〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: OR, A VIEW OF Antiquity. PRESENTED IN A Short, but Sufficient Account of some OF THE FATHERS; Men famous in their Generations, who lived within or near the first three hundred years after CHRIST.  
Serving as a Light to the Studious, that they may peruse with better Judgement, and improve to greater Advantage, the Venerable Monuments of those Eminent Worthies.  
By J. H. M. A.  
Perutile into necessarium est, ut ad lectionem Patrum accessurus, habeat anted informatam in animò meth●dum, & sciat, quid sing●●lis sit praecipuum, & quasi emineat, ac ubi cavendi sint Scopuli, etc. Chemnit. de lectione Patrum.  
LONDON, Printed for Thomas Parkhurst, and Jonathan Robinson; at the Bible and three Crowns at the lower end of Cheapside, and at the Golden Lion in St. Paul's Churchyard. 1677.   

Imprimatur,  
G. jane R. P. D. Henr. Episc. Lond. à Sacris Dom. Decem. 9 1676.   

To the Studious, Especially such as are in the Ministry or intent it.  
IT's our Blessed Saviour's Encomium of john the Baptist, that he was a burning and shining light, john 5. 35. in respect of purity of life, and perspicuity of Doctrine, which eminently appeared in him: herein is he a Minister's pattern, in whom both these are requisite: for light without life would make him little better than an ignis fatuus, apt to misled; or like a Candle in the socket, not so pleasing by its blaze, as offensive for its ill savour; And life without light will render him of little advantage, if not prejudicial; both in conjunction make an happy mixture, and qualify the person in whom they are for that weighty function. Reading is his proper work, 1 Tim. 4. 13. Which, with pains about his heart, and watchfulness over his flock, may well take up his whole time; there will be little overplus for the unworthy world or worse employments. One of the great wants he will have cause to complain of, will be of time, as too short for the dispatch of the grand affair personal and functional incumbent upon him: and indeed he that hath tasted the sweetness, or duly weighed the importance of those two, I much marvel how he should be taken off from, or neglective of either, for things comparatively so mean, and mostly pernicious.  
That which best deserves our pains in study is,  
1. In the first place the sacred Scriptures, discovering to us things most necessary and useful; without the knowledge whereof, all our other accomplishments will prove but insignificant things, serving only for vain ostentation, as no way furthering our own, or others chiefest good. These therefore call for our diligent and daily perusal; which we should labour to make familiar; so that they may as a choice treasure dwell richly in us in all wisdom, that we may be as Scribes instructed unto the Kingdom of Heaven, able upon all occasions to speak a word in season unto any that shall have recourse unto us either for counsel and direction in their doubts or for comfort and consolation in their distresses. To which we should never forget to join fervent prayer for the obtaining of the Spirit, the only guide to the right understanding of these deep things of God, without which they will remain as riddles and a sealed book unto us; of the great advantage hereof to study, Luther (who each day spent three hours in this duty) out of his experience, thus speaks, benè oravisse est penè studuisse, and again, haec tria faciunt Theologum, precatio, meditatio, tentatio; Melch. Adam.  
2. Unto these, the writings of such as in the Christian Church are most Ancient, challenge the next place; who have obtained (as accounted worthy of it) the Venerable title of Fathers; as nearest successors unto the Apostles, And therefore for some Centuries together wont to be styled Apostolici, even as many as precedeed the first Council of Nice. Parker de dsc. Christ. l. 4. § 10. These well deserve our serious inspection, acquainting us not only with the meaning of the Scripture, but the Doctrine also and discipline agreeable thereto, preserved in, and maintained by the Church; who were ever held in great esteem, and approved of by the Orthodox in the following Ages unto this day; from whom the Learned and Judicious Zanchy did scruple to descent, comparing them to old Wine, which he preferred before new. Epist. ant confess. fid. and in his observations upon that his confession (composed by him for his family when he was seventy years old) we have him twice declaring his mind herein, viz. in p. 47. his words are these. Hoc ego ingenuò profiteor talem esse meam conscientiam, ut à ve●erum patrum sive dogmatibus, sive Scriptur arum interpretationibus non facile, nisi vel manifestis sacr. literarum t●stimoniis, vel necessariis consequentiis, apertisque demonstrationibus convictus atque coactus discedere queam: sic enim acquiescit mea conscientia, & in hâc mentis quiete cupio etiam mori, and p. 39— A quibus, inquit, presertim ubi plerique omnes consentiunt, me pro meâ tenerâ conscientiâ deflectere non au●ere, toti Ecclesiae Christi ingenuè confiteor.  
To reflect upon foregoing Ages, in a Landscape of them is a thing both pleasant and profitable; for thus we seem to live in more ages than one, and in joy the benefit of that experience which the narrow limits of our own cannot afford. This may we be, in a sort said to do, in the view of those Ancient Worthies who are the subject of the ensuing discourse; men living nearest the Apostles times, and most perfectly resembling them in their excellencies; the due contemplation whereof is like to produce the most notable effects in such as are seriously this way exercised. For what can be of more force to fit us for, and quicken us to our duty, then frequently to cast our eyes upon the portraitures of such men, in whom is represented what is most worthy our imitation; seeing that to learn by example is not only the most facile, but effectual way; this being, as the surest, so the most affecting sense, and what enters hereby, having the strongest influence. Who can look upon that burning Light Ignatius, whose heart did so flame, and life sparkle with love to Christ and his Church; and not find himself at least warmed with the like holy affection? Who take into consideration the indefatigable industry of Origen, and not be thereby excited to mend his pace, and bewailing former slackness to fall to his work with double diligence? Would we behold the sweet fruit of uncessant study in the vast and various knowledge attainable thereby, making men shine as stars of the first magnitude in their several spheres and to communicate their streams of light to after generations; and would be awakened to the like course in order to the like, or at least considerable attainments? Let us fix our eye upon those magazines of learning Clement, and Tertullian. How eminently doth the beauty of Christian zeal and courage in maintaining the truth and opposing Heresy appear in those Heroic Champions justine, Irenaeus▪ Hilary▪ and Athanasius? Bulwarks for the defence & security of the one, against all the fierce assaults, and cunning undermine of its adversaries; and mauls and engines for the battering and beating down of the other. In the last of whom, together with it, was most conspicuous the grace of invincible patience, making him Adamant-like unyieldable unto the most violent attempts of restless persecutors. In divers of them may be seen in its lustre that more than conquering grace of Christian Constancy, not loving their lives unto the death in the quarrel and for the Honour of their Lord and Master, obtaining hereby the glorious Crown of Martyrdom, set upon their heads by that Captain of our Salvation; Briefly, what a goodly Map (as it were) of the choicest Christian Virtues have we meeting together, and shining forth in holy Cyprian, as so many stars in a constellation; Piety and Prudence, Meekness and Humility, Compassion and Charity, Patience and Constancy in suffering often, and the utmost for the sake of Christ? Of what singular advantage must it needs be to us, to have the endowments we should strive after, that may accomplish us for our station, in such lively Colours represented and the things we should practise so fairly exemplified & set before our eyes, as in these eminent men we find them to be?  
And for their writings they are a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a precious treasure, from whence▪ being duly improved, we may be furnished with such things as may be of no small advantage to ourselves, and make us no less useful unto others. For therein shall we meet with not a few apt interpretations and expositions of many Texts of Scripture; such as will afford us more than ordinary light for the right understanding of them: divers grave and pithy passages which may well serve upon several occasions both for illustration and confirmation of any suitable subject; Also, nervous & weighty Arguments wherewith they have so pressed and overborne the adversary, that the nakedness of error hath been discovered to the confusion of its fautors that have endeavoured to maintain it; and the beauty and strength of Truth to the great exultation and establishment of all that love it. Lastly, the best account of the face and state of the Church of Christ, both as to the sound Doctrine professed, and wholesome Discipline exercised in them; wherewith it may well be presumed they were better acquainted than most others, and could give us the fullest and truest information; it having been their special work to publish and defend the one, and they having had the chiefest hand in the management of the other; To all which add the necessity of a considerable insight into these Ancient Records, that we may become no contemptible Antagonists to grapple with, and (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Tit. 1. 11.) to stop the mouth of those of the Romish Synagogue, who, having shamefully corrupted the Doctrines of Christianity, and shunning the trial and determination of the Scripture, betake themselves for shelter unto the monuments of these Worthies, audaciously pretending that they are theirs, and with greatest, though groundless confidence of their patronage.  
The improvement of the Ancients in these regards is the design and scope of the following treatise, presenting the Reader with a Scheme both of their lives and labours, as may beget in the mind a fair Idea of both, and so prove a good step toward the attainment of the ends proposed; For herein a brief account is given of each of the Fathers discoursed of in this Decade;  
1. Of their lives and special employments in the places of their abode; and the Dignities and Offices they were advanced unto; Together with their diligence and continuance in them; and various accidents betiding them. 2. Of their excellencies and accomplishments whether natural or acquired by their industry, with their Eulogies in this regard; which show in what singular esteem they were held (as they well deserved) by the most pious and judicious in succeeding ages. 3. The admirable products of their parts and pains, which they either left behind them, or intended so to do for the benefit of posterity; whereof, 1. Some are lost through the injury of time, little remaining of them besides their names and titles; which yet here you find recorded, as far as by diligent search and inquiry after them, they could be found. 2. Some have been happily preserved, and are extant at this day; and because in the Edition of the works of these Worthies the Brats of others (which they would impudently father upon them) are intermixed among their true and proper births, and of some 'tis doubtful whose they are; (and hereof the Romish Champions make no small use and advantage for the upholding of their tottering and desperate cause) you have here as full a Catalogue as could be gotten of whatever bears their names, with a hint of what kind they are, whether genuine, spurious, or dubious; to the end the Reader may know (as much as may be) whom he hath to do withal, and so his abuse herein may be prevented; And of the genuine, the augument and sum of each is briefly set down, together with the time and occasion of their writing, which may give some light to the understanding of them, help the Reader in his choice, and provoke to diligence and attention. 4. The Style they used, which in some of them is such as that a perspicacious and critical observer may be able thereby to make a judgement, whether the piece he is perusing be indeed the Authors whose name it bears, or no; which in some of them is so elegant, and adorned with the flowers of Rhetoric that it entertains the Reader with singular contentment and delight; and in whom it is otherwise, an intimation hereof is given, together with what may be apprehended to be the reason hereof. 5. A taste of the choice and useful passages, wherewith they do abound, which may serve for an invitation to the studious to bestow their time and pains upon them as being well assured they will be neither lost nor ill laid out, in case that care and judgement be not wanting; 6. And because they were (though more than ordinary) yet but men, and so subject to slips and failings, these are, salvo honore, taken notice of, with the causes of, at least, divers of them, that as rocks and shelves they may be avoided; and the unwary student, together with what is Orthodox, take not in that which is unsound and noxious. 7. All is closed with the close of all, their deaths, whether natural or violent, by whom, for what, and when and where procured.  
All which he that would throughly inform himself of (as in some measure from this Treatise he may do) shall find it, I doubt not, a notable clew to wind and extricate him out of those Labyrinths and Difficulties, which otherwise he may haply be involved in; and make his way and work by far more facile and pleasant; which that it may be the issue of this undertaking is heartily desired by him who is,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I. H.   

Each Chapter consists of all (or most) of these following particulars concerning each Father.  

1 § A Brief account of his Life and Travels in the Church.  
2 § His Elegy and the esteem he was held in.  
3 § His labours and writings: whereof, 

1. Some are lost.  
2. Some remain: of which,   

1. Some are dubious.  
2. Some are spurious.  
3. Some are genuine, and of these.   

1. Their sum.  
2. Their censure.    
4. § His language and stile.  
5. § Some notable and select passages.  
6. § His slips and errors: whereof 

1. The Occasion and Ground.  
2. The Apology and Plea that may be made for some of them.    
7. § His end and death.    

The FATHERS treated of in this Treatise, viz.  

Page  
1. Ignatius Antiochenus. 1  
2. justinus Martyr. 22  
3. Irenaeus Lugdunensis. 51  
4. Clemens Alexandrinus. 79  
5. Tertullianus. 111  
6. Origenes Adamantius. 171  
7. Cyprianus Carthaginensis. 248  
8. Lactantius Firmianus. 314  
9 Athanasius Alexandrinus. 339  
10. Hilarius Pictaviensis. 390    

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; OR, A VIEW of Antiquity.  

1. Ignatius Antiochenus.  
§1. AS touching Ignatius, 
So is Luther called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 qui divino motu fertur, numine afflatus: by Urban Rhegius in loc. come. vid. Epist. Joan. Frederi in ante Rhegit loc. come. Nicephor. l. 2. c. 35. Magd. cent▪ 2, c. 10.  (surnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) that Ancient and Eminent Bishop and Martyr, what Countryman he was, how brought up and Educated, in what manner and by what means converted unto the Christian Faith, and advanced unto the weightier functions in the Church, is no where extant nor recorded in history. 
Ubi supr●.  The relation of Nicephorus seems fabulous, and inconsistent with what is to be found in the Epistles attributed by some unto Ignatius himself, wherein 'tis said, that he never saw Christ corporally or in the flesh. He therefore could not be (as the abovenamed Author reports him to have been) that little Child that Christ called unto him and set in the midst of his Disciples, commending simplicity unto them, and saying, 
Mat. 18. 2, 3.  Except ye be converted, and become as little children, ye shall not enter into the kingdom of heaven.  
But though he so saw not the Lord Jesus, yet did he live, and familiarly converse with them, 
Cent. ib.  that had so seen him; being (as is generally received) the Disciple of the Apostle jobn, as were also his contemporaries, Papias Bishop of Hierap●lis, and Polycarp ordained by the said Apostle Bishop of Smyrna, as was our Ignatius Bishop of Antioch by the Apostle Peter, 
Hieronym. Catalogue. Scultet, in Medul.  of whose right hand (saith Theodoret) he received 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; of which Church he was the third Pastor or Bishop, 
Episcopus post Petrum Antiochi● secundus. Origen. hom. 6. cap. 1. in Lucam. in Synopss. Eccles hist. l. 3. c. 19 Merid. Hankers Chronol.  the Apostle Peter being the first, to whom next succeeded Evodius, one of the seventy Disciples, as saith Dorotheus. Eusebius makes Ev●dius the first, and our Ignatius the second Pastor there; which is true indeed of the fixed Bishops of that City: for Peter stayed but a while there, and then departed unto jerusalem and other Eastern Regions. If therefore the Apostle Peter begin the Catalogue (as some make him to do) then is he the third; but if Evodint (as others) than the second Bishop of that place.  
His zeal toward the house of God was exceeding great, 
Cent. 2. c. 10.  even burning hot; for which he was had in as great esteem, and most acceptable unto those of chiefest note, especially Polycarp and the rest of the Asian Bishops: whereof they gave an ample testimony by their flocking to him as the most famous man of all the East, 
Baron. annal. an. 109. § ●.  when they heard that he was lead bound toward Rome. For in his way, being at Smyrna, the neighbouring Churches having notice thereof, sent each of them their messengers to salute and visit him in their behalf; among whom were the Bishops of some of those places, accompanied by the Elders and Deacons; the like also was performed by the Bishop of Philadelphia, 
Ib. § 1●.  upon his coming to Troas; An evident demonstration of the high and more than ordinary respect which they bore unto him; and his answerable worth who (as they deemed) deserved it from them.  
§ 2. He was accounted the first and chief of the Oriental Bishops, 
Baron. an. 109 § 5. Posseum. apparat.  as excelling them all, both in the holiness of his life, and his powerfulness in Preaching the Gospel; as well as in the prerogative of his seat: yea among the Fathers of the Primitive Church he holds the first place: 
Usher Ignat. Epist.  A Doctor in every regard blessed; 
Theodoret. Dialog. 1. Serm. 7. in Psal. qui habitat. Montac●te. apparat.  whom Bernard styles by the name of the great Ignatius, our Martyr, with whose precious relics (saith he) our poverty is enriched: a most holy Man, and altogether the most Ancient of all now extant; one truly Divine, and even unto our memory famous and in the mouths of many: 
Euagr. hist. l. 1. c. 16. Eus. l. 3. c. 32. Scultet. Medul. Trithem. de Script.  a clear evidence of his admirable worth, and that variety of the gifts of the holy Ghost wherewith he was choicely adorned, a man of eminent Sanctity, as also a singular and ●ervent lover of our Lord Jesus Christ; in publishing the word of God very zealous and no less Learned; in so much as his Learning, as well as his virtues were celebrated of old; 
●ivet. Crit. Sac.  amongst which, the magnanimity of his spirit in the cause of Christ, happily conjoined with sweet humility and holy simplicity, did add not the least lustre to this accomplished Martyr. 
Baron. an. 109. § 12.   
§ 3. The remains of his Learning and labours are only some few Epistles, written by him unto several Churches and Persons not long before his death; 
Ibid § 5.  which as a certain well drawn picture do excellently represent and give us a lively image of him: for therein are notably discovered his vigorous and singular love to Christ, his fervent zeal for God and his glory, his admirable and undaunted courage and magnanimity in his cause, accompanied with such sweet humility and exemplary meekness of Spirit, that as in all he showed himself to be a true Disciple and follower of Christ, so may he well serve as a pattern for the imitation of succeeding generation. 
Ibid. § 11.  Talis erat sublimis illius animi submissio, & è contra, ejusdem submissi animi sublimitas, ut mirâ quadam connexione summis ima conjungat, quae admiratione & delectatione animum simul afficiant. Such was the submission of that sublime soul, and on the other side, such the sublimity of that submiss soul, that with a certain admirable connexion he joined together the lowest with the highest, both which may well affect the mind with wonderment and delight.  
These Epistles do amount (as now extant) unto the number of fifteen, and may be divided or ranked in three sorts. 1. Such as are Genuine, and for the main and bulk of them by most apprehended and granted to be his; 
Exercitat, § 15.  of which Casaubon thus▪ For the Epistles of Ignatius, to deny them to be (those) of that most ancient Martyr, and Bishop of Antioch, would be Heresy at this day; and verily as for some of them, we shall else where (if it shall please the Lord) defend their antiquity by new reasons.  
These are six in number, though commonly thought to be seven, because so many are said to have been collected by Polycarp Bishop of Smyrna, and so many are contained in the catalogues both of Eusebius and jerom. 
Hist. 3. cap. 32. in cate-log. Script. Ignat. Epist. cap. 2.  But that skilful Antiquary the Reverend Usher conceives, that the Epistle to Polycarp (which is reckoned among, and makes up the seven) is none of his; Ignatius writing no peculiar Epistle unto him, but that unto the Church of Smyrna only, directed both unto them, and also unto him jointly, as their Bishop or Pastor: And this (saith that learned Author) I do not at all doubt to have been in the mind of jerom; whose words, (Et propriè ad Polycarpum commendans illi Antiochensem Ecclesiam) are to be read as in a Parenthesis, 
In cate-log.  not as denoting a distinct Epistle from that to those of Smyrna, but as relating to the same. For (as the quick eyed Casanbon observes) those words of Ignatius mentioned by jerom immediately after, 
Exercitat. 16. cap. 426.  (in quâ arte) are not taken out of the Epistle to Polycarp, (as Baronius imagined) but out of that unto the Church of Smyrna, where only to this day they are to be read, 
Hist. lib. 3. cap. 33.  and not in the other. And Eusebius produceth the same words out of the Epistle to the Smyrncans: Thus, Hic Ignatius cum Smyrnaeis scriberet, etc. Hence Honorius Augustodunensis, in his Book de luminaribus Ecclesiae, (being an Epitome of Jerome, Bennadius, 
Cap. 17.  Isodore Hispalensis, Beda and others) enumerating the Epistles of Ignatius, altogether omits that unto Polycarpus, which therefore ought to be (and is by Usher accordingly) ranked among the second sort of his Epistles.  
The six Genuine Epistles than are these, 

His Epistle 

1. To the Ephesians, wherein he mentions Onesimus their Pastor.  
2. To the Church of Magnesia, lying on the River Meander, whose Bishop was Dama.  
3. To the Church of Trallis, whose Overseer was Polybius.  
4. To the Church of Rome. 

