setting of rebels in castles; which imports no keeping of houses after they be charged, or summonedto render by the King's officers; but only commands to arrest their persons, or to take surety, and bail for them that they do no harm: Neither is there any penalty (much less forfeiture) annexed thereto; only it says, they shall be forced and constrained to do it. This execution of the Levingstons is cast into the year 1447. (after that Queen Marie, the Duke of Ghelders' Daughter was married to the king) at which time it is said, that Creighton was also forfeited, notwithstanding he had been Ambassador in procuring and making that marriage. The cause of his forfeiture is given out to be the keeping of the castle of Creighton when it was summoned and charged by an Herald of arms, according to, & by virtue of the same act forsaid: But we have already spoken of that act, and we find no mention of any Parliament that year. Neither from the year 1443. until the year 1449. wherein he should have been forfeited. And this we observe, that judgement may be adhibited in the reading of those, and such like things, however Creighton thus dashed, the Levingstons some executed, some imprisoned, forfeited, and condemned, there seemed to be some compensation of the murder of his Cousins, also their assister Bishop kennedy received his part, so it is said that he had much ado to save himself, by leaving his goods a prey to them that pleased to take them.  
These things are imputed to the Earl Douglas as faults: why I cannot tell, unless we require of him that exact philosophical disposition, to be free from all humour of revenging, which few have brought with them that have been conversant in the affairs of State, or common wealth. No not these who have been accounted as Philosophers, and that very precise ones, such were both the Cato's, whose common ordinary course was to be avenged of their enemies by public accusations, and pursuit of law: wherein if there be a fault, let there be no law, that permitts it, yea that allows it, and exhorts unto it; it is recorded of Cato called Censorius, that having met a young man in the street, who had accused his father's enemy, and gotten him condemned, he cherished him and embraced him, saying, It was far better so to celebrate the funeral of his father with the tears and condemnation of his adversaries, than to sacrifice with kids and Lambs. It is natural to men to resent injuries, and as natural to seek the repairing of them; and he is excused who recompenses a wrong received; and he is accounted also just who does it byorder and modesty, that hath patience to suit it, and abide the delays of a Court-sute, it being a mean to purge blood out of the land. Neither does either Philosophy, or Religion forbid it but; by the contrary, commands & allows it. Only the caution is, that the mind of the pursuer be void of malice, and his eye set upon justice: of which intention the searcher of hearts can only be the competent judge. If some Imperfections, and weakness of nature do mingle with the action; we must not always for that either utterly reject the action, or condemn the author. But we must acknowledge that as right, which is right, and pardon the imperfection, which none wants. We must not exclaim against it as if it were nothing but partiality: Nor against the doer, as merely vindictive, chiefly in a fact so very enormous, as the murdering of his Cousins was, wherefore if we shall without partiality in ourselves consider this whole pursuit, and give it the right name, we shall call it kindness to his kinsmen: equity, justice, modesty, and patience, rather than wrong and malice: and praise him for his kindness, and faithfulness in friendship in revenging their quarrels, which hath been his very inclination, as will appear hereafter yet not only this his just pursuit, but every thing that fell out in the country is laid upon him to brand him: as the slaughter of James Stuart by the Boydes, and the like: the taking of the castle of Hales by Patrick Dumbarre, which he is said to have taken, and killed the keeper thereof: because the Lord Hales had then received the Queen mother into the castle of Dumbarre: who had fled hither to eschew the troubles of the times. The Earl Douglas within a few days after got the castle of Hales again, on condition to suffer the said Patrick Dumbar and his men to depart with their lives safe. Likewise he is said to have constrained Sir James Stuart (the black knight of Lorne) who had married the Queen mother, to go out of the country, upon some speeches uttered by the said Sir James against the ill government of the affairs of the kingdom: But neither is it set down what the words were, neither what sort of constraint was used towards him. This Sir James as he was sailing into France, his ship was taken by the Flemings, and he himself died soon after.  
The next year (which was 1448) there fell out war with England, and incursions made on both sides by the Borderers: where the Earl Douglas began again after so long an intermission (to wit from the entry of King James the first in the year 1423. the space of twenty five years) to take upon him the managing of the war, which his house had ever done, and he now also discharging with honour, and following the footsteps of his predecessors, for Dumfreis being burnt by the Earl of Shreusburie (or Salisbury) Dumbar spoiled by the Earl of Northumberland, James Douglas (the Earl's brother) burned Anwick in England, where having gotten great store of booty, and many prisoners, as the others had done in Scotland, being almost equal, the & prisoners goods, & were changed by consent & agreement of the captains. But this was only a small assay before a greater matter, which followed this same year, as should seem, yet there was some cessation for a while, and truce taken for seven years. In which time the Earl who (as we see) was so zealous in prosecuting the revenge of the wrong done to his Cousins, shows another property no less commendable, which is to be as kind and forward to advance his friends as he had been to quell his enemies.  
For the same year James Dumbar (Hollinshed calls him John) Earl of Murray being dead, first he obtains the foresaid Earls daughter (who was Niece to King Robert the second by his daughter) for his third Brother Archbald; then the title of Earl of Murray from the King; notwithstanding that she whom his brother had married was but the youngest sister, the elder being married before her father's death unto James Creighton, of whom the house of Fenderet is descended; how it came that he was preferred before Creighton, who married the elder sister; whether because the titles of Earls do not go by succession unto the heirs of Line, but by the pleasure of the Prince, and that he had more court than Creighton, or whether there was some respect also had to the kindred, or what ever cause there were of it, it gave matter of speech to his enviers, and to our histories it hath furnished matter of Censure, as a wrong done to the elder sister, to whom they think it belonged: he obtained also his fourth brother Hugh to be made Earl of Ormond; and his fifth brother John to be Lord of Balvenie, and Baron thereof, with many rich, and fruitful lands. In which actions of his, when men can find no ground of alleging that he did any wrong, they blame him as immoderate in augmenting too much the greatness of his house.  
Wherein I cannot but praise his kindness and carefulness, in preferring of his friends by all lawful means, which is a duty standeth with wisdom, and a right wisdom: neither was it ever, or can it be ever justly discommended, where there is no injury committed. Whereas, not to do it (if a man be able) and not to seem to do so, proceeds either of carelessness, or that which is worse, wickedness, self love, and in some, envi and malignity, even to their own friends. Which kind of doing, deserves no commendation, when it is but carelessness, far less when it is done of malice: last of all, when men do not only not labour to advance their friends, but even endeavour to keep them under, by a point of wisdom which they think very deep, that they may remain servants to them; fearing that if they come to any preferment, they would not be so ready to serve them, and might perhaps grow up above them. This humour, as it is malignant, and an ill disposition, so it is no great good wisdom, whatsoever subtlety it may seem to have in it●… for they advert not, that they hinder them, who would stand them in stead, and cut them short in power to be steadable to them, and so cut down the props of their own standing, and such as would support them in their need & necessity. And while they fear that their friends outstrip them, they give place and matter to their enemies to overtop them both. Now the fear which they apprehend of their friends neglecting their duty to them, is very far off, and if ever it come to pass, it should not be envied, providing that kindness remain among them, though they should grow greater than they; and howbeit they answered not our expectation in kindness (except it were joined with extremity of wickedness, and perhaps not then neither) ought we to repent, or repine? it being much more tolerable then to be overmatched by an enemy, as it often falleth out, and can hardly choose but fall out, when a house standeth alone by itself, having no honest member thereof to underprop and uphold it. Besides, while men thus seek to make their friends altogether servile to them, their friends perceiving it (as it can hardly but be perceived, what ever cunning be used to cover it) are the loather to serve; as men's nature is, in whom love-service (questionless) is the best: yea, only fruitful service. And therefore they will either repine the more, or withdraw themselves altogether, if they be of any spirit; and if they be not, their service is not worth having. So that men lose even their service (which they so effect) and sometimes turn it by unkindness, into unkindlinesse and enmity, which hath ever been found by experience: neither did ever any house flourish so well, or any man in any house, as when they concurred with one mind to a mutual help one of another: and none ever prospered so well as he, who used and showed his care (not to keep back his friends, or to neglect them) but to advance them, and take their business to heart as his own.  
This is a true pattern of kindness, and no less of true wisdom, howsoever men may subtillize as they please, which is seriously, and sincerely followed by our Earl Douglas, and deserveth both commendation and imitation. Neither will it be found that this is it which did him hurt, but (questionless) made him strong, and not easy to be meddled with, and so difficult that they could get no other mean to overthrow him, but that which they used, unto which they were forced, and of which, constraint is the only excuse, as we shall see where he is slain. Therefore, to say his greatness was the cause of his wrack, is more subtle, then solid; even as it may be said (in some sort) that a man's riches are the cause of his throat being cut by robbers, and that a man's virtues and good qualities are oft times the cause of his overthrow, which should not (for all that) be eschewed. But shall there then be no moderation! (will some say) and is it not fit, that Subjects should keep themselves within some certain bounds, that are not envious, or suspect to Princes? Moderation is good both in Prince and Subject, and it were to be wished that all would moderate their greatness, at least their appetite and desire of greatness: or if not that, yet so that they would limit the means of attaining it, and the end for which they desire it; and that they would have that wise conference of Cyneas with Pyrrh●…s before their eyes, that they might less affect it, or less err in affecting of it: But where the end is good, and the mean right and lawful, who craves further moderation, and limitation, whether in Princes, or Subjects, of their Empire (as Augustus) or of their greatness (as this Earl here and many others) whatsoever show it carry, and however Histories speak thereof, (besides their moderation that duty and religion requires) in so far as touches Policy, will be found but Sophistry, and no good Policy, when it is well examined. In all this therefore we can acknowledge no fault; but on the contrary, kindness, effectual friendship, and a due and provident wisdom in strengthening himself against his enemies, and underpropping his house most wisely, and most circumspectly.  
Where is then his fault? ye will say, and what was the cause of his ruin? for we find he did ruin in the end. Truly we must not account of all that have fallen, that they have faulted, that is a great error in our judgements, and too common, that by finding faults in others, we may be thought the wisest: yet it is not hard to find his fault if we will believe his enemy's speeches set down by our Historians; for though his friends fear nothing, and see nothing but his greatness (which is but a vain fear) his enemies see further (as enemies are quicker sighted) in faults, or would seem to espy further: in their speech ye shall find these gross and lewd faults. 1. An unsatiable cupidity (and then they explain in what) in avarice: 2. Then an impotent Tyranny, two great faults (Tyranny and Avarice) sufficient to bring down, and such as oft brought down Kings let be Subjects. And that we may not think that there was but an idle disposition in him, and but a natural inclination, which he bridled, and suffered not to debord, they tell us the effects of them. Of his 1. avarice (and that unjust, as all avarice is, if it be properly avarice) He seized on Nobleman's Patrimontes', he himself by law, and without law: 2. Of his tyranny and oppression, He gave the Patrimony of mean men as a prey to his dependers; and yet further, Them that withstood his pleasure, he harried or caused make them away by thiefs and briggands: he advanced new men to the highest honours, placing them in the rooms of ancient Families. If any man spoke a free word, tasting of liberty it cost him no less than his life: These faults indeed are great ones, if they were true, and such as merited that their end should have been as it was: These are indeed errors both in policy and humanity, in private men or in Princes, in small or great, in what ever person; and they were worthy to be detested, and abhominated by all men, if they were true, for our Authors say not that they were true. I say again, if they were true expressly; for they do but report them as the voice of his enemies, who did exaggerate things as enviously as they could (as that amongst other speeches of theirs) doth witness, where they say, That all the riches of the Country were heaped upon one Family: that there were so many great Earls and Barons of them, that they had so much power and potency, that the King reigned but by their licence, and courtesy as it were. As for the Authors own judgement hereof, (besides what he said before, that they were amplified in the most odious manner) he subjoins these, and such like speeches as those, Many of them were true many besides the truth, and augmented above it, to procure hatred unto them. So he leaves the judgement uncertain, and tells not what things were true, and what false and augmented, which we ought to discern and separate (if it be possible) to make a right judgement: for this is indeed the craft of Calumny, to mingle truth with falsehood, that something being known to be true, the rest may pass for such also. But prudency will sift, and separate them, and winnow them in a right judgement, both that which is true, from that which is false, and in every point laid against him so much as it hath of truth, from that falsehood is mingled with it for Calumniators are excellent in their mixtures, and compositions of truth and falsehood, so that there is great attentiveness required to distinguish betwixt them, yet if we will attend to them, it may be they be discerned. Let us then consider the particulars, and what particulars we find in any of those to be true, let us acknowledge it; what is not so, let us reject as false, and reckon amongst those that are but amplified, and augmented for envy: After which rule we shall find in effect the last three to be those which are most true. 1. The riches: 2. The number: 3. The puissance of the house and name of Douglas. And yet not simple true as they set them down, for they amplify them also to stir envy, unless we interpret it favourably: for not all the riches of the Country, nor all the honour was in their hands, though there were more in theirs, then in any others at that time: yet there hath been more (both riches and honours) in the hands of some other before; for the Cummines are accounted to have been greater, and that their power was beyond the King's power: it was false, their power being but a dependant, and subordinate, and could not be supposed to have been so great, so united (though they were of one name) as was seen afterward. And however we find it was thought so of before in the first Earl's time, yet he never used it to the King's prejudice after that he was informed of his right, which was now out of question: but these carry no fault in them. The rest which carry fault in them, the first two (avarice and tyranny) are to be tried by the effects: the third (taking to himself the Nobleman's Patrimony) by law and besides law: what he did by law take from them, was not theirs; what besides law we hear of no instance given: There is a fact may seem so in the Earldom of Murray, which he took not to himself, but to his brother. Neither was that the Patrimony, but the Title and Dignity, of which we have spoken already, and it was but a small piece of matter. The fourth and fifth (his killing and robbing by thiefs, and his dependers invading of other men's Patrimonies) are of the same quality, for we hear of no instance bearing any wrong, Neither of the sixth, and seventh, advancing of new men wrongfully, or killing of men for free speeches. And truly raising of new men, and mean men was the thing that he and all his house did ever dislike very much, and was the ground of their discord, with the Levingstons and with Creighton. And I hope no man will call his brother a new man. So that to be short, when we have sifted them all, we see nothing but falsehood, and calumnies, and aggravations to move envy, which makes it no truth: for a truth augmented or diminished, is no longer truth, though otherwise it were true in substance.  
Wherefore leaving these speeches as the speeches of his enemies, that is to say, for Calumnies (as they are called, and as they are indeed) we will come to that which is of greater weight, and follows in the Authors own name, Animus per se insolens, he was of an insolent mind of himself saith one, which being the judgement of one of the most learned and judicious Writers, I will not contest, but leave it in the middle, and soberly crave to have it weighed, that we may see whether there be any necessity to make us think so or not, for it is Historical only, which I must think he hath found in fact as he hath had leisure, and perused his Histories, of which we are scarce; to wit, that he grew by success to that impotency of commanding his affections, that he had his ears closed from the free admonitions of his friends. Nothing is more pernicious, nor is there a more certain prognostic of ruin to follow, then when men are so puffed up with the opinion of their own wisdom, that they disdain and contemn to hear, and to weigh the judgement of others. Yet this that follows is an extreme high degree of it, that men might not dissemble their minds in silence, to hold their peace at those things which they could not approve, was not sure nor safe for them, which ought to be safe for all men, to say nothing, and keep their minds to themselves and God; which no other man, no not a man's self can command altogether. He is obedient that obeys in the rest: The mind is his that made it, and can search it, over which no man should usurp. The cause of all this ill follows; the abundance of flatterers, and giving ear to them: a natural, but a pestiferous fault, natural to all great men, and small in their own kind: men are given to delight in what they believe, and to believe easily most good of themselves, whom they love most of any, and for abundance of flatterers, who wants them? Diogenes said he had his own Parasites, the mouse was if mwn failed! yea, men never fail, and perhaps failed not him; he whom all the world flattered. King Alexander, did he not flatter Diogenes? what was his speech to him but a flattery both of himself and Diogenes? or else anerrour concerning them both, when he said, If I were not Alexander, I would be Diogenes. So common is it, so natural is it, but notwithstanding, it is hurtful, and to be avoided, and the more carefully to be taken heed of, the more common and the more natural it is: he hath the fairest of the play, that is most wary of it, and accounts it his greatest perfection, to know his imperfection; and he is most accomplished that best knows his defects, and wishes for helps, and knows he hath need of them. Out of doubt these were enough to bring down more than one Earl of Douglas; as for that which is further said of him. His old enemies were drawn to law to plead their cause before the same man, both judge and party, of whom many were spoilt of their goods, some of their lives; some to eschew the in just judgement, took voluntary exile unto them; and that which is said of their dependers, they overshot themselves, careless of all judgements (because none could contend with them in judgement) To all sort of licentiousness, robbing, and stealing holy things, profane things, and slaying them they could get their hands over: neither keeped they any bridle (or measure) in their wickedness. Of all this concerning his dependers, being so generally and almost hyperbolically conceived: I could wish among so many, that there had been some instance set down, that we might the better have known it, and discerned it. This (I am sure) cannot be without hyperbole: that they did commit some gratuity wickedness (that is, such as was for no good to them nor profit) and without gain, pleasure or profit, having no cause in the world for them, but only to keep their hands in ure of wickedness, lest being disaccustomed from ill, some honest thought might come into their mind, that might tame them from their wickedness and vileness. So strange a conclusion would have had clear and plain antecedents, and not a few of those. It is hard to believe this upon any man's word, chiefly such a one as lived not in those times, nor was an eyewitness (as we say) of things, who by such speeches would have us to conceive more than he could, or by any could be expressed in words. But what one man could only gather out of Histories, we might also have gathered by the same History, if he had named his Authors, or shown the way of his collecting of it from thence. But there being no footsteps of such enormities in the Histories which we have, that can lead us to this, I know not if we be bound so to reverence any man's person, as to receive it absolutely. That which follows, is of the same kind, wherein the evils of those times are amplified, That it fell out well for Scotland that England had their own civil wars in those days, otherwise Scotland had sunk under the burden. For first their civil wars from this time (which was from 1444. until 1448.) were not great, and but secret grudge only. The commotion of Blue-beard was not until 1449. and in Kent by John Cade in 1450. Then the foreign wars with England might have moved the discord at home, as they have done often, and men fit for warlike employment, and given to arms, should have had matter to exercise themselves upon the common enemy, who in time of peace, for want of such employment as they are inclined to, are the cause of much evil at home. Last of all, we find the contrary by experience: for notwithstanding of these dissensions and disorders, yet they obtained a notable victory of the English by the same Douglasses who are accounted so disorderly in time of peace, but have ever proved in the eyes of all men honourable, and dutiful in war, their enemies not being able to detract from their manifest and evident worth.  
The occasion of this victory fell out thus. We heard how after the burning of Anwicke by James Douglas, younger brother to the Earl, a Truce was taken for seven years: notwithstanding of which, in this year (as would seem) or in the next at farthest, the English (without any regard of the Truce) made inroads upon Scotland, spoilt, forrowed, and burned the Villages far and wide where they went, which the Scots would not suffer to pass unrevenged. Wherefore to cry quit with them, they entered England, and returned unto them as much hurt as they had received; and the storm fell chiefly upon Cumberland, from whence the beginning of the troubles had arisen, which was by this incursion almost redacted to a wilderness. When news hereof were brought to London, they gave order for levying of an Army of 40000. men (as some write) intending to bring Scotland under their subjection, which they thought would not be hard to do, in respect the Country had been so lately wasted and impoverished, as also for that they knew their divisions at home. Therefore having made a levy of the best and choice soldiers, the Earl of Northumberland is made General, and there was joined with him a certain man called Magnus (only a Gentleman borne) who had given good proof of his valour many times in France, where he had been brought up, and trained in the wars from his youth. This man bearing great hatred to the Scots, and being too confident of his own sufficiency, is said to have obtained of the King of England, for the reward of his service, whatever lands he could win from them, for himself and his heirs in perpetual inheritance. He was remarkable by his long and red Beard, and was therefore called by the English Magnus' Red-beard, and by the Scots, in derision, Magnus with the red Maine, as though his beard had been an horse Maine, because of the length and thickness thereof. The Manuscript calleth him Magnus with the red hand, taking the word (Maine) for the French word, which signifieth an hand: but the attentive Reader may perceive the error, and how it was a word merely Scottish, and used by the Scots in derision.  
The King of Scots hearing of this preparation in England, caused also levy an Army, wherein he made the Earl of Ormond (George, or rather Hugh Douglas) General, who immediately went into Annandale, through which the English Army was to come. Both sides being thus prepared, the English having passed the Rivers of Solway and Annand, pitch their Camp upon the brink of the water of Sarke. The Scots marched towards them, and they hearing of their approach, made themselves ready, so that being come within sight one of another, they ranged their men in order of battle. In the right wing of the English Army was this Magnus with the red Maine.) In the left Sir John Pennington with the Welsh men. The middle battle was led by the Earl of Northumberland himself. On the Scots side was the Earl of Ormond in the middle battle over against Northumberland, and William Wallace of Craiggie opposed Magnus, and against Sir John Pennington was placed the Knight of Carlaverocke, called Maxwell, and Johnston of Johnston, with many inland Gentlemen, (saith the Manuscript) because they had no great confidence in their own Annandale men, who were more set upon spoil then victory. Ormond exhorted the Army in few words, telling them, That they had great reason to hope for the victory, because they had taken arms, being provoked thereto, and that it could not be, but that so just a cause should have a happy event. Only behave yourselves valiantly, abate the pride of the enemy with a notable defeat, and so you shall reap a long lasting fruit of a short travel. When the English Archers did annoy the Scots with their arrows from afar, William Wallace cried out with a loud voice, so as he was heard by his followers, Why should we stand still thus to be wounded afar off? Follow me (says he) and let us join in hand strokes, where true valour is to be seen: and so marching forward, and the rest following his example, they made so fierce an onset, that they quite overthrew the right wing thereof. Magnus' perceiving that, being more mindful of his honour acquired in time past, then of the present danger, resolved either to restore the battle, or lose his life with credit, pressed forward against Craiggie Wallace to have encountered him, and ere he could come at him, he was encompassed about by the Scottishmen, and slain: his death put the English in such a fear (for they had great confidence in his valour and conduct) that they without any further resistance turned their backs, and fled in great disorder. The Scots pursued so fiercely and eagerly, that there was more of the enemies slain in the chase, than in the battle, chiefly upon the brink of the River of Solway, where the tide being come in, the river was not passable, and such as adventured to take it were drowned. There were slain in this battle 3000. English, and amongst those their great Magnus, and the Scots deadly enemy, who had presumed so of victory. A notable example to teach men not to be over confident in things of such uncertain event, as are the wars; and (as our proverb is) Not to sell the bears skin before he be slain. There were slain besides him eleven Knights of good account and note. Of the Scots were lost but 600. There were taken prisoners a great number, amongst whom were Sir John Pennington, and Sir Robert Harington, Knights, and the Lord Percy son to the Earl of Northumberland, whilst he helped his father to his horse, who thereby escaped taking. There was also so great store of spoil gotten, as no man remembered so much to have been gotten at any battle before. For the English trusting to their number, and the strength of their Army, together with the opinion of their enemy's weakness, through dissension and variance (as they supposed) had brought with them their best furniture, and richest stuff, in full assurance of victory, Wallace of Craiggie being sore wounded in the fight, was carried home, and died within three months after. The Earl of Ormond having gotten this honourable victory, conveyed the chiefest of the prisoners to Lochmabane, and then repaired to Court, where he was joyfully met, and received of all, with all sort of honour that could be, envy itself not daring to open her mouth against him.  
The King did highly commend him for this exploit, and exhorted him and the Earl Douglas his brother, That as their foregoers had often, as they also had done, defended the Estate of Scotland with their labours, and virtue, in most perilous times, and had given large proof of their valour and courage: That so they would at home accustom themselves to modesty: That they themselves would abstain, and that they would contain their friends from injuries toward the weaker sort: Their power and puissance, which they had acquired by so many their great deserts, towards their Kings, his Predecessors, and the Country, that they would employ it rather in suppressing of robbers and disorderly men, then to make new of giving way to it by connivance. That this only was lacking to their full praise, which if they would add, they should find by experience there was nothing more dear unto him then the advancement of the House and Name of Douglas. To this the Earl Douglas replied (he being the elder brother, and finding that this speech was chiefly directed to him) with great submission, and promised to do as his Majesty had exhorted them: and so they were dismissed, and returned home to their own houses with great honour and applause both of Prince and people, to whom they had by this victory purchased great quietness. For neither were the English Borderers able to invade them any more, nor the King of England to send down a new Army (which fain he would have done) by reason of the civil war which ensued shortly after at home. So that he chose rather to have peace with Scotland, in regard of the case he was then in, than war. Wherefore he sent Ambassadors, and obtained a Truce for three years, the Scots thinking it no less expedient for them in a case not unlike to his, through intestine dissension, though not open insurrection against the King. For notwithstanding all this service done to the King and Country, the malice of such as were the enemies of the Douglasses was no whit abated, nay, their worth the more it was shown, and the more brightly that it did shine, it did so much the more stir envy in their ill-willers, whose secret practices still continued, and whose credit in Court seemed still to increase against them. Creighton, who before had been sent Ambassador to Charles the seventh of France, for procuring a wife to the King, had concluded a match for him with Mary daughter to Arnold Duke of Gelder's, who by her mother (the Duke of Burgundy's sister) was come of the Blood Royal of France, was now returned into Scotland with her in this year 1448. This service and her favour increased his credit greatly with the King; which the Earl Douglas perceiving, was nothing pleased with it, but being discontented, obtaining leave of the King, he withdrew himself from Court, seeing his error of having been contented that Creighton should be employed in that honourable message, thinking himself well rid of him by this his absence; which practice of Court succeedeth sometimes happily (as it did against the Boyds in King James the thirds time, in the very like case) yet it did not so now, but turned to the greater advantage and advancement of his enemy. Creighton was well contented with his retiring, esteeming it his gain to be so rid of him from the King's ear and presence.  
Whilst they concorded thus in their discord, both willing one thing in so contrary minds (to wit, the Earl Douglas absence) there fell out an accident that occasioned his longer absence, not from the Court only, but out of the Country also. Richard Colville of Ochiltree was an enemy and bare deadly feud to John Auchenlech of Auchenlech, a friend and depender of the Earl Douglas; whom the Earl having sent for to come to him to Douglas Castle for such business as he had to do with him, the said Richard having notice of the said Auchenleches journey, notwithstanding he knew he went toward the Earl, whether stirred up by the Earl's enemies at Court, so to put an affront upon him, or leaning to their credit for impunity, or out of impatience, or presumption, or contempt of the Earl in respect of his withdrawing from Court, not regarding him, or fearing his displeasure or anger, he lay in wait for him by the way, and set upon him with a number of armed men, where, after some small conflict, Auchinlech was slain, and divers of his friends and servants with him. The Earl Douglas having notice hereof, the fact touching him so nearly in the person of his friend and follower, in his service, coming toward him, and sent for by him, he was so incensed therewith, that whether distrusting the ordinary course of justice (as wherein he might be eluded by his enemies then guiders of Court) or impatient of delay, or not accounting it so honourable for him, nor so awful in example to others, concluding immediately to revenge it, and vowing solemnly he should be avenged before he either eat or drank, he took horse immediately, and with the readiest of his friends rode to the Castle of Ochiltree, forced it, and slew the said Richard colvil, and all the males within the Castle that were come to the age of men. This opened the mouths of men diversely, according to their divers humours, some condemning his cruelty, some commending his courage, some saying that he had gone too far, and done too much; others that he could do no less, that he had just cause, and that he had been ill used, his friend slain, his honour interessed, that such kind of justice best became him; his enemies at Court took hold of it, aggravating it to the King, an insolent fact against law and custom, and however colvil had deserved it (which they could not deny) yet it was a perilous example, prejudicial to all order, and to the King, to whom the punishing of such things belonged; So that the King became highly offended therewith.  
Hereupon the Earl Douglas, partly to give place to his Prince's anger, partly upon some remorse (as all blood hath ever some touch and sting of Conscience with it:) the next year being the year of Jubilee, he purchased a licence from the King to go to Rome, pretending he would do penance for the said slaughter, (but as his enemies did interpret it) to show his greatness to foreign Princes and Nations. Before he took his journey, having a care of his house, and being out of hope to have children of his own (as having been seven or eight year married without children) he procured his second brother James to be received by the King, and confirmed in the Earldom after himself. There went with him in company a great number of Noblemen and Gentlemen, such as the Lord Hamiltoun, Grace, Salton, Seaton, Oliphant and Forbesse; also Calder, Urwhart, Cambell, Fraiser, Lawders of Crumartie, Philorth and Basse, Knights, with many other Gentlemen of great account. He (went first to Flanders, and from thence by land to Paris, where he was honourably received by the King of France, whom some call Lewis the eleaventh, but it must needs be Charles the seaventh, who lived till the year 1460. some ten years after this Jubilee, which behoved to be in the year 1450. The remembrance of the good service done by his Uncle at Bauge, and his Grandfather at divers times, and at last, for spending his life for him at Vernoile, was not yet worn out of Charles his memory, in regard whereof, and for the place he carried, and the public League between the Countries, he omitted no kind of honour undone to him that was fit for his quality and rank: from thence he took his journey towards Rome, which was filled with the expectation of his coming. He had taken from Paris with him his youngest brother George, a young man who was there at Schools, and of whom there was great expectation; but he died by the way, to his great grief, he is said by the manuscript, to have been nominated Bishop of Dunkell, and that he was to be inaugurated at Rome; Buchannan also saith it, perhaps following the manuscript: but they both forget that his eldest brother Henry is said by the same manuscript, in the life of their father, to have been Bishop of Dunkell: and this George died before he was fifteen years of age. I take it also to be an oversight in this same Buchannan, that he saith that this George was destinated to be Earl by the King's permission, after his brother, who had no children. For it is against reason that he being youngest of many brethren (worthy men) should have been preferred before them, while he was but yet a child at school.  
While the Earl was thus in his pilgrimage, his enemies slept not at home, but taking the opportunity of his absence, did both blame him at the King's hand by all invention they could devise, and stirred up such of the common people as had received any wrong of any man, to complain to the King, alleging they had received it by the Earl Douglas friends or servants, and by such ways moved the King to cause seek Siminton, than Bailiff to the Earl in Douglas dale, and to cite and summon him to answer to such crimes as were laid to the Earls charge, for the actions (perhaps) of his dependers and clients, or (at least) for such things as his Lord had neither commanded, neither (happily) heard of. Siminton looking for no equity at their hands, who moved such a citation, choosed not to come into judgement, suffering things to pass rather for non-compeirance, than to compeire, not knowing the state of things, nor how to answer, having neither knowledge of them by himself, nor direction, nor information from his Lord. Upon this occasion his enemies laid hold, interpreted this his non-compeirance in the most odious sort, and called it contumacy, and what grievous name they could devise. So they moved the King to send his servants and apprehend him, and would gladly have proceeded with all extremity against him, exclaiming against his presumptuous contempt of the King, and telling the King, that his royal authority was become a mockery, and despised by every base fellow: That by his lenity he did but foster the malapertness of the wicked sort: That by impunity new doors were opened to new misdoers: with such other speeches, in the most vehement manner they could, to have dipped the King in blood, and cut off all hope (as far as in them lay) of reconcilement betwixt them. But he, not being so far alienated as yet from Douglas, howbeit the complaints of so many had stirred up some dislike, and taken impression in his mind, was not moved with their speeches in that high nature, but persisted in his opinion to recompense the Complainers in their losses of goods by goods, but not to meddle with any man's blood: wherefore he caused Siminton to be set at liberty, and commanded him only to satisfy the Complainers. But he who could neither answer without information, nor satisfy without direction, humbly besought his Majesty, that since he had not information, and could not answer, being but a servant, and unacquainted with business; seeing also he was not Collector of his master's rents, but only commander of his servants, it would please him to delay the matter till his Lord returned, (whom he expected within few months) who (he doubted not) both could and would answer to whatsoever complaint, and satisfy sufficiently at his Prince's pleasure whatsoever damage he should have been found to do to any man. This seemed most reasonable, that the Earl himself should be heard first, and not condemned unheard, and in his absence; and there could be no great prejudice in a short delay. Wherefore the King condescended to it, and yet not withstanding being importuned by the multitude of new complaints, he sent William Sinclair Earl of Orkney (a near Cousin to the Earl Douglas) being Chancellor for the time, to intromet with his goods and rents in Galloway and Douglas, to satisfy Complainers therewith: but it was to no purpose, for he was eluded, and almost mocked by the tenants. He alleged, and reported to the King, that was done by the instigation of the Earl of Ormond, that he was so frustrate; for the Earl Douglas had committed to him the managing of his estate in his absence, and he greatly disdained that Orkney, being so near of blood and alliance to them, should have undertaken that charge. The King irritated herewith, as a contempt of his authority, caused Heralds to be directed (or Pursuivants) to summon all of the name of Douglas, and their favourers, to compeire upon a certain day, and the Earl himself within threescore days; which being expired, and none compeiring, they were denounced Rebels. Then the King himself went with an Army into Galloway, where at his first entry, having forced their Captains to retire to their strengths, a small number of his host, whilst they followed the Rebels uncircumspectly through straight places, were beaten back upon the King, not without some disgrace. The king moved with great indignation hereat, went and assaulted their chief forts: And first he took the Castle of Lochmabane without great trouble or travel; thereafter with great toil and wearying of his men, the Castle of Douglas, which he razed to the ground. He commanded the Farmers, Tenants, and Labourers of the ground, to pay their Meals to his Collectors, until such time as the complainers were satisfied with their Lords goods.  
These things being reported (thus as they were done) to the Earl Douglas while he was yet at Rome, moved him greatly, and greatly astonished them that were in his company; so that many withdrew themselves, fearing what it might turn to; and he, with the few that remained with him, made what haste they could homeward.  
As he came through England, he was honourably entertained by the King and Queen there: but when he approached near to the borbers of Scotland, he stayed a little time, and sent his brother James before to try the King's mind toward him; which when he found to be placable, he returned home, was kindly received, and lovingly admonished to put away from him disorderly persons, especially the men of Annandale, who had in his absence committed many outrages and cruelties. This when he had faithfully promised to perform, he was not only received into his former place of favour, but was made also Lieutenant General of the whole Kingdom of Scotland. And this was the bitter fruit of his perilous Pilgrimage, that hereby he loosed the reins to his enemies, and gave them power so far to prevail, as to embark the King in open quarrel against him, even to the casting down of his Houses, and intrometting with his Revenues. This notwithstanding was either his wisdom, or the account and respect of his place and person, that the King, who had done him such harm and disgrace, could be contented so to forget it, receiving him so far into favour, and advancing him, whatever blame or imputation may be laid upon him for his journey, which was so rashly taken on, and which had so dangerous a sequel; yet this retreat from that storm cannot but be commended, and his dexterity (whatever it were) acknowledged to have been great, which guided him through such billows and surges to so peaceable a Port and Haven. And it were to be wished that Writers had set down by what means this was brought to pass, for the more perfect understanding of the History; but we must bear with this amongst many more defects that are to be found in them.  
Now what ever wisdom (though undescribed in the particular) may appear to be in this; as much unadvisedness is evident in that which he did immediately after, in his journey to England. For without acquainting the King, he went to the Court of England, and had privy conference with that King and Queen, he pretended that it was for restitution of some goods taken out of Scotland, and not restored by the Wardens of England: but this cause, the lighter it was, the greater suspicion did it move in his own King, who could not think it probable, that he being of that place, of that courage, of that nature, would upon such an occasion only, take such a journey: The true cause is thought to be, that he went to treat of certain conditions for his assistance to be given to the King of England against his Nobility, with whom he was then in hard terms, the wars of the house of York beginning to spring up, which increased afterward so mightily, and prevailed, to the ejecting him out of the Kingdom.  
This the Queen of England either foreseeing, or fearing some other such like enterprise against her husband had dealt with the Earl Douglas when he came home through England from Rome the year before, to strengthen them by his help, and appointed him to return for performance, and perfecting of all conditions of agreement. But we find no effect of this agreement and conditions, whether because that conspiracy of the Duke of York was not yet come to maturity, and so Douglas was not employed, being prevented by death (which fell out shortly after this) or because they were not fully agreed, is uncertain. Neither is it specified what the conditions were: only it is conjectured, that they were the same, or such like, as the same King (Henry the sixth) granted afterward to the Earl of Angus in the time of King James the third, which if they were, they were no ways prejudicial to the King of Scotland (as shall appear there) yet being done without his knowledge, it gave occasion either to the natural jealousy of Princes to think hardly of it, by his own mere motion, or to his enemies, so to construct it to the King, and stir him up by their speeches to that suspicion which he inclined to. Of both which he ought to have been wary, and not to have given such ground to the one, or to the other, by such a journey undertaken without the King's allowance.  
Whether at his return he acquainted the King with what had passed betwixt him and the Kings of England, it is not certain, and our Writers seem to say the contrary, yet in that he brought letters from the Queen of England to the Queen of Scotland, and she thereupon interceded for him, it is not improbable that he hath acquainted her (and so the King also) with the truth of the whole business: which whether the King did not believe, or if his jealousy remained not the less, and that he was not willing there should be such an accession and increase of the Earl's greatness, who (he thought) was greater already than was safe for a King; he pardoned him the fault at the intercession of the Queen and some Nobles, but he took from him the Office of Lieutenant, and all other public charge, that so he might be made unuseful and unsteadable to the King of England, or at least not so able to aid him, and so he might be frustrate of the conditions so liberally promised unto him from thence. He restored also his old enemy Creighton to the Office of Chancellor, and the Earl of Orkney was made Lieutenant. Thus not only disappointed of his hopes, but disgraced at his Prince's hands, both by being himself depressed, and his enemies advanced, he was incensed against all the Courtiers, taking all to proceed from their instigation. But more especially his anger was bend against Creighton, both as the ancient enemy of his House, and also as the chief Author of all this present disfavour by his surmisings, transported herewith, he gave way to his passion to carry him to a course somewhat more than civil, which until that time he had tempered, retaining it with the bridle of equity, and himself within the compass of the laws. Now whether altogether, and only for these causes foresaid, or if irritated by a new occasion of malicious speeches uttered by Creighton (That the Kingdom of Scotland would never be at rest so long as the house of Douglas was on foot: That in the ruin thereof stood the good of the Realm, and peace of all Estates: That it was necessary a man of so turbulent a nature, so puissant and powerful by his Kindred and Alliance, whom no benefits could appease, nor honours satiate, should be cut off, and the public peace established by his death,) or if Creighton contrived this speech to make Douglas the more odious, and his own quarrel seem the juster against him (for both are written) so it is, that the Earl caused certain of his friends and servants lie in wait for him as he was riding from Edinburgh toward Creighton: but he escaped, being acquainted with the plot (as some write) well accompanied, and excellently well mounted, but not without being wounded himself, and having slain some of his adversaries in his escape. Others, attribute his escaping not to any foresight or foreknowledge, but sayeth that he was assailed in the night at unawares, and being astonished at the first, yet afterward recollecting himself (for he was a man of good courage) he slew the foremost he met with, and having received some wounds, broke through them, and saved himself in Creighton Castle, where he remained not long; but his wounds being scarce well cured, he conveened his friends, and coming on the sudden to Edinburgh, had almost surprised the Earl Douglas, who was there in quiet manner, and looked for no such thing, but he getting advertisement hereof, did advertise the King that he could no longer endure Creightons hidden malice and practices against his life, and estate, and his now open attempts also: wherefore he desired to be excused, th●…t he could no more repair to Court, so long as Creighton was there, and so retired himself to his house to remain as a malcontent for a season.  
In the mean time finding his enemies thus to increase in credit at Court, and with their credit (as commonly it cometh to pass) in number and power, he, to strengthen himself also on the other side against them, entered into a new confederacy with the Earls of Crawford, and Rosse, men of greatest puissance and force next the Douglasses, that were in Scotland in their times; or rather he renewed the old friendship that had been betwixt them. For their houses were in old time in great friendship with the houses of Douglas (as hath been showed) and the house of Crawford was particularly obliged unto them by divers good Offices, from the days of Robert the second: and in this same man's time had been helped against the Ogelbees' at Arbroth: as his father also had at the Earl Douglas desire spoilt the Bishop of Saint Andrew's (Kennedies) land's: And besides, this Beatrix Douglas (the Earl Douglas Lady) was daughter to one of the Earls of Crawford, and could not but be of kin to this Earl. The sum of their band was, That they should every one assist and defend another, together with their friends and dependers, against all men: That they should have the same friends, and the same enemies, with reservation always, and exception of their duty to their Prince. But whether this band was made of new (as some write) or if it were of old continued from hand to hand, and then renewed as though it were intended in special against Creighton and his partakers, and due exception of the King expressly contained in it, is uncertain: however, they so possessed the King, that he interpreted all as done against himself. And therefore matters being come to public Hostility betwixt Douglas and Creighton, and the Country divided into factions, when the Earl of Crawford and Rosse had sent to Creighton, and given up all friendship with him as an enemy to their dearest friend, by virtue of the foresaid League; he acquainted the King therewith, and with all vehemency exaggerated the League, as a conspiracy against him and his royal Authority, and that it was very dangerous for him when such great houses, and powerful men had combined together. The King apprehending it to be so, having once settled that opinion in his mind, did upon that ground build all his interpretations of the Earl Douglas actions, and framed his own actions accordingly against him; Neither was Douglas so fortunate, or circumspect, as to avoid the occasions of fostering that opinion in the King: but (as commonly happeneth) when ruin is to come on men, all things work that way, so fared it with him in two facts. The first was on the person of the Lord Harris, who was too hardly used of him, as appears: The other on the Tutor of Bombee, more justly; yet so, that his carriage in it seemed to confirm that which his enemies allege against him, that he exercised his authority, and used his privileges more absolutely than the King had reason to be contented with. The occasion of the first, and the form thereof was, Sir William Harris of Terreglis having been the Earl Douglas ancient dependar, had now in this frown of Court, and diversity of factions (whether to please the Court, and because he accounted it jus●…lest to follow it, or because indeed he misliked things done by the borderers who followed Douglas) withdrawn himself from his dependence; and if he sided not openly with the other party (which he could nor durst hardly do, lying so near to Douglas) yet did he not follow him as he was wont, and so either by a real enmity in private, or a kind of neutrality in public, had procured the like behaviour of the Earl to him, to behave himself as neutral in his affairs: and as he had abstracted his dependence and attendance from him, so the other abstracted his Protection from him. This when the Annandians perceived, they (ready upon all such occasions) made a road, and furrowed his lands: hereof when he complained to the Earl, and had received answer according to the foresaid coldness betwixt them, he would needs attempt some redress by his own power; and hereupon assembling a number of his friends, he road into Annandale to have rendered them the like, and either to recover his own, or repair his losses out of their goods. But he was overthrown by them, and taken prisoner, and so brought to the Earl Douglas, he esteeming him as his own servant, and taken within his bounds where his jurisdiction (by regality or otherways) was extended, put him to assize. They of the Jury found him guilty, being taken after he had seized the goods, (with red hand as they term it) and so being convict of theft, he was condemned, executed, and hanged as a thief, and that notwithstanding the King's earnest request for his life by letter. A pitiful matter, and greatly to be lamented! and though he had some colour of justice, yet it tasted not so much of justice as of malice; no not of indifferency (which would be injustice, having eye to the due circumstances) so much as of partiality, joined with contempt of the King, and his equal request; and so it was constructed, and gave more just occasions to his enemies surmising, and the increasing of the King's indignation, which by yielding, and remitting a little of his privileges, and showing respect to the King's entreaty, he might have mitigated in some measure; and that without any danger he could have incurred by the said Lord Harry's enmity (although he should have been his enemy, and perhaps he might have regained him to his friendship by remitting the offence.) The other fact which ensued upon this, not so unjust, but made as odious (as carrying the odiousness of the other with it) was, Macklalane Tutor of Bombee, the chief of that name, and one of the principal houses in Galloway, falling at odds with a servant of the Earl Douglas had slain him, and was (therefore with his brother who was partaker of the slaughter) apprehended and put in prison in the Trevie, a strong house belonging to the Earl. His friends made means to the Courtiers, and by them to the King; informing him that Douglas carried a spleen against the man, more for being a friend, a favourer and follower of the best side (so they called their own; then for killing of the man: wherefore they besought him that he would not suffer a Gentleman of his rank, who was also a good man otherwise (however that had fallen out in his hands) to be drawn (not to judgement, but) to certain and destinate death, before one, who was both judge and party. By this and such like information (whereby the ears of Princes are deceived, while men go about to withdraw their friends from due punishment) they persuade the King to send for Bombee, and take the trial and judgement of him in his own hands, desiring the Earl Douglas, that if he had any thing against him, he should come and pursue him before the King. Amongst the furtherers of this suit Patrick Grace of Fowls (uncle to the Tutor) was chief: he was directed with the Commission, as one that both would be earnest therein, being so near to the party, and would also be respected, being some way in kin to the Earl; Douglas having notice of his Commission, and perceiving thereby they meant no other thing, but to defraud him of justice for killing of his servant (which he thought he could not suffer with his honour) that he might do what he had determined the more calmly, and with the less offence (as he thought) he courteously received the said Patrick Grace, and entertained him with divers purposes, and caused the Tutor in the mean time to be tried by an Assize, and being condemned, to be quickly conveyed a mile from thence to a place called Carling-work, and there executed. Afterward when Patrick Grace (ignorant of what was done) had delivered his Commission from the King; he answered, he was sorry he was come too late, and then told him what was done, and desired him to excuse him to the King. When he heard that, and saw himself so deluded, he presently (in a great chafe and rage) renounced all kindred and friendship, and whatsoever band besides might seem to tie him to the Earl; vowing that from that time forth he should be his deadly enemy in all sort, and by all means he could, which the other little regarding, dismissed him: But however he little regarded it, the French Proverb proveth true, and is worthy to be regarded of all men, That there is no little enemy: for he had the power to be his death afterward with his own hands, and plotted it by his Counsel, or set it forward, being plotted and devised by others: for being come to the King, and relating the issue and effect of his message, all was by him and the other Courtiers of the faction aggravated in the most heinous sort: That the King's commandments were contemned, eluded and mocked: That it was likely that the Earl Douglas was King: That doubtless he aimed to be so, yea, he behaved himself already as such: That that was the meaning of his private conference with the King of England, on that ground he gave licence to slay so many honest men, to spoil and rob: That innocency now was contemned for brutishness, faithfulness to the King punished for unfaithfulness; That by the King's indulgency the common enemy was become insolent: That it became him once to take upon him his place as King, and do things by authority, and by his power, that then it would appear who were friends, who were foes. These, and such as these, were the speeches of the Courtiers and interpretations of his actions: such as it pleased them to make, following their humour of faction or judgement.  
But they neither considered the equity that was done in punishing blood by blood, nor the authority by which it was done, for he had authority and sufficient jurisdiction of old granted to him, and given by former Kings to his Predecessors and their Heirs for his service. Neither did they observe what order and formality he kept in his proceedings, nor his honour interested in the revenging his servants death: Neither what scorn to him it was on the other part, if he had sent the party: having thereby his privileges, infringed, his servant slain, and no satisfaction for it, but to be eluded by a Commission, purchased by his enemies, justice defrauded, and the guilty pulled out of his hands: and by their credit with the King, procuring him to hinder justice, who should have been the furtherer of it, only upon their particular private motion, and by their factions, inclining of his Majesty that way. Upon these considerations, what had been more extraordinarily done, would have been excused by the same men, in another then Douglas. Now in him (though done orderly) it is thus traduced, aggravated, exaggerated, amplified, and named contempt of the King, and affecting the Crown.  
Such is the misery, when Princes are moved by parties, to command or request things that are unjust, there being peril and inconvenients, either in obeying or refusing their requests, receiving hurt and prejudice in their rights, scorn of their adverse party, or denying to offend whom they would fain serve: and happy is that man that can steer aright betwixt these rocks! Happy he who falleth into the hands of such a Prince, as measureth and moderateth his commands according to equity; or if they be inique, when it falleth out so (for what Prince may not fall into such weakness) who tempereth his passion, and moderateth his mind, in the just refusal thereof, taking it in good part, and accounteth not his authority contemned, when an unjust command is refused by his Subjects.  
Whether it were on the displeasure of this fact, or jealousy conceived of this and other actions of the Douglasses, it is hard to discern: but so it was, that his enemies making use for their own ends of the King's credulous suspicion, prevailed so far, that they persuaded the King to resolve to make him away (and seeing it could not be done by open force) in any sort it could be done; whereof when they had advised of all the means they could, this they found to be the most expedient way, that he should be sent for to Court, by fair promises, and being come, the King should enter into terms of quarrelling: And thereupon they that were appointed for the purpose, should dispatch him. So they caused a certain Courtier of their faction, but such an one as was free from all suspicion of bearing enmity to the Earl, to address himself to a Gentleman, who was Douglasses friend, and to show him how Creighton was retired to his own house, and that in his absence it were fit the Earl should take that good occasion, to come and see the King, with whom he might be assured to find favour, if he would crave it humbly: and this he told as a great secret, not to be revealed, but to his Lord, and dealt earnestly with him to follow this advice.  
The Gentleman believing, went and dealt very earnestly with his Lord, but he suspecting Creightons craft, and having the murder of his Cousins before his eyes, flatly refused to go thither, where he had so many enemies, so potent and of so great credit, and some of which (had not long ago) lain in wait for his life, unless he saw assurance of his life and liberty. Hereupon he was directly sent for to come to Court, with promise of all freedom, and with assurance under the broad Seal: and to remove all fear & doubt that he could conceive, the Noblemen that were present at Court were moved to send a warrant to him, subscribed with all their hands, and sealed with all their seals, with the greatest oaths and protestations interposed therein that could be; and not only so, but every man wrote his own particular letter apart, assuring him of the King's good will; and further promising him, that if it should so fall out, that the King would be so disposed as to break his faith and promise, and to enterprise any thing against his person, life, lands or liberty, they should send him home safe nevertheless: What could he seek more at their hands? Or what could he devise more? And who would have doubted after such assurances? Yet, that he might not only repose upon his enemies credit all his safety, he accompanieth himself for his honour and surety with as many as might secure him, and keep him free from being in danger of any private man's forces. So relying (for the King's part) upon his safe Conduct, and the Nobilities credit interposed therewith, he cometh to Stirling, where the King was well attended and followed by his friends and servants, but in a peaceable manner; being come into the King's presence, after some sort of admonition to lead a more peaceable and orderly life, he seemed to pardon him what ever was past, and kindly invited him to supper in the Castle: After they had supped cheerfully and merrily together, the King taketh him aside, and leadeth him into an inner room, where there was none present besides them two and Patrick Grace, of whom we spoke before, how of his friend and Cousin he was become his enemy, for the execution of the Tutor of Bombee. There the King beginning his speech from the valour and loyal fidelity of his Predecessors, came shortly to his own indulgency towards the whole Family, and towards himself in particular. Then sharply upbraiding him how oft he had pardoned him, and what insolences he had committed: Douglas answered submissively, and craved pardon for what he had offended against himself in any sort; saying, his intention was not against him, but against his enemies: That as for others that would complain, he was ready to satisfy them according to justice, and at the Kings own pleasure: There rests yet one thing (saith the King) the League betwixt you, and the Earl of Crawford and Rosse, I will have you presently to quite it. At that word the Earl was somewhat astonished at the first, yet gathering his spirits again, he answered, that for him, he knew nothing wherein that League could be offensive to his Majesty, seeing that all duty to him was especially reserved. The King replied, I will have you presently to break the same. Douglas answered, that if he would have him to do so, he would be pleased to give him leave to advertise the said Noblemen, and then he would do it, otherwise, he would be accounted a faith breaker, if having entered into friendship with them, he should forsake them, not giving a reason why: And therefore besought him to have patience. The King replied in an angry manner, speaking aloud; If you will not break it, I will: And with those words, he stabbed him in the breast with a dagger. At the same instant Patrick Grace struck him on the head with a Pole-axe. The rest that were attending at the door, hearing the noise, entered, and fell also upon him; and, to show their affection to the King, gave him every man his blow after he was dead.  
Thus died he by the hand of the King, but by the practices of his enemies, they being the choice movers, and the king yielding to their motions, as if it had been his quarrel, (for so they made it seem to him) whereas indeed it was but their own particular; or if his, it was but thus far his, that he took it on him as his, espoused theirs as his own, and embarked himself therein. A common practice of Courtiers, who have Princes ears; what ever is contrary to their will, is all against the King, is all presumption, is all high treason; whereas indeed they are oft times themselves his greatest enemies, what ever show of service and affection they make; and they whom they call his enemies far more heartily affected to him. They make the King always wed their quarrels, bear their errors, and the whole hatred and envy of their enemies; and oft times draws him into great absurdities, besides and contrary his own natural disposition, to his great disgrace, or diminishing his grace, in the eyes of his Subjects, not without great peril of his life and estate. Happy the Prince that can rightly take up, and rightly discern the quarrels which are indeed his own, from those which others would have him think to be his own, and so understandeth the disposition of his Subjects, that he account not all that is against his Courtiers, is against him, or all that is done by his Courtiers, is done for him.  
These Courtiers had gained this point of the King, and by that mean had brought him to do that hard fact against this man as his own enemy, as one aspiring to his Crown; where indeed never any such thing appeared to have been intended by him, or aimed at, but only revenge against his private enemies. And for the other crimes that his enemies alleged against him; small presumptions, cold conjectures, and no appearance there was of them. But above all this, the greatest pity is, that they had power to bring such a King to commit such a fact, contrary to his faith and promise, solemnly sworn and sealed by himself, and by his nobility, to break the bonds of all humane society. It is worthy the considering, to see their pretences and arguments set down by Writers, which they used to move and induce him to consent and yield to this strange, and unnatural fact. A Paradox in truth, though a Maxim in Matchivellisme: one of them is, Necessity; for they make him believe, first that the Earl Douglas did aspire; then, that he was so powerful, that there was no other remedy for his aspiring; all they bring, is but weak presumptions: and for his strength and power, he was strong enough indeed to defend himself against his enemies, or an unjust force and violence; but it had been another matter unjustly to have invaded the Kingdom, for which he was not so strong, as justice and a just title to a Crown, which are of great force: and against which, that force, which otherwise and in another case may be great, will prove nothing, for God hath given his image of authority with it, which so affects the hearts of men that they cannot but regard it, and this image being imprinted in their hearts is not easily abolished but by very enormous faults, and even scarce by any faults though never so extraordinary. So that it was error in them to think, or craftiness to persuade that there was no remedy in a just authority to defend itself by itself, and without foregoing itself and becoming injustice, and that in such a hateful manner. Whereas by the contrary, this their way was not so safe and so certain a mean to defend himself, but had almost been the mean to deprive him of what he would have had men think he preserved by it; that is, his Crown, for the fact being so vile and base, it not only moved the friends and followers of the Earl Douglas his house to rebellion, but also incensed the whole common people: for that if his brother who succeeded, had been as politic as he was powerful, the King might have been set beside his Throne. And as it was, he was once in a great brangling, and had resolved to quit the Country, had it not been for James Kennedies counsel, who was Bishop of S. Andrew's; so far was this fact from establishing his Throne, as they made him believe it would do.  
Then for the honesty and lawfulness of it, it is to be diligently weighed: It is lawful (say they) to catch fraud in the own craftiness. And indeed that saying is most true, good and conform to all wisdom, being rightly understood, thus: Let fraud work on fraudfully, until he be entangled and entrapped in his own fraud, and so become guilty and obnoxious to a lawful and orderly avengement by justice: but that men to meet fraud, may justly use fraud, and that against all promises, seals, subscriptions, or oaths, to the extremity of murdering, changing justice into injustice, in the very seat of justice, is not, nor ever was, nor ever can be justified under any pretext whatsoever; as being that which breaketh the bands of humane society. It is an unworthy Kingdom, which cannot otherwise defend itself, and it is unworthy of a King to stoop to such unworthy and base ways: It hath also been by some pretended elsewhere to cover the foulness hereof, that hereby much bloodshed is eschewed, which would have been, before such a man could have been cut off, which I marvel is not alleged here also.  
But that is frivoulous amongst the rest, for it is the cause of much more blood shedding, because it takes away all trust, and so peace, until the wars end by the destruction of one party, which without trust cannot end by reconcilement, besides this, they insinuated it unto the King, as a point of want of courage in him, and cowardice, if he durst not so much as deceive his enemy; whereby they would mean, that it was courage to deceive him: An unhappy daring to dare to do wrong, and very far mistaken, and misnamed!  
And last of all, they half menace to abandon him, and provide for themselves and their own safety, by taking part with Douglas as the stronger party; whom if the King did not make away, they would follow him, and that there was no other remedy left to them. Such boldness were they come to, thus to threaten their master, and Sovereign! And such is the weakness of that place, where it submitteth itself to servants! By these means was this good King (far contrary to his own nature) drawn on by them who had his ear to this unnatural fact, as to that which was most lawful and flat necessary, yet was neither this pretended necessity, nor alleged lawfulness sufficient to defend it even in the judgement of the doers themselves. And therefore the Courtiers found out another mean to put some fair face, at least some colourable excuse upon it as they thought, for being ashamed of those allegiances, or distrusting that they would be accepted for just causes of breach of faith, and fearing they should be detested of all men: they gave it out that the slaughter was not committed of set purpose, but that it fell out only by chance, and that the King had no intention to kill him, till he himself by his indiscretion procured it, having irritated the King by his presumptuous answers.  
But this is a weak excuse, to commit murder contrary to promise, although he had answered so: but there is no appearance of it, that it was but a sudden passion, neither was it believed in those days, as may be seen by the persuasions given him by the Courtiers: which while Writers set down, they witness it was a set draught and fore plotted. For they say plainly also that the Courtiers would have had it appearing that it came by his arrogancy in his carriage and answers, but not that it was so indeed: besides there is a received tradition, that James Hamiltoun of Cadzow pressing in to follow the Douglas, Liviston being Uncle to James, and knowing the Earl was to die, gave him a blow on the face, and thrust him back from the gate. James Hamiltoun drew his sword, which the other little regarding, held him off with a long halberd, and made the guard shut the gate against him, was exceeding angry at this affront in the time, but after when he heard the Earl was killed, he knew it was done for his safety. He had given too much matter for his enemies to work on by his rash journey into England, and private conference with the King and Queen there: but this had been forgiven him, as an oversight only, which the King had (apparently) tried, and found to be nothing else; he had been vehement in the revenge of the murder of his Cousins and servant John Auchinleck, but that (though vehement) was not injust, and therefore we find him never charged with it as injustice: he had against equity executed the Lord Harry's, yet he had done it legally and by form, and order of Law, whereof the particulars not being perfectly known, the judgement is difficult, yet is it not (for any thing we see) any way to be excused. The execution of the Tutor of Bombee was very good justice and irreproveable, though it bred him most hatred and ill will at Court. Other particulars are not mentioned. Only they say that he bore with thiefs to have their assistance: An ill and unwise course, and ever pernicious to the users of it, for harming of such as they hate! A far worse, and unworthy fact, unfit for a generous mind to companion itself with them whom he should punish, and to participate of the guiltiness he should correct! But how far he went in this point is not certain, at least is not specially set down: and as for the speeches of his enemies reproaching them unto him in the hatefullest sort, all must not be taken for truth they say.  
All agree that he was a man of great power, great policy, great performance and execution, and greater expectation, in whom the name of Douglas rose to the greatest top of height, and with whom it began to fall, which was afterward accomplished in his successor, as shall be said; he was slain the 13. of February 1452. esteemed to have been Fastings-Eve, (or Shrove-Tuesday.) after the Roman supputation, or in the year 1451. as Major reckoneth it according to the account of Scotland. He was Earl the space of nine years or thereabout, but left no children behind him. Where he was buried, or what was done with his body, there is no mention made in History.  

Me laetho ante diem Chrightonus Rexque dedere,  
Ille necis causam praebuit esse manum.   

By Crighton and my King too soon I die,  
He gave the blow, Crighton the plot did lay.    

Of James the ninth and last Earl of Douglas, the eighteenth Lord, sixth Duke of Turraine, and fourth James, who died in Lindores.  
WIlliam being thus slain by the instigation of these Courtiers, his enemies, to the end that the King as they would have it thought might be established in his Crown, by the making away of him whom they made the King to think so great an enemy to him? It was so far from producing that effect, that by the contrary there was nothing nearer, then that it should have been the very occasion of spoiling him thereof; for the Earl Douglasses friends, who before took Creighton, and his faction only for their enemies: Now they take the King for their enemy. They, who before thought not that what they had suffered proceeded from the King, or that it was his doing: now they impute them to him. They who before were only malcontents, and within the bounds of obedience, and had a good opinion of the King: now they become enemies with an ill opinion of him as a wicked man. They who before contained themselves in civil terms, now become open rebellious: and whereas they had good hope, and looked for reconcilement, now cast off all hope thereof, and (matters becoming irreconcilable) all love and regard, all reverence, their hearts being laden with the injury, with the dishonesty, with the horror of it, they burst forth into all outrageous words, and deeds: things coming to that point, that they could not be ended, but by the destruction of one of the parties. Either they behoved to ruin the King, or behoved to be ruined by him. And here the hardest lot at the first was the Kings (by all appearance) the power of the other party being so great, their minds so inflamed, their anger so incensed against him: neither the party only, but the people in general detested the fact and the horribleness of it, in such sort, that he was put by all his shifts, and driven to such a point of despair, as to think of leaving the country, and going by sea to France.  
For though the Earl himself was dead, yet had he left behind him in the town of Stirlin four brethren, that were come thither to accompany him. The eldest of these, James, was provided to the estate three years before by the King's consent (upon the occasion of Earl Williams going to Rome in the year of Jubilee) to succeed to his brother after his decease. He therefore, with the rest of the Nobility who favoured them and their cause, having heard the report of Earl Williams being stabbed in that manner, being astonished with these sudden and unexpected news, first ran and took arms with great haste and tumult, but having contained themselves, and commanding their companies to be quiet, every man keeping within his own lodging for that night, upon the morrow they assembled together in counsel, and according to the defuncts ordinance, and the Kings consent obtained thereto before, they acknowledged James lawful heir and successor to his brother William. Then he with many vehement and bitter words, inveighing against the treasonable perjury of the King and Courtiers, exhorts them who were present to lay siege to the Castle. Send (says he) for your friends and followers from all quarters, and let us withdraw out of their lurking holes those men who are only valiant in perfidiousness, while as yet they waver, being uncertain in their resolutions, and tremble with the guiltiness of so horrible a fact. They who were present praised his piety towards his dead brother, and also his courage; but because they were come in a peaceable manner, and unprovided of things necessary for so great a work, they abstained from the siege; which if they had (as the Earl gave advice) resolved upon, and fallen to presently, while the odiousness of the fact was yet green and fresh before the eyes of men, the King and his partners being unprovided and unforeseene in any certain course of their affairs, as neither able to consult, nor to meet for consultation, the Castle being enclosed, which being also (as it is to be supposed) not well victualled for a siege, the King could hardly have escaped their hands. Neither was the matter so difficult for them, to have remained, and sent for the rest of their friends, and any provision which they needed; who might have come to them within five weeks, as they did themselves return in that time, having given the King so much leisure to advise and prepare for them. Neither could the King (for all that he had that space and time) find any means sufficient to match them. For having upon this their deliberation resolved upon the worst part, and departed to their houses, and taken full advice concerning all things, they returned the five and twentieth day of March, where all the way as they came along to Stirling, James Hammiltoun dragged the King's safe conduct (which had been given to Earl William, having the broad Seal hanging thereat) at the tail of an ill-favoured spittle fade, or mare, through the streets of all the towns and villages in their way, abstaining from no contumelious words, that they could devise against the King, his Counsellors and Courtiers.  
Being come to Stirlin, they went to the market Cross, and there sounding with five hundred horns and trumpets, they caused a Herald to proclaim the King, and such as had been plotters and authors of E. William's death, perjured traitors to God and man, and that they were to be abhorred, and detested by all men as such. Others write that they went to the Castle gate, and made that Proclamation in the Kings hearing, whiles he was looking on them, and that it was done the next day after the slaughter. Thereafter they pillaged the town, and being angry even with the innocent and harmless place, they sent back James Hamiltoun of Cadzow, and burned it. Where this is to be considered, what could be the cause why these men (who before were upon advisement to have besieged the Castle of Stirlin, and did not do it then, only because they were unprovided) why these men (I say) now being come again and provided, abstained notwithstanding from besieging of it, having nothing to let them; and which if they had obtained, they had withal obtained full victory, being masters of the field, the King enclosed and secluded from his favourers and partners, no others (in likelihood) could have made head against them; for neither could any have taken that upon them, neither would the people (as was thought) have followed them, at least not so freely; whether it was because they had no hope to force it (being a strong place) neither to famish it in haste (being well provided of victuals) or if they chose rather to deprive him of his partners abroad in the Country by forcing them to forsake him first, and then it would be easy to take the King who had nothing but the Castle walls to trust to; or what ever else were the occasion thereof, our Histories (very defective in this so special a point) tell not; But so it was, that they leaving the principal point unprosecute (the King himself wherein would have consisted the whole sum of a full victory, and to which they should chiefly have directed their courses) contented only to have blazed his reproaches, turned towards his friends, pilling and spoiling such as remained on his side, and even by this the King was so put to it, that he had determined to leave the Country and to fly into France, had not Archbishop Kennedie advised him to stay, and hope for better fortune, showing him, that if he could keep his person safe, and have patience to protract, and linger out the time a while, his adversaries faction would dissolve ere long, and fall asunder of itself.  
Amongst those who took part with the King, there were divers of the name of Douglas, and that of the principals, as Angus, brother to Archbishop kennedy, by the mother, who was daughter to Robert the third, and sister to James the first, by whom therefore they were Cousins german to the King, who was partly persuaded by his brother to take that course as fittest for him against the Earl Douglas, partly also accounted it right to follow him as his King, partly for kindred. There was also John (or rather James) Lord Dalkeith, who had married the King's sister (as Hollinshed writeth in the life of Mackebeth) as also the manuscript in this same place, and the contract with the Earl of Morton yet beareth: Also the manuscript in the life of Grosse James (this E. James father) saith, the Lord Dalkeith, (or Henry his son rather) married the said Gross James eldest daughter; this James sister called Margaret: whether therefore having married the King's sister, and so fracke on that side, or having married E. James sister, and being of the name, The Earl Douglas was so much the more incensed against him, that he should without regard of this tie have joined with his enemies, and therefore besieged the Castle of Dalkeith, binding himself by an oath not to deport from thence, until he had gotten it taken in. But it was valiantly defended by Patrick Cockburne and Clarkington, in such sort, that after he was constrained by great travel, and trouble of his men with watching, and many wounds to lift his siege and depart. The King had in the mean time conveened a company of men to have relieved the besieged, but finding that his power was not sufficient for that purpose, he resolved to attend the coming of Alexander Gordon, Earl of Huntley, his brother in law (or sister son) whom he made Lieutenant, and who they said was come in with a great Army collected out of the furthest parts of the North. But as he was marching through Angus (the twenty eight of May) he was encountered at Brichen, by the Earl of Crawford, who lay for him there to stop his passage. There was fought a great battle betwixt them in such sort, that Huntley's middle ward was almost defeated, and well nigh routed, not being able to sustain the impression of crawford's army, which was so strong, that they failed but a little to overthrow the King's Standard, brought thither and displayed by Huntley, had it not been for the cowardly and treacherous flight of John Collesse of Bonnie-Moone, to whom the left wing was committed by Crawford: He in the hottest of the conflict (offended with Crawford, because he had refused him that same morning the Barony of Farm, or a part thereof, which lay near to his house) fled on set purpose out of the battle, and so left the middle ward naked on the one side of the special force, which the said Earl had, which was called the battle of axes, or billmen. By their flight, the rest (who were almost victors) were so terrified, that they turned their backs, and left the victory to Huntley, far beyond his own expectation; and yet, not without a great slaughter of his friends, servants and followers; and especially those of his name, amongst whom were two of his brethren. This battle was fought on the Ascension day, in the year 1453. he had before the battle that same day given lands to the principal men of those surnames that were with him, as Forbesses, Leslies, Vrwines, Ogilbies', Grants, and divers others, which made them fight with greater courage. Crawford also lost many of his men, together with his brother John Lindesay, so that the loss on both sides, was accounted almost equal.  
Huntley had the name of the victory, yet could not march forward to the King, as he intended, and that partly because of his great loss of men, partly for that he was advertised, that Archbald Douglas Earl of Murray had invaded his lands, and burned the Piele of Strabogie. Wherefore he returned speedily to his own Country, which gave Crawford leisure and occasion to pour out his wrath against them, who had so traitorously forsaken him, by burning and wasting their lands, and casting down their Houses and Castles. Huntley being returned to the North, not only recompensed the damage done to him by the Earl Murray, but also compelled him out of his whole bounds of Murray: yet it was not done without conflict and mutual harm: for Huntley coming to Elgin in Murray, found it divided, the one half standing for him, the other half (and almost the other side of the street) standing for the Earl Murray: wherefore he burned that half which was for Murray; and hereupon rose the Proverb, Half done as Eglin was burnt. While he is there, Murray assembled his power, which consisting most of footmen, he sat down upon a hill some two or three miles off, called the Drum of Pluskardein, which was unaccessible to horsemen. Huntley forrowed his lands to draw him from the hill, or at least to be revenged of him that way, thinking he durst not come into the plain fields, and not thinking it safe to assault him in a place of such disadvantage. But Murray seeing Huntley's men so scattered, came out of his strength, and falling upon four or five hundreth horsemen, drove them into a bogue called the bogue of Dunkintie, in the bounds of Pittendreigh; full of quag-mires, so deep, that a spear may be thrust into them, and not find the bottom. In this bogue many were drowned, the rest slain, few or none escaping of that company. There are yet to be seen swords, steel-caps, and such other things which are found now and then by the Country people that live about it. They made this round rhyme of it afterward,  

Where left thou thy men thou Gordon so gay?  
In the Bogue of Dunkintie mowing the Hay.   
These victories in the North, together with the repulse (at least the retreat) of the Earl Douglas from the Castle of Dalkeith did so encourage the King, that he began to conceive better hopes of his affairs, and by the counsel of Archbishop kennedy he called a Parliament at Edinburgh, and summoned the Earl Douglas and his partners to compeir thereat. But the Earl was so far from obeying, that he caused plackards to be affixed upon the Church doors, and other public places, sealed with his seal, containing in effect, that from thenceforth he would neither obey citation, nor other commandment of the Kings, nor in any sort commit his life to him, who having alured his Cousins to Edinburgh, and his brother to Stirlin, under safe conduct, had traitorously murdered them without any order of law, and contrary to his oath. Hereupon he and his three brethren, Archbald, Hugh, and John, together with Beatrix, Relict of Earl William, were declared Rebels, and forfeited, and with them Alexander Earl of Crawford, and James Lord Hammiltoun; and that the number of the Nobility might not seem to be diminished by their forfeiture, there were divers new Lords created, and the goods and lands of the forfeited given to them.  
Thereafter an Army was levied to pursue them, their lands were wasted, their goods driven away, their corns destroyed, and then (winter coming on) because the Army could not lie in the fields, they were dismissed, and appointed to meet again in the spring. But the Earl Douglas seemed to make small account of all this, and that the grandour of his house (which was grown to that great height by that great marriage) might not be impaired, and that estate transferred to strangers, he takes to wife the foresaid Beatrix, and deals with the Pope for a dispensation, and confirmation of the marriage. But that suit was crossed by the King's Letters. I find it in an ancient book written of the Douglasscs in meeter, that she herself alleged, that her first husband (Earl William) had never carnal copulation with her, and that she gave her oath thereupon: which giveth some colourable excuse to this fact, which otherwise is so enormous, and void of all appearance that he could have been so shameless as to have gone about it without some such reason, or pretext, which therefore I would not omit to intimate, and I remember not that I have read it elsewhere. However it were, he kept her as his wife, and continued the wars that year, and the next two years, pillaging and wasting the King's possessions; and the King doing the like to him, especially in Annandale, Galloway, and the Forest. Hereupon ensued a Famine, and upon the Famine a Pestilence; Towns and Castles were destroyed on both sides, and no kind of hostility pretermitted. The King notwithstanding caused try indirectly whether the Earl could be persuaded to yield himself to him, and the wisest of his friends counselled him to do it, alleging that his Predecessors had often done so; chiefly seeing he had a King of a gentle nature, and who would be entreated by friends, not to extinguish so noble a Family, and undo so many Noblemen as joined with him, or to redact them to that necessity; that they should be forced to take a course for themselves; that it would be easier for him to get some good quarters now, while matters were as yet not past reconciliation, and while his friends were about him, than afterward, when he should be deserted, and left alone: then there would be no hope of pardon. To this he answered, That he would never commit himself to the credit of those whom neither shame nor honesty could bind, who regarded neither the law of God, nor man: but having alured his Cousins and Brother with fair promises, had so traitorously and cruelly slain them, that he would rather suffer all extremity, then come into their power. This speech was approved or reproved according to every man's disposition, some praising his magnanimitle and courage, some disliking his obstinacy, & exhorting him not to lose this good occasion of making his peace, which (if his friends weary of troubles should abandon him) he would repent afterwards. He persisted in his opinion, and what for detestation of the fact, what for fear to be used after the same manner himself, if he should come into the King's power (as it falls out, and must of necessity, where trust, which is the ground of all peace and reconciliation, is taken away) not suffering any thought of peace to come into his mind, resolved himself to try the fortune of war.  
But the Earl Crawford being weary of so long troubles, apprehending the iniquity of the cause, and weighing with himself the common changeableness of all humane affairs, and knowing that pardon would be easily granted to him who should preoccupy the King's favour, and uneasy and difficult to those that should continue in arms, being left by a part of his friends, and suspecting the fidelity of the rest, as the King was journeying through Angus, he casts himself in his way with a habit most composed to move pity, bare footed, and bore headed; he plainly confessed his offences in times past, put himself absolutely in the Kings will, commemorating the good offices done by his Predecessors; that he acknowledged that whatever had happened to him, had happened by his own default; whatever life or fortune he should have thereafter, he would owe it to the King's clemency. These and such like speeches moved the Noblemen that were present, especially the Gentlemen of Angus, who although they had always followed the King, yet were loath that so ancient and noble an house should perish: chiefly Archbishop kennedy, howbeit he had received many injuries of Crawford (or his father) yet considering of what importance it was to the King to have his own forces increased by this accession, and his enemies diminished and weakened by want of so great a man, dealt earnestly with the King to receive him into his wont place of honour and favour. Neither was the King difficult to be entreated, but graciously pardoned him, and restored him to his former condition both of goods and honour, only admonishing him to do his duty in time to come. It is reported that the King being defirous to perform his promise (which was to raze the house of Phineavin, the chief Manor of the Earl crawford's) and to make the highest stone the lowest, he went up to the top of the house, and (according to this promise) threw down a little stone, which was lying loose above the built work, to the ground, which is to this day kept in an iron chain for a Monument and memorial of this action. Some also write that the King took from him the lands of Badenoch and Loquhabre, and gave them to Huntley for the lands which he had distributed at the field of Brighen, as also the second place in Parliament, and honour of bearing the Sceptre. Crawford died within six months of a burning fever at Phineavin, and was buried in the Grey Friars at Dundee, in the Sepulchre of his Progenitors.  
The Earl Douglas informed hereof, and seeing his forces decay daily, and the King's daily growing greater, he thought he would go try what succour or support he could have out of England, and for that effect he sent James Hammiltoun of Cadyou to K. Henry to desire his help in this estate. King Henry considering, and thinking the occasion fit for him to encroach upon Scotland, persuading himself that the Earl Douglas his passion of revenge on the one part, and the necessity of his estate on the other (two powerful persuaders to move men) should drive him to accept his help on whatever terms, was content to aid him upon this condition, that he should become his subject, swear himself English, and so to continue for ever; and for better assurance hereof, should put into his hands such Strengths and Castles in Scotland as he had in his custody. Unto this Douglas replied very generously and honestly, That he would never leave such a blot upon his house, and would rather choose to die by what ever hand, then commit such a crime against his Country, for a fault done by the Prince and some particular men only, whereof he hoped to be avenged, without that shame. This being so honest a part, and testifying so honest a heart, as some of them have not had the like, even of those who pretended to be Kings themselves (some of whom have not refused to render themselves and their Kingdoms to the English servitude, to be avenged of their enemies, and to obtain the Crown for themselves) is too lightly overpassed by our Writers, without the due testimony, approbation, and praise that it well deserveth. Besides, there can hardly be a clearer argument of his not affecting or aiming at the Crown, which his brother and Predecessors were charged with, and traduced to the King: for had he been that way set, he would have accepted of the proffer of England, and made use of their help, which (questionless) these Kings would not have denied him, according to their ordinary practice. And how many are there that would have forborn in such power, and upon such an occasion? for although he seems to have no colour of title to the Crown, yet men that aspire to it, do seldom want their pretences, when they have power to search it. So that the greater is the pity in so moderate prosecution of such a quarrel, that the event should have been so hard on his side, which appears yet better in that which followed.  
So left thus to himself, by the instigation of his partners, and namely of James Hammiltoun of Cadyou, he gathered together his friends and followers to raise the siege of Abercorne, which the King had beset, and lay before it in his own person. And when he was come within five miles, or (as others say) within sight of the besiegers, they looked assuredly that he would, and that he had resolved to fight, because he put his Army in order of battle; and being very ready for their part, and forward, Cadyou also exhorting him thereto, that he would end these wars with a notable victory, to his perpetual praise, or with an honourable death, as became his house, that he would vindicate himself from those miseries and contumelies; he utterly refused to fight, though he were more in number, saying plainly, his heart would not suffer him, nor serve him to fight against his Sovereign. Whereby it may be conjectured (as saith the Manuscript) that his meaning was only to have terrified the King, and brought him to some reasonable conditions of peace. But there wanted intercessors to deal betwixt them, partly because all were engaged to the one or other side, partly for that they believed that he still persisted in his former opinion of distrust and indignation, and so nothing was done therein by any. Others interpret it to have been cowardice, or faint heartedness, and lack of courage (for their words import so much) a fault that was incident to few of that stock, and we never find it imputed to any of them against England, or against any other private enemy; neither to this man elsewhere, but only at this time. And we heard how after the kill of his brother his courage is commended, together with his piety. The reason of it hath been this; then while his anger was recent, and green against the authors thereof, he could have done any thing to have been avenged; now time having taken away the edge of that disposition, when he considered it was his King he had to do with, whose hand the Courtiers, his enemies, had only borrowed; his natural affection, and regard of a subject toward his Prince, was returned, and by piecemeal had taken possession of his heart again, as the own proper lodging where it had been harboured ever before. Certainly this refusal to fight now, and his former rejecting the King of England's disloyal conditions of help, have proceeded from one and the same disposition of mind. Wherefore seeing that ought highly to be praised, I see not how this can be condemned, at least how they can condemn it, that do so highly respect that high place of Kings. The word also will import, not altogether flat cowardice, but a natural sluggishness, & want of action, whereof cowardice is sometimes the cause, but not always, though they concur often. But there is another affection that makes men slack in action, which proceeds not either of sluggishness, or cowardice, but of irresolution; when a man swimming betwixt two opinions, resolves not fully upon either, and this seems to have been his disposition. A great impediment in his actions, and at least in this last point of such importance, the cause of his ruin, while neither his heart could suffer him to betake himself against his Prince, whom naturally he affected, neither could he digest to forget the fact done, or (after it) to commit himself to the doer. Which disposition, though it have brought out the like effects as cowardliness and sluggishness are wont to do, to wit, lingering and eschewing of the battle, yet this did not proceed in him from either of these two, but had the original from a very honest mind to his duty. His love to his Prince strove and fought with another duty, which was his love to his dead brother, or to his own honour. Out of which, whileas he either cannot, or occasion is not offered to extricate himself, and wind out a full resolution, he suffered himself to be carried unto that which he was most inclined to, his love to his Prince, and thereby he slipped and let slide through his fingers (as it were) this fair occasion which was then offered unto him, of no less (in the judgement of his friends) than the casting the dice for the Crown. And so James Hamilton told him, that the occasion was such, that if he did not lay hold of it, he should never find the like again: he told him withal, that his want of resolution would be his overthrow, as it was indeed.  
For James Hammiltoun himself left him that same night, and went to the King, of whom he was so honourably and well received, that others thereby were encouraged to come in also. Yet others write that he was committed to ward in Rosseline for a certain season, and afterward relieved at the entreaty of George Douglas Earl of Angus. However, by his information to the King of the estate of the Earl Douglas his Army, how forward they had been to have fought, and how discontented and discouraged they were with his lingering, how the greatest motive that kept them with him was their doubting of pardon for their former offences, the King caused make a Proclamation, that whosoever would come unto him, and forsake the Earl Douglas, should have free remission for all that was past, providing they came within 48. hours.  
This being published, the most part of the Earls Army left him, so that there remained not (ere the next morning) with him above 2000 men, whereby he was constrained to leave the fields, and his friends and servants that were in Abercorne to be cruelly slain, and executed; for the Castle was taken by force, and demolished, to his no small reproach, in that he was so irresolute, and had not by some mean or other procured at least some honest composition for himself and them, or else to have adventured all. Where if he would not have taken the Kingdom, in case of victory, yet might he honourably have set down conditions of peace; or if he had lost the field, he could not have lost more than he did; for by these means, abandoned of all, he was constrained to flee unto England.  
In the year 1455. having gotten together a small company of men, he returned into Annandale, thinking to have found some friends in those quarters, which were his own lands before; but there he was encountered by the King's followers, especially by his own kinsman (but the King's Cousin) George E. of Angus (as some write) who defeated him. His brother the Earl of Murray was slain in the field, and his other brother the Earl of Ormond was hurt, and taken prisoner; after his wounds were cured, being brought to the King, he was executed, with greater regard to this last action, then respect to his victory obtained not far from the same place, at Sark, against the English, & Magnus with the red main, their insolent Champion, which was so greatly praised by the King before, and so acceptable to all Court and Country. Such is the course and vicissitude of all humane affairs. We hear of one only son of Ormonds, named Hugh, Dean of Brichen, of whom we shall speak somewhat hereafter in the life of Archbald Earl of Angus, who was Chancellor of Scotland. His takers were the Lord Carlisle, and Johnston of Johnston, to whom the King gave in recompense the 40. l. land in Pittinen upon Clide, to each of them a 20. l. land thereof. The third brother, John Lord of Balvenie, escaped in a wood, and the Earl himself by flight got him to Dunstaffage, where finding Donald Earl of Rosse, and Lord of the Isles, he incited him to make war against the King in his favours, and after he had engaged him therein, he withdrew himself again into England. This is noted to have been in the year 1455. after which there was a Parliament called (about the fifth of June, or August, as the Acts bear) wherein he, and his brother John, and his wife Beatrix, were again forfeited, and their lands of Galloway annexed to the Crown. This Beatrix (who had been his Brother's wife, and whom he had used and kept for his own wife for certain years) came to the King, and excused herself, as being a woman, and compelled to do what she had done. The King received her into favour, and married her to John Stuart his half brother (by the mother) and gave her the lands of Balvenie. This John was afterward made Earl of Athole in King James the thirds time: he had by Beatrix two daughters only, the eldest of which was married to the Earl of Errole. This is cast in by some in the next year following.  
The Earl Douglas abandoned on all hands, traveled with Donald of the Isles, Earl of Rosse, conform to their old band made with Earl William to assist him, and renew his claim to the Isles. Hereupon Donald wasted Argyle, Arran, Loquhaber, and Murray, took the Castle of Innernesse, burned the town, and proclaimed himself King of the Isles: but his wife (who was daughter to James Levingston, and had been given to him in marriage at the King's desire, of purpose to retain him the better in duty) when she saw she could neither prevail with him in that point, and that besides she was but contemned by him, and the barbarous people that were with him, she left him, and came to the King, who received her very gladly. About this same time Patrick Thornton, a secret favourer of the Earl Douglas his faction, though he had followed the Court a long time, slew John sandiland's of Calder the King's Cousin, and Alane Stuart also, upon occasion at Dumbartan. These two were of the King's side, wherefore the said Thornton was taken by the King's Officers, and executed. These things being not yet fully settled, did greatly perplex the King, between domestic and foreign enemies. In the year 1457. the Earl Douglas came in with Henry Percy Earl of Northumberland to the Mo●…se, which as they were in wasting & pillaging, they were encountered by George Earl of Angus, and put back to their Camp. Being irritated with this indignity, they put themselves in order of battle, without staying for their full companies; many of which were gone abroad into the Country and Villages for spoil and booty, and so entered into conflict. When the noise hereof was carried to the ears of the sorrowers, they for fear of losing what they had gotten, which was a very rich and great prey, passed directly into England, without regarding what became of the two Earls. Hereby the battle was lost by the English, but the loss of men was almost equal on both sides. This victory did not a little recreate the King, and so affrighted Donald and his Islanders, that he sent and submitted himself to the King, and was received by him. Neither was there any farther insurrection within the Country. Neither did the Earl Douglas without the Country enterprise any thing by the aid of England (they being distracted at home by the dissension of Lancaster and York) during the days of this King, which were not many: for about two or three years after this, the King alone was slain by the wedge of a piece of Ordnance of his own, and with him George Earl of Angus hurt amongst 30000. of his Army (of whom none else was either slain or hurt) at the siege of the Castle of Roxburgh in the 29. year of his age in September 1460, some 8. years after the kill of Earl William in Stirlin Castle, at which time he was about the age of twenty one or twenty two years.  
Neither hear we any mention of the Earl Douglas his stirring in the next Kings (James the thirds) time, either in his minority (being but a child of seven or eight years of age at his coronation) or in his majority; either in the dissensions betwixt the Kennedies and the Boydes, or the dissension betwixt the King and the Nobility. Whether it be the negligence and sloth of Writers that have not recorded things, or whether he did nothing indeed, through want of power, his friends, and dependers, and vassals being left by him, and despairing of him, having taken another course, and his lands being disposed of to others; so it is, that for the space of twenty years, or three and twenty, until the year 1483. there is nothing but deep silence with him in all Histories. Only we find that he was made Knight of the noble Order of the Garter by King Edward the fourth, and is placed first in order of all the Earls, and next to him the Earl of Arundel (who is the first Earl of England) in the book, entitled, Nobilitas Politica; and the English Heralds say of him, that he was a very valiant noble Gentleman, well beloved of the King and Nobility, and very steadable to King Edward in all his troubles. These troubles (perhaps) have been the cause that they could enterprise nothing in Scotland until the foresaid year 1483. However it be, he hath the honour to be the first of his Nation admitted into that Order.  
At last then in the year 1483. Alexander Duke of Albany, and brother to King James the third (who was also banished in England) and the Earl Douglas, desirous to know what was the affection of their Countrymen toward them, vowed that they would offer their offering on the high Altar of Lochmabane upon the Magdalen day, and to that effect got together some five hundred horse (what Scottish what English) and a certain number of English footmen, that remained with Musgrave at Burneswark hill to assist them in case they needed. So they road toward Lochmabane, and at their coming the fray was raised through Niddisdale, Annandale, and Galloway, who assembling to the Laird of Moushill (than Warden) encountered them with great courage. The English who were on the hill (Burneswark) fled at the first sight of the enemy, so that the rest behoved either to do or die. And therefore they fought it out manfully from noon till twilight, with skirmishes, after the border fashion, sometimes the one, sometimes the other having the advantage. At last the victory fell to the Scots, though it cost them much blood. The Duke of Albany escaped by flight, but the Earl of Douglas being now an aged man, was stricken from his horse, and taken prisoner with his own consent, by a brother of the Laird of Closeburnes, in this manner: The King (James 3.) had made a proclamation, that whosoever should take the E. Douglas should have 100 l. land: the E. being then thus on foot in the field, wearied of so long exile, and thinking that he might (perhaps) be known by some other, seeing in the field Alexander Kilpatrick (a son of Closeburnes, and one that had been his own servant before) he calls on him by his name, and when he came to him, he said, I have fought long enough against my fortune, and since I must die, I will rather that ye (who have been my own servant, and whom I knew to be faithful to me as long as I did any thing that was likely for myself) have the benefit thereby then any other. Wherefore take me, and deliver me to the King according to his Proclamation, but see thou be'st sure he keep his word before thou deliver me. The young man, who loved the Earl entirely in his heart, wept (as is reported) for sorrow, to see him thus aged, and altered in disguised apparel, and offered to go with him into England. But he would not, being wearied of such endless troubles; only he desired the young man to get his life safe, if he could obtain so much at the King's hands, if not, to be sure of his own reward at least. Hereupon Kilpatricke conveyed him secretly out of the field, and kept him in a poor cottage some few days, until he had spoken with the King, who granted him the Earl's life, and gave unto himself the fistie pound land of Kirk Michael, which is possessed by his heirs, unto this day. Some give the honour of this victory to Cockpool and Johnston, and make the number of those that came with Douglas and Albany greater, and say that King Richard of England blamed the Duke of Albany for the loss thereof, and that he, discontented and taking it ill to be so blamed, withdrew himself secretly into France.  
The Earl Douglas being brought to the King, he ordained him to be put into the abbacy of Lindores; which sentence when he heard, he said no more but this: He that may no better be, must be a Monk, which is passed in a Proverb to this day. He remained there till the day of his death (which was after the death of King James the third) which fell out 1488. he being of a good age, and having been a man in action from the beginning of his brother William now four and forty years.  
Some write that while he was in Lindores, the faction of the Nobility (that had put Coghran to death, and punished some others of the Courtiers supported by the King's favour) especially Archbald Earl of Angus, (called Bell-the-Cat) desired him to come out of his Cloister, and be head of their faction; promising he should be restored to all his lands, which seemeth not very probable: But that which others write, hath more appearance, that the King desired him to be his Lieutenant against the Rebels; but he laden with years and old age, and weary of troubles, refused, saying; Sir, you have kept me, and your black coffer in Stirling too long, neither of us can do you any good: I, because my friends have forsaken me, and my followers and dependers are fallen from me, betaking themselves to other masters; and your black trunk is too far from you, and your enemies are between you and it: or (as others say) because there was in it a sort of black coin, that the King had caused to be coined, by the advice of his Courtiers; which monies (saith he) Sir, if you had put out at the first, the people would have taken it, and if you had employed me in due time, I might have done you service. But now there is none that will take notice of me, nor meddle with your money. So he remained still in the Abbacy of Lindores, where he died, anno 1488. and was buried there.  
THus began and grew, thus stood and flourished, thus decayed and ended the Noble House of Douglas, whose love to their Country, fidelity to their King, and disdain of English slavery was so natural, and of such force and vigour, that it had power to propagate itself from age to age, and from branch to branch, being not only in the stock, but in the collateral, and by branches also, so many as have been spoken of here. They have continually retained that natural sap and juice which was first in Sholto, then in William the Hardy, who died in Berwick (who was in a manner a second founder) in such a measure, that amongst them all it is uncertain which of them have been most that way affected. This virtue joined with valour (which was no less natural, and hereditary from man to man) caused their increase and greatness: their Princes favouring them for these virtues, and they by these serving their Princes in defence of their Country: Their affection pressing them thereto, their worth and valour sufficing them, the hearts of the people affecting and following them: Their enemies regarding and respecting them, all men admiring them: so that in effect, the weight of warlike affairs was wholly laid on them. The Kings needed only to give themselves to administer justice, consult, and direct, living at peace and ease, and in great quietness to use their honest recreations, from the latter days of King Robert Bruce, wherein there was a pleasant harmony, and happy concurrence; the Kings (as the great wheel and first mover) carrying the first place in honour and motion, and commanding: and they in the next room, serving and obeying, and executing their commandments (as under wheels, turned about by them) courageously, honourably, faithfully and happily, to the great honour and good of their Prince and Country.  
This behoved to be accompanied with greatness: for neither could service (to any purpose) be done without respected greatness, neither had greatness been worthily placed without service. Their power is said by some to have been such, that (if they had not divided amongst themselves) no Subject in this Island could have compared with them in puissance. But that which diminished their power, and ruined the Earl Douglas, was the falling of the houses of Angus and Morton, from them to the King: for the last battle the Earl Douglas was at, the Earl of Angus discomfited him; so that it became a Proverb, The Red Douglas put down the Black: Those of the house of Angus, being of the fairer complexion. They might have raised (thirty or forty thousand men) under their own command, and of their own dependers only, and these most valiant: for their command was over the most expert, and most exercised in war, by reason of their vicinity, and nearness to England, which was their only matter and whetstone of valour. They who give them least, give them 15000. men, who upon all occasions were ready with them to have ridden into England, at their pleasure, and back even for their private quarrels, and have stayed there twenty days, and wasted all from Durham Northward, which no other private Subject could ever do, upon their own particular, without the King's Army: this power (as hath been said) they used ever well, without giving of offence to their Prince in any sort, that we can read of clearly and expressly set down.  
Yet our Writers say, it was too great for Scotland. But how could it be too great, that was thus for the good of it? for the King's service? for their ease? making no rebellion, no resistance, no contradiction? which (we see) they came never to, until the kill of E. William at Stirling. Truly if we shall speak without partiality, their greatness was so useful to their King and Country, that Hector Boetius sticks not to say, the Douglasses were ever the sure buckler, and war wall of Scotland, and won many lands by their singular manhood and vassalages: for they decored this Realm with many noble Acts, and by the glory of their Martial deeds. And though their puissance was suspected to some of their Kings, and was now the cause of their declining, yet since that house was put down, Scotland hath done but few memorable deeds of Arms: And we cannor say justly, that they gave any cause of jealousy. Princes were moved to conceive it without just occasion given by them, unless it were a fault to be great: whether they were jealous of their own natural inclination (as jealousy is esteemed ordinarily to the highest places) or by the suggestion of others, that were mean men, and so envious of great men: the one inclining to jealousy, the other working on that inclination, however notwithstanding of all this, they stisl behaved themselves towards their Princes moderately, obeying them to warding, and after relieving to warding again, at their King's pleasure, without any resistance whatsoever, as may be seen in the Earl of Wigton, which being well considered, the cause of their stirring, or commotion against their Prince (which was never till this last man) will appear not to have proceeded from their greatness, enterprising against their Prince, or aspiring to his Throne, (although the mean men, and new startup Courtiers persuaded the King so, for their own advantage and ends) but the cause was indeed the aspiring and ambition of these mean men, who laboured to climb up into their rooms by their decay, neither was this their aspiring by virtue, but by calumnies, and flattering, fostering the foresaid jealousy.  
I know it is a maxim in Policy, and that plausible to many; That Princes should not suffer too great Subjects in their Dominions; yet it is certain, that without great Subjects there can be no great service. Things may be shuffled at home, but abroad there can never any thing be done to the purpose, or of note. But now the question is where great men are already; whether it be best thus to undo them, and make up new men by their ruin, or not: a thing worthy to be considered: and also, whether or not there be a possibility to use great men to good uses; and (if possible) whether it were not better to do so, then to go about to undo them: whether also there be not in undoing of them such great hazard (as we see) that though it may succeed at last (as it did here) yet it is not so good wisdom to adventure upon it with such trouble and uncertainty.  
Truly, that which made it to succeed, was the very honest heart of this last Earl James; who, if either he would have turned English, and cast off all respect to his native Prince, or entered into battle against him at Abercorne, it had proved an unwise course so to have affected the advancement of these mean men; and not rather to have used them well, that were become already great. And therefore the Writers find no other cause of this success on the King's side, but the only providence of God, who had not determined to give the Crown to the Douglas, but to continue it in the right line; which though the Douglas did not aim at, yet being driven to this necessity, either to lose his own estate, or to take the Crown in case of victory, he could hardly have refused it, if it should have come to that, but he chose rather to lose his own; and lost it indeed by a rare modesty, which is even disallowed by Writers, who interpret it to have been fearfulness, or laziness; so hard is it to know the right, and not to incur some censure in our actions: how ever it be, this appears most certain, that their meaning to their Prince and Country hath ever been good, and that even in this man. Their errors and faults whatsoever they fell into, they were drawn to them by the malice of their particular enemies, and the Princes assisting, fostering and maintaining them in their ways, thereby to undo that Earldom, jealous of their Crown, and that they might reign (perhaps) with greater liberty, and fuller absoluteness, which their Courtiers persuaded them they could not do, so long as they stood. But it comes not ever so to pass; and though it came here so to pass in this King's days (which were not many) yet in his son's days, we shall see it fell out otherways: for out of these mean men (at least in respect of the house of Douglas) there arose some who proved as great, and greater restrainers of that liberty, than ever the Earls of Douglas were. So that if that be the end of cutting off great men (to obtain greater liberty) we see it is not always attained, and doth not ever follow upon it; yea, we shall see, that almost it never (or but for a very short while) produceth that effect. It is therefore worthy to be examined, whether it be to be sought, or to be bought at so dear a rate, such hazard and trouble. But this is the vicissitude of this rolling world; let men consider it, and reverence the Ruler.  


Jacobus Comes Lindorensi coenobio inclusus.  
Quid rides rasumque caput, cellaeque recessum?  
Quodque cucullatis fratribus annumeror?  
Fortunâ volvente vices siet modo Princeps,  
Plebeius: Monachus saepè Monarcha fuit.   

Why do you laugh to see my shaved Crown?  
My Cell, my Cloister, and my hooded Gown?  
This is the power of that Sovereign Queen,  
By whom Monks, monarchs; monarchs Monks have been.   

Another.  
Both Fortunes long I tried, and found at last,  
No State so happy as an humble rest.    


Georgius Angusiae comes.  
Anvici Gallos obsessos undique laetho,  
Scotorum, eripuit te duce parva manus,  
Te duce Duglasius, victus quoque Percius heros  
Militiae statuunt clara tropheae tuae:  
Sed consanguinei, sed quid meruere propinqui?  
O furor, O rabtes, perdere velle suos?  
Matrem ingrata necat crudeli vipera, morsu  
Stirpem, quâ genita est noxia vermis edit  
His non absimilis fueras: per te domus illa  
Eversa est ortum ducis & unde genus,  
Non me ventosa ambitio, non dira cupido  
Egit opum me non impulit invidia  
Ferre parem poteram, poteram vel ferre priorem,  
Contentusque mea sorte beatus eram:  
Ast Regi parere & jussa facessere fixum;  
Fas quoque semper erat, fas mihi semper erit   

George Earl of Angus.  
Thou ledst a handful, who from death did free  
The French besieged at Anwick: victory,  
Though bloody from the Noble Piercy gained,  
Increased thy honour: but against thy friend  
And kinsman, what strange fury turned thy force?  
What madness to destroy thy own, 'twas worse  
Than Viper's cruelty, compelled to eat  
Their way or die; thine was a needless hate:  
No vain ambition overswayed my heart,  
No love of wealth, no envy had a part  
In what I did, I could an equal bear:  
Nay, did not grudge though Douglas greater were,  
Content with what I had, I happy lived,  
But 'twas my Prince his will and 'tis believed  
Lawful, and Justice hath pronounced it good  
To serve our King, without respect of blood.    


Aliud.  
A solo potuit Pompeius Caesare vinci,  
Non nisi Romano milite Roma cadit,  
Duglasios' nem●… cum posset vincere, solus  
Duglasium potuit vincere Duglasius.   

Another on the same.  
Pompey by Caesar only was o'ercome,  
None but a Roman Soldier conquered Rome:  
A Douglas could not have been brought so low,  
Had not a Douglas wrought his overthrow.     
Here endeth the first Part, containing the History of the House of Douglas.  

THE SECOND PART OF THE HISTORY OF THE DOUGLASSES, CONTAINING THE HOUSE OF ANGUS. By Master DAVID HUME of Godscroft.  
EDINBURGH, Printed by EVAN TYLER, Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majesty. 1643.   

Of the House of ANGUS, before it came to the name of DOUGLAS.  
THe great and potent House of Douglas (of which we may say, the best subjects that ever served Prince, the worthiest seconds that ever seconded any, worthy for their modesty to be seconded by others, second to none in all virtue, and true worth of valour, magnanimity, kindness, courtesy, faithfulness to King, Country, and kindred, serving their Prince, and served by the rest, worthily served, worthy to be served, as knowers of service, and recompencers there of in due proportion, and degree, as Charters of Lands liberally given do testify) being thus brought to this pitiful end, there arose in place thereof the House of Angus, of which we come now to speak, and to view in the descent of it. If we shall consider it in our best discourse, with all circumstances due to it, and compare it with the former, to which it succeeded, balancing all things aright, we shall find it, as not fully so great in that huge puissance and large extent of lands and rents that the house of Douglas had (which did surpass all others that were before, or have been since amongst subjects,) so shall it be seen otherwise nothing inferior. In antiquity Angus is thus far beyond it, that there have been divers I hanes of Angus (which was a degree of honour in those days equal to that of Earls now) as also that the Earls of Angus were created amongst the first that carried the title of Earls in the year 1057. or 1061. at the Parliament of Forfaire in the days of King Malcolm Kenmore; whereas the house of Douglas was honoured only with the title of Barons, or Lords. This is much preferment, yet it is more, that in our Chronicles the name of the house of Douglas is then first found, whereas Angus is found 200. years before that time in the 839. year, howbeit we have already shown that there were Douglasses in the year 767. though not mentioned by our Writers. In blood they are equal on the father's side, as being descended of the same progenitors; so that what ever belongs to the house of Douglas before James slain at Otterburn, belongs also to the house of Angus; the first Earl of Angus of that surname being brother to him, and both of them sons to William the first Earl of Douglas, or rather the first Earl of Douglas, being also Earl of Angus in effect, seeing his wife was Countess of Angus, howbeit he used not the stile. By the mother's side, the house of Angus hath the preeminence, being descended of the greatest in the Kingdom, and even of the Royal stock, having been divers ways mingled therewith. In virtue, valour, and love of their Country, it resembleth the spring from whence it flows, and comes nothing short of it. In credit, authority, place, and action, account, favour, and affection of men, we shall find it no less beloved and popular, and no less respected and honoured. So that with all this (both likeness, and no great inequality) bearing the name of Douglas, together with the arms, and title of Lords of Douglas, the fall of this former house was the less felt, it seeming not so much cut off, as transplanted; nor destroyed, as transferred; some comfort it is, when it comes so to pass, as may be seen in many others.  
To deduce then the house of Angus from the first original thereof, it 
838..  is declared by our Writers, that Kenneth the second son to Alpine, the 69. King, having expelled the Picts out of his Kingdom, did dispose of their Lands to his Noblemen, and such as had done him good service in the wars. In which distribution he gave the Province (of old called Orestia) to two brothers, the elder of which was named Angus, or (as Buchanan) Aeneas, and the younger Merns. These two brothers dividing that Province betwixt them, gave each of them his name to that half he possessed, and so of one they made two, call the one Angus, and the other the Merns, as these Countries are so called at this present. This is the first Thane of Angus, from whom that Country took the name. 2. After him we read of other Thanes, as of Rohardus, Radardus, or Cadhardus, who slew Culenus (the 79. King) for ravishing his daughter. 3. Also there was one Cruthnetus (in the reign of Kenneth, brother to duff, in the year 961.) who was slain by Crathelint, who was his own grandchild by his daughter Fenella, or Finabella, married to the Thane of the Merns. 4. Then we have one Sinel, (in the reign of Malcolm the second son to this Kenneth, who began his reign 1104. and reigned 30. years) who married Doaca or Doada, younger daughter to King Malcolm, whose elder sister Beatrix, was married to Crinen, Thane of the Isles, and principal of the Thanes, whom that age called Abthane. 5. Of this marriage was procreate Macbeth, or Mackbed, or Mackabee, Thane of Angus, and afterward King of Scotland, of whom the History is sufficiently known. 6. The last Thane was Luthlack, son to Macbeth, who was installed King at Scone after his father's death, but within three months he was encountered by King Malcolm; and slain at Strabogie. This was about the year 1056, or 57 And so much of the first period of the house of Angus, under the title of Thanes.  
The second period of the house of Angus, is under the title of Earls, before it come to the name of Stuart. The first is, one made Earl by King Malcolm, at the Parliament of Forfaire, where Boetius telleth expressly, that the Thane of Angus was made Earl of Angus. The next is in the days of King David (called Saint David) in the wars with Stephen King of England, in the battle at Alerton, where the General the Earl of Gloucester was taken prisoner; the Scottish Army is said to have been conducted by the Earls of March, Stratherne, and Angus, in the year 1136. or 37. but he is not named. The third is Gilchrist (in the year 1153.) in the reign of Malcolm the maiden, who did good service against Sumerledus, Thane of Argyle, and being married to the King's sister, having found her false, put her to death; and fearing the King, fled into England, and afterward was pardoned. Then we have John Cumin in the days of Alexander the second, in the year 1239. of whom we read nothing, but that he was sent Ambassador into France to Lewis then King, and that he died by the way before he had delivered his Ambassage: Boetius, Hollinshed. This was about 1330.  
The third period is in the surname of Stuarts; of whom the first is one John Stuart entitled Earl of Angus, Lord of Boncle, and Abernethie, in a Charter given by him to Gilbert Lumsden of Blainerne, yet extant in the hands of the house of Blainerne. It is not dated, but the witnesses show the time, for Randolphus custos regni Scotiae is one. What this John was is uncertain, but in likelihood he hath been brother to Walter (the seventh from the first Walter) and son to John, and so also uncle to Robert the first King of that Name, for so the time doth bear, and his father John (or himself) married the heir of Boncle, and was slain at the battle of Falkirk in the year 1299. This John was slain at Halidoun hill, together with his brother James, and Alane. (Buch. lib. 9) 2. The second is, Thomas (apparently son to John) who assisted the Earl of Douglas, and the Earl of March in their taking of Berwick, in the year 1357. or 58. he died in the Castle of Dumbartan, having been imprisoned there, but for what, is not known. 3. Then Thomas again, father to Margaret Stuart Countess of Marre and Angus. 4. Last of all Margaret Stuart, daughter to this Thomas, married first to Thomas Marre Earl of Marre in her father's life-time apparently. And after her father's death (who died without heirs male) she was heir to her father by the renunciation of her sister Elizabeth (who was married afterward to Alexander Hamilton of Cadyowe) and so she was Countess of Marre and Angus, Dowager (or Lady tercer) of Marre, and inheritrix of the Earldom of Angus. Her first husband dying without issue, she was married after his death to William the first Earl of Douglas, she being his third wife (as hath been showed) in the year 1381. She was a kind Lady to her friends, loving to her sister Elizabeth, and a careful mother to her son George. Earl of Angus. She is never designed Countess of Douglas, either for distinction, being better known by her titles of Marre and Angus, or because these were more ancient, and no less honourable. She is the twelfth from Bancho, and tenth from Walter the first Stuart, and she is the last of that Name in the house of Angus. And thus much of the house of Angus in general before it came to the Douglasses, of whom now it is time to speak.   

Of the first Earl of Angus of the Name of Douglas. of William the first Earl of Douglas and Angus.  
WE shall do no wrong to reckon William (the first Earl of Douglas) as the first Earl of Angus, also of the Name of Douglas, seeing he married the inheritrix of Angus. Nay we should do him wrong to omit him, being the root from which all the rest are sprung. He was the first Earl of Douglas, and first Earl of Angus of the Name of Douglas, though it be true that he was 23. or 24. years' Earl of Douglas before he came to be Earl of Angus, and that is all the difference betwixt the antiquity of these two houses in the possession of that Name. Now that it was Earl William himself, and none else, it is evident by a bond made by the said Earl William to his sister Marjorie (Countess of Marre) for the due payment of the said Marjories third, let to him and Margaret Stuart (Countess of Marre and Angus) where he calls her his wife. Also that the same Earl William was father to George, it is clear by a Charter of tutory, and entail made by Sir James sandiland's of West-Calder to George, in which Sir James speaking says thus, The Land of Calder were given to my father and mother of good memory by my Lord Sir William Earl of Douglas and Marre his father: that is, father to George. Of the life of this William we have spoken in the house of Douglas, whither we refer the Reader.   

Of George Douglas, second Earl of that Name, and son to Margaret Stuart Countess of Marre and Angus.  
GEorge his son entereth to the Earldom in the year 1389. the 9 
1389.  of april, a boy of seven or eight years old at most, for he was born but in 1381. which is the first year that we find his father and his mother married. His mother resigned the Earldom of Angus in his favour at a Parliament in the aforesaid year 1389, the 9 of April, so that he hath the title of Earl of Angus, from that time forth, notwithstanding his mother was alive.  
He had to wife Mary Stuart daughter to King Robert the third, being 
His wife King Robert the third his daughter.  then about 16. or 17. years of age. All that we hear of him in our Histories is, that he was taken prisoner with the Earl of Douglas, at the battle of Homeldoun in the year 1402. When he died is uncertain, only thus much we know, that his son William kept Courts as Earl in the year 1430. So he hath lived 42. or 43. years. And certainly he hath not lived long; for after his death Mary Stuart his wife was twice married, first to the Lord kennedy, and bare to him John Lord kennedy, and James Archbishop of Saint Andrews, who are called brothers to his son George Earl of Angus. Then she was married to the Lord John Grahame of Dindaffe-moore, and bare to him Patrick Grahame Bishop also of Saint Andrews, and James Grahame first Laird of Fintrie. 
First Laird of Fintrie.   
His children were William and George, both Earls of Angus after him.   

Of William the third Earl of Angus, and second of that Name (of William)  
TO George succeeded William his son by Mary Stuart, as all our writers do testify, and all men acknowledge, He was amongst those that were committed to prison by King James the first, in the year 1424. After this he was employed to receive the Castle of Dumbarre, when the Earl of March was imprisoned, in the year 1435. the 29. of King James the first his Reign, he was made warden of the 
Warden of the middle marches. 1436.  middle March.  
In the year 1436. he was sent against Percy, who, either by private authority, or public allowance, had entered Scotland with 4000 he was about the same number: and had with him in company men of note, Adam Hepburne of Hales, Alexander Ramsay of Dalhousie, Sir Gilbert Johnstoun of Elphinston. They fought at Piperdain or Piperdean (as 
The battle at Piperdean. 1436.  say Boetius and Holinshed) perhaps Harpardean by Hadington: for we see that most of them are Lowthian-men that are remarked to be in his company, yet it is hard to think that Percy could come so far in with so few. The Earl of Angus was there victor, beginning his first Wars upon Percy, fatal to the Name belike. There were slain of the English 400. together with Sir Hénry Cliddisdalo, Sir John Ogle, Sir Richard Percy 
He overthrew Percy.  Knights; taken prisoners 1500. Of the Scots one only of note was slain, Sir Gilbert Johnstoun of Elphinston (Buchanan calls him Alexander, 
Sir Gilbert johnstoun of Elphinston slain.  but amiss) a gentleman of singular approved virtue (says Buchanan) and Boetius tells the manner, while he pursues the enemy too eagerly.  
Before this, Archbald Earl of Douglas, and Wigton was gone into France male-contented with the government, having been twice committed prisoner, to receive his Dukedom of Turaine. Every mi●…-hap is good for some body: that gave occasion and way to this employment, for while the house of Douglas was present, who but they for service against England? who but they were able to do it? Now they being absent, who but a Douglas? A branch of that tree, and not long since come of it, especially being the King's Cousin so near. So they begin, and so they shall continue with the like virtue.  
We hear not whom he married, nor any thing of his children, save of his son James who did succeed to him. Neither is it known when he died precisely: only we find that he was dead before the 1437. the 27. of February. So that reckoning from the first year of his father's marriage (in the 1398.) he hath lived some 41. years in all, and 13. years' Earl, from the 1424.   

Of James the fourth Earl of Angus of the surname of Douglas.  
AFter William, his son James was Earl. Our warrant is a writ, where he is served heir to William his father in Killiemoore, of the date 1437. Febr. 27. some 6. or 7. years after the death of King James the first. There are also divers other writs of this kind extant, which do witness that he hath been, but of no use in public, or for history. Whither ever he was married, or had any children we hear nothing. He dieth before the year 1452. 
Dieth 1452.   
There is one thing not to be omitted, which is a bond of Robert Fleming of Cummernald, to him (where he is entitled James Earl of Angus Lord of Liddisdale, and Jedward Forest) to enter within the iron gate of the Castle of Tantallon or Hermitage, under the pain of 2000 marks upon eight day's warning. The cause is subjoined, because he had burnt the Earl's Corn within the Barony of North-Berwick, and taken away his cattle there on Fasting-even, or Shrove-tuesday. It is dated in the year 1444. the 24. of September. This burning is a token of no good will even then betwixt the house of Angus, and the house of Douglas, whereof the Lord Fleming was a follower. Even then, I say, before the time of William slain at Stirlin. For this seems to have fallen out about the time of Grosse James, or (it may be) in the beginning of Earl William. But it is hard to conceive how this man (a depender of the Earls of Douglas) should thus far have bowed himself, and it is a token, that the Earl of Angus authority hath not been small. Howsoever, on these grounds we restored him to his own place, being left out altogether by all other that I have seen.   

Of George Douglas, the second George and fifth Earl of Angus.  
TO James succeeded his uncle George, by the consent of our whole writers, who (all) speaking of King James the second, call this George the King's father's sisters son. So the King and he, are brother and sister's children. We need not to impugn the received opinion; The time and computation of years will admit it sufficiently, for though he were born two years after his father's marriage 1400. yet shall he not pass 63. at his death. Neither doth any other thing that I know of, hinder us from believing this deduction. Wherefore we will follow them, though we have no other monument to testify so much expressly, or to hinder him from being son to James. There is this scruple in it, that Buchanan calls James kennedy (Archbishop of Saint Andrews) of greater age than George Douglas. Which if it be true, than George could not be his brother, for their mother was first married to Angus. We have monuments of him as Earl in the year 1452. May 24. and in the 1461. the last of September; and of his son retoured heir to him in the 1463. So that he hath been Earl about 10. or 11 years. But our histories say it was he that assisted Creightoun to spoil the Earl Douglas Lands of Strabroke, etc. from about 1445. or 46. years, and so his time shall be 17. years.  
He married Elizabeth Sibauld daughter to Sibauld of Balgonie Treasurer 
Sibard his wife.  of Scotland for the time, profitably, and not dishonourably. For his place of Treasurer was a place of credit and honour, and himself descended of honourable race, viz. the Earls of Northumberland; 
Original of the house of Balgonie, Sibard. Buch. lib. 7.  who were of that name in the days of Malcolm Kenmore, and Grandfather to the said Malcolm by his mother, and had the leading of the English Army that was sent in for his aid against Macbeth, to the number of 10000 men. We find also the name of Sibards in the days of 
Sibaulds.  King Alexander the second to have been in good account, of whom Buchanan writes that they entertained feed against the Earl of Athol, as also that the said Earl of Athol being burnt in his lodging in Hadinton, the chief of the Sibards whom he calleth William, without any further 
Sibaulds.  designation (Boetius calleth him John) being suspected thereof because of their known enmity, was called in question for it, and arraigned. And although he proved by the testimony of the Queen, that he was in Forfaire at that time (some 60. miles from Hadinton) yet the Judge thought not this sufficient to absolve him, because the other party alleged that his servants and followers had been seen very many of them in the Town. And although he offered to purge himself by combat, it could not be accepted: Whereupon he fearing the power of his adverse party (which were the Cumins) fled into Ireland with a number of his name. By which relation it appears that this name hath been in good account, and this marriage no way disparageable. It was also profitable in effect, but more in hope, which was to have succeeded heir to the estate of Balgonie, both Lands and Movables, she being his only daughter, and he himself and his Lady of good age, the Contract also being made so that he should be heir, failing heirs male of his own body, whereof there was small appearance; Yet (as it often falls out in such cases, the Divine providence eluding humane wisdom, that they may know that there is a directing and overruling wisdom and power above theirs) that hope was disappointed. His mother in law dieth, his father in law marrieth a second wife, and by her hath heirs male to inherit his Lands. I think if he had known what was to come, he would not have done it. And yet is Balgonie disappointed also, for his son had but one daughter who was married to Lundie, and so transferred it from the name, where he thought to have settled it. Angus gets with his Lady. 3000. Marks of portion, no small sum in those days when portions were little and the terms of payment long.  
His children were Archbald, and another son, whose name we have 
His children.  not. Some tell us of James Earl of Angus, and Lord Warden of the borders. But when should he have been Earl of Angus? for Archbald succeeded to George; and to Archbald his grandchild Archbald. The truth is this James was before son to William, as hath been said; yet it may be that he hath had a son named James also, though Writers do not name him. He had four daughters; first Elizabeth, married to Robert Grahame of Fintrie; second Margaret, to Duncan campbel; third Giles; and fourth Alison, of whose marriage there is no mention. He had also a son natural, of whom are descended the house of Bonjedward. His daughters 
The original of the house of Bonjedward.  were not married in his own time (belike they have been young) but their brother in the year 1476. contracts with Robert Grahame of Fintrie, to marry his sister Elizabeth, failing her, Margaret; and failing Margaret, Giles; and failing Giles, Alison; so soon as a dispensation can be obtained, for they were within the degrees then forbidden, she being the third from Mary Stuart the King's Daughter, and Robert Grahame in the same degree (belike) son to James Grahame. The portion is 400. Marks. Margaret was married to Duncan campbel (we know not of what house) in the year 1479. Her brother contracts for 600. Marks, and finds Robert Douglas of Loghleven, and Alexander Ramsay of Dalhousie surety for it. Her mother gives her bond for their relief.  
To return to Earl George, we find that he was a man very well accomplished; 
His person.  of personage tall, strong, and comely: Of great wisdom, and judgement. He is also said to have been eloquent. He was valiant and hardy in a high degree. His father (carrying the name of George also) we saw how by his mother's help he raised and advanced the house many ways, almost doubling the estate of it, as it was before him, this man rears it up a great deal higher upon the ruins of the house of Douglas: yet doth he also diminish his own patrimony and revenues of Angus, whiles to gain service and dependency, he bestows liberally, chiefly his lands of Angus, for he redacted the greatest part thereof from property, to superiority only, there being above 24. Barons, and Lords in Angus, that hold their lands of the Earls of Angus. His determination was fully to follow the King, though against his Chief and Cousin. But 
He followeth the King against the Earl Douglas his Chief.  the King who had espoused the quarrel, and made the Earl Douglas party, was nearer to him in blood, and therefore reason inclined his mind more to him. Besides he was a King, duty required his assistance. Hope also swayed the balance greatly: There is hope of a King's liberality, chiefly when Lands come in dealing and parting. And he being a Douglas, and the Lands having belonged to a Douglas, he had great probability to expect a large share in them. For to whom could they be given so justly and pertinently? His brother Bishop Kennedle could well egg him on. There was no hope of rising for him, that huge tree of Douglas standing which overtopped all others, and over-shadowed the whole borders, and almost the whole Kingdom. He was younger (this Bishop) than Angus, but wise, virtuous, learned, and of authority: Experience also had given occasion of late to think that the house of Douglas drew all to themselves. The maiden of Galloway (the Earl of Wigtons' daughter) was thought fittest to have been matched to some other Douglas being near to the Earl (as was thought then) and the house too great already in the King's eyes, not to be augmented. But he would none of such wisdom, he marrieth her himself, and disappoints them all, who could look for any rising by these men's means? Or in their standing in such greatness? yet the cause seems to go higher than the King's cause: For even when the Earl of Douglas had the King's authority on his side, and Creighton was denounced Rebel, Angus assists Creighton against the King's authority. Wherefore in all likelihood the course hath begun in King James the firsts time. Then hath the house of Angus entered into friendship with Creighton in the days of William Earl of Angus, which hath continued in the time of Earl James his son, whose Lands Robert Fleming therefore did burn and spoil in the Barony of North-Berwick. And now that course begun then, is here prosecuted by Earl George to the utmost point. A pity of such dissension in these houses, or one house rather, against which if it had not been thus divided in itself, their enemies could hardly have prevailed. For it cannot be denied but the house of Douglas had great wrong, and was treacherously dealt with by Creighton, neither did it ever intent any thing against the King; but the King was drawn to the party against it: though in the good cause of it, it committed errors, it is to be pitied, and lamented; for who doth not. Also George Earl of Angus declares not himself openly against the house of Douglas for a time. The support that he is said to have given to William Creighton is said to have been done covertly at the spoiling of Strabroke and Abercorne. Neither after that, until such time as the King declared himself openly, slew William Earl Douglas at Stirlin, and made open War against James who succeeded to him. Then he also declared for the King, and bend his whole force and power to aid him. He had that same year before 1452. the 24. of May, taken a course for keeping good order in his Country of Liddesdale, and to keep his Castle of the Hermitage safe for him, and that his folks should do no hurt to others, nor receive any of the enemies. He had for that purpose made Sir Archbald Douglas of Cavers (Sheriff of Roxbrough) and William his son, Bailiffs of Liddesdale, and keepers of the Castle, who undertook, and bound themselves to do what we have said, for which he allowed them a large recompense and reward, as the Indenture thereof (yet extant) doth testify. He is styled in it Warden of the east marches, William Earl of Douglas being then alive. Some give unto him the honour of the battle in which the Earl Douglas was defeated in Annandale, where the Earl Murray was slain, and Ormond taken in the year 1455. Others attribute all to the Lord Carlisle, and Johnston.  
But however that was, in the year 1457. he defeated the said Earl, and Henry Percy Earl of Northumberland on the east border (which 
1457. He overthrows the Earl Douglas & Percy in a bloody battle in the Merse.  was his wardenrie) in a bloody battle. For the Earl of Douglas, and Northumberland (a fatal Warrior to the Douglasses) having convened an Army, and come to the Merse, began to spoil and burn the Country. But the Earl of Angus set upon the Foragers and drove them to the host. The Earls moved with this indignity (though many that were gone out to forage were not yet come in) advanced and presented him battle, which he also accepted. After a sharp conflict on both sides with a greater courage and spite than strength, the victory, which a long time was doubtful which way to incline, at last fell to the Earl of Angus, not without some loss. The number of the slain was equal, but the English were put to flight, and many of them made prisoners. A chief cause of this defeat was the suddenness of the enemy in giving battle, and his not staying for the rest that were abroad, and had been sent out to forage the Country. For they being laden with booty, when they heard the noise of the fight, were so far from coming to succour their fellows, that for fear of losing what they had gotten, they took their way directly home into England. This victory did not a little recreate the King, being wearied both with civil and foreign War. For this service, which was exceeding pleasing and acceptable, the King gives him a new Charter of the Lordship of Douglas, upon a resignation, which he had gotten before when the Earl Douglas was forfeited. What other Lands he got we have no special mention.  
So the Earl Douglas being now forfeited, his brother slain, himself banished, and with small either effect, or effort, entertaining hostility by small incursions, rather than doing any thing for the advancing of his main business, the face of the world was quite changed. The Earl of Angus was now made Lord of Douglas; and howbeit he came somewhat short of that huge greatness and puissance of the former, yet was he nothing inferior in place of authority, in credit and account, in action and employment, as we said in the beginning. Nothing was done but by him, and under his shadow. Bishop kennedy had the greatest vogue; he upheld the Bishop by his power, and by him men did come to find favour, and did seek to have credit. We will set down two examples for all the rest, but those remarkable, and sufficient to show of what great account and authority he hath been. The one is of our own Nation, the other of a Foreigner.  
The first is in the same year 1457. the 13. of May. We heard of James Lord Hamilton a faithful, frank, and forward friend for the Earl Douglas, so long as he was a friend to himself by any action. He leaving himself, Hamilton also lest him: I mean, seeing the Earl had lost that so fair occasion (if not to cast the Dice for the Crown, as the Lord Hamilton said to him) yet to cast the Dice for the victory, and to give or take conditions of peace, which he had at Abercorne, being more in number than the King; the Lord Hamilton was come in to the King upon this, that same night. He was received by the King, but not greatly credited, for he was committed to Rosselin (a Castle then of the Earl of Orkneyes) and afterwards (say our writers) friends interceding for him, he was released out of prison, and received into most inward friendship. Thus far they go, but what friends these were, or how the friendship was made they do not tell. The Earl of Angus evidents tell us; and show that it hath been he that did him this friendly office. For whether before to move him to intercede for him, or after in token of thankfulness (though it be most likely it was after, because it is done at Tantallon, which must be after his releasement out of Rosselin) he giveth to this Earl George a memorable remembrance. He, I say, being a noble man, and a notable active man besides, gives him his bond of service (or Manreid) and that in ample form, and submiss terms, excepting none but the King and Queen. And that I may not seem to speak without a warrant in so great a matter, scarce to be believed of some, and that I do rather amplify things than set down the naked truth, I will set down the very words of the band, as it is extant in the hands of the Earl of Angus, 
Bond of Manreid and service by the Lord Hamilton to him.  which now is copied word by word, that every man may judge of it, as he thinks good.  
Be it known to all men by their present Letters, me James Lord Hamilton, etc. to be comen, and by these presents to become Man of special service and retinue, for all the days of my life-time, to an high and mighty Lord George Earl of Angus, Lord Douglas, and Warden of the East and middle marches of Scotland, foregainst England. Before, and against all them that live, or die may; mine allegiance to our sovereign Lord the King, and my band of service to our sovereign Lady the Queen Mary now present, allanerly out-tane. Promising all and sundry dutiful points in bands of retinue contained, to observe and keep to my Lord foresaid, as e●…eirs, for all the said time. In witness of the which thing I have guard set my seal. At Tantallon the 13. day of the month of May, the year of our Lord 1457, etc.  
It hath been no small matter, nor small authority of him to whom it is given, that hath moved such a man to give such a Band. His credit hath been great, and Hamilton hath either received great benefit at his hand, or expected to receive some. I take it, that he hath procured his liberty, and obtained to him that favour in Court that our Writers speak of, to be of the King's inward friends. I suppose also that kindred hath been of some moment to move him to it. The reason of my conjecture is, because we have heard before, that Elizabeth, sister to Margaret (Countess of Marre and Angus, and Grandmother to this Earl George) was married to Sir Alexander Hamilton of Cadyow (as some call him) by which mean this James Lord Hamilton might be third from her, and the Earl of Angus and he Cousins twice removed, or fourth's in kin, as we speak. But this I refer to them that have the monuments of that House. However, what more honour could have been done to the great House of Douglas in the greatest grandour thereof, than what is here done to the House of Angus? Neither is it any dishonour to him that doth it. It is but folly to think so: Houses have their beginning and growth: Mine to day, thine to morrow. This same Lord Hamilton by these beginnings, within a few years (17. or 18. at most) shall lay such grounds of greatness, as shall lift his House above any subjects, to the very top of all, so as to have the Crown entailed to his Posterity, and to enjoy it for a while as Regent and Governor. Let us remember the changes of the world, and the vicissitudes of Fortune, and let every man bear with patience, and hear with calmness, either what he is now, or what he was before. And this for the first domestic witness of honour and authority, credit and greatness of the House of Angus in this man's person.  
The other amongst Foreigners was greater; which is this: The King 
Indenture betwixt King Henry the sixth and him.  of England, Henry the sixth, being overthrown, and put out of his Kingdom and Country of England by the Duke of York, Edward the fourth; he, and his son, and his Queen being come into Scotland for refuge, he indents with George Earl of Angus for his assistance, to help to restore him to his Kingdom, and binds himself to give unto George Earl of Angus, and his heirs, Lands lying betwixt Trent and Humber, worth 2000 Marks sterling of yearly rent. 2. That he should erect it in a Duchy, and infe●…t the said Earl therein, in as free Knight-service as any Land in England; and that the Earl, and his heirs, should be Dukes thereof. 3. That in time of peace between Scotland and England, it should be lawful for the said Earl, to repair to England to his Duchy, or to Court, or where he pleased, with an hundred horse in train. 4. And that if there happened to be war betwixt the Countries, it should be lawful for him to send 24 armed men, who should be under the King of England his protection, to gather and uplift for his use, the rents and revenues of the said Duchy. 5. That it should be lawful for him, during the wars between the two Countries, to serve the King of Scotland; which should no ways prejudice him in the enjoying of his Lands; neither should it be a cause of forfeiture or unlaw. 6. That he should not be bound to answer in person to the Parliaments of England, or any other Court of Justice; and that neither he, nor his Tenants, should be fined for his non-compearance. 7. That this Indenture should be shown to the Pope, and ratified by him. And so it was; sealed and subscribed with a (Henry) as long as the whole sheet of Parchment, the worst shapen letters, and the worst put together that I ever saw. And (as I believe) it hath a particular Letter of confirmation of the Pope in the hands of the Earl of Angus. It is thought that when William Earl of Douglas went secretly into England, that his errand was to this, or some such purpose, to have made a proffer of his service to King Henry, on these or the like conditions. For even then the seeds of civil discord were sown, and began to bud forth. But either because things were not as yet come to any ripeness, or for that the Earl of Douglas was fallen into disgrace with his Prince, nothing was done. Now about the year 1460. (in the minority of King James the third) King Henry came into Scotland, and did 
1460.  thus transact with the Earl of Angus; A rare thing, and whereof the like example is hard to be found in any subject, except it be the Earl of Douglas, concerning the Duchy of Turaine with the King of France, which is not unlike in many things. Howsoever, this shows how little inferior the house of Angus hath been to the house of Douglas in credit and authority at home and abroad.  
This Indenture took no effect, it being now too late, and King Henry's estate brought to so low an ebb, that both his friends and his fortune having forsaken, and turned their backs upon him, his aid could not suffice against the whole power of England to make head against King Edward, and to stop the current of his victories. Notwithstanding Angus gave him a taste of what he could have done for him, and showed him in a notable exploit, how available his service would have been, if his case had not been desperate, and past recovery. Which though it were not rewarded with a Duchy, yet doth it not want, nor ever shall want the due reward of high praise and honour as one of the hardiest, and greatest interprises, that hath been atcheived by any subject.  
The Queen (King Henry's wife) had obtained of her friends in France a few soldiers, 300. of which were in the Castle of Anwick with Monsieur 
He brings the French out of Anwick Castle.  Brissac their commander. King Edward following his victories; and that he might prevent or suppress any commotion that might arise in the North parts, or out of Scotland was come to Durhame with a great Army. He himself remaining in the Town, sent abroad his Commanders to take in all such Castles as stood good for King Henry. Amongst others he sent the Earl of Warwick to besiege Anwick with 20000. men. He had another Army lying about Bambrough not far off from this, and a third besieging another Town. King Henry (and more especially his Queen) being very solicitous, for the French men dealt with the Earl of Angus very instantly to have them relieved. He promised to do his best, and performed no less than he promised. He assembled to the number of 10000 horse, amongst whom there were 500 empty horses or moe (for commonly the best appointed have ever two horses for service) upon which he might mount the Frenchmen, and bring them away. So he marches toward Anwick, and when he came within a little space of the Castle, he ranged his men in order of battle in the sight of the English Army, making show as if he would have invaded them, or at least that he meant to bide them battle if they should offer to set upon him, or hinder him in his purposed business. In the mean time he sent those 500 spare horse conducted by some choice troops to a postern of the Castle to receive the French, and so brought them away. Some of the the English esteeming it a great affront, to suffer them to be carried away in such sort from under their noses, advised the Earl of Warwick to stay them. But he was resolute in the contrary, and told them, that he had no commission to fight. And (says he) who knows what more aid these may have near hand in the park, or some other place. And suppose they have not, these are certainly all choice men able enough to sustain our charge. They cannot take the Castle with them into Scotland; let them take the men, I shall get the Castle, which is all that my commission bears. And so he lets them go, who returned into Scotland with the French men, an acceptable present chiefly to the Queen of England. This was a fair assay and preamble of his ensuing services, which being prevented by King Henry's destiny, and his death, were smothered in the cradle, and his Duchy engrossed in parchment to have lain betwixt Trent and Humber, is confined to a narrower precinct within the compass of a Coffer.  
Notwithstanding of this greatness and power, to make him yet stronger, and more puissant on the borders, he did excambe his Lands in the Manes and Clarberon with Robert Grahame of old Monrosse, and got for them the Lands of Eskedale upon the border.  
He contracted his son Archbald, and his heir apparent to Catherine daughter to Alexander Earl of Huntly, or to any other of his daughters which the said George should choose. The portion 2000 marks, the terms of payment 10. years, 100 marks every term. That if Archbald should die, his brother (whom the Indenture doth not name) should marry one of the said Earl of Huntley's daughters. That the Earl of Angus should give his son 100 mark Land in Angus. That Archbald after he be seven years old shall be given to the Earl of Huntly, and the Earl of Huntley's daughter to the Earl of Angus. The Indenture is dated at Saint Andrews 1461. the last of September. This marriage took no effect, what ever were the cause thereof.  
Either before or after this there fell out a dissension amongst the Estates about the choosing of a governor and protector for the young King James the third. In which he and his brother Bishop kennedy with the greatest part of the Nobility, opposed themselves to the Queen, who pretended to be Tutrix, and had now usurped that place a year, while as the Nobility being busied in the Wars, had no leisure to look into these things. The Queen and such as followed her remained in the Castle, and the other party in the Abbey of Halyroodhouse. A Convention being appointed, the Queen and her faction came to the Parliament house, and declared her Tutrix, So soon as this was known, the Earl of Angus, and James kennedy came up to the market place, where the said Bishop declares that their intention was nothing else but to maintain their old law, and the ancient practice of the Country, which was that in such cases the Nobility should choose one whom they thought most fit to undergo that charge of governing, which was for the good both of the King and Country, whereas they of the other party intended nothing but their own particular advantage, as he should show more evidently, in time and place convenient. After this speech, as they retired to their lodging, they were advertised that those who were in the Castle with the Queen, were coming down in arms to assault them, or to have hindered them from making this declaration. The Earl of Angus thinking it a great indignity, that they being more in number, and better in quality, should give place to the weaker, and the meaner and inferior party, and that in such sort as might seem to be a direct flight, could scarce be retained, but that he would needs turn upon them and fight, though he were not armed, as they were. But the matter was composed by the mediation of the Bishops of Glasgow, Galloway, and Dumblane, and assurance given for a month. After the expiring whereof, having entered into a new consultation, with more peaceable and calm minds, both parties agreed, that the King and Country should be governed by four Noblemen, two of which should be chosen out of the Queen's party, and two out of the other. For the Queen she chose William Lord Grahame, and Robert Lord Boyd, than Chancellor; for the other side they chose Robert Earl of Orkney, and John Lord kennedy, all chief of their Name and Families. Here is no mention of the Earl of Angus, which makes me think he hath died in this mean time, during the Truce, otherwise being principal of this other side, they would not have neglected him. Sure he died much about this time, which seems to 
His death. 1462.  have been in the year 1462. Neither did his brother Bishop Kennedies business go so well after this. He was buried in Abernethie amongst his Predecessors.  
His wife (after his death) is said to have married a younger brother of the Captain of Crawford, and that she got from her son Archbald the Lands of Balmoodie in Fife, and that the house of Balmoodie is descended of her. Which notwithstanding, we find her bind herself for relief of her son for the payment of her daughter's portion, 1479. as a free person making no mention of a husband. It is true he might also have been dead; then the space being 17. or 18. years. But if her son were so liberal as to give her such Lands, he would never have troubled her to bind herself for his relief in the payment of his sister's portion in likelihood.   

Of the first Archbald, sixth Earl of Angus, called commonly, Bell the Cat.  
TO George succeeded Archbald his son and heir, a boy about 5. or 6. years of age at the most. For in the year 1461. the last of September, he is not 7. as appears by the Indenture made betwixt his father and the Earl of Huntly concerning his marriage. It took no effect: but in place thereof he marries Elizabeth Boyde, daughter to Robert Lord Boyde, than one of the Governors of Scotland, viz. in the year 1468. the fourth of May. Which makes it seem that the match 
1468. His marriage.  hath not failed on the Earl of Huntley's part, but on his, or at lest theirs to whose tuition he hath been committed. They, or he preferring credit at Court before their keeping and fulfilling of the Contract made by his father. But it was little to their advantage, for the next year after that the Court was changed, the Boydes were discarded; his brother in law Thomas Boyde (son to Robert) banished, and his wife (the King's sister) taken from him, and his brother Alexander Boyde execute. As for their father Lord Robert himself, he fled into England. And this is all the fruits he reaps by his marrying for Court. He was by this our calculation 14. years of age at the most; and yet his Lady gets seizing of Abernethie upon his resignation the same year the 1. of May. It is not unlikely that one William Douglas of Clunie hath had some hand in the guiding of his minority, for we find that the wardship of the Lands of Tantallon, and Earldom of Douglas was given to him; and he having again resigned it into the King's hands, the King makes a new disposition thereof to Archbald, non obstante non aetate ejusdem, notwithstanding his nonage, which was then 16. years 1470. the 26. of June. Six years after, he 
1470.  hath care of his sister's Contracts by himself with Fintrie for one of them; and three years after that he takes upon him the burden for his mother, and hath her bound for his relief 1479. as hath been said in his father's life, being then about 25. years of age. This dutifulness towards his sisters, deserves that he should be blessed with children of his own, and that he should have good success in his affairs who begins so well.  
And so it was with him: for he had by his wife four sons, and 
His children four sons.  three daughters, all honourably provided. His sons were, first George called commonly Master of Angus, because he came never to be Earl, being slain at Flowdon before his father died. The second, Sir William 
Glenbarvies original.  of Glenbarvie, who married Elizabeth Authenleck, heir of Glenbarvie. Third Gavin, who was Bishop of Duncale, a man of singular wisdom and prudency, and well lettered according to the times. This Gavin had a base daughter, of whom the house of Foulewood (Semple) is descended. We shall have occasion to speak something of him in the life of Archbald his brother's son, in whose time he lived. The Duke of Albany being Governor, having conceived some jealousy against the Earl of Angus, and the Douglasses, whereupon Angus was sent to France, and his uncle this Bishop was sent for to Rome by letters from the Pope, at the Governors procuring, to answer to such accusations as were given in against him. As he was going thither, he was seized of the plague at London in the year 1522. and died there; leaving behind him great approbation of his virtues, and love of his person, in the hearts of all good men. For besides the nobility of his birth, the dignity and comeliness of his personage, he was learned, temperate, and of singular moderation of mind; and in these so turbulent times, had always carried himself amongst all the Factions of the Nobility equally, and with a mind to make peace, and not to stir up parties; which qualities were very rare in a Clergyman of those days. He wrote in his native tongue divers things. But his chiefest work is the translation of Virgil, yet extant in verse, in which he ties himself so strictly as is possible, and yet it is so well expressed, that whosoever shall assay to do the like, will find it a hard piece of work to go through with. In his Prologues before every Book, where he hath his liberty, he showeth a natural, and ample vein of poesy, so pure, pleasant, and judicious, that I believe there is none that hath written before, or since, but cometh short of him. And in my opinion, there is not such a piece to be found, as is his Prologue to the 8. Book, beginning (of Dreams and of Drivelings &c.) at least in our language. The fourth son was Archbald Douglas of Kilspindie, who married a daughter of one Little in Edinburgh. He had by her Archbald of Kilspindie, who 
Kilspindies original.  was Provest of Edinburgh in King James the fifth his minority, and was married to the Earl of Crawford his daughter, by whom he had first Patrick, secondly Alexander, and thirdly James. Patrick was married to one Murray, a daughter of the house of Balbaird, by whom he had William. After that he married Agnes, daughter to the Lord Grace, and had by her two sons, and two daughters. And thus much of his sons.  
His daughters were first Marjorie, married to Cudbert Lord of Kilmaers in the year 1491. Her portion was 1700. Marks. Secondly, Elizabeth, 
Three daughters.  married to Robert Lile Lord Chief Justice. Her portion was 1000 Marks, whereof 100 pounds was to be paid at the first Term, and then 50. pounds termely till all were paid. It is with dispensation, which is a sign that they have been in kin before the year 1493. Thirdly, Jennet, whom we find contracted to Robert Lord Harris, in the year 1495. Novemb. 22. to be married, and that he shall divorce from the wife he had, so soon as can be. That she in the mean time shall not marry elsewhere. For which cause she is infeft in his Lands of Tarrigla, with the King's confirmation past thereupon, the same year and day. Her portion is, that the said Earl then Chancellor, shall procure his Lands to be new holden of the King. This fact, for a man to contract to part with the wife he hath, and marry another, as it is harsh to conceive, so being done so solemnly by such persons, we must suppose it had sufficient and honest grounds. For certainly the Earl of Angus, being withal Chancellor for the time, needed not to hunt after unlawful or unseemly marriages for his daughters. Some reckon a fourth daughter, whom they name not, but say she was eldest, and married to the Earl of Montrose, this Earls great Grandfather's father: but because I have not seen any monument of her, I reserved her to the last place.  
He had also sundry bastard sons after his wife's death. First William 
Base sons, Parkheads original.  of the Parkhead, of whom the house of the Parkhead is come, and the Lord of Torthorrell by his mother. Secondly James of Tod-holes: And thirdly one that (they say) was gotten in Glenbarvie, born after his decease. But this seems to be false, because they affirm commonly, that after the field of Flowdon (where his son George was slain) he went into Galloway to Saint Manes, and lived the space of a year an austere life. Then he was not thus incontinent, if that be true, neither came he to Glenbarvie, seeing he lived in Galloway. He had also a base daughter. And thus much of his children.  
To come to himself: we have heard how his father Earl George raised the house of Angus to such greatness of credit and authority, that it was become not much inferior to the house of Douglas, to which it had succeeded. Archbald his son did no way diminish it. But when he came to be of years fit for managing affairs, he so behaved himself, and gained so good opinion of his wisdom and courage, that the whole burden of the estate of the Country did lie upon him alone. And for that cause chiefly he is commonly designed by the epithet of The great Earl of Angus. For as touching his Lands and Rents, we find no great augmentation of them, save that he provided his children well. If we consider the means, it hath been his own worth and sufficiency that hath brought him to it: for he began indeed his marriage with Court, as a fit mean whereby to rise; but that lasted but short while, as we have heard. The Court changing, it was rather a mean to have wrought him discredit. Notwithstanding of which, and though he was young himself, we find nothing, but that his business went right. He got his own wardship, even when his alliance were at the hardest pinch, that same very year that Thomas Boyd had his wife taken from him, and married to another. His success in the marriage of his sisters doth also show the same. Neither hear we of any hard effect that their discourting did produce toward him.  
It was he that was the chief actor in taking order with Robert Cochran, 
He takes order with Cochran and the Courtiers.  and the other Courtiers, that did abuse the King and Country. He propounds the matter to the Nobility, he opens up the estate of things, he puts hand to work, and executes what was concluded. The rest consent, and follow, he goeth before in every thing. And even then when he did all this, he was of no great age, not above five and twenty; and yet his credit, power, and authority, was able to go through with it. The History is written at length in our Chronicle, we need do no more but transume it. Neither is it necessary that we do that to the full, it will suffice to set down only what is requisite for laying open the occasion and circumstances for clearing of the fact, that the Reader may the better discern the right from the wrong, which otherwise lie confused. Thus it was. King James the third of that name, a man of a great and high 
The relation thereof.  spirit, and of a hasty nature, and prone to anger, and such a one as would not suffer patiently his own judgement to be contradicted, could not away with that freedom of speech, which he found in his Nobility: wherefore he made choice of such to be about him, as would not correct, but approve all his sayings, and who would not offend him by gainsaying, but did curie-favour by soothing of him, and who with flattering admiration did extol all that he said, or did. Wherefore excluding the Nobility, he was wholly at the devotion of a few of his servants with whom he advised, and consulted of all business, and either followed their opinions, or made them to consent, and execute his will. Thus he began to do about the year 1474. having after his marriage (in the year 1470.) 
1474.  addicted himself most part to his domestic, and private pleasures, seldom coming abroad, or giving time to the affairs of his Kingdom. He had gotten about him base men both in place and worth, whom he had advanced to honours, and nobilitated. Amongst these there was one 
Coghran a Mason. Coghrana a Singer.  Robert Coghran a Mason by his trade, whom he made Earl of Marre, An English singing man called William Rogers, whom he honoured with Knighthood, with divers others of mean rank and quality, whose chief commendation was that they were impudently wicked, and villainous. This Rogers is thought also to have been his Pander, and an enticer of him to lewdness and wronging his Queen. Amongst these base men, there was one Gentleman of good birth, but he seeing the King's inclination, had set himself fully to follow it in all things; wherefore he had given his daughter to Robert Coghran in marriage as a bond of friendship and society, his name was Thomas Preston. There was also a young page John Ramsay, who was of the same combination. These were the King's Minions, Counselors, and whole confidence. On these he reposed, and cast the burden of affairs. Their hopes were built upon the ruin of the Nobility, that by their fall they themselves might rise. These were Counselors and Executioners of the murder of his younger brother John; and had caused him to commit his other brother Alexander to prison in the Castle, who had died likewise, if he had not found means to escape in the night, by making a rope of his bed-clothes, and so got over the wall. To these great evils there were joined worse things. He had given himself to seek responses, and predictions of things to come, chiefly concerning his own estate, of Magiciens, and Witches. He had for that purpose brought one out of Flanders that was thought very skilful in divining, named Andrew a Physician by profession, and ginger. This man had given the King's Ambassadors some proof of his cunning when they went through Flanders to the Duke of Burgundy. He hearing whether they were going, told them they needed not to make any great haste, for they should hear news of the Duke ere it were long. And so they did indeed, for within three days they heard that he was slain. When they came home they related this to the King, extol his skill, and inflame his mind; which was too prone of itself, with desire to hear him. So he was sent for, and being come, was presented with many rich gifts. And good reason he should, if he could withal have instructed the King how to avoid the evils that were to come. But merely to foretell evil which could not be shunned, it was too dear bought evil tidings. Yet that is all he doth, tells him that his own should be his ruin. The King interprets it of his brethren, his kinsmen, and his subjects, especially the chief of the Nobility. Whereupon being suspicious and jealous of all others, he trusted none but his foresaid Minions. By these doings he makes way for the fates, by slaying or warding his brother, he irritates the Nobility, he suspecting them, and being suspected of them by a mutual fear. They to secure themselves; put hand into the Courteours who were the authors of these evils; he interprets that to be Rebellion against himself, and seeks how to be revenged. They for their safety are driven from point to point, constrained by necessity for the preservation of their lives, cast off all respect, and take Arms openly, draws his son to the party (his own nearest according to his responses) whereon ensues his ruin. This is the effect of seeking to Magiciens and soothsayers, whereof we seldom hear a better end. And it is but deservedly, that those that leave the author and fountain of all good, who guides all by his providence, to follow follies and superstition, and the author of all evil and wickedness should be thus served. This is the effect of pride and arrogancy, that leans only to its own judgement, and will not give way and liberty to admonish and inform rightly. Upon which, other inconvenients do follow by degrees: First withdrawing the ear from faithful Counselors, then giving themselves to flatterers, then entertaining of these, and rejecting and casting off others, whereof ariseth suspicions, jealousies, wrongs, injustice, from hence shedding of blood under colour of law, or without colour in open Tyranny, as no man at first becomes extremely wicked. At last follows the ruin of the authors, together with the ruin of others. To return to our point, it came so about here. The war began betwixt Scotland and England; An Army behoved to be raised, and for the raising thereof the Nobility must be convened. Loath were those new men to the work, they knew not what they might think when they were convened. But there was no remedy, their privy counselling could not sustain the wars. That was the part of the Noblemen, and could not be done without them. So they are convened; 
The King with his Army at Lawder.  the Army raised marches toward the borders, on to Lawder they go. It is a Town in the confines of Merse and Tivedale, which countries were both wasted by the incursions of the enemy. Nothing will make men wise where there is ruin determined. The place, the time, the enemy, the necessity to use the Nobility, could not serve to admonish the King and his Courteours to give them some small countenance and contentment. Whom they were constrained to employ, they would not endeavour to please. On they go with their wont course. The King only countenances, consults, advises with his Cabin-councell. Neglects the Nobility and distrusts them. It had been strange if they had not recented it; and as strange if they had not remedied it. Now was the time or never. The force, power and all was in their own hands. They disdain it, they regrate it in private one to another. They agree on the general, that some order must be taken with these disorders. They appoint a meeting for advising of the form and particular manner how and what to do. The place, Lawder Kirk; the time, next morning betimes. Thither 
The Nobility meet in the Church. Angus makes this speech.  they come at the time prefixed. Here the Earl of Angus, first in place and rank, first in credit, first in authority and their account, is also first in speech, and is said first thus to have opened up the matter unto them. My honourable Lords, I hold it not needful to go about with many words to set before you the Estate of this Kingdom. For some things you yourselves remember, some you see before your eyes. Our chief Noblemen are thrust into exile, and forced either to suffer intolerably, or do unjustly. And you who are the Arms and Limbs of this Kingdom are left without a head, as a Ship without a Pilot and Master, exposed to the storms and tempests of fortune. Our fields are burnt, our goods carried away, the labourers killed, or seeing no other remedy of their manifold miseries, have yielded themselves to the enemy. His Majesty in the mean time a man indeed (if he were himself) of a generous mind and rare understanding, bewitched in his affection, asketh no advice or counsel of his Nobility, but consulteth of peace and war, of the good of the Country, and safety of us all with a few base, vile, and ignorant fellows, who by relating the predictions of Sorcerers and Magicians, fill his sick mind with vain fear and superstition. And these men determine and set down decrees of our lives and estates, who knowing that they merit the hatred of all men, do therefore hate all men. Neither do they seek only to lessen your authority, but to strike off your heads by one plot or other. Some of you they have already made away by death, others by banishment. Neither do they, as commonly new risers do, climb up to the highest places by degrees, but they make the carcases of the King's son's steps for them to mount upon, and water their growing honours with the Blood Royal itself. One of his brothers they have most cruelly murdered, the other they have constrained for fear to forsake his Country, and become a Captain in the enemies Camp. And now being rid of them, they lie in wait for the rest. For being conscious of their own baseness, they cannot endure any that is excellent or eminent. Whoso hath riches to satisfy their avarice, or power to assist their bold attempts, him they reckon for their enemy. And do we prepare ourselves to withstand the common enemy? And encamp against England? As if any were more deadly and more to be feared then he whose greediness our goods cannot suffice, and whose thirst of slaughter our blood is not able to quench. Now that you may know how much this inward plague is worse than that outward foe, put the case that England (which God forbid) should overcome, what could we look for at their hands? what would they make the end of their hatred, or reward of their victory? The death of the King do you think, or of yourselves? verily, I believe neither. Our contentions have not been for lives, but for honour and empire. And a noble heart, as it is vehement and violent against those that oppose, so is it easily mitigated by prayer and entreaty; and even with the consideration of the instability of humane affairs it is moved to pity and compassion. But let us suppose the worst, that they being mindful of our old debates, and puffed up with present victory would take the King's life, which of these two doth deal more easily with us? He that by depriving us of life, doth also take away all sense of evil; or he that reserveth that to daily tortures and torments, which next after our God, should be most dear to us? who besotting the mind with Witchcraft, do animate the King to the destruction of his nearest kindred, who detain him like a captive, and will not suffer him at any time to show his face to his loyal Subjects? that they may enjoy the comfort of his countenance, and he behold their service for his honour and safety. They are not so much to be reputed enemies, who with displayed banner profess hostility, as they who within the walls lie in Ambush for your overthrow. who drawing away his Majesty's affection from his friends betray him to his enemies, and making you destitute of a leader, would expose you to the mercy of your enemies. Into whose hands if you do fall, though perhaps you escape death, yet shall you not eschew shame and ignominy, and which is worse than a thousand deaths, servitude, and bondage. If you get the day and be victorious, you shall not for all that, acquire that which is the end and fruit of victory, honour and renown to your King, rest and quietness to yourselves, and to your posterity, a flourishing and prosperous estate of your Country, but on the contrary a greater liberty to your adversaries for the present, and greater security for the time to come, ruin and destruction to yourselves; and to your King a worse slavery, So that by vanquishing you shall not be so much freed from troubles abroad, as you shall increase your miseries at home. Wherefore my opinion is, to speak it in a word, that first we shake off this yoke of servitude at home, before we enter into fight with the foreign enemy. Otherwise all of us shall be slaves to the will and pleasure of a few, we shall strengthen our enemies, and become Traitors to the commonwealth. What you shall resolve to do, I pray God to prosper. When the Earl had ended his speech, there arose a confused murmur throughout the whole Assembly, for they had not the patience to give their votes in order, but all cried out together, testifying their approbation and assent to his speech and opinion. Amongst others there present, the Lord Grace was one, whom some would have to be he that slew 
The Lord Grace his speech.  the Earl of Douglas at Stirlin, commonly called Cowe-Gray. But if it were he, he behoved to be of great age now, and of greater at the battle of Bannockburne, where he is also said to have been: wherefore I take it rather that this hath been his son. However, the Lord Grace heard all, and seeing their forwardness, craved audience, and told them the Apologue of the Mice, who consulting in a public meeting, how to be sure from the Cats surprising of them, found out a very good way, which was to hang a bell about her neck, that would ring as she stepped, and so give them warning of her approach, that they might save themselves by flight. But when it came to be questioned who would undertake to tie the bell about the Cat's neck, there was never a mouse durst cheep or undertake it. The Earl of Angus understood his meaning, and what application was to be made of it, wherefore he answered shortly, 
Angus called Bell the Cat.  I will Bell the Cat, and what your Lordships conclude to be done, shall not lack execution. For this answer, he was always after this named Archbald Bell the Cat. And so they concluded, that these wicked Counselors, and their Complices the Courtiers of the same quality, and stamp, should be brought to judgement, and punished according to their deserts. In the execution whereof their main care was that no inconvenient should come to the King, which because it might fall out in a tumult, they ordained that the Army should lie quiet, and only the Noblemen with their household servants should go to Court, and apprehend them as peaceably and calmly as possible they could. After the meeting was broken up, as they were going along, they encountered by the way with Robert Cochran, whom the King (informed of their meeting) had sent to know what the matter was: For it seemed to be some business of moment, and great importance that had moved such men to conveen at such an hour, so early in the morning. He had about his neck a gold chain of great weight, which the Earl of Angus took hold of, and straining it a little, This chain, said he, doth not become a man of your rank, but I shall ere long, give you one that will become you to wear far better, and so pulling the chain from his neck, he delivered him to one of his men to be kept sure. After that he went on to the King's lodging, where the Guard and others that were present astonished with the suddenness of his coming, or reverencing the dignity and majesty of his person gave place, and shrank away, so that the rest were easily apprehended without resistance or tumult. Only John Ramsay fled to the King, and clasped his arms about his middle, and at the King's request was pardoned in respect of his youth which excused his errors, and seemed to promise for him, that he would do no more so. The rest were led forth, and accused. 1. Of causing kill the King's brother John. 2. Of inciting the King, and animating him against his other brother Alexander Duke of Albaine, so as to banish him: 3. Of sowing dissension betwixt the King and his Nobles. 4. Of drawing him to superstition, witchcraft, and magic to the offence of God, and slander of Religion. 5. Of persuading him to coin a certain kind of brass, coin of no value, which the people called the black coin, which fact of all other was most odious to the vulgar. For hereupon had ensued great dearth of corns and victual, while as the owners did choose rather to suffer their grain to rot in their Garners, then under the name of selling to give them to the buyers, for so they thought it to be a gift, and not a sale. Their accusations were no sooner read, but all cried out against them; and so they were condemned to be hanged over the bridge of Lawder. That sentence pronounced, was so acceptable to all that heard it, that they ran and brought their horse halters, and bridle reins to serve for ropes, and strive who should have 
Cochran and his fellows hanged.  the honour therein, the whole Army, and Nobility concurring and assisting at their execution. And thus they did remove those men, whom the good of the King, of the Nobility, and whole Country required necessarily to be removed from their Prince. Yet it was done with as great respect to himself, as it could be in such a case, where matters were to proceed contrary to his mind. They offer his person no violence, they do not mis-behave themselves in words: they are careful it be not done by any in a tumult, and therefore come accompanied with the fewer number. They grant his desire when he did interceded for one of the guilty, which shows how willing they would have been to have granted the test also, if it could have been done safely. A very remarkable and rare example of carefulness of the Commonwealth, joined with all modesty, love, and dutifulness towards their King. Their behaviour was just such as Lawyers prescribe in such cases, who accounting the person of the Prince sacred, and not to be touched any way, do allow that their wicked counsellors and abusers only be taken order with, where the good of the Country enforceth it. Wherein the Earl of Angus being the principal actor, the chief commendation thereof can not be taken from him; the praise, I say, not only of wisdom in propounding, and persuading, of courage and resolution in undertaking, but also of discreet moderation, and dutiful regard to the King, in performing of this action without tumult, or uproar. Happy had the King been, if he could have taken it up rightly, and as he saw how far his wicked abusers were hated, he had also read their love and regard of his person, that appeared in every act of this Tragic Comedy, written in fair and Capital Letters. He made show, as if he had taken all in good part, but it was not in sincerity. He accounted it high treason and rebellion, and set his mind wholly on revenge. He saw what was done to his Courtiers, but he would not see the respect carried to himself; for upon this occasion the Army 
The Army dismissed the King comes to Edinburgh.  dissolving, so soon as he came to Edinburgh, and found himself at liberty, he retired to the Castle with a few of his familiar friends, as not daring to trust his Nobility. Which when they perceived, they had their private meetings and consultations apart. Hereupon his brother Alexander moves the King of England to send an Army with the Earl of Gloucester, hoping to do somewhat for himself. And so he doth; for the Nobility sent for him, and made him chief man of the party, under the name of General Lieutenant of Scotland. The King remained in the Castle, from whence he is brought out, and restored to his own place, his brother endeavouring by modesty to approve his uprightness, and banish all jealousies by his actions. But all would not do; he continues his jealousy, and the effects of jealousy, an evil mind, and ill-will. Intends to make him away, some say by poison; whereof he being advertised, withdraws himself again into England; and that he might be the more welcome thither, he put the Castle of Dumbar into their hands. Neither doth he bear any better mind toward the Nobility; but still intends their ruins, making up a heap of crimes, calling all their proceedings and actions rebellious. And after a short while, the Courtiers began to follow the footsteps of those that had gone before them, and nothing terrified with the example of their end, began to trade the same path that they had done. John Ramsay (who was pardoned at Lawder) procured an edict from the King, that none but he and his followers should go armed in those places where the King's Court did converse. The King thought it was hard for him to deal with them all at once, therefore they must be divided. For this effect he insinuates himself, and becomes very familiar with a part of them, and advanceth them to honours. He makes the Earl of Crawford, Duke of Monrosse, a great and powerful man. But who was so sit for his service as the Earl of Angus? he makes as if he were fully reconciled to him, hath him continually about him, countenanceth him every way, communicates with him his most secret affairs, some say he made him Chancellor; but the Chancellor (Andrew Stuart Lord of Evendale) was even now living, at the coming in of Alexander Duke of Albany; neither hear we of his death, neither do we find in old Evidents, that the Earl of Angus is entitled Chancellor, before 1493. which is after this King's death, in King James the fourth his time, though we have Evidents of the year 1488. and 89. To him the King opens his mind so far, as finding that the principal of the Nobility were in Edinburgh the K. sends for Angus to the Castle, tells him that now he hath a fair occasion to be avenged of his enemies, that he would cause seize and apprehend them: for if the Leaders and Chief of the Faction were once cut off, the rest would not dare to stir: that if he should neglect this opportunity, he could hardly look for the like hereafter. Some say, that he purposed to have invited them to a supper in the Castle, and so to have laid hands on them, others say, that he meant to have caused take them in their lodgings in the night, which is not unlikely. The Earl of Angus, though he were no very old Cat (some 31. or 32.) if that was 1486. as it should seem, yet was he too wary and circumspect to be drawn by a straw. He knew himself to be as guilty as any of them, and as much hated for his guilt. But he was now within the Castle, and had need to carry himself wisely. To refuse, might endanger his life; to consent he could not, it was so gross and foul. Wherefore he frames his answer after such a kind, as might be both safe for himself, and no ways prejudicial to the rest. He tells him what a disgrace it would be for him, if without order of law he should (all of a sudden) bring so many Noblemen to the scaffold without a crime, to whom he was but lately reconciled, and had promised remission of all that was past, especially at such a time when they trusted to the public assurance given them for their security. Neither will those that remain, said he, be terrified, and dismayed with the death of these few, but be irritated and driven to despair, and so to greater violence. But if it will please your Majesty to follow my advice, I shall tell you a better way to give you satisfaction. Do but charge and summoned any of them at any time to under-lye the law, and I with my friends and followers shall bring them in by force openly, and in fair day light, to what place you please, where execution may be done according to law, which is not only more safe, but more honourable, than either to betray them under colour of friendship, and feasting, or to invade them in the night, as if they were set on bytheeves and robbers. This being spoken with that grace and courage wherewith he used to accompany his actions, the King acknowledging it was true that he said, and knowing he was able to perform what he promised, supposing he spoke in sincerity, gave him many thanks, and having loaded him with as many promises, dismissed him. Assoon as he was come to his lodging, he revealed all to the Noblemen, and withal went himself out of the Town. From that time forth there was no more peace. The King's counsel being revealed, he disinherited all men. The Nobility seeing his resolution to ruin them, and that there was no trust to be given to his words, despairing of concord; whereas they had before sought his amendment, and not his overthrow, retaining ever a dutiful love and regard to his Person, now they set themselves, and lay 
Plot against the King.  all the plots they can how to undo him. Yet can they not be alienated from the race of their Kings. His son had not offended, and fell to succeed. They affect him for their Captain. He is also most acceptable, and most agreeable to the people, and so fittest for them. Others might be 
The K. son head of the faction of the Nobles against his father.  suspected, envied, or misinterpreted. Wherefore they allure him to their party by his keepers, and his keepers persuade him by fear of being disinherited, and put besides his succession to the Crown. And now the parties are addressed, the King and his own son. There was divers times mention of peace, but where all trust was taken away, it could not be established. They send the King word flatly, they could not give credit to his promises. And so there was no way to mediate a peace, but by his dimission of the Crown to his son. That condition was intolerable; he aggravates it to foreign Princes, and to the Pope, showing what an ill precedent it was for all Princes. But before any help can come from thence, the Lords make haste to come to a conclusion, which fell out according to their desire. The King's Forces lay most part beyond Forth, and in the Northern parts. For conveening of them, Stirlin was the fittest place. Thither he takes his way with the Forces he had: The Nobility following as near as they could come to him. Yet was he gone before them, and might first have come to the Castle. But being excluded by the keeper, he is constrained to hazard the battle at Bannock-burn. There, having overthrown the vanguard of the enemy, he was overthrown 
Battle a●… Bannockburne.  by the Anandale men, & west-borderers that bore longer spears than they that were on the King's side. The King himself hurt with the fall of his horse, and wounded in the right arm, fled unto a water-mill that was near unto the place, with intention to have fled to his Ships. But he was perceived, and known by the partisans of his Guard, that stuck to him (which were trimmed with white fringes or fasses) and followed by Patrick Lord Grace, and Stirlin (of Keir) and a Priest named Borthwick. Which of these, or if all of them fell upon him it is uncertain, but there he was slain by them. Fame lays it most on the Lord Grace, who if it were Cowe-Gray; it seems his apprenticeship and his practice in his old age have been very suitable. For he it was that slew William Earl of Douglas at Stirlin, under this King's father 35. or 36. year before this. He hath put a long time between his assay, and his masterpiece, and gone too high in it. If it was his son, he hath followed well his father's example, and gone beyond him also. All this while the Earl of Angus part was honourable and kindly, his heart could not digest the slaughter of his 
The K. 〈◊〉.  King. He sought his own safety, and to shorten the reins of his unbridled mind, but for his life, he neither sought it, nor could he suffer it to be taken so far as he could hinder it. Wherefore seeing the victory to be on their side, he cried oft to save the King, attesting all for their love to God, and for their respect to the young Prince his son, that they should do him no harm. This was cast in his teeth by the way of reproach as childishness, or too much tenderness of heart at such a time, by the Lord Grace. There were slain on the King's side the Earl of Glencarne (and a few of his fellows) the Earl of Angus married his daughter three years after, to Robert Lord Kilmaers son or rather Grandchild to this Earl of Glencarne. This happened 1488. the 28. of King James 
1488.  Reign, and 35. of his age.  
But the War did not end with the death of the King. The old King's faction was rather scattered than broken, chiefly his Navy and Sea Forces, of which the Captain (Andrew Wood) stood out obstinately. In the North the Lord Forbes had gotten the King's bloody shirt, & carrying it upon a spears point like an ensinge, through Aberdene and other Towns stirred up all he could to revenge the King's slaughter. In the Western parts of the Kingdom, the Earl of Lennox assembled his power, and divers moe with him did send their messengers to and fro, exhorting the people every where not to suffer so detestable a murder un-revenged; forbidding them to scar at the shadow of the present King's authority, whom these Parricides did detain a captive to countenance their wickedness, he being rather a prisoner than a Prince, the whole power resting in the hands of the Douglasses, Humes, and Hepburnes. That even in that regard they would take Arms to free him from their tyranny, who would make the World believe that he being but a child of 15. years of age were so unnatural as to allow of his father's murder. Besides all this the English made some trouble by Sea with five Ships, which lay in the mouth of Forth, and not only infested the Merchants and such as did trade by Sea, but also many times came a Shore, and pillaged the Country. These were prognostics of a storm arising, and of a tempest as great as had been from the West, from the North, and from the Sea. But these drooping Clouds which threatened an after-clap were quickly dispersed by the prudent handling of the other party. Andrew Wood 
Five English Ships taken by Andrew Wood  was entreated, and brought not only to be no enemy, but also to set upon the English Ships, which he did with his own two only, and brought in the five English to Leith. Lennox was defeated by the Lord Drummond, whose daughter George master of Angus had married: and the Northern men hearing of it sat quiet, and stirred not. And for conclusion 
A Parliament at Edinburgh 6. November 1488.  a Parliament was held at Edinburgh the 6. of November, where all that was done at Bannockburne was discerned to be good service, and that those that were slain there, were slain through their own default, and that those that had taken Arms against them were free from all crime. This had been done before in the Parliament when the King was crowned, but there were so few present then, that they thought it necessary to renew it here, where both parties were present. And so it was not only enacted, but subscribed by all that had vote in Parliament. Thus did Angus with the rest of his associates govern those matters which seemed to be very hard to settle, both wisely and moderately. For they used not their victory and power either cruelly or covetously. They forgave sincerely those that came in and yielded, and punished gently the more obstinate, fining them in their goods, or taking from them some portion, or parcel of their Lands and Possessions; but there was no man ruined, or wholly undone by them; And so they both pacified things, and did not much displease the parties, who bore it patiently when they called to remembrance for what small faults, and upon what slight pretences men were turned out of their whole Estates in the late King's time. By these means they procured a true and sincere peace among the Subjects, strengthened with a general love and submission of both parties to the King. And to confirm all the two principals of the other party Lennox and Forbes came in, and were received into favour: Many attribute the commendation of all this to the King himself, whose inclination (it cannot be denied) was good; but to speak the truth, as it is, he was but young, and not a Guider, but guided, even by the confession of the adverse party. Neither could he of himself have carried things so wisely, for all his good disposition; neither was he able to have done it, though he had been skilful, if there had not been great moderation in those that were about him. Wherefore seeing both common report, and our Histories also make our Douglasses, Humes, and Hepburnes, the chief authors and actors in these matters; I see no reason why we should defraud them of their due commendation of being men that were dutiful to their Country, and withal very respective to their King, having laboured all they could to reclaim him, and after he had shut himself up in the Castle, restoring him to his full authority, and even when he was seeking their lives, they did tolerate him a good while, being very loath to come to extremity. And last being forced to it by necessity for the preservation of their own lives, they had regard to the race of their Princes, yea to himself, and his life in the greatest heat of the battle, ever willing and desirous to save him. And then after the victory, we see how moderate they were against their detractours, slanderers, and professed enemies that had taken Arms against them, how meek in bearing with them, how careful too, with calmness to reconcile them, how gentle in using of them, how wise and prudent in the whole progress of pacification. And above all the moderation of their desires is to be remarked; for they did neither increase their estates, nor enrich themselves on whit, by spoiling or violent seizing of any man's Lands or Goods. The Earl of Angus was made Chancellor. But that was after the death of the Lord Evendale, and so it was not taken from any other man, neither was there any wrong in it. And on whom could it have been so well bestowed? who was so fit for it? and who so worthy of it? Besides, it seems that he got it not in the King's minority, when he had all power in his own hand under the shadow of the King's name, and so might have extorted it from the King in those troublous times, for he is never termed Chancellor until the year 1493. which was 5. years after Bannockburne, and then all the troubles were quieted and pacified, and the King came to be 20. years of age, able to guide his affairs by himself. The Lord Hume is also made great Chamberlain of Scotland, yet that was also in the King's power to 
Chambe●…. Lord Hume  give, and belonged to no man. What other casuality, or benefit they acquired by the King's liberality, we find not, unless it were the Guardianship of the inheritrix of Glenbarvie, which Angus got, whom he married to his son William. But suppose they did get any such thing, yet was it without injury to any man and un-reproveably. Wherefore we may say justly, that no Prince's minority was ever so moderately and innocently, so justly, wisely, and prudently guided amongst so great troubles and grounds of dissension. This made them that they feared no man, having offended no man, but were even secure in the King's presence, notwithstanding that he had enjoined himself a penance, for being accessary to his father's death, which was the wearing of a chain of iron about his middle in stead of a girdle, to which he added every year a new link or ring. Not the less of all this, they were never afraid of the King nor jealous of him, but interpreted this well, and took it in good part, not only because they trusted to the King's gentle disposition, or because they confided in their own Forces, as being of the stronger faction; but also because they reposed on the conscience of their fact, the necessity of doing what they had done, and innocence every other way towards every man.  
From this time the Earl of Angus continued Chancellor, so named in all Writs and Indentures until the year 1496. the 14. of January, at 
Angus Chancellor.  which time he contracts his daughters to the Lord Harris, and the Lord Lile. He indents with Hugh Douglas Deane of Buchan, and son to the late Earl of Ormond, in two several Indentures, whereof the condition of the one is to pursue for the lands of Evendale in the year 1493. the other in the year 1496. the 14. of January, is to this purpose; That the said Hugh shall pursue for Glenwhome, Gladstanes, and any other Lands pertaining to the Earls of Douglas, Lord of Evendale, or his father the Earl of Ormond, and that having obtained them he shall resign them in favour of the Earl of Angus. Other things remarkable we have none, until about the time of the Field of Flowden, which makes it seem to be probable (which some allege) that all this time he was confined in Arane. The pretended cause (as they say) was secret intelligence with King Henry of England; but the true cause (they say) was his taking Jean kennedy, daughter to the Earl of Cassils' out of Galloway, to whom the King bare affection, and to whom the Earl gave infeftement, and seizing of the Lands of Bothwel, although he never married her. As touching the pretended cause it hath no appearance at all, seeing there was always peace and friendship betwixt us and both the Henries (the 7. and 8.) until the war was denounced, or a very short time before. And concerning that of Jeane kennedy, we have a note of an Indenture betwixt Angus Chancellor, and the Lord kennedy, but they have neglected to set down about what it hath been in the year 1496. So that we are uncertain what to think of it. And contrary to this we find that the Lands of Bothwel were not in the Earl's hands, but in his son George's, who got them from the Lord Bothwel in exchange for the Lordship of Liddisdale, which for that cause he resigned into the King's hands in favour of the Earl Bothwel in the year 1492. so that the Earl could not give her the Lands that belonged to his son. Further our Histories tells us, that when James Earl of Aran, who was sent with the Navy which the King had prepared for a present to Queen Anne of France, had turned in upon Ireland, and having burnt Knockfergus, was come to Air a Seaport in Coil, the King offended with his folly, gave the charge of the Ships to Angus for prosecuting of the voyage. But Aran having heard of it, hoist sail, and was gone before Angus could come to the place where the Ships lay. Now although it should seem by this that the King continued his favour toward him, yet there are some apparent reasons to move us to think that it hath been somewhat diminished. For Alexander Lord Hume was made Warden of all the three marches (and that before Flowdon) of which the east and middle march at least had continued under the government of the Earls of Angus, for the space of three or four generations, descending from father to son by succession, from Earl William in the persons of James, and George to this present Archbald.  
Other mention, or monument of him we have none till the Wars betwixt King James the 4. and King Henry the 8. of England. It is reported by some, that the Queen and he did what they could to dissuade the 
War with England, and the occasion of the Field of Flowdon.  King from that War, but when he could not prevail with him, he followed him into England. There the King having wasted Northumberland, and taken Norham with some few other Castles, got a view of the wife of one Heron of the Ford, and did so fancy her, that he neglected the prosecuting of the war, and care of his Army, and did nothing but dally with her. Whilst the Army lay there idle, the English sent a Herald to the King desiring that he would appoint a day for battle. But the greatest part of the Nobility did dislike it. And the Earl of Angus though he saw all this and many more errors, yet he held his peace all this while, whereas the rest of the Nobility reasoned with the King, but in vain. For the King told them flatly, he would fight them though they were a hundreth thousand more, and that he would retire. Then (and not till then) the Earl of Angus hearing his answer, and knowing the danger of such resolution, being the Chief man amongst them both for years and authority, he went about to set before the King the reasons of the counsel given him, hoping by that mean to break him of his determination, in these words. Sir (said he) your Majesty 
Angus his speech to the King to dissuade him from fight,  hath done abundantly to satisfy your friendship with the King of France, in that ye have made the King of England withdraw the greater part of his Army out of France, and have turned the danger of the War from him without endangering yourself. For they cannot keep the fields long in a Country that is so cold and wasted, especially now when the Winter is so near. Neither need your Majesty to wonder that the French Ambassador is so instant with us to fight; he being a stranger, it is no strange thing to see him prodigal of other men's blood, who doth not regard the good of the parties, but the benefit that will thereby redound to France. Besides, his request is altogether impudent and shameless: For he requires us to do that which his master (a man of great understanding) thinks not fit to do for his own Kingdom. Neither should the loss of this Army seem small, because our number is few, for all that are of worth, & excel either in wisdom or valour in Scotland are here, and these being slain, the vulgar will become a prey to the enemy. Therefore as it is safest for the present to prolong the War, so is it most profitable in general. For if Lewis would have either the English exhausted with charges, or wearied with delay, what is more convenient, then to compel him to divide his Forces, by keeping one half thereof continually in readiness against us, who lie in wait to invade his Country upon every occasion, so to ease the French of so much of their burden? As for your honour and reputation, which men pretend, what can be more honourable, than having razed so many Forts and Castles, wasted and spoilt their Country with fire and sword, to return laden with such store of spoil, that they shall not be able to recover their losses, nor their soil redeem the former beauty in many years, though there should happen to be peace? What greater commodity can we expect to reap of the War, than in such a tumultuous noise of Arms to have leisure to refresh our soldiers with ease and quietness, to our credit, and to our enemy's shame? Of all the victories that are acquired, that which is obtained more by counsel, than force of Arms, is most properly the victory of man, and the praise of it doth only redound to the Commander and General; for in it the Army can claim no part or interest. When the Earl had ended his speech, all that were present showed by their countenance, that they did approve and assent unto his counsel. But the King who had solemnly sworn to give battle, heard him unwillingly, and answered angrily; bidding him, if he were afraid, go home. Then Angus seeing the King obstinate, and foreseeing in his mind what would be the event of such headiness, burst forth in tears, and after a while having gathered his spirits again, when he was able to speak, If my former life, said he, doth not free me from the imputation of fearfulness, I know not by what other evidence I can clear myself; while this body of mine was able to endure labour and toil, I spared it not for the defence of our Country, and honour of our Kings. Now seeing my counsel, by which only I am able to do good, can have no place, I leave here my two sons, who next after my Country are dearest to me, together with the rest of my friends and kinsmen; the surest pledge that I can give of my affection to your Majesty, and to the rest that are here present. And I pray God that this my fear may prove frivolous, and that I be rather esteemed a false prophet, than that those things happen, which I think I see before mine eyes. And so he took his leave, and departed, leaving behind him with the King his eldest son George, and Sir William of Glenbarvie, whom he exhorted to carry themselves valiantly, as those they were come of had ever done, and recommending them to God and their good fortune, he road home. As the Earl of Angus presaged, so it fell out: for the battle was fought at Flowdon, 
The field of Flowdon, 1513. Sept. 15.  where the day was lost, and the King slain, yet his body could never be found, which had been easily discerned by the chain of iron which he beware for a girdle. There were also slain at this battle George Master of Angus, and Sir William of Glenbarvie, with some 200. Gentlemen of the name of Douglas.  
Their father the Earl went to Saint Mains in Galloway. He lived there a year after, an austere and hard life, where he died also, and was buried 
Angus death, 1514.  in the Church of Saint Mains, about the year 1514. his heart was carried to Douglas. The years of his age were 61. or 62. by all the conjecture that can be made. So that it hath not been so much for his years, as for some other infirmity, that his body hath not been able and fit for service, as he says himself at Flowdon.  
He was a man every way accomplished both for mind and body. He was for stature tall, and of a strong composition. His countenance was full of majesty, and such as bred reverence in the beholders; wise and eloquent of speech; upright and square in his actions; sober and moderate in his desires, valiant and courageous, a man of action and undertaking, liberal also of heart and hand, loving and kind to his friends; which made him to be beloved, reverenced, and respected of all men. He gave proof of his personal valour in a duel which is reported to have been thus. 
A duel betwixt Angus and Spense.  The King on a time was discoursing at table of the personages of men, and by all men's confession the prerogative was adjudged to the Earl of Angus. A Courtier that was by (one Spense of Kilspindie) whether out of envy to hear him so praised, or of his idle humour only, cast in a word of doubting and disparaging: It is true, said he, if all be good that is up-come; meaning if his action and valour were answerable to his personage and body. This spoken openly, and coming to the Earls ears in the worst interpretation, offended him highly. It fell out after this, as the Earl was riding from Douglas to Tantallon, that he sent all his company the nearest way, and he himself with one only of his servants, having each of them a hawk on his fist in hope of better sport, took the way by Borthwick towards Falawe; where lighting at the brook at the West end of the town they bathed their hawks. In the mean time this Spense happened to come that way, whom the Earl espying, said to his man, Is not this such an one, that made question of my manhood, I will go to him, and give him a trial of it, that we may know which of us is the better man. No, my Lord, said his servant, it is a disparagement for your Lordship to meddle with him, I shall do that sufficiently, if it will please your Honour to give me leave. I see, said the Earl, he hath one with him, it shall be thy part to grapple with him, whilst I deal with his Master. So fastening their hawks, that they might not fly away in the mean time, they road after him, and having over-taken him; What reason had you, said the Earl to him, to speak so contemptuously of me at such a time, doubting whether my valour were answerable to my personage? When the other would have excused the matter, he told him, that would not serve the turn; Thou art a big fellow, and so am I, one of us must pay for it. The other answered, If it may be no better, there is never an Earl in Scotland, but I will defend myself from him as well as I can, and will rather kill him, if I can, than suffer him to kill me. So alighting from their horses, they fought a certain space, but at last the Earl of Angus with a stroke, cut Spenses thigh-bone asunder, so that he fell to the ground, and died soon after. The two serving-men were very hard at it still, when the Earl came and stayed them, saying to Spenses man, Go thy way, tell my Gossip the King, there was nothing here but fair play: I know my Gossip will be offended; but I will get me into Liddisdale, and remain in the Hermitage till his anger be over. And so it is thought he did: whereupon the King, when he was pacified, caused the Earl to exchange his Lordship of Liddisdale, with the Lands of Bothwell, alleging that there was no order to be had of the Earls of Angus so long as they kept Liddisdale: What other reasons the Earl had to move him to this excambion, I know not, nor why he should have preferred Bothwell; but it is certain his son George exchanged them with his consent. One fault he had, that he was too much given to women; otherways there was little or nothing that a man could have wished to be helped in him, or that was amiss.  