All these were written at Smyrna in his journey from Syria to Rome.       

His Epistle 

5. To the Church of Philadelphia.  
6. To the Church of Smyrna. 

Written from Troas.        
Which yet the Centurists leave to the consideration of the diligent Reader, 
Cent. 2. cap. 10.  how unlikely it is that they who conducted him should go so much out of the direct way and Road leading to Rome, and fetch so great a compass about in their journey.  
Though these (and these only) are judged to be genuine, yet have they not escaped the hands of those who have offered no small injury unto them; having most unworthily corrupted these ancient Relics, partly by addition and interpolation of what never fell from the pen of Ignatius, and partly by diminution and substraction of that which they saw would prove of disadvantage and prejudicial unto them. These Epistles (saith Chemnitius) have in them many sentences not to be contemned, 
Examen pat. 1. pag. 198.  especially as they are read in the Greek, but withal there are mingled other things, not a few, which verily have not in them Apostolical Gravity: It's most certain therefore (saith Cook) that his Epistles are either supposititious, 
In censur.  or at least filthily corrupted; 
Crit. 〈◊〉  so mangled and changed by insertion or resection. That (saith Rivet) they are of little or no credit, but only in those things wherein they do agree with the writings of the Apostles, from whose Doctrine that Ignatius did not recede, both his Piety and Learning do persuade us. So that even those six Genuine Epistles, through the foul abuse that hath been offered unto them, have clearly lost much of that authority which they they had of old.  
For the discovery of this fraud, take a few instances: 
〈…〉  In Epist. ad Philadelph. mention is made of this Heresy; that there was in Christ no humane Soul: yet was Apollinarius Laodicenus the first author thereof, who lived about the year 370, a long time after Ignatius. And as this is foisted in, so are those words left out, which are cited by Theodoret, in Dialog. 3. being taken by him out of the Epistle to the Smyrneans: 
Scultet. in medull.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. i. e, They, saith he, (speaking of those Heretics that denied the truth of Christ's flesh) admit not of Eucharists and oblations, but reject them, because from the Eucharist is proved the truth of Christ's flesh. For thus doth Tertullian learnedly argue, lib. 4. contra Marcionem.  Quod est phantasma, figuram capere non potest: Atqui Corpus Christi capit figuram, scil. panem: Igitur Corpus Christi non est phantasma. 
I wonder therefore (saith Scultetus) what judgement they have, who bring this place of Ignatius to establish trans and consubstantiation. 
Lib. 3. advers. Pelagi.  That passage also mentioned by jerom, (Ignatius that Apostolical man boldly writes, that the Lord chose Apostles who were sinners above all men) is not now to be found, which yet jerom had out of one of the seven, 
Rivet. crit. sac.  (if not rather six) Epistles contained in his catalogue, for he speaks of (and therefore 'tis probable he had seen) no more.  
The second sort of Epistles are such as are dubious, and concerning which it is very questionable whether they be his or no: of these there be also six in number, 
Ignat. Epist. cap. 6. & 18.  being the second collection, made (as the reverend Usher conjectures) by one Stephanus Gobarus Tritheita about the year 580: by Anastasius Patriarch of Antioch, about the year 595: and by the Publisher of the Constantinopolitan Chronicle, about the year 630. 
Idem ibid. cap. 6.  So that in the sixth Century after Christ, they grew up to the number of 12, coming out of the same Shop that vented the Canons of the Apostles, augmented by the addition of 35 to the former; as also the Apostolical Constitutions variously trimmed and altered. So that these are of a much later date than the former, the only Genuine Birth of this famous Martyr.  
These latter six are  
1. Epistola ad Mariam Cassabolitam, 
Coci Censur. Usher Ignat.  or (as some call her) Zarbensem. In two ancient Manuscripts she is styled Maria Proselyta Chassabolorum, or Castabolorum. It seems to be derived from the place of her Birth or Abode, or both, which may be a City in Cilicia, in the lesser Asia, not far from Tarsus, famous for the Birth of the Apostle Paul there. 
Geograph. lib. 12. Hist. lib. 5. c. 25.  For so I find Strabo making Castabala to be a Town of Cilicia, situate somewhat near unto the Mountain Taurus. Pliny also reckons it for one of the inland Towns of this Country, 
Caesarea Augusta Plinio, quae prius Anazarba. Ptolem.  near unto which are the Anazarbeni, now called Caesar-Augustani: the Inhabitants of the City Anazarbus (fruitful in Olives, 
Geograph. lib. 5. c. 8. Lect. antiq. lib. 12. cap. 19  saith Rhodignie) the Birth place of the Renowned Dioscorides, as also of Oppian the Poet: so Stephanus Bizantii, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉· To whom add Niger, 
Vadian. Epit.  thus speaking, 
Lib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  The City Caesarea was aforetime called Anazarbeum, 
In Geograph▪ Asi●.  situate near the Mountain Anazarbeum: 
Ibid.  Again, Castabala also is another Town beside the Mountain Taurus. 
So also Castabala, oppidum Ciliciae. Ptolem. Geograph. lib. 5. c. 8.  So that with a little alteration (which might happen through time and the error of Transcribers) she might have the name of Cassobolita from the one, and of Zarbensis from the other of those Towns. Accordingly I find in one of the Latin Versions, 
Usher Ignat. ep. cap. 19  this Epistle inscribed thus, Ad Mariam Cassobolitam, sive Castabalitam: And so doth the Reverend Primate choose to name her in the same Chapter.  
The Scholiast upon this Epistle, thinks this to be that Mary whom, 
Biblioth. patr.  among others, the Apostle Paul salutes, Rom. 16. 6. a woman of singular piety, 
In Epist.  and styled by our Author, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, most accomplished for wisdom and learning, and his most learned Daughter. 
Epist. ad Heronem.   
2. To Polycarp Bishop of Smyrna.  
3. To the Church of Tarsis.  
4. To the Church of Antioch.  
5. To Hero Deacon of Antioch.  
6. To the Church at Philippi.  
Baronius is very confident, that these as well as the former are Ignatii germanas easdemque sincerissimas, 
Ad an. 109. § 19  The true and unfeigned Epistles of Ignatius: supposing that none can rationally doubt thereof, who will compare them together; seeing that in the judgement of all the Learned, their agreement in stile, character and many other notes of words, sentences and things doth plainly speak out and evidence so much; Than which (saith he) a better proof cannot be brought or desired▪ so that there is no ground for the least suspicion of imposture. But these big words of his upon examination will appear to be of little or no force, 
Ignat. Epist.  as the Reverend Usher shows: for as touching the likeness of stile, etc. between these Epistles, it is not such or so great, but he that would counterfeit Ignatius, might easily imitate him so far. The Forger observed some forms of speech and composition, frequently occurring and familiar to him, which he conceived was for his purpose carefully to retain. He considered that Ignatius delighted in compounding words with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the end, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the beginning: for as he himself was surnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; so are the Ephesians praised by him as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which words and the like he useth also in other of his Epistles. Hence the same words are taken up by the framer of these Epistles. So likewise in the true Ignatius we meet with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. wherein he is imitated by his counterfeit, as also in divers other expressions and sentences, which the Impostor might do without any great difficulty: so that it ought not to seem strange, if there be in some sort an uniformity of styles found in them.  
Besides, the deceit may be discerned by some passages contained in these, which cannot be imagined ever to have fallen from the pen of Ignatius, e. g. This is reckoned among the Heresies sown by the Ministers of Satan, 
Coci censur. Epist. ad Tarsens.  that Christ is he who is God over all. Again, 
Epist. ad Philip.  if any one shall fast on the Lord's day, or Sabbath (one only excepted) he is a murderer of Christ: 
Ibid.  Also, if any one celebrate the Pascha with the Jews, or receive the symbol of the Festivity, he is partaker with those who slew the Lord and his Apostles: wherein he condemns the Romans, who used to fast on the Sabbath: and Polycarp, whom he calls most blessed, together with the Asian or Eastern Churches, who kept the Pascha or Easter after the manner of the Jews. viz. as to the day whereon they observed it: which plainly show the Author of these Epistles to have been some latter, obscure and absurd fellow, 
Epist. ad Antioch.  altogether unlike Ignatius. Moreover, in these Epistles there is some mention of some styled Laborantes, who are ranked among the orders of the Clergy: And Diaconissaes, 
Epist. ad Polycarp.  & cujusdam Divini cursoris, or Letter-carrier, of which Functions or Offices Ecclesiastical, there is a deep silence among the Ancients; which, how could it have been, had Ignatius written so plainly of them? Lastly, writing to Polycarp, he thus speaks, Attend unto your Bishop, that God may to you: what had he forgot, that he wrote to a Bishop? Almost throughout this whole Epistle, I find, 
In medull. in notis in Epist.  saith Scultetus, the genuine Ignatius wanting. And well might he say so, had he only taken notice of those two words, which argues the Author to have been but a mean Grecian, and very unskillful in that language, viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as if the copious Greek were destitute of words, by which to express the Latin deposita and accepta.  
Upon such considerations as these, the famous Whitaker thus concludes concerning five of these latter Epistles: 
Lib. de Script. quaest. 6.  (for he accounts the Genuine to be seven, because that to Palycarp is reckoned as distinct from that unto the Church of Smyrna, both by Eusebius and jerom) It's apparent (saith he) that five of these are without doubt adulterate and spurious: Again, it's certain these are suppositious, and foisted in by others. And therefore though Baronius do affirm, that four of these should be added by the Philippians, 
Ad an. 109. § 19  unto the former, collected by Polycarp, and sent unto them; and that they were afterward commonly known both to the Greeks and Latins (which yet neither Eusebius among the Greeks, nor jerom among the Latins (both of them curious enough in their inquiries) came to the sight and knowledge of) who can imagine, and would give credit thereunto upon the bare report of the Cardinal? — Credat judaeus Apella, Non ego.  
Besides these, there are three more of a later date added to the former by Antiocbus the Monk, 
Usher. Ignat. Epist. ● cap. 18.  who lived under the Emperor Heraclius, and so seems to be coetaneous with the Constantinopolitan Chronicler, one of those formerly mentioned, who collected the second rank of Epistles, between which two collections there could therefore be no great distance of time. Thus now at last they are grown up to the number of fifteen: the three last added are,  
1. One unto the Virgin Mary, together with her answer.  
2. Two unto the Apostle john. Which, 
Descript. Eccles.  saith Bellarmine, are not to be found among the Greek Copies of his Epistles, 
Ad an. 109. § 34.  nor do they at all savour of the Gravity of Ignatius his stile. And Baronius leaves it to the prudence of the pious Reader, whether he will allow them any credit or no: Only (saith he) we know that they are cited by Bernard, 
Apparat.  and some later Authors make mention of them: But (saith Possevine) they are of no such certain credit as the other; yea, seeing they are not found written in Greek, nor mentioned by any of the ancient Fathers, ad Bernardum usque, unto the obscure age of Bernard: It's the safer course in my judgement (saith Mastraeus) to rank them among the number of Apocryphal Writings, 
Coci censur.  or at least to account them not altogether certain and genuine. So faintly and dubiously do even the Romanists themselves speak of the authority of these three last Epistles.  
Hence may we observe with what caution the Epistles of Ignatius, even the most received and undoubted (since so corrupted) are to be made use of; and upon how weak and sandy a foundation (viz. the pretended authority of Ignatius) the Papists build their unsound Doctrines, 
Praefat. ad Epist. Ignat. in Biblioth. patrum. edit. Paris. 1586. per Magarinum la Bigne.  of superstitious honouring the Virgin Mary, of the name of Pope given to the Bishops of Rome, of the real presence, of collegiate and cloistered Virgins, of the virtue of the Sign of the Cross to terrify the Devil, of their Feasts and lenten Fast, of the authority of Traditions and of the Church of Rome. And well may they be driven to such shifts, who eat the Scripture● as insufficient: yea, justly are they given up to these delusions, who not contenting themselves with the Sacred Oracles alone, and the Doctrines contained in them, (which are able to make perfect, 
Nihil naeniis illis, quae sub Ignatii nomine editae sunt, putidius. Calvin. Institut. l. 1. c. 13. § 29.  and wise unto salvation) do fancy and devise new ones in their own brains, and then Coin and impose authorities pretendedly Ancient for the maintaining of them.  
Frivolous therefore and vain is the flourish of Baronius; 
Ad an. 109. § 20.  that it came to pass by the admirable Counsel and providence of God, that these Epistles should all of them be written by Ignatius, and notwithstanding the shipwreck which so many writings have suffered, yet that these should be preserved entire and uncorrupt: whereas 'tis very evident that the greater part of them now extant are counterfeit, and not his, and the genuine miserably corrupted and altered. So that it may upon better ground be said, that herein the good providence of God hath been eminently seen, that he hath been pleased to stir up and assist some of his servants in vindicating the writings of this, and other of the Ancients from the injury that hath been offered them by base and disingenuous spirits, who have preferred their own interest before the honour and truth of God; and in plucking off the vizard, and discovering the fraud and Leger-demain of those that would abuse and cheat the world, by the obtrusion of Novelty instead of Antiquity thereupon.  
§ 4. His stile savours of a certain holy simplicity, 
Scultet in Medulla. Vedelius. ex Usher. Igna. Epist.  as did the State of the Church at that time, full of gravity, suitable unto a primitive Bishop; lively, fiery and solid, becoming so glorious a Martyr.  
§ 5. That which is chiefly remarkable in these Epistles, are those passages which are mentioned by Eusebius and jerom, as being most unquestionably such as fell from the penof this blessed Martyr: wherein are in a lively manner drawn and deciphered the portraiture of his most excellent spirit, his singular and vigorous love to the Lord Jesus, (whose name is said to have been engraven upon his heart in letters of gold) as also his undaunted courage and Magnanimity in his cause accompanied with unconquerable constancy and sweet humility.  
1. His earnest desire of Martyrdom, he thus expresseth: 
Jerom. in Catalogue. ex Epist. ad Roman Ex editione Usheri.  From Syria even unto Rome I fight with beasts, by land and sea, night and day; bound with ten Leopards, i.e. with a guard of Soldiers, who are the worse for favours: But I am the more instructed by their injustice, yet neither hereby am I justified: Would to God I might enjoy the beasts which are prepared for me; who, I wish may make quick dispatch with me; and whom I will allure to devour me speedily (lest, as they have been terrified at others, and did not touch them, so they would not dare to touch my body) and if they will not, I will even force them thereunto; 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Pardon me, I know what is best for me: Now I begin to be a Disciple (of Christ:) desiring nothing of these things which are seen, so I may win Jesus Christ. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Let fire, across, and troops of violent beasts, breaking of bones, dissipation of members, contrition of the whole body, and all the torments of the Devil, let them all come upon me, that I may enjoy Jesus Christ.  
2. When he was now condemned to the wild beasts, 
jeron. ib. ex Epist. eade●●.  and with an ardent desire of suffering, heard the Lions roaring; saith he, I am the wheat of God, whom the teeth of wild beasts shall grind, that I may be found the pure or fine bread of God. Immediately before which, go these words. I write to all the Churches, and enjoin them all; because I willingly die for God, if ye hinder not: I beseech you therefore that your love toward me be not unseasonable. Suffer me to become the meat of wild beasts, by whom I may obtain God.  
3. His care of the Churches was very great, whom he earnestly presseth to holiness and a conversation becoming the Gospel: And commendeth unto Polycarp, 
Euseb. lib. ●. cap. 33.  (whom he well knew to be an Apostolical Man), the Flock or Congregation of Antioch; praying him to be careful of the business there, about the election of a Bishop or Pastor in his room: manifesting herein his zeal for God and his glory, as also his cordial affection and fidelity to the brethren.  
Besides these, there are in the Epistles other things worthy of notice, though not so undoubtedly his, as the abovementioned; They are such as these.  
4. His Creed or brief sum of Christian Doctrine, 
Epist. ad Magnesian. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  wherein he accords with the Apostles Creed. His words are, Beloved, I would have you to be fully instructed in (the Doctrine of) Christ who before all ages was begotten of the Father, afterward made of the Virgin Mary without the company of man; and conversing holily, and without blame, he healed all manner of infirmities and sicknesses among the people, and did signs and wonders for the benefit of men, and revealed his Father, one and the only true God; and did undergo his passion, and by his murderers the Jews, suffered on the Cross under Pontius Pilate Precedent, and Herod the King, and was dead, and rose again, and ascended into heaven unto him that sent him, and fitteth at his right hand, and shall come in the end of the world in his Father's Glory to judge the quick and the dead, and to render unto every one according to his works. He that shall fully know and believe these things is blessed.  
5. Though he were one of the most eminent men of his time both for Piety and Learning, yet out of the depth of his humility he thus speaks of himself, when bound for Christ and his truth and lead toward his Martyrdom; 
In epist. ad Ephes.  styling his chains 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: spiritual pearls: although I be bound (saith he) yet am I not to be compared unto any one of you that be at liberty. Again, 
In Epist. ad Magnesian.  speaking of the Pastors of the Church; saith he, I blush to be named and accounted in the number of them; for I am not worthy, being the last, lowest or meanest of them, and an abortive thing: he also divers times styles himself, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Epist. ad Ephes. etc.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the least.  
6. Speaking of the Lords day; 
Epist. ad Magnesian. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  let every Christian, saith he, Celebrate as a Festival, the day of the Lords resurrection, which is the most eminent of all days.  
7. A Pious and Religious Man is money Coined and stamped of God; but a wicked and irreligious Man is false and counterfeit Coin of the Devils making, 
Ibidem.  Matth. 22. 20.  
8. As touching Antiquity, 
Epist. ad Philadelph. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  thus: I have heard, saith he, some to say; I will not believe if I find not the Gospel among the Ancient Records. But to such I say, that JESUS CHRIST is to me Antiquity; whom not to obey is manifest and irremissible ruin.  
9 The spirit of error preacheth Self, 
Epist. ad Ephes.  speaking it's own proper things, or notions, for it is self-pleasing, and glorifies itself: it is bitter, full of falsehood, seducing, slippery, proud, arrogant, talkative, dissonant, immensurate, pertinacious, streperous.  
10. He warneth the Ephesians to avoid and beware of Heretics, 
Epist. ad Ephes.  of whom many were sprung up in his time; and for so doing he commendeth that Church as most pure, renowned, and to be praised of all ages▪ because they denied them passage, who wandered up and down to spread their errors, and shut their ears against them. These Heretics in his Epistle to the Trallensians he particularly names, viz. Those who held the Heresy of Simon, as did Menander and Basilides, and their followers, the Nicholaitans, Theodotus, and Cleobulus: giving them this Character, 
Epist. ad Trallens.  that they are vain speakers and seducers, not Christians, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, such as set Christ to sale, and made a gain of him, fraudulently pretending the name of Christ, and corrupting the word of the Gospel; mingling the venom of their error with sugared words, as those that infuse poison into sweet wine, that by the delicious savour and relish thereof he that drinks it being deceived and taken, may unawares be destroyed.  
11. To the Romans he thus writes: 
Epist. add Roman.  Request this only for me, that I may be supplied with strength, both within and without not only to say but to will, not only to be called, but also to be found a Christian. A Christian when he is hated of the world, is beloved of God. It is better to die for Christ, then reign to the ends of the earth. Life without Christ is death. My love was Crucified.  
§ 6. As touching the cause of his Martyrdom, 
Scultet. in Medulla.  it's thus related. When the Emperor Trajan returned from the Parthian war, and every where in the Cities commanded Heathenish Sacrifices to be offered; which were sharply and justly reprehended by Ignatius even in the presence of Trajan; He was delivered bound with chains unto a band of Soldiers to be carried to Rome; whither being come, he was not long after brought into the Theatre, 
Baron. ad an. 110. § 2.  and there had two fierce Lions let loose upon him, and forthwith rend and devoured him leaving only the harder bones; and so according to his desire, the wild beasts became his Sepulchre: 
In Epist. ad Roman. Baron. ad an. 110.  which betided him in the Eleventh year of Trajan; and of Christ, One hundred and ten; After he had been Bishop or Pastor of the Church of Antioch the space of forty years: 
Baron. ad an. 71. § 11.  for he succeeded Evodius in that Office, An. Seventy one, and continued therein unto the year, One hundred and ten. Shortly after, viz. Anno One hundred and eleven, 
Id. add an. 11●  followed a mighty and terrible Earthquake, wherein many perished in divers places, 
Zonaras. Tom. 2.  by the fall of houses which overwhelmed them; among other in the City of Antioch, quam penè totam subruit, which was almost ruined by it; At what time the Emperor being there was in great danger, 
P. Orosius. l. 7. c. 12.  and like to have perished by the fall of the house in which he lived, 
In vitâ Trajani.  being drawn out of it through a window and so preserved; this terrible Earthquake is particularly described by Dion Cassius.   