Archlbaldus Angusiae primus.  
Palponum dum turba ferox illudere regi  
Non timet; idque palam plebsque patresque fremunt;  
Amissum decus imperii; vilescere sceptrum;  
Omnia turbari tum for is atque domi;  
Cochronum extinxi (caput horum & dux nebulonum  
Is fuit) & laqueo colla scelesta dedi.  
Talibus infestus quod sim Gnathonibus, atro  
Dente petit, famam rodit & aula meam.  
Faex hominum, procerum pestis, Regumque ruin●…;  
Quo magis oblatras, hoc magis illa nitet.   

Archbald of Angus, the first of that name.  
Whiles bloody flatterers did not fear  
T'abuse their Prince's name and ear:  
Whiles great, and mean, and all repine,  
Whiles the King's honour doth decline,  
His rule too much despised by all,  
And State affairs to ruin fall.  
Cochran their Head was hanged by me:  
And for I punished such as he,  
They do attempt my name to slain  
With slanders, but these dregs of men,  
The pest of Courts, the shame of Kings,  
Their greatest hate most honour brings.    

Of George Master of Angus, and son to Archbald the first.  
HIs eldest son (as hath been said) was George slain at Flowdon, designed commonly by the appellation of Master of Angus.  
He was married to Elizabeth Drummond, daughter to the Lord Drummond of whom we told how he defeated the Earl of Lennox. His children by her were three sons. First Archbald, afterward Earl of Angus. Secondly Sir George of Pittendrich. Thirdly William Prior of Colding hame.  
His daughters were, First the Lady Yester. Secondly the Lady Basse. Thirdly Jeane Lady Glames. Fourthly Alison, married first to Robert Blackader, of Blackader, and afterward to Sir David Hume of Wedderburne. Fifthly the Lady Drumlanerige, as I take it. Also they mention a sixth, married to a Baron in the North, whom they name not, neither do I know who he should be.  
His age at his death (to reckon from the 15. year of his father's age in the 1469. to the year of his own death at Flowdon 1513.) was not above 44.  
His actions, because he never came to be Earl, are not recorded. Some dealing there was betwixt him as Governor of Liddisdale, and the Lord Dacres in England, with whose Deputies he agrees to meet at Dumfreis, for doing of Justice in the year 1489. the year after the King was killed 
1489. Cannabbie.  at Bannockburne. So at Cannabie he met with the Lord Dacres himself, where they accorded not well: For they intended both to send to the Counsels of both Nations to have their determination of their differences. He agrees the same year with Sir Robert Lundie of Bagonie, Treasurer for a general remission to Ewsdalde, Eskdale, and Niddisdale, which I think should rather be Liddisdale, for a 1000 pounds, being at this time not above 20. years of age, not out of curatory by the Laws, though that was in his father's hands. Yet we see also Courts held in his name, by his Bailiffs, as a retoure of Adam Ker, to some Lands in Selkrig, in the said year, which makes me to think he hath been then married. Also he it is, as we told above, that excambes the Lands of Liddisdale for Bothwell with Patrick Earl Bothwell, resigning the Lands of Liddisdale, and the King disponing them upon the resignation in the year 1492. upon what reason either the Earl Bothwelshould have affected these, or he preferred the other, and not thought himself as fit to rule that 
1491.  unruly Country as any other, I have not heard. But it was done in his father's life time, who was no fool when he was in his greatest vogue, the first three years of King James the fourth. He allies afterward with this same Earl Bothwel, marrying his son Archbald to his daughter, but that must be long after, except that he hath been married young, as some say he was.  
In the year 1510. he indents for the marriage of his fourth daughter 
1510.  Alison to Robert Blackaders son, and apparent heir to Andrew Blackader of that Ilk. Her portion 300. marks, the terms, 1. at the completing 40. pounds, and 20. pounds, at the feast of Martimasse next after; and so 20. pounds termly till it were paid. That same year he is infeft in Abernethie. And this is all we have of him, which we have set down chiefly for his children, and the History that followeth of them.   

Of Archbald the seventh Earl of Angus and the second Archbald.  
TO Archbald the first, succeeded Archbald the second, his Grandchild by his son George Master of Angus.  
He was thrice married, first to Margaret Hepburne daughter to Patrick Hepburne the first Lord Bothwell, being as yet very young: for at his second marriage he was not old, but a youth, or stripling, Adolescens. She died in childbirth within the year (as they say) immediately after the Field of Flowdon. 2. His second wife was Queen Margaret relict of King James the 4. and daughter to King Henry 7. of England. She bore to him a daughter Lady Margaret Douglas, who was married to Matthew Stuart Earl of Lennox, and bare to him Henry Lord Darnly, that married Queen Mary of Scotland, and father to King James the sixth of Scotland, and first of great Britain now happily reigning. Lady Margaret had also another son named Charles, who was father to the Lady Arabella. 3. His third wife was Margaret Maxwell daughter to the Lord Maxwell. She bore to him a son and a daughter, who died both of them before they were 8. years old. He had also a base daughter by a daughter of Traquairs, Jeane Douglas married to the Lord Ruthven. Some say that he begot this daughter in the Queen's time, while she lying in of Lady Margaret Douglas in England, after her delivery went to London and stayed there with her brother King Henry the 8. and with her sister the late Queen of France, and then Duchess of Suffolk. Others say that it was before. He had also a base son (as I take it) commonly called George the Postulant to a byname, because (I know not upon what claim or title) he did postulate and claim the abbacy of Aberbroth (or Abernethock) and not only did postulate it, but apprehended it also, and used it as his own.  
Having brought the house of Angus still increasing, and growing in greatness, and honour unto this man Archbald the second, shall we suffer it now to decay, or to take halt in his person? No, but we shall see it increase so much the more, as he approacheth nearer unto that descent, which is able to give honour unto baseness itself, far more to add and multiply honour upon that which is already honourable. Men do not only take honour from their progenitors; their posterity makes them honourable, when they have much honour, and that variable according to the degrees of their honour more or less. Which seeing it is undeniable, in what place of honour shall we rank this Archbald, father to the Lady Margaret Douglas, and by her great Grandfather to our Sovereign King James of great Britain? This one thing is enough to lift him up to the highest top of honour. All other things are but accessary; yet are they additions of great importance. Men are honourable by their marriage: Who then so honourable as he? Having married a Queen, a King's daughter, a King's sister, a King's mother. Others also of the Subjects of this Country have married Queens (I grant) But none of them did marry Queen Margaret, a Lady so virtuous; None did marry a Queen so Royally descended, and every way Regal in her father, her mother, her brother, her sister, her husband, her son being all of them Kings or Queens. None did marry a Queen without some blemish and diminition of her reputation but he. None with the approbation of all men; even of the Queens own chief Kindred, with the allowance, desire, and exhortation of her Kinsfolks, of King Henry the 8. But you will say perhaps, that this hath been chance or fortune, or ignorance in her, blindness of an impotent woman, who placed her affection without desert, or that it hath been ignorance in King Henry her brother, a foreign Prince ill informed. Let us therefore hear such witnesses as were not blinded, either with womanly affection, or with the ignorance of a stranger; such as were unpartial, and who had neither fear nor hope, love or hatred, which are the common causes of partiality. These are ourhistories, which if they record truth (as they are recorders of truth) if there was any more worthy, or before him in any good quality, then let it be accounted folly in her, and weakness in her brother. What do these our Histories then say? First of his place and descent, they say he was the first of the youth of Scotland for Nobility. Lo here is one good quality, and that a very main one, wherein her choice and her brother's approbation are justified, and he shown to be worthy, nay most worthy by his place and birth, whereof we have said enough heretofore. But let that be thought of no moment or value if there be no more. What say they next? What of himself? In himself? in his personage? The first of the youth of Scotland for favour and comeliness of personage. I dare not consent to them that make no account hereof. It hath ever been in account; men have thought it worthy, whereon to bestow a Kingdom. It is yet regarded, it affects all humane creatures, and moves us whither we will or no; They say that beasts discern it not. I doubt of it, though we are not able to discern their discerning of it. But let them be beasts that do so. And let this also be nothing in him, if there be yet no more in him; if there be no qualities joined to it, which it gives lustre to, as gold to a Diamond. Let it be (as in all men and women) like a ring of gold on a Swine's snout, ill placed, and matched; unseemly, and unworthily. Yet it is gold, and gold is ever precious, and to be desired; although the Swine's snout of ill conditions be not worthy to be so fairly and finely decked, or adorned. What are then his other properties and qualities of mind and manhood, soul and body? which is the third point. The first and principal (say they) of the youth of Scotland in all good exercise, knowledge, cunning, skill and understanding, belonging to a man of his place! for I doubt not there were many more cunning Clerks than he; yet not more sufficient in uprightness, honest virtue, dexterity, and good address, both in politic matters belonging to the good government of the Country; and Gentlemanlike, exercise becoming his estate, for body or mind, for peace, or war. What particulars they are we shall see in his particuliar actions; viz. valour, and true courage, with love and kindness to his Country, hereditary properties from the very root of which he is sprung. Also wisdom and magnanimity, truth and uprightness in words and actions, with others which will appear, as the occasion occurs. And so we have him by these testimonies thrice (that is every way) first, or chief and principal. 1. Chief in Nobility beyond all. 2. Chief in personage, beyond all. 3. Chief in virtue, and all good arts (for so is the word) or qualities, beyond all. Worthy therefore whom the Queen should have preferred, and made choice of to be her husband beyond, and before all. Worthy of whom should descend that race of Kings so Noble, beyond all. Which as it honours him, so doth it not disgrace or disparage that Noble and Princely race, to be come of such an one in his person; of such stock in the whole race and descent of that whole Family, so noble, so worthy, and heroical every way. Not so much private in place, as Princely in worth, all virtue and magnanimity; though otherwise Subjects. And thus the honour of the house doth rise in his person, whom we see accounted by all every way honourable, honourable by blood, honourable by virtue, honourable by marriage, honourable by affinity and alliance, honourable by progeny and posterity, honourable by all actions, by all valiant, and always worthy acts. As for his greatness and puissance, we find it at his entry and beginning matched (yea over-matched) by the Lord Hume Chamberlain; But in end harderto be matched by any, nay matching (almost) what should not be matched in any sort, where with no Subject should match himself. Which however good or evil it be in using, yet it is greatness to have done so.  
To come to his particular actions; The first we find is his marriage, 
He marries Q. Margaret.  which is not indeed to be attributed to his prudency, or his purchasing, yet is it the effect of his worth. She affected him, and he had reason not to refuse the party. Her brother King Henry consents, and writes lovingly to them both. He had his own particular end, which was to counterpoise, or weigh down the French faction, and to hinder the incursions of Scotland by his means; some say also to stay the Duke of Albany from coming home to be Governor, but that was not yet motioned. And though that were his end, yet the other was the end of his desire to stay Albany, and his main scope; for all that he aimed at by staying of him was but to stay the Scottish wars, which he by his coming was like to set on foot. Things fall out contrary many times to men's intentions. This marriage brought in the Duke of Albany, and by him had strengthened the French if he had guided wisely, kept the hearts of men in Scotland, and entertained his home-bringer, the Chamberlain, and given him a thankful meeting for that work. But there is a providence, if men would observe. This plot fails King Henry, that fails the Chamberlain, this fails the Duke of Albany. The King hopes to hinder the French by this marriage; it furthers them to be all the guiders, being brought in by the Chamberlain. The Chamberlain looks to be rewarded, he hath his head stricken off. The Duke thinks that the Chamberlains death shall breed him all quietness, ease, and power, it looseth him the hearts of all men, and at last his office. The working of these things was thus.  
The Queen was by the King her husband's testament left Regent during her widowhood. That lasted not long, from the 25. of September until the next Spring was ended, say some: others say until the 6. of August almost a year. Then she marrieth, and so falls from that charge. The Earl of Angus did labour to have it continued, and used a strong 
The Queen looseth her Regency by her marriage.  motive, which was, that so the peace should last with England, which was both profitable and necessary. The Queen during her Regency had procured it; She had written to her brother that he should stay the war, and abstain from troubling his Nephew's Kingdom; troubled already too much with factions within itself. He had answered her, that he warred against the Scots, when they made war against him; and that he would keep peace with them when they kept peace with him. This was a magnanimous mind, and a Princely (say our writers, not envious of the praise of the English) though indeed it were not without a good policy. For by that mean he had leisure to prosecute his French intentions without fear of being disturbed or diverted by the Scottish incursions. But we will not extenuate it: he had indeed the better hand of it, and at this time peace was more needful for Scotland. And therefore this reason brought by Angus for the continuation of the Queen's authority was so much the greater. But it could not move the other party, whereof the Lord Hume (Chamberlain) was Chief. They show their willingness to honour the Queen. That appeared (say they) in this, that contrary to the ancient custom of this Kingdom, they had suffered and obeyed her authority, whiles she herself kept her right by keeping her widowhood. Now that she had quit it by marrying, why should they not choose another to succeed into the place which she had left? which the old laws would also have taken from her, which do not permit that a woman should govern in the most peaceable times, far less now, when such evils do threaten, as can scarce be resisted by the wisest and most sufficient men. This they pretended, and touched the point that did annoy them. The marrying of the Earl of Angus had made him too great already, the continuing of her authority would make him far greater.  
This they can not endure; especially the Chamberlain who was jealous of his greatness, which he thought would impair and lessen his own, already beginning to decline, by the retiring and withdrawing of Liddisdale and Anandale from following him, and casting them again under the wings of the Douglasses, to whom they had wont to belong. This point being once obtained, that the Queen should govern no more, the next was, who then should be the man. Here also was no less strife and contention. The Chamberlains credit carried it away, his own power, his 
Convention about choosing of a Governor.  alliance, the Earl of Arane being his brother in law, the Earl of Lennox Aranes sister's son, joined to the Prelates, (a Faction ever French, and then more than ever by the King of England's shaking off the yoke of Rome) especially the Archbishop of Glasgow, a proud Prelate, and ever factious. By these men, all Noblemen at home are despised and balked, and the Office cast upon John, called afterward Duke of Albany, Cousin-germane to the late King, being then in France, brought up in France, and only with the French tongue, where his father was banished and forfeited, and he himself not restored: yet is he by them, who had not so much power as to restore him in the minority of a King (as had been proved in King James the second his time, against the Earl of March restored in his minority) ordained to be Governor of the King and whole Country. Bend was the Chamberlain that way: And so bent he was, that he professed openly at the Convention, that though they would all refuse, yet he alone would bring him home, and make him Governor. A great word, if he were not able to do it; a great power if he were able. It is interpreted ambition in him, and that despairing to have that honour conferred on himself, and envying it to any other, he took this course. I cannot be of that mind. He that had power to do so much for another, had power to have done somewhat for himself: At least so far as to have gotten some part of the government with others, as it was customable, when they could not agree upon any one man, they divided it. It is reported also for ce●…, ●…at the Earl of Angus finding that he was so earnest in that course, went to him, and naming him familiarly by his name, Alexander, said he, what do you mean by this? that man is a stranger to us, and understandeth not our language no more than we do his. He will work his own ends, and who knoweth after what manner? Whether or not to the King's prejudice, who is only between him and the Crown. Certainly, he will never regard either of us, whom he will rather seek to depress than to advance. Go to therefore, let us agree amongst ourselves. Take you the government of the borders, and of all that lieth on that side of the river of Forth, and let me have the command on the other side. A fair offer, and a wise consideration, which the Chamberlain shall acknowledge hereafter too late, and shall himself say the like to him that now doth thus admonish him. For the present he refused obstinately, and (as it may be thought) fatally, persisting in his former resolution. Whereof when I consider what might have been the cause, I think it hath been not any distrust to obtain some place in the guiding of affairs, but a doubting how to keep it: if by chance any thwarting or insociablenesse of Empire should fall out between them at any time thereafter: in which case Angus could not but be the stronger by the power of England his allies, they having no party so great to counterpoise them. For this cause he hath thought it fit to bring in the French to equal the balance as principal, himself only as accessary, not doubting of a chief place both by his desert in bringing him home, and the necessity of his service, which could never be lacking. On this rather than the other ground (as I take it) he hath laid down his course. But as well as he laid his grounds, hereupon he built both his ruin before three years were come about, and speedy repentance soon after the arrival of his Governor.  
Howbeit upon this occasion the Duke of Albany (so called afterward) is sent for, arrives, is made Earl of March, Duke of Albany (which his 
The Duke of Albany made Governor.  father had been before, but was forfeited) and Governor until the King's ripe years. The Lord Hume comes to him, some say with a huge number (10000 horse) to Dumbartan, whereupon the Governor said, he was too great to be a subject. Others report, that he came very privately with his household only (some 24. horse in Kendal Green which was his Livery) and that the Duke slighted him with this sentence, minuit praesentia famam; being a man of low stature, and carrying no appearance of much stuff to be in him by his outside. However he was then welcomed, and what fair and good countenance he got then, it lasted not long. John Hepburne Prior of S. Andrews was his enemy on this occasion. 
Prior Hepburn undermines the Lord Hume.  Andrew Stuart Archbishop of S. Andrews was slain at Flowdon. Three divers pretended to the place by divers means. Gavin Douglas Bishop of Dunkel, uncle to the Earl of Angus, by the Queen's admission, Hepburne by the election of the Chapter, Andrew Foreman by the Pope's gift. This Foreman was Abbot of Dumfermling, and Aberbrothe, Legat from the Pope, and had gotten this to maintain his grandour, or as a reward of his service. The question was hard to decide. All pretended right and reason. Gavin Douglas had gotten possession of the Castle, and had put servants into it; but the Prior was stronger about the town, and finds a mean to thrust them out. Foreman cannot get his Bulls proclaimed: none durst take it in hand so long as Hume and Hepburne agreed. He works wisely, having been born under the Lord Hume, he flees to him as his Patron, agrees with him as a friend, and gives the abbacy of Coldinghame to his youngest brother David. He doth his turn, proclaimeth his Bull, but had no power in Fife to prosecute it any further. Yet it causeth Hepburne to come to a point, to take composition, the Bishopric of Murray, and 3000. crowns by year, and a discharge for all his bypast intromissions. So he agrees with Foreman, but disagrees with the Lord Hume, and despites him with such malice, because of that morsel pulled out of his jaws, that he ceased not to work him what mischief he could. He did so possess the Governor with jealousy of the Lord Humes and Angus greatness, and aspiring, that he thought there was no way to secure himself, and his Government, but by ridding the Country of them both. Wherefore the Lord Hume repairing to him, and finding by his neglectful carriage, and cold entertainment, the little goodwill he bore him, repenting too late his forwardness in his election, and calling to mind what Angus had foretold him, though he had contemned his counsel, yet now seeing no other remedy, went to him, and the Queen his wife, condemning his fact, and regrating the present estate of the King and Country, and advised them to fly into England with the young King. When the Governor had notice of this consultation, he used such diligence and expedition, that coming to Stirlin unlooked for, he surprised the Queen; and removing her, and the Douglasses from about the King, he gave the keeping of him to the Lord John Ercskin, and other three Noblemen. Hereupon the Queen and Angus, as also the Lord Hume, and his brother William, withdrew themselves into England, and the Governor upon their departure, sent Ambassadors to King Henry to clear himself, that he had done nothing why they should be so afraid of him, or leave their Country. He dealt also privately with themselves by their friends, promising and protesting to give them all content and satisfaction, in such ways, that they believing and desiring to live at home, returned all of them, save only the Queen, who being then near the time of her childbirth, remained at Harbottle in Northhumberland, where she was brought to bed of Lady Margaret Douglas. 
Lady Margaret' Douglas born at Harbottle in England.  Then assoon as she was able to endure travel, she went to London, where she was kindly welcomed, and lovingly entertained by her brother King Henry, and her sister Mary Queen of France, and afterward Duchess of Suffolk. But the Governors' head being once filled with suspicions, and new causes of distrust arising daily, could not be quieted by their return, nor the Queen's absence, neither could he think himself bound by promises. Gavin Douglas Bishop of Dunkel, uncle to Angus, was committed to prison: John Lord Drummond his Grandfather, or mother's brother, & David Panetier Secretary to the late King, were likewise laid fast. Alexander Lord Hume, and his brother William, were executed, their goods confiscate, their lands forfeited, and their heads affixed on the City Gate of Edinburgh, called the Nether-Bow. Being thus rid of the Chamberlain, he did much fear the Earl of Angus, whom he left to govern in his absence (for he went into France) but joined with him the Earls of Arran, Argyle, Huntley, the Archbishop of S. Andrews, and Glasgow, together with a Frenchman, named Antonius Darsius, commonly known 
Ant. Darsius or De la Beaute slain 1517.  by the title of Sieur de la Beaute. To this La beauty he allotted Dumbar, the Shires of Lowthian, and the Merse, where the Chamberlains lands and friends were. This Darsius was slain by Sir David Hume of Wedderburn, occasionally, in the year 1517. the 18. of September. For this Sir David was outlawed, his house seized, and Sir George Douglas (Angus brother) suspected to be accessary, imprisoned in Garvet Castle, they not daring to meddle with the Earl himself, who was no less suspected to have been conscious of it (though falsely) because Sir David had married their sister Alison.  
Not long after this, there fell out an occasion of great troubles betwixt 
Dissension betwixt Arran and Angus.  the Earl of Angus, and the Earl of Arrane. There was some question of the Bailiff-ship and right of keeping Courts in Jedward Forrest, the Earl of Angus his Lands, but in which Andrew Ker of Farnihaste challenged a right and privilege of doing justice, and punishing malefactors as hereditary Bailiff. In this controversy Arrane sided with Farnihaste, not for any particular relation, or because he thought his right was good, but only in opposition to Angus, whom he hated inwardly. What the cause of his hatred was, we hear not, and they had been good friends before. arran's base son James Hamilton, as he was on his way towards Farnihaste to assist him, John Summervale of Camnethen set upon him, killed five or six of his company, took thirty men and horses, and pursued himself so near, that he was forced to turn in to Hume Castle for his safety. This fact was imputed to Angus, on whom Summervale did for the most part depend, men thinking that it was done by his direction. But it is well known that besides this quarrel of the Earls, that man had ever a particular feud with the hamilton's. But if the Earl had been guilty of this wrong and offence done unto them, it is not likely that he would have been so slightly accompanied at Edinburgh, and have stayed their coming thither with so small forces, if he had suspected any ill meaning from them, or known any such deserving in himself. Besides they having so just cause, they might have complained and gotten redress and satisfaction of the Earl by order of law, if they could have made it appear that he had any hand in it, and not have taken this violent course. Wherefore in all likelihood this was but a colour and pretext. Hereupon (however) in the year 1520. the 27. of April, a convention being appointed at Edinburgh where Archbald Douglas of Kilspindie (the Earl of 
1520. Skitmish in Edinburgh betwixt them.  Angus his uncle, or Consin-German rather) was Provest: the hamilton's refused to come thither, alleging that they could not think themselves assured of their lives in the Town, where he was Provest. Archbald to cut off their excuse, and that he might not hinder public business, laid down his office voluntarily, and in his room was chosen Robert Logane a Burgess of Edinburgh. Then they came to the City, and finding the Earl of Angus there but meanly attended, and weakly guarded, his friends not being yet convened, they assembled together with the chief Noblemen of the West in Archbishop Betons' house in the Black-Frier-Winde (this Beton was also Chancellor) and there resolve by all means to apprehend Angus; alleging that his power was so great, that nothing could be discerned freely, so long as he was free. The cause was plausible, their malice great, and the occasion fair, considering his singleness, and their multitude.  
So soon as Angus heard of their consultation, he sent to them his uncle the Bishop of Dunkell, desiring that if they had any grievance, or just quarrel against him, they would complain thereof to the convention, to whose censure he would submit himself, and make such satisfaction as it should please them to ordain. And to this purpose Dunkell spoke to Glasgow the Chancellor, to move the rest to accept of this offer, and that he would not be an instrument of civil dissension. But he had fair persuading of him: no man was deeper in it than he, who was ringleader to the rest, and very Episcopally had put on armour to be present at it, and to assist them himself in person: yet he sought to excuse himself, and laid all the blame upon the Earl of Arran, who, said he, is highly offended with the Earl of Angus for many occasions, but chiefly for the affront done to his son by Sommervale, and for the slaughter of De la Beaute committed by his brother-in-law Sir David Hume, not without his knowledge, consent, and council. For this cause Arran will needs have him to go to prison. There is no remedy, says Glasgow, upon my conscience I cannot help it. And in the heat of his asseveration he beat his breast with his hand, where his conscience lay well covered with a jack of Mail, or a Secret hid under his Seton or Cassock. And now being knocked upon, it answered with a rattling noise, which the plates of iron did yield, bearing witness against him how little he cared for that inward witness, which belied him when he protested he was desirous to pacify matters, being indeed thus preparing for war. Neither did Dunkell stick to tell him so, saying, How now my Lord, me thinks your conscience clatters. We are Priests, it is not lawful for us to put on armour, or bear Arms, it makes us irregular. And so leaving him, he returned to his Nephew, and told him shortly that there was no possibility of composing matters, and as little of escaping or fleeing, for the City Gates were shut, and his enemies were assembling. For me I am a Churchman, I will go to my Chamber and pray for you. And so he did, but he sent his servants with the Earl to aid him. Some ascribe this to want of strength, and to his debility and old age; but it was indeed, because he held it not lawful, as a thing forbidden in the Canon-law, and which he had reproached to Bishop Beton. For in the year 1513. his eldest brother George slain at Flowdon was but 44. and Gavin the fourth brother not above 38. or 39 so that now in the year 1520. he hath not been more than 46. which is no age of Decrepitness. Dunkell being gone to his devotion, Angus without further consultation resolves rather to die honourably defending himself against his enemies, than to be hailed (he and his friends) forth to the Scaffold, and lay their necks upon the block to be be-headed by their proud and insulting enemies. So he conveens his small troup, tells them what his mind was, and exhorts them to stand to it manfully. They all commended his resolution, and showed themselves most willing to hazard their lives for his safety. Wherefore that they might not be surprised in their Chambers, they came forth, and went down the High-Street (for the Earl did lodge at the Straight-Bow) being in all but 80. or 100 at most; but they were all of them choice men, valorous, and hardy. Angus was well beloved in the Town, so that when he came by the Shops where the Pikes and Spears are made, they had liberty to furnish themselves with long Weapons, and many also were reached to them by the Citizens out at the Windows, and from the Stairs; which was no small advantage, their enemies having no long Weapon at all. The Chief Street is so seated that the Gates being shut there is no entry to it, but by some few Lanes that reach from the Cow-gate; in one of which called the Black-frier-Winde the adverse party had convened. Now that they might not issue forth upon him at divers places, and so oppress him with their multitude, Angus had caused his men to close up and bar the entrances of the Lanes with Coale-horses, and Ale-barrels, Carts, and such things as would best serve for that purpose, and could be gotten on a sudden. He placed also some few men at every Lanes head to defend the Barricadoes; but he himself with the choicest and most resolute of his company, planted themselves directly over against the Black-frier-Winde, which he had left open for them, and as they thronged out, he assailed them with Pikes and long Weapons. There having slain many of the formest that came out, and scattered them all, he drove the rest down the Lane, which by the narrowness thereof, made their number unprofitable, as had been rightly fore-seen by Angus, who knew that a few would be able to make good a strait passage against many, their multititude availing nothing, scarce one of ten having room to fight at once, and come to strokes together. The Earl of Arran and his son James Hamilton (having been apparently of that number that issued forth at the Lanes head at first, or else he could not have gone that way) crossing the High-Street, fled down a Lane on the Northside of the City, and finding a Coale-horse standing in their way, they threw off his loading, and road through the North-logh at a ford where there is none known now, and so escaped easily, no man pursuing them that way. The rest were scattered on the other side of the Town, of which some fled to the Gray-Friers Monastery for sanctuary, the Chancellor fled on foot to Lithgow. In the mean time, while they were at this bickering within the City with great tumult, William Douglas Prior of Coldingham (Angus his brother) and Sir David Hume (his brother in law) came to the City Gates with 800. horse which they had brought out of the Merse; and finding them shut, broke open the wicket with Smith's hammers, and so entered. But before they could get in, the fray was ended. Angus strengthened and emboldened with this supply, because the City was still full of his enemies, caused it to be proclaimed with sound of Trumpet at the Market-Crosse, that none should be seen abroad with Arms but he and his, under pain of death. This enforced them of his adverse party to crave leave to depart, which was granted unto them. Such was his moderation towards those who had plotted his ruin and overthrow. He had fought for his life and honour, not out of malice, or hatred; and now that these were out of danger he lets his enemies go away safe and sound. And so there departed of them in one company 800. horse well laughed at, and derided of the beholders, to see so many beaten and chased by so few. Besides these there were many others that had fled before, and divers stayed still in the City lurking. This conflict fell out in the year 1520. the last of April, in which there were 70. 
1520.  slain, and two of note; Patrick Hamilton brother to Arran, and the Master of Montgomerie. The Chancellor (as we have said) fled disguised to Stirlin to the Queen. After this, Sir David Hume returning to the Merse, and being thus strengthened by the authority and countenance of Angus, found means to take his own house of Wedderburne from those that had kept it since the kill of De la Beaute. He took also the Castle of Hume at the same time which had been seized on by the Governor, and was kept by men that he had put into it. And thus was the Earl of Angus party settled and strengthened in the Merse. Also in Lowthian he had no opposition or contrary, neither in Tividale, and such other parts of the borders. The hamilton's were the only great men that had any equality to match him, and were now incensed by their loss at Edinburgh. Some of his friends lay near unto them, Robert Lord Boyde was his depender, and special friend. He was also near to him in blood, for Angus his Grandmother (Elizabeth Boyde) was sister to Thomas Boyde, Grandfather to this Robert. The Lord Boyde was nearer to Arran; for King James the third his sister was mother to Arran, and Grandmother to Boyde, as is probable. But Boyde followed Angus more than him. His house of Kilmarnock in Cunninghame, lay nearest to their Forces in Cliddisdale, and farthest from the Earl of Angus his power and friendship. Therefore they besiege it, but without success, it being so well defended, that they rose and went away without getting of it.  
The next year (1521. the 18. of July) Angus came to Edinburgh, accompanied 
1521.  with his friends, and especially the Humes that were banishshed, as our writers design them. By which he means rathest (as I think) George now Lord Hume (for he is Lord ever after this) and Sir David of Wedderburne with his brothers, who may be said to have been banished, in regard he was denounced Rebel, and outlawed: but otherwise he never went out of the Country, but dwelled ever still in some part of the Merse. There Angus (as Buchanan says) but (as our folks say) George Lord Hume and Wedderburne, by Angus his connivance, took down the heads of the late Chamberlain, and his brother William, and interred them solemnly in the Gray-friers. He passed from thence to Stirlin, hoping to have found the Chancellor Beton there, but he was fled. From thence he returned to Edinburgh.  
About the 28. of October, the Governor returned out of France. Angus his power seemed to him to be too great. He determines to diminish it. For which purpose he commands himself to go into France, causeth his uncle the Bishop of Dunkell to be sent for to Rome, as we 
Angus goeth into France.  have said above. Neither did Angus return out of France, until the Government was taken from the Duke, who from this time forward doth nothing of importance. For the next year 1522. he went with an 
1522.  Army to Solway to have invaded England; But his Army loved him not; all went unwillingly with him, and against the hair. The Earl of Huntly being come within three miles of England, openly refused to go any further; so that he was forced to move Dacres and Musgrave (Englishmen) under hand to sue for peace, that he might have some show of an honourable cause for his retreat. Wherefore the 10. of October the same year, away he goeth again to France having stayed one full year in Scotland, and returns into Scotland the next year 1523. the 22. of September. He brought then with him 3000. foot, and 
1523.  100 men of arms. Then assembling an Army of Scots (the 20. of October) thinking to do great matters with his French aid, but having passed Tweed at the Bridge of Melrosse, he was served just as he had been the year before; they refused still to enter into England. Thereupon he came back again to the other side of the River, and coming along by the bank thereof on Scottish ground, he began to batter from thence the Castle of Work standing on the other side of the River on English ground. And having made a breach caused his Frenchmen to give the assault, who entered the breach, but they were repulsed again, and beaten out. So he left the siege, and retired to Lawder in the night. In the spring he goeth again into France promising to return before September, and taking a promise of the Nobility that they should not transport the King from Stirlin before his return. This their promise was keeped with the like sidelity as he had kept his promise made to the Chamberlain. For the King was brought to the Abbey of Halyroodhouse by the Queen his mother; The Earls of Arran, Lennox, Crawford, and many others: And from thence with all solemnity of Parliament, to the Parliament 
Albanies' government abrogated.  house, where he did solemnly abrogate the Governors' authority: by which mean he saved him a labour of returning into Scotland again. He needed not, neither did he return any more to it, nor pass the Seas for that errand. He had governed, or rather misgoverned the space of nine years. He spent in his journeys, and staying in France, five whole years, or six of these nine, being absent from the country, and leaving it a prey to foreigners, and civil ambition and dislention, and when he was at home, he abused and oppressed the Nobility by slaughter or banishment.  
But though he returned no more, yet others returned for him, those 
The Earl of Angus returns out of France.  whom he had caused go to France by his authority, do now return without his licence, yea without licence or recalling of any other, for aught we read. The Earl of Angus returns after he had been in France almost three years. He returned through England, having first sent Simon Panango, and obtained licence of K. Henry, by whom he was received lovingly, and dismissed liberally. For K. Henry desired greatly the diminishing of the Governors' authority, & was glad of the alterations in Scotland, & therefore did make the more of Angus, because he knew that he was opposite to the Duke. At his return he found the estate of the Country in this case. We told before, how in the year 1518. the Queen his wife, and he, had with-drawn themselves into England, and stayed at Harbottle, where she bore her daughter Lady Margaret Douglas: how her husband having returned into Scotland, she (after her delivery) went to the Court of England to visit her brother and her sister, with whom she stayed for the space of a whole year. In which time the Earl her husband becomes acquainted with a daughter of Traquair, by whom he had a daughter called Jeane Douglas, married afterward to Patrick Lord Ruthven. When the Queen came home again, he meets her at Berwick, and brought her to Edinburgh. She having gotten notice of this wrong he had done her, never lived with him in that love they had done before. And now having set her affection upon a younger brother of the Lord Ochletrees, whom she intended to create Lord Methven, she was become altogether his enemy: And that so obstinately, that howbeit her brother K. Henry wrote to her, that for her own honour, for the peace and quietness of the country, and for the advantage of his affairs, she would be reconciled to him; yet she not only would not yield to it, but even sued for a divorcement before the Pope, at the Court of Rome, alleging that Angus had been affianced, betrothed, or hand-fasted to that Gentlewoman who bore the child to him, before he had married her, and so by reason of that precontract, could not be her lawful husband. She prevailed not in her suit, for her alledgance could not be proved, being also untrue: but she increased in spite and hatred against him, and was set (by all the means she could) to overthrow him. This drew Arran to be of her Faction; both of them disliking that Angus should be in the first place, and suspecting he would not be contented with the second, bend their Forces to contend against him as for dominion and empiring. On the other side there were the Earl of Lennox, and Argyle, who had assisted the Queen and Arran, and helped them to abrogate the Duke of Albanies' authority, and to establish the King himself in the Government of the Kingdom. But now finding that the Queen and Arran took all the guiding of the King and Country into their own hands only, and did not admit them 
The Triumvirate of Angus, Argyle, and Lennox.  to be any way sharers with them therein, but wholly excluded them from all copartnership, they were glad of Angus his return: for they knew that by his power they should be able either to break the authority of the Queen and Arran, or to diminish it in some measure. Neither were they deceived in their expectation: for having convened the greater part of the Nobility, Angus, Lennox, and Argyle, are chosen Keepers and Governors of the King and Country. Hereupon they pass forth with great celerity, accompanied with 2000 horse, and move Archbishop Beton, Chancellor, to consent to the election, who did accordingly, not daring to refuse. Then to Stirlin they go, and there depose all that bore any public Office, whom they suspected, and placed in their rooms such as were sure to their side. From thence they came to Edinburgh, and made there entry without violence. The Queen and Arran remained in the Castle with the King, confident in the strength of the place, and the Kings (though naked, and unarmed) authority: but there being but a small trench cast up about the Castle, they yielded themselves, and it, because they were no ways provided for enduring a siege. The King only was retained, and the rest dismissed. The order of governing agreed upon amongst these three Earls, was, that they should rule by turns, each of them his four months successively. The first place was Anguses, either by lot, or by consent. During the time of his presiding, the abbacy of Holy-rood-house fell vacant, the Abbot thereof George Creichton being advanced to be Bishop of Dunkell. Angus confers this abbacy on his brother William, Prior of Coldinghame, either by himself and his own power, or by moving the King to confer it upon him, and that without the consent of the other two, which he thought he needed not, seeing he was absolute Governor for his time. The other two thought themselves wronged by this balking, and thought that howsoever he was for those months to attend the King alone, yet that he ought not to govern, or dispose of any thing of moment by himself alone. So they take offence at it, and Argyle retires, and withdraws himself home into Argyle. Lennox would gladly have done the like, but the King detained him for the love he bore him, yet did he utter his discontentedness many ways. Thus is the Trium-virate dissolved: 
The Triumvirate dissolved.  for which dissolution Angus is blamed, as having encroached upon the others, and drawing all to himselfalone. But he seems to be unjustly blamed, if this were the time of his Government (as it should appear it was) and not of attendance only; for they also attended the King at that same time. The decision of this question depends upon the words of the Act or Contract of their agreement in point of governing, which we have not precise. Yet they seem to have been too hasty, in that they did not expect their turn, during the time of which some such thing, or perhaps some betterthing might have fallen in their donation, wherein if he had impeded, or hindered them, than they might have had just and undeniable cause to complain of him. Now they abandon their charge, and thereby give him occasion to administer all alone, which is imputed to his ambition. And so he takes all upon him, making small reckoning of their offence, which he esteemed to be unjustly taken; and leaning to the greatness of his own power, which was such as we have said; and was now also increased by having the Earl of Huntly for his ward and pupil, he being left Tutor by his Grandfather Earl Alexander Gordon, and having gotten the Wardship from the King; so that now he had the friends and dependers of the house of Huntly to be his.  
In this mean time fell out the slaughter of Patrick Blackader Archdeacon of Dumblane, Cousin German to Robert Blackader, sometime Prior of 
The slaughter of Patrick Blackader, Archdeacon of Dumblane.  Coldingham, and brother German to Robert Blackader late of Blackader. Robert the Prior of Coldingham had been slain before by Sir David Hume of Wedderburne, and his brother John Hume being in his company, is thought to have given him the deadly stroke. This Sir David married Alison Douglas sister to the Earl of Angus, and relict of Robert Blackader of Blackader. She had two only daughters, married to two of Sir David's brothers; the eldest to this John Hume, and the younger to Robert Hume, who claimed, and possessed the Lands of Blackader in the right of their wives, who were heirs of Line. Hence arose deadly feud betwixt them, and the name of Blackader, who challenged to be heirs by entailment of the Lands to the heirs male. Wherefore they had laid wait for John divers times to have slain him: especially at one time he being in a Tavern in Edinburgh, and his men being all abroad, or in another room with a Gentleman or two of his acquaintance, and companions, a Priest of archdeacon Blackaders camè into the room where he was. John, not knowing who he was, desired him to drink with him out of courtesy, but he refused, and went forth presently. When he was gone, one of the house says to John, if ye had known who that man was, ye would not have offered him any wine, for it was such an one. If I had known (says John) that it had been he, I should have made him drink his belly full whether he would or not. As they were thus talking, a servant of the house going to the door, espies the archdeacon coming with a great company of men, and came running to John and told him of it, who leaping to the door just as they were ready to enter, made good the door, and drove them back, so that with much ado, he and those that were with him found means to shut it. This attempt so incensed him, that having understood of the Arch-deacons coming to Edinburgh at this time, he lay in wait for him by the way, and slew him. This slaughter was imputed to the Earl of Angus by his enemies; at least some aspersion thereof was rubbed upon him, because (as they alleged) Angus had sent for the archdeacon, and he was come upon his sending for, and (as some said) upon an appointment of agreeance to be made betwixt John Hume and him. But John ever in all discourse, or conference of that business denied that ever there was any appointment, or overture of agreement, or that he ever knew of Angus his sending for him. That which made it the rather believed to be done by Angus consent, or privity was, because when in the tumult raised upon the slaughter, divers went out to have apprehended John, Sir George Douglas (the Earls brother) went out also to have taken him at the Earls command, who was highly offended that he should have committed this insolency in his government; whom when the others saw, they suspected that he being John's wives uncle, and seeing many Douglasses and Humes in his company (who were friends and allied with John) was come out, not to apprehend but to defend and assist him. Wherefore they returned from pursuing of him. Sir George also returned shortly after without finding him; neither was there any search made for him after that: Angus (besides that he was uncle to John's wife) having almost continual use of serviceable and active men, being loath to offend his brother Sir David, and his other friends in the Merse. And now were things in working, and a faction making against Angus. Archbishop Beton, who had joined 
A faction against Angus.  with him rather out of fear, than goodwill, had quickly fallen off from them: And Angus, to be revenged of him, had brought the King to his lodging in Edinburgh, and intrometted and seized on his household stuff for his own use. Argyle and Lennox had separated from him: The Queen and Arran were his professed enemies. These had their friends about the King. Lennox was ever with him, and most entire of any. His domestic servants were corrupted by the Queen, who therefore all sought by all means to alienate the King's mind from the Douglasses, detracting and calumniating their actions, some justly, many of them unjustly, aggravating their errors, misinterpreting things doubtful, concealing the good which they did, and traducing all. Thus did the King (though to retain his favour they had used him with all indulgence, and had loosed the rains to all delights and pleasures, even more than was fit) weary of their government. Yet were they so incircumspect, or careless, that they neglected to remove his suspected servants, and to place their own assured friends about him; either not doubting them that were wirh him, or being too confident in their own strength and power, so that by little and little he became altogether alienate: at last he opened his mind to such as he trusted, and began to confer with them of the way and means how to be set free from that bondage, as he was taught to call it. Above all he did most especially confer with the Earl of Lennox. While they are in plotting of these devices, Angus (either not knowing, or not caring what they were doing) was much troubled in settling and ordering the borders, and the outlaws there. He had made many roads thither, but effected nothing or little. Now he takes resolution (for the better furtherance) to go into Tividale, and (the more to terrify the malefactors, and to encourage others against them) to take the King with him. Being come to Jedbrough, he moves the King to command the chief of the Clannes to bring in such men as were given up by name in writing to him. It was obeyed; and by that mean many were execute and put to death, many pardoned in hope of amendment, and that of the principal malefactors. While all are glad hereof, and their minds loosed to some peace of contentment, the occasion seemed fair, and as it had been fallen from Heaven, to them who were enemies to the Douglasses, of taking the King out of their hands and custody.  
The mean is devised thus, that Balcleugh (who dwelled within a little of Jedbrough) should invite the King to his house, and retain him there (being not unwilling) till more were come and convened. But that plot failed by chance, or by discovery, the King being brought back to Melrosse. Notwithstanding hereof, Balcleugh resolving to prosecute; what he intended, would assay to do by force what he had failed in by craft. He assembled about 1000 horse of his friends and other borderers accustomed to theft. He cast himself to be in the King's way, as he was to pass into Lowthian at the Bridge of Melrosse upon Tweed. The Earl of Angus sends to him, and asks his meaning, & wils him to retire. 
Conflict betwixt Angus and Balcleuch at the bridge of Melrosse.  He answered, he was come to show himself, and his friends to the King his Master, as other bordermen did. Then a Herald was sent to him, commanding him to withdraw himself out of the way, in the King's 
1526.  name; but his answer was, that he knew the King's mind as well as he, and would not go away till he saw him. The Earl of Angus had not so many in number about him as Balcleugh, yet those he had being his choice Gentlemen, together with the Chiefs of the names of Hume, and Ker, George Lord Hume, and Andrew Ker of Cesford, all valiant and active men, he resolved to hazard battle. And because they were all come out on horseback, he gave order that they should alight, and fight on foot. The Lord Hume answered, he would do so if the King would command him to do it. We hear not what answer was made, or that the King commanded, but he alighted, and took part very honestly with the rest. Balcleugh also alighted, but he had no sooner joined battle, than a great number of his men (better accustomed to steal then to fight) fled away and left him. He himself, and his friends, stood to it manfully, and continued the fight, which was for a space very fierce and hard; as being in the presence of the King, who was a beholder, and was to be the reward of the victor. At last Walter Scot of Balcleugh, being hurt, his whole company turned their backs, there being fourscore of them slain, and having first slain Andrew Ker of Cesford. Balcleugh escaped himself out of the Field. Hereupon began deadly feud betwixt the Kers and Scots; or was renewed and continued divers years after, and divers murders and slaughters followed upon it, amongst which was the slaughter of Sir Walter Scot himself in Edinburhg. There my Lord Fleming also alighted with Angus, and took part in the conflict; but the Earl of Lennox sat still on his horse by the King, as an indifferent spectator, and looker on. He being before a suspected, but now (by this) a declared enemy to the Douglasses withdrew himself from Court. This fell out about the 18. of July 1526.  
After this attempt, Angus perceiving so many evil-affected toward him, entered into parleying with the Earl of Arran; and having composed 
Arran joins with Angus, and Lennox makes up a faction against them.  their old differences, received him to be his partner, and fellow-governour in ruling the Country. This did the more incense Lennox against them both, and his anger made them both the more watchful and careful to strengthen themselves against him. The ground of their dissension was this; Lennox was Arrans sister's son (as hath been said) and failing heirs of his own body, was to be his heir, and to succeed as well to the Earldom of Arran, as to his right and title to the Kingdom of Scotland, after the King and his heirs, and there being great appearance of it, Lennox had conceived great hope that he should be his heir, because his uncle Arran had been long married to the Chamberlan Hume his sister, and had no children by her. She also herself (whether because she was of good age, or because she had been so long barren) h●…d lost all hope to conceive; whereupon her husband (either by her advice, or not without her consent, as is thought) divorceth from her, pretending he had before he married her, lain with a kinswoman of hers, that was so near in blood, as made his marriage with her incestuous, and so could not be brooked by him with a good conscience. So being divorced, he marries one Beton, daughter to Creigh in Fyfe, who was brother to Beton Archbishop of S. Andrew's. This was a great stop in the Earl of Lennox his hopes, chiefly concerning the Earldom of Arran, for as touching the Crown, the report went, that the King would entail that to him, out of his own favour. Neither was his hope of Arran quite given over, if the divorcement could afterward be quarrelled either in substance, or formality, which Lawyers might readily do in a subject of this nature, which is so full of questions and doubts. These things wrought jealousy, that contrariety, and alienation of minds, which soon begat hostility and hatred. The diversity of faction increased it, and it bred and increased the faction. The King held firm for Lennox, or was held firm by him, and sent him many private Letters to many of the Nobility, with whom he dealt, and drew a great faction. In which being very confident, he assembled them at Stirlin, where was Archbishop Beton, and divers other Bishops. There he propounded in plain terms, the setting of the King at liberty; which they decreed and appointed a day for the performance and execution thereof. Angus so soon as he had found the wind thereof, and had begun to smell it out, had written to the Earl of Arran to come to Lithgow, where they might meet, and take such order as was needful. Arran was not slow, but gathered his Forces quickly, and kept the appointment. Lennox hearing of it, resolved (though the day were not yet come that was appointed for his associates to conveen at Stirlin) to adventure to set upon the hamilton's, before Angus (who was at Edinburgh) should join with them, with such power as he had ready about him. The hamilton's having notice of Lennox his intention, advertised the Earl of Angus thereof. Angus made ●…eady, and addressed himself for the journey, but he got many lets and impediments. The King also did hinder and stay him not a little, for he lay long a bed, pretending indisposition and sickishnesse, he marched slowly, and stayed often, and made many halts by the way, as being weary, and troubled with looseness of his belly, which moved him often to untruss, which he did only for an excuse of purpose to stay them. Angus perceiving it, and fearing lest he should come too late, left his brother Sir George, and some few with him to attend the King, made all the haste he could to join with Arran in time. In this mean while, Lennox was come from Stirlin strait to Linlithgow; and the Hamiltons' issuing out of the Town, had manned the Bridge, which is a mile from the Town; and the rest had put themselves in order of battle along some small hills not far from the Bridge. This forced Lennox to forsake the passing of the River by the Bridge, and to cross the water at a ford a little above, near to the Abbey of Machlein. He exhorted his men to assail the hamilton's, before Angus should come to assist them: and they made 
Conflict at Linlithgow. Lennox and Hamilton.  haste, but by too much haste they broke their ranks, and having the little hills to climb up, they were out of wind when they came to strokes, and withal the cry arose that Angus did approach. So the Hamiltons' assailing them with long Weapons from a ground of advantage, and the Douglasses also coming upon them on the other hand, Lennox his men were overthrown, being sore wounded. This was done ere Sir George Douglas could come to them, who desired greatly to be with his brother, but was held back by the King's pretences. It is constantly reported, that Sir George seeing the King linger thus, and knowing that he did it of purpose, said to him in great fury, It is as much as our lives are worthy, if our enemies get you from us to day; which, rather than they shall do, we will hold fast one half of you, and let them pull away the other. These words the King never forgot, nor forgave; neither would ever hear of pardoning him; when he seemed not to be implacable towards the rest. When the King could not stay Augus any longer from going to aid the hamilton's, he sent Andrew Wood of Largoe to have saved Lennox life by all means. But he was slain in the chase by the Earl of arran's base son James Hamilton, who used the victory cruelly, and 
Lennox slain.  whom afterwards a Groom of Lennox wounded almost to death, having stabbed him in five or six places, in revenge of his Lord's death. He was lamented of his uncle Arran with many tears; by Angus with sorrow and sadness of heart; but above all, the King took his death ill, seeing his care to save him not to have succeeded. It is said that when he was coming from Stirlin, Arran sent to him, and prayed him not to come forward, but to stay, otherwise that he would force him to fight him, which he desired not to do. To which Lennox answered; That he would not stay, but would go and see the King maugre him, and all that would take his part. But his purpose was directly to fight the hamilton's, and not to go to the King; for he could not go to him, and leave them strong behind him, having the Douglasses before him. There were slain with him the Laird of Howstoun, and the Master of Glencarne was sore wounded, and hardly saved by the Earl of Angus, whose Cousin he was (brother and sister's children) as is said above. After the Battle, those that had born arms against the King were enquired after, and summoned to compeer in judgement; but some of them compounded for money, some became dependers to the house of Angus, some to the Earl of Arran. The obstinate were pursued by Law, such as the Earl of Cassils', who alleged for himself, that he had the King's Letter to show for his warrant, to do what he had done; whereupon they desisted from further process against him; which I see no ground why they should have done upon a private Letter; and as little reason is there why they could not charge him with the hurting or slaying of some man, seeing he was in the Battle. It should seem they would not have been so malicious, & vehement against men, as our writers give out; or not so pregnant in the inventing of crimes and quarrels, as men are now a days. Cassills' was slain by the Sheriff of Air his friends (a little after) at the instigation of arran's bastard, who had killed Lennox at Linlithgow, because he stood to justify himself, and refused to become a depender of the house of Arran. His son betook himself to the protection of the Douglasses, came to Archbald Douglas of Kilspindie (who was then Thesaurer to the King) and was kindly received by him, and lovingly entreated, as one who for his noble birth and towardliness he intended to make his son-in-law. Now the Earl of Angus knowing well that Archbishop Beton was one of the chief stirrers up of the Earl of Lennox in this enterprise against him, remembering also how he had before stirred up Arran in the same manner, and his assisting of him at Edinburgh, and many other times, goes now to S. Andrews, takes the Castle by force, and pillageth it, but could not apprehend the Fox himself, who fled from hole to hole, and linked secretly amongst his friends. The Queen also (lest she should come into her husband's hands) kept herself hid and solitary. These escaped their search.  
After this he went to the Border, where he caused the principal of every Name to give pledges and hostages for their good behaviour, and keeping of good order. And first he went into Liddisdale with an army, where they came and yielded themselves to him; and the rest of the Borderers followed their example. And now had the Earl of Angus settled all things, in all appearance. His enemies were overcome on the East hand at Melrosse; on the West at Lithgow; the Earl of Lennox was dead, and his Faction dispersed and broken, the Queen's authority dashed, and Bishop Beton beaten out of the cockpit, both put to save themselves by hiding, all-husht, and under hatches; no party, no faction, no men to make head against him. An estate highly esteemed, greatly affected, and mueh sought for by men. But as in our bodies, fullness of health hath the own danger, so in our estates, too great prosperity and ease are the forerunners of change, which (as experience doth teach) is even then at the doors when there is least appearance otherwise. It fell out just so now while the Douglasses were thus secure of all danger, knowing 
The beginning of a change with Angus, and his discourting.  too well, and leaning too much to their own strength, no party to take the King from them, no place strong enough to keep him in when he were taken, nor to keep them out, no means to effect either the one or the other, and threupon grew slothful in attending him, are often abroad about their business, he finds first the place, than the means to escape, than the party to maintain it, and at last to overthrow them. The Queen (his mother) had the Castle of Stirlin as a part of her dowry, which, while she (for fear of the Douglasses) hides herself, was left empty and waste, and yet not seized on by them, who were neither so greedy, as men would have them to appear, by so much; neither so circumspect as wise men should have been, to secure themselves, knowing the fitness of the place for such a purpose, the disposition of the owner, and the inclination of the King toward themselves. Now her fear being somewhat abated, and the coasts being clear of them, the Queen's servants returned thither, and furnished it more for show, than sufficient resistance of any Force. The King making (wisely) choice of it, knowing there was no other place so strong, pretending the conveniency of hunting (even to her) transacts secretly with her, and gives her Methwen in exchange for it, with other Lands about Methwen, no less convenient and profitable for her. And so he had gotten his first point, a place of retreat. The means how to retire, were easy, which was the next. He was in Falkland, which was not far from Stirlin, in a country not subject to the Douglasses, nor near their forces and power. Angus, and Sir George his brother, are both absent about affairs of the Country, and none of theirs we hear of, that were to attend the King, or few and negligent they were, as men are wont when they are secure. So he goeth from Falkland, to Stirlin in the night, 
The King escapes to Stirlin Castle.  with a few of his familiar servants, as secretly as he could. Having gained these two points of them by their error, there rested the third (without which these errors had been no errors to them, nor advantage to him, they had been of no effect nor importance) that was a party to maintain the retreat. This is the main point, and their main error, the cause, and the ground of the other two errors, that made them slothful in seizing that house, in attending the King, because they laid their ground, there could be no party in Scotland. And Buchanan writes concerning the Earl Bothwels refusal to be Lieutenant against them, that he saw them a little before to be such, as all the rest of Scotland were not able to match them. But they took not heed, nor considered, that then the King was with them. However his mind was against them, he was in their custody and power, and if any had been illaffected to them, he could be no warrant to any Faction, having no assurance of his life, which was at their disposing, and therefore he could not be a Head to any: These considerations being of no small consequence, as the event now proves: for he is no sooner gone from them, than he finds a party against them, now that he could be a Head to a party. He writes for many of the Nobility, they come all to him: others upon the first news of his retiring, came without staying till they were sent for. So that he quickly found himself free, and out of danger to be forced. Then by their advice he causeth make a Proclamation, that the Douglasses abstain from all administration, and handling of public affairs, and that none of them, or their dependers, come within twelve miles of the King, under pain of death. This 
Angus and the Douglasses banished from the Court.  Edict being brought to them, as they were on their way toward Stirlin, many of their friends advised them to go forward, but the Earl himself, and Sir George, resolved to obey, and persuaded the rest to do so. A dutiful and wise resolution, if there was not sufficient power with them to go forward, which others that counselled them to go on, have thought sufficient: And if withal they had resolved to lay down their necks under the yoke, and bear whatsoever should be laid upon them. But that they did not resolve to do, as appear afterward, therefore they lost here also the occasion which might have procured them peace on better and more equal terms. They returned to Linlithgow to remain there till they should hear farther from Court. This their retiring, and not going forward to Stirlin, is such an oversight, as a man could scarce have looked for at so wise and resolute heads and hands. But where ruin is determined, wisdom is taken from the wisest, and hearts from the hardiest. They will disobey more out of time hereafter. The King makes use of that respite of time, assembleth more and more Forces, summons a Parliament in September. They go to Edinburgh, and assemble also their friends more fully. Both parties aimed more at their own security, and to defend themselves, than to offend the other, yet they give place again, and the second of August leave the City, which day the King entered with displayed banner: from thence (by entreaty of friends) he sent conditions to them, which if they would obey, there was some hope shown of clemency and gentle dealing towards them. These were, That the Earl of Angus himself should be confined beyond Spey, and his brother Sir George, together with his uncle Archbald of Kilspindie, should go to prison to the Castle of Edinburgh. But they rejected the conditions, and thereupon were summoned to compeare at the Parliament 
Parliament at Edinburgh the 6. of Sept. 1528.  in Edinburgh the sixth of September. In the mean while their Offices are taken from them, the Chancellorship from the Ear●…, which we hear not when it was given to him. Archbishop Beton had been Chancellor in the Governors' time, he had consented to the Triumvirate, and afterward had left and forsaken them. Then, hath it been taken from Beton (as far as we can conjecture) and given to Angus. It was now given to Gavin Dumbar the King's Pedagogue in law matters, one who was no ill man, but who was thought to be a greater Scholar, than wise and prudent for government. The Thesaurers' place was taken from Kilspindie, and given to Robert Carnecrosse, a man better known by his bags of money, than for his virtues. Thus driven to their last hopes, they labour to hinder the meeting of the Parliament, by taking of Edinburgh where it was to sit, and from whence the King was returned to Stirlin. For this end they send Archbald of Kilspindie, with some troops of horse, to assay what he could do. A poor shift, if they had gotten it. But the King had prevented them, and sent thither Robert Maxwell, who with his friends and dependers, assisted by a great number of the Commons, excluded them, and with watch and ward kept the town till the King's return. Hereupon Angus retired to his house at Tantallon. The day of the Parliament being come, they were cited, accused, condemned, and forfeited; the Earl, Sir George, Kilspindie, and Drummond of Carnock. The main cause, and clearest evidence given in against them, was, that the King swore he was ever in 
The Douglasses are forfeited.  fear of his life, so long as he was with them. It is strange that his fear should have seemed a sufficient cause and evidence of forfeiture. Their absence was no cause, for they were prohibited to come within 12. miles of the K. & they had forgotten to release them from that command & interdiction. Sir John Ballandine, who was then one of their dependers, & afterward Justice-Clerk, knew it well, and did freely and courageously protest in open audience, that nothing done there should be hurtful, or prejudicial to the Earl, because he had just cause of fear, & so of his absence, which should be declared in the own time; which was both an honest part toward his patron, and a wise and stout part in itself. Upon this protestation the forfeiture was reduced seventeen years after this. But for the present it goeth on, and an act was also made against such as should receive them, that they should be liable to the same punishment of forfeiture. Soon after this, William, Abbot of Halyroodhouse (Angus his brother) died through sickness which he had contracted by grief and sorrow for their estate. The rest, seeing no appearance of pardon, make now for open violence. Who can think but it was as unfit now, as fit to have used it when they stayed from going to Stirlin? But then they have had hope of more favour, which hath marred all their course. Better late wise than never, time was driven, but they counted it not lost, because by their so long patience they had given proof of their goodwill; now they will show their enemies what power they had then; and that it was willingness, not weakness, made them to forbear doing more than they did. They burn Cowsland, and Cranston, and daily rode about Edinburgh in view of the City, so that it was in a manner besieged, the mean sort suffering for the faults of the great ones. By this their proceeding, the thiefs and broken men of the borders, and elsewhere (whom they had before restrained in their government) loosed from all fear of them, waxed bold to come out of their lurking places, and greatly molested the Country people about them. Many outrages were committed by many, in many places; oppression, theft, murders, and robberies. All was imputed to the Douglasses, and called their doing by the Courtiers, thinking thereby to please the King well. There was a Ship (called the Martin) which being loaden with rich Ware, broke about the Skate-raw, and the common people came and took away the goods from the owners; this was laid also upon them, and their faction and followers, though nothing of it came to their use, unless it were that some of their straggling horsemen, happening to be there at that time, might perhaps get their share with others.  
About this time the King resolves to besiege Tantallon Castle in Lowthian, some sixteen miles from Edinburgh, and for that purpose 
Tantallon besieged,  causes bring Ordinance, Powder and Bullet from Dumbar, which was then kept by the servants of the late Governor the Duke of Albany, as a portion of his patrimony. There was in Tantallon one Simeon Penangoe, with a competent number of men, well furnished and provided both of Victuals and Munition. The Earl himself remained at Billie in the Merse; within his Barony of Bonkle, not willing to shut himself up within the Walls of any strength, having ever in his mouth this maxim (which he had received from his Predecessors) That it was better to hear the Lark sing, than the Mouse cheep. The Castle was well defended for certain days, none hurt within; many without were wounded with shot from the Castle, and some burnt and scalded with their own Powder, which took fire unawates, and divers killed. The besiegers were troubled without by the horsemen, who assaulted them daily at their trenches, so that seeing no hope of carrying it, they raised their siege, and retired. In their retreat they were set upon in the Rear by Angus his horsemen; and one David Falconer (a principal Cannonier) slain with some other hired Musketeers, and two of the Cannons cloyed. This the K. took so highly (esteeming it an affront and scorn put upon him) that he swore openly, that so long as he lived, the Douglasses should never be received into favour. He was then young, and in his hot blood, and saw not their worth, or at least looked upon it through the prospective of an angry passion; but before he died, he saw it more setledly and clearly, and that their service was more steadable than all theirs that were now about him. Being come to Edinburgh, he adviseth what was next to be done. It was thought fit to keep a company at Coldingham, which needed not to be very great, but only to lie there constantly, to preserve and protect the common people from their incursions. But that was to Bell the Cat; a good design, but difficult to prosecute. Billie (where Angus made his residence) is within five miles of Coldingham, and all the Country about did favour him; yea, some in that same Town itself did bear him good will. The task to execute this conclusion, was laid upon the Earl Bothwell, who was the most powerful man in Lowthian. He refuses it absolutely, as that which he was not able to perform. So is the King driven to think of another. The Earl of Arran was the greatest in power and friendship; but he had slain the Earl of Lennox at Linlithgow, and was in society with the Douglasses. He doubts with what zeal or fidelity he would prosecute the business. Argyle was in great account, for warlike and politic wisdom; But he lay far off, 
Argyles expedition against them frustrated.  in the North-West parts of the Kingdom. There is no remedy, he must be the man; he is made Lieutenant, and (as our Writers say) by the Lord Humes assistance drove Angus out of Scotland. But all our ancient men, who lived in those days, and were present at those doings, and actors in them, say the contrary, That he did no good, but came to Dumbar, and some of his companies going before, were set upon at the Peeths, and three or fourscore of them slain. Hereupon was made this rhyme in derision, beginning thus:  

The Earl of Argyle is bound to ride  
From the border of Edge-bucklin bray,  
And all his Habergeons him beside,  
Each man upon a sunk of Stray,  
They made their vow that they would slay, etc.   
Neither did the Lord Hume take any particular dealing against him; neither did he leave Scotland, being compelled thereto by force (as our traditioners say) but upon the King of England's desire, who wished him so far to obey and yield to his Prince. He also caused him to render 
Angus returneth to England.  Tantallon up to the King. What warrant the King of England had, and what promises by word (for it stood not with his honour to give any thing in writ, that his clemency might be free and voluntary, and not by capitulation) our History doth rather glance at it, than express it in these words. That the Castle of Tantallon being rendered, the King should under his hand-writing assure them of the rest of their petitions. Yet the Castle being rendered, the rest were not (for all that) sincerely kept. What he speaks of the rendering of the Castle, our old men (acquainted with these mysteries) speak also of the Earls leaving Scotland; That both were done upon these promises. They tell also what the promises were, that they should be received again; pardoned, and get their peace the King's honour being once thus salved by his going out of the Country, and rendering of the Castle) within such a space as was agreed on. Our Histories also signify no less by the exception which it makes in this: The rest (says he) were not sincerely kept, except that favour was granted to Alexander Drumond to return, etc. Then his return hath been one of the conditions, seeing it is accepted as one of them that were performed. Neither hath the condition been that he alone should return, but that they should be brought home all of them. He signifies also, that Drumonds return was not permitted out of any respect to the promise, but at the request of Robert Bartaine. So that the exception is no exception; and so nothing hath been keeped. But the King of England (to whom the promise was made) was not at this time disposed to exact the performance of it, and to back his exacting of it with 40000. men, as Prince's promises should be urged. Men say he had other work in hand, and business of his own to request for; which was to desire his Nephew James to be quiet, and not to trouble his Kingdom while he made War against the Emperor Charles. Yet afterward in the year 1532. he sought it directly amongst the conditions of peace, that the Douglas (according to his promise) should be restored. For 
He and Sir George Privy Counselors there.  King Henry's own part he entertained them with all kind of beneficence and honour, and made both the Earl and Sir George of his privy Council.  
The King's anger still continued against them in such sort, that nine years after, in 1537. he was contented that Jeane Douglas Lady Glames (who was Angus sister) should be accused by false witnesses, condemned and execute. The point of her accusation was, that she, and her husband (Archbald campbel then) and her son and an old Priest, had gone about to make away the King by Witchcraft. Their servants were tried and racked, but confessed nothing, the accuser John Lion (a Kinsman 
William.  of her first husband) when he saw how they were like to be used, and that the house of Glames would be ruined; repenting of what he had done, confessed to the King that he had wronged them; but it did no good. She was burnt upon the Castle hill with great commiseration of 
Glames burnt.  the people, in regard of her noble blood, of her husband, being in the prime of her years, of a singular beauty, and suffering all, though a woman, with a manlike courage, all men conceiving that it was not this fact, but the hatred the King carried to her brothers, that had brought her to this end. Her husband seeking to escape over the wall of the Castle, fell, and broke his leg, and so died. Her son was kept in prison, because he was so young that the law could not strike against him. Others were committed to Ward, as Sir George Hume of Wedderburne (who was Angus his sister's son) to the Blackness, for whom his mother Dame Alison Douglas coming often to entreat the King for him, though he always used her courteously, and gave her good countenance (and that almost only to her of all their friends) so that his language was by way of excusing without denial, yet she could obtain nothing till a little before his death about the road of Fawla, when he began to miss their service, than he set him at liberty. His implacability did also appear in his carriage toward Archbald of Kilspindie, whom he (when he was a child) loved singularly well for his ability of body, and was wont to call him his Grey steel. Archbald being banished into England, could not well comport with the humour of that Nation, which he thought to be too proud, and that they had too high a conceit of themselves, joined with a contempt and despising of all others. Wherefore being wearied of that life, and remembering the King's favour of old toward him, he determined to try the King's mercifulness and clemency. So he comes into Scotland, and taking occasion of the Kings hunting in the Park at Stirlin, he casts himself to be in his way, as he was coming home to the Castle. So soon as the King saw him afar off, ere he came near, he guessed it was he, and said to one of his Courtiers, yonder is my Grey steel, Archbald of Kilspindie, if he be alive. The other answered, that it could not be he, and that he durst not come into the King's presence. The King approaching, he fell upon his knees, and craved pardon, and promised from thence forward to abstain from all meddling in public affairs, and to lead a quiet and a private life. The King went by without giving him any answer, and trotted a good round pace up the hill. Kilspindie followed, and (though he wore on him a Secret, or shirt of Mail for his particular enemies) was as soon at the Castle gate as the King. There he sat him down upon a stone without, and entreated some of the King's servants for a cup of drink, being weary and thirsty: but they fearing the King's displeasure, durst give him none. When the K. was sat at his dinner, he asked what he had done, what he had said, and whither he was gone? It was told him, that he had desired a cup of drink, and had gotten none. The King reproved them very sharply for their discourtesy, and told them, that if he had not taken an oath, that no Douglas should ever serve him, he would have received him into his service, for he had seen him sometime a man of great ability. Then he sent him word to go to Leith, and expect his farther pleasure. Then some kinsman of David Falconer (the Cannonier that was slain at Tantallon) began to quarrel with Archbald about the matter, wherewith the King showed himself not well pleased when he heard of it. Then he commanded him to go to France for a certain space, till he heard farther from him. And so he did, and died shortly after. This gave occasion to the King of England (Henry the 8.) to blame his Nephew, alleging the old saying, That a King's face should give grace. For this Archbald 
Kilspindie dieth in France.  (whatsoever were Anguses or Sir George his fault) had not been principal actor of any thing, nor no counsellor or stirrer up, but only a follower of his friends, and that no ways cruelly disposed. He caused also execute Sir James Hamilton of Evendale, for divers reasons: but that which incensed him most, was his correspondency, and secret trafficking and meeting with the banished Douglasses, especially with Sir George, whom he met with in the Parkhead, as the King was informed. There was no man that he could hear had but received them into his house, but he caused apprehend, and execute the rigour of the law upon them. He caused the Laird of Blackader bring in John Nisbet of the Spittle, and made him to be executed to death, for receiving (as was alleged at least) the Earl of Angus into his house. These many executions proceeding from many reports and delations given to him, bred great suspicion in his mind, all the woods seemed full of thiefs. Many were put to death for the Douglasses; this was a token that they had many favourers: many were offended by these executions, and so many ill-willers by being offended. So his suspicion against the Nobility was daily increased, his jealousy grows, cares multiply, his mind is disturbed, which would not suffer him to sleep sound, but troubled his head with dreams and fancies.  
In the mean time the Wars began with England by mutual incursions on the Borders. The King sent George Gordon Earl of Huntley to 
Haldenrig.  the Border to repress the English. But they seeing his Forces so small, came forward to have burnt Jedburgh. The Lord Hume hearing of their intention, went and lay in their way. The Earl of Angus had been sent down to the Border by the K. of England, to wait for occasion to do something against Scotland, and was now with these English here. He dissuaded them from fight, and told them, that the Lord Hume would not flee, nor his men leave him, and that they would all die at his feet. But they would needs fight, and were overthrown. The Earl of Angus himself was almost taken, for he was caught about the neck, and rid himself again with his dagger, and so escaped. There were some slain, more taken, all scattered and chased. The King was so glad hereof, that he gave the lands of the Hirsell to Sir Andrew Ker of Little-dean for 
Hirsel lands given to A. Ker. Fawla.  bringing the first news hereof: but he that was the chief actor the Lord Hume got nothing. This was at Halden rig. Then was the road of Fawla, where the Nobility did flatly refuse to fight, and suffered the English to retire, and escape without battle or skirmish. The King being there in person, was so enraged hereat, that he burst forth into open railing against them, call them cowards, and beasts that were not worthy of their places or Predecessors; and withal told them, that he should bring home those that durst and would fight, meaning the Earl of Angus and his friends. Then followed on the neck of this the defeat at Solemne-Mosse, 
Solemn Moss.  where Oliver Sinclar being deserted by the Nobility, was fain to fly, and so lost the day, and many were taken prisoners; many also yielded themselves to the English. The King, who was not far off, when he heard of it, was wonderfully commoved, having his mind distracted with indignation, anger, grief and sorrow; now thinking how to be avenged on them that had dealt thus traitorously with him; then of new preparation for the Wars, & how it should be managed. For which he saw now there was but one way left, which was to bring home the Earl of Angus, upon what ever terms; seeing at last what a subject he had thrust from him, and repenting him, said he should bring him home, that would take order with them also. But it was too late, for his death ensuing shortly after, hindered the execution of that purpose. He died 
K. James the fifth dieth.  the thirteenth of December 1542. leaving one only daughter Mary his heir behind him, a child of five days old. 
1542.   
But although he lived not to effect his determination, yet he gave them an honourable testimony of their worth, and withal made a confession of the wrong he had done to them, and gave them a clear absolviture from all former imputation. And so for their part they rest satisfied with it, and seek no other. The King was dead, who had purposed to have brought them home, his will is enough to them; they stand not on ceremonies, they come home now unsent for. There were taken prisoners at the Solommosse, seven Earls and Lords, four and twenty others of inferior, but good place and quality. When King Henry of England had triumphed a while over them (causing to lead them from the Tower of London to Court through Cheapside Street the 20. of December upon Saint Thomas day) he rebuked them as breakers of Covenant by a long harangue of his Chancellor; who magnified the King's mercy, who did (said he) remit much of the rigour he might justly have used against them. After this they had some more freedom; and when the news of the King's death was come, he dealt kindly with them, and told them his intention; which was to have their King's daughter married to his son Prince Edward, that so the Nations of England and Scotland might be joined together by that alliance; for affecting of which match he takes their promise to favour his design, and to set it forward at home as far as they might without damage to their Country, or reproach and infamy to themselves. So (having first taken pledges and hostages of them at Newcastle, by the Duke of Norfolk, for their return, in case the peace were not agreed on) he sent them home to Scotland the first of January 1543. with these returned our Douglasses (the Earl and Sir George) after fifteen years' exile, and were received of all with great joy and gratulation. Only they were not welcome to the Cardinal. They had been ever at variance, they ran divers courses in policy, he suspected their Religion, specially Sir Georges. He knew they would not approve nor ratify the King's testament which he had forged, wherein he was made Protector and Governor, with three Noblemen to be his Assessors. He doubted not, but that they would oppose him in the Parliament; and therefore here he found means to be chosen Governor before their return. Yet his fraud was detected before they came home, and he debouted, and put from that authority. In his place James Hamilton Earl of Arran was 
Hamilton Governor.  chosen, as being the man to whom it properly belonged, as next heir, and best beloved, partly because they had a good opinion of his towardly disposition, and that he was not averse from the reformed Religion (whereof he willingly read the controversies) partly because they hated the Archbishop Beton and his priest's cruelty, which put every man in fear of their government. That business was settled ere they came home. The next point was the marriage of the young Queen, which they were to set forward with England. The Queen mother, and the Cardinal, and the whole faction of the Priests, oppose this way with all their might and power. But they prevailed not, and the Cardinal because he troubled all, and would suffer nothing to be done orderly, he was shut up in a Chamber till the matters were concluded, and pledges promised to be given to the English Ambassador Sir Ralphe Sadler for performance. Ambassador's also were sent into England to treat on the conditions. They were, the Earl of Glencarne, Sir George Douglas, Sir William Hamilton of Machane, and the Secretary of estate. These remained four months in England, agreed at last, and concluded all articles and conditions. But in their absence, the Cardinal was set at liberty, who troubled all, gathered a contribution of the Clergy, and what by bribing, what by other practices used by him, and the Queen, turns the Nobility quite an other way. When those that had been sent into England were returned, and found things in this estate, they were much grieved at it, and laboured to recall things, and to persuade them to keep their promise made to King Henry. To move them hereto, Sir George Douglas spoke to them very earnestly, and told them the apologue of the 
Sir George Douglas his speech concerning marrying with England.  ass, which a King did love so dearly, that he had a great mind and desire to have her to speak: and having dealt with divers Physicians to make her to speak, they told him it was a thing impossible, and 'gainst nature; but he being impatient, and not enduring to have his desire crossed, slew them because they told him the truth. At last he trying about what others could do, one, who was made wise by their example, being required to do it, he undertook it, but withal he show him, that it was a great work, and would be very chargeable. The King being set upon it to have it done, told him he should have what allowance he pleased, and bade him spare for no charges: and that besides he would reward him liberally. The Physician told him that it would prove also a long cure, and could not be done in a day; ten years were the fewest that could be allotted to it. The King considered of it, and was contented to allow him that time for performing it; and so they agreed, and the Physician began to fall to work about his ass. His friends hearing of it, came to him, and asked him what he meant, to take in hand that which could not be performed in nature. He smiled, and said unto them, I thought you had been wiser than to ask me such a question: if I had (says he) refused to take it in hand, he had put me to death presently, now I have gained ten years' time, before which be expired, who can tell what may happen. The King may die, the ass may die, I myself may die; and if any of these happen, I am freed. In the mean time I shall be in good estate, wealth, honour, and the King's favour. Even so (says Sir George) stands the case with us at this time: if we refuse and leap back from the conditions that are propounded and agreed on, we enter into present War, for which we are very unfit, and ill provided. If we embrace them, we gain time, we shall enjoy peace and quietness during the Queen's childhood, and before that be expired, Prince Edward may die, our Queen may die, King Henry may die, or the parties when they come to age, may refuse one another, or then perhaps (as things may fall out) it may be thought the best way by us all. But he could not persuade them to it, the Queen mother, and the Cardinal, the Popish and Politic Faction standing for France, and drawing all to that end, had so wrought the matter, that there was no place left to any wholesome council. These two for strengthening of their party had sent to France, and moved that King to send home Matthew Earl of Lennox a competitour and 
Lennox comes home out of France.  counterpoise to the house of Hamilton. He came, being put in hope of the Queen's marriage, and to be made Governor, but when he saw himself deluded, and Beton preferred to the government, in effect upon agreement of Arran, and the Cardinal (wherein Arran had renounced the controverted heads of Religion, and addicted himself fully to the Queen and Cardinal, to be ruled by them) he forsook them, and so did also the Governors chief friends leave him, and turn to Lennox: And now Lennox had made a strong party against the Governor and the Cardinal, but at last he was drawn to come to a Parley with them, first at Edinburgh, and then at Linlithgow, where finding that they intended to entrap him, he fled in the night, first to Glasgow, then to the Castle of Dumbartan. About this time the hamilton's and Douglasses were reconciled: and for further assurance of sincere and firm friendship, Sir George Douglas, and Alexander Cunninghame Master of Glencarne, were given as pledges (the one for his brother, and the other for his father) to the Governor Hamilton, upon promise to be released within a few days, but they were kept till the English Army came. Angus himself also, and the Lord Maxwell going to mediate a peace betwixt the Governor and Lennox (a dutiful part of a Nobleman, and 
Angus and Sir George made prisoners.  of a good Patriot) was retained; and both sent out at a backdoor at Glasgow, to Hamilton, while their followers did wait for them at the ordinary foregate of the Governors' lodging. Angus was sent afterward to the Blackness, and kept there a close prisoner. Thus were both he and his brother in the hands of their enemies: neither did their wisdom or experience, the examples of their Predecessors, or their own maxims and rules save them from being entrapped. But who can keep himself from deceit: What wisdom was ever able to do it? we heard before in the Lord Hume (Chamberlain) how he was catched; and therefore no wonder, though the young Douglasses (put to death in Edinburgh Castle) were deceived. It is wrong to impute it to want of foresight, as these two (who were at other times wary enough) may witness. They may thank God more than their own good guiding, if they escape with life; but that God doth work it out, where their wisdom failed. He sends in the English Navy, which was bound for Boulogne, under the command of the Earl of Hartford. Some says that they were so directed by King Henry to relieve the Earl and his brother; some, that it was to revenge the rejecting of his affinity. However it was the mean and occasion of their releasing. For having landed at Leith unlooked for, the Governor and Cardinal were forced to flee out of Edinburgh, which they burned, being abandoned by them, and the Citizens being most of them absent about their Traffic. The Governor, either required to do so by the Earl of Hartford (who threatened to destroy more of the Country after the same manner if he refused) or of his own motion, so to regain their favour, and service of their followers, 
They are rel●…ased again.  set them all at liberty, Angus, Maxwell, Glencarne, and Sir George. Their wisdom saved them not from being catched, but their worth releaseth them, either in the judgement of King Henry (if it were his request) or in the estimation of their enemies, if it came merely of themselves, who saw how steadable, yea how necessary their favour was to them. That which had brought them home, if King James had lived, procures their liberty from this Governor now when the King is dead. Envy committed them, true valour brings them out of prison. So it is 
Lennox goes to England.  seen ere long: for Lennox being forsaken by the French, and his partners overthrown by the hamilton's, he fled into England, and was well received and entertained by King Henry, who gave him also his sister's daughter by the Earl of Angus, Lady Margaret Douglas to wife. On her he begat Henry Lord Darneley, who was married to Queen Mary of 
Marries Lady Margaret Douglas.  Scotland. He sought to have married the Queen Dowager, he is rejected; but he fares better, and comes to reign in both the Realms by his Posterity. Let men look on it, and see the deepness of providence, and learn not to distrust in whatsoever strait, seeing the worst doth often occasion the best; for even in exile being condemned and forfeited, he was laying the foundation of this return.  
Of these dissensions at home, the Foreign enemy takes advantage, the K. of England sends an Army to Scotland, burns Jedburgh, and Kelso, takes Coldinghame, and fortifies the abbey and steeple thereof. Thither 
The Governor and Angus at Coldinghame.  goes the Governor Hamilton with 8000. men in winter, and batters the steeple one whole day and night, all the Company standing all that while in Arms. The next day he took horse, and went to Dumbar with all the speed he could, accompanied only with a few of his most familiar friends, without acquainting the Nobility or Army with his departure. What it was that moved him hereto, is uncertain, whether it were some rumour of the enemies approaching, or that he feared lest his own Army (whom he had offended many ways) should have delivered him into the hands of the English. This troubled them all so much the more, because they knew not the reason of it. Wherefore they began to advise what was next to be done: Some thought it best that every man should go whither he would, and leave the Ordnance a prey to the enemy. Others thought it was better to charge them double, and so to break them, that they might not be useful to the enemy. Thus is the case brought to an exigent, this is the place for the Earl of Angus to show himself to be a Douglas of the right stamp. So he doth; he rejects both these ways as dishonourable, and exhorts them, that they would not add this gross error in War to their shameful flight. But when he could not persuade them either by reason or authority, he cries out aloud, that they might all hear, For my part (saith he) I had rather die honourably, than live with shame, though with never so much riches and ease. Ye that are my friends and companions in arms, do what you think best, but I shall either bring home this Ordnance, or shall not bring home myself alive, and one and the same day shall end both my life and my honour. Having spoken thus, he commanded them to go on with the Ordnance, and he with his Company, and some few more that stayed with him for shame, marched after, to keep off the English that pursued them, and so brought them safely to Dumbar. Then turning him to the Master of the Ordnance, Take them there to thee (saith he) better thus, than either broken, or left behind. A sober and gentle reproof to those that had abandoned him, yet such as might put them in mind of their fault.  
The honour was his, but the fault (more observed oftentimes) redounded to the discouraging of the Country, and emboldening of the English, which gave new occasion of stirring up in him the ancient virtues 
Sir Ralph Ivers, and Sir Brian Laitons' expedition.  proper to the name, valour, and love of his Country. Sir Ralph Ivers, and Sir Brian Laiton, had made divers inroads into Scotland, in the Merse, Tividale, and Lawderdale, with good success, finding no man to oppose or make head against them. The Inhabitants of those places, had for the most part yielded, and taken on the badge of England, the red Cross, or at least kept themselves in strong places in safety from the enemy. They esteemed all conquered, and for that which rested, they made account to conquer all unto Forth. So to Court they go, and sue to the King for a reward of their service, the enlarging of his Dominions. The Duke of Northfolk, who had made war in Scotland divers times, and knew the fashion of the Country, how easy a matter it was to make the Commons (when they wanted a Head in time of Civil and intestine dissension) to yeeled to any conditions; but withal know also, that they would presently cast off the yoke so soon as they found any to lead them into the field, he persuades the King to bestow upon them for their reward, all the Land that they had conquered, and to encourage them to go on, promiseth unto them all the Land that they could conquer more thereafter. They come to the Borders full of hopes, and increase their Forces by the addition of 3000. hired soldiers, with intention to go on with their conquest. This did greatly g●…ieve such Scots as remained true Scots indeed. The flight from Coldingham had discouraged them; they could look for no good from the Governor. But he who had his Rose Garland unstained there, must be the man to do the turn here also. Angus had large possessions in the Merse and Tividale: therefore he had his particular interest, and could not so easily leave his lands for a prey to the enemy, nor suffer so great an indignity in public, and reproach to his Country. Being moved with both these considerations, he goeth to the Governor, and layeth before him the greatness of the danger, and how he did suffer in his own reputation for the business at Coldingham, and would now suffer more if he sat still and did nothing at this time: Wherefore he exhorteth him to take some course for the safety of the Country, and to repair his own honour. The Governor bewails his own estate and condition, that he was not able to do any thing; being deserted by the Nobility, whereof he complained heartily. Angus replied, and told him it was his own fault; For 
Angus speech to the Governor.  they (said he) would willingly hazard and bestow both their lives and fortunes for the defence of their Country, but you contemn their counsel, and have given yourself over to be guided by a company of Priests, who are unfit to go abroad to the Wars, and are seditious at home; being free from peril themselves, they live on the fruits of other men's labours like Drones; abusing and spending all upon their own pleasures. From hence doth spring this suspicion and jealousy betwixt you and the Nobility, that none of you doth believe or trust other, which is the bane of all actions, and hindereth the achieving of any matter of moment. But if you will apply yourself to them, and consult with them, who will not spare to spend their lives in the execution of things; I do not distrust but as honourable acts may be performed by us now, as have been done at any time by our Predecessors. But if by sloth and negligence ye suffer the enemy thus to encroach by piecemeal, he will at last force us either to yield to him, or forsake the Country: of which two it is hard to say which is the most miserable and shameful condition. As for us two, I know we are traduced by our enemies, they accuse me of betraying my Country, and you of cowardice, but if you will resolve throughly and sound to do that now, which you must needs do some time, it shall not be a flourished speech, and painted words, that shall confute their calumnies, but the flourish of Arms, and a Pitched field. The Governor considering the truth, and honourable counsel given him, promised to follow his and the rest of the Nobilities advice. Hereupon Proclamation is made and sent into all the Provinces about, commanding the Nobiltie to repair to the Governor with all the haste they could, wheresoever he should happen to be. There came not above 300. horse, with these they march toward England; and by the way some few of Lowthian, and some of the Merse join with them. So they come to Melrosse upon Tweed, where they intended to stay, and wait for the rest that were coming. The English were come to Jedbrough before, and now being advertised of the small number of the Scottish Army, they march toward Melrosse, having 5000. men in their Army, in great confidence to defeat so small a number as was with the Governor, who besides that they were so few, were also wearied with their journey. The Scots had notice of their coming, and thereupon retire to the next hills, where they might with safety espy what course the enemy would take. The English frustrate of their hope (which was to have surprised them) stay about the Town and Abbey of Melrosse, which had been spoilt not long before, to see what more spoil they could light on, until it were day; for this was in the night time. As soon as it was day, they began to march back toward Jedbrough, and the Scots (to whom had now joined Norman Lesly with 300. Fifemen, and Sir Walter Scot of Balcleugh, with a very few of his domestics) encountered them by the way. Both Armies alighted from their horses, and fought on foot. The English confiding in their number, and hoping with a few hour's travel, to perchase honour and riches with peaceable and quiet possession of the Lands that were granted to them by their King's gift, fought very valarously. They had divided their Army into three battles; and seeing the Scots Grooms (who road up the hill with their master's horses, which they had put from them) they supposing they had been the Scottish Army fleeing, made great haste to overtake them. And so ere they were aware, they were hard upon the Scottish battle, which stood in array in the valley at the foot of the hill unseen till now. At the first encounter their Forward was beaten back upon the middle, and both together upon the Reerward; so that their Ranks being broken, and all in confusion, they were constrained to flee, and the Scots following hard upon them in gross, slew them down right without resistance. At night when the Scots were returned from the chase, every man repairing to his Colours, they found but two of their own slain; & of the enemy (besides Sir Ralph Ivers, and Brien Laton) 200. or (as others say) 800. amongst whom there were divers Gentlemen of good note and quality. There were taken prisoners 1000 or as others 2000 (with all their baggage which had been left at Melrosse) of which there were 80. of good birth and quality. It was no little furtherance to the victory, the advantage which the Scots had of the Sun going down, and so beating full in the eyes of the enemy: as also of the Wind that blew the smoke of the Powder on their faces likewise, so that they were blinded two ways. They had also marched so fast to overtake the Scots, that they were quite out of breath almost ere they came to strokes; and when they came to them, at the first joining, the Scots that were on their side fled without fight. It is said that the Earl of Angus was so resolute and void of fear, that when they were going to join battle, he perceiving a Heron fly over their heads, cried out aloud; O that I had my white Gose-hawke here, we should all yoke at once. The honour of the victory was wholly given to him, and the profit came to the Governor. But the more honour that Angus got at home of his own countrymen, the more hatred he had of the Enemy the English. King Henry blamed him, saying he was ungrateful, and vowed to be avenged of him for it. As if any gratitude could bind a man to betray his Country, or any benefit tie him to omit his duty toward it: Angus had never learned such gratitude of his Predecessors, nor could his noble heart stoop to such mercenarinesse. And as for his threatenings, he looked upon them with the same courage and resolution. Is our brother-in-law offended (says he) that I am a good Scottish man? Because I have revenged the defacing of the tombs of my Ancestors at Melrosse upon Ralph Ivers? They were better men than he, and I ought to have done no less: And will he take my life for that? Little knows King Henry the skirts of Kirnetable, I can keep myself there from all his English host.  
The news of this victory being come to France, the King sent Monsieur de L'orge Earl of Montgomerie into Scotland with 3000. foot, and 500 horse, to assist against England. He gave him also commission to bestow the order of the Cockle (or S. Michael) on the Governor, Angus, Huntley, and Argyle, which he did accordingly. De L'orge arrived about the fourth or fifth of July 1545. and moved the Governor to assemble some power of men, about 15000. which were mustered at Hadington. From thence they went to the Borders, and encamped over against Work, an English Castle upon Tweed. But they did nothing to any purpose. Hereupon the Count Montgomerie returns into France the rest of that year, and the next following, with a good part of the year 1547. there was nothing done abroad, or at home, save that the Cardinal was busied in causing execute such as were of the reformed Religion, whereupon followed his own tragical death, and the French Galleys coming, besieged S. Andrew's Castle, and carried away the authors of the Cardinal's slaughter into France. The Earl of Angus hath had no hand in all these broils; for he is never mentioned in any of them. Only his natural son George is said to have gotten the abbacy of Arbrothe. But then (if he got it) he might have been called Abbot, and not Postulat, or Postulant, which implies, that he was ever ask it, but got it not.  
In the same year 1547. in August, King Henry of England dying, his son Edward (a child of some eight or nine years of age) succeeded, and his Uncle the Earl of Hereford was created Duke of Somerset, and made Protector of England. He levied two Armies to come against Scotland, one by sea, another by land, in which he came himself in person, 
Occasion of Pinkie field.  and with him the Earl of Warwick. It contained 18000. men. He pretended for the cause of his coming, the performance of the marriage betwixt the King his Nephew, and the young Queen of Scots, together with the observation of the Articles agreed upon with the Scottish Nobility in the Treaty of Peace with King Henry. The Governor was mightily perplexed herewith. He had no foreign aid, and he disinherited his Countrymen at home. Notwithstanding he causeth it to be proclaimed, that they should assemble themselves to resist the common enemy. They had their randezvous at Edinburgh, and there came thither to the number of 30000. men. From thence they march to Musclebrugh, which is seated at the mouth of the river of Eske in Lowthian some four miles from Edinburgh. The English lay at Preston within two miles, and their Fleet sailed along the Coast, still in the view of the Land army, & ready to second or succour it. The Protector looking down from Carberrie Hill, and perceiving the Scottish Army to be greater than he had expected in regard of the civil discord and dissension that was amongst them, called a Council of War, to advise about the Battle; and in the mean time he sends a Letter to the Governor, to try if things could be taken away without blood. The sum of the Letter was, that he was come to crave the performance of the marriage, and the observance of the conditions agreed unto by the Scots. If they would not yield to that, yet if they would but promise not to enter into terms of marriage with any other foreign Prince, nor carry her out of the Country till she were come to years of discretion to choose her own husband, they should return in peace, and make satisfaction for any damage their Army had done. This was very reasonable; but it should have been treated of before they came from home, and rather by Ambassadors than in the field and camp. It hath never been the cause of their coming with an Army, but rather hope that no head could have been made against them (in respect of the dissension for Religion and other divisions) which persuaded them to come: Now the sight of an Army which was a sufficient party for them, had taught them wisdom and moderation in their conditions. If the Governor could also have moderated his hope of victory, which arose from his confidence in the number of his men, the bargain had been agreed on, and the business had ended without blood. But his council of War (his base brother the Bishop of S. Andrews, George Durie, Abbot of Dumfermling, Archbald Beton, and Hugh Rig) puffed him up with idle hope of a sure victory. So the Letter is suppressed, and preparation made for battle. The Armies were thus ordered. The English were divided into three battles; Whereof Warwick led the Vanguard, together with Sir Francis Brien, who commanded 800. light horsemen which were in the wings. The Protector himself commanded in the mid battle, having with him Sir Peter Mewtas with 600. Musketeers, and Jamboas a Spaniard with 1000 horse with Carabins. The Rear was conducted by the Lord Dacres, to whom was joined Sir Richard Manners with 600. light horsemen. The men at Arms, and demilances, were commanded by the Lord Grace. The Scottish Army was also tripartite, of which Angus had the Vanguard; to whom were joined Coil, Carrict, and Cunningham, with Stirlin-shire, and Stratherne, to the number of 10000 in all. The like number was with the Governor in the middle Ward, and as many with the Earl Huntley in the Rear. The English had resolved on a fair retreat toward Berwick, thinking it not fit to hazard a battle upon such disadvantage in the number of men; and not being able to stay without fight, for want of vivers, which they could not bring in out of the Country by foraging, in regard of the nearness of the enemy. In the mean time they perceive Angus with the Vanguard coming marching up the hill against them. He made no great haste at the first, knowing they could not stay long, thinking it better to assail them in their retreat. But the Governor sent him word to advance, and yet for all that he marched but leisurely, till he sent to him again, and commanded him to mend his pace, assuring him that he and Huntley should be hard at his hand to support him. Then he marched so fast that the English beholding them from the hill, believed they had been all on horseback. Wherefore the Lord Grace wàs sent with his men at Arms, and demilances, on barbed horses, to stay them, and (if he could) to break their Ranks. The Scots were close joined together (as their manner is) and carried long spears, not unlike the Macedonian Phalanx: Angus encourages them, exhorts them to fight manfully, & adviseth them to kill the horses by pricking them in the belly, for they were armed in the Counter. These men (said he) shall be our prey if ye do so. They followed his counsel, charged the enemy fiercely, and kept their Ranks so whole and close, that 200. of the English were brought to the ground and killed; the rest retired to their companies. The Protector commands the Lord Grace to charge again, but he answered; that he might as well command him to run against the walls of Boulogne, for it was as impossible to break through the Scots Ranks, as to break through a Brickwall. Hereupon the Protector resolved either to retire, or flee as they could, & called for some Scots in his army, who knew the ways, to be their guides. One of these was named Thomas Lorraine, a Tenant to the Laird of Red-brayes in the Merse, of whom many have often heard this report. The Earl of Warwick adviseth to try another way; he causeth Jamboas the Spaniard with his Carabins to set upon them in flank. Hereupon they, lest they should break their Phalanx, turned softly toward him, from the right ascending of the hill, which way they were in before. The Governor with his mid battle seeing them declining from the strait way which led to the enemy, and which they had been in before, supposed they had fled, and so broke their own Ranks, and fled first themselves. Huntley with his Rear followed the Governors' example, and fled likewise. The 
Defeature at Pinkie.  Vanguard thus destitute of all support was overthrown, and most of them all killed. The English Ships had greatly annoyed the Scots Rear with shot from the Sea, for there was one Galley, and two Pinnaces, that came so near to the Shore, that they reached the enemy with their Ordnance, and Lochinvarre was slain by one of their shots. This the Governor and Huntley alleged for their not coming to succour the Vanguard after the first charge, because their men (chiefly the High-landers) refused to go with them being so troubled from the Ships. There were slain in this battle a great number, and those of the Flower of the Scottish Nobility; amongst whom were the Masters of Ereskine, Grahame, Methvane, Oglevie, Levingston, and Rosse; the Lords, Fleming, Glencarne, the Lairds of Lochleven, and Sir George Hume of Wedderburne. The Earl Angus his brother, Sir George, and Glenbarvie were commanded to keep themselves on horseback, and ride about the companies to exhort them and keep them in order. It was so much the more easy for them to flee, yet Glenbarvie was hardly pursued for the space of four miles, being taken for the Earl of Angus, because he road on a py-bald horse that was known to be the Earls. Angus himself escaped, and came that night to Calder, very heavy and sorrowful for the loss of the battle, and of his friends. Many fled to the Castle of Dalkeeths, amongst whom was James Douglas Earl of Morton, afterward Regent of Scotland; and David Hume of Wedderburne, brother to Sir George Hume that was slain in the field. The Castle was besieged by the English, and defended a while, but wanting provision of victual for such a number of men as had fled thither, and having no hope of any relief to come to them against a victorious Army, it was rendered, and these forenamed made prisoners.  
The Earl of Angus complained heavily that he had been thus abandoned by the Governor and Huntley, and laid the blame on them of the loss of the day, and of his so many dear kinsmen ând friends, especially to the Queen-mother; whom he went to visit at Stirlin. She seemed to be much grieved therewith, but was thought not to be discontented that the hamilton's had suffered this disgrace, and their pride and authority was thus abated, which made for the setting forward of her project, which was to wring the Government out of their hands, and wind in herself into that place; as also to bring in the Frenchmen, under the pretext that the Country was not able to maintain the war against the English, who had fortified Insh-Keith, Saint Columbs Insh in Forth, Broghtie on Tay, Hadington on Tine; at Lawder and Roxburgh built Forts, and taken the Castles of Hume, and Fascastle. The French were sent for, and came into Scotland at her request, these places were all regained by their assistance, the young Queen Mary was conveyed into France, to 
Queen Mary sent into France,  be married to the Dauphin, Francis the second afterward. Then the Queen-Mother dealt with the Governor to demit his place, which he did at last, and she was substitute into it as her daughter's Deputy, having 
Queen-Mother Governor.  Monsieur D'Oselle (a Frenchman) for her Counsellor and adviser in all affairs. This was done in a Parliament in the year 1555. the 10. of April. All this while we hear nothing of the Earl of Angus, save at the siege of Hadington, where when the walls were battered and made assaultable by a sufficient breach, the French (who were there) refusing to enter the breach, (because they being far from home, they could not easily repair their loss of men) the Earl of Angus moved with indignation hereat, left them, and went to Tantallon to remain there. And again, when Monsieur de Termes besieged Broghtie upon Tay, Angus is said to have been with him, and lying at Breeghen with some horsemen to have skirmished daily with the enemy. At last both Broghtie, and another Castle near unto it were taken, and almost the whole Garrisons slain that were in them.  
And now the Queen-Mother being Regent, all her care and endeavour was to bring Scotland into subjection of the French. For this purpose a motion was made, that all men should be taxed proportionably, according to their means, and the monies levied thence, should be employed to wage soldiers for the defence of the Country, that so the Gentlemen and Nobilities travel and blood might be spared. None liked of this course, but every one eschewed to be the first refuser and opposer of it. At last the small Barons sent Sir James sandiland's of Calder, and the Laird of Weemes to her, whose speeches are set down at length. Thus our Writers say: But the ancient men report, that the Earl of Angus was the man that made the refusal (it may be he joined with them) and that he came to Edinburgh, accompanied with 1000 horse, which was against her Proclamation, whereby it was forbidden that any man should have any more in train then his domestics and household servants, which was to make way for, and was another mean of their intended tyranny. She reproved him for transgressing the Proclamation by being so accompanied. He answered; That the Knaves would not leave him, that he would gladly be rid of them, for they did eat all his Bread and his Beef: that he would think himself much bound to her, if she would make him free and quit of them. Concerning the tax which she desired to be made, he said briefly; We will fight ourselves, and that better than any hired fellows; our Prededecessours have done it, and so will we do also. They tell also how at another time, she desired of him to have his Castle of Tantallon to keep warders, in or upon I know not what pretext, or for what use. To this he gave no direct answer for a long time, but having a Gose-hawke on his fist which he was feeding, 
The devil is in this greedy Glad she will never be full.  spoke of her, saying she was a greedy Glad, that she had already too much, and yet desired more. But when the Queen insisted (not understanding, or not willing to understand his meaning) he told her, Yes Madam, why not, all is yours, ye shall have it, it is at your service: But Madam, I must be Captain and keeper of it: I shall keep it for you as well as any man you shall put into it. They tell also how the Queen Regent had intention to make the Earl of Huntley a Duke; whereof when she was discoursing with Angus she told him, how Huntley had done her very good service, for which she intended to advance him and make him a Duke, to which he answered, Why not Madam, we are happy that have such a Princess, that can know and will acknowledgemens' service, and is willing to recompense it: But by the might of God (this was his oath when he was serious and in anger, at other times it was by Saint Bride of Douglas) if he be a Duke, I will be a Drake (alluding to the word Duke, which in Scotland signifies a Duck as well as that title and dignity, which being the female, and the Drake the male, his meaning was he would be above and before him) Our Predecessors (says he) have done as good service as he or his, for which they have the privilege to be the first of the Nobility after those of the blood Royal, and I will not lose it in my time upon any such pretext. So she desisted from further prosecuting of that purpose.  
Not long after this he died in Tantallon, and was buried in Abernethie, 
Angus dyer.  when he had lived from his marrying the Queen in the year 1514. in continual action, all the minority of King James the fifth, his majority, all the time of the Duke of Albany, of the Governor Hamilton, and of the Queen-Mother, till the year 1556. or 57 the space of 44. or 45. years; to which if we shall add his age at his marriage (of which we have no certainty) and suppose it to have been 20. years, he hath lived some 64. years. He was a man (besides his other virtues spoken of) of greater wisdom than he made show of, or then did appear unto men. His brother Sir George (who died before him) was more learned, and of greater eloquence, with whom he entertained always brotherly love and friendship, and would seem to be guided much by his counsel, so that when any suit was made to him, his answer was, We shall advise with our brother. But his brother would tell them (who came to entreat him to mediate with the Earl) in plain language, that if he had referred it to his advising with him, it was a thing he intended not to do: for (says he) what he minds to do, he never adviseth with me. Neither was he hereby accounted less wise indeed; for even this was a point of wisdom, that he would have his brother seem more wise, which did no whit diminish nor derogate any thing from him. It was of this brotherly affection, that he espoused his brother's quarrel against George Lord Hume about the Lands of Cockburnspeth, or Colburnspeth, as some will have it termed. The Lands were possessed by one John Hume, who was a near Kinsman to the Lord Hume, but for some unkindness or hard dealing and usage of the said Lords towards him, he chose rather to sell them to Sir George Douglas. To put his brother in possession (or to keep it) the Earl assembled out of Cliddisdale, Tividale, and other parts to the number of 3000. men. He was also assisted by Sir George Hume of Wedderburne, and the Laird of Blackader, together with the rest of Wedderburnes father brothers, all of them except Broomhouse, who followed the Lord Hume. Angus brought with him field-pieces, and all provision of War. The Lord Hume with his forces came to the Moor above the Park-gate of Cockburnspeth, and alighting from their horses, put their men in order of battle. But when he saw Angus begin to march toward him, and that none came between to bring the matter to a Parley, he shrunk back over the ditch that was near by. Hereupon Angus (thinking it enough to retain his brother's possession) stayed his Companies, and stood still. The Lord Hume retired, and going homeward, scattered his Company, and the Earl did the like. Here a quarrel was like to have arisen betwixt John Hume of Blackader, and one Douglas of Jedward forest. For when Angus began to march against the Lord Hume, this Douglas says to Blackader; Now we of the Forest, will teach you of the Merse to fight. The other answered a little angrily only for the time: but when all were retired, he challenged Douglas for those words: to whom Douglas answered, were ye angry at my words? when the other said he was, It is well (says he) that ye were; for I was afraid you would not have been half angry, nor have fought half eagerly, there being so many Humes on the other side. Besides his wisdom and brotherly affection, the Earl of Angus is also reported to have had a great dexterity in conciliating men's favour. There was no man whom he would not win with his courtesy and affability, no man but he would take notice of him; and pretended to know either himself, or his father, or his Grandfather, or some of his friends, whom he would praise unto them, and tell what honest men they had been, and what good service they had done in such and such a place, at such and such times. Of which they relate this instance, how being in Edinburgh talking (in the Tolbooth) with the Lord Drummond, there came a friend to Drummond, and took him aside to speak with him a little. When the Gentleman had ended, and was going away, Angus taketh him kindly by the hand, and spoke familiarly to him as if he had been of his acquaintance. After he was gone, my Lord Drummond asked Angus whether he knew the Gentleman or not; he answered, that he knew him not at all, and had never so much as seen him before. How comes it then (says Drummond) that ye spoke so familiarly to him? He answered, I saw he was a friend of yours, and your friends are my friends: And besides, this doth gain men's hearts, If I were now in danger, or had to do, yonder man would assist one, and take my part.  

Archibaldus Secundus.  
Quam praestans animi ju venis formâque decorous,  
Et fuerim tantis, tunc quoque dignus avis.  
Testis erit thalamo quae me dignata Superbo,  
Nympha, par●…ns Regis, silia, sponsa, soror.  
Consiliis promptumque manu Teviotia laudat,  
Quae stratas acies vidit Ivere tuas.  
Atque tuas Latone: loquetur nos quoque sortos  
Esca lothi, & dextra hac me meruisse mori.  
Quin jam victor eram, ni Prorex Gordoniusque,  
Sive metus trepidasuasit abire fuga.  
Seu dolus aut error, liquissent turpiter hostem,  
Dum premo qui fugiens jam mihi terga dabat.  
Summus at hinc mihi surgit quod sanguine Creti,  
Sint nostro reges terra Britanna tui.   

Archbald the second Earl of that name.  
How lovely was my shape! how sweet a grace  
Dwelled in my looks! how like the Douglas race!  
How gallant was my mind! what hopes were had  
Of my fresh youth! witness the Royal bed  
Of her who had been daughter, sister, wife,  
To three brave Kings; how my ensuing life  
Made good these hopes; how wise my projects were,  
Ivers and Laiton vanquished, witness bear.  
Pinkie beheld my strength, there had I gained  
The field, but Huntley, and the Regent stained  
Their honour: fear or error made them flee,  
Even when I won ground of the Enemy:  
Yet do not these such height of honour bring  
As t' have been Grandsire to Great Britain's King.    

Of David the eighth Earl of Angus: And of his father George, called Sir George of Pittendrigh.  
TO Archbald the second, dying without heirs male of his own body, his brother Sir George of Pittendrigh should have succeeded, if he had outlived him, wherefore we will speak a word of him. He got the Lands of Pittendrigh by marriage. His children by the heir of Pittendrigh (whose name was Douglas also) were David, who succeeded to the Earldom of Angus, and James Earl of Morton, and Regent of Scotland. This James got the Earldom of Morton by marrying the third daughter to the Earl of Morton, who was Douglas also, and so was made Earl by provision. Her other two sisters were married before, one to the Lord Hamilton Governor, and the other to the Lord Maxwell. He had also a natural son, called George of Parkhead, because he married the heir of Parkhead in Douglas, she was also Douglas to name, of whom he begat James, afterward Lord Torthorall, by marriage likewise, and Sir George of Mordington. He had also a natural daughter by the Lady Dundas, in her husband's time, called Elizabeth, who was married to Smeton Richeson. Of this Sir George we have spoken above in his brother's life, and how he died before his brother.  
His son David married Elizabeth Hamilton daughter to John Hamilton of Samilston, called John of Cliddisdale, brother German to Duke Hamilton who was Governor. She bore to him one only son called Archbald, and two daughters, Margaret first Lady Balcleugh, than Countess of Bothwell; and Elizabeth Lady Maxwell. His wife after his death married the Laird of Whitelaw, and had before been married to the Laird of Johnston.  
This David lived not long, was little above a year Earl of Angus, neither hear we of any of his actions, being somewhat sickly and infirm of body. He died in Cockburnspeth in the year 1558.   