justin Martyr.  
§ 1. JVstinus surnamed first the Philosopher, afterward the Martyr, he was the Son of Priscus Bacchius, 
Apolog. 2. John 4. 5. Adrichom in Theatro Ptolem. Geograph. lib. 7. cap. 16. Jos. 20. 7. Plin. lib. 5. cap. 13. Magnin. Geograph. Epiphan. lib. 1. Tom. 3. in colloq. cum Triphon.  of the City of Flavia Neapolis, of Syria Palestina; for so he styles himself: which City was before called Sichem, and corruptly in the time of Christ, Sichar, the Metropolis of Samaria, situate in Mount Ephraim, a City of Refuge: the Natives called it Mabortha: Pliny M●mortha; now it hath the name of Napolosa, or Napolitza and Naplos. Hence he is said to be a Samaritan, and he himself affirms so much, thus speaking, Neither did I fear to offend mine own Nation, the Samaritans, when I gave my Libel or Apology unto Caesar.  
Being a Philosopher greatly delighted with the Doctrine of Plato, he was afterward converted to Christianity by the courage and constancy of Christians in their Sufferings and Martyrdom: 
Apolog. 1.  for hearing that they were led Captives, neither fearing death nor any torments which are accounted terrible: I thought (saith he) it could not be, that this kind of men should be subject unto vice, and set on pleasures; for what voluptuous or intemperate man can so embrace death? He also elsewhere relates how he was brought to the knowledge of the Christian Religion by a divine hand guiding him thereunto, 
In colloq. cum Triphon.  after this manner.  
Being inflamed with a vehement desire after true Philosophy, he joined himself to almost all the several Sects of Philosophers, in order to his attaining of it: In the first place, unto that of the Stoics; from whom after a while he departed, because among them he could learn but little of God: leaving them, he next applied himself unto one of the Peripatetics, who demanding a reward of him, he forsook him thereupon, as not esteeming such a one (a mere mercenary) to be at all a Philosopher: from him he went to one of great fame among the Pythagoreans, who asked him if he were skilled in Music, Astronomy, Geometry, etc. to whom he replied, That he was altogether unacquainted with those Sciences. Hereupon understanding that it would be but lost labour, to endeavour after the knowledge of those things that conduce unto true happiness, till he had gotten somewhat that way; he was much grieved that he should fail and be disappointed of his hopes. Therefore bidding him farewell, he betakes him unto the Platonics, under one of whom he profited very much, and was greatly delighted in those Studies, deeming that in a short time he should this way attain unto the knowledge of God. Being much taken up, and eager in the pursuit of what he sought for, he gets him into a desert from the society of men, where he was followed by (as he thought) a grave old man, who (when justin turning about had espied him) asked him, if he knew him: he answered no. After much discourse with him, he told him it was a vain thing for him to imagine, that he should find the knowledge of the truth among the Philosophers, who themselves knew not God, nor were assisted by the Holy Ghost, and having for some time had communication together about the immortality of the Soul, about rewards and punishments: justin assented unto what he had said, and demanded of him by what means he might arrive unto the true knowledge of God. He willed him to read and search the Prophets, and to join prayer thereunto: Ask him again what Master he should make use of? Above all (quoth the old man) do thou pray that the door of light or illumination may be opened unto thee: for those things (which are contained in the Prophets) cannot be apprehended by any, but by him alone to whom God and his Christ will give understanding. And having so said, he suddenly vanished, neither did justin from that time see him any more. Hereupon forsaking the Philosophers whom formerly he had followed, he forthwith fell upon this course, and so became a Christian.  
As touching the former of these Relations, it is nothing improbable, that the admirable and extraordinary constancy of Christians in their greatest Sufferings for Christ might be an inducement unto him to inquire after the Doctrine and Religion which they professed, the truth whereof they could so willingly and cheerfully seal with their blood: a notable demonstration of the excellency and divine original thereof, and so might it make way to his conversion. Many instances might be given of the strange effects that such Spectacles have produced in the hearts of those that have been the Spectators: Trajan himself (who moved the persecution against the Christians) hearing good Ignatius (at that time when the Lions were ready to be let loose upon him) to utter those words, 
Antonin. Chronic.  I am the wheat of Christ, whom the teeth of wild Beasts must grind, to make me pure Bread for God: With admiration breaks out into these words, Grandis est tolerantia Christianorum, Great is the patience of the Christians: Who of the Greeks would suffer so much for his God? To whom Ignatius meekly replied; Not by mine own, but by the strength of Christ do I undergo all this.  
But as for the latter, whether he had such an apparition or no, and directions given him by his old man, what course he should take that he might come to the knowledge of the truth; Penes lectorem esto, I leave unto the prudent Reader to judge; yet was not Augustin's tolle, lege, altogether unlike it; neither are Histories wholly barren and silent in relations of the like kind. The gravity and piety of the Author may justly challenge from us a suspension at least of our censure, and stir us up to take notice of the variety of ways that God hath (who can, if in his infinite wisdom he see it meet) go out of the way of his ordinary providence to bring his great counsels to pass, and the things he hath purposed to his chosen from eternity,  
After that he had once given up his name to Christ, 
Cent. 2. cap. 10.  he became a most notable Champion and Defender of the Christian Faith against the Enemies thereof in every kind, especially the Heathen Philosophers, the bitter opposers of it, with whom he maintained with a great spirit many sharp conflicts and disputes for the vindication of it from their calumnies: for which work he was singularly furnished and instructed, 
Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 8.  being well studied and exercised in the Doctrine of the Gentiles, and eminently skilled in Philosophy, as the very addition to his name more than intimates, being commonly styled justin the Philosopher. Moreover, he was very ready and expert in the Scriptures, as may be eminently seen in his Colloquies with Triphon the Jew, whom (as another Apollo's, 
Acts 18. 24.  and eloquent man and mighty in the Scriptures) he mightily convinced that Jesus was the Christ, and had undoubtedly won him to embrace the Faith, had he not rather chosen to imitate the inbred obstinacy of his Nation, than yield to manifest and invincible truth: as saith the publisher and perfecter of that Latin Translation and Edition which Gelenius had begun and enterprised, 
In Epist. ad Lect. ante opera justin.  but could not finish, being prevented by death.  
§ 2. He was an holy man, 
Epiphan. Haeres. 46.  and a Friend of God, leading a life very much exercised in virtue; 
Trithem. de Script.  an eminent lover and worshipper of Christ, which he abundantly manifested in being one of the first that in those times of hot persecution (wherein the very name of Christian was accounted a crime sufficient for them to be proceeded against with utmost rigour) took unto him the boldness to be the Christians Advocate, (a Title peculiarly given to one Vetius Epagathus, 
Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 1.  who being moved with indignation at the unjust proceedings used against the Christians, desired that he might be heard in their behalf, undertaking to prove that no impiety was to be found in them; for which cause, he was afterward styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Advocate of the Christians) publicly to plead their cause, to clear their innocence, and to vindicate them from the groundless calumnies wherewith they were aspersed by their Adversaries, in his Learned Apologies; 
Hieronym. Epist. 84.  which he tendered unto the Emperors and Senate of Rome: As did also about the same time, Aristides and Quadratus, who all three presented their Apologies unto the Emperor Adrian; the like did Athenagoras unto Aurelius Antoninus and Commodus the next succeeding Emperors. Wherein (having with singular zeal broken the Ice) they were afterward followed by divers: amongst the rest, Apollinaris Bishop of Hierapolis, 
Euseb. lib. 4. ca 13. & 25. & lib. 5. cap. 19  Apollonius a Nobleman and Senator of Rome, Melito Bishop of Sardis, Tertullian, etc.  
He was one that had attained the height and top of Philosophy, 
Photius in Biblioth. num. 125.  both Christian and profane, abounding in the riches of Learning and History; but little studious to set out the native beauty of his Philosophy with the borrowed colours of the Art of Oratory: and therefore, though his Books be otherwise full of strength and stuffed with knowledge; yet have they but little relish or savour of the sauce of Art, nor do they with winning enticements, and cunning insinuations allure vulgar Auditors: So much he himself freely confesseth; I shall (saith he) deal with you out of the Scriptures, 
In Colloq. cum Tryph.  not showing much Art in the choice and quaintness of words; for I am not endued with such a faculty; only God hath given me grace to understand the Scriptures. So that there is to be found in him more solidity and strength of argument, than of the flowers and flourishes of Rhetoric. And yet is not this later altogether wanting in his writings in the judgement of the Author of the Parisian Edition: 
Epist. ad lect.  For that he was an Orator (saith he) is apparent from hence, 
Imperatorem benignum erga Christianos homines fecit. O●os. lib. 7. ca 14.  that his Apologies for the Christians prevailed so far with the Emperors, that the rigour and cruelty that was formerly exercised toward them, was much mitigated and abated; which to effect, no small piece of Rhetoric was requisite.  
The success whereof Eusebius gives us an account of, to this purpose.  
The Emperor upon the receipt of his Apology became more mild, 
Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 13.  setting forth his decree at Ephesus, wherein among other, these words concerning the Christians are to be read. Concerning these Men, many of the Precedents of the Provinces have heretofore written to my Father Adrian: to whom he wrote back again; that such should not be molested, unless they were found to have attempted something against the Roman Empire. And many have informed me also concerning them; to whom I returned a like answer as my Father had done. If therefore hereafter any one shall persist to occasion trouble unto such, as such; Let him that is accused be freed from the accusation: and let the accuser undergo punishment.  
§ 3. Of the Books which he wrote; 
lib. 4. ca 18. In the knowledge of the h●ly Scriptures are very diligently exercised therein. Bellarm. de Script.  in the general Eusebius thus speaks: justin hath left behind him unto Posterity many Monuments of a mind accurately instructed, and full fraught with profit in every kind: which seem to be the first after the Apostolical times that have come to our hands.  
Of these, some are lost and perished, only we find the names or titles of them recorded by himself and others; of this sort are, as jerom hath them.  
1. A Volume against the Gentiles, 
In cate-log.  wherein he disputeth of the nature of Devils: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: de exilio daemonum: of the Exile of Devils, saith Suidas.  
2. A fourth Volume against the Gentiles, 
Quae ad no● pervenit. inquit Euseb. lib. 4. ca 18. de Script.  which he entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a refutation; Trithemius calls it, castigationum, lib. 1.  
3. Of the Monarchy of God: of which more anon.  
4. A Book which he called, Psaltes.  
5. Of the Soul: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: a Scholastical discourse, wherein various questions being propounded, he annexed the opinions of the heathen Philosophers, which he promised to answer, and to give his own judgement concerning them in a certain other Commentary.  
6. Against Martion the Heretic, 
Euseb. ibid.  lib. 1. saith Trithemius: how many for number, it's uncertain. 
de Script. Cent. 2. c. 10.  Books saith Photius, necessary to be read; styled by jerom insignia Volumina, famous and excellent Volumes.  
7. Against all Heresies; 
Biblioth. num. 125.  or Sects as Suidas, a profitable work, saith Photius.  
8. A Commentary upon Genesis. 
Cent. ibib.   
9 A Commentary upon the Apocalypse: 
In cate-log.  so jerom in the life of the Apostle john. Being banished, (saith he) into the Isle of Patmos, he wrote the Apocalypse, which justin Martyr and Irenaeus do interpret.  
10. Possevine saith, 
In appa●at.  that in the Catalogues of Greek Manuscript Books which came to his hands, is to be seen such an Inscription as this. justini Philosophi & Martyris, Explicatio in St. Dionysii Areopagitas Episcopi Atheniensis Hierarchiam Ecclesiasticam, & mysticam Theologiam.  
11. An Epistle ad Papam: mentioned by himself in his Epistle to Zena and Sirenus.  
The Books now extant under his name are of two sorts.  
1. Some genuine and by all granted to be his, 
Omnium consensu ipsi tribuuntur Scultet. in Medulla. Edit. Parisiens. 1636. gr. & lat. Scultet. Medullâ.  viz.  
1. Paraenesis, his exhortation to the Grecians: wherein he exhorts them to embrace the Christian Religion as being of greater Authority, and of more antiquity than the Heathenish: and in the end, shows them the way how they may attain it.  
2. An Oration unto the Greeks: 
Ibid.  wherein he lays down the reasons, why he forsook their Rites; and invites them, to embrace the Christian Religion.  
Yet is neither of these mentioned by Ei●sebius or jerom.  
3. His first Apology, unto the Senate of Rome; which Bellarmine conceives to be the later, 
De Script. Eccles. & Baron. ad an 164. § 14.  and not given up unto the Senate (as our Books have it) but unto Marcus and Lucius the Successors of Pius, and that this common deceit was hence occasioned, because the first Apology (as they are usually placed) wants the beginning, and therefore it could not be known unto whom it was directed.  
Herein 1. He complains of their most unjust proceedings in punishing the Christians merely for the name.  
2. He makes answer unto those things which were objected to them by the Gentiles.  
3. He requests them, that to their decree, if they should publish any thing concerning this thing, they would publicly annex this Apology, that the innocency of the Christians might be known unto all.  
4. His second Apology which he tendered unto Antoninus Pius, 
Aelius, Adrianus.  to his Sons, and to the whole Senate and people of Rome; which Baronius calls, fortem & gravem Apologiam, a strong and grave Apology, first named both by Eusebius and jerom, and therefore likely to be the first of the two. The sum whereof Baronius gives us in these words: Multa exprobrat de iniquissimis in Christianos judiciis, &c, i. e. He much upbraids them for their most unjust proceedings against the Christians, 
Baron. ad an. 150. § 2.  viz. for that without any inquiry into cause or matter, they were adjudged to death as the most impious and flagitious of all Men; and that for no other reason, but because they were Christians; the very name being accounted crime enough. Wherefore he doth notably clear them from the several calumnies cast upon them, and fully demonstrates their innocency by many arguments: particularly that they were not such as they were commonly famed to be, viz. Atheists, because though they worshipped not the gods of the heathen, yet they knew the true God, and performed that service that was agreeable unto him: Also that they looked not for an earthly kingdom (as was suspected of them, for which cause the Romans stood in fear of a Rebellion and their defection from them) but a Divine and Heavenly, that made them most willing to run the hazard, and suffer the loss of this present life; which they never could do, were they possessed with any desires of reigning in the World. Moreover, he wipes off those blasphemies wherewith the Christians were loaded, for their worshipping of a crucified Man, by such as were altogether ignorant of the mystery of the Cross of Christ. Showing, that the Religion of such as worshipped the gods was but a vain and sordid superstition. He likewise Learnedly and copiously discourseth of the Divinity of Christ, and of his incarnation or assuming our Nature: and unfolds many things of the mystery of the Cross: and by many clear and convincing arguments proves the verity of the Christian Faith: withal insinuating their harmless Life, exact observance of chastity, patience, obedience, peaceableness, gentleness, and love, even to their very enemies. Lastly, he lays before them the Rites or manner observed by the Christians in their sacred Mysteries, viz. Baptism, and the Lord's Supper, etc. because of the slanders that were raised and scattered abroad concerning them, as if horrible and abominable things were practised by them (such indeed as are not to be once named among them) in their secret meetings upon such occasions. All which he performed with such admirable liberty and boldness, as became so zealous and Advocate in so good a cause: wherein the magnanimity of his Spirit moved with an holy indignation, may evidently be discerned by the seriousness of the matter contained in it, and the solidity of the arguments by which, what he undertook is fully proved.  
5. A Dialogue or Colloquy with Tryphon a Jew: 
In praefat●ad opera Justini.  which Morel calls, Illustris disputatio; a notable disputation in Ephesus a most famous City of Asia, with Tryphon the chief of the Jewish Synagogue, continued by the space of two whole days, 
Cont. 2. c. 10▪  for the truth of the Christian Religion: wherein he proves the Jews to be incredulous, contumacious blasphemers of Christ and Christians; Infidels and corrupters of the Scriptures, falsely interpreting the words of the Prophets: 
Possevin. in apparat.  and most clearly demonstrates by innumerable testimonies, fetched from the old Law, that Jesus our Saviour, is the true Messiah, whom the Prophets foretold should come.  
6. An Epistle to Zena and Serenus; which comprehends the whole life of a Christian man, whom he instructs in all the duties belonging to him: of which yet Bellarmine makes some doubt whether it be his or no. 
De Script. Eccles.   
7. An Epistle unto Diognetus; wherein he shows why the Christians have left the Jews and Greeks; 
Scultet. in Medul.  what their life and doctrine is, and why they contemn death. As not the two first, so neither are these two last mentioned by Eusebius or jerom: yet are all these seven conceived to be the proper works of justine.  
Besides these there are other extant under his name, which yet are either questioned, or conceived to be none of his; but supposititious, & falsely ascribed to him: They may be discerned from those that are genuine, either by the diversity of the Style, or some other evident Notes distinguished the one from the other. And they are these that follow.  
1. His Book de Monarchia: 
Scultet. in Medul. Rivet. crit. sac.  the Style whereof is not unlike that of justine: yet is it doubtful, whether he were the Author of it: 1. Because the Title differs from that mentioned by Eusebius, jerom, Photius and Suidas, who entitle the Book written by him, de Monarchia Dei: whereas this is only de Monarchia. 2. In that he tells, that he fetcheth Testimonies not only from our own Authors, i. e. the sacred Scriptures; but also Writings of the Heathens: whereas in this now extant, the later sort of Testimonies only are to be found.  
Gelenius also in his Latin Edition of the Works of justin, (which he saith comprehended all those then extant) leaves this out altogether. 
In observat. Ri et. crit. sat.  Perionius therefore concludes, that either this, that we now have is not perfect, but wants many pages; or else for certain justin wrote another Book upon this Subject. 
Note in Hieronym. Catalogue. in Bibloth. Eccles.  Miraeus is of this judgement, that half of the other Book de Monarchia remains; and that half of one Book de Monarchia Dei is lost.  
The sum of it is to exhort the Greeks, 
Scultet. in Medulla.  to leave their idolatry, and to worship the true God; whom their Poets did acknowledge to be the only Creator and Governor of all things; but made no reckoning at all of their feigned gods.  
2. An exposition of the true Faith, or of a right Confession of the holy and coessential Trinity. Which by divers Arguments may evidently be proved to be none of his; especially.  
1. By the Style, 
Cent. ●. cap. 10. Scultet. in Medul.  which seems to differ from that of justin, being more curt and neat than his.  
2. Because he speaks much more apertly and distinctly of the Mysteries of the Trinity, 
Bellarm. de Scrip.  and Incarnation, than the Writers of that age are wont to do.  
3. None of the Ancients make mention of it.  
4. The words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. were not then so usual in the Church: nor are they any where to be found in the Writings of justin, when as yet he sometimes professedly handles the Doctrine of the Trinity.  
Bellarmine himself therefore is doubtful of it: 
Ibid.  Ambigo, saith he, ●n ejus sit: and well he might, 
Scultet. ibid.  there being so much cause. But whoever were the Author of it, it is an excellent and profitable discourse, and worthy of such an Author as justin.  
Herein he shows, that there is indeed but one God, who is known in the Father, Son, and holy Spirit; and that these three have but one and the same Essence, as also discourseth of the Incarnation of the Word; who is Mediator according to both Natures, the manner of the Union whereof in Christ is ineffable.  
3. A confutation of certain Opinions of Aristotle: 
In apparat. ad an. 165. § 8.  which (saith Possevine) justin did not write; neither will Baronius undertake to determine whether it be his or no. Eusebins, jerom and Suidas mention it not; for which cause it is justly rejected, as not written by justin; though Photius speak of it as his, and it have no evident note of falsehood, 