The ninth Earl of Angus, Archbald the third, and of his Uncle and Tutor James Douglas, Earl of Morton.  
TO David succeeded his son Archbald; a child not above two years old. His Tutor and Guardian was James Douglas Earl of Morton his Uncle, and mother to David. Wherefore it is no ways out of our way, or impertinent for our History, but rather necessary and most requisite, that we should first speak of him, being a branch and a brother of the house of Angus, and in effect, Earl of Angus, as well as Morton, though under the name of Tutor, or Guardian.  
Of his marriage, we have told before, how he was married to Douglas his wife, and daughter to the Earl of Morton. She bore to him divers children (ten as is reported) but none of them lived long, but died all young, ere they came to perfect age. She herself became distracted of her wits, and would not company with her husband, alleging he was not her husband, but that he was Master Archbald Douglas, who was brother to William Douglas of Whittinghame, that her husband was dead, and that Master Archbald Douglas had killed him. She was kept and entertained by him as became her place, and had her residence at Tantallon, but he being deprived of her Company, loosed the rains to others, and begat three natural Children: 1. James (whose mother was one High in Dalkeeths) who was made Captain of Blackness Castle, Prior of Plusquardain; and afterwards became Laird of Spot, by marrying the heir thereof, Anna Hume only daughter to George Hume of Spot. 2. His second son was Archbald, whom he provided to the estate of Pittindreigh, which belonged to his father Sir George. 3. The third son was named Master George Douglas who was lame of his feet. Thus much his Children.  
Touching himself, during his childhood and youth he lived obscurely, and lurked for fear of the King (James the fifth) who had banished 
His lurking and b●…ing a Grieve,  his Father, and Uncle, caused burn his Ant (the Lady Glames) and had professedly set himself against the whole name of Douglas utterly to ruin, and extirpate them. We do not hear that his elder brother David did thus hide himself, or if he did, it hath not been so observed of him: but of this James, it is certainly known that all the time of his father's banishment and exile, he lurked under the borrowed name of James the Grieve, or James Innesse: First with his Cousin of Glenbarvie, afterward, for fear of being discovered with so near a Kinsman, with some Gentleman in the more Northern parts of Scotland. And as he bore the name, so did he also execute the office of a Grieve, and overseer of the Lands and Rents, the Corn and cattle of him with whom he lived. Neither was this (howsoever mean) employment without great use, as nothing else in providence ever is, if it be rightly observed. It fitted him for those weighty matters, which afterward he was to meddle in, and schooled him for that charge in which he was to be employed ere long. For by this mean he became acquainted with the humours and disposition of the vulgar and inferior sort of the common people, which knowledge is useful and necessary to greatest Governors, that so they may know how to deal with them, and manage them according as they shall have occasion. He attain●…lso hereby such skill in husbandry, and such perfection in oeconomy and thriftiness, that having acquired a habit of frugality, he not only repaired the decayed and shattered Estates of these two Earldoms (Angus and Morton) but also helped to recover, and augment the revenues of the Crown and Kingdom, more than any other Regent.  
So long as his uncle, father, and brother were alive, we do not hear any thing of him, neither is there any mention at all made of him, save that in the year 1547. as hath been said, after the battle at Muscleburgh, he yielded up to the English his Castle of Dalkeeths, together with himself their prisoner, and was by them carried into England, being then about 
He is a prisoner in England.  seven and twenty years of age, or thereby: How long he stayed there, we cannot affirm, but it should seem he remained there certain years, for during that time, he learned the Estate of that Country, together with the English tongue, and tone, which he did ever thereafter much delight to use.  
At his return, after the death of his brother David, he being Tutor, 
R●…turnes.  and Guardian to his Nephew Archbald Earl of Angus, finding both his own, and his pupil's Estate greatly burdened with debt, he lived privately, and retired for a while with a very small retinue of his domestics only, neither going to Court, nor intermeddling with any public affairs, 
Lives retired and privately at home.  to avoid the charges which otherwise he must have undergone. Wherefore his first care was to reduce these two Earldoms to their former integrity, by frugal parsimony in the beginning, & not to lavish out the remainder by untimely magnificence, esteeming wisely that means & money are the sinews, not only of War, but also of all civil and politic actions. Now besides the burden that was on the Lands, his Nephew's title to the Earldom of Angus was questionable. For if the entailement were not very strong (as it seems it was not) Lady Margaret Douglas Countess of Lennox had the better right, and was before him, she being sole heir of Line to Archbald that married the Queen, and so inheritrix of Angus. It is true she lived in England with her husband Lennox, who was banished, but who knew how soon he might be recalled and restored? Wherefore to prevent that danger, and to strengthen his Nephew and himself against their attempts he contracts him to Monsieur D'Osels daughter, that by his means and friendship (he being a French man) he might have the Queen's favour and goodwill to uphold him against their claims. But this contract took no effect, for she was married afterward to Monsieur D'Aubespine, and Angus to others, as we shall hear in his life.  
After that he had thus settled his affairs at home, he began to come abroad 
He comes abroad, and begins to deal in public 〈◊〉.  and to have a hand in public business. In the year 1559. he with Duke Hamilton do mediate a truce between the Queen-Mother, and the Lords, from the 24. of July, until the 10. of January. Some Writers say that he assisted, and sided with the Queen; but it should seem that they have mistaken the matter: for not long after, he joined openly with those that were against her, and the French Faction; and is now reckoned among the Noblemen that sent to the Queen of England for her aid and assistance. These were the Duke of Chattelraut, James Stuart brother to the young Queen (afterward Earl of Murray) the Earl of Arran (son to the Duke) Argyle, Glencairne, Rothes, Sutherland, Monteth, Huntley, Caithnesse, Arrol, Marshal, Montrose, Cassils', Eglinton: The Lords Ruthven, Oglebye, Ereskin, Drummond, Hume, Rosse, Creighton, Levingston, Sommervale, the whole Nobility almost. Their cause and their company being so good, Morton could not but take part with them: The common liberty of their Country against the French, and Religion was no less dear to him than it was to them. In matter of Religion, he was so forward, that the Book of Discipline being compiled by some appointed for that purpose, though divers refused to approve of it, and to set to their hands, yet he did it with the first, & received it willingly. Wherefore these two (than which there is nothing dearer unto men) being in danger, he was forced in a manner to lend his helping hand for their defence, pro aris & focis, as the common saying is. And that the rather, for that he saw there was no hope of peace, seeing the truce which he had procured till the 10. of January was not kept. For before the middle of September Monsieur La Croque, being sent out of France to certify the Queen of the new Forces which were in levying for her aid under the leading of marquis D'Elbeufe her brother, she began to fortify Leith with those French which were already in the Country. Not long after arrived Octavian (a French Colonel) with 1000 men, and immediately followed him at the heels La Brosse, Knight of the Cockle, with 2000 more. The next spring came also the Count marquis of the house of Luxemberg, afterward Duke D'Estamps, with 1000 foot, and some horse. These all remained and abode in Leith, which they had fortified; but the Queen to secure her own Person, retired to the Castle of Edinburgh, though the Captain thereof, the Lord Ereskin, were on the contrary part. The Nobility assembling themselves at Dalkeeths Castle, which belonged to Morton, hard by Edinburgh, from thence do write to her, desiring that she would dismiss the French, who were foreigners, and set open the Town of Leith, that the Natives might have free recourse and commerce thither. When they could not obtain these things at her hands, the English, to the number of seven or eight thousand being already entered into Scotland, they sat down before Leith the 4. of April 1560. About the eight of June, the Queen-Mother dying in the 
The Queen-Mother dieth.  Castle of Edinburgh, a peace was concluded, the Town of Leith was surrendered, and the French men returned home into their own Country. In the beginning of Winter, Morton, together with Glencairne, 
Morton Ambassador in England.  and Sir William Metellan of Lithington, Secretary, were sent to thank the Queen of England for her ready succour. Morton had also a private message from the Earl of Arran, son to Duke Hamilton, to lay out marriage to her, but it is not likely that he would deliver it, being so unprobable, and such a proposition as he knew would not be very acceptable unto her. In this journey, Morton procured of his Cousin Lady Margaret Douglas Countess of Lennox, her renunciation of all claim and title she had to the Earldom of Angus, in favours of his Nephew Archbald, but being done without the consent of her husband (Matthew Earl of Lennox) it was renewed again afterward.  
The sixteenth of August 1561. Queen Mary returned out of France to 
Queen Mary arrives in Scotland.  her native Country and Kingdom of Scotland, her husband Francis the second of France, being dead before in December. The Nobility was still divided concerning matter of Religion, and although now having their native Princess at home, her husband being dead, there was no great cause to fear the power or empire of strangers, yet did they suspect that she would be too much ruled and counselled by her Uncles the Cardinal of Lorraine, and the Guisians. The Heads of the parties were James the Queen's brother, and George Earl of Huntley, the first a zealous Protestant, and wholly bend to maintain the received Reformation, and the other no less forward to reduce the Romish Religion. The Queen inclined to favour Huntley's cause, but the Reformed Religion was established by Acts of Parliament, which had been ratified by her own consent. Huntley, as he was a crafty and turbulent man, so was he also esteemed to be by the Queen, and her uncles, who (like unto themselves) made but a cloak of Religion to attain his own ambitious ends and designs. Wherefore howbeit they thought him a fit instrument to bring their own purposes to pass, and made use of him, yet did they not trust him. James Earl of Murray by the contrary was sincere, upright, trusty, and faithful in all his actions, but he ran a course directly opposite to that which they intended. The Earl of Morton entered into straight bonds of friendship with Murray, which continued so long as they lived together. They had the 
Friendship betwixt Morton and Murray.  same friends, and the same enemies, the same ends and aims, the good of their Country, and maintaining of Religion. They ran the same hazard in all perils and dangers, never separating their counsels, nor failing to aid and assist one another. Wherefore Murray being sent by the Queen against the outlaws upon the Borders, being assisted by Morton and his friends (who lay near unto these places) he came to Hawick upon the Fair-day of that Town, and having apprehended fifty of the most notorious Thiefs which came to the Market fearing nothing, he did so terrify the rest, that those parts remained peaceable and quiet for a long time after. This success as it increased his reputation, so did it also more and more kindle the hatred and envy of his enemies. And now besides those at home, the Guisards did also plot his ruin. Their quarrel was Religion, their instrument Huntley, their hope, his power and greatness, which was given out to them to be rather more than it was indeed. Wherefore they write to the Queen (their Niece) to feed Huntley with large promises, and to entertain his son John with hope of marrying her, and fair countenances, that so they might be drawn to do what she listed, to make away Murray and Morton, with their complices. The Pope's Letters were to the same effect. She had 
Their ruin plotted.  sent to him for moneys to make War upon those that had spoken of the yoke of Popish obedience; and his answer was, that she should not want his help; so that she would do it seriously, that was (according to the Cardinal of Lorains Gloss) so that first of all she would cause make away those whose names were given her in writing. These Letters she showed unto Murray and the rest; either because she suspected they had notice of them some other way, or to lull them asleep in security, that being thus persuaded of her sincerity and good meaning, they might the more easily be overreached and entrapped. So the project goeth on; and all things being sufficiently forecast, and prepared for the accomplishing of their intentions, the Queen takes her Progress into the North. 
The Queen goeth to the North, they accompany her.   
Murray behoved to accompany her, and Morton would not forsake Murray. Who can imagine that their counsels should be disappointed? The Forces which Murray and Morton had, were very small, and they were far from their friends, which dwelled in the south parts of the Kingdom. Huntley commanded all in those quarters, being Lieutenant and Sheriff by inheritance: and compassed about with his friends and dependers: So the Game seemed sure. But what can prevail against that which God hath ordained? He had decreed to frustrate them, and that by themselves. The Queen's intentions and Huntleys did not jump in all things: they had their several ends. They agreed in their desire of being rid of those who opposed the re-establishing of Popery, but Huntley had a further drift. He propounded to himself as the reward of his service, no less than the Queen's Person, to be married to his son John, and so in effect the Crown and Kingdom. But howsoever the Queen by her carriage toward the young man, was contented they should please themselves with that conceit; yet neither did she ever go so far as to promise any such thing, neither was it indeed her meaning: for she desired no less to be rid of Huntley, and hated him much more than she did Murray, having had many proofs of his perfidious dealing both toward her father, and her mother. Besides, she thought him too great and more powerful than was fit for a Subject, or safe for the Prince. Wherefore before she began her journey into the North, she left his son John in prison behind her. The pretext was, because he had hurt the Lord Oglebie in a Skirmish on the Street of Edinburgh; but the true cause was, that he might be kept there as a pledge of his Father's fidelity, and that he being absent, Huntley might not constrain her to marry him, nor force her to any thing she had not a mind to. But John made an escape out of prison, and followed the Queen, that his absence might not be any hindrance to the marriage. So Huntley and his son gather their Forces together to meet the Queen, and to cut off Murray and Morton, as they would have her believe, but their main aim was withal to compel her to marry if she should refuse. This the Queen knew well enough: so that when the Countess of Huntley did tell her from the Earl her husband, that he was ready to put in execution what had been determined, the Queen told her, that there was one thing which Huntley must needs do first of all, before any thing else were taken in hand. His son John had broken prison, which was a manifest contempt of her authority, and such a thing as she could not in honour wink at, and therefore he behoved to return and enter himself prisoner in the Castle of Stirlin, though it were but for some few days, to show his obedience and subjection to the Laws. Huntley would none of that, for he saw that so his son should be made to answer for whatsoever should be done contrary to the Queen's liking, so there was a demur in the business. In the mean time the Queen goes from Aberdene to Bawhan, the house of one Master Leslie a Gentleman, some twelve miles from the Town. This was thought a fit place to execute their design upon Murray and Morton: but the Gentleman, though he was Huntley's friend, would upon no terms give way to have done in his house. Then the Queen went toward strabogy (a house of Huntley's, where he had resolved to make an end of all) but by the way she told the Earl, as they road together, that unless his son would return to his prison, she could not in honour go to his house. But he not 
The Queen at innerness.  condescending thereunto, though she were within sight of strabogy, she turned another way, and went to a house of the Earl of athol's, from thence to innerness, where thinking to have lodged in the Castle, Huntleys' servants that had the keeping thereof, shut the gates against her. Then did she perceive what danger she was in, being constrained to lodge in an open town, which had neither wall, nor rampart, nor ditch, the Country about being wholly at Huntley's devotion, whose son John was in the fields with a thousand armed men, besides the country people, who were ready to join with him. Wherefore now seeing that her own safety consisted in her brothers, having none else on whom she could rely & trust into, she began to make much of him & Morton. These two caused set a watch, and placed a strong Guard at all the entries of the town, by which means Huntley's spies and intelligencers were taken: The next morning the Clon-chattans, with the fraser's, and Monroes, and many High-landers, understanding that their Princess was in danger, came to her aid, and forsook Huntley. With these she took the Castle 
Alexander Gordon beheaded.  of innerness, and caused execute Alexander Gordon the Captain thereof, which was a sufficient testimony of her alienation from Huntley. All this did not quail the Earl, or divert him from his purpose. His ambition spurred him on before, necessity doth now drive him forward. He had gone too far to think of a retreat. Therefore he follows the Queen 
She goes to Aberdene.  from innerness to Aberdene, watching for some opportunity to effect his intentions. He lay not far from the town with his Companies, and had his intelligencers within it, the Earl of Sutherland, Master Leslie of Bawhan, black Alexander (or Arthur) Forbes. The townsmen were most of them, either of his kindred, or allied to him; and all of them so affected, as that they neither would, or durst oppose him. But letters being intercepted, which Sutherland and Bawhan wrote to him, their plots were discovered, and they defeated of their intendments once more.  
Then Murray and Morton thinking it both tedious and perilous, to be always on their guard, and to be defenders only, resolved to take their turn of assailing, and pursuing, if so happily they might break his Forces, and disperse them. And howbeit they had not of their own, that 
The battle at Corrighie, 1562.  they could trust to above an hundred horse, yet being armed with authority, and the Majesty of their Sovereign, for the safety of whose person they were to fight, having gathered together of Forbeses and Leslies, to the number of seven or eight hundred, and hoping that albeit they inclined to favour Huntley, yet their duty and allegiance to their Princess would not suffer them to betray her, they took the fields. These made great show of forwardness in convening, and gave out great words and brags, that they alone would do all. Huntley with his men had taken a plot of ground, enclosed about with marshes, so that he was in a manner encamped. Murray and Morton, with the trustiest of their Friends, retired to a little hill, to behold the issue of this Battle, committing all to those who had taken it upon them: Only they sent some hor●…men a by-way, to close up the passages of the marish, that Huntley being overcome, might not escape that way. So those boasters begin to march toward the enemy, and by the way they plucked off the heath (or hather) which grows in abundance in those parts, and stuck it in their Helmets, and Headpieces, according as it had been agreed upon betwixt them and Huntley. Wherefore, he thinking now (these being for him) that there was no power to resist him, came out of his Strength against t●…em, who presently turned their backs, and came fleeing with their swords drawn, and crying, Treason, treason, as if they had been betrayed, when indeed themselves were the traitors. They had thrown away their spears and long weapons, wherefore Murray and Morton, though they were astonished at the first sight of these hather-topped traitors, who came running toward them, with Huntley at their heels, yet they took courage, and resolved to stand to it. For as they were about to save themselves by flight, and were calling for their horses, William Douglas of Glenb arvie, (who was afterward Earl of Angus) requested them to stay (as is reported) saying, No horses, my Lords, we are strong enough for Huntley, and these men, though they flee, yet will they not fight against us. Wherefore let us present our pikes and spears to keep them out, that they come not in amongst us, to break our ranks, and the rest will prove easy. This advice was liked, and followed, so that Huntley expecting nothing less, than to find resistance, and being destitute of long weapons, was forced (some of his men being slain) to give ground, and at last to flee as fast as before he had followed the counterfeit fleers. Then the Hather-tops perceiving that Huntley fled, turned upon him, and to make amends, slew most of them that were slain that day, which were some hundred and twenty, and an hundred taken prisoners, amongst whom was Huntley himself, and his sons John, and Adam. The Earl being an aged and corpulent pursy man, was stifled with his armour, and for want of breath in the taking. Some say, that he received a stroke on the head with a pistol, but it seems to be false: for it is reported, that when Huntley saw his men routed, he asked of those that were by him; what the name of the ground was upon which they fought, and having learned that it was commonly called Corraighie, he repeated the name thrice, Corraighie, Corraighie, Corraighie, than God be merciful to me. The name of the place put him in mind of a response or oracle (if we may so call it) which was given by a Witch in the Highland, to whom he had sent to inquire of his death, and she had told, that he should die at Corraighie. But whether the messenger, or he himself mistake the word, he understood it of Creigh, a place which was in his way to Aberdene, and which (riding thither) he always did shun, by reason of this soothsayers speech; or if at any time he did adventure to go by it, he was sure to be well accompanied, and to have the fields cleared and curried before. But this event discovered his mistaking. It was also told him by some of the same profession, that the same day, on which he was taken, he should be in Aberdene, maugre those that would not so, neither should one drop of his blood be spilt. This seemed to promise him a successful journey; but the ambiguity thereof was cleared by his death: for he was indeed that night in Aberdene, being carried thither upon a pair of creels, or panniers, and that against the will of all his friends, who would not have had him brought thither in such a guise. Neither did he lose any blood, but was choked for want of breath. Such are commonly the answers of such spirits, ambiguous, and of no use to the receivers; yet men's curiosity is so prevalent, that posterity will take no warning of former examples. Murray being glad of this so-unlooked-for-victory, sent to the Ministers of Aberdene, to be ready against his coming, to go to the Churches, and give God thanks for that day's success: which they did very solemnly, and (no question) heartily, as men are wont to do while the memory of a great delivery is yet fresh in their minds. The next day John Gordon (the Earl's son) was execute, and his brother Adam was pardoned in regard of his youth. George the eldest brother fled to his father-in-law Duke Hamilton, and afterward being arraigned & condemned of high treason, he was sent prisoner to the Castle of Dumbar: Who doth not see through this whole journey, but especially in this catastrophe, an overruling power and providence doth either willingly shut his eyes, or else hath his understanding blinded by partiality or prejudice. Five several times (at Bawhan, at Straboggie, at Innernesse, at Aberdene, and last of all, at Corraighie) did Huntley attempt to cut off these men, who were many degrees weaker; and five times is he disappointed. And that neither by their wisdom or strength, but by him who confounds the wisdom of the wise, and who delivers without the help of the arm of flesh. Neither were they delivered only, but their enemies were also taken in the trap, and fell into the pit which they had digged for them. Let men observe it, and let them learn not to confide in their own (never so seeming wisely grounded) projects, lest they be thus disappointed as Huntley was. This fell out in the year 1562. After this they returned with the Queen to Edinburgh, where we will leave them in rest, and so in silence a year or two.  
In the year 1564. Matthew Stuart Earl of Lennox returned into Scotland after 22. years' exile, and was restored to his estate in a Parliament. 
Lennox and Henry Lord Darnely come ho●….  Not long after, his son Henry Lord Darnely, having obtained leave of the Queen of England for three months, came to do his duty to the Queen as his Princess and Kinswoman. He being a proper and handsome young man, and her Cousin German by his mother, Lady Margaret Douglas, the Queen began to think him a fit husband for her, 
Proposition of martiage with the Queen.  and ere long did propound the matter to the Nobility, craving their consent and approbation thereto. They were divided in their opinions. Hamilton and Murray were against the match, fearing alteration in Religion, he being a Roman Catholic, as the Queen also was. Besides, they thought it not fit to conclude any thing without the Queen of England's consent. Morton was for it, and thought it great reason that she should have her liberty in her choice of a husband. He liked also the party, being his near Kinsman, the Lady Margaret Douglas and he being brother's children. Wherefore having endeavoured to draw those that stood against it to be of his opinion, when he could not prevail, he professed openly he would do what lay in him to set it forward; and speaking to the Duke and Murray, It will be long (says he) ere you two agree on a husband for her, if she marry not till you do, I fear me she marry not these seven years; and so he left them. The rest bound themselves to withstand it. Her Uncles of Guise did also oppose it, intending to bestow her on some foreign Prince, so to strengthen themselves by some great alliance. The Queen of England did not so much dislike it, as she desired to have some hand and stroke in it. Notwithstanding all this opposition the marriage 
They mar●…y the 27. of July 1565.  was consummate the 27. of July 1565. about some six months after he came into Scotland. Whatsoever the motives were that induced the parties thus to hasten it, so it pleased God in his wisdom and providence, to dispose of things that by joining of these two, this happy conjunction of the two Kingdoms which we now see and enjoy, should spring from them without all controversy or question. The eldest daughter of King Henry the seventh of England, Margaret, had but two children; James the fifth by King James the fourth, and Margaret Douglas (born at Harbottle) by Archbald Earl of Angus her second husband. James the fifth left behind him but one child, Marry, sole heir to the Crown of Scotland. Lady Margaret Douglas, being brought up with her Uncle Henry the eight, was married to Matthew Stuart Earl of Lennox, who being banished, and living in England, had by her Henry, Lord Darnely, and Charles, father to Arabella. So that by this marriage of Queen Mary to Henry Lord Darnely, the whole right that was in Queen Margaret to the Crown of England (failing the heirs of King Henry the eight) was combined and united in the persons of these two, and their off spring. What eye is so blind as not to see evidently the hand of the Almighty in this match? In taking away her former husband (the King of France) in bringing her back again into Scotland; in sending Lennox into England, there to marry Lady Margaret Douglas, in bringing him and his son (Henry) home again after 22. years' absence, and in moving Queen Mary to set her affection on him. I make no question but this consideration (of strengthening the title to England) hath been amongst the motives that drew on this match, though we find none, or very slender mention thereof in our writers.  
The next day after the marriage, they were proclaimed with sound of Trumpet at the Market-Crosse of Edinburgh by a Herald, Henry and Mary, King and Queen of Scotland. This was ill taken both of the Nobility and Commons. A King made by Proclamation! The voice of a Herald to be in stead of a Parliament! King Francis, her former husband had not done so; he had sought a matrimonial Crown from the three estates, and hardly obtained it, after he had been refused at first, yet not without consent of a Parliament. But by this it appeared they made no account of the estates, nor bore no respect unto the customs of the Kingdom. Every man thought it a great neglect and derogation to their privileges, but the male-contented called it, a tyrannical usurpation. Thus many of the Nobility being discontented withdrew themselves, and the want of their presence and countenance in guiding of affairs, did alienate the people. The principal malcontents were Hamilton, Murray, Argyle, Rothuse, Glencairne. Against these the King goeth to Glasgow with 4000 men. They lay at Pasley; and though they were together, yet they were not all of one mind. The hamilton's would not hear of any peace, alleging there could be no true and firm reconciliation with Princes once offended. The rest were not of their opinion: they said that matters had been hitherto carried without blood; neither were their differences such, but that they might be composed without stroke of sword; especially in regard that there were some about their Princes, that would both mediate their peace, and endeavour to have it faithfully kept, The constant practice of their Predecessors, and the rule they had ever followed had been this; To pass by, and not to take notice of the secret and hidden faults of their Princes, and to salve those things which were doubtful by a favourable and charitable construction; yea even to tolerate and bear with their open faults and errors, as far as might be, without the ruin of the common wealth; of which nature they esteemed these slips in government to be proceeding from their youth, and want of experience, which might be redressed by calm and fair means. Duke Hamilton himself did like of their moderation, but the rest of the hamilton's refused to assist them upon these terms; wherefore they departed all of them, save the Duke, with some sixteen that attended his Person. By this departure they were so weakened, that not daring to abide the Kings coming, they went first to Hamilton, and the day following toward Edinburgh, but being shot at from the Castle, they took their way through Bigger to Dumfreis, to the Lord Harris, who had desired them to do so, and had made them many fair promises. But he failing them, they dismissed their Troops, and fled into England. All this way the King with his Companies dogged them at the heels, whereupon it was called, the Runaway Road (or runabout) and, the wild-goose chase. The King returned to Edinburgh in the latter end of October. 
The Runabout Rode.   
All this while the Earl of Morton took part with the King and Queen, but he was suspected to favour the other side, which he did indeed so far, as to wish that the matter might be so taken up, that none of their lives were endangered. Otherwise he was in a good place, and Chancellor for the time. But these male-contented Lords being thus 
Morton Chancellor.  removed, his house of Tantallon was seized, that it might not be a receipt and place of refuge for the Rebels, if they should happen to take it: But the true cause was, Rizio (commonly known by the name Signior 
Rizio.  David) had put the King and Queen in some jealousy of Morton; the occasion whereof was this, This Italian (or Pied-montoise) was of a Musician, risen to such favour, that he was become Cabin-Secretary to the Queen; and Sir William Metellan (Secretary of estate) finding himself prejudiced by him, who had encroached upon his office, as also out of the love he bore to Murray (to whom Rizio was a professed enemy) bethought himself how to be rid of him. Wherefore he appointed a meeting with Morton, and the Lord Harris, in which he used all the persuasions he could to induce them to cut off that base stranger, who took upon him to disturb the Country, did abuse the Queen's favour, and set all in a combustion, to the dishonour of the Prince and Nobility; telling them, that it belonged to them, and such as they were, to have a care that such disorders were not suffered unpunished. And the more to incite them thereto, he alleged the examples of former times, omitting nothing which he thought might move them to undertake it. But Morton (as the Proverb is) was as wise as he was wisely: He told him flatly, he would take no such violent course, he would do what he could by fair means for Murrays peace and restitution: but as for that way, it would offend the Queen highly, and therefore he would not meddle with it. Metellan seeing that he could not draw him to it by persuasion, casts about how to drive him to it by necessity. He betakes himself to Rizio, makes show as if he were very desirous of his friendship, and proffers him his service so far as he was able. After he had so insinuated with him, that he began to have some trust with him, he told him that the place he had (to be the Queen's Closet-Secretarie) was neither gainful, nor usual in this Country, and that he might easily come by a better: The Lord Chancellors office (says he) is the most honourable, which is in Mortons' hands, a man no ways fit for the place, as being unlettered and unskilful. Do but deal with the Queen to estrange her countenance from him, as one th●…t savours Murray a Rebel, and with the King to insist in his right to the Earldom of Angus, Morton will be glad to sue to you for your favour, and to obtain your friendship, will be content to demit his place of Chancellor in your behalf 〈◊〉 Only, in regard that the place (being the chief office in the Kingdom) must be possessed by a Scottish Nobleman, you must first be made a free Denizan, and naturalised, and have the title of an Earl, which the Queen may confer upon you of herself. This Metellan thought would incense Morton against Rizio, and force him to do him a mischief. Rizio began to follow this advice, in so much that the Castle of Tantallon was summoned, and delivered into the King's hands. Likewise the King entered heir to his Grandfather Archbald Earl of Angus. The Queen also intending to create Rizio an Earl, would have bought Melvin Castle with the Lands belonging thereto for the first step of his preferment, but the owner would by no means part with them. And it is very probable, that he would have prosecuted the rest of the Plot, if he had not been interrupted, and dispatched before he could bring it to pass: for his credit increased so far with the Queen, that like too big a Sail for a small Bark, he was not able to bear his good fortune, but being puffed up therewith beyond measure, he forgot his duty to the King, and carried himself so insolently toward him, that the King resolved to rid himself of him upon any terms. So he imparts his mind to his friends, that Rizio must needs be made away. Those whom he first acquainted with his purpose, were 
Rizio his death plotted by the King.  George Douglas (commonly called the Postulate) a natural brother of his mothers, an understanding and active man; the Lord Ruthven who had married a natural sister of his mothers, and the Lord Lindsay, who was his Cousin German, and had to wife a sister of the Earl of Murrayes; and his own father the Earl of Lennox. These had concluded to lay hold on him as he came from the Tennesse-Court, where he used much, but he having gotten some inkling hereof, kept a Guard about him of some fifty Halberds, which constrained them to think of a new course. And because their power was neither sufficient to effect it, nor to bear it out when it were done, they thought good to join the Earl of Morton. He being somewhat alienated, and discontented with the Kings insisting in his claim to the Earldom of Angus, they sent to him Andrew Ker of Fadunside, and Sir John Ballindine Justice-Clerk to deal with him, who prevailed so far, that he was content to come to Lennox Chamber where the King was. There they came soon to an agreement, the King and his father for themselves, and undertaking also for Lady Margaret Douglas (whose consent they promised to obtain, and that she should renew and ratify what had been done by herself before) renounced all title, right, interest, or claim they had or could make to the Earldom of Angus in favours of Archbald son to David, sometime Earl thereof. Having obtained this, he consented to assist the K. with all his power on these conditions. 1. That nothing should be altered in the received Religion, but that it should be established as fully, and in as ample manner, as it was before the Queen came home out of France. 2. That the banished Lords should be brought home and restored. 3. That the King would take the fact upon himself, and warrant them from whatsoever danger might follow thereon by the Queen's displeasure. These Articles were given him in writing to subscribe, lest afterward out of his facility or levity he should either deny it, or alter his mind, which he did very willingly, and even eagerly. Presently hereupon Lennox went into England to acquaint the banished Lords herewith, and to bring them near to the Borders of Scotland, that when Rizio were slain, they might be ready to lay hold of the occasion for their restitution. And now the day of the Parliament drew near, in which they were to be forfeited; and Rizio did bestir himself notably to bring it to pass. He went about to all those that had vote in Parliament, to try their minds, and to terrify them, by telling it was the Queen's pleasure to have it so, and that whosoever voted to the contrary should incur her high displeasure, and no ways do any good to the Noblemen. This made them hasten his death, to prevent the sentence which the Parliament might have given out against the Lords by Rizio his practices. Wherefore that they might take him, when his Guard was from him, and that it might the more clearly be seen, that the King was the chief author of it, they determined to take him along with them, who should bring him out of the Queen's Chamber, from whence he should be carried to the City and have his trial by assize, and so legally and formally (for they had matter enough against him) condemned 
Rizio killed.  and executed at the Market-Crosse of Edinburgh. So Morton assembled his friends, and going to the Abbey of Halyroodhouse (the 8. of March 
1566. Martii 8.  1566) in the evening, he seized the Keys of the Palace, and leaving a sufficient number in the Inner-Court below, to keep in the Noblemen that were lodged in the Palace, and were not on the Plot, he himself went up to the presence, and there walked up and down. The King went directly to the Queen's Chamber by the privy stairs, and with him the Lord Ruthven, and some five more all armed. The Queen was at supper, and there was with her, her natural sister the Countess of Argyle, and Rizio with some few other servants. She was at first somewhat amazed to see them come into her Bedchamber being armed; but because the Lord Ruthven had been sick of a burning fever, she thought he had been distracted with the vehemency of the fit, so she asked what the matter was. Ruthven made no answer, but laid hold on Rizio, and told him it did not become him to be in that place. He ran to the Queen, and clasped his hands about her to save himself, but the King taking her softly in his arms, told her they had determined to punish that villain; who had abused both them and the Country; and withal unclasping Rizio his hands, he delivered him to Ruthven, who carried him from thence into the Privie-Chamber, and then to the Presence. In the mean time the Earl Bothwell and Huntley (who were opposite to this course) being lodged in the Palace, and hearing how things went on the Queen's side, would have made resistance, by the help of the under-officers of Court, Butlers, Cooks, Skulls and suchlike, with Spits and Staves, but they were quickly rambarred, and beaten back by those that had been left of purpose in the Court by Morton. So Huntley and Bothwell fled out at backwindowes. Athole was persuaded to keep his Chamber by Secretary Metellan, who was on the Plot, and supped that night with Athole, partly to keep him from stirring, lest he might have offered or suffered violence; partly and chiefly that he himself might not be suspected to have a finger in the Pie, having Athole to be a witness of his behaviour therein. He had given order to his followers, that they should remain quiet till it came to be acted, and that then they should arm themselves, and run hastily, as it were to an unknown and sudden fray and tumult, but if there were need, to assist Morton and those that guarded the Court. The noise of the scuffling which Huntly and Bothwel made below in the Court, coming to the ears of those that were above in the presence, and had Rizio in their hands; they not knowing what it might import, but fearing that he might be rescued from them, they fell upon him, and stabbed him with their daggers, sore against the will, and besides the intention of Morton, and the rest of the Noblemen, who thought to have caused execute him upon the scaffold, so to have gratified the common people, to whom it would have been a most acceptable and pleasant sight. It is constantly reported that he was advised by one Damicote (a French Priest, who was thought to have some skill in the black Art) that now he had gotten good store of means and riches, it was best for him to return home to his native Country, where he needed not to fear the Nobility of Scotland, whose hatred he could not be able to stand out against long; but he contemned his counsel, saying, The Scots were greater threatners, than doers. They say also, that one Signior Francese admonished him to carry himself more soberly, and not to irritate the Nobility; for as he understood they bore him no great good will, and would not fail to do him some mischief one time or another; but he answeredhim in Italians, Parole, parole, all was but words, he feared them not, they were no body, they were but like Ducks, which if some of them be stricken down, the rest will lie in. To whom the other replied, Take heed you find them not rather like Geese, of which if you stir but one, all the rest will fly upon you, and so plume you, that they will leave you neither Feather, nor Down. So when he was desired by some Diviner, or Soothsayer, to beware of the Bastard, he said, That Bastard should not have power to do much hurt in Scotland, so long as he lived; understanding it to be spoken of Murray, who was Bastard-brother to the Queen. But the Bastard that slew him, was George Douglas (as is the most received opinion) who stabbed him with the King's dagger, having none of his own then about him. This brought Morton into great trouble; for the next day being the day of the Parliament, the banished Lords compeered in the Parliament-House, as they had been summoned, where finding no accuser, now that Rizio was gone, the Parliament was deserted, and the Queen reconciled unto them, intending to use their help against the slayers of Rizio. Wherefore she went first to Seton, then to Dumbar, where she assembled a sufficient number 
Morton flees to England.  of men, so that Morton, Ruthven, and their partners, were fain to flee into England, but some of them lurked in the Highlands. Their Goods were confiscated, their places and Offices disposed of to others. Their friends, who were no ways accessary to that fact, were committed to prison. Sir David Hume of Wedderburne, only because he was Mortons' kinsman, was sent first to Dumbar, then to the Ken-moore in Galloway. It is true, it was his brothers-in-law house, and Loghenvarre was indeed a loving brother, yet was it far from home, neither was he set free without bail to re-enter when he should be required.  
Thus were the dice changed. Morton was at Court, when Murray and his complices were banished: now they are in Court, when he and his associates are discourted, and forced to flee. He had favoured them, but had not joined with them: they favour him, but think it not good to take part with him. Yet had they more reason to do it, for his fact had wrought out their Liberty, theirs had made him to be suspected. But whether they would not, or could not do him any good, or that they thought the time was not fit, and a better time was to be expected, the King (who was the chief author and first mover of it) having forsaken him, he was constrained to withdraw himself into England, as we have said. There he did not remain long in ease and quiet, for about the beginning of May, the Queen sent Master John Thornton (Chanter of Murray) desiring that he and the rest, might not be suffered to harbour within the Queen of England's Dominions. She sent the same Thornton also to France with the like message, but it needed not, for they never meant to go thither. Queen Elizabeth sent one of her servants (William Killigrew) and by him promised to cause them void her Realm before Midsummer. It was so done in show, they were warned to depart, and did depart from Newcastle, abstained from conversing in public, but they lurked privately in a place not far from Anwick. No search was made for them, and the Messenger had whispered them in the ear, when he commanded them to be gone, that England was broad and wide. Before they came from Newcastle, he lost his good friend the Lord Ruthven, whom God called to his rest in mercy. Thus was he banished from Scotland, England, 
The Lord Ruthven dies there.  France, and Ireland, yet did he lurk still in England.  
But he lurked not long; for matters were in brewing at home, which gave occasion to his return. The Earl Bothwell was now become the 
Bothwell the Queen's favourite.  Queen's favourite, all men followed him, all preferment came by him. His thoughts were high, his ambition no less than to enjoy the Queen, if she were free from a husband. To bring this design to pass, she was content to forget all private quarrels with Morton, and he presumed that Morton being abandoned of the King, and engaged to him for his return and restitution, as also being led with hope of his further goodwill, to gratify him in any thing that might be procured from the Queen, would be induced either to become his friend, or at least not to be his enemy, nor to raise, or to side with any Faction against him; which he esteemed a great point, & of much importance. There was amongst Bothwels followers, one 
Morton returns.  M. Arch. Douglas, a brother of the house of Whittingame, by his mediation all former quarrels were taken away on both sides, & Mortons' peace procured from the Q. on condition he should not come within a mile of the Court. This restraint he reckoned to be rather beneficial, than hurtful to him; seeing that by that mean, he should be the farther off from whatsoever should happen amiss. Wherefore being returned before the Q. was brought to bed of her son James the 6. (which was the 19 of June 1566) 
King James borne. 1566. 19 June.  he becomes a spectator, beholding a far off what would be the issue of things. To sit on the shore, & to behold others at sea tossed with wind and wave, though it cannot but stir our pity and commiseration in common humanity, yet when we reflect upon ourselves, and consider how happy we are that are on firm land, free from these fears and dangers, the joy and contentment we have in our own safety, doth swallow up the former consideration of another's danger. So it was with Morton, he saw what a fearful tragedy was like to be acted at court, but not being able to ●…inder it, he chose to keep at home. He was the King's kinsman, yet could he do him no good, having had experience of his weakness and inconstancy in his forsaking of him, after the kill of Rizio. He was beholding to Bothwell for his restoring, and therefore bound not to oppose him, in honesty and duty he could not aid nor assist him in such courses. Wherefore he useth the benefit of his confining, and becomes a looker on.  
To declare the estate of those times, and to dilate it, let them do it that can delight to blaze the weakness of those, whom they ought to love and honour, and who have that task imposed upon them, by whatsoever necessity. For myself, neither am I any way necessitated thereunto, neither could my soul ever delight in the reproach of any. I wish I could cover the sins of the world, they should never be uncovered, or known, but where necessity did require it, that so they might be taken away by order. My endeavour should rather be with the blessed sons of Noah, to overspread, with the mantle of silence and oblivion, the nakedness of those to whom we owe even a filial duty & piety. Concerning that Princess, my heart inclineth more to pity; I see good qualities in her, and love them: I see errors, and pity them: I see gentleness, courtesy, humility, beauty, wisdom, liberality; who can but affect these? If they be carried to inconvenience, who can but lament it? In that sex, in that place, in that education, in that company: a woman, a Princess, accustomed to pleasure, to have their will, by Religion, by sight, by example, by instigation, by soothing, and approbation. Happy, yea thrice happy are they who are guided through these rocks without touch, nay, without shipwreck. I do advert more than I find set down by Writers, while I search into all the causes which might have drawn on these lamentable events. Besides the secret loathe in the estate of marriage (which who knows but the actors?) bringing forth dislike, than quarrels on both sides, then crossing & th' warting, than hatred, then desire to be freed; besides all this, impotency, and desire of revenge, being seconded with show of reason, and backed with a colour of law and justice; what will it not do? Her husband had killed a servant of hers, whom he had dragged violently out of her bedchamber. Behold him therefore (as Lawyers, or such as pretended skill in law would allege) guilty of death in their judgement. He was not crowned, but proclaimed King only by her sole authority, never acknowledged by a Parliament, so was he but a private man, & a subject to her his Sovereign, as are the wives and children of Kings. Wherefore his Fact (in slaying Rizio) was flat treason, for which he might have been arraigned, and suffered according to law. But bearing the name of a King, & having many friends and kindred, a legal proceeding could hardly be attempted without great difficulty, and might have caused an insurrection, and much bloodshed with uncertain event. Wherefore in wisdom the most convenient way was to do it privately and secretly; secret justice, is justice notwithstanding; formalities are but for the common course of things. This was an extraordinary case. Justice is absolutely necessary, the form (whether this, or that way) is indifferent, it may be altered, or omitted; the Prince's power may dispense with forms in case of necessity or conveniency, so the substance be observed. Well, I conceive that a Prince upon such suggestions, upon dislike, in anger and indignation, might be drawn by his counsellors, neither can I but conceive, that these colours have been here represented to persuade, or to sooth. To be short, that fact so lamentable, and (which I can never remember without lamenting) every way in her own, and her husband's person, done by the Earl Bothwell, he murdering 
The King murdered by Bothwell.  her husband, she marrying him, the matter seemed extreme strange and odious in the eyes of many. It is true, Bothwell was cleared, or rather not filled by an Assize; but the Nobility judging him not to be sufficiently cleansed, but rather being fully persuaded that he was the author of the murder, thought themselves bound in duty to bring him to a further trial. And howsoever he had married the Queen, yet did they not take themselves to be so far bound in obedience to her, as in that regard to desist from all further enquiring into that Fact. Nay, it did rather move their indignation to see him who had committed so vile and execrable a murder, not only to escape Scot-free, but to reap so large and rich a reward, as was the Queens own person. 
The Nobility bands against Bothwell.  Besides, they thought the consequent might prove dangerous, if he who had massacred the father, and married the mother, should also have the son (the only bar and let of his ambition, to establish the Crown to himself and his posterity) in his power and custody. These were given out as the causes of their taking arms, which were very plausible to the vulgar, especially the safety of the young Prince James. There is no question, they had also their own particular respects, which are seldom wanting, and do commonly concur with the public cause: wherefore there joined together the Earls of Argyle, Glencairne, and Mar, the Lords Lindsay and Boyde. These bound themselves to pursue Bothwel, and to assist one another against whosoever would oppose them, especially to keep the young Prince from coming into Bothwels' power. But Argyle repenting him, went the next morning to the Queen, and revealed all the matter, and the Lord Boyde also was at last persuaded with many fair promises, to forsake them, and join with Bothwell. The ●…st notwithstanding remained firm, with whom Morton took part. He thought he could do no less, being so near a kinsman to the late King, and so to the young Prince. It is true, he had been beholding to Bothwell, but no benefit could bind him to assist him in this case: for by so doing, he should have given some colourable ground to that report, which had so spread itself, that it was believed a while about the Court of England, that Murray and he were authors of the King's murder. To have remained neutral, would have been but ill taken on both sides. The Lord Hume, Cesford, and Balcleugh, though they had not subscribed with the other Lords, yet did they hate Bothwell, and were suspected to incline to the contrary Faction. The year preceding, Bothwel had made an inroad upon Liddisdale, for the suppressing of thiefs, and apprehending of outlawed Borderers with bad success, for he was wounded, and hardly escaped with his life. This year he resolves to repair his honour, and by some notable exploit, to gain the goodwill of the people, which that he might the more easily do, the chief men of the name of Scot, and Ker, who were likely to hinder him, were commanded to enter into prison in the Castle of Edinburgh, and there to remain till his return. But they fearing some worse meaning, went home to their houses.  
The Lord Hume also being summoned to enter, would not obey. Notwithstanding Bothwell goeth on with his intended journey, and so the Queen and he come to Borthwick Castle, there to make all things ready for this expedition. The adverse party thought this place was not unfit to surprise him in it: and therefore they appointed their Rendezvous at Liberton, whither Morton only came. The Earl of Athole (whither through his natural slowness or fearfulness) by his not keeping that appointment, caused the rest to break also, and to stay still at 
The Queen and Bothwel at Borthwick  Stirlin. The Lord Hume in hope to have been seconded, went directly to Borthwick, and lay about the Castle, but seeing no appearance of their coming, he kept such negligent watch, that the Queen and Bothwell escaped, and went back to the Castle of Dumbar. The Lords thus frustrated, went to Edinburgh to practise the Citizens there, and to draw them to their side, which they easily effected. The Castle was kept by Sir James Belfoure (whom Bothwell had made Captain thereof, and who had been his intimate friend, and privy to all his secrets: But upon some distaste or distrust, Bothwell had sought to put him out of the place; which he finding, had made himself full Master thereof: and he was now entered in terms of agreement, and capitulation with the Lords to put it into their hands, but had not yet concluded and transacted with them. There were in the City at this time of the other party, John Hamilton Bishop of S. Andrews, the Earl of Huntley, and the Bishop of Rosse John Lesly. These when they heard that the Lords were come into the City, came forth into the Street, hoping the Citizens would assist them and help them to expel the Lords; but when they saw that few or none did resort to them, they fled to the Castle, where they were received (the Captain thereof not having as yet agreed with the Lords) and some few days after were let out at a postern, and so escaped. In the mean time the Queen had sent abroad to assemble her forces. There 
Carbury hill.  came to her out of Lowthian, the Lords Seton, Yester, and Borthwick, small Barons, Waughton, Basse, and Ormeston. Out of the Merse, Sir David Hume of Wedderburne, with his Uncle Blackader, notwithstanding their Chief the Lord Hume, and his Cousin German Morton, were on the other side. Besides these, they had 200. hired Soldiers under the leading of Captain Anstrudder, mounting in all to 2000 and 500 with these they set forward from Dumbar, with intention to go to Leith, that so they might be nearer the enemy, and lose no opportunity of taking advantage of them. A wrong course, and ill advised: Whereas if they had but stayed a space in the Castle of Dumbar, the Lords not having sufficient forces to assault them there, nor Ordnance, or any other necessary provision for a siege, had been constrained to disperse themselves, and retire home to their own houses. Which if they had done, they might easily have been overthrown being separated and scattered, before they could have joined their forces again. But there is a director of all things, who had not ordained that Bothwell should prosper in his ways; which fell out also by his own temereity, and the counsel of Master Edmond Hay (his Lawyer) who is said to have advised him thus, alleging that the Lords neither would nor durst abide their coming, but would presently flee upon the first noise of their approach; and that if they did but once show themselves in the fields, the Commons would all come flocking to them. But it fell out clean contrary, for neither did the people concur with them (because they hated Bothwell) and the Lords having once taken Arms, were enforced by necessity to fight for their own safety. Their number was about some 2000 most part Gentlemen of good quality and rank; of the which, the chief were Morton, Marre, Athole, Glencairne, Montrose; the Lords, Hume, Lindsay, Ruthven, Semple, and Sanwhere; Small Barons, Cesford, Drumlenrigge, Tillebardine, Grange. They had no Artillery, neither any Musketeers, save a few from Edinburgh. They caused to be drawn on their ensigns, the late King lying dead, and his young son the Prince James sitting on his knees, with his hands heaved up to Heaven with this Motto, Judge and revenge my cause, O LORD. While they were in Edinburgh, word was brought to them about midnight, that the Queen and Bothwell were come to Seton and Salt-Preston, within six miles of them. Whereupon they made haste, and having armed, went speedily toward Muscleburgh, lest the enemy should seize the Bridge and Fords of the River which was within two miles of Preston. So having passed it without disturbance a little after the Sunrising, finding that the enemy did not stir, they took their refreshment, and broke their fast at leisure. Not long after, those whom they had sent before to curry the fields, and to give notice what the enemy was about, having perceived a few horsemen without the village, drove them back again, but not daring to follow them for fear of some ambuscade, could learn nothing else, save that the enemy was ready to march. Hereupon the Lords also began to set forward toward them, and being now without the Town of Muscleburgh they perceived the enemy, ranged in order of battle all along Carburie hill, ready to encounter 
The battle of Carburie hill.  them. The hill was steep, and the ascent difficult on that side, wherefore they turned a little to the right hand, where they might with more ease and less disadvantage ascend, the hill being there much plainer, and the ground more level. This deceived the enemy, who seeing them turn aside, supposed they had fled to Dalketh, which belonged to Morton, and lay on that hand. But they being come where they would have been, set their men in order, having the Sun on their backs, and in the face of the enemy, which was no small advantage, for the day was exceeding 
1567. June the 5.  hot, being the fifth of June 1567. besides, the Townsmen of Dalkeeths did furnish them sufficiently with drink, together with other villages that lay on that hand. But on Bothwels' side it was not so, there was no such alacrity and readiness in the people to supply them; no foresight in themselves to provide, no cheerfulness in the Army, but most of them wavering between their duty to the Queen, and their suspicion of Bothwels' guiltiness. Yet did they not offer to forsake her, neither would they have done it for anything we hear of, if Bothwell durst have stood to it. But his self-accusing conscience, struck his mind with such terror and dread, that knowing what he had deserved, he judged other men's minds to be accordingly affected toward him; and seeing head made against him beyond his expectation, he began to doubt of the fidelity of those that were come to take part with him. Especially he disinherited Sir David Hume of Wedderburne, in regard of his friendship and Kindred with the Lord Hume, and Earl of Morton. Wherefore he moved the Queen to ask him whether he would abide constantly by her, and perform his part faithfully. He answered freely, that he was come to serve her, as his Sovereign out of duty, and in sincerity, which he would do to the utmost of his power, against whomsoever, without respect of whatsoever friendship or kindred with any. Blackader said the like, and added withal, speaking to Bothwell, I wish my Lord, you stay as well by it, as we shall. That which made them the more to fear Sir David was, because a servant of his, as he went to drink at a well not far from the enemy, was taken, and brought to Morton, who hearing whose man he was, dismissed him, and bade him tell his Master from him; That if he were the man he should be, he alone might put an end to that day's work, which is like enough he might have done, if either he would have revolted to the Lords, or forsaken Bothwell, and gone home. The rest of the Nobles and Gentlemen being in like manner exhorted by the Queen to fight valiantly, promised that for their own parts they would do it faithfully, but they said, the hearts of the common Soldiers were averse from Bothwell; and thought it more reasonable that he should adventure his own Person in his own quarrel for maintaining his innocency, than that either her Majesty, or so many of her good Subjects should adventure or endanger their lives for him. But if she were resolved to try the hazard of a battle, it was her best to defer it till the next day, that the hamilton's, who were on their journey, might join with them. As they were about to join battle, the French Ambassador (La Croque) would have mediated a Peace, and came to the Lords, promising to obtain their pardon at the Queen's hands for what was past, and that none of them should ever be called in question for their taking Arms against her, so that they would now lay them down, and proceed no further: Morton made answer, that they had not taken Arms against the Queen, but against Bothwell, who had murdered their King, whom if her Majesty would be pleased to abandon, they would quickly make it appear, that they desired nothing more than to continue in all dutiful obedience and allegiance to her, as became Loyal Subjects; but so long as Bothwell remained unpunished, they could not in duty and conscience be so forgetful of their late King, as not to avenge his murder. La Croque not being able to persuade them, retired to Edinburgh. All hope of peace and agreement being cut off, Bothwell being jealous of his Soldiers, and either intending in good earnest to fight, or for a Bravado, sent a Trumpet to the Lords to declare his innocency, in confidence whereof, if any would accuse him, and stand to his allegation, he was ready to maintain his cause against whosoever would attach him, in Duel, and single Combat. There were two of the Lords faction that undertook to make it good against him, William Kirkadie of Grange, and James Murray brother to Tilliberdine; but he rejected these as not being his equals, and Peers, he being an Earl, and they but Gentlemen only. Wherefore he challenged Morton by name. He accepted of the challenge, and appointed the Weapons two-handed Swords, and to fight on foot. But the Lord Lindsay stepping forth, besought Morton and the rest, that for all the service that ever his Predecessors, or himself had done, or could do unto the country, that they would do him that honour as to suffer him to undertake that Combat; which he said did also duly belong unto him, in regard of his nearness in blood to the defunct King. They condescended, and Bothwell having nothing to accept against him, they prepared on both sides. Morton gave Lindsay the Sword which had been Earl Archbalds' (called commonly Bell the Cat) wherewith he cut asunder Spenses thigh, as is showed in his life. With this (which Lindsay wore ever after) and a buckler, as the manner than was, he presents himself before the Army, to attend Bothwels coming. But the Queen would not suffer him to fight, and interposing her authority, commanded him to desist. Then she sent a Herald to the Lords, requiring them to send Grange to her, that she might confer with him, and that in the mean time the Army should stand quiet. While the Queen did Parley with Grange, Bothwell (as it had been fore-plotted) conveys himself secretly out of the Army, and fled to Dumbar. When the Queen had talked so long with Grange, as that Bothwell had time enough to escape, and be out of their reach, free from all danger of being overtaken, she went with him to the Lords; and desiring them to suffer her Army to depart in safety (which they easily granted) she dismissed them. Then she requested, that she might go to the hamilton's, who were not far off, at Corstorphing, to give them thanks for their good will, promising faithfully to return, whereupon she desired Morton to pass his word, and be surety for her. A strange request for her to ask in such a case; far stranger for them to have granted, or for Morton to have undertaken that which lay not in his power to, see performed. Bothwell had escaped to their great grief and discontentment; the Queen only remained, the pledge of peace, and foil of their enemies, who wanting her did want a head. Therefore her suit was denied, and she brought to Edinburgh.  
There a consultation was held, what were fittest to be done with her. Amongst great diversity of opinions, Morton would by no means yield to have her life meddled withal, desiring only that some such course might be taken, as that the professed Religion might not be prejudiced, and that they themselves might be secured from future danger. Yet there were some that pressed the matter very hard against him, alleging that there was no possibility, either to preserve Religion, or secure themselves, so long as she were alive. Promises were to no purpose, and of no value. They might be easily eluded, as proceeding from a just fear, and compulsion, as they would call it. And to imprison her were no better; seeing there would not want a party ere long to set her free. And though there were no party, yet she herself might use means to escape, and others might help her; yea, without all these, time and occasion would work her delivery. Nay some went so far with him, as to denounce GOD'S judgements against him, as a hinderer of the execution of justice, which he himself should feel upon his own person, because he would not give way to it in the person of another. For it is but justice (said they) else if it be unlawful, so is this detaining of her unlawful, and whatsoever we have done is unlawful, and flat treason. All this notwithstanding, Morton would not consent unto it, but made answer, That howsoever they had gone thus far being drawn to it by necessity, for the preservation of Religion, the good of their Country, their own honour and credit, and even led by nature to look to their own safety, yet they ought not to meddle with the life of their Sovereign. To secure themselves, it was sufficient to have her kept in some place of surety and strength, which he thought even too much, if he could see any other remedy. And so it was concluded, that she should be sent to Loghleven, there to be kept by William Douglas owner thereof, a very honest Gentleman, and who had sided with neither Party.  
And although the same matter was agitate again, while she remained in Loghleven (the 25. of August, at a solemn meeting of the Estates, after Murray was come home, and had accepted the Regency) and many did incline to have her executed, (some out of zeal to Religion, and love of Justice, as they deemed it) some out of love to the hamilton's, (who by her death would be but one step from the Crown) yet Morton stuck to his former opinion and resolution: She was no sooner committed, but some began to plot her delivery; supposing that undoubtedly she would get out at last by one mean or other, they strove to anticipate her favour, and make her beholding to them for that which could not fail to come to pass. Neither did they fear the consequent, if once she were set at liberty, for they made no question to make their party good. The authority was hers, time would make the people's heart to relent and fold to their natural Princess; the Faction that was against her, was the weaker; and diversity of opinions would bring forth division amongst them.  
Of those that sought her favour, Sir William Metellane Secretary was one. His dislike and hatred of Bothwell, had made him join with the Lords: being now rid of him, he returned to his old bias again, and bend his course toward her. But not daring to do it openly, he wrote privately to her, and assured her of his goodwill, and promised his best endeavour to serve her; and that howsoever his power were none of the greatest, he showed that he might prove steadable to her by the Apologue of the Lion, which being taken in a net, was delivered from thence by the help of a Mouse, that did shear the net, and cut it in pieces with her teeth.  
Morton did constantly prosecute the course begun, with great courage and wisdom, overcoming all difficulties before the Earl of Murrays return (who had gone to France in the beginning of these stirs) which were neither small, nor few. His Associates found them moe than they had expected. They had promised themselves the approbation of all men, and that all would join with them, at least, the best affected. It fell out otherwise; time diminished envy, change of their Prince's estate begat pity, fear of the event kept aloof; doubt of duty restrained some, and desire of rest and security, others. So that no new Forces came to them; but on the contrary, some of their own side forsook them, and went to the other; new hopes not only cooling, but even changing their affections. Wherefore they were much perplexed, and had it not been for Morton, they had quite deserted the cause. But he persuaded them to keep together at Edinburgh, and to write to the other Lords that were assembled at Hamilton, to desire them to come to Edinburgh, that so they might consult together what were fittest to be done for the good and peace of the Kingdom. But they would neither receive Letter nor Message, saying, It was great presumption in them to have possessed themselves of the chief City, and to offer to send for them, and not to come to them, who were (so they thought) the stronger, and had the better cause. The others to give them satisfaction in that point, caused the Ministers of Edinburgh to write to them jointly, as also severally to their particular friends and acquaintance, both to excuse that which they took exception at, (which they told they had done, not because they did challenge or claim any preeminence or prerogative to themselves beyond them, or for any other cause, save only the conveniency of the place for both parties to meet in) and withal to exhort them, that in so perilous a time, setting aside all particular respects and quarrels, they would have a care of the common good of the Country. But these Letters prevailed no more than the former. Yet though they would not concur with them, they did nothing against them; whether because they were not able (they being within the town of Edinburgh) or, because they did not agree among themselves, or that they wanted a Commission, and a sufficient Warrant from the Queen, they dissolved, and returned every man to his own home. This their attempt to have kept some form of meeting and Parliament in the Queen's name, admonished the Lords to take away that which would bear greatest show against them, the Queen's authority. Wherefore they deal with her to resign it to her son, which she was very loath to do; yet at last she consented to it, and having subscribed a formal renunciation and dimission: she made also, and signed a Procuration, or Letters of Attorney, to cause crown her son at Stirlin, or where they pleased. She named likewise his Curators, Murray (if he would accept of it at his return) failing him, these seven; The Duke (Hamilton) Lennox (the Child's grandfather) Argyle, Morton, Glencairne, Marre, and Athole. It was presently put in execution, for within two days (the 26. of July) the Prince was crowned at Stirlin, being then thirteen months, and eight days old. 
King James crowned. 1567. July 26.  Morton and the Lord Hume took the Oath for him, that he should observe the Laws, and maintain the Religion then professed. Master Knox made the Sermon, the Coronation was also performed by him, and two Superintendents.  
Having gained this point, they had now this advantage of the others, that not only were their enemies deprived of the countenance and colour of authority, but they themselves were armed therewith. And thus they remained till Murrays return, who at first would not accept of the Place, which by the Queen's direction was reserved for him, but being pressed by the rest, that they might have an established and certain Head, he yielded to their requests, and took the Place and charge of Regent 
Murray Regent.  upon him. From this time forward, Murray being Regent, according as did belong unto his place, he was chief Commander in every thing, yet was he assisted by Mortons' faithful counsel and advice, who did also many times supply the public wants with his private means, in times of greatest necessity.  
Especially when Bothwell was to be pursued, who having put forth to 
Earl Bothwel a Pirate.  sea, and being turned Pirate, lay about Orknay, robbing all that came in his way, without fear of being followed, knowing well that there was no money in the treasury (he himself having emptied it) to rig out any shipping against him. Then did Morton on his own charges provide Vessels, hire Mariners and Soldiers to go out after him. This was the fruit of his good husbandry, and the good use he made of his parsimony and menagery. Grange was sent Admiral, who came so suddenly upon him, that he had well-nigh taken him before he was aware, 
Is pursued.  yet he escaped in a light Pinnace over a craig in the sea, with such hazard, that it is thought to have grazed upon it. The Lion which followed after, being a Ship of greater bulk and burden, and which drew more water, stuck fast upon it, so that the men were constrained to betake themselves to their Cockboat. The Bishop of Orknay (Bothwell to his name, who was father to the Lord Haly-rude-house) was last in the Ship, and seeing the Boat losing, called to them to stay for him; but they being already sufficiently laden, would not hear him. He seeing no other remedy, leapt into the Boat, having on him a Corselet of proof, which was thought a strange leap, especially not to have over-turned the Boat. Thus the men were all saved, and the Earl Bothwell sailed to Denmark. There being examined what he was, and whence he came: when he did not answer clearly and distinctly, he 
Flees to Denmark. Dies mad there.  was cast into prison, and having lain there ten years, at last he died mad.  
The 15. of December, a Parliament was held at Edinburgh, where most part of the Nobility were present, and amongst others, the Earl of Huntley, which when the Queen heard of, she said, Bothwell might as well have been there, as he; meaning that they were both alike guilty. In this Parliament, the Queen's resignation of the Crown, the King's Coronation, and Murrays Regency were confirmed, their Fact was approved that had taken the Queen at Carburie, and William Douglas was authorized to keep her still in the Castle of Loghleven.  
Things being thus settled, the Regent being acknowledged of all, and his authority ratified, Religion established, & the fear of Bothwel removed, they seemed to be in great surety, yet were they never less sure; for these very things which seemed to make them strong and sure, were the causes of change, for many did envy the Regent, some hated Religion, and others there were, that being rid of Bothwell, applied themselves to the Queen, whom only out of hatred to Bothwell, they had forsaken. Of the last sort was Secretary Metellane, of the second Tillebardin, who had also some particular against the Regent, which Writers do not specify. The hamilton's were of the first Rank, who thought themselves injured by him, and esteemed his Office due to them, together with Argyle, whose mother and Huntley, whose wife was of the house of Hamilton. These had some hopes from France, where Beton Archbishop of Glasgow, lay as Lieger for the Queen, and fed them with fair promises of men and money. Yet they carried things very closely, and made show of friendship to those of the King's side, till such time as the Queen escaped out of Loghleven, by the means of George Douglas brother to William of Loghleven, and to the Regent also by his mother. This George had corrupted a natural brother of his who was often trusted by William with the Keys of the Castle. One day William being at dinner, this man desired the Keys of him (as he had done divers times before) to let out the Queen's waiting Gentlewoman; and having gotten them, he let out the Queen herself in her Gentlewoman's apparel, and masked. He also went out with her, and having locked the Gates, threw the Keys into the Lake, and rowed the Queen over in the Boat to the Lake side, where George and Tillibarne were staying for her with nine horse only. Our Writers say, it was without the mother's knowledge; but others affirm, that she had a hand in it, being moved with pity and commiseration to see her Princess in such estate; and upon the Queen's promise to prefer her son George, and pardon her other friends that were on her contrary faction; amongst 
The Queen escapes out of Loghleven, 1568. May 2.  which we hear no mention of Murray. Morton also was le●…t out; only it was agreed upon that his forfeiture should not prejudice their right to the Earldom of Morton. This fell out the second day of May 1568.  
She went that night to Nidderie, where by the way the Lord Seton, and John Hamilton of Orbiston did meet her: and the next day they went to Hamilton with 500 horse. The Regent was then at Glasgow, keeping of justice Courts. When these news were brought to him, some counselled him to go to Stirlin, where the King was, and where he would be the stronger. But William Douglas of Drumlenrig, not having the patience to stay till it came to his turn to speak, and before his opinion was asked: If you do so my Lord (says he) I will get me strait to the Queen, as Boyde hath done. For Boyde indeed was gone to her, with intention (as he would have made them believe) to play Husha's part; for he wrote back to Morton by his son, that he would be more steadable, and do them better service being with her, than if he should remain with them. There is a Proverb, a foot backward, a mile backward, a mile a million, and so never forward: Whereby is signified, that there is much moment in the beginnings and first efforts, and great danger in recoiling, and letting slip the present opportunity. So thought Drumlenrig, and the Lord Semple also was of his mind. Morton did confirm their opinion, and reduced at large how necessary it was for them to stay still in Glasgow, showing that it was their best to make all the haste they could, & that their safety did consist in celerity; in regard that so soon as it were known that she was at liberty, the opinion of her authority and name of a Queen would daily draw more and more followers to her: especially seeing the most remote parts of the Kingdom were most affectionated to her service. We are enough here (said he) together with the Towns men (who being enemies to the hamilton's, we need not doubt of their fidelittie) to keep this place, and make it good against them. The Cunninghames and Semples (potent families) are hard at hand, and so is the Lennox, the Kings own patrimony: Neither is Douglasdale very far off, nor Stirlin-Shire, and the Earl of Marres Forces. These will suffice to oppose the enemy till such time as our friends that dwell further off, be advertised. Mortons' judgement was respected, and his opinion followed; whereupon messengers were immediately dispatched, and sent into Lowthian, and the Merse, and other parts which lay far off, to give them notice of their danger, and of their intentions; and to desire them to make all the haste that possibly they could to come to their aid, and assistance. The first that came was the Lord Hume with 600. horse the ninth of May; upon his arrival, they 
The field of Langside the 10. of May. 1568.  intended to go directly to Hamilton, and dare the enemy, and force him to fight. But that same night (ere morning) word was brought them, that they were gathering their forces, and mustering their men to take the fields; for having gotten together 6000. men, and knowing by certain intelligence, that they were not above 4000 with the Regent, confiding in their number, they purposed to carry the Queen to the castle of Dumbartan, where she remaining in a place of safety, they might manage, and prosecute the war according to their pleasure; and either use expedition therein, or draw it out at length, and linger as they should see cause, and find it most for their advantage. The Regent guessing what their aim was, led also his army forth into Glasgow-Moore, supposing they would have gone that way: but when he saw them on the South side of the river of Clide, he made haste, and crossed the river at the Bridge and Fords, to be before them in their way. I have heard it reported by those that live there about, that the Queen's Soldiers did essay to pass the river, and come to that side where the Regent was, but one or two of the foremost being slain by his men, the rest refused to go on with such hazard and disadvantage, and therefore they took the way of Rutherglem, which leads to Dumbartan. The Regent perceiving their intent, commanded the horsemen to hie them quickly to Langside Hill; which they did, and the rest of the Army followed them so fast, as that they were all got thither, before the enemy understood their meaning. Two things made for the Regent's advantage; one was Argyles sickness, who being overtaken with a sudden fit of an Epilepsy, or Apoplexy, the Army halted, and thereby gave the Regent time to choose his ground, though he came a further way about. The other was, their confidence in their number, and despising of the small number of their enemies, who were indeed fewer than they, yet were they more than they were aware of. For having marched over hills and dales, they never had a full view of them to know their number aright and perfectly. When they came within a little of the hill, perceiving that it was already taken by the Regent, they retired to another little hill just over against it, where they drew up their Companies, and put their men in order. Argyle was Lieutenant, and led the Rearward. With him there was the Earls of Cassils', Eglinton, and Rothuse, the Lords Seton, Somervaile, Yester, Borthwick, Sanwhere, Boyde, and Rosse, with divers Gentlemen of good quality. The Vanguard was committed to Claude Hamilton of Pasley son to the Duke, and Sir James Hamilton of Evendale, consisting most of hamilton's, together with their friends and followers. James Stuart of Castleton, and Arthur Hamilton of Mirrinton, were Commanders of the Musketeers, which were some 300. The Lord Harris commanded the horsemen, which were most part Borderers, dependers and servants to his brother the Lord Maxwell. The Regent did likewise divide his men in two battles, the Vanguard was conducted by Morton, with whom were the Lord Hume, and Semple. The Regent himself was in the Rear, and with him Marre, Glencairne, Monteith, the Lord Ruthven, Ochletree, and Kirkart, with the small Barons of the Lennox, and the Citizens of Glasgow. The horsemen were committed to William Douglas of Drumlenrig, and Alexander Hume of Manderston, and John Carmichell of Carmichell. They were inferior in horse, and therefore upon the first encounter they retired, and fell back to the footmen, who made out to succour them, and drove back the enemy's horse by the means of the High-Landers, especially who bestowed a flight of arrows amongst them, and so galled them, that they could no longer endure it. The Queen's Vanguard coming to join battle with the Vanguard of the enemy; marched through a narrow Lane, near unto which the Regent's shot were placed in the Yards, Gardens, and Orchards of the Village of Langside so conveniently, that they being at covert did annoy the enemy, and shoot at them as at a mark without any danger, or hurt to themselves. In this Lane many were slain before they could get through; and having passed it they were assaulted by Morton very fiercely with Pikes and Spears, and other long Weapons on both sides of the Lane. They fought very eagerly a while, in so much that when their long Weapons were broken, being so close together, that they could not draw their Swords, they fell to it with Daggers, and Stones, and and what so came readiest to hand. In the midst and heat of the fight, Mackfarlane with his High-Landers fled out of the last Ranks of the Regent's Companies (as our Writers say) but indeed it was from this wing where they were placed, as I have heard it of those that were present. The Lord Lindsay, who stood next to him in the Regent's own battle, when he saw them go away; Let them go (saith he) and be not afraid, I shall supply their place: and withal stepping forward with his Company, charged the enemy afresh. Their long Weapons being broken, and themselves well nigh overcome before, they were not able to sustain a new impression, but turned their backs, and fled. The Regent and his Squadron stood still and kept their Ranks and places, till they saw that the victory was clearly theirs, and that the enemy did flee disorderly; then they also broke their order and followed the chase, in the which moe were killed, than in the fight; and that most part by the High-Landers: who seeing that their side had the day, returned and made great slaughter to make amends for their former fleeing. There were many wounded, and many taken, but 300. slain, who had been many more, had not the Regent sent horsemen throughout all quarters with command to spare the fleers. There were taken of note, The Lord Seton, and Rosse, Sir James Hamilton, the Sheriff of Air, and Linlithgow with others. On the Victor's side one man only slain, John Balonie of Preston in the Merse, a servant of Mortons': few hurt, the Lord Hume with a stone on the face very ill: and Andrew Stuart Lord Ochletree, by the Lord Harris. The Queen, who stood as a spectator about a mile off, seeing the field lost, fled away with the Lord Harris, and his horsemen. For after he was repulsed by the Regent's Vanguard, and the High-Landers, he went to her, and stayed by her. From thence she fled to England, suspecting the Lord Harris his fidelity. Some do reckon amongst the causes of this victory, a contention which fell out between John Stuart, and Arthur Hamilton, two Captains of the Queen's Musquetiers, who that morning before they set out, strove for precedency, and the matter being referred to the Queen's decision, she adjudged it to Stuart for the names sake and because he had been sometime Captain of her Guard. Hamilton took this so ill, that when they came near to the enemy, he cried out aloud, Where are now these Stuarts that did contest for the first place, let him now come and take it. The other hearing him, answered presently: 
Langside lord. May 13. 1568.  And so I will, neither shalt thou, nor any Hamilton in Scotland set his foot before me to day: whereupon they rushed forward unadvisedly, and were followed as inconsiderately by Claude Hamilton of Pasley, with the Vanguard, which was the occasion of their discomfiture. The battle was fought the 13. of May, eleven days after the Queen came out of Loghleven. The Regent returned to Glasgow, and after public thanksgiving for the victory, and mutual congratulation, the rest of the day was spent in taking order with the prisoners. Morton sought to have had the Lord Seton in his keeping, but he was withstood by Andrew Ker of Fadunside, whose prisoner he was, whether out of fear of hard dealing towards him, or lest he should lose his thanks in saving of him, wherefore Morton modestly desisted.  
The day after they went into Cliddesdale, and cast down Draphan, and some Houses that belonged to the hamilton's. Afterward there was a day appointed for a Convention of the Estates at Edinburgh, for staying of which the other faction did use all possible means. They caused rumours to be spread of some help to come out of France; which had come indeed under the conduct of Martige (of the House of Luxemburg) but that the Civil Wars at home made him to be called back again. The Earl of Argyle came to Glasgow with 600. horse, and had some conference with the hamilton's, and others of that faction, but they not agreeing, he went home again and did nothing. Huntley also with 1000 men was coming toward Edinburgh, and was on his journey as far as the water of Erne; but the Bridges and Fords being guarded by the Lord Ruthven, he went likewise home again. Last of all they procured Letters from the Queen of England, in which she desired that they would delay the meeting till such time as she were informed of their proceedings, and justness of their cause, why they took Arms against their Queen her Cousin, of whose wrongs she behoved to take notice, and be sensible. It was hard to offend her, but harderto suffer their adversaries to gain the point they aimed at, which was in the Queen's name, and by her authority to keep a meeting, and to forfeit all those who were on the K. side, having already appointed a day for that purpose. Wherefore they go on with their Convention, and punish some few for example to terrify others. And for suppressing the daily incursions of the Niddisdale, Anandale, and Galloway men, they raised an Army of 5000. horse, and 1000 Musketeers; which expedition, because it was memorable for the extreme scarcity of victuals when they came to Hoddam, was called, The Road of Hoddam: They set forth from Edinburgh the 11 of June, 
The Road of Hoddam.  and returned thither again the 26.  
The chief thing that they did in that journey, was, that they seized the houses of Boghall, Crawford, Sanwhere, Logh-wood, Hoddam, Logh-Maban, and Annand. Logh-Maban is a house of the Kings, and was then in the Lord Maxwels keeping: but now being surrendered, Drumlenrigge is made keeper of it, who was also made Warden of the West Marches. Assoon as the Regent was gone from thence with his Army, Maxwels folks, who had hidden themselves in some secret corner of the Castle, turned out Drumlenrigges men, and re-possessed themselves thereof again. Logh-wood belonged to Johnston, Hoddam to the Lord Harris, and the rest to their several Lords and Owners, which were all spared, on hope of their promised obedience: Only Skirlin was razed, and Ken-Moore, a house of Loghen-varres, who was obstinate, and would not yield upon any condition. The Regent and Morton sent Sir David Hume of Wedderburne to him, who was brother to his wife, but no entreaty nor threatening could prevail with him, or move him to submit himself: When they threatened to pull down his house, he said, They should by so doing save him a labour; for he meant to take it down himself, and build it up again better: Which was performed on both sides: for it was cast down (the 16 of July) and he did afterward re-edify it much better. Many yielded, divers stood out, of whom there came a thousand within a mile of the Regent's Camp. Who were their heads, is not mentioned, but as yet Maxwel, Johnston, Loghenvarre, and Cowehill were not come in; and whether it were any of these, or some other, we have not learned. Morton and the Lord Hume with a thousand horse went out against them, but they were gone before they came near, and fled to the Bogs and waste Marshes.  
In their return, at Peebles they received Letters again from the 
The Regent goes to England.  Queen of England, wherein she renewed her former request to them, that they would send some up to her to inform her of the equity of their cause. The Regent himself undertakes the journey, with whom went Morton, Lindsay, the Bishop of Orknay, Master Pitcarne Abbot of Dumfermeling, Sir William Metellan Secretary, Master James Mackgill, Master Henry Banaves, and Master George Buchanan. The Queen having heard their Justification and Defences, made answer, That she saw nothing for the present to object against their proceedings, yet she desired them to leave some of their company behind, to answer to such things as might be objected afterward by their Queen's Ambassadors. While they are there, Duke Hamilton came over out of France, and desired the Queen of England to cause Murray give over the Regent's place to him, being (as he alleged) his due, seeing he was next heir to the Crown. But the Queen perceiving that he intended to make some stir, and to raise new troubles in Scotland, commanded him to stay, and not depart till he were licenced. The Regent with his company was dismissed, and returned into Scotland the 2 of February. Within a while after, the Duke returned also, being made Lieutenant for the imprisoned Queen, and adopted to be her father. He sent forth his Proclamations, commanding that no authority should be obeyed, but his, which no man would obey: And that none might fear him, the Regent went to Glasgow with an Army, and there Hamilton came to him, and promising to acknowledge the King and Regent's authority, he gave pledges to be kept, till such time as he should do it, prefixing a day when he would come in. When the day was come, he came to Edinburgh, and began to shift, and desire a longer day, while he might have the Queen's consent. Then being asked what he would do if the Queen would not give her consent; he answered, that he would do nothing; and what he had done already, he had done it out of fear. Hereupon he and the Lord Harris were sent to prison in the Castle of Edinburgh. The next to be taken order with, were Argyle, and Huntley. Both had been busy in the Regent's absence, but not alike. Argyle had only shown himself in the fields, but had done hurt to no man. Huntleys' case was worse, he had vexed the Mernes and Angus, made Lieutenants about the water of Dee, and behaved himself in all things as if he had been King. After much debate, Argyle was only made to take an oath, that he should be obedient in time coming; and Huntley was also pardoned, save that he was ordained to make satisfaction and restitution to the parties who were robbed and spoilt by him and his followers. For the performance of which, the Regent and Morton went to Aberdene, Elgin, and Innernesse, with two Companies of Harquebusiers, and Musquetiers, where having received hostages and sureties of Huntley, they return to Perth, to hold a Convention of the States.  
Thither were brought two Packets of Letters from the two Queens. 
1569. A Convention at Perth.  The Queen of England made three Propositions. First, that the King's Mother might be restored to her former Place and Crown. Secondly, that if they would not yield to that, yet that her name might be used in all Writs, and joined with her sons, and that the Government should continue in the Regent's hands. The third & last was, that if none of these could be granted, she might be suffered to live a private life, as another subject, with as much respect and honour as could be given to her, without prejudice of the King. This last was accepted, the rest rejected. Queen Marry in her Letters desired, that the Judges might determine of her marriage with Bothwel, and if it were found to be unlawful, that they would declare it to be null, and pronounce her free from him. To this they answered, that they saw no reason of such haste. He being absent, and out of the Country beyond sea, the laws allowed him threescore days after he was summoned at the shore and Peer of Leith; before which time were expired, the Judges could not give out any sentence. But if she had such a mind to be rid of him, her shortest cut were to write to the King of Denmark, to execute him for his murder and piracy. The reason why they would not have her marriage with Bothwel dissolved, was, to hinder her matching with the Duke of Northfolk, who would not adventure upon uncertainties; & he could not be sure, so long as her marriage with Bothwel stood firm; he being alive, & no legal divorcement had been yet obtained. So they thought by this dilator, they would gain time, & time might work out some better effect than did appear for the present. For the Regent's friends in England had written to him, That Northfolks' Plot and the Queens, was so laid, so strong and cunningly conveyed, that no power, wit, or wisdom was able to resist it; yea, though all the rest of Britain would oppose it, yet he remained steadfast, and sent to the Queen of England one of his Domestics, to acquaint her with Queen Mary's Petition, and their answer. But she not being satisfied with the Bearer, Robert Pitcarne (Abbot of Dumfermling) was sent to her from a Convention holden at Stirlin for the nonce. About the very same time that he came to London, the Duke of Norfolk was committed to the Tower (the 11. of October) and the conspiracy discovered, the party still remaining so strong, that she not daring to meddle with Queen Mary, was purposed to have sent her into Scotland by sea; but things beginning to settle, she altered that resolution. Now in confidence of this so strong a party, Secretary Metellane had taken himself to that side, and stirred up all he could against the Regent. He had so dealt with the Lord Hume, and Grange (Captain of the Castle of Edinburgh) that he 
Convention at Stitlin.  had brought them over to that party. Hereupon he is sent for to Stirlin, whither he came, and brought along with him, the Earl of Athole to intercede for him, if need were. There Thomas Crawford (afterward Captain Crawford) a follower of the Earl of Lennox, accused him of being accessary to the late King's death; whereupon he was committed to a close chamber in the Castle. Sir James Balfoure (one of his Complices) was also sent for, and the Convention were of opinion, that both of them should be used as enemies to the King, and guilty of treason. But the Regent's lenity marred all; he pardoned Sir James, and sent Metellane to Edinburgh, to be kept by Alexander Hume of North-Berwick. Grange counterfeiting the Regent's hand, brought a Warrant to Alexander, to deliver Metellane to him, which he did; and so Grange carried him up to the Castle.  
After this, the Regent went to the Merse, and spoke with the Lord Hume, whom he found to be alienate from the King's side, and inclined to the North-folcian Faction. From thence he went to Jedburgh, where Morton and others came to him. He passed with them to Hawick (the 20. of October) and from thence he road through the whole Dales; he riding on the Scottish side upon the Borders, and a Company of Englishmen on the English side, that they might not flee from one side to another, nor any of them escape. He lay two nights at Cannabee, one at Copshae-holme, two on the water of Milk, and so came to Dumfreis. In this circuit he constrained the Borderers to put in pledges and hostages (to the number of 72.) for keeping of the peace and good order, whereby he gave great contentment to the whole Country, and gained great reputation and admiration, even of his very enemies. He returned to Edinburgh before the 21. of November, the day appointed for the trial and arraignment of Secretary Metellane. There finding that he had assembled so many great men that were for him (Hamilton, Huntley, Argyle, and others) he adjourned the arraignment, and deferred the judgement. That Faction was now become very powerful; many were fallen off from the Regent, many had joined themselves to the North folcians, relying mainly on the Duke's power. And although he were now committed, yet the Faction held good, and the plot went on. The Earls of Northumberland, and Westmoreland, with six thousand Foot, and two thousand Horse, came with displayed Banner to Durham, and there burned the Bible and Service-Book, heard Mass in Darnton, and besieged Bernard-Castle, which was rendered upon composition. But being pursued by the Earl of Warwick, with an Army of twelve thousand, and Sussex with another of seven thousand men, they were forced to flee into Scotland about the 22. of December, and put themselves into the hands of thiefs that lived on the Scottish Border, with whom they abode and lurked a while, but not very long. For Morton dealt with one Hector Arme-strang, by Sir John Carmichael, and got the Earl of Northumberland into his hands, and delivered him to the Regent; he sent him to be kept in Loghleven a prisoner, being 
The Earl of Northumberland taken, and sent to Loghleven.  an enemy no less to him and the King's side, than to Queen Elizabeth.  
This made her give the better ear to Robert Pitcarne, Ambassador from the Regent, and to desist from requesting any more, that Queen Mary might be restored again to her former place and estate. She declared also, that she took that which the Regent had done very kindly in pacifying the Borders, apprehending Northumberland, and imprisoning of him, pursuing Westmoreland and his Faction, as enemies, his offering his best aid and assistance to her Captains and Governor of Berwick. She promised to be ever mindful of these his good offices, and goodwill showed towards her, and that she should be ready to aid him when he should need; yea, that he might use and command all the Forces in England as his own. Thus by the overthrow of the English Rebels, by the favour of the Queen of England, and the love of his Country people at home, the Regent was more strengthened, and the King's side became the more powerful. His adversaries therefore seeing no other remedy resolved to cut him off, and make him away by treachery. James Hamilton of Bothwell-hawke, (one whose life the Regent had spared before, when he was taken prisoner in the field bearing arms against him) undertaken to kill him. Wherefore having watched his opportunity, when the Regent was at Lithgow, he placed himself in a house there, by which the Regent was to pass as he road out of the town, and shot him with an Harquebuse out at a window; the Bullet whereof, after it had gone through the Regent, killed the Horse of George Douglas of Parkhead, a natural brother of the Earl morton's. This fell out the 21. of January 1569. The Regent finding himself hurt, 
The Regent Murray 〈◊〉: at Lithgow.  alighted from his horse, went to his lodging, and died ere midnight. Bothwell-hawke, who had done the deed, having mounted upon a horse which he had standing ready for him of purpose, escaped untaken.  
He was much lamented of all, but especially of Morton, who had best reason to be sensible of this loss, seeing by his death the common cause did want a main pillar and supporter thereof; and the King's side which he followed, was deprived of a sufficient and able leader. He himself also had lost a dear friend, with whom he had so long entertained honest and faithful friendship, and who had borne so great a part of that heavy burden, and weight of State affairs with him. For now the whole burden of guiding the Kingdom and managing the State lay upon him almost alone, and that even in the time of the two succeeding Regent's, for the space of some three years, or thereby. They indeed bore the name, and the authority, but he was the man by whose advice and counsel, by whose travels and pains both of body and mind, yea and upon whose charges also (often times) most things were performed, till at last he himself was chosen Regent, and did then all things alone without a helper. This was well known to all, and was plainly spoken in the time of Lennox his Regency. A staff under a Hood (so they termed Lennox.) Morton rules all. Yet was it not so altogether, neither was Lennox so devoide of judgement, but behaved himself very well, very judiciously, courageously, and courtiously (even in Mortons' absence) in the taking of Pasley and Dumbartan, and in his courteous usage of the Lady Fleming, who was within the Castle of Dumbartan. Only because matters seemed to rely most upon Mortons' good advice, action, and means; the ruder interpreters made that hard construction of it, as if Morton, because he did much, had therefore done all, as commonly men are wont to judge and speak. And it is very true that is said of Lennox in that Epitaph of him, samam virtute refellit. Yet it cannot be denied, but that even while Murray was Regent, Morton did very much; and though ●…e were not equal with him in place and dignity, for there was but one Regent, yet he was such a second as might well be esteemed a yoke-fellow both in consulting and performing, being a partaker with him in all perils and burdens. So that of all that is set down here of Murray, Morton was ever an equal sharer, and may justly challenge the one half as his due. And therefore it is that we have been so particular, and insisted so long in Murrayes actions, because of Mortons' perpetual concurrence with him in all things, and his interest in every business. Wherefore we hope it will not be thought impertinent to our History thus to have handled them, although Morton were not the sole actor, since he was a prime and main one. For whoso will rightly consider, shall find that saying to be true of these two, which Permenio said of Alexander and himself (Nihil Alexander absque Permenione, multa Permenio absque Alexandro) being applied to Morton. For Morton did many things without Murray, but Murray nothing without Morton. And thus it went even when Murray was alive, when all acknowledged his authority.  
Now he being dead, many swarved, many made defection; and, as if they had forgotten what they had promised, became open enemies. The King's party was weakened, the adverse party strengthened both by foreign and homebred power. Fear might have terrified him, ease solicited, honour and profit alured him to have left it, and joined with the other side. But he shrinks not for any peril, hatred, or envy, for no pains or travel to be sustained, no case or security could allure him, no hope of favour, of riches, of honour could move him to abandon it. Which doth evidently justify, and clear him of all the imputations which the wit of man can devise, or imagine against him. Whether it be that he conspired with Murray to make him King: he was now dead, and that hope with him: Or if it be any particular end and aim of his own, what appearance is there that he could have any private end, which he followed forth with certain danger, and uncertain event, or profit? For clearing of which, let us weigh the parties, and the forces and means at home and abroad on both sides. First there were of the Queen's side Duke Hamilton, Argyle, Athole, Huntley, almost all petty Princes in their several Countries and Shires. Also the Earls of Crawford, Rothuse, Eglinton, Cassils', the Lord Harris, with all the Maxwels, Loghenvarre, Johnston, the Lord Seton, Boyde, Grace, Oglevie, Levingston, Flemin, Oliphant, the Sheriff of Air, and Linlithgow, Balcleugh, Farnihast, and Tillibardine. The Lord Hume did also countenance them, though few of his friends or name were with him, safe one mean man, Ferdinando of Broomhouse. Metellan the Secretary (a great Politician) and Grange an active Gentleman, who was Captain of the Castle and Provest of the Town of Edinburgh; they had the chief Castles and places of strength in their hands, Edinburgh, Dumbartan, Logh-Maban. France did assist them, Spain did favour them, and so did his Holiness of Rome, together with all the Roman Catholics every where. Their faction in England was great, all the North-folcians, Papists, and malcontents had their eye upon Queen Mary. Neither was she (though in prison) altogether unuseful to her side: for besides her countenance, and colour of her authority (which prevailed with some) she had her rents in France, and her Jewels, wherewith she did both support the common cause, and reward her private servants and followers; especially they served her to furnish Agents and Ambassadors to plead her cause, and importune her friends at the Court of France, and England; who were helped by the banished Lords, Dacres, and Westmoreland, to stir up foreign Princes all they could. Thus was that party now grown great, so that it might seem both safe, and most advantageous to follow it. The other was almost abandoned, there were but three Earls that took part with Morton at first; Lennox, Marre, Glencairne. Neither were these comparable to any one of the foremost four. In Fyfe there was the Lord Lindsay, and Glames in Angus, no such great men, and no ways equal to Crawford, and Rothuse. The Lord Semple was but a simple one in respect of Cassils', Maxwell, Loghenvarre, and others. Methvaine in Stratherne a very mean Lord; Ochletree amongst the meanest that bore the title of a Lord, and yet Kirkart was meaner than he, both in men and means. Neither was Ruthven so great, but that Tillibardine, and Oliphant were able to overmatch him. They had no Castles but Stirlin and Tantallon, which belonged to Morton. The commons indeed were very forwardly set that way, but how uncertain and unsure a prop is the vulgar? England did befriend them some times, but not so fully as they needed; and even so far as did concern their own safety. So that when all is duly considered, we shall not find any ground for one to build on, that would seek nothing else, but his own private ends of honour or preferment. Wherefore it is no wonder if Secretary Metellane, and Grange (men that sought themselves only) did join with that party which was likest to thrive and prosper, in all discourse of reason and humane wisdom. Neither can any man think that Morton did aim at his own greatness, or that it was out of any self-respect that he followed the other party with such disadvantage, if we will acknowledge that he was a wise and judicious man. And therefore if we search with an unpartial eye, what could have been the motives that made him cleave so steadfastly to this cause, we shall find them to have been no particular of his own, nor any thing else besides the equity and justness thereof (as he conceived) his love to the young King, as his King and Kinsman, together with the preservation of Religion, and the welfare of his Country, which he thought did stand, and fall with this quarrel and cause. This in all likelihood hath been his mind; which whether it was right or wrong, let them dispute who list: our purpose is only to show so far as may be gathered by discourse of reason, what it was that did induce him to follow this course.  
Now although he had bend all his power and endeavours this way; yet there lacked not some who did blame him, as not zealous enough to revenge Murrays death. His brothers Uterine (Loghleven, and Buchain) craved justice against the murderers; so much the rather, for that he was not slain for any private quarrel or enmity, but for the public defence of the King and Country. When it came to a consultation, some were of opinion, that those who were suspected, should be summoned to appear against a certain day, according to custom, and order of Law. Others again thought that such process and legal proceeding needed not to be observed toward them, who had already taken arms to maintain by force, what they had committed by treachery and treason, but that an Army should be levied against them; and not only against them, but also against all such as had been declared Rebels by the former Parliament. But Morton did not like of this last course, nor Athole: because neither was that meeting frequent enough to determine of those things: and besides, they foresaw that the joining of many faults would take away or diminish, and make men forget the principal; and to mingle other crimes with the murder, were but to make all the guilty, in what ever kind, to join with the murderers, and so raise a general and open insurrection, and a most dangerous Civil War. Wherefore they deferred all till the first of May, the day appointed for a Convention, as also for choosing of a new Regent. These delays were motioned by Secretary Metellane, who (at Granges request, upon his oath that he was innocent of the Kings and Regent's murder, and of the Rebellion raised in England, and having found sureties to appear, and answer whensoever he should be legally pursued) was released by the Nobility here convened. For what ever respect Metellane made this motion, Athole consented to it, and Morton also, because he saw there could be no orderly proceeding at this time. This was ill taken of the vulgar, who did interpret this delay, of which they knew Metellane to be author, to be nothing else but a plot of his to gain time to strengthen his own faction; and that Murrayes death might be forgotten, or at least the heat of revenging it might cool, and relent, which they thought should not have been granted, and given way to. This was done the 14. of February, the day after the Regent's Funeral.  
The 15. of February, Argyle, and Boyde, wrote to Morton from Glasgow, where the principal of the Queen's side were convened, that they were willing to join with the rest of the Nobility against such as were guilty of the Regent's death; but because it was not yet perfectly known who they were, they desired that they might meet, and confer about it, so that they of the King's side would come to Lithgow, or Fawkirk, or Stirlin, for they would not come to Edinburgh. Morton did impart the business, and communicate these Letters with Metellane (as they had wished him to do) but he refusing to meet any where else save in Edinburgh, there was no meeting at this time. But afterward the 24. of February, they came to Morton to Dalkeeths, and laboured to persuade him to come over to their side; but he was so far from listening to them, that he did assure them, he would stand to the maintenance of the King's authority to the utmost of his power. It may be, some will think that this constancy did proceed from distrust, according to that Pseudo politic and Machiavillian maxim, qui offensa, non pardóna, who once offends, never forgives: and that he thought his fault so great in opposing the Queen, that it could not be pardoned. But why should he have thought so? His was no greater, than were some of theirs, who were pardoned, than the Lord Humes by name. And certainly by all appearance, he could have made a far better mends: he might have put an end to the controversy, and restored the Queen again to her own place, which might have sufficiently expiated all his former transgressions. Wherefore we may justly call it constancy, which was accompanied with courage, in undertaking so hard and difficult a task, and with wisdom in achieving, and bringing of it through. In the beginning of March he went to Edinburgh, whither the principals of the other party came also, Huntley, Crawford, Oglebee, and the Lord Hume, Seton, and Metellane. There were but few with Morton, till Mar and Glencairne came in to him. The next day after, they met to consult of business; but because Argyle was absent (whose power was great) they could conclude nothing. Wherefore Huntley goes to him, with intention to bring him along with him, but he came back without him, which every body thought was done by Metellans' cunning, who hindered all agreement, that he might the better fish in troubled waters. The night following, these Lords, who were on the Queen's side, took such a sudden apprehension, and panic fear, without any apparent cause, that having watched all the night in their Arms, they departed next morning, without order, and very dismayedly.  
About the end of April 1570. The Earl of Marre set forth from 
Convention at Edinburgh, 1. May.  Stirlin to Edinburgh against the 1. of May, which was the day appointed for a Convention of the States; but the Lords of the contrary party lay in his way at Linlithgow. Wherefore Morton goes forth to meet him with 500 horse, and 1000 foot, so that Marre having crossed the water of Aven a good way above Linlithgow, they joined their Troops, and came both safe to Edinburgh the 29. of April, about twelve a Clock at night. Thus were the two parties, the one at Linlithgow, the other at Edinburgh; each accusing other and blaming other as authors of dissension; yet they at Edinburgh offered to yield unto any thing, and to come to any terms of agreement, which might not be prejudicial to the K. authority, and upon condition that they would assure them of their concurrence to avenge the late Kings, and Murrayes slaughter. But they were so far from accepting of these conditions, that on the contrary they chose three Lieutenants for the Queen, Arran, Argyle, and Huntley, they appointed also a Parliament to be held in her name the 3. or 4. of August at Linlithgow. In this mean time, Sir William Drury with 300. horse, and 1000 foot came into Scotland to pursue the Queen's Rebels, and such as received them (as was given out) but the Lords at Linlithgow fearing they might be brought against them, assoon as they heard of their coming, went toward Glasgow, and besieged the Castle thereof, which Minto had in keeping. But he being absent, and not above 24. of the Garrison Soldiers within, the Castle notwithstanding was so well defended, that having slain moe of the besiegers than they were themselves in number, after six day's stay, hearing of the approaching of the contrary party, they raised their siege, and went every man unto his own home. The King's side with Drury (and the English) went into Cliddisdale, and cast down Hamilton, and other Houses belonging to the Queen's faction. After this the English returned to Berwick, and Morton did go along with them the 3. of June, having stayed some 20. or 22. days, from the 2. of May.  
The 13. of July 1570. they chose Lennox to be Regent, in a Convention 
1570. July 13. Lennox Regent.  holden at Stirlin, and gave him the oath to observe the Laws, and to maintain the professed Religion. His first care was to stay the Parliament, which the contrary party had appointed to be kept at Linlithgow in August. Wherefore he sends to Grange for some pieces of Ordnance out of the Castle of Edinburgh: but he refused to send any, pretending that he would be a procurer of peace, and not an instrument of War, and shedding of Scottish blood. Notwithstanding hereof, the Regent goes to Linlithgow with 5000. men the 3. of August, where he could see no appearance of a Parliament, nor of any meeting, nor hear no news of them at all, save that Huntley had been at Brechin, and placed a Garrison there of some hired Soldiers, and that he had also commanded them to provide victuals and lodging for some thousands of men against the 10. of August. Hereupon the Earl of Morton made haste to go to Brechin, to surprise them before they were aware, and sent word to the Lord Ruthven, and Lindsay to go with him, or before him, because they lay nearer. But the Soldiers having gotten some inkling of their coming, fled, and retired, some to the Steeple, some to the Castle, where they thought themselves to be in safety. Morton therefore lay about 
Morton goes to Brechin.  these places, and not long after, the Regent came thither himself in person, and the Gentlemen of the Country about came all to him, so that 
The Regent also goes thither.  his Army did now amount to the number of 7000. men. Those that were in the Steeple, yielded presently: but they that were in the Castle stood upon their defensive at first, and wounded some that approached to have assaulted the castle; but hearing that the Battery was to be planted, and that Huntley, who they looked should have come to their relief, according to his promise, had abandoned them, offered to yield, their lives only safe; but when they could not obtain that, they came in the Regent's will, simply, without condition. Thirty of them were hanged, 
The Garrison yields.  who had been taken divers times before, and been pardoned, upon their promise never to bear arms against the King; the rest, with their Captains, were let go free. This being done, they returned to Stirlin the 15. of Aug.  
The Winter following was quiet, and free from trouble. In the beginning of February, Morton was sent into England to Queen Elizabeth 
Morton sent into England.  at her desire, with whom went Pitcarne, Abbot of Dumfermling, and Master James Mackgill Clerk Register. Being come to the Court the 18. of February, he was remitted to seven of the Council, who were appointed to treat with him. These propounded two heads to be spoken of; one was, that the Queen might be better informed of their proceedings, and the equity of their cause, then as yet she was, and that their reasons and proofs might be so clear, and such, that both she herself might be fully persuaded thereof, and that she might be able to satisfy others, who should require her help against them. The other point was, to make some overture of Peace, and to find out some way of reconcilement, that so the Kingdom of Scotland might be quieted and settled. For the first point, they gave in their Reasons in writing, the last of February; which when the Queen had read, she answered by her seven Counselors, that she was not satisfied there with fully, and therefore desired them to come to the second point; what course was to be taken for pacification. She propounded the first Head only for a show, she knew well enough before what they could say, and was sufficiently satisfied, but would not be so, at least she would not seem to be so. As for the second Head, they answered, that their Commission was limited, and that they could not consult of any such thing as tended to the diminution of their King's authority, neither would they take it upon them (though they might) nor use any such power, although it had been given them. The Queen was at Greenwich, whither she sent for them, and in a manner, chid them for their obstinacy, that they would not listen to a Treaty of Peace, but did rather avoid that which did concern their good so much, and made large Protestation of her goodwill toward them and their King, willing them, at least, if they would do no more, to hear what her Counselors would say unto them. On the morrow her Counselors propounded many things, for deciding the Title of the Crown betwixt the Mother and the Son, Morton craved the Propositions in writing, in regard there were many Articles, and of great importance. Which being given him, after he, and the others that were with him, had considered of them, they found them to be such as did diminish the King's authority, and were without the bounds of their Commission; wherefore they returned answer; that these were things of so high a nature, that they belonged only to the three Estates, and could not be meddled withal by so few as they were. This answer the Counselors craved also to have in writing, which was done accordingly the day following. The 10. of March, they had presence of the Queen, and were again importuned to come to some proffers of agreement, but they absolutely refused. Again, the 20. of March, they were brought before the Queen, who confessed that these matters belonged to a Parliament, which (says she) seeing it is to be shortly, go home to it with God's blessing, and take such order, as that there may be men chosen of both sides, to consult how to put an end to these controversies. And for the furthering thereof, I will send my Ambassadors thither, and will now presently deal with the Ambassadors of the Scottish Queen, and move them to go thither also, if it be possible. And so she did, but they could give her no present answer, until such time as they had acquainted their Queen therewith, and received some direction from her thereabout. So they were forced to stay till Letters were sent, and brought again from her: which being come, the 4. of April they got presence again, and the Queen told them, how Queen Mary had rated her Ambassadors for their boldness, in daring to go so far, as to enter into any terms of agreement. Wherefore (says she) seeing she is so averse from this way, I will stay you no longer; but if afterwards she shall repent her, and be contented to hear of it, she said, she hoped they would be ready to follow the way of peace. And so they were dismissed very lovingly the 8. of April, and came to Stirlin the first of May, where having given an account of their Ambassage in the Convention 
He returns and comes to Stirlin the 1. of May, 1571.  assembled there, their proceedings were allowed, and approved by all.  
During Mortons' absence in England, Lennox the Regent had taken Pasley, and the Castle of Dumbartan; but on the contrary, the other Faction (by Granges means, and their own Forces) had made themselves Masters of the town of Edinburgh, with intention to keep out the Lords, & to hinder them from meeting in Parliament. Wherefore Morton being come to Dalkeith, kept 100 Musquetiers about him, together with a Company of horsemen, both to be a Guard to himself (if they should happen to attempt any thing against him) as also to hinder their excursions, & to keep them from pillaging the country about. This company of foot, with some 70. horse, he sent to Leith to assist the Herald in making a Proclamation in the King's name, to discharge all men to relieve or support the city of Edinburgh with victuals, or munition, or any other necessary provision. As they returned out of Leith (out of a bravery, or because it was the nearest way) the footmen would needs go hard by the City gates, & the horsemen (though they liked it not) would not forsake them. They in the town not knowing what might be their meaning, armed themselves, and seeing so small a number, issued out at the two gates, (called the Nether-Bow, and the Cow-gate-Port) and skirmished with them. Mortons' men (though they were fewer in number) had the better of them, and beat them back again within the gates. This fight was called the Lowsie-Law (or hill) because it was fought near to a little hill (or 
The Lousie-Law.  Law) where Beggars used to sun and louse themselves. It was the first yoking or bickering they had, and the beginning of the War between Leith and Edinburgh; so called, because the Lords that were on the King's side lay at Leith, and the contrary party at Edinburgh. And howsoever it was of small moment, yet it is not unworthy the observing, that this little essay, was, in a manner, a presage and prognostic of the issue of the ensuing Conflicts, that they should be of answerable success. And so indeed it fell out, that the King's side, though fewer in number (as at this time) had ever the better, during the whole time of these wars. 
Parliament the 14. of May 1571. without the Gates of Edinburgh.   
The day appointed for holding of the Parliament being come (which was the 14. of May) the Regent comes to Leith, and Morton with him; but not being strong enough to force the Town of Edinburgh, they went hard to the Gate, and having caused cast up a trench to keep the enemy from sallying out, they held the Parliament, though without the Gates, yet within the liberties of the City, which Lawyers said, was as good, as if it had been within the walls. In this Parliament, Secretary Metellane, with his two brethren (John and Thomas) and the Abbot of Kilwinning were declared Rebels, their Lands were forfeited, and their Goods confiscated. They sat five days, during which, the Ordnance from the Castle did play upon them continually, and the Bullets did often fall amongst them, yet not any man was slain, or hurt, as if by special providence they had been protected. Afterward they adjourned it, and transferred it to Stirlin against the 4. of August. They in Edinburgh also kept their Parliament, where they had the Crown, Sword, and Sceptre (which they had gotten from Grange out of the Castle) and declared some of the King's side Rebels, and in end adjourned it likewise till a new day.  
The Regent returned to Stirlin, and Morton went with him to bring him on his way as far as Corstorphin: As he returned to Dalkeith, they of the City issued out, as if they would have fought him, and the Castle at the same time did shoot at him; but he being without their reach, and the Enemy not daring to go farther from the Town, than the Cannons could shoot, he went home without fight. His house being near to Edinburgh, he kept all those that lay about him, or offered to come that way, from bringing any victual thither. Wherefore they issued out of the City to the number of 220. Foot, and 100 Horse, with intention to surprise him, and either to burn his town of Dalkeith, or at least to brave him at his own gate, supposing that he durst not come out to fight them, now that his Friends were all gone home to their own houses, and not above 200. or few more of waged soldiers left with him. So they march, and carry with them two Field-Pieces, and were come to Lugton (within half a mile of him) before they were espied. But assoon as the Alarm was given in Dalkeith, Mortons' men (about 200 foot, and 60. horse) came forth, and having put themselves in order in the open 
A fight at Craig-Miller. the 2. of June 1571.  fields, offered them battle. After some little skirmishing, they of Edinburgh seeing themselves disappointed of their expectation (who thought to have found very small or no resistance) began to retire toward the City in good order, and keeping their Ranks unbroken. The Dalkethians did follow them in the same manner, till they came to the castle of Craig-Miller; then some of Mortons' Foot getting before them (by running about on the other side of the castle) & rising as it were out of an ambushment, fell upon them in a narrow Lane which leadeth from the Castle; & having broken their Ranks, made them flee. When they perceived from the Castle of Edinburgh, that the flight was towards the City, and that their men had the worse, they sent out 30. Harquebusiers to their aid, and a barrel of Powder on horseback. By this new supply, they drove back Mortons' horsemen as fast as they had followed them before: but while they are in filling of their measures out of the barrel, the Powder being fired by some of their Matches, killed and hurt some 24. or 30. amongst whom was Captain Melvin, that did keep the barrel, and distribute the Powder. By this mean, the loss on both sides was almost equal, safe that there were more killed of the Citizens, and more of Mortons' made prisoners; having followed too eagerly at a strait place, called the Queen's Bridges. This fell out the 2. of June.  
Not long after this, Morton was advertised, that they of Edinburgh were gone to Leith, to intercept Captain Weemes, and 100 Soldiers who had served in Denmark, and now being come home were waged by the King's side. They had gone to Fife, and having refreshed themselves there a little while, were now coming over to Leith, to enter into the King's service, and some 24. of them being in a little Ferrie-Boat, were taken by the enemy, and carried to the Castle of Edinburgh, the rest being 
Morton at Leith.  in a pretty good big Bark, arrived safe at Leith. Morton came thither too late, for the men of Edinburgh were all gone ere he came, save some 10. or 12. whom he took, and kept for the Soldiers that were carried away. Morton lay long at Leith, during which time there fell out a notable conflict, and the most memorable that happened all the time of that War. The Queen of England laboured to mediate a peace between the parties, and for that purpose had commanded Sir William Drury (Marshal of Berwick) to deal with them, and try what conditions of agreement he could bring them to. Drury went to Stirlin to the Regent, he 
Conflict with the Lords of the Queen's Faction.  did also speak with Morton, and was now come to Edinburgh to take his leave of them there, seeing he could do no good, nor prevail with either side. Morton in the mean time being wearied with watching, and excessive pains and travel; tormented also with a vehement sit of the Colic, kept his bed, which they at Edinburgh having notice of, either to take advantage of his sickness, or to brave them of Leith in the presence & sight of Drury, to make him believe that they were the stronger, and hardy; they issue forth of the Town, and march toward Leith, having ordered and ranked their men as ready to give battle. This was the 10. of June in time of their Parliament, where the chief of their faction 
The 10. of June.  was present, and did make Huntley Lieutenant for Queen Mary. He with the Abbot of Kilwinning, and Master John Metellane Prior of Coldinghame, had the leading of the foot, Balcleugh and Farnihaste were Captains of the horse. These came as far as the hill where the Gibbet useth to stand (called commonly the Gallow-Law) not far from Leith, 
At the Gallow-Law.  Morton understanding hereof by the watch, esteeming it a great indignity and affront, that they should offer to come so near to the place where he was, forgetting his own sickness and infirmity, rose out of his bed, and caused sound the Trumpets, and beat up the Drums, and marching out of the Town, set his men in order within half a mile, and less, of the enemy. Sir William Drury road betwixt the Armies, and made them promise not to fight that day, but then there arose a question which of them should retire first. Morton alleged that those of Edinburgh ought to do it, because they came out first, and were in a manner the provokers. But Drury to decide the controversy desired, that when he standing in the midway betwixt them should give a sign, they should both retire together at the same instant. Morton was content, but the other party refused flatly, threatening withal, that unless he retired first, they would make him do it with shame, and would scarcely forbear till Drury withdrew himself; who when he could not prevail with them, went aside, and looked on, saying, GOD show the right. Morton, who had yielded before not out of fear, but only to satisfy the English, thinking that he had done enough to show his moderation unto them, began to march toward the enemy. There were with him 3. Companies of foot, which were Mercenaries, under the leading of Captain Thomas Crawford, David Hume of Fishick, and Captain Weemes, who was come out of Denmark, all expert and valiant Captains. Besides these there were some Volunteers of the Townsmen of Leith, and of Edinburgh also, who had left the City to follow the King's side. The horsemen about 130. were conducted by William Douglas of Drumlenrigge, James Hume of Coldinknowes, and one Jordan of Aplegirth. Morton had about himself a Company of Pikemen, and such as carried Spears, and long Weapons. The forenamed Captains began the fight, and made the enemies shot quickly to give ground, and drove them back. The horsemen in like manner beat the Rebels horsemen, and routed them; which Huntley perceiving, fled also as they did. There was no head or resistance at all made against them, save only by a few of the foot men in the Abbey Church-yard, who made show as if they would have defended that place of advantage, but they were quickly forced to leave it, and flee with the rest. For some of them being slain, some trampled under foot, and divers crushed to death in the throng and crowd, the rest ran away so disorderly, and fearfully, that they forgot to shut the Citie-gates, and fled strait to the Castle. And so great was their fear and confusion, that if the followers had not been too much bend, and eagerly set upon the pillage and spoil, they might easily have entered, and taken the City. There were slain in this fight about some 50. of whom Gavin Hamilton Abbot of Kilwinning was one: there were 150. taken prisoners, the chief of which was the Lord Hume, being a little hurt by the falling of his horse, James Culen Captain of a foot Company, and a Kinsman of the Earl of Huntley's had hid himself in a poor wife's Aumerie, and being found, was drawn out from thence by the heels, and brought to Leith: There so soon as the people saw him, they made a great noise and clamour, desiring that he might not be spared, but punished according to his deserts. For in the time of the Civil War at home, he had behaved himself both covetously and cruelly, more like a thief and robber, than a Captain or generous Soldier: and abroad in France, he was very infamous for many vile and base pranks he had played there. And in the War betwixt Sweden and Denmark, he had taken Money of both Kings to levy men, and promised to aid both, but performed to neither. For these things, besides many moe foul and horrible crimes which he had committed, he was publicly executed, to the great contentment of all the commons. Sir William Drury, when he saw how things went (contrary to his desire, as is supposed) being (as was thought) a North-folcian, went away to Berwick.  
After this, the Regent came to Leith, and caused fortify it, and make it as strong as he could, to hinder any victual to be carried from thence to Edinburgh; and having appointed the Lord Lindsay to remain there as Governor, he returned to Stirlin, and Morton went with him to hold 
Parliament in Stirlin, the 4. of August.  the Parliament, which was appointed to be there in August. There was at this time no small contest and debate, betwixt the Court and the Church, about Bishops, and Prelates, concerning their office and jurisdiction. The Ministers laboured to have them quite abolished and taken away, and the Court thought that form of government to be more agreeable, and compatible with a Monarchical estate, and more conform to the rules of policy, and Civil government of a Kingdom. Besides, the Courtiers had tasted the sweetness of their rents and revenues, putting in titular Bishops, who were only their receivers, and had a certain Pension or Stipend, for discharging and executing the Ecclesiastical 
Contention about Bishops.  part of their office, but the main profit was taken up by the Courtiers for their own use. Wherefore they laboured to retain at least these shadows of Bishops, for letting of Leases, and such other things, which they thought were not good in Law otherways. There was none more forward to keep them up than the Earl of Morton; for he had gone Ambassador to England on his own private charges, and to recompense his great expenses in that journey, the Bishopric of S. Andrews, being then vacant, was conferred upon him. He put in Master John Douglas (who was Provest of the new College in S. Andrews) to bear the name of Bishop, and to gather the rents (till such time as the solemnity of inauguration could be obtained) for which he was countable to him. This he did immediately after he came home out of England. Now he will have him to sit in Parliament, and to vote there as Archbishop. The Superintendent of Fyfe did inhibit him to sit there, or to vote under pain of excommunication; Morton commanded him to do it under pain of Treason and Rebellion. The Petition given in to the Parliament, desiring a competent provision for the maintenance of Preachers, in which they complained of the wrong done unto them by the Courtiers, who intercepted their means, was cast over the Bar, and rejected; and by the most common report, Morton was the cause thereof. Afterward Morton in a meeting of some Delegates, and Commissioners of the Church at Leith, by the Superintendent Dune's means, used the matter so, that he obtained their consent to have his Bishop admitted, and installed. Wherefore the 3. of February, he caused affix a Schedule on the Church door of S. Andrews, wherein he charged the Ministers to convene, and admit him to the place, which they did accordingly, but not without great opposition. For Master Patrick Adamson (than a Preacher, but afterward Archbishop there himself) in a Sermon which he preached against the order and office of Bishops, said, there were three sorts of Bishops: 1. The Lord's Bishop (to wit Christ's) and such was every Pastor: 2. My Lord Bishop, that is, such a Bishop as is a Lord, who sits, and votes in Parliament, and exercises jurisdiction over his brethren. 3. And the third sort was (my Lords Bishop) that is, one whom some Lord, or Nobleman at Court did put into the place to be his receiver, to gather the Rents, and let Leases for his Lordship's behoof, but had neither the means nor power of a Bishop. This last sort he called a Tulchan Bishop, because as the Tulchan (which is a Calf's skin stuffed with straw) is set up to make the Cow give down her milk; so are such Bishops set up, that their Lords by them may milk the Bishoprics. Likewise Master Knox preached against it the 10. of February, and in both their hear (morton's, and his Archbishop) to their faces pronounced, Anathema danti, anathema accipienti, a curse on the giver, and a curse on the taker. This much I thought fit to mention here, and to cast these things together which are of one nature, though done at several times, yet which began at this Parliament in Stirlin.  
While the Lords assembled at Stirlin lay there securely and negligently, 
An attempt upon Stirlin, and the Lords there.  without fear of the Enemy that lay so far off as (they thought) at Edinburgh, they had well nigh been cut off all of them, and the whole cause overthrown. For there was in Edinburgh one George Bell (an Ensign-bearer to a Company there, and a Stirlin-man borne) who knew all the Town, and every Lane, and Street, every turning and corner in it. He had learned also in what particular houses every Nobleman was lodged. This Bell knowing by intelligence how careless the Lords were, how few they had with them, and that there was either no watch kept at all, or else but very negligently, & the Sentinels very thin placed, thought it possible to surprise them with a very few men; wherefore having imparted it, and acquainted the chief Commanders withal, they liked, and approved of it. So with all speed they prepare for the journey, and march from Edinburgh with 200. horse, and 300. foot; the Earl of Huntley, Claude Hamilton of Pasley, and Walter Scot of Balcleugh being their Captains and Leaders. They used such expedition, and were so fortunate, that having got thither undescried, they planted themselves in the Marketplace, and setting men to guard all the Lanes, and narrow passages of the Town, they entered the Nobleman's lodgings, and took them prisoners; the Regent, Glencairne, and others. Only Mortons' house made some resistance; which being so well defended, that seeing they could not enter otherways, they set it on fire, and he, seeing all filled with fire and smoke, one or two of his servants also being slain, yielded himself to Balcleugh, who had married his Niece Margaret Douglas. And thus having made all sure, as they supposed, the Soldiers began to roam up and down the Town, and rifle the houses, seeking for spoil and booty. In the mean time the Earl of Marre, and his folks, who were in the Castle, and had essayed divers times to break into the Marketplace, but in vain, all the passages and entries being so well guarded, that they could by no means do it; at the last he sent some 16. of his men, with small brass pieces of Found'st (as they call them) to his own new house, which was then a building: and because no body dwelled in it (for it was not yet finished) the Enemy had not regarded it. These entering in at a back-gate, got up to the top of the house, and to the windows which did look directly into that Street where the Enemy was, and began to shoot among the thickest of them. Hereupon they presently fled so fast, that they trod one upon another thronging out at the gate. Marres folks came presently down and pursued them, but the lodging-gatebeing shut, they could not get out at the little narrow wicket but one at once, and that very slowly, whereby the Enemy had time to flee safely. And now many that before kept within doors for fear, began to creep out of their corners, and come forth to the Street, and join themselves with the Earl of Marres men, so that the case was quite altered: For the Victor's and conquerors, leaving their prisoners and their spoil, fled for life to save themselves; and divers became prisoners unto their prisoners, namely those who had taken Morton and Glencairne. The Regent was taken by David Spense of Wormiston, who was himself 
Lennox the Regent killed.  killed while he laboured to save the Regent's life, and the Regent also received his death's wound. They might have utterly destroyed the Enemy, but that at their first entry the Tividale men had taken away all their horses, so that they could not pursue them. And so they escaped (we may say) on both sides: for both were victorious, & both were vanquished in a few hour's space. A rare and remarkable example, how available, and of what moment it is to use diligence and expedition; and how dangerous in time of War to be negligent and secure. But especially this accident doth make good that often repeated observation of that great Warrior Julius Caesar, Multum in utramque partem fortuna potest; that in all the exploits of War, fortune hath great power either to frustrate, or make successful. But what he calls fortune, we know to be providence, and aught so to call and acknowledge it; which turns the wheel of humane affairs beyond, and contrary to their expectation. If we may judge of the justice of the cause by the perpetual success of the maintainers, and by their meekness and moderation therein, the King's side have had the better and the juster. The Regent died that same night, and was 
Buried.  buried in the Chapel of Stirlin Castle, with such solemnity as the Town and time could afford.  
The Grandfather being dead, the next Regent was Mar, being chosen the 8. or 9 of September the same year 1571. There were three put 
1571. Mar Regent 9 Septemb.  on the list, Argyle, Marre, and Morton. It is strange, they should have made Argyle one, who had been all this while on the contrary faction, and was now but a reconciled Enemy at most, unless they were sure how to carry it. Many thought Morton should have been the man, but he nothing ambitious of the title, which was but matter of envy, helped to cause Marre be chosen, who was a very sufficient and trusty Nobleman, able to discharge the place, and who had the King's person in keeping within the Castle of Stirlin. The main thing that he did in his Regency was, that he conveened the Country, and lay about the Town, but wanting Artillery to batter it, he returned again to Leith; where having divided the Kingdom into quarters, he appointed the several divisions to come to him by turns, with whom having broken the Mills about Edinburgh, he placed Soldiers in the villages and gentlemen's houses about it, to hinder all kind of provision from it. In the South parts of the Kingdom, Balcleugh and Farnihaste did molest the King's side, especially the town of Jedburgh. Wherefore Morton both for this cause, as also for a particular against Farnihaste, who claimed to be Bailiff of Jedward Forrest (which belonged to the Earl of Angus) by inheritance, sent for the chief Gentlemen of the Merse, and desired them to subscribe a Band, by which all those that were by name insert therein, did bind themselves to assist other, and all of them to aid and assist the Warden Sir James of Coldinknows. In this Band were contained the townsmen of Jedward, the Laird of Badrule, together with the Trumbles and rutherford's, and divers others.  
The first that wascalled (they being all assembled together in Mortons' lodging at Leith) was Sir David Hume of Wedderburne, who flatly refused to subscribe it; but said, He was ready to serve the King, as became a faithful Subject, so far as he was able; but that he would not bind himself in any Band to any man, further than he was already bound in duty, especially such men, with whom he would not enter into any society, fellowship, or combination. He understood chiefly the Trumbles and rutherford's, which names were infamous, and most of them reputed thiefs, and Badrule a notorious one. Morton seeing him thus resolute, lest the rest might by his example refuse likewise, caused him go aside into a back-room, and called in the rest.  
The first of which was Patrick Hume of Polwart, who hearing of the Trumbles and rutherford's, refused also to be joined with them, or to subscribe. When Morton asked him his reason, he answered roundly, Because, says he, it may be some of these men have helped to steal Wedderburnes cattle. And hath Wedderburne any cattle stolen from him, says Morton? Yes, my Lord, answered the other, that he hath. He did not tell me so much, says Morton. But it is true, my Lord, saith Polwart. Well, says Morton, will ye subscribe this Bond? I cannot, my Lord, saith he, as the case stands. If you do not, saith he, you shall do worse. Worse, my Lord, saith the other; nay, rather than do worse, I will do it. No, but saith Morton, I do not mean to compel you. No, but my Lord, saith he, you have said enough; and so he signed it, accounting it threatening and compulsion, and so himself no whit bound by his subscribing. The rest of the Gentlemen being called, seeing Polwarts hand at it, made no more scruple, but set to theirs likewise.  
After this, Morton went to dinner, and being set, he remembered himself, and sent one to call Wedderburne out of the backroom, and when he came, he asked him, Why he did not come to dinner? I was (saith he) lawfully committed, my Lord, and I would not break prison, but stayed till I was lawfully released. These dealings made some that were rigid censurers think hardly of Morton, that he would use such infamous men, and tolerate them for his own ends, especially being a public person, and in the place of justice: Yet others did excuse him, as being necessitated thereunto by the times; there being no other way to counterpoise the power of Farnihaste and Balcleugh, but by these Trumbles and Rotherfords; alleging withal, that it is not fit, or possible, to observe those Schoolrules precisely in Politic affairs, which it seems hath been his opinion also.  
In February, Morton being absent in S. Andrews, about the 
Those of Edinburgh set fire in Dalkeith.  installing of his Archbishop Master John Douglas, those in Edinburgh watching and laying hold on this opportunity, went forth, and setting fire in the town of Dalkeith, burned some twenty houses thereof, and having spoilt and pillaged it, returned safe to Edinburgh. There was little otherthing of moment done by either side, during Marres time. And now by the Garrisons (which lay about Edinburgh) hindering Victual to be brought to them, their scarcity increased so much, that they sent to procure an Ambassador from France, and another from Queen Elizabeth, to mediate a Peace. And for the preamble of a full Peace, the 
A truce in August 1572.  Ambassadors obtained a Truce in July, to begin the 1. of August, 1572. and to last till December, or January. The conditions were simple, that the Town of Edinburgh should be patent to all the King's Subjects; which was as much to say, as that they should render it up, since they could keep it no longer. And so it was done the first of August 1572. Before the expiring of this Truce, the 
Mar the Regent dieth the 28, of October.  Regent sickened, and died at Stirlin about the twenty eighth of October, 1572.  
Thus have we waded through those times and actions of the Earl morton's which were inter-mingled with those of other men's; in which though he were not the sole agent, no●… the principal and first in place, yet had he a main hand in all of them, and in all the affairs of Estate, he was ever a chief Actor, during the reign of the Queen-Mother, and Queen Mary (her daughter) in the time of the three Regent's, Murray, Lennox, and Mar; to all whom, he was ever even more than a second. Now we are come to that time and those actions, which are absolutely and fully his own; where he is the deviser and executer, sole counsellor and sole commander of all, where there is none to go before him, none to share or partake with him in his praise, or blame. What he doth aright, the honour thereof is due to himself alone; and if he do any thing amiss, the blame thereof must lie upon him only. The pain or pleasure, the gain or loss, touch and concern him, and none else. For Mar being dead, we do not find so much as any question made, who should succeed him in the Government; men's minds had by presage designed him to it, and the Lords meet to accomplish that presage, rather than to consult of it. Wherefore the twenty fourth of November, he 
Morton Regent the 24. of Novem. 1572.  was by uniform consent of all those of the King's side, chosen to be Regent. Would you know the reason of their choice? Be pleased then to hear it in the words of a stranger, who is very impartial, and far from lavish commendation, that is, Master Thin (or Boteville) in his Scottish Chronicle; They sought (saith he) a new Regent to succeed in Marres place, that might in all respects defend the King's Person, and the Realm, as he had done before. Wherefore the Noblemen assembling, did select by one consent, the Earl of Morton to that Office, a man no less wise than provident, and such a person, as both for the nobility of his birth, and service to the Realm and to the King, did well merit the same. By which it appears, that he did neither ambitiously seek the Place, nor got it by faction, but was chosen to it for the good of the Country, freely and advisedly. He says indeed, that it was after long consultation, but it could not be very long, being little more than a month, which was short enough time to be spent in making the late Regent's Funeral, and to conveen the Nobility therein. For according to himself, the election was in December; but our Acts of Parliament (which are more authentic) say, it was the 24. of November. But how ever long their consultations were, we do not hear that he had any Competitour, or that there was any other mentioned or nominated with him; and seeing he says, it was done (by one consent) then was there not any contrary Votes, or contradiction and contesting; but a perfect and full uniformity and harmony of mind amongst all of that side. Nay, even of those of the other side also, who sent (as some Notes say which I have seen) Commission and Proxees to that purpose, and namely, the Duke and Earl of Huntley. Others say, these were at the Parliament, where this Regency was confirmed, holden the 26. of January, in Edinburgh. They that delay it longer, cast their yielding in February at Perth, where they name Huntley, Argyle, Athole, and in general, the greatest part (say they) of the Nobility, and so we see his entry was free and right, and duly approved by all; the rest of his Office we have to consider. It lasted the space of five years and three months, till the twelfth of March, 1577. which is the time of his dismission. All this time the Country enjoyed a full and perfect Peace, save so much war as they had in recovering the Castle of Edinburgh out of the enemy's hands. There were 
The Queen's party within the castle of Edinburgh.  within the Castle (beside Grange Captain thereof) Secretary Metellane, and his brother Master John, Prior of Coldinghame (afterward Chancellor of Scotland) who remained still in terms of hostility. I know not why, nor wherefore, whether it was, that they thought themselves so guilty, as that they could not be pardoned; or that they had conceived such spleen and hatred against the other Faction, that they would not be reconciled; and so, out of despair, taking a desperate course, or that they were borne up with hope of some change, persuading themselves, that this agreement among the parties could not last long, being so ill cemented (as they conceived) but that some difference would soon arise upon some occasion or other, and that the rather, having their example for the present, and the Castle of Edinburgh for a place of refuge, when it should be needful.  
Upon these, or such like considerations, being also not altogether forsaken of the French (who sent some small supply of Monies, but large promises by James Kircadie, brother to Grange, who landing at Blackness, conveyed himself and it secretly into the castle) they resolved to be the last in yielding, and to hold out so long as possibly they could, assuring themselves that they could make their peace when they listed (if it should come to the worst) by surrendering the place upon good conditions. There were with these forenamed (as their followers) the Lord Hume, who was altogether led by Metellans' counsel, and Logan of Rastarig, who depended upon Hume. Pittadraw was Lieutenant to Grange the Captain, and Sir Robert Melvill was Uncle to Grange. The Regent being resolved to pull this thorn out of his foot, caused the Castle to be enclosed with a trench, and Soldiers set to keep it, under the command of Captain Crawford, and Captain 
The Castle blocked up.  David Hume before mentioned. And because they of the Castle watered at a Well (called S. Margaret's Well) Captain Michael was appointed to lie with his Company at S. Cutberds Kirk, who hindered them from fetching water from thence, and after a while, he found means to poison it, and so left it without any Guard. While the Castle was thus blocked up, one Captain Bruce issued forth thereof, to bring in victuals, but he was taken by the Regent's men, saith Master Thin: a thing very hard to be conceived, how he either durst, or could do it; neither is there any mention or memory of his being there, any where else to be found. Now because the Castle did annoy the City with their Ordnance, so that none could walk in the Street (which lies open in a strait line from the Castle exposed to their mercy) without danger of their lives, the Regent caused make three Traverses or Dikes, and ramparts of earth, turf and dung, overthwart and crossing the Street, so thick, as that they were Cannon-proof, and could not be pierced, and so high, that they took away the view of the Street from them of the Castle. One of these was raised hard by the Land-Market above the Tolbooth, and the other two (with proportionable distance one from another) nearer the Castle; so that the Citizens and others walked safely to and fro about their business, and the Lords also sat in Parliament without any hurt, notwithstanding 
Parliament at Edinburgh, the 26. of Jan.  that the very day of their sitting (the 26. of January, or as others the 16.) for their welcome and first salutation, they had bestowed on them 87. great shot; only there was one poor dog killed before the Regent's door. Neither was there any great hurt done before, though they had been still sending their volleys the 1. of January (at what time the truce expired) not above 6. persons hurt that kept the trenches, and as many within the City, but none slain. One night the Captain issued forth, and skirmished with the Regent's Soldiers in the trenches, till he found means to set some houses of the City on fire; which, the wind being high, did spread through the City, and when any did offer to quench it, he caused the Ordnance to play so thick upon them, that none daring to come near it, there were some 100 houses consumed therewith being burnt down to the ground, but not any man either slain, or hurt. This fact made him, who was hated before, to be abhorred and thought abominable by all men.  
Wherefore the Regent determining no more to dally with him (not having sufficient store of Artillery of his own, and fearing lest the Castle 
Siege of the C●…le of Edinburgh. 1573. 〈◊〉. April.  being well victualled, might hold out too long) he sent to the Queen of England to borrow of her; who sent him 30. pieces in all (viz. 9 Cannons, 6. Demicanons, 6. Sacres, and 9 Culverins) with all manner of needful provision; together with 700. or (as Master Thin saith) 1500. men under the conduct of Sir William Drury General. With these and 500 hired Soldiers of Scots, besides the Gentlemen Volunteers, and the Citizens of Edinburgh (after he had summoned the Castle, and they not obeying) he sat down before it the 20. of April 1573. They raised five Mounts or Terraces, whereon to plant their battery, in that place where now Heriots work is built. These (being called by the severali names of the chief Commanders, First, the Kings, Secondly, Mount Drury, Thirdly, Mount Leyes, from Sir George Leyes, Fourthly, Mount Carie, from Sir George Carie, Fifthly, and Mount Sutton, from Thomas Sutton Master of the Ordnance) were finished the 17. of May, with great toil and labour, and not without some loss of men by shot from the Castle. They began their battery the 17. of May, and continued it till the 26. The Castle is situate on a steep and inaccessible Rock, having a large utter Court beneath that Crag whereon the Castle standeth. About this Court there is a strong Wall, and on that side which lieth towards the Town of Edinburgh, a Bulwark (or Blockhouse) ending in a sharp point, being made in form of a triangle. The use of it is to defend the entrance and gates of the Castle. The walls of this Blockhouse are subject to the sight and shot of the Castle, and so may be defended by those that are within, but the corner & sharp point thereof is not so, and if it be taken by the Enemy, those that are within the Castle cannot annoy them. There were within the castle at the inner end of the said Blockhouse, two turrets of ancient workmanship, but more high than strong; of which the one was called David's Tower (which stood nearer the Gate) the other without it nearer to the South, was called Wallace Tower, but I know not the reason of their names. Against these two Towers, and the side of the Blockhouse nearest to the Castle, they directed their first battery. Thereafter they battered round about on every side of the Castle, and having dismounted some of the Ordnance within, and broken other some by shooting in at the mouth thereof, their Cannon did little hurt, being made unserviceable. Besides, David's Tower being battered, was beaten down, and fell in such sort, that the ruins thereof did dam up the gate and entrance betwixt the Castle and the utter Court and Block-house. The Blockhouse was also battered in that part that was over against the gate; and Wallace Tower, which stood above the gate within the Castle, was beaten down. There was a breach large enough, made not far from the gate of the Bulwark, and the ditch also was filled up with stones and rubbish, so that they might well enough have entered there; but because it lay so open in the very mouth of the enemies shot, it was not thought safe to give the assault at that place. Wherefore having provided Ladders, they went to the point of the Blockhouse, there to climb up out of danger of the Enemy's shot. The foremost in this service were Captain Hume and Captain Crawford. Humes Ladder being too short, and there being one of his men also shot upon the Ladder behind him, he was forced to come down again, and so Crawford got first up, and Hume followed him upon his Ladder, and so did the rest of the Soldiers without any hurt done. So they went forward, and planted a Corpse de guard before the Gate of the Blockhouse called Humes Porter-lodge, I know not why or how it got that name. They had no let or impediment, save that they had some small shot from the Castle, for the great Ordnance could not annoy them, being so high above them. And those that had kept the Blockhouse, had forsaken it, and were taken in to the Castle, being towed up over the Wall in the night. For it being sore battered, and the passage from thence to the Castle being so dammed up, that there could come no relief nor succour to them from within, they would not stay in it any longer, but abandoned it. While they were in s●…aling the Blockhouse, there was another Company sent to make show of giving an assault at another place, but they having gone further on than they had warrant or direction, they were repulsed, and about thirty of them slain. And so they did (as it were) make an exchange, and recompense their loss of the Blockhouse, with the death of these thirty. But this taking of the Blockhouse, was a matter of no great consequence; for neither could they any wise annoy or harm them that were within from thence, neither was the Castle Wall any where scalable, but as hard and difficult to get up into it as ever. Only they had taken from them the only Well which was left them, and out of which had been furnished to each man a pint of water a day. For the other Well that was within the Castle, by the fall of David's Tower, was so filled with lime and rubbish, that it served them to no use. Besides, they were at variance amongst themselves; for the Soldiers were not well pleased with their Captain, in regard of his hard usage of them. For he had committed to his wife the charge of distributing their Vivers, so to please her in that, that she might be the better contented to bear with his untimely and unlawful love toward her maid whom he entertained all this while. It is true, the victual began to grow scarce, but she made it scarcer by her niggardly disposition. They did not mutiny, but they murmured so, that they within were content to Parley with the besiegers. Wherefore the 26. of May, Grange the Captain, Pittadraw Lieutenant, and Sir Robert Melvill came down over the Wall by a rope, and spoke with General Drury; for they addressed themselves to him, as one in whom they did much confide as a favourer of theirs. They demanded that their lives, lands & honour safe, they might depart with bag and baggage, both he, and all that were with him. But when he could not obtain that, he returned to the Castle again. The Regent after this, found means to let the soldiers understand, that if they would render up the Castle, their lives should be saved, and they should have free liberty to pass with bag and baggage whither they pleased; else that they must expect all rigour and extremity. Hereupon they show themselves unwilling to undergo any more pains or danger for him, and refuse to obey him; so that he was constrained to yield up the Castle the 28. or 29. of May, without any condition at all, but referring 
The castle rendered the 19 of May.  himself absolutely to the Queen of England's pleasure. Her pleasure was to remit all to the Regent's own wisdom and discretion, and so the 16. of July she called back Sir William Drury and her Soldiers; as also about the same time her Ships and Munition were sent home again to her. Concerning the prisoners, the Lord Hume was committed again to the Castle, and the Castle to the keeping of George Douglas of Parkehead, brother natural to the Regent. Sir William Metellane of Lithington deceased (the 9 of July at Leith, where he lay with Drury) before he was suspected, and reported to have poisoned himself. What fear; what guiltiness, or what other occasion there was to move him hereto, or what information he got, or apprehension he took of the Regent's mind toward him in particular, I know not; but after that he knew that he was to be left by the English in the Regent's hands, he lived not many days. None of the rest were hardly used, save Grange the Captain, who being odious for his breach of faith to those of the King's side (with whom he took part at first) and much more hated for his treacherous dealing with the first Regent Murray, who had been so kind and loving a friend to him, and had trusted so much to him; but most of all for his obstinacy and unmerciful cruelty in firing the Town of Edinburgh, and not suffering them to quench it, the common people did so abominate and detest him, that they could not abstain from reviling and cursing of him, as he was led along, after the Castle was surrendered; neither could they be hindered from stoning of him: so that they who were with him were fain (for saving of themselves and him) to take the house upon their heads. And now that he was in the Regent's power, there was no way to satisfy them, but by executing of him: Wherefore being condemned for these things, he was put into a Cart, and drawn backward to the Marketplace of Edinburgh, where he was hanged, and with him his brother 
Grange executed.  Master James Kircadie, and two men of Edinburgh (Mossman and Cackie) who had made false Coin in the Castle on the 3. day of August 1573. Master John Metellan was sent prisoner to Tantallon, and Sir Robert Melvill to Lithington, to be kept there by David Hume of Fishick, who then possessed it.  
This was the only exploit of War which he achieved, and by which he acquired great reputation; the former Regent's having never been able to get this Castle into their hands: as also by his noways rigorous dealing with those that were in it. The rest of the time of his Regency, there was a general peace in the Kingdom, and full obedience was yielded to him by all men. No man of those times had seen the like before; no King was ever more dreaded and reverenced, nor did ever keep all sorts of people (High-Landers, Low-Landers, Borderers and all) in better order and greater subjection, even to inferior Magistrates, both Civil and Ecclesiastical. The chief mean hereof was the execution of the Laws. He made not many new ones, but what he made, he took care to have observed. Concerning Religion, there are these five 
Parliament Jan. 26. 1572.  Acts extant, which he made in his first Parliament the 26. of January 1572. before the besieging of the Castle. 1. The first of these is relative 
Acts concerning Religion.  to an Act made by Regent Murray before. In it (being made for establishing of Religion) it had been declared: That they were not of the Church, that did not approve the heads of Religion then received, and who refused to participate of the Sacraments as they were administered. Morton ordains (in this Parliament) such persons to be first searched, and secondly, admonished to rec●…nt their wicked errors; thirdly, to make confession of their faith according to the form prescribed; fourthly, to participate of the Sacraments; fifthly, submit to the Discipline of the Church within such a competent time; sixthly, if they fail to do this, that they be excommunicated; seventhly, then have their names printed in a catalogue; eightly, divulged; ninthly, & affixed on the Tolbooth door of Edinburgh; tenthly, from thenceforth to be reputed infamous; eleventhly, not to sit or stand in judgement, pursue, defend, or bear any public office; twelfthly, not to be admitted as a proof or witness, or assessour against any, professing the reformed Religion, till they submit, be reconciled, and obtain a testimonial of their reconcilement. That to be in this Catalogue shall be a relevant exception against, first, Judge's principal: secondly, or Deputies: thirdly, Members of Court: fourthly; Officers: fifthly, Parties or Procutors: sixthly, persons of inquest: seventhly, or witnesses, to decline them from, first, Judgement: secondly, Office: thirdly, Pursuit: fourthly, Procuration: fifthly, Inquest: or sixthly, Bearing witness: That the Archbishops, Bishops, Superintendents, Visitours, Commissioners, Readers, shall give in their names within every one of their bounds, under pain of forfeiting a years rend in case they fail. 2. The second Act is: That all Ecclesiastical persons (that is Ministers, or such as pretend any right to have, or brook and enjoy any, first Benefice: secondly, Life-rent: thirdly, Stipend: fourthly, Pension: fifthly, or Portion of Benefice) who shall not confess, subscribe, and participate the Sacraments, as said is, shall be ipso facto deprived, and all his Ecclesiastical promotions and livings shall be void and vacant, as if he were naturally dead. 3. The third Act: That none should be reputed as loyal and faithful Subjects to our Sovereign Lord, but be punishable as Rebels, that gave not confession and profession of the reformed Religion: That such as had once professed it, and afterward made defection, should return before the first of June next, and renew their former confession: first, Promise to continue in it: secondly, To maintain the King's authority: thirdly, The Preachers: fourthly, And Professors of the true Religion, against whomsoever and whatsoever enemies, especially against all (of whatsoever Nation or degree) that had bound themselves to maintain the decrees of the Council of Trent, and were falsely called, The holy League. 4. The fourth Act: That whosoever were excommunicated; and remained so 40. days, letters of horning should be directed to charge him to satisfy the decree of the Church pronounced against him, and to be reconciled to the Church, and submit to the Discipline thereof under pain of Rebellion: and if he did remain obstinate, that he should be put to the horn, and then letters of caption should be granted to apprehend him, etc. 5. The fifth Act was: That Ecclesiastical persons (such as above) remaining year and day at the horn, should lose their Life-rents. These Laws he procured to be made in Parliament, and being made, he saw them duly executed; by which mean it came to pass, that in his time, there was no man in Scotland, that professed advowedly any other Religion than the reformed; or maintained any point of Religion, contrary to the doctrine of this Church. Men do now wonder at it, how it could be: yet so it was, and this was the mean that procured it.  
As for the Borders, he tamed and daunted them by Inroads, and Justice-eyres', executing some for terror to others, taking pledges and hostages of the rest, and punishing them that transgressed according to their faults, most part by pecuniary mulcts and fynes. The High-landers were kept in, by binding the chief of the Clans over to the peace; and partly by fear, partly by gentleness, he drew them to the obedience of the Laws. But the chief mean for all, was a solid and perfect peace established amongst the Nobility, the only certain and sure way of keeping the Borderers in order; as by the contrary, a stir amongst the States (as themselves speak) doth never fail to incite them to their thieving and robbing. This he knowing well, partly by his wisdom compassed and effected it, partly it fell out of its own accord by men's inclination thereto, being wearied with so long troubles, and the turbulent heads that stirred up and entertained dissension, being now taken away by death. It is matter of laughter and sport, to consider men's judgements concerning this his government. I heard then, and have read since in some memorial of those times, his government mightily taxed, and reproached, and himself censured as covetous & greedy, as one that hanged some poor snakes for a show of justice, but suffered the richer thiefs to escape for their money. And yet the same men do not stick to say and write, Betwixt the 3. of March 1575. and the 4. of March 1577. the space of two years, there was nothing of importance to write of: All this time the Regent governed the Realm both well, and wisely: for during these two years, the common people had rest and quietness; Not considering that his government in the former years had procured, and caused the rest and quietness of these years. Yea, these same things which they call (hanging of the poor for show of Justice, and letting the rich go for money) they might call it (if they would speak in proper terms, and give it the right name) a just moderation and tempering of justice with lenity; punishing some (lest impunity might breed contempt of the Law) punishing the fewest and in the gentlest sort, lest too much rigour might drive them to despair, and so force them to desperate courses, and to stir up new commotions. If this course did withal meet right with any natural inclination in him towards money; yet that inclination did rather concur with this judgement, than cause it. He knew the nature of his countrymen, how they cannot easily endure to have their lives touched, or their blood meddled withal, and how hard it is to overmaster them by the strong hand, and a violent way, but far more easy to be overcome and gained by fair means; and therefore out of his wisdom he made choice of this, as the best way for his purpose of settling Peace. The event and issue did justify his choice: for from hence did arise a full Peace, and perfect quietness, together with all obedience and good order in Church and State at home, and account and great esteem of Strangers abroad. His means (indeed) were also increased, yet that came not so much by public fynes or forfeitures, as by his good husbandry and thrifty managing of the revenues of the Crown, and his own private estate. For no man knew better how to improve both the one and the other, and to make the best of them; and no man was more careful and diligent in it, than he. He guided both himself, and employed his own pains and industry therein, as in all affairs whatsoever. His servants were ever particularly directed by himself, and they did but execute what he commanded. The chief men he used were John Carmichael of Carmichael, and George Auchinleck of Balmannoe. He employed the former in all matters that were to be done upon the Borders, having made him even a warden; the other had a care to gather in his rents, and was (as it were) Stuart or Chamberlain to him. His private delight was in planting and building, which he did very magnificently, especially at Dalkeith; for which Drumlenrig admonished him that it was too sumptuous and stately for a Subject, and too near to Edinburgh. He built also an house in Tividale, called the Droghholes, for his private retreat.  
He grew so in esteem of wisdom and riches with all men, that it was no wonder though he were a little touched with the opinion of it himself; being now past all emulation, and so accounted of by all men, he could not but esteem also well of himself. They who did envy him had little hope to hurt him by action, being above their reach; but by their tongues they sought to make him envied of all; saying, He had all the riches, all the friendship, and all the wisdom of Scotland, Him alone. This was Hyperbolical, and spoken to stir envy; yet thus far it was true, that he had more of all these than any other one man, and so much as all his enemies were not able to match or impair. He had added to his friendship great parties, the Lord Maxwell and Hamilton. Maxwell married his Niece (a daughter of his brother David, and sister german to Archbald Earl of Angus) and the Lord Bothwell also had married her sister Margaret, Relict of Walter Scot of Balcleugh. The Lord Hamilton had been in great enmity with him; for (besides the public cause of Regent Murrays death) he with his brother Claud of Pasley, had killed Johnston of Westerhall, a follower and depender of the house of Angus. At that time the Countess of Cassills' (Lion by name, of the house of Glames, and a near Cousin to the Regent) was a widow. Whether the love to that Lady brought on the reconcilement, or their reconciliation occasioned the affection to the Lady, it is hard to say; but so it was, that Hamilton suited her in marriage, and obtained his suit; and by this all quarrels, and more especially that slaughter of Westerhall was taken away. And for the better satisfaction herein, both the brothers (the Lord Hamilton, and Claud of Pasley) made public obeisance to Archbald Earl of Angus, in the Palace of Haly-rood-house, by coming the whole breadth of the Inner-Court thereof barefooted, and bareheaded, and falling down on their knees, holding each a naked sword by the point, delivered it to him to take hold thereof by the Pommel. This was in the year 1575. the seventh of March, being Monday. After this, Hamilton was married to the Lady. Yet may it be doubted, whether he acquired more friendship in private by them, than he furnished matter of obloquy in public to the country; because both these brothers were accounted authors or accessary to the killing the Earl of Lennox, (than Regent) and the King's Grandfather; as also they had been of that of Regent Murray. These slaughters all the Nobility (especially of the King's side) had solemnly sworn to avenge: and now by this he seemed to neglect that quarrel, and his oath, and that he had more care to be satisfied in his own particular, for the slaughter of one mean man his depender. It grieved particularly William Douglas of Loghleven, who desisted not from the pursuit of those that had slain his brother Murray: after a private manner, seeing he could not get public justice executed; twice he set upon the Lord Hamilton, as he was coming from Arbrothe, and chased him so, that he was constrained to return to Arbrothe again. Another time as he was coming through Fyfe, he made him flee to Darcie, which he beset & lay about it, till the Regent sent to him, and commanded him to desist. However, by the alliance of these Noblemen, he seemed more strengthened & more secured. The Earl of Angus (his Nephew) was married to the Lord Ereskins sister, daughter to the late Regent, Earl of Marre, a Lady of rare beauty and virtue; and worthily made choice of by Morton who was author of the match, both because of the Ladies deserving, as also for that it not a little seemed to strengthen him, seeing her mother and uncles (during the minority of her brother) had the custody & education of the young King's person, which was the only way to attempt any thing against his Regency. Whether these things begat in him security, and security bred carelessness to entertain men's love, from whence did arise a loathing of him in all estates, & coldness in particular friendship; or what ever the occasion was, certain it is, that he keeped his place more by the estimation of all, than by the affection of many, on the occasions following. We showed before, how in matters of Church-government, he ever inclined (as the most politic course) to the estate of Bishops. The name was yet retained by custom, the Rents were lifted also by them (as we have said) more for other men's use & profit, than their own. They had also place & vote in Parliament after the old manner, and he would gladly have had them to have kept their power and jurisdiction over their brethren. M. John Douglas being dead, he filled the place by putting in M. Patrick Adamson his domestic Chaplain, who then followed that course, thoughbefore he had preached against it. Many were displeased herewith, all the Ministers (especially they of greatest authority) & all men of all estates that were best affected to Religion. He endeavoured also to have put the charge and cure of more Churches into one Preachers hands, that there being the fewer to provide of stipends, the King's revenues (who paid them out of the thirds of the Church lands) might be increased by the surplusage which remained to him. He did so eagerly press this point, that some thought it necessary to write against this course; namely, Master John Davidson (Minister at Salt-Preston) than a Student at S. Andrews. Him he caused to be summoned to under-lye the Law, and to be indicted criminally, and being entreated for him, he showed himself so animated against him, that he durst not under-go his trial, but fled to England, with the consent of those that were bail for him; of whom he exacted the sum to the full, and they willingly did choose rather to pay it, than to expose their friend to the hazard of his wrath. The Printer 
General Assembly in Edinburgh. 1573.  of the Book Robert Lake privike was convicted by an assize or jury, and committed to the Castle of Edinburgh. It was also hardly taken, that he sought to diminish the authority of the General Assemblies of the Church, by refusing to be present (being desired) at an Assembly holden in Edinburgh the 6. of March, 1573. which was very frequently and solemnly kept almost by the whole body of the Country; the Nobility, Gentry, Commissioners from Burrowes, as the custom had always been, and as he himself before had been present at them. Yea, he began to question their privilege and liberty thereof, by ask the Commissioners (which were sent from them to crave his assistance thereat) who had given them power to assemble the King's Liege's without his leave, who was in authority: With this unlooked for demand, they were dashed at first, but re-collecting and gathering their wits again, they answered: He that gave power to preach and hear preaching, gave power also to convene in Assemblies: Neither doth it depend on man (say they.) He said, that was treason. They answered, That if so be, than all the Apostles were Traitors, and the primitive Church in time of persecution. He said, That they conveened only to preach the word: They answered, That they conveened to advance, facilitate, and set forward the preaching of the word, and that was to preach also. But however, if to convene without the consent of the Magistrate were unlawful, preaching was also unlawful, unless they should preach to the Wals. A little velitation thus passed, he in end refused to go, which did so grieve them all, that a public Fast was appointed to pray for diverting and averting of such things as he seemed by this to intend against the accustomed Assemblies. He propounded to be reasoned, whether the supreme Magistrate should not be head of the Church, as well as of the commonwealth; and there were Divines appointed to dispute it for the Church, Master James Lowson (Minister at Edinburgh) the Laird of Dun (Superintendent of Angus) and Master John Spoteswood (Superintendent of Lowthian) and James (or Master David) Lindsay. For the Regent, there was the Justice-Clerk, Master David Borthwick, Sir James Balfoure, and William Douglas of Whittingame. These met at Edinburgh in the Abbey, and conferred for the space of 12. or 13. days; but he finding no appearance of obtaining that point, dissolved the meeting till a new appointment.  
The Commons, and chiefly the Town of Edinburgh were offended with him, because he had diminished the value of a certain brass or copper coin (called Hard-heads) and abased them from three half pence to a penny: and also the plack piece (another brass coin) from four pence to two: which was done (notwithstanding) by the consent of a very frequent Convention, where the whole Nobility (no Earl, Lord, or great man in Scotland being absent, except the Lord Hamilton, not then reconciled) was present the 25. of February 1573. He licenced also the transporting of Corn out of the Country, against which he himself had made an Act, but now he dispensed with the Act for money. He committed all the Butchers of Edinburgh for forestall the Market, and afterward dis-missed them, having paid a Fine. He held Justice Eyres, and raised a taxation under colour to cut down the Woods of Hair-law (on the Borders) which was a place of retreat and refuge to outlaws, thiefs and rebels. These things were interpreted to be done rather as a pretext to get Money, than for any other good use or end. He was in his own person loosely given (his own Wife being frantic) and his household servants were not much better, as it commonly comes to pass by imitation. They were also not altogether void of envy for their great wealth: nor of hatred, in regard of the way that men thought they got it, which was by receiving and taking bribes from such as had suits to him for obtaining access to him, or his favour by their means, and some such indirect ways. Riches are ordinarily accompanied with haughtiness and disdaining of others, either really, or in men's opinion; which doth again beget disdain in those that think them disdainful. This was the general opinion men conceived of his servants, from the highest to the lowest, even of his doorkeepers and grooms. One thing did marvellously offend men: George Authenleck of Bawmannow having (I cannot tell what) small quarrel against one Captain Nisbet, being come out of Dalkeeths (where the Regent kept commonly his residence) and going up the Street, he met this Nisbet, where drawing his Rapier, he thrust him through, and leaving him as dead, he held on his way to the Tolbooth where the Lords of the Session sat, as though he had done no wrong, with great indignation of the beholders: and at night he returned to Dalkeeths, where he waited upon the Regent as before. This made the people to murmur both against him as the actor, and against the Regent as conniving thereat, who perhaps did not hear of it, at least for a certain space. This Authenlecks credit with the Regent was so great, that all suits (for the most part) were obtained by him: and therefore men of the best quality countenanced, and followed him, which was both observed and disdained. One day this man being in the Tolbooth within the Inner-Barre, Oliver Sinclar (sometime Minion and Favourite to King James the fifth, who was now at Court) standing at the Middle Bar, entreated earnestly to speak with him, which having obtained with difficulty, when the other asked him what he had to say to him: Oliver answered, I am Oliver Sinclar, and without saying any more, left him; as if he should have said, Be not too proud of your courtship, I was once as you are, you may fall to be as I am. This was matter of much talk a long time.  
The Nobility grudged to see the Regent and his servants to engross all matters of profit and commodity to themselves alone. If any Writ were to pass, it passed through at the highest rate; few casualties were given cheap, fewer gratis. The marriages of Wards, the gifts of escheit, re-abling, or naturalisation, were bestowed all upon his Domestics. They were neglected in these things, and in other things also of a higher nature, their advice was not often sought, nor themselves much employed, as if he had not stood in need of them. The Earl of Argyle was mightily incensed against him upon this occasion. He had a Jewel which had sometime belonged to Queen Mary, which was an ensign of precious stones, set in form of the letter H (for Henry) which his Lady had either gotten from the Queen (who was her sister) to keep, or some other way in a token perhaps; the Regent redemanded it as belonging to the King, and when he got it not by request, he sent an Officer of arms to him, and charged for it; whereupon it was delivered to him, but with great alienation of his heart and affection ever after.  
His most near and particular friends wanted not their own exceptions and grievances against him. In the East and middle March, he planted strangers amongst them, as Arch. Auchenleck (brother to George) and Archippus Carmichael (brother to John Carmichael of Carmichael) in the Merse. These he married to two Wards; the last to one Hume, Inheretrix of Edrem; and the former to one Sleigh of Cumblege; notwithstanding that she had gone away with Patrick Cockburne (brother german to the Laird of Langton) who had kept her certain days, yet he caused an Officer of arms to charge him to deliver her, and so she was exhibited, and married to Auchenleck. Both these march with the Lands of Bonckle, belonging to the Earl of Angus; and therefore this planting of these men there, was not well taken, but was interpreted, as if he had meant to strengthen himself there by them, and to acquire dependers there for himself, not leaning or trusting sufficiently to those of the Earl of Angus, or his friends in that Country. The purchasing of the Lands of Spot to his natural son James, wrought him both hatred and hurt (in the end) for it quite alienated Alexander Hume of Manderston. This Alexander had to wife a sister of George Hume of Spot, and by her divers children, of which one was George, afterward Earl of Dumbar. George of Spot having but one daughter, had taken to him, and (in a manner) adopted this George son to Alexander, with resolution to bestow his daughter on him in marriage, and with her his whole estate. It fell out afterward, that John Cockburne of Ormeston married a daughter of Alexander of Manderston. This John having some difference with Spot about some Lands, the very day before his marriage, rode with his Company, and did eat up the Corns that grew on the controverted Lands which Spot had sown. The next day Spot being at the Wedding of his sister daughter, complained of the wrong done to him, but received small satisfaction, either of the Bridegroom, or of his brother-in-law, who was loath to offend his new Ally. Spot conceived such indignation hereat, that to be revenged of Manderston, he resolved to sell his estate, and to bestow his daughter somewhere else, and so to disappoint his son George. Wherefore he addresses himself to the Regent, and offers his daughter with his whole estate to his son James. The Regent, nothing slack to such an occasion, without more scruple or any question, transacted and contracted with him, and the marriage was accordingly accomplished betwixt Anna Hume, and James Douglas who got by her all the Lands pertaining to her father George Hume of Spot, his life-rent only being reserved. By this mean Alexander of Manderston, and his son George were debouted and frustrate, which did so incense him, that from that time forward, he lay in wait (as it were) and watched for an opportunity to be revenged of the Regent. There lieth near unto these Lands of Spot, the Lordship of Thurston, which belonged by inheritance to Craigie-Wallace, but was possessed by Sir George Hume of Wedderburne, and had been possessed by his Predecessors of so long a time, that it is thought to have been their possession before they had Wedderburne, for eight or nine generations. The right they had was sometimes a Lease, sometimes (the Lease expiring) kindliness only. At last, the King having given to Wedderburne the Lands of Dundonald (which lay hard by Craigie-Wallace Gates) Wedderburne puts him in possession of them, and retains his possession of Thurston, wherewith they rested both a long time well contented and satisfied. This excambion being real, and without Writ on either side, it fell out that the King's Lands (which had not as yet been set to feud) coming to be set out, they that were entrusted therewith, finding Craigie-Wallace in possession of Dundonald, gave him a legal right to it, and so he had the right both of it and Thurston. Hereupon he warns Wedderburne to remove from Thurston, as having no right thereto, but he kept his possession. On this ensued no little trouble, by reason of Waughtons assisting of him, who had married Craigie-Wallace sister. Afterward Sir George of Wedderburne (Uncle to this Sir George) marrying a daughter of Waughtons, matters were taken up and accorded, and Wedderburne was no more molested. The Regent knew all this very well, and yet notwithstanding hereof, the nearness of Thurston to Spot, and his desire to enrich his son, made him to send for Craigie-Wallace, and buy his title and right from him to Thurston. Then he sends for Wedderburne, tells him what he had done, and that he did not mean to make him a loser thereby: and therefore desires to know what satisfaction he would have for his right and interest. He answered, That he desired nothing but his own, and that only could content him. The Regent replied, That he had now bought that: And the other answered, That he was the more unkind to buy that which he knew to be his by so long and kindly possession. No other in Scotland (says he) would have bought it, nor you, my Lord, if you had not been Regent. This he bore patiently, as a free speech of a justly offended friend; yet he still pressed him to know what contentation he would have; but the other persisted in his former answer, That his own would only content him. So they parted, being divided in words and minds, concerning this particular, but without breach of friendship. After a while the Regent (to bring on the matter more freely, and to necessitate him thereto) makes warning, and no objection being made, obtains a decreet of removing against him. Wedderburne to show what little account he made of these doings, falls a building on it, that he might know he had no intention to remove. He had a Lease which was not expired as yet, and there were two or three years thereof to run; but he would not make use of it, but kept it up, partly to try the Regent's intention, partly reserving it as a ground of reduction, if it should need. Thus they continued all the time of his Regency; after his dimission the difference was taken away by William Douglas of Loghleven, after this manner; Wedderburne got one half of the Lands (the Manor-house, and what lay about it) and a full and perfect right thereof, and did quit the other half, which was let out in Tenantry. Sir James Hume of Coldenknows, and Alexander Hume of Huton hall were also alienated from him, but I know not what the occasion of it was. In Tiviotdale William Ker of Cesford, and Andrew Ker of Fadunside were likewise displeased, and had fallen off from him for some hard usage, which doth not succurre for the present. He had banished William Ker of Ancram, for the feud betwixt him and the rutherford's, of whom he had slain one. His father's house of Ancram was seized, and given in keeping to his enemies the Trumbles. His mother (a daughter of the house of Wedderburne, and the Regent's Cousin German) had often sued to him, to have it restored to her and her husband, but could not prevail with him. At last, she found means by herself and her servants, to get into the house (being negligently kept) and turning the keepers out of doors without doing them any harm, dwelled in it with her husband, and her other son Robert. William absented himself from public view, and remained sometimes in England, but most part in Wedderburne, both in Sir david's, and Sir George's time; neither was the Regent very careful to pursue him, or search after him (though he knew of it, and they made no bones to confess their receiving and entertaining of him in their houses) yet would he not release him from his banishment, being loath to displease the Trumbles and rutherford's, whose service was very useful to him. He tolerated also John Hume (son natural to John, called of Crumstaine of the house of Wedderburne) who had been with William Ker of Ancram in all his troubles, so far as at the meeting which the Regent had with the English (after the Red swire;) he being in company with Wedderburne, the Trumbles and rutherford's perceiving him to be there, went to the Regent, and complained that he was suffered to live in the Country, being a Rebel, and one that had so much wronged them. Let him alone (says the Regent) and do not meddle with him at this time, when he hath so many of his friends about him: for if he were now challenged, it might trouble you and me both. Some few days after this, he went to Tantallon with Wedderburne, where having kept himself out of the Regent's sight all the day long, at night (when the Regent was gone to bed) he fell to Cards with the servants in the hall. The Regent's Chamber was hard by, and he, not resting well, arose and came forth to the hall in his nightgown to look on their gaming: By chance John sat next to him; and he leaning with his hand on his shoulder a long time, without knowing who he was, at last going away to bed again, he perceived it was he, and smiling, said to him, GOD make you a good man; and so went his way. From thence forward John conversed in public, and came ordinarily into his sight and presence without being challenged, as if he had been formally released from his banishment. The Earl of Angus himself had his own discontents; and thought him too careful to prefer & provide for his natural sons, and not so careful of him as he should have been. Besides, these that thought themselves dis-obliged, he had professed enemies that hunted for all the advantages against him they could devise; at home the Castle faction (Master John Metellane, Sir Robert Melvin, Pittadraw) and abroad in France, the Lord Seton, Farnihaste, Waughton (who was not very busy) the Bishops of Glasgow, and Rosse, Ambassadors, and Agents for the Queen. These things; like warts or freckles in a beautiful body, seemed to slain the lustre of his government, and though they may be thought but small slips and weaknesses, yet they made impression in the minds of some, and in the own time brought forth hard effects, albeit in respect of his place, wisdom and power (like slow poison) they were long ere they did show forth their operation.  
There fell out a business in the year 1576. the 7. of July, which men looked should have brought on war with England. Sir John Forester, Warden of the middle March in England, & Sir John Carmichael Warden for Scotland, met for keeping of the Truce, at a place called, The Red Swire. There the Scottish Warden desired that one Farstein (an English 
The Red Swire.  man) who had been filled by a Bill of goods stolen from Scotland, should be delivered (as the custom was) to the owner of the goods, to be kept by him until he were satisfied for them. The English Warden alleged that the man was fugitive, and so the Warden was not bound to answer for him, or deliver him, but the party endamaged was to seek redress of any that should be found to receive or harbour him in their houses. Sir John Carmichael taking this not to be spoken in sincerity, but for a shift to frustrate justice, urged and pressed the matter more hardly, desiring him to speak and deal plainly, without sparing any man for fear or favour; but regarding only what was just and right, according to equity and reason. Sir John Forester thinking himself taxed of partiality, began to be angry, and in a contemptuous manner bad Carmichael match himself with his equals, and not with him, who was above him both in birth and quality; and therewith he rose up from the place he sat in, and walked a little away from thence. The English Borderers (chiefly they of tindal) being all Bowmen, when they perceived their Warden displeased, glad of occasion to trouble the Peace, sent a flight of arrows amongst the Scots, whereby they killed one of them, and wounded divers. The Scots who looked for no such thing, and were gone some to Cards, and some to other Pastimes, being scattered here and there, fled at the first many of them. At length some few (about twenty persons) taking courage, and calling to the rest to stay and stand to it, they joined together, and charged the English so fiercely, that they slew divers of them, amongst whom was Sir George Heron, a worthy Gentleman, and well beloved of both the Countries, whom they would have been loath to have hurt, if the heat of the conflict had not carried them to it unawares. Sir John Forester, and the Gentlemen that were with him, were taken prisoners, and brought into Scotland to the Regent. He entertained them kindly, and honourably, but detained them as lawful prisoners, and breakers of the Peace, till the Queen of England sent for them. It was expected that this should have been an occasion of war; but the Regent was nothing afraid of the matter. He knew them, and they him; he entertained friendship with them after his wont manner, and sent many Scottish Falcons for a present to the Courtiers of England, whereof one made a jest, saying, That he dealt very nobly and bountifully with the English, in that he gave them live Hawks, for dead Herons, alluding to Sir George Heron, who was slain. The business came to a treaty, and the Regent came in person to Foulden in the Merse, where the English Commissioners met him. They agreed on these terms, That the goods should be restored, and for satisfaction and repairing of the Queen's honour, Carmichael should go to London, and come in the Queens will. He went as far as York, where being come the 26. of September, he was detained there some five or six weeks, and so was dismissed. Concerning restitution of the Goods, the Regent caused make a Proclamation, by which he commanded all that were on this side of Forth, to come to him at Edinburgh the 8. of October, with provision of victual for twenty days, intending to go to the Borders. But he continued or adjourned the diet till he should give new advertisement; for the Borderers ceased from their stealing, and took order for restoring what they had taken. Afterward he held Justice-Courts at Peebles and Edinburgh, which was interpreted to be done, more for getting money, than doing of justice. The townsmen of Edinburgh were especially aimed at, & most carefully summoned; yet they were continued and cast overto another time; only they paid a thousand marks Scottish for Bullion, which the Merchants are bound to furnish to the Mint, but had neglected to do it. During the time of his Regency, he met with one private conspiracy, of which John Semple, son to the Lord Semple was author; upon what ground or motive I know not. It was revealed by one Gabriel Semple, who being confronted with John before the secret Council, avouched it, and offered to make it good by combat: But it needed not, for John confessed it, and was thereupon condemned to be hanged, quartered and drawn. Yet when his friends interceded for him, the Regent (nothing bloodthirsty) did only send him to the castle, there to remain during pleasure; which not being declared, he was kept there during his Regency, after which he was set at liberty. In the year 1577. the 4. of March, the Nobility assembling at Stirlin, 
Morton dim●…s 〈◊〉  concluded that the King should take the government into his own hands, and should be guided by a Council, and the Regent deposed. No cause was given out, nor could there be any sufficient reason pretended. The King was not yet 18. years of age, which was the time limited and set down in the Act of the Queen's dimission for him to be governed by Regent's. At most he was but 11. or 12. years old, When these news were brought to the Regent at Dalkeith, being astonished therewith, he came to Edinburgh; but little countenance was made to him by the townsmen, few came from the country (no Baron almost of note, save Wed derburn) none of the Nobility, so far were they alienated from him in affection. And indeed though they had intended to have come in to assist him, he gave them no time to do it; for, ere they could have come (as my Lord Boyd only did) he had dimitted his Regency; and was so far from making any impediment or let to the Proclamation, that he assisted a single officer with a trumpet, who came to proclaim the King's authority, and publicly laying down his Office, he took instruments of his dimission. The next day when the Lord Boyd came to him, he chid him sound for this his haste; and even he himself, when he had thought better on it, was angry with himself, that he should so rashly and unadvisedly have given way to his enemies, who used the King's bare name against his authority, which was to last five or six years longer, and was established by the Laws of the Kingdom, and Act of Parliament; unto which they themselves had consented and given their approbation. Whether or not he did best in dimitting, it may be disputed on both sides. The adverse party seemed strong, Argyle, Athole, Crawford; yea also (which did most astonish him) his friends Glames, Ruthven, and Lindesay; his most cherished, Pitcarne (Abbot of Dumfermling) Secretary, and Tillebardin Controller; he had the ill-will of the Burrows, especially Edinburgh. And yet having right and the law on his side, some would have regarded that; the multitude (so mutable) might have been reconciled, and the Faction dissolved (being glued together by nothing but common discontentment) by contenting some, and putting some in hope of having place in managing the affairs of the Kingdom. Neither could matter of division have been long wanting amongst themselves, where there were so many heads, such diversity of judgement, and so many several aims and intentions.  
If he had but stuck to his right declared, and claimed it, and in the mean time kept himself safe by his own power and friendship in Dalkeith or Tantallon, it is possible, and not improbable that he might have disappointed them. But he left that way, and having dimitted the authority, he rendered also the Palace of Haly-rood-house, the Mint and Coyning-house, with the printing irons; also the King's Jewels, and what else belonged to the Crown was delivered to the Lord Glames and Maxwell, who were sent from the King and his new Council to receive them. And good reason he should do so, for now they were no more his, seeing he was no more Regent, having dimitted the authority, he could not retain them. Yet he did not so with the castle of Edinburgh, which the same two Lords had also commission to receive. His brother (George of Parkhead, as we have said) was Captain of it, who not being well provided of Victual before, he found that it was then too late to begin. For seeking to Victual it both privately and openly, he was hindered by the Townsmen, whereupon ensued bloodshedding and slaughter. The Town had placed a Guard about the Butter-market (where the Weigh-house now stands) and the Constable of the Castle Archbald Douglas (brother to John of Tillie-whillie) issuing forth, set upon the Guard before they were aware, and having killed two or three of them, retired to the Castle again. This did no good; it procured hatred toward himself, but purchased no Victual to the Castle. Wherefore the Guard being more wary, he was so straited for want of Vivers, that he was forced to surrender it to the Lord Ruthven and the Lord Lindsay the first of April 1578.  
In this mean time (some fortnight before, the seventeenth of 
The Lord Glames slain at Stirlin.  March) the Lord Glames Chancellor, was slain at Stirlin. There had been some old quarrel betwixt the Earl Crawford and him; but now both being on the King's side, they were upon terms of agreement or assurance. It happened so, that as the one was going to the Castle of Stirlin, and the other coming from it, they rencountred in a narrow Lane. Both of them commanded their followers and train to give way, which they did, and were now all passed save two of their servants that were last, who having first justled one another, drew their Swords, and flew to it. Hereupon both their Lords with their Companies turned, and began to skirmish; where the Lord Glames being a tall man of stature, and higher than the rest, was shot with a Pistolet, and so died. It is uncertain who it was that shot him, but many thought it was Crawford himself, because he was very skilful in shooting with a piece. Wherefore he was committed to prison, but was released again soon after, without further trial or enquiry: Whereupon followed great enmity and mischief betwixt these two families of Crawford and Glames. It was observed with admiration, that the news of this slaughter, which was committed about five a Clock in the afternoon, was reported punctually and perfectly at Edinburgh by six, there being 24. miles' distance between. It appears by this, that if Morton had not laid down his authority over hastily, other such things might have fallen out to have divided that faction, which might have furnished him with matter enough to have wrought out his own continuance therein.  
But now having laid it down, he must play the aftergame as well as he may. There were chosen to be of the King's Council, Argyle, Athole, Montrose; the Bishop of Caithnesse (Montroses Grand Uncle) the Abbots of Dumsermling, and Newbottle; the Lord Ruthven, Lindsay, and Oglebee. These coming to Edinburgh, he gives place, and withdraws himself, not to Dalkeeths (it was too near) neither to Douglas (it was too far off and out of the way) nor to Tantallon (it was a place of strength, and it might have been interpreted fear in him) but to Loghleven to his Cousin William Douglas, who was also a near Cousin to the Earl of Marre; that from thence, and by him he might deal with them who had the King's Person in keeping, and find means to turn about the wheel again, and to overturn them who had turned him (in a manner) out of his Regency. There he busied himself in making of Walks and Alleys, in drawing of Garden plots or knots, little minding any State affairs in appearanee; or if any wary wit did suspect any thing of him, or any clear eyed Lynceus, or well sighted Argus espied some design (which was very hard for them to do) yet most part saw nothing; and there were but few that suspected any thing, and none that could help or hinder it. For so he brought it (as most men think) or so it came to pass, that Alexander Ereskin (brother to the late Earl) a man of a good easy nature, and no ill disposition, and who, though of himself he were nothing factious or malicious, yet he had been an instrument, whom the other party (Argyle, Athole, etc.) had used to turn Morton out of his Regency, by admitting them unto the King, who was committed to his charge as Captain of the Castle of Stirlin, and Tutor to the young Earl of Marre, was himself almost after the same manner turned out of his charge of keeping the King and Castle. For as the King had been moved to take the government upon himself before the time appointed, so the Earl of Marre was moved to take upon himself that his own charge (of keeping the King and Castle of Stirlin) before his time, being not yet of age nor Major. The manner of it was this: One Morning (the 26. of April 1578. the Earl got up betimes to go a hunting, and sending for the Keys of the Castle Gate, Alexander (his Uncle) came himself in person, and having opened the Gate to let his Nephew forth, he himself and his servants were thrust out at the Gate by the Earl, assisted by his own natural brother, and his Uncles the Abbots of Cambskenneth and Driebrugh (very worthy, kind, upright, and honest Gentlemen) and so he took the Keys and keeping of the King and Castle into his own hands the 27. of April 1578. (as my notes say) and so not above 7. weeks after Mortons' dimission of his Regency. Whether or not Morton employed Tillibardine in this work, and gave him Money for it (he being Uncle to the Earl of Marre) I cannot affirm it, though I know it was reported; neither indeed can I say confidently that Morton plotted this business, and that it was his doing, or what hand he had in it, or whether it were nothing else but division amongst themselves.  
However it were, by this means the designs of the new Counselors were turned to nothing. They had (the 9 of April) chosen the Earl of Athole Chancellor, and indicted a Parliament to be held the 10. of July, and had consulted of many Articles to be concluded therein. Upon the news of this change, they go to Stirlin, but the Castle was kept so close, that they were not suffered to come in, save one at once. There they had some meetings in the Town, and afterward returned to Edinburgh the 8. of May. Morton waa come to Dalkeith a little before; wherefore they send to him, and desire to confer with him. He came to Craig-Miller, and there spoke with Athole and Argyle, and at last (after much tossing of business) they agreed so well, that they went with him to Dalkeith to dinner. On the morrow (the 9 of June) Morton goes to Stirlin, and was friendly received by the Earl of Marre into the Castle. The rest followed that same day, so that the whole Nobility was assembled together the tenth day. By their advice the Counsel was changed, and Morton made Principal and President thereof. The Parliament by Proclamation was transferred to Stirlin, there 
Morton Precedent of the Council.  to be held the twenty fifth day of July, whither the Lords of Parliament were ordained to come with their ordinary train. The other Lords, Athole, Argyle, Montrose, Lindesay, Oglebee, Maxwell, Harris, and the former Council convened in Edinburgh, and sent Montrose and Lindsay, to excuse their absence, and to give the reason and cause of it, because (as they alleged) the Parliament was not free, being kept within 
Parliament in Stirlin Castle the 25. of July 1578.  the Castle of Stirlin, and both King, Castle and all in the Earl of Marres power. All this notwithstanding the Parliament held, wherein there were not many things concluded. The chief things were a discharge given to Morton for his government, during the time of his Regency. An exoneration to the late Earl of Marre (who had been Regent) for his keeping of our Sovereign Lords Person within the Castle of Stirlin. The Lord Hume was also restored from his forfeitrie, by the means and procuring of Sir George Hume of Wedderburne, with the consent indeed of Morton (whom he solicited for that end) but against his opinion and advice. For he told him freely, that he thought it was not his best course; for (says he) you never got any good of that house, & if it were once taken out of the way, you are next, and it may be you will get but small thanks for your pains: Sir George answered, that the Lord Hume was his Chief, and he could not see his house ruined; if they were unkind he could not do withal, that would be their own fault; this he thought himself bound to do, and for his own part, whatsoever their carriage were to him, he would do his duty to them; if his Chief should turn him out at the foredoor, he would come in again at the backdoor. Well (says Morton) if you be so minded, it shall be so, I can do no more but tell you my opinion, and so consented to do it: Yet Sir George had so ordered the matter, that he made no question to have carried it without Mortons' consent by the Abbot of Driebrugh and Cambskenneth, to whom he was allied by his wife. Wherefore they are mistaken that say Morton did all, and that there was nothing done but according to his pleasure; for he was but accessary, and concurred (as one of the chief and prime Noblemen) but the house of Marre had the main sway at this time. At this Parliament, the wardenrie of the East march was taken from Coldinknowes, and given to Sir George of Wedderburne, and he thought it no robbery to take it, being given him. In August the other Lords (with whom were Coldinknows and Manderston, Cesford and Fadunside) assembled their forces, and having set forth a Declaration, that their purpose was to set the King at liberty, they marched from Edinburgh to Fawkirk. Neither was Morton slow in gathering together his friends at Stirlin, with resolution to have tried the hazard of a battle. The Earl of Angus went out divers times, and skirmished with them, but there was no great hurt done. Only in a single Combat or Duel 
Duellbetwixt Tait and Johnston.  (upon a challenge) which was sought on horseback with Lances, one Taite (a Tividale man that belonged to Cesford) was slain by James Johnston a follower of Angus, he also being sore wounded. At last they came to an agreement, and lest they should seem to have done nothing, they condescended that the King should be brought to Edinburgh or elsewhere, as they pleased, by the advice of the Nobility, which served little for their purpose; for there was no time limited; and when he was brought to the palace of Haly-rood-house (the 30. of September 1579. a year after) yet was Marre and Morton the chief men about him, and had greatest credit with him.  
But before that time it was concluded in Council that the Lord Aberbrothe and Claude of Pasley his brother should be pursued as slayers of Lennox and Murray (late Regent's) which was done accordingly. But they themselves having fled into England, their servants were taken, and some executed, others imprisoned, and their Lords Houses demolished. This motion is thought to have proceeded chiefly from the house of Marre and Loghleven. We hear of no new occasion given by them, for they remained neutrals, and did not side with either party at this time. Mortons' part was, that he remained a spectator, and was contented that men's minds should be taken up with some other thing, and not have leisure to think of him, and his late greatness, and that their fury should be poured forth on somewhat else.  
While they remained yet at Stirlin, the Earl of Athole died suddenly, 
Athole dies at Stirlin.  which was matter of much talk, and gave occasion to Mortons' enemies to lay that foul aspersion upon him, that he had poisoned him. For all the Doctors did affirm that he was poisoned, save only Doctor Preston, who said it was no poison; but being desired to taste of it, and having only touched a little thereof with the tip of his tongue, it had almost cost him his life, and he did never after fully recover, but languished and was sickly so long as he lived. Wherefore seeing it was certainly poison, Who could give it him (said they) but Morton? And yet they could never tell how he could do it. For he was not in Mortons' lodging, nor Morton in his, as they knew, and do themselves confess. Neither were any that belonged to Morton in his house, and though they had been, they were neither Cooks, nor Cupbearers, nor Carvers to him. So blind is malice, or so malicious are impudent detractours. Morton cleared himself of this imputation at his death. And yet there are some to this day, that are not ashamed to report it.  
In the next year 1579. in June, upon the King's longing to be abroad, it was concluded in Council that he should go to Edinburgh the 25. of September next, but he came not till the 30. day thereof. Morton and Marre were still with him as his chief Counselors. They invited him to Dalkeith, where he remained a certain space, and returned to the Abbey of Haly-rood-house the 16. of October: The day following he made his entry through the City of Edinburgh 
The King comes to Edinburgh and makes his entry the 17. of October.  with great solemnity and pomp; with great concourse and applause of people, rejoicing to see him whom they loved heartily and dearly, as they testified by their acclamations and prayers, poured forth for his safety and welfare. After this (on the 20. of October) he kept a Parliament, extant in the printed Acts. Hitherto we have seen our Earl of Morton, though not an absolute Favourite of fortune, yet so cherished by her, that howbeit she did now and then frown on him, yet she seemed rather to try his strength whether or not he were able to endure a storm, and ride it out with resolution, than that she meant to over-whelme him in her waves; for the issue did ever prove advantageous to him, and he became rather a gainer than a loser by his sufferings. But now having raised him to the highest dignity and pitch of greatness that a subject was capable of, according to her accustomed levity, all of a sudden turning down that was up of her wheel, she brings him so low as to lose life and estate. There is nothing more deserves our observation, than these vicissitudes of great places, to see men of low made high, and than again falling from their height and greatness to become low, which is to be seen in this last Act and Catastrophe of his Tragedy, so notably as is rare to be found elsewhere. Who could and would truly discover the depth of the mysteries of these times, and tell exactly who were the chief p●…otters and first movers of this work, and who were the instruments and executers thereof, as he should do a piece of good service for clearing of the truth of things to posterity, & the ages to come, so do I confess for my own part, that it is too hard a task for myself to perform, and more than I will undertake or promise to do. All that I can do is to set down the actions which are evident in gross, and to follow such conjectural probability in the narration as my weak judgement can lead me to. We have heard how the King & Queen's factions did long contend, and how Morton had ever been on the King's side, and how in 
The beginning of Mortons' fall.  his Regency he had so handled business, that they that stood for the Queen had yielded and acknowledged the King and him as Regent. The keeping of the Castle of Edinburgh was the last Act of opposition, and with the yielding of it, all was wished. Lithington and Grange were taken out of the way, who were the strongest or the stoutest upholders thereof. Yet the Society was not quite broken or extinguished with them. Master John Metellane (sometime Prior of Coldingame, and brother to Lithington) Sir Robert Melvin (uncle to Grange) Pittadraw, the Bishop of Dunkell, and some others remained. These he had committed to prison for a short while; afterward had pardoned them, and set them at liberty. They kept still their old mind, entertained mutual friendship and correspondence, and wanted only occasion to show the effects of their former disposition: Especially Master John Metellane, and Sir Robert Melvin bore great hatred to Morton; the one for putting his Nephew Grange to death, the other because he supposed Morton would have done as much to his brother, if he (fearing so much) had not prevented it by poisoning himself, as the common rumour was. Besides these private grudges, the public cause did also egg them on and animate them against him; which they never forgot, and looked upon him as the man who had been the bane thereof. Yet they set it on foot again, by commending of it openly, and advancing it (all they could) secretly and indirectly; using all the means they could to make all things work for the Queen's advantage. She had her Agents and Ambassadors in France, together with her Uncles (of Guise) and wanted not her underhand Favourers in England, that still had their eye upon her (as upon the rising Sun) whom they esteemed the hope of their Religion. Their suit now was (who would not think it so?) both plausible and modest; to join the mother and the son in an equality of government, being so near joined in nature. It could not but be for the good of the Country, and make much to confirm and strengthen their title to England. Thus they said; but how can this be done? He is in possession of the Crown, how can it be taken from him again? How can he be desired to dimit? And though he would demit, yet those of his party will never be contented that he should do it. On the other side, She is living and dispossessed; but who that hath ever worn a Crown, can live and be content to want it? What other mids then, and mean can be found out, but association in the Crown? So shall both have it, and both be satisfied, a happy society, from which will flow the son's love, and the mother's blessing. All shall so go well, and it will be easy to persuade a child (though never so wise) being unacquainted with such things, especially one that is so gentle, and of so towardly disposition: only the difficulty will be to move his old friends thereto; they will never consent to it; they will be jealous and fearful of any party or equality in ruling, though of never so near and dear friends: they will choke us with that old saying, Nulla fides Regni sociis, etc. They will think it a diminution to the King's authority, which ought not to be admitted either in effect, or in appearance. The grounds of his Title will seem to be brangled and overthrown; also his estate will be made thereby more unsure, and doubtful: The match (though with a mother) will be too hard for him; she is elder, and so wiser, and more experienced, and may soon step up from this equality to a Superiority, by questioning her former dimission, by revoking and recalling of it, as being done in prison, and so not free, nor voluntary. Thus shall the King be thrust out of his place, the Country, his old friends, Religion, and all quite undone.  
Morton was too old a Cat, to draw such a straw before him, or to propound any thing tending that way: wherefore their best was to make him away, that so the plot might go on. And much more good effect would come of that one stroke: He was rich, he had fair lands and houses, a fair reward of all their pains and travel. And no question, his friends that should take his part, might be involved, and ensnared with him: Especially the Earl of Angus could hardly in this case of his Uncle, so behave himself, but occasion might be found against him, which would be a fair booty.  
The facility of compassing a business doth often draw men on, and doth greatly prevail in all consultations. The new factions against him were very strong, yet he kept them down, but it was meeerly by the King's countenance; if that were once taken away from him, the rest would prove but easy. And now to facilitate all, there fell out such occasions, as they could have wished, or as they had made.  
For in September, in the year one thousand five hundreth seventy 
Obignie comes home in September. 1579.  and nine, Mounsieur d' Obignie was come (or brought) home: his name, his kindred, his carriage, his commission from friends in France, his comeliness, his observance, his person did procure him credit with the King; and this faction did privately insinuate with him, and openly thrust him forward into the King's favour; and put him out of conceit of Morton; and indeed quite alienated him from him, and so by him the King, whose ear he now had; for Morton being such an adversary to the Queen, and so to France, Obignie to do the Queen, and to do France service, to pleasure the holy League (himself being a Papist) and to gain the good will of this faction by whom he was to rise to some great place about the King, was easily induced to promove their plot and malice against him. Neither was there great difficulty in it: he had lost many friends, offended all sorts of men; the Burrowes, the Ministry, and who so doth zealously affect them, so far as that if they were not his enemies, they were but cold friends, and such as would be but spectators, and no ways actors for him. There fell out also (about this time) in October (1580.) an accident, which did him much hurt, and made for their purpose. The Lord Ruthven having been in 
Controversy betwixt the Lord Ruthven and Olyphant.  Kincarn (a house of the Earl of Montrose) at the marriage of the Earl of Marre, as he returned to Perth, his way lying near to Diplin (which belonged to the Lord Olyphant) and there being enmity, and deadly feud betwixt Olyphant and Ruthven: Ruthven not withstanding, road that way in view of Diplin. Olyphant took this as done in contempt of him, and therefore issuing forth with some horsemen, and some fire locks, followed them, and came upon them so unexpectedly, and with such advantage of weapons, that Ruthvens' men fled presently, and their Lord was forced to do the like. Only one Alexander Stuart (of the house of Traquaire, and a Kinsman of Ruthvens) stayed behind the rest, partly to keep off the pursuers, partly to speak with Olyphant in fair terms, and was slain by a shot, from one that knew him not, sore against Elephants mind, and to his great grief and discontentment. The Lord Ruthven, seeking by order of law to repair his credit, and to be revenged for the kill of his friend, causes summon Oliphant to answer criminally before the Justice General. This Oliphant had married Margaret Douglas, daughter to William Douglas of Loghleven, and now being pursued upon his life, was assisted by his father in law. The Earl of Morton would gladly have agreed the parties, but the fact being recent, and the Lord Ruthven (together with the friends of the Gentleman that was slain) having received such an affront and indignity, there was no possibility to take it away, save by law. Wherefore Morton joined with the party that was pursued for his life, which hath ever been accounted most Noble, most tolerable, and free from exception or quarrelling. Besides, Oliphant had not commanded his servant to shoot, neither did he allow or approve (but was sorry for it) in his heart; but he thought he could not with his honour deliver one who followed him, and had done this rash fact, in and for his service, but was bound to defend him all he could, and protect him from all danger, and harm, according to his power. Notwithstanding, of this, Ruthven was mightily displeased with Morton, for countenancing, and assisting Olyphant against him, and Master John Metellane, and Sir Robert Melvine (who took part with Ruthven) laid hold of the occasion, and blew the bellows so, that they brought him to that point of unkindness, that he could very well have been contented to see Morton reduced to such an estate and condition, as that he might need his help, and be sensible of the loss of so steadable and useful a friend, as he took himself to be.  
Wherefore, when he understood that his enemies were plotting against him (either for that he knew not that they aimed at no less than his death and final overthrow, or if he did know so much, because he thought he could give them a stop when he pleased, and hinder them from attaining that point of their aim) he suffered the course to go on, and perhaps helped it forward. The name of Stuart were also offended with him for assisting one who was accused of the kill a Stuart, and all this was aggreaged and aggravated by those of his opposite faction. Besides this, he had showed that he was not well pleased with the Courtship and favour which Mounsieur D'Obignie had with the King; because there was a general suspicion and fear, that he was employed, and would labour to corrupt and pervert him in his Religion. There was with Obignie, one Monbirneau (who was thought to have been an actor and executioner of the Massacre in France) extremely dissolute in his conversation, and therefore much hated, feared and abhorred of all men, which did reflect upon Obignie for his entertaining, and familiarity with him. The Ministers spoke and preached openly and plainly against them both, and the English Ambassador (Sir William Bows) desired Monbirneau to be removed off the Counsel as such an one, and when it was refused, he likewise refused to deliver his message, or to show his Commission, for so he had been commanded by the Queen and State of England. Morton withdrew himself as discontented, and retired to Dalkeith, either for dislike of the present estate of things, or out of fear and doubt of some danger, or inconvenient, or for both; neither did he come to Court or Counsel, but when he was sent for by the King. This disliking of their ways, made them to dislike the more of him, and his fear caused them to fear him more also: dislike and fear increased their hatred, and hastened their resolution to overthrow him. The way was laid, which was to charge him with the murder of the late King, the accuser (either made choice of by them, or who did willingly offer himself) was James Stuart (son to the Lord Ochletree) a bold, venturous and aspiring young man. And so the last of December he was sent for, and being set in Counsel, he was accused by James to his face. 
Morton accused of the K. murder.  The crime was, of being airt and pairt of the murder of the late King Henry. Being greatly moved herewith, he arose from the table, and purged himself with great vehemency, as innocent thereof: and offered to abide a legal trial, not only of his Peers, but of any Gentlemen whatsoever, though he himself were an Earl, and had been Regent. Hereupon he was confined to his lodging, where he abode all the next day, which was the first of January, and the Sabbath day. So much leisure he had to bethink himself of his case, and what were best for him to do: he might have seen that it was a quarrel picked against him of malice, seeing the crime laid to his charge was so heinous, as none but his mortal enemies would have broached, and such as sought his utter ruin. And he might know that innocency is not always a sure warrant and defence against such: and that it was dangerous to fall into their hands. On the other side, to avoid and shun a trial were half a confession of the crime, and would make him seem guilty; nay it would make him truly guilty of contempt, disobedience and rebellion, which might (perhaps) be the thing they sought; through fear to drive him to some rebellious act, and so to involve him in a true crime while he sought to eschew a falls accusation; his friends & followers advised him to take the first way, but he himself resolved on the second: for he supposed that they could not convict him by law, and that they would not proceed against him without law, having (as he thought) friends that would not suffer it, especially the Earl of Angus, being at liberty, and out of their power. But he had forgotten the old maxim of his predecessors, That it was better to hear the Lark sing, than the Mouse peep; and their Proverb, Loose and living. On the second of January, he had a warrant sent to him to enter himself prisoner in the Castle of Edinburgh, which he obeyed immediately. As 
Imprisoned in the Castle.  he went up the street, accompanied only with his own domestics, James Stuart (his accuser) was coming down, and as he passed by, he said to him (in an insolent and insulting manner) fare well my Lord, go on. His servants would fain have made an end of the accuser, if not of the accusation, but he would not suffer them by any means, but held on his way toward the Castle (without replying any thing) and so entered there a prisoner. This obedience of his is liable to be diversely thought of by divers, and is diversely censured by men (according to that saying) Laudatur ab his, culpatur ab illis, it is commended by some, and discommended by others. They blame his wisdom, that he should have trusted, and relied so much upon his innocency, as to have put his life into the hands of his enemies, who used the colour and shadow of the King's authority, for their own private ends, and to fulfil their own malice, and revenge. Others commend him, that being innocent, he obeyed the King, and submitted himself to the laws. The event gave judgement for the first, and all men since are of the former opinion; yet it may be he did not rely merely on his innocency; and that he looked not to have had such a number of enemies, having never deserved such hatred of any; and that he thought the Nobility would never give way to such extremity, which was an ill precedent and preparative against themselves. But however, God had his work to bring to pass, and meant to humble him this way; and therefore his wisdom (which appeared at other times) did now fail him, so that he was confounded in his discourse and reason. There can nothing else be said or alleged for this gross error in so wise a man.  
This is the first evident step of his falling. They might now do with him what they pleased, and yet scarce all that they pleased, with safety and security. His Nephew the Earl of Angus was at liberty, and remained at Dalkeith, who being sent for to come to Court, refused to come; yea, though he were charged under pain of treason by a Herald to come to the King, yet he would not obey, but was declared rebel. Also Mortons' keeper Alexander Ereskene (master of Marre) being an honest and kind hearted Noble man, they could not use any violence toward him, so long as he was in his custody. Therefore they thought it best 
Morton is sent to Dumbarton.  to send him to Dumbarton: and that they might do it the more safely, they set forth Proclamations, discharging all men that had any relation to him, or that they suspected to favour him, to come within four miles of any place where the King was, or should happen to be. So in the 17. or 18. of January, he was brought forth of the Castle of Edinburgh to be carried to Dumbarton. There it did appear, how the change of men's fortune doth change the minds and affections of people toward them. When Morton dimitted his office and authority of Regent, none of the Citizens would take norice of him, or look toward him: Now that he suffers for a good cause (as they esteemed it, to wit, opposing Obignie, and his courses) they flock to him, and accompany him out of the town in such numbers and multitude, that his keepers were afraid of them. And that the rather, because some of his wellwishers had (some nights before) called the Captain of the Castle, and desired him not to deliver him, or to let him come out; and had threatened, that if he should deliver him, it should be remembered as an act of hostility, and he reputed and used as an enemy. They that were his convoy were commanded, if any should come to rescue him from them, that they should kill him rather than suffer him to escape. The Queen of England by her Ambassador, Master Randolfe, interceded for him, and told the King and Council, that she understood that he was a true and good Subject, a worthy Noble man, and free of that he was accused of. She desired that he might be tried by an assize (or jury) and that his enemy (known to be so) monsieur d' Obignic (now made Earl of Lennox) who was also an enemy to the reformed Religion (as being a Papist) might be removed off the Counsel. It was answered, that the King was not so far bound to any foreign Prince, as to change his Counsellors at their request, or to try his Subjects but where and when he pleased. The Ambassador discontent with this answer, gives up all bond of friendship, and having denounced war, returned into his own Country the 27. of March, 1581. Hereupon a taxation was imposed, and a company levied of 1000 foot, and some horsemen, to be a Guard for the King's person. James Stuart (the accuser) was preferred to be a privy Counsellor, is made Baron of Bothwell-haugh (say the notes) Lord Hamiltoun, Earl of Arrain, and Captain of the Guard; with most ample Commission to apprehend whomsoever he suspected, and to banish and punish at his pleasure; especially any that favoured the Earl of Morton, of whatsoever degree, rank or quality. But the English intended rather to threaten then to make war indeed; and they knowing that well enough, went on with their intended projects against Morton. He being still kept prisoner in Dumbarton, learned a lesson there, which he had not well learned till then. Let the profane be silent, and let mockers leave off their mocking, and let all mortal men know that there is a happiness which consists not in honour or riches; that there is a God who disposeth of all things, who is All-sufficient, and who is able alone to satisfy and content the mind: few there are that know, or consider it, but when they are brought to such a point; and happy is he that can do it then. He had heard of it before, and believed it, but had not taken it so fully to heart, nor felt it by experience. Now he sees, now he feels and finds it really, and experimentally. He contemns the world, and his riches are vile in his eyes, his glory vanity, and all his delights madness. He finds that one thing is necessary, and is all that is of man, which is, to reverence God. He sees his oversight, in that he had been so slack and careless thereof before: now he goes about it as he can, and labours to amend his fault; he reads the Scriptures, and meditates on them; he makes his use, and finds comfort therein: he sees his sinfulness, and reputes him thereof; sees Gods mercifulness, and lays hold on it. He acknowledges himself to have been miserable when he seemed to swim in happiness, and that now he was truly happy when he seemed overcharged with misery, in respect that God had given him leisure to meditate and think of his end, and time and grace to repent, while being sequestrate from all worldly affairs, and restrained by his imprisonment, his mind had full scope and liberty to raise itself to those better and higher thoughts of the life to come, and of eternity: wherein he found such contentment and resolution, that now death was no more death to him, nor terrible, and that all the horror thereof was swallowed up with the hope of those eternal joys and pleasures which last for evermore. Thus being prepared for that last act, he was sent for to give proof how well he could practise and make use of this lesson. For on the 24. of May the Earls of Arran and Montrose, with some companies of horse and foot, brought him from Dumbartan to Edinburgh the 27. to Robert Gourleyes' lodging, which was one of the strongest in the City. Before they took their journey (on the 
He is brought back to Edinburgh the 27. of May:  22. day) proclamation was made, commanding all that favoured him (in general) to depart out of the town, and not to come within ten miles of the King and his Court; and particularly some 52. Citizens by name were expressed, and strictly charged to go forth of the City. After four day's respite (the first of June) he was called to the Tolbooth, and there empanelled, and convicted by a Jury, and found guilty of the late 
And there condemned of treason.  King's murder. The sentence was given out by the Earl of Montrose, who was Chancellor of the Assize, and it is said to have been pronounced in these terms; The Jury (or Assize) doth find him guilty of being airt and part of concealing the murder of our Sovereign (King James his father) the late King Henry. When Morton heard it, he repeated these words twice over, Airt and pairt, airt and pairt, and without speaking farther, he held his peace.  
It is reported that the Jury did find him only guilty of concealing the murder, and that Arran and Montrose, thinking that to be only guilty of concealing was not sufficient matter of condemning him, did foist in these words (airt and pairt) to give it the greater sound, and to make it be thought and understood, as if he had been found to be airt and pairt (that is, deviser, contriver, plotter, and partaker or accessary) to the King's murder, whereas he was only found to have concealed it. This made one that heard it, and perceived the sophistry thereof, to say, that they had stolen his head from his shoulders by sophistry. His known enemies (the Lord Seaton and Wauchton) were of his jury, yet it is thought they did him no wrong in their verdicts. But however, it showed partial dealing, in that they would not suffer them to be set aside when he excepted against them as known enemies. Being asked at his death what he thought of the judgement; he answered soberly, that he would leave them to God and their own conscience: but he perceived that whether he had been guilty or guiltless, as Stephen, or Judas, all had been one, his death had been concluded before; for his lawful and legal exceptions were not admitted, his enemies were on his Jury, (naming the two former) and such as were partial, and not indifferent, who had given partial counsel against him, by name the Earl of Argyle. He added also that it was not his death alone that would content them, and that they would not stay there, others should be put to it as well as he, he was but made a precedent, and preparative to make way for the rest: the cause was the main thing they aimed at. However it were, whether the sentence were thus involved and wrested, or if it were plain and clear; whether it were indeed so given out by the Jury, or if it were thus patched out by Arran and Montrose, he was conveyed back again to his lodging as a condemned man. There he carried himself after his wont manner, his countenance was no ways cast down, or changed, he supped cheerfully, and slept sound, without any appearance or show of fear, or solicitousness.  
About three of the clock in the morning he arose and wrote letters (for the space of three hours) with his own hand to the King, and afterward laid him down again and slept till nine. These 
† It would be known what was in these Letters.  Letters were sent by the Ministers who came to visit him, but Arran and Lennox would not suffer them to be received. When he was up, Master Walter Balcanquell, and John Durie (two of the Ministers of Edinburgh) came to him, and had long conference with him, which is set down at length in the History of Scotland, written by Francis Boteville, called Thin, an Englishman, and joined to Hollinsheds' Chronicle, so that he who desires to know it, may read it there. The sum of it is his confession concerning such things as they questioned him of,  
1. And first concerning the murdering of the King, he said he was neither airt nor pairt thereof, and that being pressed by the Earl Bothwell, 
His confession before his death.  he would never consent to it. And although (say the notes) Bothwell alleged that the Queen had determined it, and divers Noblemen had given their consent under their hand-writing, and had sent to him to desire him to put to his hand also; yet he answered resolutely, that he would in no wise meddle in it, nor be guilty of innocent blood. As for the Queen (said he) though it be so, yet women will say and gainsay, she may in her anger do or say that which afterward she will repent her of. Nay, when Bothwell promised to bring her consent thereto under her hand-writing, yet he refused to join with him upon any terms; and to avoid his importunity, he passed over to Saint Andrew's to visit the Earl of Angus, who was then a Student in the New college there; neither did he see or meet with Bothwell after that, until such time as the fact was committed.  
2. As for poisoning the Earl of Athole at Stirling, he said he was neither author of it (if he were poisoned) nor any wise accessary or conscious to it; that he detested and abhorred all such forms of dealing even with enemies, and was sorry to think that so base, foul, and wicked practice should creep into this Country, which was already guilty of too many, too common other sins of its own: he said also that he was not such an enemy to Athole, as that he would have done him any hurt, though he had found him lying asleep by the way side.  
3. Touching the Earl of Lennox, he said, he never wished him any hurt, so far was he from conspiring against him. Only it grieved him that he knew the estate of this Country no better, and that he saw not what danger the King was in, and that he was induced by persuasion to bring home such as were enemies to the true Religion, which he purposed to have let him understand, and hoped to have advised him better, when they had been better acquainted, and more intimately familiar.  
4. And as for carrying the King to England, he said, he would not have done it for a world, unless it had been to have made him King of England: that there was never such a motion made to him directly nor indirectly by the Queen, or any other in England or Scotland: that he never had any pension of her.  
5. As touching his setting up and maintaining the estate of Bishops (whereof there had ensued great debate and contention betwixt him and the Ministry) he said, it did not proceed of any ill mind, of any malice, or contempt of them, or their callings, but merely out of want of better knowledge, thinking that form of government to be most conform to the rules of policy, and to be fittest for the times. That if he had then known better, he would have done otherwise, and that he had intention (if he had lived) to have made amends.  
6. Concerning his incontinency, and worldly mindedness, he freely acknowledged and confessed it, seriously repent, and craved God pardon for it, and said, he firmly believed to obtain it: that he saw mercy, and had found more grace during the time of his trouble, than ever he had done all his life before.  
7. For his detaining of some Citizens of Edinburgh in prison, he said, he had not done it out of any spleen, or private quarrel against the men; but the matter of bringing in Bullion being then in hand, and he being informed that these men did hinder it, he thought it his best course to commit them till such time as the business were done: Wherein, if he had wronged them, he was sorry, and craved them pardon, & forgiveness.  
His counsel to the Earl of Angus (his Nephew) was doubtful: for he said he durst not advise him in any particular for the present, because he thought it would endanger his life if he should come to Court; and not to come (if he were commanded) would hazard his estate. His best were to use what means he could to obtain the King's favour and leave, that (life and lands safe) he might serve God, and him, in a private retired manner, which he would wish him to do in all humility, and to submit himself and all to the Kings will and pleasure.  
To the King (his master) with all submission; yet in the name and fear of God, he would exhort him to beware of Papists, either professed, known or suspected, who (as he thought) were become too too familiar with him: that he would continue in the true Religion, and fear of God, & entertain in his company such as loved it, according as he had been bred and brought up, & not to make defection from it, or slide back, else it could not be well with him: he feared there was danger, which men should see when he was gone. He remembered the admonition which master Knox gave him when he came to visit him on his death bed (or a little before) being newly made Regent: God hath (said Knox) blessed you with many blessings, he hath given you wisdom, riches and friends, and now he hath preferred you to the government of this Country; use these things well, and better than hitherto you have done; always to his glory who hath given them you: first by advancing the Gospel, and maintenance of the Ministers, and the whole Church; next, by procuring the good and welfare of the King, the Country, and all good subjects; which if you do not, God shall rob you of them with shame and ignominy. This he spoke (said he) and this I find now, yet I doubt not, but God will be merciful unto me.  
He was much with them in prayer, and very earnest to have their aid & assistance therein; whereof he acknowledged that he received great comfort. He reasoned of the natural fear of death, which sticks and remains in men, even though they have assurance of the forgiveness of their sins; wherein he declared his own sense, and the collections he had made in his reading, since his going to Dumbartan. He said, that in the History of the Bible, he had observed Gods wonderful mercy toward the children of Israel; who when they sinned against him, he chastised them; when they repented, he forgave them; and though they sinned again, and were corrected again, yet when they cried to him again, he forgave them again, he hoped so of himself, that God would forgive him also. He showed them a Book he had about him, which had been sent to him by the Lady Ormeston, when he was first committed, which he had read, and made good use of it: it was M. Bradfords' Meditation of Death; he caused M. Balcanquell to read a passage or two of it, (which he had chiefly noted) and as he read, Morton discoursed thereof to his own comfort, and their great satisfaction and contentment. He professed, that now he heard with other ears, and read with another mind and sense than he had done in former times. This Book he sent back to the Lady by Master James Lowson, with many thanks, acknowledging he had been bettered by it. When breakfast was brought in, he desired them to take part with him, & spoke very cheerfully to them, telling them what a difference there was betwixt a man troubled with cares, and him that is resolved and free from them. The last night (said he) before I came to my trial, I could not sleep nor take rest for thinking how to make my defences; but all this night I sleeped very sound, having nothing to trouble me, but to make my peace with God. After noon, M. James Lowson, M. John Davison, and divers others of the Ministry came to him. There he embraced M. John Davison, and said to him, You wrote a Book, for which I was angry with you, but I never meant any ill to you, forgive me M. Davison was so moved here with, that he could not refrain from weeping. Then he repeated again before them the same things which we have set down before. The Ministry hearing that the King was otherways informed of his Confession, than was true, sent John Durie, David Ferguson, and John Brand to his Majesty, who informed him rightly, and related things as they were.  
They being returned, his Keeper (William Stuart, as I take it, brother to Arran) required him to come forth to go to the place of execution:  
To whom he said, They have troubled me much to day with worldly business, wherefore I supposed they would have given me this night's leisure to have thought of things which concern my soul: But his Keeper replied, I think they will delay no longer, for all things are ready. If it be so (said Morton) so am I too, I thank my God. And so (after a prayer made by one of the Ministers) he went down the stairs without any farther stay. The Earl of Arran met him by the way, and brought him back to the chamber again, willing him to stay till his Confession were set down in writing, that he might sign it with his own hand. But he, and the Ministers that were present with him, entreated that he might not be any more troubled with that matter, seeing they had all heard it sufficiently. Then Arran desired that he would forgive him for what he had done, seeing he had no particular against him. He answered, that it was not time to remember quarrels; he forgave him and all others, as he desired they would forgive him.  
So he went to the Scaffold very resolutely, and repeated the same 
Morton' brought to the Scaffold.  things in audience of the people, which he had spoken before in private. He added moreover: The King (says he) shall this day lose a good servant, who dieth professing the Gospel taught now in Scotland: and though I have not walked worthy of that profession (as by the grace of God I should have done, if I had lived longer, to the hazarding of my Life, Lands and all) yet am I persuaded of God's mercy in Jesus Christ. And here I charge you all to continue therein, and to maintain the same to the uttermost of your power, and God shall bless you, otberwayes you shall not escape his punishment. Then while the prayer was conceived by Master James Lowson, he fell down all along flat on his face: during which he uttered great signs of being mightily moved, which he expressed in his sighs and groans, which many of the beholders saw evidently did not proceed from fear, but from the spirit of grace working powerfully in his heart. Prayer being ended, he stood up, and his friends came to take their leave of him, and after he had bidden them farewell, he saluted the Ministers, and took them all severally by the hand, and bade them farewell in the Lord.  
After all was done, he went without fear or dismaidness, and laid 
His death.  his neck upon the block, crying continually that happy song, Lord Jesus receive my spirit, till the axe (of the Maiden, which he himself had caused make after the pattern which he had seen in Halifax in Yorkshire) falling upon his neck, put an end to his life, and that note together. His body was carried to the Tolbooth, and buried secretly in the night in the Gray-friers, his head was affixed on the Gate of the City.  
Thus he died the 2. of June 1581. proudly (said his enemies) and Romane-like as he had lived: constantly, patiently, humbly and Christianlike, said the Pastors, who were beholders, and ear and eye-witnesses of all he said and did. These outward motions being so like to other, are hardly discerned but by a skilful and unpartial eye. Wherefore the judgement and testimony of the Pastors deserves best credit; they being best able to distinguish nature from grace, and being freest from prejudice and partiality. His enemy's censure may justly be suspected as coming from that same disposition which moved them to plot and work his death. And certainly if we observe and consider his whole carriage and discourse, during the time of his imprisonment, and at the very point of his execution, he must be void of all charity that doth not judge the best of his confession, profession, and Christian disposition. So that it seems to be more than humane hatred and enmity, to be thus affected toward an enemy after his death, to kill him again by an uncharitable construction of his devotions, and piety towards his God. Livor post fata quiescit. Envy ceaseth after death, and so let it do toward him. If a man would see a pattern of one, exercised in all the changes & vicissitudes of fortune, who had gone through & tried all the estates and conditions of humane life; let him cast his eye and look upon our Earl of Morton, in his childhood, in his riper years & manly estate, and in his old age, in peace and in war, in private and public employments. In every thing he took in hand, in every estate and condition, he acquit himself with credit, honour, and even admiration. When he was a servingman, he was industrious, careful and faithful; when he came to an estate, and was a Nobleman, he behaved himself as if he had been bred such from his infancy. In Court, he acted the Courtier, in Council, a Statesman, abroad in England, being sent thither Ambassador, he approved himself to both Nations, and gained great reputation of sufficiency. While he enjoyed the favour of his Princess, he was not puffed up; and being in disgrace and banished, he was not casten down. He was a faithful Colleague and fellow-governour with others; and when he came to be sole and supreme, this Country never enjoyed greater peace, and a more flourishing Regency. Being returned to the condition of a private Nobleman, he obeyed as well as before he had commanded. And last of all, when he was accused, condemned and executed, he showed himself to be himself, and a good Christian. He was well skilled, as in politic government, so in economy, from the shrub to the sceptre, from planting of Cabbage in his Garden, to the weelding of the Sword and Sceptre in the seat of Justice. The smallest and meanest points of husbandry did not escape him, and the highest and deepest points of State were not above his reach. So that the saying of the Hystorian concerning Cato Major (In hoc viro tanta vis animi ingeniique fuit, ut quocunque loco natus esset, fortunam sibi ipse facturus fuissevideretur) Is no less true, and maia's well be applied to Morton. And that also which follows; Nulla ars neque privatae, neque publicae rei gerendae ei defuit, urbanas, rusticasque, res pariter callebat. He was slow of speech by a natural staidness and composed gravity. He was of a middle stature, rather square than tall, having the hair of his head and beard of a yellowish flaxen. His face was full and large; his countenance majestical, grave and Princely; he was affable and courteous to all, yet so as to keep bold encroachers aloof, and so familiar as not to forget to keep his distance. He was given to gather riches, yet without oppression or fordidnesse and baseness: For he was liberal upon occasion, and not unkind or unmindful of his friends. Of which disposition I remember this instance; when John Halden (of Gleneagles) with his friends of the house of Marre (especially the Abbot of Driebrugh) came to him to agree with him for his wardship (he being Regent) told them that he had bestowed it on Isabel Hume daughter to Sir David, and sister to Sir George Hume of Wedderburne, and that he might take her and it together, which he did accordingly. This came merely of himself having never been spoken to, and when there was none that belonged to the Gentlewoman near him, to motion or suggest it to him. He was also calm and not easily moved to anger, and apt to forgive and forget injuries or contentions, that had been betwixt him and any other. This appeared in his carriage toward Master Knox, who had used him roughly, and rebuked him sharply for divers things, but especially for his labouring to set up and maintain the estate of Bishops. For howsoever he took it hardly for the time, yet when Master Knox lay a dying, he went and visited him, and after he was dead, was present at his burial; where he gave him this honourable and ingenuous testimony; Here liest thou (said he) who wert never afraid of the face of man in delivering thy message from GOD. He set a foot a great good work, and would (no question) have seen it perfected, if he had brooked his Regency a while longer, which was the reducing of our Laws into a more easy form and method, than now they are. The care of this was committed to, and the task laid upon Sir James Balfoure, and Master John Skeene Clerk-Register, and Master of the Rolls. The work (as I am informed) was well advanced, but when he quit his authority, they left off any further proceeding in it. And I have heard since some question it, whether or not it would have done good to the subjects, as if it were to be doubted whether it were better to have some order than none at all. So apt are men to calumniate any thing that hinders their particular emolument, or limits their unwarrantable power, and curbs them from doing what they list. He kept a Concubine or two, because of his Ladies being distracted and frantic, and was even too much set to heap up treasure. Yet his care was, that his enemies should not be enriched by it; and his luck was answerable to his care. For those on whom he would have bestowed them (if he had had power and opportunity to distribute them according to his mind) by good fortune lighted on it; I know not if they got all of it, or if it were divided according to that proportion, which he perhaps would have observed. James Richison of Smeeton (his brother-in-law) got a share of them, having been trusted with the keeping thereof; Jannet Sharp his Lemon another share, James Douglas of Spot got some part thereof; and some very small portion (as is thought in respect of the whole sum) came to the hands of Archbald Earl of Angus, after his return from his first banishment. A notable example of the uncertainty of these corruptible riches, and of worldly treasure, which cannot be preserved from the digging through of the thief, the eating and consuming of the moth or cankerworm, or she dispersing and scattering of an unfaithful hand and heart. Though he employed himself much about it, and thought it a great point of wisdom thus to store up wealth; yet at his death he saw and confessed it to be but vanity and folly.  
If we admit Morton to be a judge or witness (and what better either judge or witness can we find?) he will decide the question betwixt the two (both self-pleasing) parties, which do challenge (each to himself, and derogates from the other) that high honour and title of wisdom; I mean betwixt him that seeks after, and labours for worldly honour, dignity and riches: and him that having his mind raised higher and pitched upon better things, slights these earthly things as trash, not worthy of his thoughts or care. The worldling calls, and thinks him a fool, and he esteems no better of the worldling; and each laughs the other to scorn. Who then shall be judge or witness? Seeing all are parties; and there is no man but is either of the one side or of the other. Certainly, we may judge best by the confession of the parties themselves. Of which the last never yielded, never gainsaid or belied their assertion; while they live they avouch it, and at their death they do confirm it much more. Though Chrysippus' tormenter do torture them, though the world (for the want of it) do afflict them with contempt and despising, still they stand fast, and stick to their point unshaken and unmoved. The worldlings, by the contrary, sometimes while they flourish in prosperity, ever when they are in adversity: Sometimes while they live and are in health, ever when they lie in dying, confess against themselves, and calls all their labour and pains about it folly and vanity. So did Morton amongst others, which the wise will lay to heart, and make their use of it.  

Jacobus Duglassius, Mortonius Comes, Prorex pr●… JACOBO Sexto, Edinburgi securi percussus Anno 1581.  
Hunc specta Heroem, celso cui spirat ab ore  
Majestas, toto & pectore rarus honos.  
Augustos inter terrarum lumina, reges  
Pro Rege, & Domino, regia sceptra tulit.  
Consilium, imperium, virtus, facundia, census,  
Quaeque homines capiunt, quaeque dedêre dii,  
Unus cuncta fuit. Nihil ad fastigia summa  
Defuit, aeternum si sua fata darent.  
Sed viden' ut subito fatorum turbine versa  
Omnia, & in praeceps pondere pressasuo?  
Discite mortales mortalia temnere, & illa  
Quaerere, quae miseris non rapit aura levis.  
Joh. Johnstonus in Heroibus.   

James Douglas Earl of Morton, Regent, beheaded at Edinburgh, 1581.  
Behold this Heros how his looks be graced  
With Majesty, what honour's in his breast!  
How high his port may to the world appear!  
He rules a King, and doth his Sceptre bear.  
Counsel, commanding, and persuasive Art,  
What ever men enjoy or gods impart,  
Is found in him: If Fortune did remain  
Constant, no greater height he need obtain.  
But ah! what sudden change is here! this state  
Fallen with its own weight lies oppressed by Fate.  
Observe it well, and learn those goods to prize  
Which never can decay; the rest despise.    