De Script. Eccles.  in the judgement of Bellarmine; Therefore, saith he, I have nothing to say one way or other.  
4. Certain Questions propounded by the Christians to the Gentiles, and their Answers to them, together with a confutation of those Answers. Which piece, as the Style bewrays it to be none of justins; so may it easily be discerned also from the often mention of the Manichees in the confutation of the answer to the first question: 
Bellar. ibid. & Possevin. in apparat.  who arose above an hundred years after justin.  
5. Certain questions propounded by the Greeks or Gentiles, with the answers of the Christians unto them. 
Cent. 2. cap. 10.  Which are ranked with the former by the Centurists.  
6. This answers to 146 questions, 
In apparat. de Scrip.  unto the Orthodoxes: it seem not to justins, saith Possevine; the same thinks Bellarmine: yea, that this is certain, 
Scultet. in Medulla. & Coci censur. & Cent. 2. cap. 10.  many things contained in them do plainly evince. As 1. Some words, which were not in use in the Church, till a long time after justin. e. g. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. 2. In them is cited Irenaeus. Quest. 115. whom he styles a Martyr: yet did justin die some forty years before: viz. An. 165. where Irenaeus suffered Martyrdom, an. 205. according to the account of Baronius. Also Origen is quoted, Quest. 82. & 86. who yet was long after justin. 3. Divers passages are here to be found, which are cross to what is contained in the genuine Writings of justin. e. g. That the Witch of Endor did but delude the eye; 
In Dialog. cum Tryphon.  that they seemed to see Samuel, when 'twas not he. Quest. 52. whereas justin asserteth that 'twas the true Samuel that was raised. Also, Quest. 112. the Angel that spoke with jacob and Moses, and other of the Patriarches, is said to be a created Angel; and that for his office committed to him, he was honoured with the name of God. Whereas justin earnestly contends and affirms, that that Angel was Christ the Son of God.  
Add hereto, that the stile shows them to be counterfeit; 
Bibliotia. lib. 4.  which seems (saith Sixtus Senensis) not unlike unto that of Theodoret in his questions upon the Octoteuch: and it is conceived that they were written by some one who lived about that time. Besides all this, there are among them so many questions and answers, 
Sylburg. in Annotat. Scultet. in Medulla.  unworthy of the Piety, Candour and Learning of justin, that if they be compared with his true Writings, they will be found to differ no less than Gold and Lead, the one from the other.  
Upon how frail a foundation then are those unsound Doctrines of the Papists built (for the proof whereof these spurious Writings are often alleged) viz. 
Dr. James corruption of the Futhers. Coci. censur.  the lawful use of the Cross, the Virgin Mary without sin, keeping and worshipping of Relics, religious Vows, Baptism necessary unto Salvation, the use of Chrism, Ceremonies of the Mass, freewill and that Confirmation is a Sacrament.  
§ 4. The stile that justin used, was vehement and worthy of one that handled serious matters: 
Cent. 2. Cap. 10.  but it came nearer to that of the Philosopher, than to that of the Orator; which is the reason why he is sometimes obscure.  
§ 2. Many things of special Note, and very observable are to be met withal in this ancient Author: among the rest are such as these.  
1. He acquaints us with the manner of the Christians performance of the duties of worship in their public Assemblies; 
Apolog. 2.  which was thus: Upon the day which is called Sunday (saith he) or the first day of the Week, are the Meetings or public Assemblies of those inhabiting both the City and Country: where are read, as time will permit, the Writings of the Prophets and Apostles: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Precedent.  the Reader having ended, the Pastor or Precedent makes an exhortation instructing and stirring them up to imitation of things that are honest: Afterward, we all rise up together, and offer up Prayers; which concluded, there is brought forth Bread, and Wine, and Water: then the Pastor, according to his ability, offers up Prayers and Thanksgivings, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: with all his might or earnestly: Thorndike of religious assembls. and service, cap. 7. rendered, Langus, quamtum pro virili suâ potest. by Gelenius; quantum potest.  the people saying Amen. Then being consecrated, they are distributed unto every one, and sent to such as are absent by the Deacon. The wealthier sort, if they please, contribute somewhat, as they will: and what is gathered, is deposited with the Pastor; who therewith relieves Orphans, Widows, and such as through sickness, or any other necessity are in want; as also such as are in bonds and strangers; briefly he takes care of all that are poor. And therefore do we meet upon Sunday, because upon it God dispelling the darkness, and informing the first matter, created the World, and also because upon that day Jesus Christ our Saviour rose again from the dead.  
And a little before he thus speaks of the same Matter. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  After Baptism we bring him that believes and is added to us, to the place where the Brethren, as they are called, are congregated, making their joint Prayers for themselves, or he that is Illuminated or Baptised, and for all others every where, with all their might. Prayers being ended, we mutually salute one another with a kiss: then is there offered unto the Pastor (or Precedent) Bread and a Cup of Water and Wine: he receiving them, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  returns or sends up Praise and Glory unto the Father of all things, through the name of the Son and holy Spirit; and largely gives thanks, for that he accounted us worthy of these gifts: when he hath finished the Prayers and Thanksgiving, all the people that are present, follow him with their well-wishing acclamations, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  saying, Amen, And, Amen, in the Hebrew Tongue, signifies, be it so. Then, after that the Precedent hath ended the Thanksgiving, and all the people have given their acclamations and approbations, they that with us are called Deacons distribute to every one of those that are present, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  that each may partake of that Bread, Wine and Water, that hath been blessed, and carry it unto those that are absent. And this nourishment or food among us is called the Eucharist: Whereof it is not lawful for any to partake, but only such a one as believes our Doctrine to be true, and hath been washed in the laver for remission of sins, and unto regeneration, and lives so as Christ hath delivered or taught.  
In this plain and simple manner were the Ordinances according to Christ's institution then administered; without all those pompous Observations, Ceremonies and superstitious Additions, which in after times by degrees were brought in, practised and prevailed to the great dishonour of God, detriment of Souls, disturbance of the Church, and despoiling of the Ordinances themselves of much of their beauty and lustre, which then shines forth most, when they are preserved in their native purity, and kept most free from all debasing mixtures of men's devices and adventitious supposed Ornament, which rather deform than deck and adorn them.  
2. O● the sufferings of the Christians, their joy in them with 〈◊〉 ground thereof, and the 〈…〉 thus speaks. 〈…〉 we are 
〈…〉  slain, we rejoice, having this persuasion that God will raise us up by his Christ. There is none that can terrify or bring us into bondage, who by believing have given up our names to Jesus; this is manifested through all the earth: For when we are slain with the sword, crucified, and punished with bonds, fire, and all kind of torments, it is sufficiently known that we forsake not our profession: and the more we are tormented, the more is the number of Believers, and such as embrace the true Religion, through the name of Jesus increased. For as by pruning, the Vine spreads and becomes more fruitful; so fares it with us: for his people are a Vine or Vineyard planted by God and our Saviour.  
3. He shows that the gift of casting out Devils, of Prophecy, and other extraordinary gifts of the holy Ghost, continued unto this time. Whereof he thus speaks.  
We call Jesus Christ our Helper and Redeemer, 
Dialog. cu● Triphon.  the virtue of whose Name the Devils tremble at and fear; and even at this day being adjured by the Name of Jesus Christ, who was crucified under Pontius Pilate, the Governor of judea, they obey us: that thence also it may appear unto all that the Father hath given him so great power, that even the Devils are subject to his Name, and to the Oecomony, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  or dispensation of his Passion. Now if the Oeconomy of his Passion be shown to have obtained, and to obtain so great power, how great will it be at his glorious appearing?  
Concerning this we have another passage to the same purpose, 
Apolog. 1. pag. 31. gr. lat. Edit.  in his first (as it's ordinarily accounted) Apology: as also no less than twice more doth he make report thereof in his Dialogue with Tryphon. In the last of which places (which I therefore set down as his Creed, 
Dialog. cum Tryphon. pag. 312.  because it contains the sum of the Articles of the Apostles Creed, that respect Jesus Christ) he thus saith: By the Name of this very Son of God, and first born of every Creature, born of the Virgin, and made a Man subject to sufferings, crucified under Ponti●● Pilate by your Nation, who died and rose again from the dead, and ascended into Heaven; every Devil adjured is overcome and brought into subjection. But if ye should adjure them by any name of the Kings, or just Men, or Prophets, or Patriarches that have been among you, not one of them should yield obedience. Again, mentioning that Prophecy: 
Ibid. pag. 315.  I will pour out my Spirit upon all flesh, and upon my Servants, and upon mine Handmaids, and they shall prophesy: Among us (saith he) you may see both women and men, having gifts from the Spirit of God. Lastly, among us even unto this day there are prophetical gifts: 
Pag. 308.  from whence you ought to understand, that those (gifts) which of old time were in your Nation, are now translated unto us.  
Of such places of Scripture as do seem to contradict one another, 
Dialog. cum Tryphon. pag. 289.  he declares what he himself doth, and others should think of them. I shall never dare to think or say that the Scriptures are contrary one unto another: but, if any Scripture be propounded, which seems to be such, and to have a show of being contrary to some other; I being throughly persuaded, that no one Scripture is contrary unto another, will rather confess that I do not understand the things that are spoken; and will endeavour that those who suspect the Scriptures to be contrary, would rather be of the same mind with me. So great was the reverence and respect that he bore unto the sacred Scriptures.  
5. Unto what persons, and in what manner Baptism, was then administered, he acquaints us, saying:  
As many as are persuaded and do believe those things that are taught and spoken by us to be true, and promise to live accordingly, they are taught to pray fasting, 
Apolog. 2. p. 93. 94.  and to beg of God the pardon of their former sins, we praying and fasting together with them: Then are they brought by us unto the place where the water is, and are regenerated after the same manner of Regeneration wherewith we were regenerated. For in the name of the Father and Lord God of all, and of our Saviour Jesus Christ, and of the Holy Spirit they are then washed in Water.— And through the Water we obtain remission of those sins which we had before committed. And this washing is called illumination, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪  because the minds of those that learn these things are enlightened.  
6. We make account that we cannot suffer any harm from any one, unless we be convicted to be evil-doers, 
ibid. p. 54▪  or discovered to be wicked persons. You may indeed put us to death, but you cannot hurt us.  
7. Such was the innocency and tenderness of Christians; that, whereas (saith he) before we believed, we did murder one another, now we not only do not oppugn or War against our enemies, 
Apolog. 2. p. 78.  but, (that we may not lie nor deceive the Inquisitors) confessing Christ we die willingly.  
8. So great was the courage and resolution of Christians: 
ibid. p. 83.  that although, saith he, it were decreed to be a capital crime for any to teach or even to profess the name of Christ; we notwithstanding both embrace and teach it.  
9 Concerning the Translation of the Septuagint, he gives this account: That Ptolemy King of Egypt, erecting a Library at Alexandria, and understanding that the Jews had ancient Books which they diligently kept, 
Exhortat. ad Graecos. p. 13.  he sent for seventy wise men from jerusalem, who were skilled both in the Greek and Hebrew Tongues, and committed unto them the care of translating those Books. And that being free from all disturbance they might make the quicker dispatch of the translation, he commanded a like number of Cells, or little Rooms to be made, not in the City itself, but about seven furlongs from it, where the Pharos was built, that each one should finish his interpretation by himself alone, requiring the servants attending them, to be in every regard serviceable to them; only to hinder them from conversing together, to the end that the exact truth of the Interpretation might be known by their consent. And coming to know that these seventy men used not only the same sense, but also the same words in the translation, and that they differed no not so much as in one word one from another, but had written in the same words of the same things; being hereat astonished, and believing the Interpretation to be accomplished by divine assistance, he judged the men worthy of all honour as loving, and beloved of God, and with many gifts commanded them to return again into their own Country: And having the books in admiration (as there was cause) and consecrating them unto God, he laid them up there in the Library: These things we relate unto you, O ye Greeks, not as fables and feigned stories, but as those who have been at Alexandria, and have seen the footsteps of those Cells yet remaining in Pharos: This we report as having heard it from the Inhabitants, who have received the memorable things of their Country by tradition from their Ancestors: Which also you may understand from others, and chiefly from those wise and approved Men who have recorded these things, namely Philo and josephus.  
10. Concerning the Sibyls, thus, O ye Greeks, 
Exhortat. ad Graecos pag. 34.  If you have not greater regard unto the fond or false imagination of them that are no gods, then unto your own salvation give credit unto the most ancient Sibyls, whose Books happen to be preserved in the whole World, teaching you from a certain powerful Inspiration by Oracles, concerning those who are called, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  but are not gods: and plainly and manifestly foretelling the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ, and of all things that were to be done by him. For the knowledge of these things will be a necessary Praeludium or preparation unto the Prophecies, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  or to the reading of the Prophecies of holy Men.  
§ 6. Though his excellencies were great, yet were they accompanied with many imperfections, viz. his slips and errors that he had, which we shall briefly point at and give notice of, and they were such as these.  
1. He was an express Chiliast or Millenary, 
Victor. Scholar in Hieronym. cate-log. Hieronym. in cate-log.  and a most earnest maintainer of that opinion, as were many of the Ancients beside him, viz. Irenaeus, Apollinarius Bishop of Hierapolis, Nepos an Egyptian Bishop, Tertullian, Lacta●tius, 
Hieronym. ibid. Euseb. lib. 3. c. 36.  Victorinus, etc. The first broacher of this error was Papias, the Auditor or Disciple of john, not the Apostle, but he who was called Presbyter or Senior, and whose the two latter Epistles of john are by some conceived to be. This man was passing eloquent▪ but of a weak and slender judgement, as by his Books appears; yet did he occasion very many Ecclesiastical Men to fall into this error, who had respect unto his Antiquity: and among the rest, justin, as appears in divers places of his Books: particularly in his Dialogue with Tryphon the Jew; 
pag, 30●. Edit. Gr. & Lat. Paris.  who pressing him after this manner. Tell me truly saith he, do you acknowledge that the City jerusalem shall be built again, and that your people shall be there gathered together, and live in pleasures with Christ, etc. To whom I thus replied, saith he, I am not such a wretch, O Tryphon, as to speak otherwise then I think; I have confessed unto thee before, that myself and many others are of the same mind, as ye fully know, it shall be even so: but withal I have signified unto thee, that some Christians of a pure and pious judgement, do not acknowledge this:— But as for me, and those Christians who are of a right judgement in all things, we do know that there shall be a Resurrection of the Flesh, and a thousand years in jerusalem rebuilt, beautified and enlarged, as the Prophets Ezekiel, Esay and others have published.— And afterward that there shall be an Universal and Everlasting Resurrection of all together and a Judgement, as a certain Man of our own, whose name was john, one of the Twelve Apostles of Christ, in that Revelation which he had, hath foretold.  
2. He entertained a gross Judaical conceit, 
Apolog. 1. page 44.  concerning some of the Angels: of whom he hath these words: That God having made the World, and put the Earth in subjection unto Man:— He committed the care of Men themselves and of the things under the Heavens unto certain Angels whom he had appointed hereunto: but the Angels transgressing the Ordinance of God, were overcome with the company of Women, on whom they begat those Children which are called Daemons: and moreover they brought the rest of mankind into servitude unto themselves,— and sowed Murders, Adulteries, Wars, and all kind of wickedness among Men, This error took its rise from an ancient Edition of the Septuagint, 
Sixt. Senens. Biblioth. lib. 5. annot. 70.  which Philo judaeus, and Eusebius followed: they finding, Genesis 6. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 filii Dei, the Sons of God, rendered those words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and hence it came to pass, that many of the Ancients both Greek and Latin, did so expound that place, whence sprung the error above mentioned.  
3. He attributes too much to the writings of Plato. and other Philosophers, saying, that the Doctrines of Plato differ not from Christ, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Apolog. 1. p. 51.  but that they are not altogether like: also, whosoever live according to reason, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . although they have been accounted without God, worshippers of no deity, yet are they Christians: Such among the Greeks were Socrates, Heraclitus and the like to them. This it seems he delivered, 
Epit. Hist. Eccles. Cent. 2. lib. 4. c. 4.  that he might the more easily draw the Gentiles unto the Faith of Christ; saith Osiander.  
4. He too highly advanceth the power and freedom of Man's Will: whereof he thus speaks. 
Apolog. 2. interpret Gelenio.  Caeterùm, nequis nostra dicta sic accipiat, quasi fati necessitatem asseramus, & que fiunt ideo fieri, quia praedicta sunt; explicabimus hoc quoque. Poenas ac praemia pro dignitate operum cuique reddi verum est, & compertum ex Prophetarum oraculis. Alioquin si fato regerentur omnia, nihil omninò relictum esset in nostrâ potestate: nam si fatali lege alius bonus esset, alius malus: nec laudeni ille, nee hic mereretur vituperium: Et nisi homines arbitratu suo possunt turpia fugere, honesta sectari, extra culpam erunt, quicquid agant. Caeterùm quòd liberâ voluntate vel pèccent vel officium faciant, sic demonstrabimus, etc.  
These things I mention not to discover the nakedness of this venerable Father, but that it may from hence appear that the writings of the holy Prophets and Apostles only are exempt from error and defects, and that those of the most eminent men are to be read with caution, to be examined by that Touch stone, and so far only to be approved of, as they shall be found agreeing with that unerring and perfect word, and no further: for by it must we try the Spirits whether they be of God, and proving all things, hold fast that only which it shows to be good.  
7. As for his Death or Martyrdom, he was brought unto it by the procurement of one Crescens a Cynic Philosopher, with whom he had much contended: Which he himself did before apprehend and expect, 
Apolog. 1. pag. 46.  as appears from his own words: I look (saith he) by some one of them who are called Philosophers, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  to be betrayed, or brought to the Stake or Tree: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  it may be by Crescens himself the Philosopher, a lover of popular applause, and of insolent Arrogance: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  a Man unworthy to be called a Philosopher, because he publicly witnesseth, the things which he knoweth not, as if the Christians were Atheistical, and Impious: which he doth to curry favour with, and to pleasure the multitudes whom he hath deceived.  
This Crescens, 
Cent. 2. c. 10.  he had provoked, and stirred up his implacable malice against him, for that he had in a disputation publicly before the Senate reprehended him not only of being ignorant of those things which it became a Philosopher to know, but also for his foul and debauched manners: wherefore he accused him to be a Christian, and never left, till by his restless solicitations he had brought him to his end.  
So at Rome he joyfully suffered Martyrdom for the Name of Christ, 
Baron.  under the Emperor's Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus, Anno Christi, 165.   

Irenaeus Lugdunensis Episcopus.  
§ 1. COncerning his birth, where and of what Parents he was born, 
Cent. 2. c. 10. Graecus Asianus & fortè Smyrnaeus fuit. Possev. apparat.  we have nothing certain; Only probable it is that for Country he was an Asian, and that he came of honest and pious parents not far from, if not in the City of Smyrna: for there in his youth was he trained up in the School of blessed Polycarp a Disciple of the Apostle john; 
Euseb. l. 4. c. 15. in Ep, Smynens.  and Bishop of Smyrna; Of whom it is reported, that being brought before the Proconsul, and by him urged to blaspheme and revile Christ, he thus answered him, Fourscore and six years, saith he, have I served him, neither hath he in any thing ever wronged me; and how can I then revile my King, that hath hitherto preserved me? Also in the same Epistle of the Church of Smyrna, it follows concerning him; that being in the fire, which in the form of a vault or sail of a ship, encompassed him about as a wall, his body seemed as gold or silver tried in the furnace; and that from it there proceeded a sweet and fragrant smell, as of frankincense or some such like precious perfume: and that at length, the persecutors perceiving that the fire consumed not his body, commanded the tormentor to launce him in the side with a spear; which done, there forthwith issued such a stream of blood out of his body, as quenched the fire to the great admiration of the multitude.  
Upon this Reverend Father did Irenae●● with so great diligence attend, that the Doctrine which he learned from him was deeply engraven in his breast; so that even to his ol● age he firmly retained the remembrance of i● yea his very gestures: so much he himself testifieth in his Epistle unto Florinus, sometime his fellow Scholar, but tainted with that opinion that God was the Author of evil, an● afterward with the error of Valentinus: remember, saith he, the things of old, bett●● then those of later times: for the things 〈◊〉 learn in our childhood, sink farther into 〈◊〉 minds, and grow up together with us; 〈◊〉 that I do well remember, 
Eus. l. 4. c. 18.  the place whe●● Polycarp sat when he taught, his going o● and coming in, his manner and course 〈◊〉 life, the figure and proportion of his body the Sermons which he made unto the multitude the relation he gave of his converse wit● the Apostle john and others which saw t●● Lord; how he remembered their sayings, 〈◊〉 what he heard from their mouths touching the Lord, 
〈◊〉. haeres 24. Hie●●●mym. in Catalogue.  his power, Doctrine, etc. Hen●● is he not unjustly styled a man of the Apostolical times, very near unto them, and the successor of them.  
By Polycarp he was s●nt unto the City 〈◊〉 Lions in France, 
Greg. Tu●onens. l. 1. hist. c. 27.  whereby his admirable virtue he soon became famous; in so much that in a small space of time by his preaching he had made almost the whole City Christian. Of this Church he was at first a Presbyter of Pothinus (as jerom, 
In cate-log. l. hist. 5. c. ●.  Eusebius and Nicephorus call him) or Photinus, (as the Centurists, Baronius and Gregory of Turon) who was the first Bishop of that place.  
At this time the Churches of Asia being much infested with the New prophecies and delusions of Montanus, 
Cent. 2. c. 10.  Alcibiades and Theodotus; the Gallicane Churches (either of their own accord out of their brotherly love to and care of them, or else at their request craving assistance from them against these corrupters of the Gospel) sent Irenaeus unto them as the meetest man for such a work, with their letters; that he might comfort those afflicted Churches, confirm them in the truth, and confute those heretical adversaries: He took Rome in his way, haply to confer with and crave the advice and help of Eleutherius Bishop there, about this affair, unto whom he had letters recommendatory from the Churches making Honourable mention of him.  
During his absence upon this weighty occasion, 
Eus. l. 5. c. ●▪  in the great persecution under Antoninus Verus (which much raged in the Churches of France) the good Bishop Photinus aged ninety years, is imprisoned: and being brought before the tribunal, and by the Precedent asked this question; who is the God of the Christians; he perceiving this demand to be made rather in way of scorn, than out of a serious desire to be informed; because h● would not cast pearls before swine, vouchsafed him no other answer but this; si dignus fueris, cognosces: when thou shalt become worthy, thou shalt know. With which answer, as contumelious, the Precedent being highly provoked, commanded the Officers to beat him; which accordingly they did, handling him in a most barbarous and cruel manner, and afterward, almost breathless, cas● him into a filthy prison; wherein about two days after by a glorious death he obtained the crown of Martyrdom.  
The Church of Lions by this means being destitute of a Bishop, none was thought mo●● worthy to succeed the aged Martyr, 
Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 5.  than his Presbyter Irenaeus, who not long after returning, 
Baron. ad a●. 180. § 1.  was accordingly chosen an● took upon him the Government of tha● Church.  
He entered upon the administration thereo● in a very unquiet and turbulent time; the sta●● of affairs being much distracted, 
Fevard. in vitâ Irenaei.  not only b● reason of that grievous storm of persecution they had lately been under, yea which 〈◊〉 yet scarcely calmed and blown over; 〈◊〉 also through the busy attempts of dive●● impostors cunningly seeking to undermine the Doctrine of Christ. 
Cent. 2. c. 10.  For now had th● Valentinian Heretics prevailed and spread 〈◊〉 far as France, and among others bewitch●● sundry eminent women with their sotted and absurd opinions, by means of one M●●cus a wretched sorcerer, and a wicked deceiver and abuser of the weaker Sex; But 〈◊〉 such a manner did this vigilant watchman and painful Pastor bestir himself, that he notably prevented the farther spreading of this Pest, and recovered many of those who had been therewith infected: And having happily secured his own charge, he rested not here, but proceeded farther, affording his help by his excellent letters unto other Churches also; particularly unto that of Rome; out of which he endeavoured to weed those tares, which the envious man had there sown; their careless Bishop (how unfit to be an universal overseer!) it seems securely sleeping the while, and leaving the work, that properly belonged to himself unto another. The chief instruments that Satan here employed in sowing those tares; were Florinus and Blastus Presbyters of this Church, 
Theodoret. huret. f●bul. lib. 1.  but by the Bishop degraded for their impiety; in commiseration of whose sad condition infected with so soul Heresies, he wrote (as is reported) those five learned books now extant.  
In such kind of laborious employments did he spend much of his time, 
Baron. ad▪ an. 180.  under the Emperor's Antoninus, the whole of Commodus, and a good part of Severus Reigns: being very serviceable unto the Church of God in his generation, not only by his preaching and disputations, but also by his writings which he left behind him, as singular monuments unto posterity of his zeal for the glory of God, and love to his truth: as a bright shining lamp lighted and set up by the Lord, he diffused his Rays for the good of many, till the oil was wholly spent and consumed.  
In his time fell out that sharp and lasting contention between the Eastern and Western Churches, 
Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 21. 23.  about the observation of the Feast of Easter, as also about the kind and manne● of fasting. The Churches of Asia, as from an ancient Tradition, and herein following the examples of Philip and john Apostles, as also of Polycarp with others their Successors, observed this Feast on the fourteenth Moon, upon what day of the week soever it fell out, on which day the Jews were to offer thei● Paschal Lamb. But the Church of Rome, together with others in the West, did celebrate it always upon the Lord's day; and hence grew a great rent between them: for those of the East refusing to leave their former usage and custom (for which they had so good ● warrant) and to conform themselves herein unto the other: Victor, who was the Bishop of Rome (possessing that Chair that would afterward usurp authority over all Churches, 
Cent. 2.  and acting accordingly) in the height of his pride, and the heat of his passion begins to threaten and thunder out his excommunication against them. Hereupon Irenaeus (brooking his name, as a lover of peace) with the Brethren of the Gallican Churches, being grieved at such insolent and harsh proceedings, and foreseeing the sad effects they might produce, thought it their duty not to stand still as idle Spectators, but to interpose at least by their Letters, and to endeavour a prevention (if it might be) of those evils that were like to ensue, 
Gallic● Sanctâque libertate objurgat. Fevard. in vita ejus.  and follow upon so rigorous and sharp a censure: which they did accordingly, dealing plainly and roundly with the proud Prelate, tartly reprehending him for handling his Brethren in so unchristian a manner; and that for things indifferent (which he made necessary) he would fall upon so extreme a course, the cutting off of so considerable a part from the Body; showing withal, that his excommunication was void, and of no force. Now, so great was the authority of the man with the Bishop of Rome (who had not as yet exalted himself so high, that it should not be lawful for any of his Fellow Bishops to take the boldness to admonish him, or to say, what dost thou, though he should lead thousands to Hell) and such the strength of the arguments alleged, that the issue was (as Fevardentius relates) the asswaging of his fury, 
In vitâ Irenaei.  and the deterring of him from that rash attempt of cutting off so many famous Churches from the Body of Christ: whence followed a more serene face of things, and a great tranquillity to the Churches of Christ.  
§ 2. He was a man exceeding eminent, 
Vir Apostolicorum temporum, & Papiae, auditoris Egelistae Joannis discipulus. Hieronym. Epist. 29.  and of chief note among those of his time, very ancient, and not far from the days of the Apostles. Honourable mention is made of him by those of the following ages: for Eusebius, Inter omnes coaetaneos ei palmam tribuit, gives him the pre-eminence above all his contemporaries: 
Theodoret. dialog. 1. & haeret. fab. lib. 1.  Others style him an Apostolical man, admirable, and the light of the Western Churches, 
August. lib. 1. contra Julian. tom. 7.  an ancient man of God; highly commended he is as one in whom the resplendent Beams and brightness of Apostolical Doctrine did gloriously shine forth: 
Baron. ad an. 205. ● § 30.  for what he had learned and received from Polycarp, and Polycarp from the Apostle john, he retaining it in its purity, communicated i● unto the Church; so that in all things he resembled the face of the Apostles.  
He excelled both in piety and learning, 
Sixt. Sen●ns. Biblioth. lib. lib. 4 Haeres. 32.  being so admirably endued with both, that he was no less famous for the one than for the other: styled therefore by Epiphanius a sacer Irenaeus, holy man, so singularly accomplished and fitted for the work he was designed and called unto, as that he became praeclarum organum, 
Cent. 2. cap. 10. ●  a choice instrument for the good of the Churches of Christ.  
Admirably well skilled he was in all sorts of Learning, 
Trithem. de Script.  both sacred and secular; very studious and ready in the Holy Scriptures, having by this means attained unto a more than ordinary measure of understanding and insight into them. And how notably instructed and furnished with knowledge in the Arts and Sciences, 
F●uard. in vitâ Iren.  is abundantly manifested, by his subtle investigation of abstruse Heresies which, though wonderfully obscure and confused, he representeth and sets forth to public view with very great perspicuity and order: as also by his most acute and quick disputations, wherein he throughly discovers their vanity, and as sound confuteth them: So that it is most evident (saith Erasmus) that he was very exact in all the liberal Science●. 
Epist. ante Iren.  Yea, how diligently he had read over the Books both of the ancient Philosophers, Thales, Anaximander, Anaxagoras, Democritus▪ Empedocles▪ Plato, Aristotle, etc. As also of the Poets, 
Cent. 1. ibid.  Tragic, Comic and Lyric, may be gathered from hence, in that he clearly evinceth those Heresies which he impugned, to have been taken and to have had their original from those profane Authors, the names only being changed. 
Tertull. advers. Valentin.  So that he was not without cause styled by Tertullian, Omnium doctrinarum curiosissimum exploratorem; a most curious inquirer or searcher into all sorts of Doctrines: very large is Epiphanius his Encomium of him (who held him in high esteem, as appears by the great use he made of him) Old Irenaeus (saith he) every way adorned by the Holy Ghost, 
Epiphan. Haeres. 31.  brought into the Field by the Lord as a valiant and expert Soldier and Champion, and anointed with Heavenly Gifts and Graces, according to the true faith and knowledge, contended against all the arguments of sottish Heretics, and most exactly confuted them.  
Add hereunto (which put a lustre upon all the rest) that he was of a very meek and modest spirit, 
Illyric. in cate-log.  a great lover, and as studious a preserver of peace among Brethren; but withal no less earnest and zealous in the cause of God, and a bitter adversary of the wretched Heretics of his time: 
Epist. Nuncupat. ante Iren.  Magnus (to give you Erasmus his words to this purpose) Ecclesiae propu●nator, ac pro sui nominis ●ugurio, pacis Ecclesiasticae vindex.  
§ 3. He wrote divers learned Books upon several subjects and occasions; the greater part whereof (indeed all to one) through the injury and neglect of foregoing ages are quite lost, not any of them remaining and extant at this day: and they are (such as we find mention of.)  
1. A brief Volume against the Gentiles: 
Hieronym. in cate-log. Miaeus. Scholar in cate-log. Hieronym.  And, saith jerom, another of discipline; but herein is he mistaken, and those that follow him, as Honorius Augustodunensis, Trithemi●●, etc. who supposed that they were two distinct Books; whereas by Eusebius it appears 'twas but one and the same Volume; 
Euseb. lib. 5. cap. ●4.  for thus he speaks of it: Extat adhuc liber illius adversus Gentes compendiosissimus & summopere necessarius, de scientia inscriptus.  
2. A declaration of the (manner and way, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hieronym. ibid.  Possevin) of the Apostles preaching unto a certain Brother, one Marcianus.  
3. A Book entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, variorum tractatuum, 
Ibid.  saith jerom, variarum dictionum inquiunt centuriatores, or a disquisition of sundry things. Possevin.  
4. A Book or an Epistle de schismate, unto Blastus.  
5. A Book de Monarchiâ, 