Of Archbald (the third of that name) and ninth Earl of Angus.  
NOw we come to Archbald himself (the third bearing the name of Archbald) son to David, as hath been said.  
He was thrice married; first to Margaret Ereskin, daughter to John Earl of Marre, who was Regent of Scotland immediately before Morton. She was a beautiful, chaste, and virtuous Lady. She lived with him but few years, and died without children.  
After her, he was married to Margaret Leslie, daughter to the Earl of Rothus. She lived with him the space of years, after which he was divorced from her for her adultery. She likewise had no children.  
His third wife was Jeane Lion, daughter to the Lord Glames (Chancellor) and Relict of Robert Douglas of Loghleven. She bore to him a daughter after his decease (named Margaret) who died about the age of fifteen years a maid unmarried.  
He was bred and brought up with his Uncle Morton, as we have said, who was his Tutor and Guardian. He studied in S. Andrews in the New 
His education.  College with Master John Douglas Provest of that College, and Rector of the University, till he was fifteen years of age. Aster that, he lived at Court with his Uncle, having with him his Pedagogue Master John Provaine, who endeavoured to instruct him in the Latin tongue, and taught him his Logicks & Rhetorics, but with such success as is customable to youth and Nobility; nature, counsel, and example drawing them rather to the exercises of the body, which are more agreeable to their inclination, and are esteemed more fit and proper for their place. Whereas Letters are thought only necessary and useful for mean men, who intent to live by them, and make profession of some Art or Science for their maintenance, but no ways either suitable or requisite in Noblemen, and such as are of any eminent rank or degree. For these they are judged to be too base, and he that affects them, pedantic and of a mean spirit. Nay most men do account the study and knowledge of them prejudicial, hurtful, and no small let and impediment to politic activeness, and that it doth abate the courage of the mind and vigour of action, which is requisite for their charge and calling of being Statesmen and Warriors. A perverse and pernicious Tenent, and far contrary to the practice of the most famous Captains, and Princes in all ages; such as were Julius Caesar, Scipio Africanus, Alexander the Great, and Pompey called the Great also; of Trajane, Antonius, Charlemaigne; and almost of all the Grecian Worthies. And yet (we hear) that the Nobility (in France especially) account it a reproach to be called or esteemed learned, and deem it honourable to be illiterate and ignorant.  
Much good may this honourable ignorance do them, ere any wiseman envy it. As for the Earl of Angus, sore did he repent him of this neglect, and greatly did he blame himself for it. Especially in the time of his last banishment, during which he laboured to have repaired that loss and oversight of his youth, by reading and hearing read to him Latin authors of all sorts, both Historians and others; chief Junius and Tremellius translation of the Scripture, which he took great pleasure and delight in. And though the defect of practice in his youth could not be altogether and fully supplied, yet such was his natural judgement, that in expressing of his mind either by word or writ, none could do it more judiciously-and sensibly; and in dictating of Letters or any other thing, he even equalled (if not over-matched) those who would challenge to be the greatest and most skilful Artistes therein. This was well known, and ingenuously acknowledged, and witnessed by Chancellor Metellane (of honourable memory) who having lighted upon some letters of his written with his own hand, so well conceived and penned, that some who heard them read, supposed they had not been of his own penning, but that he had only transcribed them, that they might seem to be his own; he on the contrary affirmed (and it was true) that they were of his penning, and that he did seldom use any man's help that way, being himself very sufficient and able to discharge it.  
Concerning his actions in the time of his uncle's Regency, we have spoken of them above in his life (as the fittest place for them to be remembered in) and we need not repeat them here. After his death, finding no sure footing for him in Scotland (amongst these who were authors of it, and would seek to secure themselves from all revenge thereof by making him away in like manner) being commanded by the 
He fleeth in●…o England.  King, and summoned in his name to come to Court, he retired into England. There he was kindly received, and honourably entertained by the bountiful liberality of that worthy Queen Elizabeth; partly in memory of his uncle, but no less for his own sake, being of such great hope and expectation, conceived by the appearance of his present virtues, his wisdom, discretion, & towardliness, which made him acceptable to all; and begot love and favour both from her Majesty's self, and her Counsellors and Courtiers that then guided the State; Such as Sir Robert Dudley (Earl of Licester) Sir Francis Walsinghame Secretary; and more especially, he procured the liking of him who is ever to be remembered with honour, Sir Philip Sidney I mean; like disposition, in courtesy, of nature, equality of age and years, did so knit their hearts together, that Sir Philip failed not (as often as his affairs would permit him) to visit him, in so much that he did scarce suffer any one day to slip, whereof he did not spend the most part in his company. He was then in travel, or had brought forth rather (though not polished and refined it as now it is) that his so beautiful and universally accepted birth, his Arcadia. He delighted much to impart it to Angus, and Angus took as much pleasure to be partaker thereof.  
There were with him at this time in England, of the name of Douglas, James Lord Torthorrell, and Sir George his brother; two sons of morton's, James of Spot, and Archbald of Pittendrigh: Also James of Manes, and Sir George of Langnidderie. There were besides these (of note) only John Carmichael and his sons, together with Hugh Carmichael: the rest were but his ordinary servants and dependers.  
He resided openly at Court, being no Rebel, and not convicted or guilty of any crime committed against his Prince or Country. No such thing was laid to his charge by his enemies; otherways the receiving and entertaining of him had been a breach of the peace betwixt the Kingdoms. All that could be alleged was, that he had withdrawn himself from the fury of his enemies. And yet, as if he had been a Rebel and forfeited, they intrometted with his rents and estate for their own use. He spent his time there, in learning to ride great horses, and handling of his Arms and Weapons, together with using such courtly and manly exercises as became his age and place. But above all, he was careful to observe the Government of the Country, and Policy of that State and Kingdom; making his own use thereof for his bettering, both in Christianity and civil prudency. He looked with an heedful eye upon men's wisdom, and through that, upon Gods working by their wisdom; he noted the actions of those who were the guiders of that State, Court and Country, saw their aims and designs; and comparing them with his own affairs, and things fallen out at home, he called to mind what had befallen his Uncle Morton; who (like them) had no less flourished, but was soon cut down and withered: who had been so powerful and honoured but a little before, yet in a moment (as it were) was overthrown and trod under foot. His thoughts also reflecting upon himself, and his own condition, how he was forced to forsake his own Country, and depend upon the estimation of strangers; that though for the present he were somewhat respected, yet it was uncertain how long he should be so, no longer than they should think it profitable for their own estate, and conducible to their ends. From hence raising his mind to the contemplation of all humane affairs, and of all mortals, men of all degrees, even of Princes themselves, he learned that (which few will, and care to learn of any rank, and fewer do practise that are in high places, whose places crave action, and action over-treads contemplation) he learned (I say) truly to contemn all worldly things, such as riches, honour, dignities, and the like; and truly to long and seek after heavenly treasure, which perisheth not, and bringeth with it no anxiety, or solicitude of mind, having the soul fully set and fixed on God alone. Many speak of it, and that very well, and not without some sense and feeling thereof, but it lasts not, save for a fit, and sudden flash. We are all of us too earthly, and favour too much of earth, from whence we were taken, and of which we were made, and thither also we bend, and tend ever downward, what through our natural propension that way, what by example of the multitude, which like a violent stream of an over-bearing flood, carries us along, if we be not firmly built upon the rock of heavenly resolution, and unless we keep fast our hold by perpetual and never-intermitted meditation. For him I dare avouch it, that howsoever he refrained from outward shows, for fear of falling into ostentation, or whatever other ways he was employed about in regard of his place and calling, yet his mind was ever (even in the midst of business) wholly bend to God-ward, and would have been glad to have been freed from all thoughts and affairs which had any mixture of earthly things. And this disposition wrought in him by his being exiled, he esteemed no small benefit and advantage of his sufferings; so that in private where he expressed himself freely, without all mask of ceremony or niceness, he hath many times been heard to thank God very heartily and seriously, with grave words, and settled countenance, saying, That he would not have exchanged the cross of his first banishment for all the Crowns and Princes estates in the world: far less for an Earldom, or Lordship, such as Angus, or Douglas. So did God work with him by adversity.  
While he was thus working upon himself in England, and framing his heart after a new mould and fashion (which few knew or dreamt of) God was preparing the way for his return to his place and honorsin Scotland. The love which his Countrymen bore to him was great, and likewise general, and almost universal (as it did commonly follow that popular name of Douglas, to which it was in a manner hereditary) even in regard of his own courteous, mild, and towardly disposition, and of the great hopes and expectation of excellent fruit from so noble and worthy a plant. This being accompanied with his suffering, and innocence, together with his harmless youth, age did move pity, and stir the affections of most men toward him.  
As for particular friends, he wanted them not (as few Noblemen in this Country do, all the Nobility being linked and bound one to another by Kindred or alliance) his house having been so eminent of a long time, and there being few of the Nobles, but were either descended of it, or tied to it by some consanguinity, affinity, or other relation. And therefore one would think it strange that he should have been so long banished: yet when we look upon his uncle Mortons' case (who had the same friends or more) it is far more strange that he should have come to such an end. But as in this, when the appointed time came, nothing could hinder his fall and overthrow: so in Angus his case, until the time appointed by God did come, nothing could work his restitution. What the estate of business was at his departure, we have told already in Mortons' life, ere that year came fully to an end (or not long after he had been a year in England) there fell out a change at Court, which was thus:  
Esme Lord Obignie (now Duke of Lennox) and James Stuart Earl 
Change in Court.  of Arran, had (with their great riches and honours) acquired much hatred from all sorts of men. The Ministry were offended at them for making master Robert Montgomerie Archbishop of Glasgow, (an Office then odious and unlawful, as being against the Laws of the Country, and ordinance of the Church) and were jealous of the one as a suspected Papist, and persuaded that the other (to wit, Arran) was a downright Atheist. The Nobility stormed and grudged at their extraordinary and sudden preferment. For James was made Lord Hammiltoun, Abercorne, Bothwel-haugh, and Earl of Arran, with a power almost absolute (given or usurped, under the name of Captain of the Guard, and the pretext of pursuing the Douglasses) to apprehend, imprison, and put on the rack whomsoever he pleased. Obignie was made Lord of Dalkeith, Tantallon, Darlin, Torbouton, and Duke of Lennox, Keeper of the Castle of Dumbartan, and great Chamberlain of Scotland.  
Thus did they overtop and overshadow the rest of the Peers, as tall Cedars do small Shrubs, to their great discontentment and disdain. The Gentlemen were so used by them, that they esteemed themselves brought into a thraldom and slavery, none of them being sure of their estates, which were wrung from them by colour of law (the cloak of their oppression) and all fearing the rage and unlimited violence, especially of James Stuart, who was composed of nothing else, and whose actions were suitable to his disposition.  
The Burrowes were alienated by being cut short in their privileges, liberties, and immunities, which were quarrelled, retrenched, canceled, and taken away, according to their humours of avarice, and desire of gain, and according to the pleasure and suggestions of their informers and parasites.  
With this their exorbitant increase of power and insolency, as the hatred of others did increase toward them, so did variance arise betwixt themselves. The first occasion hereof was the carrying of the Crown at Parliament: this was proper, and is the hereditary right and privilege of the house of Angus, and he being now banished, and the Duke of Lennox having his estate, either for that regard, or because of his more honourable descent, or by the advantage of the King's favour (which he had in greater measure than Arran) we cannot affirm; but so it was, that he was preferred to bear it. Arran stormed at this, & protested that his bearing of it at this time should not be prejudicial to his claim, who being descended of the house of D. Mordack (which was nearest to the King) ought in reason to have carried it; yet he renounced all title to the kingdom, notwithstanding of this extraction of his pedigree, and challenging of this honour. This renunciation was derided by some, and disdained by others, as a great malapartness, and high presumption in him, who being but lately raised from so mean a fortune and estate, durst utter such speeches as bewrayed such vast and high thoughts, as to aim at no less than the Kingdom, if ever (the Kings own race failing) the right thereto should come in question, and happen to be controverted. And indeed his designs are thought to have flown to no lower pitch, which (perhaps) had been no very hard or impossible task for him, if he could as well have kept out the Hammiltouns (who could only pretend right to it) and the Douglasses (whose power and authority was the greatest in the Country) as he found means to cast them out of Court and Country. For than he had had no Competitor but the Duke of Lennox, and him, being a stranger; and subsisting merely by the present King's favour, he nothing doubted to supplant by his craft and violence, joined with such a colourable claim. Another occasion of discord fell out by Sir John Seaton, son to the Lord Seaton, and Master of the King's horses. As the King was about to go to his horse to ride a hunting, Arran having something to speak to him in private, all men were commanded to remove, which all did saving Sir John, who being by his place to wait upon the King, and set him on his horse, stayed still, and did not remove with the rest. Arran seeing him to stay behind the rest, either threatened to throw his batton at him, or did throw it indeed; for he carried a staff or batton as Captain of the Guard. Sir John would have requited this affront, but was hindered by the Guard, who carried him down stairs, and so parted them for that time. The next day Sir John, his brother Sir William, and the Lord Seaton himself, were all commanded to keep their lodgings; which the Duke (who favoured them) took so ill, that he refused to come abroad that day. At last they were so divided, that the Duke carried the King with him to Dalkeith, and Arran abode in the Palace of Halyrood-hoose. There were with the Duke, the Lord Seaton, Maxwell, (than Earl of Morton) with some others. Argyle, Ruthven, (than Thesaurer, and lately made Earl of Gowrie) the Secretary, the Controller, and other Officers of State, stayed with Arran, and took upon them to make the body of the King's Council, and to sit as such. But all their Decrees and Conclusions were dashed by the King in person, which they wanted.  
These broils lasted from the end of October till mid-Februarie, about which time the King returning to Halyroodhouse (from whence Arran had removed before) and from thence going back again to Dalkeith, he sent for him, and reconciled him to the Duke, after which they became greater friends than ever they had been before: so that Arran would do nothing for any man but what he knew stood with the Duke's good liking But this union betwixt themselves divided them the more from others, and others from both of them; for now he that had any business with either, behoved to sue to both, and he that disliked, or bore ill-will to either, was forced to fawn on him also, or to hate both, and seek the overthrow of them both alike. At the Justice Airs in Perth 1582. 
1582. Justice Airs in Perth in July.  in July, in some contest betwixt the Duke and the Earl of Gowrie, the Duke spoke some reproachful words to him in French, which Gowrie not understanding then; afterward, when he had learned what the meaning of it was, he upbraided the Duke for ungratefulness, telling him, that was all the thank he got for having twice saved him from being killed. Thus was he alienated, or thus did he bewray his alienation of mind, which lay hidden till now it burst forth. Another time the Chamberlain Airs being indicted to be kept (the 28. of August) by the Duke (than Chamberlain) which was a Court very odious to the Burrowes, as being rather a legal robbery, than a Court of Justice, and upon which it is thought he was set of purpose that he might incur more hatred, which commonly falls out, when a former general dislike doth meet with private grudges. This Court (I say) being indicted, while the Duke was busied in preparing for it, and he with Arran having left the King, were at Edinburgh and Dalkeith about such things as was necessary thereto: the four and twentieth of August the King came from his hunting in Athole to Ruthven, where Gowrie, assisted 
The road of Ruthven 1582 August 24.  by some of the Nobility, removed the Guard, that were under the command of Arrane, with no great ado, and laid hold also of the Earl himself as he entered into the house of Ruthven, and conveyed him into a close room, where he was kept, and not suffered to come near the King.  
He had, upon the first surmising of an alteration, come from Edinburgh with a company of some fourscore horse, but hearing that the Earl of Marre was at Kinrosse in his way, he sent his company with his brothers (Robert and Henry) and he himself with one or two taking a byway, came to have slipped into the King's presence before they had been aware of him. But Gowrie being advertised hereof, met him at the gate, and had straightways killed him, if George Authenlecke (sometime servitor to Morton) had not held his hand as he was about to have pulled out his dagger to have stabbed him. His two brothers, with their company, were defeated by the Earl of Marre, of which Robert was wounded also, and taken prisoner.  
There joined with Marre and Ruthven openly, Thomas Lion (Master of Glames) Lawrence Lord Oliphant, together with Sir Lewis Ballandine of Achnowle (Justice-Clerke) and others. Before Marre came, the Guard made some difficulty to admit them, and grant them entrance into the King's chamber: for they serving for pay, and being put in, and commanded by Arran, when they heard what had happened to their Captain, made an offer to resist, and not to suffer any man to come near the King, unless he should signify his pleasure to be such.  
Sir Lewis Ballandine conceiving great indignation hereat, asked at master David Hume (who by chance was come thither, and stood next to him) if he had a pistol about him, which he gave him, but withal said to him, Be not too hasty to shoot, let them alone, you shall find that their fury will soon fall (lacking their Captain, and a head) and that they will give way, when once they see the Nobility approach. And so they did indeed, for the Earl of Marre being come, and the rest joining with him, they shrank away and gave place. When they came to the King, they showed him the necessity of doing what they had done, in regard of the violence of Arrane, and their fear and suspicion of the Duke of Lennox: That there was no other way to remove the general discontent of his Subjects, and to prevent the dangers which would follow thereupon to himself, and his Crown, then by removing of these men from about him, whose unjust actions, and violent oppressions, reflected upon his Majesty, to the great prejudice of his honour and estate, as also to the great disadvantage of Religion, and the good of his people. The King assented to what they said, either because he thought it to be the true, or rather, (as appeared afterward) that he might seem to approve of that which he could not resist. So they go to Perth, then to Stirling, where their Proclamations were set forth; the one containing the King's Declaration, concerning what was done at Ruthven; that it was for his service, and acceptable to him. In the other the Duke of Lennox was commanded to depart out of the Realm of Scotland before the 24. of September. There was a third also, by which the Chamberlain Airs were discharged to be kept.  
The Earl of Angus had (a little before these things) come down from 
Angus returneth home.  the Court of England to Berwick, in expectation of this change; and now having notice given him by these Noblemen of what had passed, he stayed a while in the town, and thereafter came into Scotland: yet did he not go directly to Court, but came to Cumledge in the Merse, a house within eight miles of Berwick, which belonged to Archbald Authenleck (a follower of his Uncle Morton) and lay next adjacent to his Barony of Boncle. There he remained till Master Bows, and Master Cary (Ambassadors from the Queen of England) came into Scotland (the 11 of September) and did by their intercession obtain of the King, that he might be assoiled from that crime of Rebellion, which his enemies had put upon him, because he had not obeyed their charges given out in the King's name, to come to Court, which was indeed to come into their power. Neither did he presently after he was relaxed come near the King, until he had assurance that the King was very well contented, and desirous that he should come to him; but stayed some five weeks, expecting his full and free consent therein, that his return might be such as could not be excepted against. The King delayed him a while, that he might be beholding to him for this favour, and he was contented to stay so long, that the King might see he was willing to receive it at his hands as a favour, and that by so doing, he might fully remove all hard construction that his Majesty could make of his withdrawing into England. He had presence of the King the 20. of October (about two months after he came home) in the Palace of Haly-rood-house, where he was kindly and lovingly received, to the great contentment of all men, and with great commendation of his modesty; for that he had patiently waited for his Prince's pleasure so long a time, and had not abruptly rushed into his sight, which many would, and he might have done easily had he pleased to have made that use of the times and opportunity which was offered: but his disposition was not that way set; he was truly of a mild disposition, abhorring all turbulency, every way towardly, inclining to peace, and to all submission toward his Prince.  
Now being thus returned, gladly would he have lived in quietness, and enjoyed the King's favour still, as he had it at this time, and willingly would he have served him as a faithful and loyal Subject according as he had been pleased to have employed him, without further stirring or meddling with any thing, or any person. Neither (as I think) did the world ever know, or bring forth a more calm and quiet spirit, void of ambition and covetousness, as also of all envy and malice to any creature, which are the chief causes of restless and tumultuous practices. He was also mindful of Mortons' counsel at his death, who advised him to do so: and being already in so honourable a place (first of the Nobility) he had little or nothing else to desire or hope for, if he could have been assured to possess his own in peace. But finding the Country divided, the dregs of the old faction that stood for the Queen, still working underhand, and by it the Romish party labouring to undermine the true reformed Religion, and such as had been instruments to establish it, upon whose ruin these new men (by their new courses) did endeavour to build their preferment, so that none could with surety live in any honourable place, as a good Patriot, but behoved to take part with them that stood for Religion, and undergo the like hazard as they did. Besides, these Noblemen had (in very deed) wrought out and made way for his return from exile, by removing of those who were (as common enemies to all honest men, so more particularly) his especial enemies, having been authors of his Uncle's death, and who had seized upon his own lands and possessions. They were also his near kinsmen, and dear friends, Gowrie and Glames were come of his house, Oliphant was of his alliance (having married Margaret Douglas, daughter to William of Loghleven) and Marre was his brother in law, and no less his brother in love and affection, which continued without the least breach or diminution, so long as he lived. These private and public inducements thus meeting and concurring, he could not esteem that cause to be more theirs then his own, and therefore could not choose but embrace it as his own, that is, to the utmost of his power.  
Therefore he joined with them in it sincerely for his own part, but 
He joins with the Lords against the Courtiers.  they continued not long undivided amongst themselves. For the Duke being divers times charged to void the Realm, after divers shi●…ts and delays, at last he went through England into France in the month of December, and not long after he died there the 27. of July 1583. After 
1583. I ennox dies in France.  he was gone, they being rid of that fear, there fell out dissension betwixt the Earl of Gowrie, and Secretary Pitcarne (made Lord of Dumfermeling) in April 1583. The King went to the Castle of Saint Andrew's in August, and there the Earl of Gowrie (having changed his 
Gowrie takes a remission for the fact at Ruthven.  mind with the change of affairs) took a remission for his fact at Ruthven, as being Treason, and so by his own confession condemned himself, and all his partners therein, and by separating himself from them, overthrew the cause, and them with it. All this while after Angus his return, there was nothing done worthy of memory, save that he (out of his love and respect to his Uncle Morton) caused his head to be taken down from the City gate, and honourably buried with his body, the 10. of December 1582. The chief instrument in this change, was William Stuart, a brother of the house of Goston, who had been a Colonel in the Low-countrieses, and was then Captain of the Kings Guard. Gowrie had brought him home, and preferred him to the King's service, of purpose to counterpoise the greatness of Arran: but they were so wise, as not to cross one another; but on the contrary, they did aid and strengthen each other all they could.  
By this Williams means, the authors and actors of the fact at Ruthven 
Arran returns to Court.  were strictly commanded to depart from the Court, and the Earl of Arrane recalled thither again. Angus had joined with those of Ruthven, yet because he had not been an actor there, and had had no hand in it, he hoped that they would suffer him to live in quietness at home. Secretary Walsingham (Ambassador from Queen Elizabeth) had gotten a promise of the King that he should be fully restored to all his lands and possessions, and he had relied thereon, and waited long for the performance thereof; but finding nothing but delays, he perceived they had no good meaning toward him. And so indeed it proved, for Mar, and the master of Glames were confined in Argyle, the Castle of Stirling (of which Mar and his predecessors had been keepers time out of mind) was committed to the custody of Arrane, and the Earl of Angus was confined beyond Forth.  
Before his going to the place of his confinement, he wrote to some 
Angus confined beyond Forth.  of his friends to accompany him thither for his safety in his journey. This being known at Court, it was interpreted to be done of intention to surprise the King, who was that day to go abroad to his haulking. It was alleged also, that Marre and Glames were to meet him at Achnoweshill, and to join with him in his surprisal. Hereupon the King having risen by times that morning to go to his sport, and being ready to take horse, was stayed that day, and curriours were sent out to try how matters went, and whether that report were true. Some of these scouts came to the Key-stone, (for that way Angus took of purpose, being furthest off from the Court, that he might be out of their danger, and they freed from all fear of him) and found him riding in a peaceable manner, accompanied with a small train of his domestics only, and those but halfe-armed (which was ordinary then, even in the most peaceable times) and no ways prepared for war. He desired them to tell his Majesty that he was going toward the place of his confinement, in obedience to him; and they did relate the truth very faithfully and honestly to the King. This rumour (of surprising the King) was said to have proceeded from one of his own name, who having been in Tantallon the day before, and perceiving that there were letters in writing, which they did not communicate to him (as Angus did never impart business to any, but such as were his intimate friends, and there having been some difference betwixt him, and this Gentleman, he never used him after that so familiarly) made this conjecture of their secrecy, and whispered, it to the Courtiers, who were apt to believe it: whether he did indeed suspect some such thing, or if it were raised only by envious, and malicious persons, we cannot affirm, but fame laid the blame of it on him; for that he, having been so late over night at Tantallon, had made great haste to be in Edinburgh that night, and came to Court before day light: and that upon his coming, the King's haulking was stayed; yet it is uncertain, for he was commanded also to depart out of the Country.  
The Earl of Angus crossed Forth at the Queen's Ferry, and went to his own house at Aberdowre; but because there he was too near the Court, and so obnoxious to suspicion, he removed from thence to Kinrosse: and to secure them yet more, leaving his household there behind him, he went almost alone to Lesely, a house belonging to his brother in Law, the Master of Rothusse. Being there, he moved him, and the Earl his father to deal with the Courtiers to grant him so much favour as to suffer him to live a private and retired life, at one of his own houses in the Country far from Court, and State business: but they were so far from yielding to any such thing, that whereas he had been charged only to remain beyond Forth before; now he is sent 
He is sent beyond spay.  to remain beyond spay.  
Wherefore he takes his journey thither, and came to Dundie; and from thence toward Elgin in Murray. Master Scrimger of Diddup (Constable of Dundie) would needs bring him on his way; and as if 
He goeth to Elgin in Murray.  he had intended no more, caused carry his haulkes with him, but by no means would leave him till he came to his journeys end. By the way he being well known, taken upon him to be the chief man, and gave out that Angus was his son in law, the Laird of Inshmartin. This he did, lest the Courtiers should have laid some ambushment for him by the way, he being to pass through a Country, where their party was strong, and where they had many favourers, having none of his own followers with him, save Robert Douglas of Cavers, Gentleman of his horses. So he passed the Carne-Mont with great celerity and haste, the rest of his household following after by easy journeys. Great was the care his worthy friend the Constable had of him; and many ways did he labour to keep him from melancholy, and to divert his thoughts from too much dwelling upon his present hard condition: there was no kind of sport or game, which he did not afford him with all the variety he could devise to entertain him, and to cheer him up: till the court, envying even this small contentment to him, commanded the Constable also to go off the Country; yet was he never destitute of friends; such was the sweetness of his disposition, and of such power and force was it, that it won the hearts of all the Gentlemen in those quarters to him: such as the Innesses, Dumbarres, Hays, and others, who did all strive who should show most affection toward him, by inviting him to their houses, and feasting him by turns, and using of him with all courtesy, and respect; so that he could not have been more honoured and regarded amongst his dearest friends, and nearest kinsfolks. Nay, such was their love to him, that hearing some surmises of no great good will borne to him by Huntley, they of their own accord came to him, and forbade him to be afraid of him, for they would spend their lives in his defence, and for his safety, if the Earl of Huntley should attempt any thing against him. Wherefore it was thought that they being thus affected; he durst not adventure to execute any Court plot against him, which he wanted no good will to do, and otherways would have done. Yet was this the place of the Kingdom, where all Huntley's power and friendship lay very near at hand, and where Angus had least acquaintance and fewest friends, all of them being mere strangers to him, without any other bond of obligation or tie of relation, but what his virtue and worth had gained in that short time of his being amongst them and conversing with them.  
The Courtiers at this time were at no small contest and variance 
Discord betwixt the Ministers and Courtiers.  with the Ministers; chiefly with Master James Lowson, Master Walter Balcanquell, John Durie (Ministers at Edinburgh) and Master Andrew Melvin, Principal of the new College of Saint Andrew's, and Professor of Divinity there. The occasion was this; they had at a General Assembly approved the fact of Ruthven by the King's especial commandment, and now being desired by the Courtiers to condemn it, they refused to do it. Both sides alleged the King's authority; the Courtiers pleading, that such was his will now: and the Ministers, that it was not such then. The Courtiers said that he was a captive then; and the Ministers replied, that (perhaps) he was so now: that they saw not any thralling of him then; and that it might as well be alleged hereafter that he was a captive now, as it was alleged now that he was a captive then. As for the particular quarrels of either side, they said they knew them not; but one thing they knew, that they were as good men, as Noble, as worthy, as well affected to his Majesty who were with him then, as those were who were about him now; that they were as free from all suspicion of unsoundness in Religion, nay, much freer, the others being at least suspected.  
In which regard they could not retract what they had done, and could not but allow of their fact who had removed from the King, men that were not altogether free of suspicion. What private ends or aims they had, was unknown to them, as also they were ignorant what the respects were which they now had; both pretended the Kings will; but they were sure of this point, that the removing of suspected men was a good office, and made for his well being, and that the instruments thereof were instruments of a good work, whatsoever were their intentions. Thus most of them spoke: Others expressed themselves more harshly, saying, that wicked men were removed, and such as were enemies to the Church, to the Country and to the Nobility, who sought their own preferment with the overthrow of all, that they might be built upon the ruins of all these. These speeches were very unsavoury to the Earl of Arran, to the Colonel Stuart, and the Prior of Pitten-weeme. It rubbed upon them, and (by consequent) as they would have it appear) reflected upon the King. Wherefore they called it sedition, and stirring up of dissension betwixt the King and his Subjects. So they inform the King, and by their Information, animate him against them. Wherefore John Dury behoved to be removed from Edinburgh to Monrosse: Master James Lowson, and Master Walter Balcanquell were rebuked only. Master Welter's Text was treason (against the Courtiers) and spoke too much though he had said nothing. It was that passage of Ecclesiastes [I saw Princes walking on foot, and servants riding on horseback] that is, Great and worthy men displaced, and base men set up in their room; to which doctrine he added an admonition, that they should look to themselves when the cup of their iniquity should be full. Master Andrew Melvin was dilated to the King and Council by one William Stuart, that he had said in a Sermon of his, That the King was unlawfully called to the Kingdom; but he craved, that seeing he was accused of wrong doctrine, that he might be tried by a General or Synodall Assembly, who are the proper judges of doctrine delivered from the Pulpit. It was answered, that he should have no other than the King and Council, who ordained him to enter himself prisoner in Blackness. Whereupon he fearing, and informed that Colonel Stuart 
Melvin flees to Berwick.  and Arran had no good meaning toward him, fled secretly to Berwick. Before his departure, he drew up his Apology, of which it will not be amiss to set down the sum, as a testimony of his innocence and equity of his cause, as also of the violence, and iniquity of those times, that so it may appear more evidently what just grounds and reasons the Noblemen had to labour to have things redressed, and such enormous insolences repressed. First, He protested solemnly before God and his Angels, that he never uttered 
His Apology  either in that Sermon or in any other, any one word which might import any disgrace or slander of his Sovereign the King's Majesty: but had ever exhorted all men to yield him all reverence and obedience: that he had ever, and still did acknowledge him his lawful Prince and supreme Governor in civil matters; that he had ever, and even then prayed for his preservation and prosperity: Secondly, that his desire to be tried by a Synod of the Church, did not proceed from any intention to call his Majesty's authority in question, but only because they were appointed to be the ordinary judges of any thing delivered in preaching, In primâ instantiâ. He alleged for this a plain Act of Parliament, and a conference betwixt certain Lords of the Council, and some Ministers deputed by the King, who had agreed upon this conclusion. Thirdly, he said that Counsels and Doctors of the Church did think that the trial of such things is most conveniently and fitly to be taken in the place where the slander is raised, and scandal given; which was Saint Andrew's, for there that Sermon was preached: Fourthly, he pleaded, that the privileges of the University, granted and given to it by former Kings, and confirmed and ratified by his Majesty's self, made the Rector and his Assessors, Judges to all Ministers, Masters and Students that were Members of the same, and were accused of any offence committed within the liberties thereof. Fifthly, that he spoke nothing but what he had good warrant for from scripture. Sixthly, that he had for him; first, the testimony of the University, signed by the Rector, and sealed with their seal; secondly, the testimony of the Church-Session in S. Andrews, subscribed by the Ministers, Elders and Deacons; thirdly, the testimony of the Provest and Bailiffs, and town Council, signed by the town Clerk by their commandment, and sealed with their seal; fourthly, and last of all, the testimony of the Presbytery, subscribed by the Clerk thereof: which testimonies were of more value to absolve him, than any one man's accusation was to condemn him. Seventhly, he desired that he might have the common privilege of all the Subjects, which was to know his accuser, and the prerogative of a Minister of God's word, that an accusation should not be received (or put in process) against him; but under two or three witnesses. Eighthly, that his accuser might be liable, and incur the punishment due to him by the Acts of Parliament, if his accusation were found to be false. Ninthly, that the Defender might have place, and be permitted to object against his Accuser: And that if William Stuart were the man, he would prove that the said William had professed hatred against him, and had threatened him to do him bodily harm; in which respect, his information was to be suspected if he were the Delatour, or if he were a witness his testimony was not sufficient. Notwithstanding of all this, yet he said, he would simply declare the truth in the presence of God and his Angels, so far forth as his memory would serve him. He said, his text was, daniel's expounding of the hand-writing on the wall to Baltazar. Here he observed how Daniel in reproving Baltazar for not giving glory to God for his benefits toward him and his father, and for abusing the vessels of the house of God, did apply the Text (of the hand-writing) to Baltazar. From hence (and other places of Scripture) he inferred, that application ought to be made of examples (whether of mercies or judgements) by the Ministers of the Word (as Daniel was) to Kings, as was Baltazar: And that the nearer the example touched the party to whom it were applied (as that of Nabuchodonosor, who was father to Baltazar) the more forcible it would be. This (said he) is the right way of application, but who doth it nowadays? Or if any do it, who cares for it, or is moved with it? If a man should now apply the example of our Predecessors to these times, as of King James the third, how his Courtiers and flatterers abused him, would they not say that he raved, and wandered from his Text? Nay, perhaps, accuse him of Treason. Secondly, he said, concerning these words which his accuser did allege to have been spoken by him (that our Nabuchodonosor, to wit, the King's mother, had been banished twice seven years, & would be restored again) as it never came into his mind, so did he not remember the words, or any expression tending to that purpose, or importing any such thing: Thirdly, As for that speech (That the King was unlawfully called to the Crown) or any thing sounding that way; he protested before God, he never spoke it, nor did he ever doubt of the lawfulness of his Majesty's authority, which the Church had ever maintained, & he himself constantly avouched, as all that knew him could bear witness. That it was true, that in speaking of Nabuchodonosor, he had said; That first, howbeit he had succeeded to his father's Kingdom, and that when he was of ripe years: secondly, though he were endowed with wisdom, learning, liberality, and other virtues: thirdly, though he had conquered and purchased divers Territories and Countries, as a valiant Captain (having been Lieutenant to his father) in his father's time: fourthly, And although he were made King (after his father) by all the Nobility: yet Daniel maketh mention of none of all these, but saith, That God gave him the Kingdom. From whence he gathered as a firm conclusion; That, by whatsoever way Kingdoms do come (whether by election, succession, or conquest, whether by ordinary or extraordinary means) it is God that gives them, & he that makes Kings. But (alas!) men do forget this that are in high places, as experience doth show: And not only Atheists and Idolaters, but even godly Kings are subject to this forgetfulness. David extraordinarily called, Solomon also extraordinarily, and Joas extraordinarily preserved and crowned in his tender years, did all forget the ordainer, all forget God their advancer; and he therefore did chastise them. That instead of applying this to the King, he did (as his custom ever was, when he spoke of his Majesty) turn and convert it into a Prayer: That since such was the weakness of Godly Kings, it would please God of his mercy never to suffer our King to forget God's goodness and mercy toward him, who had called him extraordinarily to be King of the Country: first, being but a child in his Cradle: secondly, his mother yet alive: thirdly, a great part of the Nobility his enemies: and fourthly, some of them still pursuing of him, ever since the heavy burden of government was laid on his shoulders. He concluded that these were his formal words, upon which, what ground any man could have to build such accusation against him, he referred it to the wisdom of his Majesty and his council, who, he hoped, would not give ear to such who through malice did stretch or wrest his words, or through ignorance did mistake them; not being able to distinguish betwixt extraordinary calling, and unlawful calling. This Declaration he set forth, not so much to beg favour or releasement, but to render the reason of his chosen and voluntary exile. Divers moe than he, who suffered as he did, and for the same cause, set forth likewise their apologies to justify themselves, by clearing of their innocence, and showing the causes of their leaving the Country & their callings. The Courtiers did interest the King in all these quarrels, and laboured to embark him therein the deepest they could: and by all means strove to make him believe that all was against him, and that their aim was at him, whom they wounded through their sides: and fain they would have persuaded all others to the same. But all were not so blind: there were manythat could, & did distinguish and separate the King's cause from the Courtiers; and did show that as they hated them, so they loved him. Especially the Ministry, who at a General Assembly (held at Edinburgh in November) appointed a general Fast to be kept throughout the whole Kingdom, and gave out the reasons thereof to be: first, The abounding of wickedness: secondly, The danger of the Church: thirdly, The danger of the King: fourthly, The danger of the Commonwealth (which all were meant, & did directly point at the rulers of court chiefly) through their wickedness, Atheism, want of Religion, Godlessenesse, popishness, or Libertinism, avarice, aspiring; Who being sole (said they) or chief about the King, under the shadow of his authority: first, do trouble the Ministry: secondly, seek to pervert his Majesty, and draw him (if it were possible for them) to the same contempt of Religion; that so in time he might become a persecuter and enemy to the Church, and overthrow it altogether: thirdly, do tread under foot the Commonwealth of this Country, by banishing the best of the Nobility, who do love God and the Church best, and are best affected toward the King's welfare, that they in the mean time may possess and brook their Lands and Inheritance: And fourthly, who suffered murder, oppression, witchcraft, whoredom, and many other sins to pass unpunished and uncurbed. This Fast continued the space of a Week, including both the Sundays.  
The Courtiers (notwithstanding of this) contemning and slighting all admonitions, kept on their own ways and course of committing, banishing, discrediting, and weakening of all such as they thought did favour the Nobility, and were not forward enough to further them, and advance their faction. They engrossed all places of power and authority to themselves; dis-armed, dis-abled, and diminished all others, and even derided them. Of which dealing I will recount one example amongst many: I have made mention above, how some discord and variance fell out betwixt Pitcairne, Abbot of Dumfermling, and the Earl of Gowrie. Hereupon Gowrie (to match Pitcairne) had reconciled himself to the Courtiers, and was thought to side with them; and especially to be very intimate with Colonel Stuart. Pitcairne laboured to out-shoot the Earl in his own Bow, and for that end sues to the Colonel for his friendship, which because he knew that it was vendible, he sent him the price thereof (according to his estimate) in gold. The Colonel liked the mettle, but not the condition, and therefore he kept both his friendship and the gold to himself; and having showed it to the King and Gowrie, deriding him, said, that the Abbot had sent him that to draw the King to favour him; and thus was he flouted, and wiped clean of his Monies. William Douglas of Loghleven was confined in the Merse, for no other fault, but because he was a Douglas, and an upright honest man as any was in the Kingdom. Sir George Hume of Wedderburne, because he was in Kin, and a friend of the Earl of Angus, was sent prisoner to the Castle of Down beyond Forth: Sir James Hume of Coldinknows was committed to the Castle of Edinburgh; Master Cunninghame of Drummewhasle was like wise imprisoned; and Master John colvil brother to Cleish had been served in the same kind, if he, fearing their rage, had not prevented it by fleeing. Many others were used after the like sort, it being a sufficient crime to favour any of the discourted Noblemen. Last of all, a Proclamation was made, wherein the Fact at Ruthven was condemned as foul, abominable, and treasonable, and all the actors therein (or favourers of them) were commanded to depart from Edinburgh, and not to come hear the place where the King was, or should happen to be, under the pain of death. The Earl of Gowrie had taken a remission for it, but it served not his turn, nor did him any good at all: for he was particularly charged to go off the Country, and not to remain in Scotland, England, or 
Gowrie commanded to go beyond sea.  Ireland, with a non obstante, notwithstanding any remission obtained before. And to secure themselves yet further, they prohibited all men to carry Pistols, except the King's Domestics, and his Guard. They brought home also into Scotland, Lodowick Duke of Lennox (son to Obignie) being then but a child, to strengthen their party, and to tie the King's affection 
Lodowick Duke of Lennox brought home.  so much the more to them. He was restored to his father's estate, & (as a part thereof) to the Lordship of Dalkeith. This being Angus his inheritance, they thought it would engage the Duke in a perpetual enmity with him, as it is ordinary for a man to hate him whom he wrongs. On these & the like grounds they established to themselves (in their own conceit) a perpetual & safe estate; which they had so fastened and linked with the Kings, that neither could be brangled without the shaking and over turning of the other. But these courses produced a quite contrary effect, & even then wrought such disposition in men, as did at last overthrow all their plots, and themselves withal. So frail, and so unsure a foundation is iniquity. For Angus as he was altogether innocent of any thing that could be alleged against him, even in their own judgements, so was he universally beloved of all, by an hereditary popularity from his Ancestors, and more for his own known virtues; and therefore being thus wronged in his person, and in his inheritance, he was pitied of all. Mar in like manner, being descended of an honourable, ancient, faithful and loyal race of progenitors, as also for his own good parts and conditions, was beloved in like sort, and pitied, notwithstanding that he had been an actor at Ruthven. The Earl of Gowrie (by the contrary) was greatly hated by the Courtiers, and little set by, or regarded by the other party. He had assisted (with his father) at the slaughtering of Rizio, and was the chief man and principal author and actor in the fact of Ruthven. Yet had he changed his mind and side at S. Andrews, repented him of what he had done at Ruthven, condemned it, and taken a remission for it. Now being casten off by the Court, and commanded to depart off the Country, he reputes him of his repentance, and condemns his condemning; and would (if he could) salve all again by his recanting and retracting of this last act. But as the committing of the fact had made him to be hated by the Courtiers, so his condemning of it had brought him to be suspected of the Noblemen. He had condemned himself, and did deserve to be condemned, either for that he had done at Ruthven, or for his condemning of what he did then, and taking a remission for it. He had given a colour to the adverse party to condemn it by his confession and example, and had furnished them with that argument whereby to press the condemning of it upon the Ministry or others. For that was their main argument, and the string they most harped on, Gowries confession of a fault, and remission for it. All this notwithstanding, he desires to join with the Lords, and offers to tie himself to their party with the stictest bonds that could be devised. Their case was the same with his; all to be utterly undone, unless some remedy were found; their enemies were the same with his, the guiders of Court; neither should they only be overthrown, but with them and through them the estate of Religion, and of the whole Country. This as it was spetious, so was it most true and certain, and which could not be denied. But what society could be sure with the Earl of Gowrie so often changing? If his changing proceeded from fraud and deceit, who could join with him? Or if it were from fear, what sure hold could they have of one so fearful? Even Angus himself (whose nature was far from distrusting) could not but distrust and suspect him. Only, his present case seemed to plead for his sincerity at this time; which was such, that he knew not where to shelter or secure himself, but by joining with them. For he was charged to depart out of the Kingdom, which was a token of no good will, nay of true enmity with Court: or certainly, a deeper dissimulation than any man could conceive. And as necessity did force him to take part with them, so were they also no less urged by necessity to admit and receive him, in respect of his great power & friendship in those quarters. The Earl of Athol and the Lord Oglebee (two Noblemen of great power and command) were his sonnes-in-law: Inshe-chaiffrey and Drummond his dear friends; and he himself was Sheriff of Perth, and Provest of the Town. Wherefore Angus his confinement being enlarged to the North-water, and he residing in the Castle of Brechin (his brother the Earl of Marres house) he sent one Master David Hume, whom he trusted, to confer with him, that he might try and sound his mind as narrowly as he could, and report to him what he found. The Gentleman found him in words, in countenance, and in gesture greatly perplexed, solicitous for his estate, besides the affairs of the Country, and greatly afraid of the violence of the Courtiers. So that looking very pitifully upon his Gallery where we were walking at that time (which he had but newly built and decored with Pictures) he broke out into these words, having first fetched a deep sigh; Cousin (says he) Is there no remedy? Et impius haec tam culta novalia milcs habebit? Barbarus has segetes? Whereupon he was persuaded of his upright meaning, and at his return persuaded the Earl of Angus thereof also. So partly upon this assurance, partly enforced by necessity (there being no possibility to be strong in those parts without his concurrence) he resolved to assume him into their fellowship and society. Then did those scruples and doubts arise in Angus his mind, which are incident to honest natures and loyal dispositions. He considered that banding against Courtiers would be called, and seem to be combining against Authority and the King; for he would take their part for the present: so was he to force his will, whom his heart carried him to honour. But what should he do? There was no other way (that he could devise) to secure their estates, their houses, themselves, their Country, and all honest men from oppression and ruin, to preserve Religion (which ought to be dear to all men, and was dear to him) nay, even to save the King himself (whose safet●…e did consist in the preservation of the Church and Kingdom) and to deliver him, and pluck him out of the claws of these Harpies, whose oppression and wickedness did reflect upon him, and redound to his dishonour: For whatsoever they did, was done in his name, and said to be the Kings will and pleasure. Their banishing of Noblemen, and oppressing of all sorts and ranks of men, without difference or respect, so that there was no honest man but stood in continual fear of losing his life and estate: all this was laid upon the King. Their avarice was insatiable, their malice cruel, and their suspicion unsatisfiable. They stood not upon reason, law or right; any pretence (which they never wanted) served them for a warrant to seize men's persons or estates. Their ordinary course was to summoned a man super inquirendis, and if he did compeir, to commit him to a free or close prison; if he were afraid, and did not compeir, he was found guilty of rebellion, denounced, and his goods seized. They would be sure not to want witnesses to prove any thing against any man, by torturing his servants, or himself, to wring something out of him, which might be matter against him, through impatiency, and the violence of the Rack: At least he should be sure to be vexed by re-examinations, and with-drawn from his necessary affairs, that so he might be constrained to buy his liberty and leave to stay at home, with some portion of his land, or a piece of money.  
These doings of theirs, though many knew that the King did not allow of them, yet being coloured with his authority, were apt to alienate (and might in time produce that effect) the minds of the Subjects from their Prince, as also the heart of the Prince from his Subjects, by their filling his ears with jealousies, and by making virtue a cause of suspicion, and him that was virtuous in any eminent measure, suspected and hated; and on the contrary, vice and the vicious to have vogue and credit, and to overrule all.  
How could this be obviated, unless these men were removed? And how could they be removed without controlling of the King? And to contrary him (though it were for his good and safety) how ill would it be taken by him? Invitum qui servat, idem facit occidenti: To save a man against his will, is commonly rewarded with slender thanks. Patriam & parents cogere etiamsi possis, & utile sit, tamen importunum est: To save a Prince against his will, and to force him for his good, how dangerous a point is it? For they account it as their life to reign, and no reigning without absoluteness, unless they reign at liberty, without any controlment, were it never so little. But there was no remedy; whoso undertakes any great enterprise, must resolve to pass through some danger.  
And it is good for Kings sometimes that their hands be held. had Alexander's hands been held when he killed Clitus, he had not offered to kill himself, nor should Calistines have needed to take such pains with him, to make him digest his grief for it. If speeches could have prevailed with the Courtiers, the Ministers had tried that way, but with bad success: for they were accounted seditious and traitorous for their liberty and freedom therein. Wherefore there was nothing remaining but to remove them at what ever rate: and if his Majesty should take it ill for the present, future obsequiousness would make it appear, that what they did, was in love and humility, and no ways out of any treasonable or malicious intention, or out of arrogancy, pride, or presumption. The French Proverb taketh place; Il faut passer par la: there was no other way besides; no audience, no access could be had to him by any other means.  
So they conclude to join their pains, and to partake of the peril. The way resolved upon, was, to assemble themselves at Stirling with their Forces; there to supplicate the King, and to make their declaration to the Country: to intimate their grievances and desires, with all respect to his Majesty, and with all evidence and plainness, against the Courtiers.  
For this end, the Earl of Marre and Master of Glams should be sent for, and first find means to take in the Castle of Stirling (an easy task for the Earl of Marre to perform, having his friends lying near to it, and the Town devoted to his service) than the Earl of Gowrie should go thither (who lay nearest to it) together with the Earl of Athole, the Lord Oglebie, the drummond's, and the Murrayes: Next to him the Earl of Angus from Brechin, to whom his friends would repair out of the South parts, the Merse, Liddesdale and other parts: The Earl Bothwell, my Lord Lindsay, and divers others of the Nobility were also on the party, and had promised to join with them.  
Being once convened, and having the affection of the Ministry and Burrowes, they hoped to be strong enough against these new men's own power, assisted only by their particular friends. If the King's name were used against them, there behoved to be a Convention of the Nobility, and Barons; who would hear the Cause, judge impartially, and inform the King truly, without slattery or fear of the courtiers, whom they hated; neither could they doubt of his equity, and tractableness, when he should understand how things were. So the business should end without blood, and have a good and happy issue. And if the worst should come, yet were it better to die nobly in the field, then to be hailed to the scaffold and suffer by the hand of the Executioner.  
Thus did they propose, but God did dispose of things otherways. Men know not the Council and secrets of the Almighty, whose determination doth only stand and come to pass. He had not ordained, that they should execute their designs, nor that they should die in the quarrel; it was to be done by another way, and at another time: the cup of their iniquity, was not yet full against whom they took arms. Wherefore they were disappointed at this time, which fell out thus. The Earl of Gowry was charged the second of March to depart the Country within fifteen days. He shifted and delayed; this affrighted the Courtiers, or gave them occasion to seem afraid, and to put the King into a fear and suspicion, that there was some enterprise in hand against him: whereupon the Citizens of Edinburgh were made to keep a watch about the Palace. Gowrie made show as if he had intended to obey the charge (contrary to the advice of his associates) and that they might believe that his intention was real, he goeth to Dundie, causeth provide a ship, and make all things ready; so that the Courtiers were not more afraid that he would stay, than his Partners were that he would hoist sail, and be gone; Especially, the Earl of Angus disinherited him, and was jealous of his dissimulation, being uncertain whether it were with the Court, or with them that he did thus dissemble.  
At last having trifled out the time, till mid April, Colonel William Stuart came to Dundie, and having a small company with him, setteth 
Gowry taken at Dundie.  upon him at unawares, and made him save himself in his lodging. Then having brought some pieces of Ordnance out of the ships, which lay in the Haven, being aided by the Townsmen (to whom he had brought a Commission, and warrant from the King) he began to batter the house; whereupon it was rendered, and the Earl taken prisoner. By chance as this was in doing, a servant of the Earl of Angus, coming from Dalkeith by Dundie, and having seen all that had happened, made haste, and came to Brechen about twelve a clock of the night, where he gave his Lord notice of what he had seen. He arose presently, being much moved therewith, and sending for the Gentleman, whom he had employed to try his mind before, made a heavy moan, bewailing the overthrow of their cause, and of themselves. Then he asked his opinion what he thought of it, and first told his own, that he thought it could be nothing else but deceit, and coll●…sion, which he had ever feared, and was now evident, that his going to Dundie (contrary to his advice) had no other end but this: and that his linger proceeded from the same ground. For (said he) how could the Colonel undertake to apprehend him with so small a number of men, if he had not himself been willing to be taken? If he doubted, or disinherited the town of Dundie, why did he commit himself to them, or come in their power? Why did he not stay at Perth, where he was out of all danger, till the time appointed were come? Doubtless, he hath betrayed us all, and hath coll●…ded to suffer himself to be taken; so to colour his unfaithful dealing with us.  
It was answered, that he could not approve his coming to Dundie, which he ever disliked, and had laboured to dissuade him from it, but could not prevail: yet it seemed a hard construction to think that he came thither of purpose to act a sained apprehending; that his slowness and linger was well known to be his natural disposition, (being another Fabius Cunctator in that point) which he had often found by former experience, and often contested with him for it. But to think him false in such a degree, or to imagine him to be so foolish as to come in the hands of those Courtiers, with a crime lying on him, (though but counterfeited) it was such a point, that for his own part, his opinion was, that he durst not do it, lest they should make use of it for his ruin, and convert a colluded crime into a true ditty, and so work his death. But this could not satisfy the Earl of Angus, but still he kept his opinion, that there was no reality in that act of Gowries apprehending. And he was the more confirmed therein, when he heard that the Colonel carried Gowry to the houses of his own especial friends, such as Weemes of Wester-Weemes, whose son offered to set him at liberty, and to take him out of the Colonel's hands, and to go with him himself, which he refused to do. Angus passed the rest of that night in great solicitude and fear, lest he himself should be assailed, and taken after the same manner, which had been no hard matter to perform, he having but a small family, and the Castle not being furnished with Arms, the Earl of Crawford lying hard at hand with his dependers, and that whole Country being evil affected to him.  
But whether the Colonel had no Commission to take him, or that he did not think of it, and thought he had sped well enough already by taking Gowry, is uncertain: but however it were, he went away with the prey he had gotten without attempting any thing against Angus. And yet for all that, Angus was not altogether secure, knowing well his danger, and the small power he had to defend himself: for in the day time he went abroad a hunting, that they might not know where to find him: and in the night, he caused his servants to keep watch, that he might not be surprised unawares.  
Within three days after, the Earl of Marre sent to him, to let him know, that the Master of Glames and he had performed their part of the work, had taken the Castle of Stirling, and were ready to wait upon his coming, which they entreated him to hasten. There was no choice, they were his true friends, and he was no less theirs: and they were resolved to run the same hazard in that course, from which there was no retiring for any of them. Angus desired the Lord Oglebee, and Master Oglebee of Powrie, with others of that name, to go with him. They were allied to the Earl of Gowry, and were well affected to the business, as also they were his own vassals; but being terrified with Gowries taking, and thinking that their joining with the Lords would incense the Courtiers to take some hard course with him, and not knowing what his mind was herein, they refused to go. He notwithstanding, goeth with his own family, from Brechin to Stirlin, and avoiding Perth, he crossed the river of Tay, at that place where it meets with Almont by boat, and comes to Inshechaffray, where he lodged with the Lord thereof, but could not persuade him to take part with them for the same reason, when he came to Stirling 
Angus comes to Stirling to the Lords.  he was kindly welcomed by Marre, and the rest that were there; and presently dispatched away letters, and messengers to Douglas, and other places, for his friends and dependers to come thither to him, with as great speed and diligence as they could. He wrote also to Robert Douglas (eldest son to William Douglas) of Loghleven to the same purpose; but the letter falling into the hands of his mother (her name was Leslie) she took upon her to answer it after this manner. It is not enough (saith she) for you to undertake so foolish a work, whereby you cannot but ruin yourselves, but you would also draw my son and house to the same destruction: I have hindered him, and laid my curse and malediction upon him, if he take part with you, like as I do upon you, if you make him disobey me.  
This letter moved him very much, and he caused an answer to be returned to her according as it merited, which was thus. I can very well believe that it is your doing to keep back your son from so honourable an enterprise, knowing his own disposition to be always honourable and noble, and such as of himself he would not neglect, his duty either to his friends, or country. The Noblemen that are convened here, have entered upon such a course as becomes them, for discharging their duty both to God and man: what the event will prove, is known only to God, and in his hands alone; if we perish herein, we cannot perish more honourably. Yet we hope that God, in whom we confide, and whose cause we have taken in hand, will work out our safety, and accomplish that which we intent for the good of his own Church; when you and your house (for which you are so solicitous, with the neglect of the house of God, and of all friendly duty) shall find the smart of such careless indifferency, and perish (as we fear, and are sorry for it) through such carnal and worldly wisdom and wariness. And so indeed the event proved more answerable to this prediction than he wished: for the Lords escaped into England (for that time) and were safe in their persons, and within a year and a half, they brought their designs to pass, (which were now frustrate) by God's blessing upon them: but her son Robert, and her son in law Laurence, Master of Olyphant, being commanded to depart the Country, as they were failing for France, perished at sea, and neither they nor the ship, nor any that belonged thereto, were ever seen again, yet how it came to pass is uncertain.  
The most common report is, that being set upon by the Hollanders, and having defended themselves valiantly, they slew a principal man of the enemies; in revenge whereof they sank the ship, and all that were in her: Others say, that after they had yielded themselves, they were hanged upon the mast. A pitiful case, but a notable example. The youths were noble, active, and of great hope and expectation, and so great pity of their loss. But it may show us how little surety there is in too great affecting of it; as on the contrary, how perils are avoided by hazarding and undergoing of peril. And their case is so much the more to be pitied, and lamented; as that they themselves were very unwilling to have followed such perverse wisdom, had they not been forced to it by their mother's importunity.  
The Lords proceeded as they could with their intended course. They 
The Lord's Declaration.  caused set forth a Declaration, showing their mind and purpose, together with the causes thereof, the abuses in Church and Commonwealth. They remonstrated what tyranny was exercised by James Stuart, under colour and pretext of the Kings will and pleasure; how the Nobility, and men of all ranks, were vexed by him; what misreports were made of them to their Prince; what violence used against them; what evil were presently felt, and what more were to be feared and looked for hereafter to ensue hereupon: The distraction of the hearts of the people from their Prince, and of the Prince from his people; the blasting of the greatest hopes of virtue that ever was in a young Prince, and of his piety, in the solid use of true Religion; by working fear of the contrary; tyrannising in government, and superficial profession of Religion, yea of reducing Popery, or (which is worse) of irreligion and Atheism. They told how dear their Religion, their Country, their Prince was to them; what their own estate and condition forced them to; what the care of all these required of them, out of duty, in regard of their place, being Nobles, and Peers of the Land, and Privy Counselors by birth; how every man, according to his place, was bound to lend a helping hand, but chiefly those of the Nobility, yet not excluding either Barons, Burgesses, or men of whatever degree, rank, or quality, when the common Ship of the State was in hazard, and in danger of being overwhelmed and perishing, and when there was such a fire kindled as would devour all, if it were not quenched in time. How they, for their own part, after long patience, seeing all things grow worse, had now at last (being driven thereto by necessity) called to mind what duty, conscience, God, and the station wherein God had placed them, did crave of them: which was, to endeavour, that wicked Counselors (namely James Stuart, called Earl of Arran, chief Author of all the mischief) might be removed from about his Majesty, after such a manner as they could best do it. And since no access was free, and no man durst or would undertake to present their supplications to the King, which contained a true information of his own estate, of the State of the Church and Country, together with theirs; therefore they had convened in Arms, not intending any hurt to their Prince (whom they ever had honoured, and still did honour, and whose welfare was their chief end and aim) or to wrong any good subject, but for defence of their own persons, until they should inform his Majesty of that which concerned him, and belonged to them to remonstrate unto him, either in his own presence, or by a public Proclamation, that so it might come to his ears, which otherwise these wicked Counselors did and would hinder him from hearing: and that so it might come to the knowledge of all men, and move the hearts of such as had true, honest, and courageous hearts, to concur with them in that so honourable and necessary a work. Wherefore they exhorted all men that they would not, through fearfulness, or a vain opinion of obedience to the pretended command of a Prince (who then was best obeyed, when God was obeyed, and wickedness punished; who did then truly reign, when wicked Council was removed) withdraw themselves by lurking, & abandon the common good, in hope to provide for their own particular safety, which was not possible for them to do at any time or in any case; much less under such a man could there be any security for any good and honest man, he being so violent, proud, tyrannical, unjust, and such a profane mocker of Religion, who would not be tied to, or guided by any law or reason, but was carried away by his own appetite and ambition, and who was more fit to be the executioner of a bloody Nero, than a Counsellor to such a just and Christian Prince: far less to be sole Ruler and Commander of the Kingdom under the shadow of his Majesty's authority, having so abused and polluted his name, who was so honoured in his cradle, and admired through the world for his hopefulness, and great expectation of all princely virtues. Whoso truly loved him, aught to concur and lend their aid to pluck him out of the jaws of these worse then wild beasts, that so his estate, kingdom, honour, and person (both in soul and body) might be preserved.  
This was the sum and strain of their Declarations and Letters sent abroad to move men to join with them in this business, but all was in vain: for despair of doing any good at this time had so possessed the hearts of all men, that even the best affected did choose to sit still, and lie quiet. The Earl of Gowries apprehending had so astonished them, and the incertainty how to construe it did so amaze them, that all his friends (who should have made up a great part of their forces) as Athole and others, absenting themselves, others fainted and held off. Even Sir George Hume of Wedderburne, a man both zealously affected to the cause, and entirely loving the Actors (Marre and Angus) as being tied to them by blood, alliance, and particular intimateness of friendship, though he were acquainted with their proceedings from time to time, and being prisoner in the Castle of Down in Monteeths, might easily have escaped from thence, and come to them to Stirlin, yet did he avoid all meddling therein, and would neither receive nor send message concerning that matter: yea, they themselves were contented that he should do so in that general desertion, having gained nothing by their Declaration and Remonstrance, save the publishing of their Apology, which was not necessary to friends (whose approbation they had already) and wrought nothing upon others. For though the King had a copy thereof delivered into his own hand (which they greatly desired, that thereby he might know the naked truth of things, and be truly informed of the Courtier's carriage and behaviour) yet did it produce no effect to purpose: neither did they make any use thereof, that was known, either to inform and persuade the King of the things contained therein, or to reform themselves. Wherefore now their whole thoughts ran only upon this, how to come off, their lives safe, and reserve themselves to a better and more convenient time: so incertain is the event of all humane enterprises. The Courtiers failed not to make contrary Proclamations in the King's name; the bare show whereof (though there were but very few that favoured them or their proceedings in their heart) was of such force, that men convened thereupon out of all quarters. It was made in the strictest form, commanding all that were able to bear Arms, from sixteen years of age to sixty, to assemble themselves, and to bring with them provision of victual for thirty days, to march whither the King should be pleased to direct them. Hereupon Fran●…is Stuart Earl of Bothwell came with his forces to Edinburgh, where the King was: but he being brother-in-law to the Earl of Angus (having married his sister) the Courtiers did not like of his company, and so he was commanded to return home again to his house. He was indeed of the Lords faction, and so were many others who obeyed the King's proclamation, who, if they had had hearts and heads, were enough of themselves to have taken order with the Courtiers. But being dashed with fear of they knew not what (if they had considered aright) they looked upon one another, and so were forced to guard those men whom they could have wished to be hanged.  
The Town of Edinburgh were commanded to reach out 500 Musketeers, which they did, and this was the Courtier's greatest strength, yet consisting of the vulgar, and such as had no obligation to bind their fidelity to them, and (if they had seen the Nobility & Gentry go about to take them in hand) would not have made great opposition, nor have hazarded themselves for the Courtier's safety, in all likelihood. However, Colonel William Stuart is sent with 500 men to Fawlkirke, whereupon the Lords at Stirling went to a consultation to see what were best for them to do. They had not with them above 300. men, which were their own proper followers; yet being resolute, willing, forward, and active Gentlemen, it was thought fittest by some to assail him, and to punish his boldness and audacity for taking such charge upon him, being but a mean Gentleman, to invade and come against the Nobility. Disdain, anger, and courage seemed to approve of this resolution, that so his malapertness might be chastised and dashed. Neither were it without good use; for if he were once defeated, the rest would make a halt, and not be so forward: that the first success is of great moment, and might bring matters to a parley, or such as craved audience of the King to get it: that it was no hard matter to do, he being accompanied by such as cared not for his personal safety, and had no tye to defend him with the hazard of their own lives especially, but would be glad to have a fair excuse, and occasion to abandon such an one, in such a quarrel: especially if he were invaded in the night, the darkness would excuse, and take away their shame of flying. It was argued of the other side, that night conflicts were subject to hazard, error, and mistaking, as well on their own side, as the enemies: and that it could not be performed without blood, and that (perhaps) of the most innocent, whereas he himself, whom they chiefly aimed at, might escape: neither would the defeat of these few bring success to the cause, the enemy's forces remaining whole and entire in Edinburgh, which would guard and defend them: besides, by so doing they should be involved in a crime, and made obnoxious to the laws, which as yet they were free of: that it were better to suffer the guilty to go unpunished for a while, then to spill the blood of the guiltless: and seeing they could not thereby accomplish what they had intended, their best was to retire and withdraw themselves, with as great innocence and modesty as they could, having done hurt to no man. This advice prevailed with them, and so they concluded to march in the night season toward Fawkirke, but so soon as they were gone out of the town of Stirling, to take the way that leadeth to Lanericke; the which 
The Lords flee from Stirling toward England.  they did accordingly, leaving the Castle of Stirling in the custody of David Hume of Argatie.  
Being in Lanerick, as they were refreshing themselves, and baiting their horses, word was brought them that a Troup of horsemen did approach: whereupon fearing that it was Colonel Stuart pursuing them, they took horse, and sent Archbald Douglas (called the Constable, because he had been Constable of the Castle of Edinburgh in the Earl of Mortons' time, as hath been showed before) to discover what they were. He finding that it was Johnstoun (who had been sent for to Edinburgh to assist against the Lords, and was dismissed upon their retreat from Stirling) went familiarly to him, fearing no harm, so much the rather, because Johnstoun and Angus were brothers by their mother. But Johnstoun either fearing that notice might be given to the Courtiers, and he challenged thereof, if he should let him go; or to get thanks, and show his forwardness to their service, lays hold on him, and carries him immediately back to Edinburgh, declaring what way he came into his hands, and what way the Lords had taken, delivering also Archbald their prisoner to be used at their pleasure, not looking for such cruelty from them as he found. For they, partly to seal the justice of their cause by blood, partly to make the greater alienation betwixt the brothers (Johnstoun and Angus) that being out of hope of reconciliation, he might be necessitated to cleave to their side: they thank him in words for this his good office, and hang Archbald. 
Archbald Douglas hanged.   
The Earl of Angus, and the rest that were with him, being resolved to go into England, took their way through Tweddale toward Branxton: from thence passing through east Tiviotdale, they entered England on that hand. Calso, where the Earl Bothwell remained, wa●… not far out of their way; wherefore as they passed by it, it being now night, he came forth to them secretly, and had conference with them. Thereafter, as if he had come to pursue them, there was a counterfeit chase made, and a counterfeited fleeing for the space of a mile, till they were on English ground. The next day they came to Berwicke, where they were received, and remained a certain space.  
After their departure, the King went to Stirling with his forces, where the Castle was rendered by the Keepers, who forced the Captain to yield it absolutely, without condition of so much as their lives 
Argatie executed.  safe. So he and three more were executed by the Courtier's suggestion. Here also the Earl of Gowrie was brought from Kenniel, and arraigned of high Treason, whereof being condemned by a Jury, he was beheaded. Neither did the forbearance of his friends to 
Gowrie beheaded at Stirlin. 1584. the 28. of April.  join with the Lords at Stirlin (then in England) procure him any favour; whereas if they had joined with them, and so strengthened their party, they might have terrified the Enemy, and obtained better conditions for him. He was executed the eight and twentieth day of April 1584. The points whereof he was convicted, were the fact at Ruthven; and the late enterprise at Stirlin.  
His speech was short; he answered to the first, That he had a remission for it: and to the second, That there was no intention there against the King: only they had purposed to remove those wicked men who abused him, and whose thirst of blood he wished that his death might quench. But they cared little for his speeches, and as little for his alliance, his Countess being a Stuart of the house of Methven, toward whom and her children they showed no respect at all, but used them with all incompassionate rigour and cruelty. For she coming to entreat for herself and her children (in the time of the Parliament) and having fallen down upon her knees before 
His Lady basely and beastly used.  the King, she was trodden under foot, and left lying in a sound.  
From Stirlin they returned to Edinburgh, and there kept a Parliament the two and twentieth day of May, in which the Earl of Angus and 
Parliament at Ed●…nburgh the 22. of May 1584. The Lords forfeited.  Marre, the late Earl of Gowrie, and the Master of Glames, with divers Barons, and others their associates were forfeited; the fact of Ruthven condemned, the order of Church-government (by Presbyteries, Synods, and General Assemblies, which had been received, and publicly allowed in Scotland, all men swearing and subscribing thereto, and the oath translated into divers languages with great approbation of foreign reformed Churches, and no small commendation of the King and Country) forbidden and prohibited, and termed unlawful conventions. And in place thereof the office of Bishops (condemned by this Church as unlawful, as an invention of man's brain, having no warrant of the word of God) was reared up again and erected. Also Master Robert Montgomerie (who had been excommunicated for accepting such an office) was now released and restored to his place. There was straight inhibiting all men from speaking against these Acts, against the King's proceedings, Counselors, or Courtiers under highest pains. What shall the Ministers do here? Shall they oppose? That were to cast themselves into certain danger, and to expose themselves to the cruelty of cruel men, armed now with a colour of law. Should they keep silence? hear with patience that order blaspemed, which they had approven, received, sworn to, and the contrary (which they had detested, abominated, condemned) set up and allowed, to their no small disgrace, and shame of the Country; yea, to his Majesty's discredit in foreign Nations? and suffer a door to be opened to those corruptions, which had been kept out of the Church, both in doctrine & manners, by virtue of that order, which only (in their conscience) was agreeable with Scripture? This their zealous hearts could not endure: let all peril be silent, where conscience and Religion speak: let no enemy breathe out his threatenings, where the mind is set on God. So it came to pass here. For while the Acts were in proclaiming at the Market-Crosse of Edinburgh, the Pastors of that Town, Master James Lowson, Master Walter Balcanquell, Master Robert Punt, taking 
Protestation against the Acts of Parliament by the Ministers.  their lives in their hands, went boldly and made public Protestation against that Act of the erection of Bishops, as unlawful, in many respects, whereof they took instruments. Hereupon they being menaced, to avoid their fury, Master Walter Balcanquell flees to Berwick, together with Master James Lowson: Thither came also after them Master James Carmichael (Minister at Hadinton) Master John Davison, and William Aird, Ministers of the Suburbs of Edinburgh, or some Churches near to it: also Master Patrick Galloway, and Master James Melvin, with divers others of the Ministry. Edinburgh being thus destitute of Pastors, Master Patrick Adamson (Archbishop of Saint Andrews) was brought to supply their places, and to maintain the lawfulness of the office the seven and twentieth day of May, being Wednesday, which was an ordinary Sermon day, but on which the Courtiers were not ordinary auditors. But that day they would needs accompany their Bishop, and grace him with the King's personal presence. Yet the people disgraced him by their absence; they disdained to hear a Bishop, other than a Pastor, whose office is not ordained by GOD in the Scriptures, and was ejected out of the Church of Scotland; wherefore being grieved to see this Wolf in their true Pastors' place, they go out of the Church and leave him to preach almost alone. Besides the common people, the Kings own Minister's Master John Craig, and John Brand, also John Herriese (with others) preached against it, and were therefore summoned to appear before the Council the five and twentieth day of August; where they were reviled and rebuked with bitter words, as saucy and presumptuous fellows: and being demanded how they durst speak against the King's Laws, they answered boldly, that they both durst and would speak against such Laws as were repugnant to the word of GOD. Hereupon the Earl of Arran starting up suddenly upon his feet in a great rage, fell a swearing many an oath, and with a frowning countenance said unto them, that they were too proud to speak such language to the Council; adding, that he would shave their heads, pair their nails, and cut their toes, that they might be an example to others. Then he warns them to compeir before the King himself at Falkland the four and twentieth day of September; where they were accused again by the Earl of Arran (than Chancellor) for breaking of the King's injunctions, in not acknowledging nor obeying his Bishops. To which they answered, that Bishops were no lawful office of the Church, having never been instituted by Christ; and that therefore they would not obey them; nor no person else that would command without warrant of the word of GOD; assuring him that GOD would humble all proud Tyrants that did lift up themselves against him: as for them, their lives were not so dear to them, but that they would be contented to spend them in that cause. Arran arising from his seat, and sitting down on his knees, 
A●…ran mocks the ●…inisters.  says to them scoffingly; I know you are the Prophets of God, and your words must needs come to pass; behold now you see me humbled and brought low. Well, well, (saith Master John Craig) mock on as you please, assure yourself, GOD sees, and will require it at your hands, that you thus trouble his Church, unless you repent. Then they were remitted to the sixteenth day of November, and in the mean time Master John Craig was discharged to preach. About this time (in November) Master James Lowson died at London, meekly and sweetly as he had lived. Edinburgh had been all this while destitute of Pastors, and did want preaching at sometimes for the space of three weeks. This was very odious amongst the people, and now (Master John Craig being silenced) they were like to want oftener than they had done: to remedy this, the Archbishop of Saint Andrews was ordained to preach to them, and the Towne-Councell ordained to receive him as their ordinary Pastor. The Council obeyed, but the people would not hear him, and when they saw him come up to the Pulpit, they arose, and went forth at the Church doors.  
The Ministers every where persisted to oppose that office, and by common consent appointed a Fast to be kept the four and twentieth day of October, whereof they publicly and advowedly gave out these to be the causes: First, to stay the creeping in of Wolves (meaning Bishops:) Secondly, that GOD might send true Pastors: Thirdly, that he would repair the breaches and decay of the Church (which had been sometime the Lantern of the world:) Fourthly, that he might remove the causes of this decay (tyranny, and the flattery of Courtiers.) This was plainer language than pleasant, they behoved to be wisely dealt with. There are two ways to deal and work upon men: by fear and by hope: by terrifying and flattering; they used both these toward them. We heard how the sixteenth day of November was appointed for their compearance: many therefore were warned against that day from divers parts. When they were convened, they were pressed to allow of the Act concerning Bishops; and in token of their approbation thereof, to promise and subscribe obedience to their Ordinary. To move them hereto, they partly flattered, and partly threatened them; saying, That all was well meant, and no hurt intended to Religion: Who was so well affected to it as the King? Who so learned among Princes? Who so sincere? That he would respect and reward the worthy and obedient: And by the contrary, no Stipend should be paid to him that refused; but he should be deprived, imprisoned, banished. When all this could not prevail, they devise how to temper and qualify their promise of obedience, which was conceived in these words; You shall acknowledge and obey Bishops, according to the word of God. This seeming a restriction and limitation (as if the meaning had been that they should allow of, and obey Bishops as far as the word of God allowed, and ordained them to be obeyed) many took it for good Coin, and were so persuaded of it, that some said in plain terms, Bring a Cart full of such Papers, and we will subscribe them all. For to obey such a Bishop in such a sort (according to the word of GOD, that is, so far as the word of God commands to obey him) is not to obey him at all: for the word of GOD commands not any obedience at all to such a Bishop: neither doth it ordain, acknowledge, or once name such a Bishop. Thus either truly deceived, or deceiving themselves, that they might redeem their ease by yielding, and cover their yielding with an equivocation, they found that it was all in vain; for they were not admitted nor permitted to expound it in that sort (whatsoever their meaning was) but were forced to accept of the exposition which the Court and the Bishops did put upon it: who understood that phrase (according to the word of God) not as a limitation but affirmatively, wherein it was acknowledged that the word of God did command obedience to them; and therefore they promised obedience according to that command. Notwithstanding of all this, divers stood out, and would no ways be moved, neither by threatenings nor by promises to give the least show of approbation directly or indirectly, by equivocation, or any other form whatsoever; but spoke plainly against them, and prayed publicly for the banished brethren. Of these Master Nicholas Dagleish was one; who thereupon was accused as too bold to pray for the King's Rebels. He answered, that they were no Rebels, but true Subjects, who had fled from tyranny, and such as sought their lives by commanding them to do against their conscience. He was empanelled, put to his trial by an assize, and was cleansed, in despite and maugre the Court; so far there remained conscience in men. But the Courtiers will not let him escape thus dryshod; they labour to find a hole in his Coat another way: they search and find that a Letter had come from Master Walter Balcanquell to his wife, which because she could not well read the hand, she had given him to read to her, and he had read it. Hereupon he is again put to an assize: and they, not daring to cleanse him, yet would they not find him guilty, but desired him to come into the Kings will. He was contented to submit himself to the King's pleasure (for so much as concerned the reading of the Letter) and so was sent to the Tolbooth, where he remained three weeks, and was from thence sent to Saint Andrews.  
And thus went Church-matters; In the civil government there was none now but the Earl of Arran, he lacked the name of King; but he ruled as absolutely, and commanded more imperiously than any King, under the shadow of the King's authority, and the pretext that all that he did was for the King's good and safety. He had gotten before the keeping of the Castle of Stirlin; he behoved also to have the Castle of Edinburgh in his power. Alexander Ereskin (Uncle to the Earl of Marre) was Captain of it, he must needs favour his Nephew and his Faction: wherefore it was taken from him, and given to Arran, who was also made Provest of the Town. He was Chancellor of Scotland, and having put out Pitcairne, Abbot of Dumfermling, he made Master John Metellane Secretary. He did whatsoever he pleased; if there were no Law for it, it was all one, he caused make a Law to serve his ends. It was observed, that his Lady said to one who alleged there was no law for doing of what she desired to have done; It is no matter (said she) we shall cause make an Act of Parliament for it. If any man refused to do or grant any thing he craved, they were sure to be tossed and vexed for it; even the chief of the Nobility. Athole, Cassils', and the Lord Hume were committed: Athole, because he would not divorce from his wife, and entail his estate to him: the Earl, or Master of Cassils', because he would not give him a great sum of Money, under the name of a Loane: the Lord Hume, because he would not give him his portion of Dirleton. Also the Lord Maxwell (than Earl of Morton) was quarrelled, because he would not excambe his Barony of Pooke, and Maxwell (his old inheritance) for a parcel of the Lord Hamiltons' Lands, which were now his by forfeiture. Many Lands had he taken from many, but was never satisfied, ever seeking to add possession to possession, which was not impertinently remonstrated to him by John Barton Goldsmith, a witty and free-spoken man. He had directed this Barton to make him a Seal, and to carve on it his Coat of Arms duly quartered according to his Lands and Honours. This he did pretty well to his contentment, but he left one quarter thereof blank and void. Hereof when the Earl asked the reason, he answered, That there maybe room for the Lands your Lordship shall purchase hereafter. He took for his Motto, Sic fuit, est, & erit: meaning that it was an ordinary thing in all ages for mean men to rise to great fortunes; and that therefore it ought not either to be wondered at, or to be envied. And it is true, if the mean had been virtue and not wickedness, which ever was, is, and will be both envied and hated, as it deserveth. His ambition was such (amongst other examples thereof) that Queen Elizabeth must needs be Godmother to his daughter, whose Ambassador was present at the Christening. His cruelty (though conspicuous many ways) did appear singularly in the causing execute Master Cunninghame of Drummewhasle, and Master Douglas of Manes, his son-in-law. This Cunninghame was an ancient Gentleman, and of an old house, who (himself in person) had been a follower of the Earl 
Manes and Drummewhasle executed.  of Lennox (the King's Grandfather) and had done him good service when he took in the Castle of Dumbartan, and Douglas of Manes was esteemed to be one of the properest men in the Kingdom, and was a youth of good expectation: yet both of them were hanged at the Market Cross of Edinburgh. The pretext was a forged conspiracy to have taken the King on a certain day at hunting, and to have carried him into England. Their accuser was Robert Hamilton of Inshemachon, who was (as he said) himself upon the plot, or at least (as he said) had been desired to be of it by Master Edmiston of Duntreath. Edmiston being apprehended, related; How they had plotted to bring in the exiled Lords on horses (forsooth) which had their ears, their maines, and their tails cut, themselves being disguised, etc. A tale which was so unhandsome, toyish, and ridiculous, that no man did believe it, but esteemed it a foolish fable; yet did they make use of it, to practise their cruelty upon such as they feared, and to make themselves a terror to all men.  
To return to the Earl of Angus, he and his associates were removed from Berwick to Newcastle, in May. So it seemed good to the State of England (seeing no appearance of their hasty restoring to 
Angus at Newcastle.  their own Country) to secure the Court of Scotland, by taking that thorn out of their foot, which was too near, and too pricking at Berwick. Besides, these banished Lords were not greatly liked of by the Lord Hunsden, than Governor of Berwick: for he entertained correspondency with the contrary Faction; either out of his own inclination, or being directed so to do for reasons of State, or for both; he so inclining, and the State of England making use of that his inclination, that by him they might understand and make use of the mysteries of the Court of Scotland, and such as guided it. But our Courtiers being rid of the fear of the Lords so near neighbourhood, did the freelier vent themselves, and discover their ways, and by discovering, bewray their wickedness, and disgrace themselves.  
As they went to Newcastle, they visited by the way, Lord John Hamilton, and Claud of Paslay (his brother) at Widdrington, the place of their abode. There had been some variance betwixt them, but now being all involved in the same case of banishment, it was to no purpose to entertain and keep in the sparkle of discord, and therefore they were reconciled.  
Being come to Newcastle, they stayed there a while, not so much to enterprise any thing from thence upon any ground they had laid already, as to wait for any occasion that should be offered. Here did the Earl of Angus his kindness and bountiful disposition toward all men 
Angus his kindness and bounty.  plainly show itself. For hearing that the Ministers were come to Berwick, he caused a Letter to be written, and sent to them, from them all in common; and he himself wrote particularly to them besides, and caused the rest of the Nobility to write also their private Letters, wherein many arguments were used to persuade them to come to them. Especially he wrote very earnestly to Master James Lowson, and Master James Carmichael, not neglecting any of the rest, fitting his argument according to his acquaintance and relation, and according to the persons of the men; pretending some such cause and necessity of their coming, as he thought would be most effectual to move them; but the true cause which moved him to send for them, was, because he thought they all stood in need of supply in necessaries. Besides, he caused one that was with him, whom he knew to be very intimate with Master. James Lowson, to write to him for the same effect; and to tell him, that he longed to see him: and when Master James excused himself, alleging that he behoved to stay at Berwick, because he expected some things from Scotland, he would not accept of his excuse, nor of the interpretation thereof, (that he meant of Books that were to be sent to him) but caused return him answer, that he took it ill that he should think to lack any thing where he was. Wherefore he entreated him to make haste to come to him, by doing of which, he should do him a singular pleasure. He dealt even so with others also, and sought pretences to put courtesies upon them. David Ereskin Abbot of Drieburgh, being an exceeding honest, modest, and shamefast man, and who had ever been readier to give, than to take from any, and Angus fearing that he would not (out of his bashfulness) take any courtesy directly from him, found out this way to fasten it upon him. He pretended that he had some Tithes of Lands in Tweddale, which belonged to his abbacy of Drieburgh, for which he did owe him some arrearage duties and meals, which he would needs pay him, and under that colour gave him what he listed to take, without acquittance.  
The Ministers were for a long time wholly maintained by him, and he extended his liberality, not only to supply their necessities, but even to furnish them with what Books they desired to buy. And indeed there was no man that wanted in that company, who did not taste of his bounty. At last when all was gone (for it could not last always) he said to one with whom he was pleased to be familiar, with a cheerful countenance; Now it is gone, and fare it well, I never looked that it should have done so much good. Meaning, that being acquired by more rigorous exacting than either he himself could allow of, or the common people took well, by the Earl of Morton in his Regency (for this was his treasure, at least that part of it which came to his hands) he doubted whether it should have had such a blessing as to have done so much good to so many honest men. Neither was this lavishness in him, or superfluous waste so to bestow it, in regard that their English allowance was spare enough, and oftentimes very slowly furnished unto them: So that having occasion to use monies, and not knowing from whom to borrow any, he was forced to employ one of his followers to borrow from Master Archbald Douglas on his own credit (for my Lord himself would not be beholding to him, nor use him so familiarly) two hundred pounds Sterling, which he lent very courteously upon the Gentlemans own Bond, knowing well enough that it was for my Lords use. This was repaid to him when their allowance came in.  
While they remained at Newcastle, Master John colvil was sent to 
Master John colvil sent to the Court of England,  attend at Court about their affairs, partly because of his acquaintance there with Secretary Walsinghame and others; partly by the advice of the Master of Glames, whose opinion and recommendation the rest did much respect. He fed them with hopes; and upon occasion of the preparing and rigging forth the Queen's Navy, he did insinuate by his Letters, as if there had been some intention to have sent it into Scotland for their behoof, which some did believe. But they could not persuade the Earl of Angus of it, he esteemed it but a dream, as it was indeed no other. When that hope was vanished, and there was no ppearance of any thing to be done of a sudden, one (whom he was pleased to use familiarly) seeing no great use of his remaining there, told him, that he had a desire to go to London, being loath to spend that time idly, that there he might the better advance his private studies and exercises, as in a place more fit for bettering himself therein. He most willingly and lovingly consented to the motion, not only to satisfy his desire herein, but having a reserved intention to employ him in their common business, as occasion should serve, or at least in his own particular to his particular friends; which purpose he concealed then, but showed it afterward. He had almost over difliked Master John colvil, and did many times in private complain, That he could not find that sincerity in him which he wished, and which (he said) was seldom to be found in any such as he was, who had left the Function of the Ministry, to follow the Court and worldly business. And for him in particular, he said, he was a busy man, thrusting himself into all affairs; and who sought only his particular ends in doing of public business, without sincerity or uprightness; which (says he) when it is wanting, I know not what goodness can be in him; and if it be not to be found in the world (as they say it is not) I know not what can be in the world but misery. For mine own part, my heart cannot like of such an one, nor of such dealing. It is true, he hath trafficked with the Statesmen of England, and others think fit to use him, neither will I contest with them about it, but truly I have no delight in such men. But this was after at Norwich. For that time he said no more, but desired him to write often to him, both concerning business as he could learn, and other things, as he should also write to him upon occasion. This was performed on both sides, after such a private and secret way, as they agreed upon before their parting. For howsoever there was nothing passed betwixt them, but what might have endured the censure of any man, yet was it not fit that every man (into whose hands their Letters might have fall'n) should know all that was written familiarly betwixt them, though the matter were never so good, sincere, and unblameable; in regard that many are incapable of things, many not able to discern or judge of them, many contemners and mockers, many of a different, and some of a contrary mind and judgement. If these Letters were extant, there were nothing more fit to show the Lineaments of his mind and most inward thoughts, and to represent to the life his true disposition, without all mask of dissimulation (from which he was ever free) or shadow of ceremonious reservedness, which even the best men (for some one respect or other) are forced to draw over their inclinations, and wrap up, and obscure their meaning in it at some times, especially in public. Besides, they would also conduce to clear some historical points more fully, which neither can ones memory serve to do, nor can any other (now alive) supply so certainly and unsuspectedly. Now we can but grieve for this loss.  
To supply which defect (so far as they can do it) we will set down one or two of those that were written to him, which being answers to his (and containing so much of them, as that the sum and substance of them may be gathered from thence) will bear witness of his Noble, and Honourable disposition.  
The first was written in October (one thousand five hundreth eighty and four) the first year of his banishment to Newcastle, where he still remained as then.  
Please your Lordship,  
I Received your letter dated in September. Master James hath promised to seek out those books of which your Lordship wrote to 
A letter from London to Angus from the Author.  him; and is in good hope to come by some of them, though it be harder to find them out then it was not long ago. Other things I hope your Lordship is advertised of at length, by Master John colvil.  
What books these were, and what Master James this was is quite forgotten, save that it would seem to have been Master James Carmichael, whom he employed in things of this kind for most part. But this being only for show (that the paper might not seem blank, if it had fallen into such hands as would have opened the letter) the main business was written in such dark and unperceiveable manner, that none could read it, but such as were acquainted with the ways thereof. And thus it was:  
I have read your Lordship's letter, and am very glad that my opinion did so jump with your Lordship concerning that point, whereof you wrote that you have not been forgetful, and that you mind to hold your ground as near as can be, from which you think that other matter to be so far different, and so contrary to all reason, that no man (as you believe) will propound it to you directly. That which made me fear that it would be propounded (besides the speeches sounding that way) was the end of your Lordship's letter (written before) wherein you make mention, that some thought it necessary for your cause, that ye should enter with them into some strait, and indissolvable bond. This I took to be a mean to try your Lordship's mind: First, in that general, that afterward they might come to the particular, which would be, that the best way to make it straight and indissolvable; were to have it of your Lordship's hand-writing. For as concerning the lawfulness thereof, it did seem to some unlawful (as I wrote to your Lordship at greater length) and I had heard also generally that there was some scruple made by your Lordship to enter into bond with them. And because (if I be well remembered) before your coming from Scotland, you were resolved to receive them into the society of that common action, and to compose any particular of your own which you had against them; I did the rather think that some new occasion had occurred, which had made you nice and difficult to it now. And if I have failed in my conjecture of the cause, it is no wonder that (not having knowledge of the particular circumstances whereof you now write) I lighted upon that which seemed to me would breed greatest difficulty in this. If it be not so, I am contented to be deceived, & could wish that every man's mind that shall have hand in that action, were as upright as your Lordships, than we might hope that it would prosper so much the better.  
However, I cannot omit to put your Lordship in mind of this general caveat, to take heed, and have a care, that whatever bond be made, it may be perspicuous, clear, plain, and as particular as may be: for the more particular it be, it is the better for your Lordship, who meaneth uprightly, and for all others that have the same meaning, and who do desire that their upright dealing may be evident unto all men. It will also (being such) be less obnoxious and subject to the calumnies and sinister interpretation of the adversary and enemies, who may seek to traduce your Lordship, and make you odious thereby. It will likewise be freest, and not liable to the sinister gloss, and wrong interpretations of those, who shall be bound by it, if they should (perhaps) hereafter seek any evasion or subterfuge to frustrate it, and make it void through the generality or ambiguity thereof. And by the contrary, where a bond is couched in obscure, general, and doubtful words, it is both more easy for them, who list to deal after that sort, to elude it by some wrested construction; as also for such as would calumniate your Lordship's intention, to find greater colour to do it. Concerning which purpose, I remember a distinction which the Earl of Gowry made, upon occasion of the bond which your Lordship remembers was presented to him to have signed it: It is (said he) very good, and well penned, but it is too prolix to be a Bond, and too short to be a Proclamation, or Declaration: for a Bond (said he) ought to be short, and general; but a Proclamation or Declaration, would contain the particulars. I was then, and still am of a contrary mind: for I think a Bond should be clear, and special, and contain the causes of their binding; and that a Manifesto or Declaration should be conformable to it, and the very same in substance and effect, having the selfsame reasons and narration; only it ought to be amplified with admonitions and exhortations, which are not proper nor pertinent for a Bond. And I believe no man can show me what inconvenience can follow upon the prolixity of a Bond, unless it be the greater pains of the Writer; which is recompensed with this great advantage, that being drawn up at large, it needeth no other expositor, or Pleader for it, but doth expound and justify itself. And your Lordship knoweth what great necessity and need there is of this circumspection in this case, that the very band itself be an exposition and justification of itself, into whose hands soever it shall happen to come. For its own interpretation of itself cannot be rejected, when no other will be admitted to expound it. For this purpose let them that please read and consider the Memorials of France, of the Low-countrieses, and of Germany in the beginning of their Reformation: they shall see that the tenor of all these bands, contains ample declarations of the causes wherefore, and the reasons moving them to join themselves together in that kind of association, as also for what end they did it, so that no Declaration can be more large. But I did declare my opinion to your Lordship in the like matter long ago; and I doubt not, but, if it shall please your Lordship to weigh and consider it, you shall easily find how necessary it is (for many respects) that into whatsoever band you enter, it be clear and particular.  
Whereas it pleases your Lordship to write, that if you can find a fit occasion (whereof you also have some hope) you will cause employ me here, and withal you add (That none should refuse to further the business all they can) I am not so ignorant, or forgetful of my duty, as either directly or indirectly to refuse that service, or any other your Lordship shall be pleased to command me. But I see there are divers others who seem to be so diligent, that my pains will not be very needful, as I doubt not but your Lordship knows sufficiently. When it pleases them at any time, in half words, and dark speeches (like parables) obscurely to signify aught to me of the State of business, they appear and seem to me so deep and profound mysteries, as I can no ways understand or know what to make of them. Wherefore I am very well contented that I am free of them, and to be a beholder of all, leaving the managing thereof to those who know these obscure grounds better, and like better of them, than (it may be) I should do, in regard of their deepness. I had rather employ my time upon other thoughts far more pleasing to me (where duty rightly considered calls me not from them) than business of that nature. They are not desirous of any companion or copartner in their travels, nor am I desirous to encroach upon their labours, or the labours of any man, or to bereave him of the fruit of his pains and industry, by intruding myself thereupon, and to be a sharer with him in the good success of his endeavours, if they shall happen to be successful. And as little am I willing (if there be no appearance of the prospering of it) to take the work out of their hands, which is (perhaps) marred already; or to enter in at the broad side, upon grounds already laid by them with this State, wherewith I have not been (as yet) so throughly acquainted as were needful for one to prosecute their work dexterously, and to purpose. However, I do not speak this to prejudge your Lordship, or that I mean to shun any burden you shall be pleased to lay upon me, and I am able to undergo (whatever it be) but only to tell my mind freely, that I had rather (if it were in my choice) your Lordship would employ me in any particular of your own, which might give me occasion to visit master Secretary (for your Lordship knows how ill I can trouble any man without an errand) and if upon that occasion he should happen to speak of the public business, I should manage the opportunity the best I could. However, my dutiful service ever remembered to your Lordship in what I can, in this mind and disposition (which your Lordship knows and leaving you and all to be rightly managed by that God, who certainly can, and assuredly will manage all things rightly, in whom I rejoice always to see your Lordship so depend,  
I rest in him, etc.  
The other Letter (the only extant of many) was written long after from London also, but to Norwich, whither he was then come from Newcastle. It is dated the 20. of March following, in the year 1584.  
Please your Lordship,  
SInce the writing of my other, the Earl of Lancaster hath been 
Another Letter from the Author to Angus.  (most part) from Court at his own house. On Saturday he returned, and I attended all that day, and the next day (till 12. of the clock) but in vain. At last, when he came to Westminster, I got speech of him with great difficulty in the Council chamber, by the means of one master Baptist (one of his chief Gentlemen) who professeth to love your Lordship entirely. I delivered your Lordship's Letter to him, and declared the credit: it was courteously received, with many loving words concerning your Lordship: That in that, and all other things, he would do for your Lordship what lay in his power: that his affection to your Lordship was no whit changed, but remained the same that it was of old, and that it should appear he was no less careful of you than he had been before. I went after that to Sir P●…ilip Sidney, who so soon as he saw me, (of his own accord, before I spoke to him) told me, That he had not been unmindful of your Lordship's business; that he had spoken of it to Leicester, and the Secretary, and that he would not forget it, but do in it all that could be done. I wrote to your Lordship before, what cold hopes I had to speed herein, and the cause thereof. Now I am put in better hope by divers: That your Lordship shall be licenced to come up, and that the Ambassador will insist against you, concerning which matter I shall show your Lordship farther (God willing) at meeting. He is gone this day to Court upon occasion of Letters which he received on Saturday at night: what they bear I have not yet learned. Only I hear no word of any alteration or stirring in Scotland, as it was reported, save that in the general there is an universal fear and envy at Court amongst themselves, and in the Country every where, of every man against his neighbour. However it be, if I be not mistaken, this motion (of your Lordships coming up hither) is occasioned by these last Letters: and yet it is said even by some of their favourers, that they think verily that your Lordship hath great wrong done unto you: which speeches argue but small hope to prove, yea, or to colour their pretended accusations, and that they diffide and distrust, that they shall be able to do it. And most men think, that if there be nothing wrung out of John Hume, by some one means or other (as there is no cause to doubt of the Gentleman's honesty and constancy) they will have no subterfuge for their false allegations, which must needs tend to your Lordship's good and honour, clearing your innocency, and confuting the calumnies of your enemies. I received a letter, by Master James Melvine, and Master Walter Balcanquel, (who arrived here on friday last) declaring the courageous and constant death of Manes, who gave testimony of your Lordship's innocency and loyal affection to his Majesty, by his last words. There was no other new matter of importance in it, being dated the 18. of February, not long after your Lordship's coming from Newcastle. But I shall have no more intelligence that way; for the Author is forced to flee hither, having been searched for, and escaped narrowly. He was delated by the confession of William Jafray (my brother Wedderburnes servant) who being booted, confessed he had delivered him a letter from me. It is done by Manderston, to make it reflect upon my brother; and he (to recriminate) hath accused his son George; and it is thought he will be able to prove it by George Hume of Cramnicrook: John Johnston is also fled, and great sums of money offered for him: this other letter will show what comfort I may expect from Scotland; or he, who is now in the same case. There is sure word from France, that the Duke of Guise is in the fields with an Army of 30000. or 40000. men: some say against the King; maniest, against Navarre, or Geneva.  
So ceasing to trouble your Lordship, I rest, etc.  
Out of these may be seen the honest and honourable dealing, together with the right and loyal disposition of the Earl of Angus, whatever hath been set abroach or intended by any other: as it is clear there have been some other motions made to him, which his heart could not incline to, nor his mind dispense with. For certainly, this fear could not arise without some great occasion; and what it hath been, or whether it did tend, as also who are likeliest to have been Authors of it, though it may be conjectured in some sort probably, yet I will leave it to every man's consideration of the circumstances and persons who were upon this course of joining together. For my task being at this time to draw, (though with a rude hand) as I can, the true draughts of this Nobleman's mind, whom I have now in hand: I could not omit this piece, whereby (though there were no more to be found of him) this general may appear, that duty, justice, and virtue, were the men of his counsel, and the square by which he ruled all his actions, from which, no extremity or hard estate, could ever divert him or drive him away; but to touc●… upon any other man, or glance at any thing which might rub a blot upon any, is besides my purpose, and no ways incumbent to me. But to return, it fell out with them according to this last letter: for as they were removed from Berwick to Newcastle, to secure the Scottish Court; so Newcastle being not so far from Edinburgh, but that within twenty four hours (or little more) they could have been there upon a necessary occasion, the Courtiers were put in fear by others, or feigned and imagined fears to themselves, for taking away of this (suggested, or apprehended) fear, as they had been removed from Newcastle to Norwich; so now they are brought from thence to London, as was pretended, 
The Lords brought to London.  to answer to the Ambassador's accusation, but indeed, to advise with him of the way, how they might be restored to their Country, and the Country rid of Arran, who was now become odious both to Court and Country. It is a true saying, That there is no society amongst Pirates without Justice: for if the Arch-Pirate take all to himself, or if he divide not the prey equally, the rest will kill or forsake him. The Earl of Arran knew not this rule, or regarded it not: for in parting of the spoil of these Noblemen, their lands, their goods, honours, government, and places of Command, he dealt them unequally; drawing most to himself, and in Council and guiding of the State, he was the only figure (or number) and the rest were but cyphers and instruments to execute his decrees.  
There were then at Court (of greatest note) the Master of Grace, a near 
Plotting against Arran.  Kinsman to the late Earl of Gowry, and of the ancient Nobility, who did hate and disdain Arran, for that he had been Author of the death of his dear friend, seized on his lands, and did presumptuously take upon him to govern the whole Country alone, being but newly raised to be noble. There was also Sir Lewis Ballandine (of kin likewise to Gowry) an ancient depender on the house of Angus: and Master John Metallane (Secretary) who had been indeed an enemy to the Earl of Morton, and was well contented that Arran should be employed to work his ruin; but he could not away with his peremptory, and absolute domineiring. These were the actors and great instruments of his fall: Grace, directly, and of purpose, the other two by conniving and being conscious to the plot, yet so as they would have seemed not to know of it, and they did rather give way to it, then work it. They all thought it reason, that they should (at least) have their share of the spoil in a fit proportion; but they could not have it any ways proportionable to their esteem of themselves. There was besides these, Francis Earl Bothwell, who (amongst other causes of discontentment) was grieved at the banishment of the Earl of Angus, his Lady's brother. Alexander Lord Hume had been discarded for being thought to be his friend: Sir George Hume of Wedderburn, and Sir James of Coldenknowes were known and professed friends to the Earl of Angus: and Wedderburne was of kin to the Master of Glames, and allied to the house of Marre. Robert Car of Cesford was also of the party, what out of love to Angus, what for emulation with the house of Farnhaste, who were on the other faction. His Uncle the Provest of Linclowdan (Douglas to his name) was a special stickler in the business: he was very familiar and intimate with the Secretary (Metellane) who without his advice did almost nothing. But above all, the Lord Maxwell (made Earl of Morton) entered into open hostility: for being charged to compeare, he disobeyed and refused; and by intelligence with the banished Lords he levied soldiers, slew one Captain Lammie, that was sent against him, with his companies, whom Johnston did assist. Hereupon a Proclamation was set forth in the King's name, that all that were able to bear arms, should come and follow the King, who was to pursue him in person the 24. of October. These and many others (and indeed the whole Country) agreeing in this conclusion, that Arran was to be removed from the helm of government, which he steered so ill: the Master of Grace was sent Ambassador into England, and had broken the business with the Lords concerning their return, and his removeall. Now Sir Lewis Ballandine is sent up Ambassador with Commission to accuse them of a conspiracy, detected by Duntrethes 
Sir Lewis Ballandine Ambassador in England.  deposition: Hereupon they are sent for from Norwich, to make answer to it. The Master of Glames being of greatest age and learning, they made choice of him to plead their cause before a certain number of the Counsellors of England, deputed by the Queen to hear and judge of it. Their own innocence, the ability of the pleader, and the favour of the Judges meeting together, made them to be easily absolved, notwithstanding, that the Ambassador did his best in framing, and pressing his accusation to the full, to discharge his Commission every way. It is a pretty sport to consider the proceedings of the world, and what masks and vizards men do put on sometimes to cloak their designs. With what respect and reverence did they carry themselves towards my Lord Ambassador? and with what strangeness and aversation did he look upon them? One day as the Earl of Angus was walking into the fields for his recreation, he encountered the Ambassador coming from Tuttle-fields in a narrow lane, ere he came near, he espied him, and knowing it was he, he called to his servants to give way to my Lord Ambassador, and he himself standing aloof with cap in hand; made a low reverence to his Lordship as he passed by. The Ambassador again acted his part finely, remembering his place, the person he represented, and the errand for which he was sent (to be his accuser) with a countenance which did bear anger and grief in it to see the King's rebels, he turned away his face, and would not so much as look on that side of the street, notwithstanding that he both loved and honoured him in his heart, and was even then laying the groundwork of his restitution. He being gone home, the plot went forward in Scotland. England was no better affected toward Arran, than his own Country was: they did altogether dislike of him, and suspected his ways, they conceived that he did prosecute the Guisian plots begun by Obignie, and which had been interrupted by his disgrace, and discourting. And yet they acted their part also, bore fair countenance and correspondence with him, and he with them, but all was but dissimulation, and like a stage play. The Lord Hunsdon Governor of Berwick, and Warden of the Marches on that hand, paid him home in his own coin, and entertained a show of friendship with him, but no more. Divers meetings they had upon the borders, and many fair promises were made by Arran, to keep back England from favouring or aiding the Lords: That the King should be at the Queen's devotion, that he should follow her advice in all things, that he should not marry without her consent, and that he should make a league with her, offensive, and defensive. The Master of Grace, Ambassador, had promised so much, but when the English urged the performance of it, it was a jest to see their fine shifting. The Master of Grace put it upon Arran, Arran upon the Master of Grace, and the King professed that neither of them had warrant or direction from him to say any such thing, and therefore he was not tied to make it good: they were too sharp and quick sighted not to see through greater clouds. In the mean time it fell out at a meeting of the Wardens of the middle-marches, that Sir Francis Russell (son to the Earl of Bedford) was killed, whether 
Sir Francis Russell killed.  by chance or of set purpose, is uncertain. This did alienate them from the Courtiers, and joined them to the Lords, whom they knew to be honest, true, and trusty, and therefore they wished well to them, and helped forward their enterprise endirectly all they could. While matters were thus in working, the Lords remained still at London, and were lodged at a place appointed to them (called long-ditch, near Saint James Park, whither the banished Ministers resorted, and kept continual exercise of preaching, praying and fasting (on occasion) in a private manner, without ostentation or notice thereof in public, being done within their lodging only.  
There was a motion made to the Counsel of England, that there might be a particular Church allowed, and allotted unto the Scots, as 
The Scots sue fo●… a Scottish Church at London but cannot obtain it.  the French, Italians, and Dutch, have their Churches apart: but it was not granted, they being unwilling (apparently) that being of one language, our discomformitie with their ceremonies should appear to the common people. This grieved us greatly, and especially Master James Lowson, who partly for that, partly because of a letter written to him from the town of Edinburgh, (in which they did unkindly reproach his flying into England as a desertion, and did renounce him for their Pastor, calling him a Wolf, who had fled without just cause, and had joined himself with rebels, and such other calumnies, as Bishop Adamson had indicted, and caused the Provest and town Counsel sign) he sickened and died, being much lamented, both of English, Scots, and all that knew and were acquainted with him. Notwithstanding that they could not obtain a peculiar Church, yet the Lieutenant of the Tower, being acquainted with some of our Ministers, he desired them to preach in his Church within the Tower (which is a privileged place, and without the jurisdiction of the Bishops) and many of the people came thither to hear them. Amongst other exercises, Master Andrew Melvine read Lectures in Latin upon the old Testament, beginning at Genesis, which were much frequented; and the Earl of Angus was a diligent Auditor, and a painful repeater of them for his own use and contentment.  
But now the negotiation of their return being far advanced, and come even to the maturity and full ripeness, Angus, Marre, the Master 
The Lord's c●…m●… to the Borders.  of Glames (with a few on waiters) take post from London, and came with all expedition to the Borders. They had composed their differences with the Lord Maxwell, and the Lord Hamilton, and so all were to join in the common business, with one heart and hand, as one man. Before Angus came from London, he wrote to his friends in Scotland after this sort: You have now known by M. John (colvil as I think) that we stay here only till we receive n●…w advertisement from the Provest of Lincluden, in name of the rest of our friends that should join with us in that Country; after the receipt whereof we mean not to stay, but immediately to come down; wherefore be ye not unready, seeing others will be forward enough, as we believe. At our first coming we mean to be quiet two or three days, in which space I mean to speak with some principals, and by their advice to go more plainly to our purpose. This State will not seem openly to know our designs; but we are to receive some help of Monies, for so it is promised. Sir William Russell shall also join with us as a malcontent, having been of late ill used by that State (in kill Sir Francis) but not as having any command so to do. If matters go on, we mind to enter on both hands. Hamilton and Maxwell shall enter on the West-borders, Angus ●…nd Marre at the East, with such as will join with them there.  
Thus did it please him to speak of himself in the third person, howbeit it was written all with his own hand. But Sir William Russell did not join with them. Angus, Marre, and the Master of Glames came to Calsoe, and remained there with the Earl Bothwel two or three nights. Thither came the Lord Hume, Sir George Hume of Wedderburne, and others of their friends; and with common consent from thence they went to Jedbrugh, where they made their coming known, and professed their intentions. Upon the report hereof, Colonel Stuart was sent against them with such forces as he could get, and came to Peebles; but he found that he had not to do with irresolute and linger folks, as the Earl of Gowrie, nor with such deserted and abandoned men as had fled from Stirlin, and therefore he retired in due time, to tell tidings of the certainty of their coming. They took their journey toward Hamilton, and there joined the Lord Hamilton and the Lord Maxwell; and so altogether marched to Fawkirk. They caused publish Declarations every 
They come ●…o Fawkirk the 1. of November 1585.  where, containing their intentions, and justifying their proceedings, which are set down word by word in the History of Scotland, written by Holinshed an Englishman; who pleaseth, may read it there. The sum is not unlike to that which was made before at Stirlin (when they fled to England) only such things were added thereto, as had fallen out since then, in the time of their abode there. 
Their Declaration.  As namely; First, The proceeding by cruelty under the shadow of the King's name, whose Predecessors did commonly labour to win the hearts of his Subjects by clemency: Secondly, The executing, imprisoning, banishing (by wrested Laws) the worthiest, most ancient, and the most faithful (to GOD and the King) both Noblemen and Barons: Thirdly, Acts and Proclamations published, inhibiting Presbyteries & other exercises, privileges and immunities allowed by Parliament, or practised and permitted by laudable custom of the Church, without which, purity of Doctrine, & the right form of Ecclesiastical discipline cannot continue: Fourthly, compelling & forcing the most learned and most religious men, and such as were of most entire life & conversation, & of most sincere conscience, to forsake their Country; or inhibiting them to preach, and defrauding them of their Stipend, by violence: Fifthly, the entertaining of Jesuits, and executers of the Decrees of the cruel Council of Trent: Sixthly, obdurate Papists having place in Session, and honest men removed, an evident proof and presage of intention to root out the true Religion: Seventhly, the thrusting of Magistrates upon Burrows (contrary to their privileges) which were neither free of the Towns, nor fit to discharge the place in their persons: Eighthly, the secret practices of James Stuart, and the Colonel, to turn the love and amity which hath been now of a long time entertained with England (very happily) into open hostility, having had intelligence with such persons as sought the Queen of England's destruction: a point confessed by divers her Rebels, executed in England, and which appeared by the slaughtering of the Lord Russell, a man noble in birth, honourable by virtue, zealous in Religion, of great expectation, and a special friend and lover of Scottish men, notwithstanding that they had made show of the contrary for certain months, and had pretended to enter into an offensive and defensive League with her. The conclusion was, We command and charge in our Sovereign Lords name (as his born Counselors, who are bound in duty to be careful of his welfare, honour and reputation, for which we have our Lands and Inheritances) all and sundry his subjects, to further and assist this our godly enterprise, to concur with us, and so to give testimony of their affection to the true Religion, his Majesty's welfare, and public peace and quietness of this Realm. It contained also certification, That such as should attempt any thing to their contrary, yea, that did not take plain and open part with them, should be reputed as partakers of all vice and iniquity, as assisters of the said treasonable Conspirators, (James and William Stuarts) and enemies to Religion, to his Majesty, and Authority, and to the public quietness of the two Realms, and should be used as such, in body and goods. Commanding all Justices and Magistrates, as well the Lords of the Session as others, Sheriffs, and whatsoever inferior Judges, to administer justice, for the furtherance hereof, as they would answer upon their allegiance and highest perils: with the like certification to them also, if they failed herein.  
They stayed at Fawlkirke that night, being the second day of November, 
The Road of Stirlin.  and kept strong watch, being within five miles of the enemy. It was observed with great disdain, that the Lord Maxwel, who had the charge of the hired soldiers that were put on the watch, and so the choice of the watchword, gave it, Saint Andrew; as smelling of his superstitious disposition, and which was a blemish, and contradiction (in a manner) to their declaration, wherein they professed to stand for the true Religion. But it was rather privately grudged at, than publicly reproved. On the morrow there came a message from the Castle of Stirlin, as from the King to the Earl Bothwell, whereby he was desired to forsake that Company, and either come to the King, or return to his own house, which he pleased. This was a trick to divide them, and which did so work upon him, that if the Earl of Angus had not partly by reason persuaded him, and partly by his authority (being a man greatly respected) detained him, and fixed his wavering mind, he had forsaken them altogether, not without great danger to have weakened the hands and hearts of the rest, by such an untimely example. On such moments (many times) do even the greatest business depend. But God had determined to bless that Work at that time in their hands. That rub being removed, they march forward, and about the going down of the Sun, they showed themselves at S. Ninians Kirk, which is scarce a full mile from Stirlin, and were seen from the Castle wall, of friends and foes. They lodged thereabout as they could, till near the dawning of the day; and then upon a secret sign given to the Companies that had dispersed themselves into the neighbour Villages for better lodging and victual, without sound of Drum or Trumpet, they came to their Camp and Colours. The way of assaulting the Town was laid down thus: First, one of the Commanders, with a few Companies, was directed to go and make show, as if he meant to enter the Town through some Orchards that lay on the West side thereof; and at the same instant another (with some other few Companies) was sent to go through the Park as if they had intended to assault it on that hand, near to the Castle hill; while in the mean time the Noble men themselves, with the gross and body of the Army, marched on the South side, and passing the ditch a little above the Mill, going through some Gardens, entered at a certain narrow Lane, not far from the West gate, where the way was so straight, that single men with weapons could hardly pass it. The hired soldiers which carried shot were set foremost, to remove any that should offer to make head against them. They that were within the Town were equal in number to those that were to assault it without; noblemans, (the Earl Martial, and the Lord Seton) and Barons, who were come, out of obedience to the King's Proclamation: These had the keeping of the West gate. But the only enemies were James, and the Colonel (Stuarts) together with Montrose and Crawford, in respect of some particular quarrels. For Montrose had been Chancellor of the Assize, by which the Earl of Morton was condemned, and was esteemed to have been a bad instrument therein: And Crawford had killed the Lord Glames, the Master's brother, whereupon deadly feud, and divers murders had ensued on both sides. The rest, though they did not openly assist the invaders, yet did they wish them no hurt, nor make any resistance against them. There were in the Castle, the Master of Grace, and Sir Lewis Ballandine, who were suspected by James Stuart, and not without cause. He knew also that Master John Metellane bore him no great good will. These he intended to have rid himself of, and to have slaughtered, but they were too strong to do it without great hazard; and besides, it had been but little wisdom to have gone about that, wherein if he had failed, it would have been his overthrow, and though he had prevailed, it would not have freed him from his enemies without. All he did was, that the Colonel with some shot, was set in the Street near the West-Gate of the town, which was the place likeliest to be assaulted, James Stuart himself stayed about the Bridge, having the Keys of that Gate in his pocket, making that backdoor sure for his last refuge to escape by it. The Earl of Montrose was placed at the foot of the Castle hill, to make good the entry through the Park. The event was, that having entered the Town through a narrow Lane, they were welcomed and entertained by the Colonel with some shot in the street, but seeing that they were resolute, and more in number than he was able to deal with, he retired to the Castle. In this entry there was but one only (of the Lords side) killed, and it is uncertain whether it were done by the Enemy, or by one of his fellows, who were so unskilful in handling their Muskets, that their Captain said, That who had known them as well as he did, would not willingly have marched before them. The Earl Martial and the Lord Seton, seeing the Colonel so quickly quit the Field, stood still at the Gate, invading no man, and no man invading them. The Earls of Montrose and Crawford, hearing the tumult of the Town taken, on the other hand, forsook their station, and were received into the Castle. James Stuart fled by the postern on the Bridge, and having locked the Gate behind him, he threw the Keys into the River. The Colonel in his retreat was followed so near by Master James Halden (brother German to John Halden of Gleneagles) that he overtook him, and was laying hand on 
M James Halden slain.  him, but in the mean time was shot by Josua Henderson (a servant of the Colonels) and so died presently. He was a young Gentleman, much lamented of all that knew him, being lately come out of France, where (as also in Italy) he had lived divers years, with great approbation of all his Countrymen, being greatly beloved for his sweet courteous disposition. If it were lawful here to bewail a particular loss, I have just cause to lose the reins of my private affection, and pay that tribute of sorrow and tears which I owe to the memory of so faithful, upright, and trusty a friend. For the present it shall suffice to say thus much (and let it remain as a poor witness of some small grateful remembrance, as long as this piece can remain) that before him I found not any, and since have known but very few so hearty and sincere friends, as he was to me from our childhood for many years.  
Having thus without any further loss or hurt made themselves Masters 
Stirlin taken by the Lords.  of the Town, all rejoiced at their success, and with cheerful minds and countenances welcomed them, and congratulated their return. One thing was like to have bred some stir and tumult, but that the parties interressed knowing the Lords own noble disposition, and how these things could not be helped, bore patiently the loss they received, for the joy they had of the public good. This it was; when the Nobles and Gentlemen alighted to enter the Town on foot, they gave their horses to their footmen to be held without till they had made all clear within. While they were busied in assaulting and rambarring, Colonel Stuart; the Annandale men (and others also by their example) who came with the Lord Maxwell, seized on their horses, and went clear away with them, having spared no man friend or foe, of their own, or the adverse party. It was no time to follow them, and though it had, yet could they not do it, their horses being gone. That day they lodged in the Town, and kept watch and ward about the Castle, that none might go forth, or come in without their knowledge. Robert Hamilton of Inchmachan, who had falsely accused Master Douglas of Manes, and Master Cunninghame of Drummiewhasle caused himself to be let down over the Castle wall (at the backside thereof) in a basket, thinking so to escape; but he was perceived, followed, and slain (in the Park) by Johnston of Westerhall, receiving that just reward of his betraying innocent blood. The Lord Hamilton himself when he heard of it, said he had gotten but what he had deserved. The Castle not being provided of Victuals, and no man (almost) caring to defend it, it could not hold out: wherefore messengers being sent to and fro betwixt the King and them, all things were agreed on; and so the fourth of November the Gates 
They come into the King's presence.  were set open, and the Companies entering, the noblemans presented themselves before the King in all humble and submiss manner, and did by their carriage and behaviour really confute the calumnies of their enemies, who had accused them of traitorous intentions and practices. When they came, they used not many words; only, They were his true and loyal Subjects, ready to serve him with their blood; and that they were come to declare themselves, and to clear them from those calumnies which wicked and seditious men that sought their own particulars, had filled his Majesty's ears and mind with, and so made him to be suspicious of them without cause. The King answered lovingly; That it was true, and that he now saw that he had been too long abused. That it was certainly the mighty hand of GOD working with their good affection that had brought them so through without shedding of blood. And so embracing them heartily, he welcomed them with a cheerful countenance; desiring that they would forgive and spare the Earls of Montrose and Crawford, who were afraid to lose their lives and estates, being conscious of their own deservings. This request divers of the Earl of Angus his friends would have had him to have denied; but he, by a rare moderation, and to show how far he regarded the desires of his Prince, being willing also that the whole work should be free, not only of innocent blood, but even from particular (though just) revenge, neither could nor would refuse it.  
This was the Catastrophe of this Tragick-comedie, acceptable and joyful to all (except these few particular men) and harmful to none, which did justify their (unjustly condemned) former meeting at the same Town of Stirlin, which if it had had the same success, had produced the same effect, as it had the same aim and end. It justified also those of the Ministry who had fled to England, and those at home who approved and favoured them, that in so doing, they did not favour Traitors, or ●…raiterous enterprises. This the Earl of Angus (above all) did observe, and did often remember this consequent of the success, with no less contentment than the success itself, esteeming it a greater mercy and favour from GOD to have thus cleared their innocence and loyalty, than that he was restored to his own home and inheritance. And therefore he did often call to mind, and mention that speech of the Kings, That it was the very hand of GOD which had prospered their enterprise, and given them that success without blood. For though it may seem no hard matter, in respect of the general favour of the Country, yet if we consider what a desperate enemy, loath to quit such places as they have enjoyed, is wont to do, it will seem strange that they should without once striking a stroke thus be gone without more ado. But as it hath been found in broils (and I have particularly observed) that GOD hath preserved their hands from blood, whose hearts did abhor from the shedding of it, even upon such occasions as men thought they could hardly avoid, either to be frustrate of their intentions, or to obtain them with much blood; where by the contrary, many whose feet have been swifter, & their hearts less careful of it, have on very small occasions fallen into it. So in this public business, it pleased GOD to look on the hearts of the actors, and according to the innocence thereof, to dispose of the means of their restoring, that their hands were kept pure from the blood of any. He observed also of the Town of Edinburgh, how it had pleased GOD to cut short their aid and assistance, which they might have given the enemy by laying of it waste and desolate through the death of 20000. persons of the plague (which had raged there) whereby the rest were so terrified, that they were glad to forsake the City. For the Courtiers did most repose and rely upon them, who were readiest upon the sudden, and who (upon the least advertisement) were wont to come at their beck, without any disputing, or questioning the lawfulness of the quarrel or justice of the cause, but took every thing as from the King, whatsoever was commanded in his name, as they had given proof before, when they convened at Stirlin; having been the first that were sent against them, when they were forced to flee into England. This plague began immediately after their flight, and the departure of their Ministers, and increased daily with such terror and fearfulness in the hearts of men, that every man did interpret it to be the immediate hand of GOD, striking them for their obsequiousenesse to the Court, and contempt of their Ministers; and now they being returned it diminished daily, so evidently, that after their entry into Stirlin, it ceased, not by degrees or piecemeal, but in an instant (as it were) so that never any after that hour was known to have been infected, nor any of such as were infected before, to have died. The Lane also, in Stirlin, by which they entered; was wholly infected, yet no man was known to have been tainted with it, or to have received any hurt. Nay, the men of Annandale did rob and ransack the pest-lodges which were in the field about Stirlin, and carried away the clothes of the infected, but were never known to have been touched therewith themselves, or any others that got, or wore the clothes. They also that were in the Lodges, returned to their houses, and conversed with their Neighbours in the Town, who received them without fear, suspicion, or reproof, and no harm did ensue upon it. As for Edinburgh, before the first of February (within three months) it was so well peopled and filled again with inhabitants, as none could perceive by the number that any had died out of it. As if GOD from Heaven should have said, Lo, the cause of my wrath, lo, the cause of my mercy, with the going and coming of his servants: a rare and remarkable work never to be forgotten, as he did never forget it. And for my part, I think it merits to be recorded here, and that it is worthy that the remembrance thereof should remain to all posterity, so far as my weakness can preserve it, that men may see and learn to fear and seek that GOD who worketh so great things, and none can hinder him. A notable wonder, and next unto that overthrow of the Spanish Armado in 88 both in my time, both immediately by the hand of GOD: But this, so much the more evidently, as that there, some ordinary industry and help of man did intervene; here, nothing can be alleged to have brought it to pass, but the very finger of GOD. Let mankind advert and admire it. And whosoever shall go about to bereave GOD of his glory by laying it over upon chance or fortune, may his chance be such as his blindness or perverseness deserveth. Things being brought thus about, who would have been so modest, as not to have been so far ambitious, as in distributing the offices of the Kingdom, to have taken to himself, or bestowed on his friends some place of honour or profit? But Angus did neither take to himself, or procure any for his particular friends and followers. Let ambition be silent, and let her plumes fall, when she seeth herself truly contemned by him. He contented himself with that only which was his own; yea, he even dispensed and forbore that which was his own; modestly tolerating, that the Lands, House and Lordship of Dalkeeths, should still be retained by the young Duke of Lennox, upon the King's promise to be restored thereto, so soon as any occasion should fall out of providing some other Lands to the Duke; which was not done, till the Lord Methven dying without heirs male, the Lands falling to the King, he gave them to Lennox, and restored Dalkeeths to Angus. Out of the like modesty & will, to gratify his Prince in whatsoever he could to the very uttermost of his power; at the Parliament (held in Edinburgh 1587.) about two years after, he dispensed with his privilege of bearing the Crown at the King's request, and suffered the Duke to carry it, with protestation (and promise) that it should not be prejudicial to him nor his house in time coming, and so (with all meekness) submitted himself to take the second place, and carry the Sceptre. In this last point, it was thought wisdom to yield, so to disappoint those, who were thought to have put the King upon it, of purpose to have made a breach betwixt the King and him by his refusal. The former was not effected without the bribing of those Courtiers who did then possess the King's ear. Secretary Metellane got his Lands of Die-Water to work it; which when he would have holden of the King by renunciation, Angus refused to renounce, and would only give them, holding of himself, not without some indignation on both sides. It was hardlier constructed, that he suffered a decreet given in favours of Farnihaste to his prejudice, to be reserved, and stand good in his restitution. And thus did he behave himself in his private affairs.  
As for the public affairs of the Kingdom, he suffered them to be managed by the Master of Glames, to whom the rest of their society 
Glames Treasurer.  were most inclined, for the opinion they had of his wisdom, greater experience and age; as also for that now he was a prime officer of State (Treasurer) and allied with the Lord Hamilton; rather than he would enter into any contest, which might breed any division amongst themselves, being set altogether on peace and calmness, howbeit he did not approve of all their proceedings, and differed much in judgement from them, concerning the administration and handling of matters. So in the policy of the Church, though out of a sincere mind and true zeal, he favoured and affected the right form as much as any, and was much grieved, that such order was not taken in it, as should have been, & was expected; yet he did tolerate that course which the rest thought good to suffer to go on. For this they gave out, That the King inclined to the government of Bishops, and therefore it was not convenient to cross his inclination abruptly and directly, lest he should seem to be constrained or thralled in his actions (a point which they avoided carefully) and not used with that respect and liberty, which is due to a Prince: yet they said they should labour to work him to it with time, taking their opportunity as it should be offered unto them. And so indeed it was brought to pass; for Bishops were first restrained of their using their pretended jurisdiction, and by fact (de facto) even then brought under obedience to Synods and Presbyteries, and in the year 1592. the former discipline was reestablished by Act of Parliament, and all authority directly taken from Bishops. But neither in the former Parliament (holden at Linlithgow in December 1585.) neither in the next (holden at Edinburgh the 29. of July 1587.) was there any mention made thereof. This gave occasion of much discontentment to the best affected, and bitter contention betwixt the Court and the Ministry; they reproving this toleration of that unlawful office, and the King committing them for their freedom of reproof. So no man of any judgement and good disposition was satisfied with their proceedings. Notwithstanding, there was none of any degree, but had a good opinion, and thought well of the Earl of Angus, and excused his part of it, laying the blame thereof upon the rest, who (they thought) were more careful of their own particular, than mindful or solicitous for the state of GOD'S Church. And when I call to mind the disposition of men in those times, I cannot express it otherways than thus; That they accused all, but excused him; and yet they so excused him, that they did also accuse him; not for his want of goodwill, but for want of action. They were persuaded of the sincerity of his heart but they thought him defective in action according to their opinion, and would have had him to have taken more upon him than he did. Concerning which purpose I have thought it best not so much to deliver my own judgement, or use my own words in excusing or accusing what might be thought worthy to be excused or accused in him (for what is mine may be more obnoxious to men's censure) as to set down every point according to the judgement, and in the words of others, who were present eye-witnesses and special actors in those times: what they thought worthy to be reprehended, and what they required to have amended, which will comprehend whatever negligence or omission any man can lay to his charge: for as touching any fault of Commission, and doing what he ought not to have done, there was no man complained of him. To which effect, divers letters might be produced, which were written to himself by divers persons of all sorts, Civil and Ecclesiastical, Scottish and English, of the Ministry, which had been banished with him, and of the brethren of the Church of England: but I have made choice of one for all, which containeth the sum of all, both Church and State business, both private and public, and that in the Authors own words most faithfully, neither adding nor impairing any thing. To which we shall subjoin his own answer, in his own words (so far as our memory can serve) at least his own estimation, and judgement of every point; his ends, grounds and reasons of his actions, which he delivered in his most inward, and private conference, where it pleased him to open himself, as he was accustomed, freely, and even to the laying naked of his very heart and soul.  
The letter was (after the wont formalities) thus,  
HAving occasion of this bearer, I thought good to remember some things, especially that you would (as you know I intended to 
A letter written to the Author, concerning the State of those times.  have done) purchase in name of the Country, some to be sent to keep Justice Courts, in our Country and Teviotdale, otherways all will break. Also let the sitting of the Session be hasted, that such things as flow from their restitution may be decided, otherways some men may be greatly prejudiced and disappointed. As for Master John, it is hard for my Lord to help you both (I am still of that opinion) wherefore if no place fall about the King, let it not displease his Lordship that one of you seek some other course.  
After my departing from Linlithgow, I continued in great anger, whereof I am not yet fully freed, because of that sentence (or decreet) reserved to Farnihaste against the Earl of Angus: and though the doers be partial, yet I blame most his own simplicity (I must needs so call it) seeing his authority ought to put order to others, where now he is only a beholder of that which it pleaseth others to do. But he must either take matters otherways upon himself, or undo himself, and all the rest with him. For if the Master of Glames, forgetting the event of Ruthven business, will needs trace the steps of the Earl of Gowrie, it is not for the rest of the fellowship to be slothful to their own hindrance. They are indeed at Court, but are esteemed no better (abroad) than beasts in the Country, never like to acquire the favour of any; but continually declining out of the hearts of many of their well affected friends, who all speak, as though they saw already an evident ruin of them: and that (doubtl●…sly) deserved, for lying in their good cause, and not vindicating Israel from Aram. Remember whence they are fallen, and return, or we shall be forced to lament for that which we shall never be able to amend. If they stick to their cause, all is sure; otherwise nothing sure: for either their surety is by the King's favour (whereof I speak nothing) or the favour of the people: this they must have by pressing their cause; of Noblemen, for relieving them from bondage, and revenging their blood; of Gentlemen and Commons, for purging Religion, restoring of Justice, and providing that Tyranny thrust not itself in again. If this be urged, it will confirm such as are already in the cause, and will make more to join in it: So shall the cause prosper; and if occasion crave so, there is a party ever ready to take Arms for it. But if, omitting this, a flattering, or a fearful course be taken, who shall speak plain, and assist such fearful dissemblers? who shall credit them, when afterwards (as heretofore) they shall take on the name of the good cause? I wish the King's Majesty may be used with all Princely reverence, but not flatteringly fostered in tyranny to his own undoing, though I seem to see even now that these flatterers shall be worthily wracked. I ask them whether they had a just cause in hand or not? (and yet of all these evils, under the burden whereof the Country groaned, they have opened nothing at all to his Majesty) why is it not then justified in deed by condemning the other worthy to be condemned? Is their cause already ended? And if not, why is it then left off? hath it not enemies? why should it not then be fortified against them? The Declaration of their cause, why was it published? To acquire favour at the hands of the people? And why then is there nothing done to retain this favour? yea rather, why are such things done, as procure their disfavour, and hatred? I see nothing, but as men have dissemblingly pretended a good cause with uncleansed hearts, God (to discover their hypocrisy) hath given them their heart's desire, but for their further ruin for their Hypocrisy. I cannot forbear to write this, though I be out of hope of any good, yet I suppose that such as have meant uprightly, shall (in God's favour) be provided for (though with trouble) when God shall require of those dissemblers the blood of such as have perished, and shall perish through their default, giving them a proof of their own wits, and their unfaithful hearts: They would not serve God, he made men their masters. Are means failed him? No: the last shall be worse than the first. It seemeth to me that God hath even prepared a mischief for them; and therefore given them over to their own devices, wherewith they are so drunk, and blinded, as men in a melancholic apprehension, who are past all cure of Physic. But this, above all, troubles me most, that till such time as good men be all undone, and the Land utterly ruined, and overborne with Tyranny, it shall not be resisted hereafter. For a new Generation must arise (that hath forgotten these things) before that any who shall pretend a common cause get credit: good men are so often deceived under that colour and pretext, and drawn on to their wrack. And certainly, rather than I were he, that (through mis-governance and evil order) should undo so many as are like to be undone at this time, I had far rather give my own life for it. But I speak to deaf men, and therefore I cease, committing to God the providing for those, whose hearts he sees to be upright, having from time to time kept nothing back of that which I knew would make for the surety of these men, and the cause, without troubling them with any particulars. If Angus could steer in his own room, he might redress the Master's errors: Speak to Dunniepace and Largoe: See what is done about the Barons, and give me notice of such direction as goeth to their Shires. I say, for conclusion, their earnest suit in particulars, and negligence in the common cause, convicts them before all men, and the King may justly say, They had no good meaning. But if it were mine to do, we should go all together to the King, and say, this or the like speech. Sir, in that ye have (as may be) redressed our particulars, we thank you heartily, though it was ever the least part of our desire; for God's Church hath been heavily oppressed (than tell him the particulars apart) Your Realm and Subjects have been tyrannised over: (than tell him also some proofs) Let therefore the Gospel be restored to the own liberty, and some men chosen to set down some sure policy which may last and continue. Let some also be deputed to hear the plaints and grievances of such as have been wronged, under the colour of your Majesty's name, and let their wrongs be redressed as much as is possible; and such order taken, that the Subjects may be out of fear hereafter of suffering, so they keep the Laws. Let the Laws also be revised by wise men, and such of them taken away as be hurtful to the Subjects (for you shall find the like Ordinance touching Acts of Parliament of old.) This being done, we doubt not, but God shall bless you, and your Country; seeing, the neglecting hereof, hath been the cause of the evils past. Sir, do it yourself, for the gain is yours, though we put you in mind of it. Now except this be done, there can be no continuing quietness.  
 