Possevin. apparat.  or, that God is not the author of Sin, unto Florinus, whose Doctrine (he being of this opinion) he proves to be both impious and blasphemous.  
6. A Book entitled Ogdoas, 
Cent. 2. cap. 10. in cate-log▪  or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, written also for Florinus, who was bewitched with the errors of Valentinus, which jerom calls commentarium egregium, an excellent commentary: in the close whereof we have these words, containing a solemn obtestation, which both Eusebius and jerom thought worthy of special notice: 
Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 18. Hieronym. in cate-log.  Adjure te, etc. I adjure thee (whosoever thou art that copyest out or transcribest this Book) by our Lord Jesus Christ, and by his glorious coming, wherein he shall judge the quick and the dead, that thou compare what thou hast written, and correct it diligently by the exemplar from whence 'tis transcribed: and also that thou do likewise write out this adjuration, and insert it into the copy so taken. The like hereunto is that of Ruffinus in his preface in his Translation of Origen, 
Tom. 2. Epis. 63.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is found among the Epistles of jerom, charging both the Transcriber and Reader not to add or diminish, to insert or alter any thing therein, but to be exact even to a Letter, etc.  
7. Divers Epistles unto Victor, 
Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 18. & 22.  and many other Pastors of Churches about the Controversies of Easter; as also against those who at Rome did corrupt the sincerity of the Churches.  
8. Volateran saith, 
Anthropolog. lib. 16.  that he wrote an Ecclesiastical History, quam mutuatus est Euse●ius testemque citat.  
9 A Commentary upon the Apocalypse, 
Biblioth. lib. 4.  as saith Sixtus Senensis. But these two latter are very questionable, seeing that neither Eusebius, nor jerom in his Catalogues, not Honorius A●gustudonensis, nor Trithemius make mention of any such.  
That of his which to this day the World enjoys, 
Liber doctissimo & eloquentissimo sermone compositus. Hieronym. Epist. 29.  is only a Volume containing five Books against the Heresies of the Gnostics and Valentinians, wh●ch was thus entitled, as both Eusebius and Photius have it; 
Lib. 5. cap. 7. Biblioth. 120▪  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. of redargution and the eversion of knowledge falsely so called: 
Rivet. crit. sac.  a learned and most famous piece, 
Bellarm. cate-log. Script.  full fraught with Learning and Piety. This too, it seems, was almost lost, at least as to the Western Churches; 
Registr. lib. 9 Epist. 5●.  For, (saith Gregory) we have long and diligently made inquiry after the Writings of Irenaeus, but hitherto not any of them could be found.  
Erasmus therefore tells us, he that might well call him his, 
Epist. nuncupat. ante Iren.  as being by his industry brought to light (after it had been almost buried) and recovered from the dust, being mouldy and motheaten. 
Ibid.  And should they have remained in perpetual oblivion: the loss had been exceeding great: for (saith he) his writings do breath forth the ancient vigour of the Gospel; yea his very phrase came from a breast prepared for Martyrdom; for the Martyrs have a certain serious, bold and masculine kind of speech.  
It hath been a question, 
Bellarm. in Catalogue. Scrip.  and doubted by some learned men, whether he wrote these Books in the Greek, or Latin Tongue: because they are now not to be found but in the Latin only: 
In Epist. nuncupat. ante Iren.  yet was he a Greek by Nation, and his phrase savours of that Language, having many Grecisms in it. Erasmus, a man of more than ordinary perspicacity and judgement this way, rather inclined to think it written by him in Latin, yet would not peremptorily conclude it: For, saith he, it is not clear to me, whether of the two he wrote in; though I rather soppose that he wrote in Latin, but was more expert in the Greek, and therefore speaking Latin he is bold to make use of Greek figures and forms of speech. But most are of another mind, judging the Greek to have been the Original Language, werein his Books were written; And that they were afterward translated by himself, 
In vita Iren. Rivat. crit. ●ac.  saith Fevardentius, (to cover over the faults of the Translator, which are not a few, or lest the Testimonies alleged from the translation should lose of their Authority and Weight) or (which is most likely) by some other. 
Ad An. 180. § 5. Biblioth. lib. 4.  All consent in this (saith Baronius) that he wrote In Greek; he wrote many excellent Volumes in the Greek Tongue, 
In Annotat. in lib. Ter. tull. advers. Valent. also our learned Fulke. Ireneus wrote in Greek, and is translated into Latin by one that followed very much the vulgar Latin Text in his Preface to the Epist. dedicat. ante Tertull.  saith Sixtus Senensis: and, saith Rhenanus, proculdubio, without doubt he wrote in Greek; for else would not jerom have ranked him among the Greek Fathers, nor have made Tertullian (as he doth) the third, but the fourth, (as he should) among the Latins. Pamelius also thinks that both he and those first Roman Bishop's unto his time wrote rather in Greek than Latin, which things considered, it's a wonder that Erasmus should herein be of the mind he was: The Latin Copy of Irenaeus (saith Cornatius) is an exceeding faulty Translation, and may better be restored out of Epiphanius, than afford any help in the translating of Epiphanius: 
In Praefat. ad Epiphan.  so that marvelous it is that Erasmus, a man otherwise endued with a piercing judgement in things of this Nature, should think that Irenaeus did wr●tein Latin. 
In Epist. ad. Thomsonum num. 239.  To the same purpose speaks the great Scaliger: I do admire (saith he) that from such a feverish Latin Interpreter, as he is whom now we have, Erasmus should imagine, both that 'tis the true Irenaeus, and that he imitates the Greeks: That Latin Interpreter was most foolish, and either omitted or depraved many things, which he understood not. The fragments which are extant in Epiphanius; also the History of the things done by Irenaeus in Eusebius, do sufficiently prove both that the man was a Grecian, and wrote in Greek: neither is it to be doubted of, etc.  
The Greek Copy therefore written by himself is long since perished; 
Rivet. crit. sac.  only there are some remains of it to be found scattered in several Authors, who saw and made use thereof: Thus we have seven and twenty Chapters of of his first Book by Epiphanius inserted into his Panarium; (who took a good part of his second and third Books word for word out of juneus) and some few fragments in Eusebiu● and Theodoret: 
Chitraeus. in Orat. de stud. Theolog.  by comparing of which wit● the Translation we now have, 
Fevard. commonit. in 5. ab. Irenaei.  it will easily appear how great a loss the Church sustains in the want of it: For instead of elegant Greek, 
Rivet. crit. ●ac.  we have nothing else (in the Ire●e●● now extant) but rude and ill-favoured Latin● Nor indeed can a Translation, especially 〈◊〉 of Greek into Latin, equal the Original, seeing that (as jerom speaks) the Latin Tongue receives not the propriety of the Greek.  
The Contents of the five Books of this excellent Volume (to give you a brief accou●● of them from Grynaeus) are these. 
In praefat. ante Iren.  1. In th● first he at large sets down the dismal and diabolical Errors of the Valentinians; together with a narration of the discords and impieties of those wretched Heretics: 
In Argument. lib. 2.  Wh●●● opinions (saith Erasmus) are so horrid, th●● the very bringing of them to light, is confutation sufficient: yea the very terms, as w●● as the opinions, are so monstrous (saith the sa●● Author) that it would even turn the stomach and tyre the patience of any one, 
In Epist. ante Iren.  but to peru●● them over.  
2. In the second, he treats of the one Eternal, True, Omnipotent and Omniscient God, besides whom there is none other: And that not any feigned Demiurgus or Angels, but this eternal God alone, Father, Son and holy Ghost, did out of nothing produce this whole Fabric, both of Heaven and Earth; and gave being to Angels, Men and all inferior Creatures; and refuses the Errors of the Gnostics concerning the same; showing what they stole from the Philosophers to deceive the simple withal, and wounding, yea overcoming them with Weapons or Arguments fetched out of their own Magazines and Armoury.  
3. In the third, which is partly polemical, and partly exegetical, he discovers and proves the Heretics to be foully guilty of that heinous crime of corrupting and curtailing the sacred Scriptures: and evidently demonstrates the perpetual consent of the Prophets and Apostles concerning our Lord Jesus Christ, God and Man.  
4. In the fourth he clearly, and by solid Arguments proves, that one and the same God was the Author of both the Testaments, the Old and the New; and that therein he hath revealed himself and his Will concerning the Restitution and Salvation by Jesus Christ, of all men that do repent; largely discoursing of the power of the Will, and of our imperfection; and being gotten out of the craggy and intricate places, he enters into a large field, explaining many Scriptures depraved by the Heretics.  
5. In the fifth and last Book having made a repetition of divers things formerly handled, he comes to confute the vain conceits of the Gnostics concerning the utter perishing of the bodies of men; and proves that our bodies shall not only be raised by Christ at the last day, but also that the very bodies of the Saints shall enjoy eternal life, and be saved together with their Souls. In the handling whereof he gives a notable experiment (as the diligent Reader may observe) of a clear head, and as of a choice a spirit; whence his weighty arguments sharpened with holy Zeal, do pierce deeply into the very hearts of the Enemies of the Truth, to their shameful prostration, and utter overthrow: for great is the Truth, and will prevail.  
He is one of the Ancients, and the only one among those contained in this Decade, that had the good hap not to have his name abused by being prefixed to the Books he never wrote, nor the bastard-brats of others to be fathered upon him.  
§ 4. As for his Style 'tis somewhat obscure and intricate, 
Cent. 2. cap. 10.  yea he is oftentimes neglecting of his words, and speaks improperly: ye such is the subject he discourseth of, that ● will hardly admit of clear and plain expressions: 
In Prooem. lib. 1.  He himself disclaims Eloquence, a● dwelling among the Celtaes, a people of a barbarous speech; Look not, saith he, for the art of Oratory, which we have not learned: but what simply, truly and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in ● vulgar manner we have written in Love, i● Love receive. Yet understand him of affected Rhetoric, and not that he was altogether ignorant of that art: which could not be, seeing that in a subject so thorny and perplex, his stile is perspicuous, 
Erasm. in Epist. nuncupat.  digested and coherent. So that considering the matter he handleth, 'tis no wonder he is so obscure, and that so little art appears, but rather a wonder he is no more so: which proceeded not so much from want of skill in himself, as from the incapacity of the Subject whereof he treateth. 
Erasm. Praefat. ante Hilarium.  A most difficult thing it is (saith the same Author) for him that discusseth things of a subtle Nature, to join with perspicuity, the care of polishing his Language.  
§ 5. Among many wherewith this Learned Piece is rightly fraught and stored, I shall cull out and present you with a few memorable passages.  
1. His Symbol or Creed, containing a brief sum, and confession of the Faith of the Churches of Christ (at least in the West) at that day: his words are these.  
The Church, 
Lib. 1. cap. 2.  although dispersed through the whole World, even unto the ends of the Earth, received the Faith from the Apostles, and their Disciples; which is, to believe,  
In one omnipotent God, which made Heaven and earth and the Seas, and all things that are in them; and in one Jesus Christ the Son of God, incarnate for our Salvation; and in the Holy Ghost, who by the Prophets preached the mysteries of the dispensation and coming of Christ, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dispositiones Dei. So doth the Centurists render it.  and his Birth of a Virgin, and his Passion, and Resurrection from the dead, and the Assumption of the Beloved Christ Jesus our Lord in his flesh into Heaven, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  and his coming from Heaven in the Glory of the Father to restore (or recapitulate and gather into one) all things, and to raise the flesh (or bodies) of all mankind, that unto Jesus our Lord, and God and Saviour, and King, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  according to the good pleasure of the Father invisible, every knee should bow, both of things in Heaven, and in the earth, and under the earth, and that every tongue should confess to him, and that he should pass a righteous sentence or judgement upon all, and send the spiritual wickednesses and the Angels that fell and became apostate, and also ungodly, unrighteous, lawless and blasphemous men into eternal fire: but for the righteous and holy, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  and such as did keep his commandments, and abide in his love, some from the beginning, and some by repentance gratifying them with life, might bestow on them incorruptibility, and give unto them eternal Glory.  
Where observe by the way, that though it may be wondered at, that Irenaeus should no where expressly call the Holy Ghost God, yet that he held him to be God equal with the Father and the Son, is manifest, in that he makes in his Creed the object of faith to be all the three persons of the Trinity alike: 
In prooem. lib. 4.  As also from hence, that elsewhere he ascribes the creation of man unto the Holy Ghost, as well as to the Father and the Son.  
2. He gives the reason why the Mediator between God and man, aught to be both God and man: 
Lib. ●. cap. 20.  For, saith he, if man had not overcome the enemy of man, he had not been justly overcome: again, unless God had given salvation, we should not have had it firmly; and unless man had been joined unto our God, he (viz. Man) could not have been made partaker of incorruptibility. For it became the Mediator of God and Men, 
Domesticitatem.  by his nearness unto both, to reduce both into friendship and concord; and to procure that God should assume Man (or take him into communion) and that man should give up himself unto God.  
3. The whole Scriptures, 
Lib. 2. cap. 46.  both Prophetical and Evangelical (are) open or manifest, and without ambiguity; and may likewise be heard of all. 
Lib. 2. cap. 47.  Again, we ought to believe God, who also hath made us; most assuredly knowing, that the Scriptures are indeed perfect, as being spoken (or dictated) by the word of God and his Spirit.  
4. Fides, quae est ad deum, justificat hominem, 
Lib. 4. cap. 13.  Faith towards God (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Heb. 6. 2.) justifieth a man.  
5. Concerning the marks of the true Church, 
Lib. 3. 11.  and that it is not tied to one place or succession; he thus speaks, When once the Gospel was spread throughout the world, and the Church gathered out of all Nations, than was the Church no where tied to one place, or to any certain and ordinary succession; but there was the true Church wheresoever the uncorrupted voice of the Gospel did sound, and the Sacraments were rightly administered according to the Institution of Christ. Also, that the pillar and ground of the Church is the Gospel and Spirit of Life.  
5. Of the extraordinary gifts of the Holy Ghost, 
Lib. 2. cap. 58.  continuing unto his time, thus, Some (saith he) cast out Devils sound and truly; so that oftentimes even they who were cleansed from wicked Spirits do believe, and are in the Church: others have the foreknowledge of things to come, 
Dictiones.  and also prophetical Visions and Sayings: others do cure and restore to health such as labour of some infirmity by the laying on of their hands. Moreover, as we have said, the dead also have been raised and continued with us many years: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  And what shall I say? the Graces are not to be numbered, which throughout the whole world the Church receiving from God, doth dispose in the name of Christ Jesus (crucified under Pontius Pilate) every day for the help of the Nations, neither seducing any one, nor taking money from him. For as it hath freely received from God, so also doth it freely administer: nor doth it accomplish any thing by Angelical Invocations, nor incantations, nor any wicked curiosity, but purely and manifestly directing their prayers unto the Lord, who hath made all things.  
6. He plainly asserts that the world shall continue but six thousand years: For, saith he, 
Lib. 5. pag. 613. cap. 28. Fevardent. edit.  look in how many days this world was made, in so many thousand years it shall be consummate. Therefore 'tis said in Gen. 2. 2. On the sixth day God finished all his works, and rested the seventh day. 
Estenim dies Dominl.  Now this is both a narration of what was done before, and also a prophecy of things to come: for one day with the Lord is as a thousand years: in six days the things were finished that were made; and it is manifest that the six thousandth year is the consummation of them.  
7. He finds the number of the Beasts name, 
Irenaeus antiquissimus theologus hoc nomen tanquam valdè consentaneum huic mysterio divinâ sagacitate indagavit. Paraeus Comment. in Apoc. 13. 18 lib. 5. ca 30. Edit. Fevardent.  viz. 666. i● the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: whence he concludes it as very probable that the seat of that beast is the Latin or Roman Kingdom. Take his own words. Sed & Lateinos nomen (habet) sexcentorum sexaginta sex numerum; & valdè verisimile est quoniam novissimum (verissimum. Erasm. edit.) Regnum hoc habet vo●abulum. Latini enim sunt qui nunc regnant: Sed non in hoc nos gloriabimur.  
8. Of the four Evangelists he thus writeth: Matthew (saith he) delivered unto the Hebrews the History of the Gospel in their own Tongue. 
lib. 3. cap. 1.  When Peter and Paul preached at Rome, and planted that Church, after their departure. Mark the Disciple and also Interpreter of Peter, delivered unto us in writing such things as he had heard Peter preach. And Luke the companion of Paul comprised in one Volume the Gospel preached of him. After these john the Disciple of our Lord, who also leaned on his breast, published a Gospel, remaining at Ephesus in Asia.  
9 When the Heretics, saith he, are convinced from the Scriptures, they betake them to the accusation of the Scriptures themselves, 
lib. ●. cap. 2.  as if they were not right, nor of any Authority, 
〈◊〉 sunt dictae.  and because they are variously spoken, and because from them the truth cannot be found out, by them that know not Tradition.  
1. We ought to obey them that are Presbyters in the Church, even those who have succession from the Apostles, as we have shown, who together with the succession of their Bishopric, 
lib. 4. ca 43.  have received the certain gift of truth, 
Ch●risma.  according to the pleasure of the Father.— Succession of Doctrine is the principal, and without that certain gift of truth, it is vain yea impious to boast of personal succession.  
11. Of the Translation of the Septuagint, thus. 
lib. 3. ca 25.  Ptolemy willing to have an experiment of them, and fearing le●t perhaps by consent they should through their interpretation hide that truth which was in the Scriptures: he separating them one from another, commanded them all to interpret the same Scripture, and this he did in all the Books: when therefore they come together into one place with Ptolemy, and compared their Interpretations▪ God was glorified, and the Scriptures were believed to be truly divine, all of them reciting the same, both in the same phrases and in the same words from the beginning to the end: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  So that even the Gentiles that were present did acknowledge that the Scriptures were Interpreted by the Inspiration of God.  
12. Very memorable is that passage of his in an Epistle unto Victor Bishop of Rome, 
Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Divini senis verba no●anda. Casaub. exercitat. 13. p. ●35.  recorded by Eusebius. Although saith he, Christians differed in their Judgements about the manner of Fasting, yet notwithstanding were they at unity one with another, for this variety of fasting commendeth the unity of Faith.  
They that were Presbyters before Soter of that Church, whereof now thou art Precedent, Anicetus, I mean, and Pius, and Hyginus, and Telesphorus, and Xystus, neither did so observe it themselves, nor left any such Commandment to their posterity, and yet nevertheless they (not observing it) were at unity with them, who resorted unto them, from those Churches that did observe the same, when yet their observance was contrary to those who observe it not. Neither was any one at any time rejected, (or excommunicated) for such kind of fasting: but those very Presbyters who were thy predecessors, have sent the Eucharist to the Brethren of those Churches who kept it after their own manner. And when Polycarp was at Rome in the time of Anicetus, and they were at variance among themselves about some certain small and trifling matters, they were soon reconciled; but about this particular they had no contention at all. Neither was Anice●us able to persuade Polycarp (mark, the Roman Bishops used not, it seems, to command them as now) that he should not retain that which he had always observed with john the Disciple of our Lord, and the rest of the Apostles with whom he had been conversant: neither did Polycarp persuade Anicetus so to observe it, but told him he ought to observe the Ancient Custom of the Elders, whom he succeeded? And things being at this pass, they held communion one with another: and in the Church Anicetus granted the Eucharist unto Polycarp for the reverence which he bore him; and so they parted from each other in peace, and in the Universal Church, both those that did observe it and those that did not observe it, were at peace one with another.  
These and many other the like worthy sayings are to be found in the Books of this Ancient Father, but let it suffice to have given you this taste of them.  
§ 6. Yet are there some things observed in him as his blemishes and failings, wherein he is not to be followed, because therein he swerves from that un-erring Rule the word of Truth. Even the most eminent Men in the Church, (after the Apostles) have built some hay and stubble upon the foundation they held, which will not endure the trial of the Fire: Those of this Father are as followeth.  
1. Somewhat harsh and to be corrected, 
iib. 2. ca 49.  is that concerning Christ. Si quis exquirat causam propter quam in omnibus Pater communicans Filio solus scire & horam & diem Domino manifestatus est, neque aptabilem magis neque decentiorem, nec sine periculo alteram quam hanc inveniat in praesenti: quoniam cum solus verax Magister est Dominus, ut discamus per ipsum, super omnia esse Patrem. Etenim Pater, ait major me est, & secundem agnitionem itaqu● praepositus esse Pater annunciatus est à Domino Nostro, ad hoc, ut & nos, in quantum figura hujus mundi-sumus, perfectam Scientiam & tales quaestiones concedamus Deo: Et ne fortè querentes altitudinem Patris investigare, in tantum periculum incidamus, uti quaeramus, an super Deum alter sit Deus.  
2. He hath some passages concerning free will, not to be admitted, though again in other places he hath somewhat directly opposite thereunto. E.g. Dedit deus bonum, & qui operantur quidem illud, & gloriam & honore● percipient, quoniam operati sunt bonum, cum possint non operari illud. 
lib. 4. ca 71.  Hi autem qui illud non operantur, judicium justum recipient Dei, quoniam non sunt operati bonum, 
lib. 4. ca 72.  cum possint operari illud. Item. Quoniam omnes sunt ejusdem naturae, & potentes retinere & operari bonum & potentes rursum amittere id, & non facere; justè etiam apud homines sensatos, quanto magis apud Deum, alii quidem laudantur, & dignum percipiunt testimonium electionis bonae & perseverantiae: alii verò accusantur, & dignum percipiunt damnum, eò quòd justum & bonum reprobaverint. Adhuc: Quoniam liberae sententiae est Deus, 
Ibid.  eujus ad similitudinem factus est, semper consilium datur ei, continere bonum, quod proficiscitur ex eâ quae est ad Deum obedientiâ: Et non tantum in operibus, sed etiam in fide liberum & suae potestatis arbitrium homini servavit Dominus.  
Contrà Dominus pollicitus est mittere se paracletum, 
lib. 3. ca 19  qui nos aptaret Deo. Sicut enim de arido tritico massa una fieri non potest sine humour, neque unus panis: Ita nec nos multi unum fieri in Christo jesu poteramus, sine aquâ, quae de caelo est. Et sicut arida terra, si non percipiat humorem, non fructificat: sic & no● lignum aridum existentes primum nunquam fructificaremus vitam, sine supernâ voluntariâ pluviâ i. e. Spiritu Sancto.  
3. His opinion concerning the Age of Christ, is evidently contrary to what may be collected from the History of the Evangelists, for thus saith he: Omnes venit per seipsum salvare, 
lib. 2. ca 39  omnes, inquam, qui per ●um rena scuntur in Deum, infants, & parvulos, & pueros, & juvenes & Seniores. Ideò per omnem venit aetatem, & infantibus infans factus, sanctificans infants: in parvulis parvulus, sanctificans hanc ipsam habentes aetatem, sim●● & exemplum illis pietatis effectus, & justity & subjectionis. juvenibus juvenis, exemplu● juvenibus fiens, & sanctificans Domino. Sic & senior in senioribus, ut sit perfectus Magister i● omnibus, non solùm secundum exposition●● veritatis, sed secundum aetatem sanctificans simul & seniores, exemplum ipsis quoque fiens, etc.— Quia autem triginta annorum 〈◊〉 primae indolis est juvenis, 
Ibid.  & extenditur usque ad quadragesimum annum, omnis quilibet confitebitur, a quadragesimo aut quinquagesimo ann● declinat jam in aetatem senior●m, quam b●bens Dominus noster docebat, sicut Evangeliu● & omnes seniores testantur, qui in Asia apud joannem Discipulum Domini convenerunt, id ipsum tradidisse eis joannem: permansit autem cum eis usque ad Trajani tempora. Quidem autem eorum non solùm joannem, sed & alios Apostolos viderunt, & haec eadem ab ipsis audierunt, & testantur de hujus modi relations. Non multum aberat a quinquaginta annis, & ideò dicebaut ei, 
lib. 2. ca 40.  quinquagi●ta annorum nondum es, & Abraham vidisti? Io. 8. 57  
4. jerom and others ascribe unto him the error of the Chiliasts or Millenaries, 
In cate-log. Papias.  though it be not to be found so expressly in his writings now extant.  
All which the impudent Friar Fevardentius (glad to take, yea to make an occasion, that he might fall foul upon the Lutheran and Calvinian Heretics, as he calls them) labours after a sort to defend him in, as if they were mere calumnies and causeless criminations: Although some chief ones of his own Catholic faction; 
In argum. in lib. Irenaei.  to wit, Baronius and Possevine, as also Erasmus, charge him, with the same as well as others: and who so lists to peruse his books shall find they had just cause so to do. But the Antidotes (as he calls his defence prefixed to his Edition of Irenaeus) of such Mountebanks are no better than poison; 
Crit. sac.  and, saith the learned Rivet, I would admonish young Students to beware of the Edition of this shameless and faithless Monk, as being in many things corrupted, and defiled with his impious and lying Annotations.  
Besides these there are some other things and expressions which fell from the Pen of this worthy Man, that do need the friendly and favourable construction of his Reader: among the rest, is that passage. lib. 3. cap. 21. Propter hoc verbum Dei homo, & qui filius Dei est, filius hominis factus est, Commixtus verbo Dei, ut adoptionem percipiens fiat filius Dei. Also that, lib. 5. cap. 26. Be●è Iustinus dixit, quoniam ante Domini adventum, nunquam a●sus est Satanas blasphemore Deum, quip nondum sciens suam damnationem. Also that, lib. 4. cap. 30. Henoch sine circumcisione placens Deo, cum esset homo, Dei legatione ad Angelos fungebatur, & translatus est, & conservatur usque nunc testis justi judicii Dei, quoniam Angeli transgressi deciderunt in judicium, homo autem, placens, translatus est in salutem. Lastly that, lib. 5. Discipulorum animae abibunt in invisibilem locum, definitum eye a Deo, & ibi usque ad resurrectionem commorabuntur, susti●entes resurrectionem; post recipientes corpora & perfectè resurgentes, hoc est, corporaliter, qu●madmodum & Dominus resurrexit, sic venient ad conspectum Dei. These and such like, do crave the candour and indulgence of the judicious Reader.  
§ 7. As touching his Death and Martyrdom; 
Commentar. atas. 6. c. 11. Hist. lib. 1. c. 27. ad an. 205. § 28.  Ado Bishop of Vienna, Gregory Bishop of Turon, and Baronius do report, that in the persecution under the Emperor Severus, which raged especially about Lions, by the command of the Emperor, the said City was environed with Soldiers, who slew with the Sword all the Christians that were found therein, the chief of whom was this Irenaeu● their Bishop, who with the rest received the glorious Crown of Martyrdom: At what time the slaughter was so great, (saith Gregory Turonens.) that the very streets ran with blood. In what year this happened Historians record, 
Ad an. 196. § 22.  not only Baronius conjectures that the persecution of the Christians under Severus began not until the tenth year of his Reign; and that one of the first places wherein he exercised his cruelty, was this City; of whose constancy he had had such experience; that he knew neither threats nor flatteries would make the Church there under such a Prelate to bend or yield, and therefore determined to destroy them by the Sword. He therefore refers the Martyrdom of Irenaeus Ad. an. D●m. 205. Severi. 11. 
Baron. ad an. 205. § 28.    