Post script.  
THeir foolish proceedings make all men to stand aloof. I hear the Lord Boyd is secretly in this Country of Scotland, but seeth not that in them which he could wish. Let the Master behave himself as he pleaseth, can the King but think that he would rather wish his own sister son King? I find great fault that the Abbots (Driebrough and Cambuskenneth) Lie abake, who are practitioners and partakers, as Mar at Ruthven: let them join together and be known.  
This letter being received, and a fit opportunity espied; it was 
Presented to Angus.  brought to my Lord, and without further ceremony; I have received here a letter (saith he) from whom, and from whence your Lordship may see. It is written to me indeed, but not for my sake, (for he knows my mind) but that I might so inform your Lordship concerning your estate, and the state of the public cause which you have embraced; and you might know what the thoughts of honest men are concerning it, what they think, what they expect, what they wish and require. I think it best that it speak for itself in its own language, let it be your Lordship's pleasure to read it. He took it and read it, and after a little pause; This (saith he) that is here in the beginning of this letter may be obtained, this Commission for Justice Courts, and this for our security we shall and must needs be careful of. There is next that which concerneth yourself; wherein I am sorry that occasion hath not served me to express in effect the good will I bore you, as I think I ought to do. And while he was about to go on in that purpose, the other interrupting him, made answer: Let it be your Lordship's pleasure to break off that discourse: I never doubted (nor never will do) of your Lordship's mind, which is enough to satisfy me; you know my ambition. I am content to do any thing, I am content to do nothing: hope did not bring me to this cause; frustrating, nor fear cannot divert me. If I can serve to any good use, I am glad of it: if I cannot, yet am I contented: it is enough to me that I have been willing, and gone as far as God hath called me: he knoweth how far he will employ any, and your Lordship is my best witness, that I never did thrust myself into your Lordship's public or private business. So far as you were pleased of your own accord to communicate with me, so far I knew and meddled. I know what men think, but this shall ever be my wisdom, or my folly (let who list account it so) yet if I were even aspiringly difposed, how can your Lordship do for your friends, at his Majesty's hands, who doth your own affairs with him by the mediation of strangers? But (seeing we are fallen upon this purpose) let it not displease your Lordship that Master John retire himself (as you see it is desired here) I will (by God's grace) run such hazard and fortune as may befall me, by being your Lordship's only; to which my mind, my liking, and the honour I have to be your Lordship's Kinsman, and will to honour and do what good office I can to your Lordship, do carry me; and if so I can serve your Lordship to any good use in any thing you have to do, it is all I crave: for the present let me be bold to ask your Lordship's mind and disposition concerning this letter, what you think rightly admonished, and what you intent about the prosecution or amending of every point in it?  
Before we come to this (said my Lord) let me demand a question of 
Discourse concerning Mr. craig's Sermon.  you first, and hear your judgement in a point which hath greatly perplexed me: you remember the sermon preached at Linlithgow, by Master Craig, what think you of it? I remember you told me you did not fully like it: but I would hear you again more particularly to refresh my memory, because it is greatly incident to this purpose, and seems to cut short all our actions. For if the case of all Subjects towards their Princes be such, what can we do but depend on their pleasure? The other (smiling a little) indeed my Lord (as it is in our Proverb) It is time to ask the question! for if you must depend on their pleasure, why did you not expect it? and stay in England till you were recalled? why came you unsent for? and that in such a manner? what is become of your Proclamations? and of all the fair reasons of it? you must go back again, and recant all, and cry peccavie for these things. Oh, (saith my Lord) that is another question, for what we did in that, was done of necessity for our lives and estates, and to remove that violent tyrannous man, who else would have undone King, Country, and all: But now that he is removed, and that necessity taken away, it is another case; how to deal with our Prince, to whom we owe such obedience, he being amongst Kings, Who are in the place of God, who are called Gods, and to whom is due the obedience to God. But leaving the particular, let me hear you of the general, What you think of that Sermon, and of his grounds? I know there are others also, that were not satisfied with it, but I would hear you. Having paused a little, he answered: Loath am I my Lord, to enter upon that task of censuring any man, chiefly a Preacher: I like better to dispute a point and discuss a truth, without touching upon any man's person, so far as it can be avoided. But seeing your Lordship draws me to it: I confess, we all disclaim implicit faith, and think we are reasonable creatures, apt to weigh and consider men's reasons, and yield assent to their opinions so far as they enforce, neither ought we otherways to consent, nor can any reasonable man enforce himself to assent, which makes me, in matter of consenting (chiefly in Religion) to dislike of constraint: For I judge of others as I find myself; the world cannot force me, nay, I cannot force myself to think otherways, than my judgement alloweth of. But to your question, I am more favourable to Princes, than many believe, and to monarchs: I account it a great and heavy charge, and burden, which hath need of great relief, and many comforts to recompense the pains thereof, and can permit much to a good Prince, yea, as much as he himself pleaseth; which will never be more than is good and just, though it were all the estates of his Subjects, and the whole Country to be guided by himself alone, with as absolute power as any ever spoke of, and yet not think that he had an hair's breadth of more power to do hurt. But to the question we are on; your Lordship remembers the ground that Master Craig did lay? yes (saith he) very well: It was that passage of the 82. Psalm (God sits in the assembly of the Gods) And what he built thereon? He built (said he) obedience to King's commandments and impunity without controlment; your Lordship remembers right, and reports the best of his speech in the fairest terms [Obedience to Kings, Impunity to Kings] whereas he said 
Of Obedience to Tyrants, and Impunity of Tyrants.  roundly, [Obedience to Tyrants, Impunity to Tyrants] which two who confounds, doth great wrong to good Kings. But whether we call them Tyrants, or Kings, which that Psalm speaks of, Who so infers these conclusions from thence, doth it without warrant from the text, the drift of which is clean contrary; not to extol or lift them up, but to abate their pride, and to humble them; not to secure them, but to terrify them; not to exempt them from death (the lot of other men) but to let them know that they are subject to it as well as others, and to threaten them therewith. Wherefore let men build up Power and impunity to Tyrants upon what other place of Scripture they please, I dare affirm that this place is most unfit for it. For here there is never a word of [Obedience] never a word of [Impunity] but by the contrary of [punishment.] Oh,! but it saith [I have said ye are Gods:] True, but it saith also [Nevertheless, you shall die] which two being put together, the one shows them their duty, [Do justice as God doth] the other threateneth punishment [Ye shall die if ye do it not.] But they will say, that this threatening is from God, and therefore God (indeed) may and will punish, but man may not. I answer, the Text makes no mention whether God will punish them immediately, or by the hand of man: but however that be, the scope of the Psalmist is to humble them, and he who from thence doth gather any Prerogative or impunity to them, gathers that which is contrary to the Text. Now to come to the particulars of the Sermon: To what use was it at that time to preach [Obedience] to Tyrant's? was it not sufficient to have preached [Obedience] to good Kings? And to have shown his Majesty to be a good King (if he thought that any man doubted of that point) which was more honourable for his Majesty, more beseeming a Preacher, more easy to persuade, then to root out the inveterate opinion of the lawfulness to resist Tyrants? Concerning his Arguments: 1. Was the first solid? [God sitteth in the assembly of Gods] therefore Tyrants sit in the seat of God: though it were true, yet it followeth not: and it is even like to this, The King sits in the Assembly of the Lords, therefore the Lords sit in the King's seat. As on the contrary, The King (being present) doth sit in his own seat, and the Lords do rather sit in his seat when he is absent, then when he sits in the Assembly amongst them. Also (as I have said) the presence of God is there mentioned: not to authorise, but to control them. Neither doth the Text infer, [Therefore obey them] there is no word of that there, but [Therefore they shall die] Because God sits and sees them, turns them, and perceives the wrong they do, and how they abuse their power, which is a contrary illation to his, and far more consonant to the Text. 2. His second Argument was [The people of God are commanded to obey Nabuchodonozor, who was a Tyrant, therefore all Tyrants should be obeyed.] How hard an inference! Of a particular extraordinary, to gather a general ordinary rule! If we allow of this kind of arguing, it will be replied: God commanded Jehu (a private man) to slay Achab (a Tyrant) therefore private men ought, or may slay Tyrants. 3. His third [David did not slay Saul, therefore no man should lay hands on a Tyrant] how loose is it? from example or authority, negative. 4. But the fourth [God placed the Tyrant in that place, therefore no man may put him out of it, though his Tyranny be never so great] what do you think of it? A man's goods are taken from him by a briggand, who doubts but God hath given them into the briggands' hands? But doth it therefore follow, that no man (not the Magistrate) may take them from him again, because God hath put them into his hands? yea, who knows but God hath cast them into his hands for that end, that they may be taken out of his hands, and he punished for it? Besides, this inconvenient will also follow hereon: if an usurper shall once get himself place in a Kingdom, no man (by this reasoning) may ever dispossess him again, to repossess the lawful King; because (without all doubt) God hath placed him there. This were a maxim very prejudicial to lawful and rightful Kings. 5 The fifth was a Simile] which all men know are ever lame, and do halt some way; yea those which he used, are brought by others to prove the contrary. 1. For even Children are sometimes made free from their Parents by the civil law Roman. 2. And Servants from their Masters, by God's Law given to the Jews; as, If his eye be beaten out, let him go for his eye. 3. Wives are divorced, and freed from their husbands, if the essential knot and tie of matrimony be violated, and broken: why then may not the tie we have to Tyrants be taken away? If the Essential cause of obedience (the image of God) justice) be violated, and cast off by the Tyrant, why may not the obligation of obedience cease? And this for his Arguments, which you see how frivolous and weak they are. As for his conclusion [Men may not put hand in Tyrants] it can never be deduced from his text: There is only one word, which seems to make for him [I said ye are gods] but the next words say plainly [Nevertheless ye shall die,] whereby it is clear, that this appellation of (gods) is not given them to free them from punishment, but to put them in mind of their duty; which when they neglect, they lose the name, and are liable to the punishment. So that (according to his own form of reasoning) if it follow from hence, that because God hath placed them in that place to do justice, therefore men should not take them out of it, though they prove Tyrants; it will follow far better; God appoints them to die, because they do not justice, therefore they must die, therefore men may make them die, when they become Tyrants in stead of being gods. Which kind of reasoning if he think not to be good, then must he quit his own reason, and leave this passage, as neither making for him, nor against him; neither exempting them from punishment (in calling them gods, which shows but what they ought to be of duty) nor yet giving express command for men to slay them, in this other word (ye shall die) which shows only what God will do in his justice. He alleged (as others also do in this cause) that the thing which moved him to broach this conclusion, was, because that if a liberty to kill, or disobey Tyrants be granted unto men, then good Kings shall not be obeyed, nor sure of their own lives, because seditious or ambitious men (of which there are enough) will call a good King a Tyrant. But your Lordship may consider the futility of that pretext; for by the same reason all laws are taken away, and all punishment of vice and wickedness. For where the law ordains thiefs to be punished, an unjust Judge may call an honest man a thief; and if we allow blasphemy to be punished, a Jezabel will find means to cause Naboth be accounted a blasphemer; and if we suffer sedition to be punished, Tyrants will call a good Patriot, a seditious fellow; free admonitions, treason; and any word of liberty, rebellion. Shall therefore sedition be unpunished? shall theft? shall blasphemy? And certainly there is more danger, and it comes oftener to pass, that a Tyrant should call an honest man seditious, than it is found that subjects call a good King a Tyrant. The people suffer much (what by custom, what through a natural inclination and love toward their Princes) and bear with many great faults, and seldom come to rise up against him, but when the injury is intolerable. And you shall find (when you please to try it) that they have comported more and oftener with wicked Princes, than ever they have made insurrection against good ones; nay, than they have made against the wicked, unless their wickedness hath been extreme enormous and pernicious. Yea, I doubt whether any can find an example of insurrection against any that was good, nay, against any tolerably wicked: whereas of the other side, many honest men have been oppressed, and put to death by Tyrants upon small or no occasion, upon a forged accusation, lie, or calumny. Wherefore it is a foolish and ridiculous pretext, to maintain Obedience, and the Impunity of Tyrants, that so good Kings may be obeyed, and secured: as if a man should plead for impunity to harlots, that so honest matrons may be secured. All is but folly, for there is but one way to secure honest women, which is to avoid whorish fashions; to secure honest and true men, to take heed they be not found breaking or digging through of houses. And let a good King beware and carefully avoid all tyrannical actions. So (and only so) shall he be sure (if word and work justify him) and free from all fear of punishment from God or man. And thus much concerning your Lordship's question, what my opinion is of that Sermon.  
But seeing we are fallen upon this subject, let me tell your Lordship how men, while they labour to put a good face upon this matter, wavering 
Bodinus his absurdity.  betwixt flattery of Princes, and truth of reason received, and allowed by the common consent of all men against Tyrants, involve and entangle themselves into many difficulties and absurdities. I will bring one instance for all, and that is Bodinus (a Frenchman) in his book De republica: fain would he make even Tyrants to be sacred and inviolable, and persuade that all obedience is due, and aught to be given them. And he concludes, that they are not to be touched by their subjects, but obeyed; whereof he gives this for his chief reason, Because their subjects have no jurisdiction over them: yet finding how hard it were to free them from all fear of punishment, he puts them into the hands of foreign Kings, and exhorts them to exterminate and root them out, commending it as a laudable action, by the imitation of Hercules, who traveled through the world (says he) to destroy these Monsters, Tyrants. Now let any man judge what good reason can be given for denying that power to the Country itself (under the pretext, because they have no jurisdiction) and to give it to a foreigner, who hath neither interest nor jurisdiction over another Prince. And whether is there more danger in the sedition of his Country people, then in the ambition of a stranger Prince? And which of them is likeliest to pick a quarrel against him, and to call him a Tyrant, and seek occasion to work their own particular ends? Besides, what shall be the part of the people in this case? Shall they fight against this foreigner, who comes to cut off their Tyrant? Who then shall come to relieve those from tyranny, that will take arms for defence of the Tyrant? Shall they join with him? Certainly in all reason they ought to join with him, seeing it is for their sakes that he under-takes the war. But that is Rebellion (if we believe Bodinus.) Shall they be neutral, and spectators? Even that is disobedience. And yet the same Bodinus says, That Tyrants are monsters; now there is no society (far less bond of obedience and subjection) with monsters. Yea, he says, That there is no society with Pirates, because they break the Laws of humane society; and Tyrants break them much more. This same man in his Daemonomania says, A King may become a Wolf; and that a great King in Christendom was one when he pleased. I ask him then, Whether such a King should be obeyed, when he is a Wolf? And if he should ever continue to be such, without returning to be a man, whether or not must he be ever obeyed in all things? Shall his sacred Majesty be reverenced? And (lest he should starve) shall he be fed with children's flesh (perhaps) because he will eat no other, or (at least) because he likes that best? Certainly, his reason will infer no less than that he should. And if he be ashamed to affirm this, and will confess that it is lawful to put such an one from his Kingdom, who hath put off humane nature, and can now no more guide a Kingdom: what shall we think of one, who (though retaining the shape of a man) hath a wolvish nature and disposition, being cruel, wicked, licentious, and overthrows all right and equity? And is not a Tyrant (for the like rea●…on) as worthy to be deprived of that Kingdom, which he cannot, or will not guide rightly, but destroys and makes havoc of all? Certainly, the reason is all one: for it is not the shape (so much) of a Wolf that men abhor, as the wolvish and ravenous nature and disposition. For suppose a good King were (contrary to his will) transformed by Magical incantation only, into the shape of a Wolf, who did retain his reason, his speech, his wisdom, justice, equity, meekness, and all good Government, omitting nothing that belonged to a good Prince, men would not so much abhor, as pity him, and expect till some way were found how he might recover his former shape, and would (doubtless) prefer his humane nature, though in the shape of a Wolf, to a wolvish nature, though under the shape of a man; it being far more tolerable, and far more advantageous for the Commonwealth, whereof the good and safety is ever to be respected and preferred in all things. And thus much for Bodinus.  
But will your Lordship be pleased to hear what that great Doctor 
Apol. cap. 34.  of the Laws (a professed Patron of Princes, in his book which he wrote of purpose for their defence) I mean Blackwood says concerning 
Of Blackwoods' opinion.  this question? It is (says he) an absurd thing to affirm, That a Prince's commandment should or may be dis-obeyed. Yet if a Prince command any thing that is unjust, it must not be obeyed. But how shall we do then? Even this, says he, when the commandment is unjust, we must suppose that the commandment is not the King's commandment: but either that it is, first, some feigned and forged thing under his name; secondly, or stolen from him at unawares; thirdly, or that being busied some other way, he did not take heed to it: Fourthly, or that he hath been ill informed: Fifthly, or mistaken it: Sixthly, or that he is misled and miscarried with some passion or prejudice. So in the point of controlling Princes, he cannot endure that the Sacred Majesty, God's Vicegerent, should be constrained or forced any way; that is absurd and abominable: Yet if he mis-governe the Country, so that the state of the Commonweal be in danger, the blame must be laid on his evil Counselors; those they may lay hands on, and take order with them; nay, hang them, if they please, and place good men about him, whose better advice he may follow. But by no means must they touch or meddle with himself in person. This opinion is such, that (I believe) he against whom he writes, hath not written any thing that may seem more hard. For if we may call his commandments (when they are unjust) stolen, and so disobey them; we are not bound to obey his unjust commandments. And if we may take order with his counsellors, who will be his counsellor? Or who will execute his unjust will? Nay, how can subjects do either of these two without a manifest controlling and forcing of him, Since he will oppose and interpret all as done against himself, and call it Treason and Rebellion against him? So that in effect, all comes to one. Besides, this way leaves that ground (which men so carefully pretend to avoid) which is, to call all his commandments stolen (though they be never so clearly his) and albeit they be never so good; as also of calling his Counselors evil, though they be not so. Whereby he makes them Judges both of his Commandments and Counselors; so that they may call it in question whether they be good or not; which doth brangle, and (indeed) overturn all that absolute power which he gave them before.  
I will not omit here to tell your Lordship of another distinction that 
Of Active and Passive Obedience.  some use against unlawful commandments: They grant that we should not give them Active Obedience, that is, that we should not do the thing commanded, but that we must yield Passive obedience, that is, Suffer what punishment the Prince shall be pleased to lay upon us for our refusing to do what he commands, whether it be a pecuniary mulct, imprisonment, or death itself. But if this be rightly weighed in the balance of reason, if the commandment be unlawful, the punishment inflicted for refusing to obey it, is also unlawful, and the commanding of us to under go that punishment, is likewise unlawful. Therefore there is no necessity of obedience to that command, according to Blackwoods' rule; for it is not the Kings; it is stolen. Therefore if a Tyrant command a thing unlawful, under the pain of paying a sum of money, a man is no more bound to pay the money, than he is to obey the commandment; for both are unlawful. far less is he bound to submit himself to a corporal punishment, or to lay down his life, or to enter into prison, which takes away his liberty, as dear to him as his life, and doth oftentimes endanger both his life and goods by consequence. If (I say) he can get these things avoided, he is not bound in conscience to under-go them, but may lawfully withdraw himself from them, and shun them. What he is to do when he cannot eschew these things, is not a case of duty, but of prudency: for that same question will come to be considered, when a man hath to do with a Robber (to whom he owes no obligation of obedience) if he be not able to resist him, how far he shall yield to him. Let us put the case then, That a Tyrant would (for our dis-obeying of his unlawful commands) invade us his subjects by Arms, we are not so bound to him, but we may avoid the blow; nay, the subject (in this case) may ward the blow, and put by his Prince's Weapon, he may hold his hands (if it be necessary) and if he cannot otherways save himself. And what will these that stand for Passive Obedience answer to those that suppose this case: That the Prince and his subjects were in a ship, and the Prince should command a leak to be made in the ship, by which the water might come in, and drown both them and himself? They will (perhaps) say, that they would not do it, although he should command it. But would they give him a Passive Obedience? Would they suffer him to kill them for their refusal? Would they give him leave and way to do it? Or would they set aside such ceremony, and stay him from it calmly? Put the Augre or Wimble out of the way, or keep it from him? Hold his hands; or (if there were need) even bind him rather? so to save themselves and him. Which if it be right and lawful to do for preserving a private ship, what shall be said of the Bark of the Commonwealth (I pray you) if a Tyrant do such things, which will cast it into danger of drowning and shipwreck?  
Now the ground of all this; First, (That tyrants must be obeyed; Secondly, that they must not be controlled, nor resisted, but get ever a Passive Obedience; Thirdly, that they must no ways be deprived, and far less touched in their persons) is in this (forsooth) That they are Gods; which name (as they allege) infers all these, Obedience, not resistance, not depriving, etc.; And indeed (to be God) carries more with it; it imports both Active and Passive Obedience to whatsoever he commands without exception, to kill his son with Abraham; for each man to kill his brother, as the Levites did. But how far these (called) Gods, come short of that privilege (notwithstanding of the name) I have said before: and therefore this appellation will not import any of the rest by any necessary consequence, no more than it doth absolute Active Obedience. Neither are Princes there compared to GOD, because of equal sovereignty or obedience due to them, but because of the likeness of the action, and to warn them to imitate him in justice. And to draw an argument from a Comparison of things, to prove an equality in them, in that wherein they are not matched or compared, is against the law of Similes, or Comparisons. Secondly, those who dispute in this sort, speak only of absolute Monarches (as they call them) but the name of [God] is not only given to absolute Monarches. It is given to the Judges of Israel before they had Kings: & the Turks use (at this day) when they go to law, this phrase, Let us go to God: by which they mean, not their absolute Monarch, the Emperor, but any inferior Judge, even the lowest and meanest, as (no question) even a Sheriffs depute, or a Baron's Bailiff sit in the place of God, when they sit to do justice betwixt parties; yet no man for that doth attribute absolute power to them.  
Behold the ground of your Lordship's cause, and of this so worthy an action done by you, to your perpetual honour, of rare memory and example in any age: lo what you have been; not contemplating and disputing in the Schools, but practising in the Commonwealth. For if it be not lawful to disobey the command of Princes (even of lawful and borne Princes) in any case, then is this that you have done, very unlawful. If it be a wrong to control their wills, then must this your fact be condemned as wrong. If it be not lawful to remove from them wicked Counselors and instruments of iniquity, then is this your act altogether unjust, enormous, unlawful and treacherous. But the world acknowledges, all men assent, and the Prince himself confesses, that you have happily achieved a worthy work, in freeing your King from the jaws of these wolves and lions, who devoured the Realm, and polluted his name and fame; that you have restored him to his honour, and that high expectation of him to his Country, and to the Church of God throughout the whole world.  
There rests only this exception and doubt in men's minds, whether or not this hath been your aim (in very deed) and the true scope and end of your enterprise; or if this be but incident and adventitious to your own particular designs. For it is sure, your particular was joined with it; but that is no fault: yea, I account him happy, whose lot joins his estate with an honest cause, so that they must stand or fall together; or whose mind and resolution casts him upon it. But it is of great weight, and makes a great difference, when the cause is our end, and (our particular but accessory, or contrarily) when our particular is the main motive, and the common cause but a by end, and embraced only to advance our particular. Your Proclamation (or Declaration) which ye published, speaks much of the public cause and commonweal; but you may perceive what men think (how your actions and doings since do not answer thereto) by this Letter. For they are begun to think, that howsoever you pretended the public, yet your intention was fixed only on your own particular; because you have done nothing for the Church or Country, and hath settled your own particular. And it is observed, That of all the Parliaments that were ever held in this Country, this last (held since you came home) is it, in which alone there is no mention of the Church, either in the beginning thereof (as in all others there is) or elsewhere throughout. This neglect of the state of the Church and Country, as it is a blemish of your fact, obscuring the beauty and lustre of it; so is it accounted an error in policy and civil prudency, by so doing, to divide and separate your particular from the common cause of the Church and Country; which as it hath been the mean of your particular restitution, so is it the only mean to maintain you in this estate, and to make it sure and firm.  
He having thus spoken, the Earl of Angus answered. I know 
Angus an●…  that question stands yet undecided betwixt those that stand for Tyrants, and those that are against them, and is disputed by Lawyers on both sides; as what is not disputed and called in question by them? I see also there hath been continual practice of both ways; and the practice hath been allowed or dis-allowed according to the success; The Nobility calling it Tyranny and misgovernment, and the Prince calling the controlling of him, Sedition, Rebellion, Treason. But if Doctor Blackwood say that which you say, he touches the point very right, and the fashion of our Country, whose ordinary custom hath ever been such, to take order with wicked Counselors, carrying all respect to the Prince, and as much reverence as ever any Nation did. Yet that beginning with the Counselors drew many at last by necessity to betake themselves directly to their Prince himself, when he would needs espouse their quarrel, and either to protect and maintain them, or to revenge them. So that if Blackwood say that it is lawful to punish wicked Counselors, he must confess also, that it is lawful to control Kings. Neither is he aware that in so saying, he makes the Nobility (or Estates) Judges to discern whether the Counselors be wicked or not; and whether their proceedings be for the good of the Country, which he will allege they are; and that both themselves are good servants, and their service good and profitable to him and the Country; and these actions which they do, and the counsel which they give, that they do them as his servants, and by his direction, as Counselors advising and propounding things, not prescribing or enjoining; and therefore what is done against them, is not done against them, but against him; and that they are not wicked, but good and faithful men. Now the case standing thus, to whomsoever he allows the power to put order to them as wicked, he allows them also power to cognosce of them as wicked, to judge of them as wicked; and that contrary to the judgement of their Prince who will never judge them such. And indeed, unless it be so, when wicked men shall wind themselves in about a Prince, and abuse his name, or pervert his mind, How shall the Prince be preserved? How shall the Country, the State, Religion, Laws, Order, and particular men's estates be saved from ruin? As hath been profitably and necessarily practised (divers times before) in this Kingdom; and of late by us upon a flat necessity for his own good, and the good of the Country. And for my own part (I will answer for one, and can answer but for one) his good did as much move me to that course, as any private interest of my own: and I still shall as much regard it (by GOD'S grace) so long as this weak life is in my body. I know not how long that will be, and who lives longest, lives but a short time; and I account not that he lives, who lives only to live this life, or to enjoy any thing that is in it. This Lesson I have learned substantially (so my GOD hath schooled me) and I speak it to you seriously, knowing to whom I speak. Neither shall ever any endeavour of mine have any particular for the last end of it. That all is not so well done and so clearly to the satisfaction of the Ministry, and all honestly affected, it grieves me as much as any, and I am not ignorant that these inconvenients follow thereupon, That we undergo the slander of respecting our particular, Of carelessness of the Church and Country; as though all our speeches and Proclamations tending that way, had been but pretexts, and that if ever any such business should fall out again, our credit will not be so great. Yet (not for these causes, but for the well doing itself) my desire is, That every thing be rightly done, because it is right so to do. But what can I help it? I am but one of the society, neither can I persuade my associates to do otherways, nor am I able to compel them, nor were it fit I should, it not being the Law of a society to do so; but to do all with common consent, and to obtain what may be obtained by a fair way, but to go no further. Otherways it would quickly dissolve into divers factions amongst ourselves, and make some of us join with others to the overthrow of us all: which if ever it come to pass, it shall never be through any occasion from me. Men think (I know) that my place is a principal one, yet it is but the place of one; neither is it so principal, but that there is as principal as it, equal to it, or (perhaps) beyond it, in respect of proxinitie to the Kingdom, if it should fall out so, which GOD forbid it should. For no King (you know) can ever be so near to me, and therefore there is none whom I should or will affect so much. And this is it that carries it away from me, and gives them no little advantage: The Lord Hamilton being next the Crown, is guided by the Master of Glames: and the Master delights to be deep in his counsels, and pleaseth himself in this form of managing affairs, which you see is now used. I have many times told him (and others also) my opinion, but cannot bring them to it. If I should take a course to cross and force them, How dangerous were it? Yea, what concurrence or assistance should I have? Or, of whose friendship could I assure myself? Maxwell, you know what his respects are: and what Religion he is of. I can never forget the Watchword he gave at Fawkirk, whereby he did plainly profess his disposition to superstition, Saint Andrew was it. And who knows what intention he hath to retain the title of the Earl of Morton. As for your Chief (the Lord Hume) dare we think better of him? My brother-in-law (the Earl Bothwell) how uncertain is he? What ado had I to retain him at Fawkirk? And what trouble have I still to keep him in good order? There is only one, of whose steadfastness and friendship I dare assure myself, as much as of myself, who is loving, faithful and constant, and that is the Earl of Marre: yet he hath been so tossed with troubles already, that he is loath to entangle himself a new, if it can be avoided any way. And why should not I be as loath to put him to any hazard, or to occasion any trouble to him, contrary to his disposition? GOD forbid, but that I should be as careful of him as he is of himself.  
And concerning their proceedings; as I do not approve them altogether, so dare I not condemn them altogether. We have to do with our Prince; what should we not do to gain him by all fair and Gentle means? We ought not to cross or thrall his will, but to draw it easily to a better temper; and not so much oppose him, as by complying with his inclination a little, to wind him from that ill way and course he hath been set upon. He desires to be at liberty, and to be known to be so, and it approves and justifies our proceedings to have it so, and testifies to him and to the world, our love and obedience, and what our minds have been from the beginning toward him. He promiseth not to withdraw himself from us, to join with others; our trusting of his promise will deserve that he should continue with us, and will gain his affection, which is a surer bond than a guard placed about him; which would entertain mutual suspicion, and move him to seek means of freeing himself from us: and hardly could any guard be so kept, but that one set to escape, might find a way for it; not to speak of the charges that were required to entertain it. Neither need we to fear much, though he had a mind to forsake us; for we know who would or could be our party, and what forces they have. That there are some suffered to remain about him, who are no good friends to us, nay, who have been evil instruments against us, proceeds from the same ground: for it is done, that himself and others may see his liberty, and what confidence we have in him. That the state of the Ministry is not brought to that point which we wish: we cannot get it done suddenly, except we will plainly and directly enforce his will: and how many would agree or concur to that? But we hope to work it with his own consent in time: for the Ministry insist in their right, and he commits them; and we intercede and mitigate his anger so far, that it proceeds only to a short and easy confinement or imprisoning. In the mean time, they have leisure to inform him, and he of himself will be wearied with such continual opposition; and will give way to settle such a course as they desire; and so it will be better and more durable, than if it should now be extorted from him by any show of compulsion. These be the grounds, upon which such as think themselves very wise amongst us, build their work; which though it be not so framed, as to give every man present satisfaction (who knows not what their way is? or if they knew, allows not of it?) yet when they shall find the effects thereof, they will think better of them. Neither are they afraid to want the assistance of such as are honestly affected, in case we should be assaulted by any; for they cannot betake themselves to any other, having none else from whom they can look for any good in the least measure: nay, who is there besides, that hath not a very bad meaning? And we, though we do not all the good they would; yet are we doing somewhat, and keep off much evil; and therefore they will rather take part with us, than suffer all to go to wrack. You may haply think that you have much to say against this: but (as I said before) though I approve not all, yet I do not condemn all; so I say now, though I report all, yet I do not approve of all; and do confess that we should do much more, and it were better if we could agree to it, and be all of one mind. Yet this is the wisdom of our deepest and profoundest Politicians, whom I am resolved not to cross nor press any more, but to take my hazard amongst the rest; and I do hope, GOD will provide for me as well as for them, and that my part shall be as well known every way to honest men. And therefore we will have no more objections nor reasoning at this time.  
Well, my Lord (said the other) it shall be so then; we shall reason no more of this Subject. Indeed your Lordship's part is best interpreted, save that they think that your authority should be of greater moment (as you may see by this Letter) and that you should rather go before all, than follow any. This one thing give me leave to remember concerning the King; He is the most apparent instrument that is in Europe (and so in the world) of whom we can expect greatest good and comfort to the Church of GOD; as being the only King that hath been bred in the purity and sincerity of Religigion, and therefore of great expectation; and because of this expectation, greatly favoured and beloved of all true Professors of Religion every where: He is of a great spirit, engine, wit, judgement, and learning. Great pity therefore it were, that such an one should be lost, either through corruption creeping into his own mind, or by the poisonable suggestions of others. You do therefore exceeding well to cherish him calmly, and to entreat him gently, and deal with him in an humble and submiss manner; which is the way to tame and gain even wilde-beasts that are without reason; far more is it like to prevail with reasonable men; and most of all with Princes, who in respect of the height of their place, are not to be violently thralled or enforced, which were the way to spoil them: as they write of Alexander's horse Bucephalus, whom Philip's riders could not manage or overmaster by force of bit or bridle, but Alexander by stroking and making much of him, made him manageable. And if ever you intent any worthy or great enterprise in this Country or in Europe, behold the mean, use it wisely, and the LORD of Heaven give success. But this (I hope) may be suggested to your consideration, that you would weigh with yourselves, and see whether or not this obsequiousness (so to term it) be the only mean to be used toward him, smoothing all, and allowing all; never mentioning the abuses that have been, and yet are in this Country; or if it be not fit also to remonstrate freely (though reverently) what hath been, or (perhaps) yet is amiss in Religion and the commonwealth, in some such form as is set down here in the end of this Letter. And whether it be fit or tolerable for the gaining of him to a right course that such men as have no good meaning, have his ear, and be his most intimate and inward Counsellors. Now I fear me greatly that the mean by which they have perverted all, and which may be still used to pervert all, and whereby they have gained most upon his tender age, is the eye he hath to our neighbour Kingdom of England, upon which his mind is greatly set, and to which (no question) he hath the right of succession; yet hath he need of assistance to obtain the possession thereof. And they persuade him (as he may also think of himself) that this cannot be done without help from the Papists in England, France, Spain, Italy, and from Rome itself; and that the way to make them to be for him, is to put them in hope of him, by (perhaps) a present toleration, countenancing, cherishing, and advancing of their Religion. And this (he may think) cannot stand with the purity of Discipline, and Government of our Church, which may make him the more averse, and hardly affected toward it, and think it fit to curb it, and so the more to incline to Episcopacy; by which as he shall more please the Statesmen of England, so shall he be able the more to restrain our Preachers, and their freedom of speech, and the more freely deal and traffic with Papists, and so make use of all sorts of people, because he may think all sorts necessary for his ends, whereas (indeed) none of these are of great consequence. For Papists that are without the Country (as France or Spain) will never in their hearts wish him to be King of England. France for his nearness to them will not desire that he be so great, in respect of his claim to their own Country, and because so the league with Scotland will fall, and they shall want the assistance of the Scots against that title. Spain pretends a title themselves, which the Papists in England will rather set forward then hinder. Such Papists as are within the Island are of small force, and almost of none yet in Scotland, and not so many in England as to counterpoise the Protestants. Bishop's there stand by the State, not the State by them; men of mean birth, no great riches, less following, attendance, or friendship; easy to be framed to what course he pleaseth, their life-time being reserved, or without condition. Those that seek Reformation are the strength of that Country, and certainly the wisest in it, of greatest power by the people's favour, and credit in Parliament, and every where. Your Lordship hath seen the letter directed to you all from some of them, containing their judgement, not to be contemned: gain these, gain that Country. This (as it is the truth) would be imprinted in his mind by such persons and means as are fit, and others removed, who persuade him otherwise, and his Majesty made to know, that by blending and mingling of Religions, or by professing, or seeming to favour and incline to a contrary Religion, he cannot attain to that Kingdom. That he is happy in this, that the professing and advancing of the true Religion is most profitable for his honour, and prosperous estate in the world, and the best mean to preserve his own, and to attain another Kingdom. Neither doth he stand in need of any bastard, or spurious policy, or far sought, profane, or wicked course; a plain and sincere uprightness, in maintaining justice, piety and religion in this his present Kingdom, will serve his turn; and the more seriously, fully, and exactly that he observe and follow this way, it will increase his credit and reputation so much the more there, and facilitate his designs. And this is that which will most throughly join him to your Lordship, as the opinion of the contrary is the most effectual mean that ever they can use to disjoin him from you. From the same ground it arises to be considered, whether it be fit to suffer his Majesty and the Ministry to be at such variance, they finding fault with him, and he committing and confining them; and if it be not to be feared that it beget in him a loathing of them, and in them and the Country a weariness of him: And whether (therefore) it were not better to interpose your credit to inform him freely and truly, then thus to look through your fingers (as we speak) and behold things, and only now and then procure some little relief to them; which form of dealing rather fosters the rancour, than remedies it, seeing the King gets not the thanks of it himself.  
Certainly if I were a Politician, an ill affected Statesman, and had a desire to make way for another intrant, I would take this course to incense him, and irritate him against the Ministry, that he might commit them; or at least feed and foster his disposition herein, that so he might be brought to loathe them, and to be loathed of them, and so take away that great expectation men had of his Religion, and their love to him for it: I would separate and divide him from such, and such from him; then bring him to a neutrality in Religion; then to countenance men of contrary Religion; then stir suspicions on each side; then alienation would follow; and what not? But as I am, out of my poor affection toward his Majesty, I do wish that these occasions were taken away. I wish (I say) that your Lordship see to it, as you would have things right, and out of that mind you spoke of, which was, that you have the honour to be nearer in kin to him, then to any King that can come after him; howbeit your Lordship is in the same degree of kindred with the next apparent, my Lord Hammiltouns children. But you desire no change, I know, and that it may continue in the present race, as I am persuaded that Hammiltoun himself hath no other mind: yet the matter is worthy your Lordship's consideration, so much the more, as ye have had experience how far evil company about him hath had power already to make things go on. I leave it, and rest, as having no part or particular save only to wish well, and to follow, as your Lordship goes before, In the mean time I have also here a note (of a sheet of paper or two) concerning the abuses in the Church and Commonwealth, sent to me by master James Melvin, to be (I know) imparted to your Lordship: you may lay it by you, and read it when you have leisure, for your remembrance.  
This he took; and having read a little of it, with a deep sigh, (which expressed the inward passion of his heart) God knows my part (says he) I shall neglect nothing that is possible for me to do; and would to God the King knew my heart, how I am affected to his welfare, and would give ear to me. But, etc.  
Many times was he most earnestly dealt with to take more upon him, to frequent the Court more, and to make his residence at it; especially by Sir Lewis Ballandine. His pretext was the common cause, and the good of it; but it proceeded from a particular betwixt him and master John Metellane, than Secretary, who had crossed him in some suit he had concerning Orkney, and drawn the half of it to his own use. For which cause he endeavoured to employ the same Gentleman to have persuaded my Lord to that purpose: but he knowing both my Lords inability of body, and averseness of mind, told him sincerely and plainly which way my Lord was inclined; and that his disposition was not to be drawn by any man farther than he thought fit, out of his own discourse of reason. And for his own part, he was to follow his Lordship, and not to go before him, or prescribe him what he should do. Sir Lewis grieved very much hereat, having been familiar with him of old, and complained to his friends, that the Earl of Angus was too slow, and that he had one with him that was as slow as himself.  
Not long after, the infirmity of his body increasing, and his strength and health decreasing, he was seldom able to come to Court, and could not stay long at it when he did come. I find (in a note of those times) that at the Parliament holden in Edinburgh 1587. (in June) there was some dispute betwixt the Earl of Angus, and Master of Glames. But I remember no such thing, neither do I know how there could be any public dissension (either in this, or any other thing) howbeit they differed in judgement concerning the guiding of State affairs, yet I see not how that could come to any public contention.  
His associates propounded to him to accept the Office of Chancellor, 
The Chancellors place offered ●…o Angus.  which had been vacant ever since the removing of James Stuart. This he did familiarly impart to the former Gentleman, and asked his opinion therein. He answered plainly, That it was indeed the most fit place for him, as being the most honourable Office in the Kingdom, by which he might do most good offices to his Country, in Council, Session, and elsewhere; and that by that occasion it brought great dependence, and many followers: That it had been before in the hands of his Predecessors, as of Earl Archbald the first (called Bell the Cat) and of late in the Earl of morton's, before he was Regent. He answered, that it required skill in the laws, and more learning than he had. It was replied, that (in very deed) much learning was not absolutely necessary; that it was not known what learning Archbald the first had, and it is not likely that he had much. But it was well known that the Earl of Morton had very little, or none at all to speak of, not so much in the Latin tongue as he himself had; and yet he had discharged the Office with credit. A natural judgement to conceive and resume the question, and the reasons of each side, is more needful in a Chancellor then learning, his part being properly to do that, whereas the decision seldom hangs upon his vote. Or if it come to that, learning does not always the turn, knowledge of the customs of the Country is more requisite, and is only required in Council. As for the Session business, the Precedent does commonly supply the Chancellors room. Besides, seeing that ordinarily the question is not ended at the first hearing, what is difficult may be advised, and tossed by whom your Lordship pleaseth, before the next hearing. And although you find not that full sufficiency for the present, which you could wish, yet time and custom will bring experience, and experience beget knowledge. And this is said to have been observed of the Earl of Morton, that having been rude enough at first, he became afterward very skilful, and as able and sufficient as any man in the Kingdom: and therefore your Lordship needs not to distrust or diffide yourself in the like case. Well (says my Lord) I know not what dexterity either of them hath had: and as for the Earl of Morton, though he wanted letters, yet he was of a singular judgement, and rare wisdom, scarce to be matched by any in this age. But for my own part (as I yet think) neither am I able for the present to discharge it, neither do I think it fit to enter into an Office before I have learned what belongs to it; neither can I digest to do it by others, seeing I ought to do it myself: yet I shall advise.  
The conclusion was, he rejected it, and thereupon it was given to 
 Secretary Metellane, to his associates great grief, he having ever been a man of a contrary, faction and disposition in all business of the Common weal. He accepted of the Office of Lieutenant on the Borders 
 willingly, being more suitable to his disposition, and his proper element, as we speak; and he professed that he delighted as much to hunt out a thief, as others did to hunt a hare; and that it was as natural to him, as any other pastime or exercise is to another man. But he lived not long after this, nor had he time to do any memorable thing in it. He made only one road against the outlawed thiefs of the name of Arme-strang (most of them) after the King was gone home, who had been present at the casting down of their houses. He pursued them into the Terrace Moss, which was one of their greatest strengths, and 
 whither no host or companies had ever been known to have followed them before; and in which they did confide much, because of the straightness of the ground. He used great diligence, and sufficient industry; but the success was not answerable either to his desire, or other men's expectation. Neither did he forget to keep his intention close, and secret, acquainting none of the people of that Country therewithal, until he was ready to march. Then directing one Jordan of Aplegirth to go to the other side, whither he knew they behoved to slay, he sent with him one of his especial followers, whom he knew to be well affected to the service, to see that he did his duty. He himself with the Army came openly and directly to the place of their abode, that they fleeing from him, might fall into the hands of Aplegirth, and his company, who were come in sufficient good time, before the Army could be seen to that passage which they were sent to keep. But the birds were all flown, and there was nothing left but the empty nest, having (no question) had some inkling and intelligence hereof; but it could not be tried by whom the notice had been given them. In the retreat, they show themselves, and road about to intercept and catch such as might happen incircumspectly to straggle from the Army, and they failed very narrowly to have attrapped William Douglas of Ively, a young Gentleman of my Lord's family; for which incircumspection, he was sound chid by him, as having thereby hazarded his own person, and his Lord's honour.  
After this he came to Langhop, where his infirmity having continued long, and being now increased through travel, it grew at last to a form disease. Wherefore he was carried from thence to Smeeton, (near to Dalkeith) a house belonging to James Richison, of whom we have spoken before. His care of the good of the Church (which was ever in his mouth during his sickness) showed that it lay nearest to his heart of all other things. There he departed out of this transitory life, with great comfort to himself; and great grief of all honest men, and with a general regreting of all men; there being none such an enemy to him, or who did so envy or hate him, as not to profess and express his sorrow for his death: King, Courtiers, Noblemen, Barons, Burgesses, Commons; men of all degrees, rank, quality and condition, did lament him: such was the forceable power of virtue in him. Of which we will say no more, only we will set down this following Elogium to be considered by the Reader, than which nothing can be said more true: Here therefore let it remain as a witness of his virtue, and the Writers deserved affection.  

Morte jacet saeuâ Angusius, spes illa bonorum,  
Terror malorum maximus: 
Look for the translation of these verses in the following page.   
Cui, laude & luctu meritis, pia turba parentat;  
Patrem, Parentem ingeminans.  
Par studium impietas simulat: quem carpere livor  
Vivum solebat, mortuum  
Aut veris sequitur lacrymis, aut gaudia fictis  
Celat pudenda; & laudibus  
Saltem non fictis os penè invita resolvit,  
Seque arguit mendacii.  
O laus! O veri vis! O victoria! honosque  
Cunctis triumphis clarior!   
Yet were not the aspersions of his enemies (if he had any such) of any moment or consequence: I say, if he had any, for he had no private enemies who hated him, or bore him any ill will for his own cause; only such as were enemies to the Country, and the true Religion, hated him as a main pillar, and supporter of these. The greatest objection they had against him (I mean that carried any show of truth) was his modesty, (which they termed slowness) but after his death, all mouths were closed. The love which was generally borne to him was exceeding great, both for his house and family's sake (which was ever the most popular in this Kingdom of all other names) as also, and that no less for his own virtue, and personal humanity and courtesy. He was of a blackish and swart complexion, tall of stature, and of a slender body, but well proportioned and strait limmed; of a weak and tender constitution, and not very able to endure travel, but having courage enough, and willingness to undergo. His death was ascribed to witchcraft: and one Barbary Nepair in Edinburgh (wife to Archbald Douglas, of the house of Casshogle) was apprehended on suspicion, but I know not whether she was convicted of it or not: only it was reported that she was found guilty, and that the execution was deferred, because she was with child, but afterward, no body insisting in the pursuit of her, she was set at liberty. Anna Simson, a famous witch, is reported to have confessed at her death, that a picture of wax was brought to her, having A. D. written on it, which (as they said to her) did signify Archbald Davidson, and (she not thinking of the Earl of Angus, whose name was Archbald Douglas, and might have been called Davidson, because his father's name was David) did consecrate or execrate it, after her form, which (she said) if she had known to have represented him, she would not have done it for all the world. He died the day of 1588. years: his body was buried in Abernathie, and his heart in Douglas, by his own direction. He is the last Earl of the race of George, entitled Master of Angus, who was slain at Flowdon, etc.  

Of Archbald the ninth Earl of Angus.  
Angus by cruel death lies here, 
The translation of the verses in the page foregoing.   
The good man's hope, the wickeds fear;  
The praise and sorrow of the most  
Religious, who as having lost  
A father, mourn; worst men are known  
To feign a woe if they have none:  
Envy, accustomed to wrong  
His guiltless life, employs her tongue,  
Now a loud Trumpet of his fame,  
And weeps, if not for grief, for shame,  
Enforced to give herself the lie:  
O! Power of Truth, O! victory,  
By which more honour is obtained,  
Then is in greatest triumphs gained.   

Archibaldus Duglassius Angusius.  

OLim saeva truci dente calumnia  
Clam vanas ad opes fraude viam struens  
Mussabat, posito aut palam pudore  
Jactabat caput in meum:   

(O si non nimium credita!) Crimina,  
Foeda atrociaque infandaque crimina,  
Aut Diro Lepedo, aut fero Cethegi  
Patrandum genio nefas.   

Quos caecis stimulis ambitio impotens,  
Aut aestu rabies fervida pectoris,  
Auri aut sacra mali fames in omne,  
Egit praecipites scelus.   

Moliri in patriam incendia, spicula  
In patrem patriae, sanctaque numina  
Regum alti solio Jovae locata  
Celsis pellere sedibus:   

Regni praesidium, spem, decus exsterae  
Genti ludibrium tradere, civium  
Vota, & pontificis (nefas) tyranni,  
Romae degeneris metum.   

O linguae improbitas, callida nectere  
Fraudes, insidias, exitium bonis:  
Regum aures animosque suspicaces,  
Ficto ludere crimine.   

Haec cuncti cumulum stagitii manus  
Patrare? haec facinus mens coquere impium!  
Haec coctum potuit probare? pectus  
Hoc conscire nefas sibi.   

At me qui sapiens intima sensuum  
Scrutaris Deus (& quisquis erat mihi  
Arcani penito sinu reposti  
Testis) crimine liberas.   

Vitae perpetuus compositae tenor,  
Mens legum patiens, imperii jugum  
Justi legitimum subire mitis;  
Cunctis cedere lenitas:   

Non claros atavos stemmate regio,  
Regnatasque atavis penè provincias  
Et belli decora, & feri triumphis  
Partam Martis adoream:   

Non longo titulos ordine turgidos,  
Arces pennigeris turribus arduas,  
Non turbam numerans gravem clientum, aut  
Latis praedia finibus.   

Nudi simplicitas candida pectoris  
Et semper similis cana fides sui,  
Fraudes impietas licet, dolosque  
Laudanns clam sibi rideat.   

Sincerae rigidè justitiae tenax  
Dextra, a flagitio libera, sanguinis  
Expers innocui, doli rapinae,  
Solis noxia furibu●….    

Archbald Douglas Earl of Angus.  

BLack slander erst her ends to gain,  
Employed her Art to wound my name  
Low whispers were her secret train,  
Her open force lies void of shame.   

O! that they had less credit found,  
As from the thought my heart was free;  
Lepidus nor Cethegus owned  
Such mischiefs as were charged on me:   

Whom love of vengeance set on fire,  
Or blind ambition overswayed,  
Or hope of riches or desire  
Of pleasure, t' every vice betrayed,   

As if my soul such plots had known  
As would a public ruin bring  
By justling from his sacred Throne  
My Country's father, and my King.   

And so to foreign scorn expose  
The Kingdom's glory, shield and hope;  
The people's joy and daily vows,  
The scourge and terror of the Pope.   

Thus wicked tongues with cunning Art  
Wove nets, the innocent to catch,  
And to the jealous ear impart  
Feigned treasons, which their fanciesatch.   

So base a villainy to act  
Was it, for such a hand as mine,  
Or could my breast contrive the fact,  
Or conscious be of the black sin.   

But I appeal my God to thee,  
Who knowst my heart, and to those friends  
Who were most intimate with me,  
How much I loathed unworthy ends.   

The constant tenor of my life,  
Was calm obedience to the will  
Of rightful power: detesting strife  
I shunned (more than resisted) ill.   

Though my descent from Kings I drew,  
And in my Grandsires well might see  
A Princely power, none ever knew  
A bragging vanity in me.   

No empty titles filled my mind  
With hateful pride; nor stately tops  
Of Towrs, large fields, nor troops of kind  
And humble followers, swelled my hopes.   

An equal virtue led my way,  
A spotless truth adorned my heart,  
Let wicked falsehood boast and say;  
Lo what I compassed by my Art.   

By me sincere strict Justice dwelled,  
From guiltless blood my hand was free,  
No wrong my harmless neighbour felt,  
Only thiefs punished were by me.    

Ad Archibaldum tertium, cum post primum exilium reversus, ultra Speiam Elginii in Moravia relegatus esset.  

Nuper fortunae varias experte procellas  
Angusie, & velis aequor a iniqua tuis:  
Nuper in immenso pelagi jactate profundo:  
Obruteque insanis pene voraginibus:  
Nunc quoque nescio quos iterum subiture labores,  
Quicquid id est sorti pectore perfer onus.  
Discute tristitiae nebulas; frontemque serena:  
Anxietas animo sit procul atra tuo:  
Pelle graves curas, properantem & parce severi  
Sponte suâ fati praecipitare diem:  
Degeneres animos flatus levis aura sinistri  
Dejicit, aeternis in tenebrisque premit:  
At mala cum pungunt, tuleris si fortiter illa:  
Materiesque tibi causaque laudis erunt.  
Scilic et ille viros dignus numerarier inter:  
Hunc sequitur firmo gloria celsa pede:  
Cui dejecit mutatum nubila vultum,  
Blanda nec in fastus sustuiit aura leves:  
Qui solidum vitae servans, certumque tenorem,  
Robore fortunam vicit utramque pari.  
Ut fremat hinc Boreas, illinc ruat Eur us & auster,  
Et quatiat timidam fluctibus undaratem:  
Illa tamen medios inter secura tumultus  
Aetheris; & rapidi vimque minasque freti,  
Saepe tenet cursum optatum, portaque potita  
Despicit irati murmura rauca maris.  
Hinc cape non obscura tuae exemplaria vitae  
Dura: nec rebus cedere disce malis.  
Magnis te quoque junge viris: quid passus Ulysses?  
Exul in ignoto nudus inopsque solo.  
Quid cui Roma suae tulit incunabula gentis?  
Queis sua in Adriaco Troia renata mari?  
At quid ego haec antiqua? quid & peregrina recordor?  
Ditior exemplis stat patria alta sui●…:  
Stat genus ordine longo: atavos age, respi●…e, avosqu●…,  
Quot sunt Duglasiae nomina magne domus:  
Quot bello insignesque duoes, & fortibus armis  
Heroes; saecli gloria quisque sui.  
Quem non nobilitat virtus afflicta? polo quem  
Non 〈◊〉? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, un●…s erit.  
Omnis turba salo fortunae exercita, & omnes  
Passa vices, vers●… ludibriumque rotae:  
Quas pax infida insidias, discrimina bellum  
Quaeque habet exilii taedia, longa dies:  
Nec nisi post exantlatos, venêre, labor●…s,  
Otia; nec nisi post dura pericla quies.  
Te quoque defunctum, confide, laboribus olim  
Laetior excipiet, candidiorque dies.  
Securusque inter du●…ces memorabis ami●…os,  
Tu quoque fortunae tristitia factatu●….  
Tristia nunc: sed quae tune & meminisse juvabit:  
Agnosse & decoris prima elementa tui:  
Hac itum: hac quicunque alta affectabit, eundum est:  
Hâc te sublimi, gloria celsa, via  
Sistet avos supra, atque atavos, accingere: O te  
Quo sors! quo virtus! quo Deus ipse vocat!  
Fallor? an heroas supra priscosque f●…rosque  
Tollere te tanta sydera mole parant  
Virtuti labor est comes: ire per ardua rerum  
Gaudet & invicto fata superba grad●….  
Aude ingens, jam nunc superi ad templa 〈◊〉 Olympi  
Carpere, qua pronum semita monstrat iter:  
Aude, inquam, nec tu surgentia nubila ventis  
Aetheraterram, undas tartarave ipsa time.  
Tantum, quem vener ar●… Deum pius, igne●…s insta  
Sollicitans; cursus dirig●… ille tuos.  
Ille gubernaclo succedet rector & ille  
Inveniet facilem per vada salsa viam  
Anfractusque vagos per, & avia, & invia vitae,  
Et brevia, & syrtes saxaque caeca ratem  
Securam in placida sistet statione: perenne  
Ut teneas celsi flammea templa poli.    

To Archbald the third, when after his return from his first banishment, he was confined to Elgine of Murray beyond Spey.  

THou who but lately didst endure the smart  
Of roughest storms, and with a Pilots art  
Hast scaped the many dangers of the seas,  
O Angus! now in place of wished ease  
New troubles come: I know not by what fate:  
Keep your great spirit firm in every state.  
Shake off sad thoughts, and let your looks appear  
Cheerful, without the darkening clouds of fear.  
Deep cares expel, let not impatience haste  
Those ills, which of themselves approach too fast.  
Poor worthless souls are pressed below the weight  
Of light afflictions: to a noble height  
In cross affairs do thou thy courage raise:  
By this thou mayst obtain deserved praise.  
He merits honour, and may justly be  
Esteemed a man, whom no adversity  
Dejects, nor prosperous success fwels with pride;  
But by a constant temper doth abide  
Still like himself, and with an equal mind  
Both fortunes bears. Let every boisterous wind  
And threatening wave oppose his labouring oar,  
He steers his course, and seeks the wished shore,  
Slighting the angry waters chiding noise.  
Let these (like hard) examples prompt your choice:  
Learn to meet ills, till you with all compare  
For fortitude admired: Ulysses bore  
Worse harms than yours; a stranger, poor, alone,  
Unclothed, an Exile, wand'ring and unknown.  
Aen●…s and Antenor suffered long  
Ere Rome was built, or Venice: but I wrong  
Our own, to dwell on strangers, since there be  
More store at home: mark the whole Progeny  
Of Douglasses your fathers, how they are  
Famed for their gallant acts in peace and war:  
Each worthy was the glory of his time:  
None without virtue can to honour climb.  
Look on all ages, you shall hardly see  
One raised by fortune, but through misery.  
Who live at ease, and least disturbance feel,  
Soon bear the mock'ry of her rolling wheel.  
How many trains hath peace? What discords war?  
What troubles exile? Yet no pleasures are  
Obtained but after toil; nor have we rest  
Till dangers and difficulties are past.  
So thou, when this is past, hereafter may  
Enjoy at home a calm and pleasing day:  
And to your dear friends cheerfully relate  
The sad effects of Fortune's sullen hate:  
Sad now, but pleasant to remember, when  
Your prentisage hath brought a noble gain.  
This is the way: would you a great name win?  
Then tread the steps your Grandsires travelled in.  
Where Virtue, Fortune, where your God doth call,  
Follow: my thoughts deceive me, or you shall  
Excel those Worthies who already are,  
Or will be famous: so the stars prepare  
Your youth. Fair virtue never dwells alone,  
Hard labour is her near companion:  
Uneasy tasks she loves, and joys to beat  
The roughest ways, and triumph over fate.  
Be bold and onward, take your mounting flight,  
Till you have reached a true Olympian height.  
Be bold, I say, and let no furious wind, (mind.  
(Though earth and hell should mix) shake your brave  
Only with God, whom you must still adore,  
You may be instant, and his aid implore:  
Let him direct your course, and he will be  
Your Pilot through the waves of misery,  
Steering your bark by every Rock and Shelf:  
Each straight and wheeling Pool His sacred Self  
Will guide the Oar, first to a place of rest  
On earth, then after death thou shalt be blest.     

Faults escaped in some copies.  
IN the Preface, page 6. line 18. for Long Willie, read Longe-ville. p. 11. l. 2. for unum, r. unam. l. 15. for Duglasius, r, Duglasiis. In the Book, p. 14. l. 21. for wanted, r. was. p. 25. l. 11. supply son. p. 34. l. 36. supply lessened. p. 43. l. 1. sup. long. p. 52. l. 43. for in furious, r. injurious. p. 64. l. 1. for people. r. pope. p. 70. 72. 74. 76. 78. in the titles, for Galloway, r. Liddesdale. p. 76. l. 17. for rather, brother, r. father-brother. p. 80. l. 13. for Douglas, r. Angus. p. 85. l. 8. sup. Prince. p. 102. l. 37. for words, r. wounds. p 107. l 42. for making, r. marrying. p. 131. l. 38 sup. not. p. 145. l. 7. for thing, r. though. p. 148. l. 30. r. therefore sow on. p. 154. l. 34. for extracted, r. execrated. p. 168. l. 31. for life, r. Fife. p. 171. l. 44. r. the prisoners goods were exchanged. p. 177. l. 18. for moved, r. composed. p. 179. l. 34. for new, r. show. p. 233. l. 30. sup. not. p. 244. l. 2●… sup. not. p. 277. l. 3. sup. honos. p. 278. l. 10. for mother, r. brother. p. 335. l. 32. sup. out of.  
FINIS