Clemens Alexendrinus.  
§ 1. HE Styles himself Titus Flavius Clemens: for with this inscription were his books of Stromes extant in Eusebius his time: 
Lib. 6. c. 12. Biblioth. num. 111.  and so also had Photius found in a very old Copy, as he saith, those books of his Entitled.  
What country man he was by birth is somewhat uncertain: 
Cent. 2. c. 10. Patria ●uit Atheniensis. Baro. ad an. 196. § 22. Communis quaedam Institutionis & eruditionis officina. Diodor. Sicul. biblioth. lib. 13. Lib. de Academ. c. 1. haeres. 32. Nobilissimum orbiterrarum gymnasium. Cicero. in epist. famil. l. 4. Ep. 12.  only it is conjectured that he was born in Athens, that City so much famed for Learning throughout the world; where was the first Academy, or Schools of Learning known by that name, which since is become the common appellation of places of that nature. Academiae nomen Athenis primùm inclaruisse apud omnes▪ fermè authores convenit, inquit junius. Epiphonius therefore speaking of him: some, saith he, call him Clemens of Alexandria, others of Athens; this latter being the place of his birth, as the former of his breeding and most abode: and as in the one he drew his first breath, so in the other having spent the most of it, he breathed out his last.  
Being exceedingly desirous of learning and knowledge, he spent his first time of study in Greece; from whence going Eastward, he came into Palestine, 
Cent. 2. c. 10.  and lastly from thence into Egypt, settling in the famous School of Alexandria, wherein he continued the remainder of his time, either as a Scholar in learning, or as a Doctor in teaching: Whence he got that name by which to this day he is commonly called and known, viz. 
Baron. ad. an. 169. § 23.  of Clemens, not the Athenian, but the Alexandrian.  
In this place he was first an Auditor of Pantaenus, (when or how he was converted to Christianity is uncertain,) a man very eminent both for his life and learning and this both Sacred and Secular; who being at first a Philosopher of the Sect of the Stoics, 
Hieronym. in Catalogue. Rhenan. in Tertul. lib. De penitent. ex Euseb. l. 6. c. 5.  and afterward converted unto Christianity, was the first after the Apostles who there exercised the Office of Magister 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or instructor of the Catechumen, and Governor of the School or Academy, 
Epist. 24.  Doctor Audientium (as Cyprian calls this Officer) the Catechist; unto which function he was called by Demetrius, the then Bishop of that place: whose work it was to open and Interpret the Scriptures, to instruct the Catechumen or young believers in the grounds and principles of Christianity, 
Cent. 2. c. 10.  and to refute Ethnic and heretical opinions; which they used to do not in Sermons and Homilies, but in a Scholastical manner: their Auditors being not only such as were newly converted from heathenism, but also the children of believers grown up to years of understanding, 
Of these Schools. see Hospin. de orig. templor. cap. 5.  specially such as were intended for Ecclesiastical employments:  
Accordingly not only were the principles of Religion taught, and the Sacred Scriptures expounded in these Christian Schools, 
Cent. 2. c. 7. Hospin. ibid. Cent. 1. l. 2. cap. 2.  (whereof this at Alexandria is conceived to have been the first and most famous: being founded by Mark the Evangelist, who planted the first Church in that City) but those who were trained up in them did also apply themselves to the study of the liberal arts and languages: in which regard Alexandria is by Gregory Nazianzen in his Oration in the praise of Caesarius, 
Orat. 24.  called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the shop of all kind of learning. 
De benefic. lib. 1. c. 15.  Of these Schools Duarenus gives us this account: Fuerunt, inquit, antiquitùs Ecclesiasticae scholae, ad clèrìcorum & aliorum egentium eruditionem institutae: quibus scholis praeficiebantur magistri qui non literas modò sacras, sed Grammaticam etiam & liberales disciplinas docerent. Erat igitur hoc munus a pastoris officio distinctum & separatum. Hence it is conceived our Universities took their Original in this Town (viz. Alexandria) Gautenus, 
Geograph.  (saith Heylin) (he should have said, Pantenus) read Divinity and Philosophy, An. 180. from whom it is thought, that the Orders of instituting Universities first began in Christendom. Thus did the Ancients deem the liberal Arts to be of great use, and very requisite to the preservation of the purity of Religion; 
Cent. 3. c. 10  for which end Origen exhorted his Scholars to the diligent study of them, affirming them to be very needful both for disputations, and also the explication of the Sacred Scriptures: And it is evident that the most famous Fathers of the Church did much excel therein, being richly furnished with the knowledge of them.  
Clemens having here spent some time in these kind of studies with great proficiency, was at length made Presbyter of this Church; 
Hieronym. in Catalogue. Magister illius Ecclesi. Ruffin. in Apolog. pro Origine. Baron. ad an. 196. § 23.  and after a while; Pantenus dying, he was esteemed worthy to succeed him in the Office of Doctor or Moderator of that School; in which employment he continued long, even unto the end of his days, managing it with much industry and prudence to the great benefit and advantage of those that attended upon him, and gaining general applause and approbation.  
§ 2. He was a man of admirable and choice endowments of nature, 
Cent. 2. c 10.  of an acute wit, & most tenacious memory, which he employed and improved to the uttermost, sparing neither industry nor travail for the attaining of learning and knowledge, which he was very greatly desirous, yea greedy of; for which cause he betook him to the Schools of those men in divers provinces and countries, 
Baron. ib.  who were most eminent and famous, drawing from them what he found to be best, and might most advantage him in that which he sought for. Nor did he attend only upon the living, but also applied himself unto and consulted with the dead, diligently and judiciously perusing the Monuments of men learned in every kind that went before him: as well Heathen (Poets, Philosophers, Historians, whether Greeks or Barbarians) as Christian; as his works full stuffed with multiplicity of Authors and variety of reading do amply testify. 
Hieronym. in Catalogue.  By this means did he attain unto a great height and more than Ordinary measure of learning, 
Chemnit. examen. par. 1. Baron ad. an. 196. § 22. Ep. 84. Mag. Idem. in Catalogue. Trithem. de script. Bergoma. supplem. chron. Nicet. Coniat. Orthodox. l. 3. cap. 10.  both Divine and Humane; so that in all Antiquity he was accounted Vir celeberrimus, most renowned; Clarissimus horum temporum Ecclesiasticus tractator; and in the judgement of jerom (than which what more accurate?) the most Learned of all the Ancients: in whose books, saith he, what is there to be found unlearned? yea, what not extracted out of the very bowels of Philosophy? they are full fraught with Learning and Eloquence. Hence he is adorned by others with the titles of an egregious, most Learned and most eloquent man; an holy man, & who exceeds all others in his skill and cunning in many things, 
Casaub. exercitat. 1. In praefat. ad annotat. in Clem. Contra Julian. l. 10.  of notable and almost incredible knowledge (saith Gentian Hervet. in Epist. ante Paedagogum) in whom it so abounds, that he cannot be drawn dry, briefly he is, saith Heinsius, penu eruditionis & scientiae, a full store-house and plentiful magazine of Learning and knowledge; so that Cyril (who was afterward Bishop of the same City, where our Clement was Presbyter and Professor) calls him, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an eloquent man, endued with multiplicity of knowledge, one that dived so far into the writings of the Greeks, as few of those had done, who went before him.  
His piety and zeal for the honour of God and the advancement of Christian Religion, 
Cent. 2. c. 10▪ Trithem. descript. Euseb. l. 6. c. 13.  were no less than his Learning; being a devout, and holy Man: For he was serviceable not only to the Church of Alexandria (whereunto he stood in special relation) but went from thence unto the Churches of jerusalem and Antioch, who, by his preaching among them, were not a little advantaged, some being edified and confirmed in the Faith of Christ, and others recovered from their errors, who had been seduced by false teachers. Somewhat this way sounds the testimony concerning him of Alexander at that time Bishop of jerusalem, in his congratulatory Epistle unto the Church of Antioch: 
Hieronym. in Catalogue.  These lines, saith he, I send unto you by Clement the blessed Presbyter, whom ye also know, and shall now more fully recognize; who coming hither by the providence and visitation of God, hath confirmed and increased the Church of the Lord. Thus as a faithful servant and steward, did he diligently lay out, and employ the talents that he had received, for the advantage of his Lord and Master, who had entrusted him with them.  
He likewise greatly improved both the Learning and Life of his Master Pantenus, (who was a pious and a prudent man) receiving from him not only instructions as a Doctor, for his information, but also an example and pattern, as a precedent, for his imitation, 
Lib. 4. c. 33.  for (saith Nicephorus) as he succeeded him in his place and employment, so did he also tread in his steps, and observed the same manner and method both in his life and lectures.  
§. 3. He was exceeding useful unto the Church of Christ as well by his pen, as by his preaching: for being a man of singular and more than ordinary abilities he wrote divers books, wherein he transmitted unto posterity the doctrines which he had received and taught, and vigorously asserted and maintained the truth against the adversaries and opposers of it. Of which writings many are lost through the injury of time and neglect of succeeding ages; and some are remaining unto this day.  
Of the first sort, are such as these, by jerom and Eusebius;  
1. A Commentary de Paschate: 
In Catalogue. Lib. 6. c. 12.  which, saith Eusebius, he composed at the instance of some friends who earnestly desired that he would commit to writing for the benefit of posterity, those things which he had heard and received from the Ancient Presbyters. In which book he remembers Melito, Irenaeus, and certain others whose expositions he inserts and makes use of.  
2. A book thus entitled, Quis dives salvetur. So Eusebius; or as jerom; Quisnam dives ille sit, 
Lib. 4. c. 33. Apparat.  qui salvetur. A Treatise Learnedly composed, saith Nicephorus, and worthy to be perused: whence, saith Possevine, Eusebius took that famous story of the Young man, by the Apostle john recommended to the care of a certain Bishop; who afterward became very debauched and gave himself to all kind of vice, but was again by the same Apostle in an admirable manner recalled and recovered: who so list may read this story at large in Eusebius, li●. 3. cap. 21.  
3. His disputations of Fasting: 
Ibid.  which (as also the following) Nicephorus calls Homilies. Honorius Augusto dunensis divides the title; but amiss: setting down as two distinct Books, 
Honor. August. de Script. Eccles. cap. 39  De jojunio unus: De Disceptatione unus: contrary to Jerome, whose catalogue (with some others he epitomised:) Trithemius also is guilty of the same error.  
4. De Obtrectatione, or of slander.  
5. An exhortatory unto patience, composed for such as were newly baptised.  
6. Of the Canons of the Church, or an Ecclesiastical Canon, and against those who follow the error of the Jews; which Book, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
De Script. Eccles. Cent. 2. cap. 10.  he peculiarly dedicated it unto Alexander, Bishop of jerusalem: Trithemius and the Centurists make these two distinct Books, wherein they may be presumed to be mistaken, seeing herein they differ from Eusebius and jerom: the latter of the two the Centurists entitle thus: Of those who in the Scriptures follow the sense of the Jews.  
7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Eight Books of Dispositions, Informations or Institutions: (fetching the name haply from 2 Tim. 1. 13. 
Cent. ibid. Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) wherein he goeth over the whole body of the Scriptures in a brief Commentary or compendious explanation of them, 
P●otius in Biblioth. Numb. 111.  if not rather some special places of both Testaments, the scope of the whole work seeming to be an interpretation of Genesis, Exodus, the Psalms, the Epistles of Paul, and those called Catholical, and lastly of the Book called Ecclesiasticus: yea, he omits not some of those that are Apocryphal, altogether and generally rejected, 
Cent. ibid. Nicephor. lib. 4. cap. 33. 〈◊〉 it. in Clement.  viz. the Revelation under the name of Peter, and the Epistle of Barnabas. Heinsius gives us this account of them: These Books (saith he) as the Inscription teacheth us, did contain an institution or delineation of the Doctrine of Christianity; not so much methodical, dogmatical and artificial, as free and bound up or restrained by no rules; for he interpreted divers places of the Sacred Scriptures, out of which without doubt he gathered a Body of Doctrine. 
In Biblioth. num. 19  The want of these Books cannot be accounted any great loss, if the report of Photius concerning them be a truth: For (saith he) although in some things he seems to be Orthodox and sound in his judgement, yet in others he discourseth altogether fabulously and impiously: as in asserting the matter whereof the world was made to be eternal, in ranking Christ among the number of things created, in mentioning with allowance and approbation the Pythagorean 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or transmigration of Souls; and that many worlds were before Adam, that the word was not truly made flesh, but only seemed so to be, together with very many such like passages, withal adding (as admiring and amazed that such an one as Clement should be the author of them) all which, either he himself, or else some other under his name blasphemously uttereth, 
In edit. Clement. in not. ad mar. in apparat.  which latter (saith Andrew Scho●tus and Possevine) is the more likely; for the Arrians had corrupted his writings, as Ruffian reporteth in his Apology for Origen; and the Doctrine contained in his other Books is more sound and orthodox. 
Photius. Biblioth. numb. 110. Cent. cap. 10.   
Besides these, there is elsewhere mention of the following Treatises.  
8. Of the Resurrection.  
9 Of Continence.  
10. Of Marriage: of these three he himself speaks in his Books of Stromes; and particularly of the last in his Paedagogus, lib. 3. cap. 8. where we have a summary of the contents of it, viz. how the Wife ought to live with her Husband, of the Administration of the Government of the Family, the use of Servants, and what things ought to be done by her apart, of the time of Marriage, and of those things which appertain to women.  
11. Sozomen saith that he compiled an History: 
Lib. 1. cap. 1.  and indeed Suidas makes mention of one Clemens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Historian, who wrote of the Roman Kings and Emperors: but Baronius supposeth they meant not this but another Clement; and the truth is they both speak of a Clement indefinitely, without any addition of the Alexandrian, or otherwise.  
12. Many Epistles. 
Trithem. de Script. Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 12.   
13. He also promised a Commentary upon Genesis, which accordingly he clearly and entirely performed upon the whole Book, as some do affirm, whom herein (saith Sixtus Senensis) I will neither give credit unto, 
Biblioth. lib. ●.  nor gainsay.  
Of the second sort of his Books, viz. those remaining and commonly received at this day, are only the three following.  
1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, his admonition or exhortation unto the Gentiles, 
In cate-log.  adversus Gentes, liber unus, saith jerom.  
2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, his Schoolmaster, comprised in three Books.  
3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Eight Books of Stromes, a work variously woven after the manner of Tapestry, mixed with testimonies taken out of the Sacred Scriptures, as also Poets, Philosophers and Historians, 
Nicephor. l●b. 4. cap. 33.  whence he got the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, contextor, or the Weaver. He himself gives the reason of the name, and why these Books were so entitled by him: 
Strom. lib. 4.  Est in exiguo quidem spacio (inquit) multa genitalis copia semine eorum dogmotum quae comprehenduntur in hoc opere, tanquam ager omnibus herbis plenus. Vnde etiam propriam habent inscriptionem stromata commentariorum, etc. Again, Permixtim nobis instar prati variata est stromatum descriptio: 
Strom. lib. 6.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Of its proper and primitive signification the most learned Casaubon gives us this account; 
In Animadvers. in Athenaeum. lib. 1. cap. 4.  Solitos veteres stragulam vestem pellibus involvere, & loris constringere, etiam jurisconsulti testes sunt— Constat autem ex-veterum lectione, & stragula superiora, & involucrum istud, quod antiquiores 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, recentiores 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocarunt, var●●s coloribus distincta ferè fuisse. Ind translatae eae dictiones ad res significandas varietate insignes: cujusmodi fuit piscis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dictus ob coloris aurei virgas per totum illius corpus productas, inquit Athenaeus, lib. 7. Similiter & viri docti excerpta sua ex variis auctoribus, aut propria etiam scripta, sed veterum referta testimoniis, soliti 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 appellare, ut Clemens Alexandrinus, etc. Those Books and Commentaries (saith Martianus Victorinus) men call Stromata, 
Scholar in Hieronym. Epist. 65.  which contain in them variety of matter, because Carpets and Garments of this, compounded of divers colours and Histories, were so interwoven. 
In vitâ Origen. biblioth. lib 3.  The name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith Eras●●ns) is taken from pictured Carpets or Tapestry. Also Sixtus Senensis thus; a Rhapsody, which some call Stroma, or a stromatical exposition, is an exposition made up of a composition out of divers Authors. And in very deed such are Clemens his Commentaries or Stromes, which contain so great and innumerable riches of all kind of Learning (saith Gentian Heroet) that there is no one who is endued with any Arts and Sciences, 
In Epist. ante Strom.  but may receive from him exceeding great profit. Yea (saith the learned Daille) what can you name more mixed and fuller of variety than Clemens his Stromata, 
Treat. of the right use of the Fathers. lib. 1.  as he calls them, and his other works; which are throughout interlaced with Historical Allusions, Opinions, Sentences and Proverbs out of all sorts of Writers, both sacred and profane, being here heightened with rich lightsome colours, there shaded with darkness, in such sort as that it is a vain thing for an ignorant person to hope ever to reach his meaning? For which cause Casaubon quoting a passage of these Books, doth it after this manner: 
Exercitat. 1. ad apparat. Annal. Baron.  Sic ait Clemens Alexandrinus, lib. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, centonum, which we may well call varias lectiones.  
The excellency and usefulness of all three, 
In Epist. ante opera Clem.  is thus fully and at large set forth by Gentian Heroet, who among others translated them into Latin. Of how great utility (saith he) this ancient Father may be, doth from hence evidently appear: Are there some that are delighted with the most ancient Histories? Let them read Clement, who retained them all so exactly, that none of these things which were done throughout the world, seem to have escaped his knowledge. Are there who reverence the Verses of the old Poets, and certain divine answers of the Oracles? These must needs have Clement in very high esteem, who citeth the testimonies of very many Poets, whose works are at this day utterly lost and perished. Are there, who would fain know and acquaint themselves with the ancient Rites and Ceremonies observed in or about the sacrifices of the Gods? Let such betake them unto Clement, who so unfolds all those abominable mysteries, that if any one among Christians do yet praise and admire those old Heathenish Ordinances and Customs (and would to God there were none that did so) he will forthwith (unless he be more stupid than a stone) upon the reading of Clement cast away every fond opinion of those false Gods, and must needs be ashamed of the madness of those who aforetime did worship them. Would any know the decrees or opinions of the old Philosophers? Let them view Clement, who so delivers and describes the original of all Philosophy, together with the several Sects, Successions and Maxims of all Philosophers; that seeing a man so singularly learned hath preferred Christian Philosophy (or Religion) before all other; they will be forced (though unwilling) to confess that this is plainly divine, and in very deed inspired and published from God. Have any a mind to understand what were the Doctrines of those Heretics, who in its infancy and first rise disquieted the Church of God? They may hear them by Clement explicated and confuted. Are any willing to have evil and corrupt manners corrected and amended? There is none that inveighs against vice more sharply, none that better exhorts unto virtue, none that shows the way how men should order and lead their lives more exactly than Clement doth. An encomium large enough to invite the most curious Reader, seeing there is such choice fare, and variety of dishes for his entertainment.  
There is observable in these works of his forenamed, an admirable order and method, purposely intended by himself; which shows the mutual aspect and close connexion of the one unto the other; 
Heinsius in annotat. in Clement.  So that even herein he is mysterious, and Pythagorical. For,  
1. In the first, he sets forth the vanity of Heathenish Idolatry; 
Scultet. in Maedull.  by arguments drawn from the original and matter of their gods, and the judgement of the more sound Ethnics; who, though unwillingly, yet acknowledged their error: Also from the vanity of their Temples and Images: and in the end exhorteth unto the profession of Christianity and Worship of the one only God, 
Heinsius in annotat.  which may not unfitly be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or a purgation of such as would become Christians from Heathenish superstitions.  
2. In the second, viz. his Paedagogus; he teacheth, that the Son of God is our Schoolmaster, 
Ibid.  and what the manners of Christians ought to be. This is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: the initiation or catechising of the new Convert to Christianity, wherein he omits no part of a Christian life, which he doth not adorn with wonderful Wisdom and Learning. 
Possevin. in apparat.   
3. In the third, 
Libri stromateon octo sunt, adversus Paganos atque haereses pugnath instituentes. Photius. num. 3. Heb. 5. 14.  viz. his Stromes, there is great variety and plenty of matter, fetched both from the sacred Scriptures and profane Authors; for the more perfect instruction of those who had been initiated; as setting strong meat before such as were of perfect or riper age, and had their senses exercised to discern both good and evil. And it may be called, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad sacra maxima, supremam dei notionem & aeternam contemplationem admissio: 
H●i●s. ibid.  an admission unto the high and hidden Mysteries of Christianity.  
Concerning this last, take a hint of these two things:  
1. That herein he tieth not himself unto any exact method or order, but is somewhat confused and abstruse: for so he himself confesseth, rendering the Reason why he did so, viz. 
Strom. lib. 7.  he therefore dispersed the Doctrines that excite unto true knowledge here and there, that they might not easily be found out by any that are not initiated into these mysteries: therefore, saith he, neque ordinem neque dictionem spectant libri Stromaton; 
Strom. lib. 1.  the Books of Stromes respect neither order, nor words: So that here, it seems he was curious in neither. Again, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Strom. lib. 6.  these Books being as a body composed of variety of Learning, will artificially conceal the seeds of knowledge: Wherein things as they occasionally offered themselves and came into his mind, are scattered up and down, as a Meadow is variously decked and adorned. And this seems to have been the manner of the Ancients: in so doing (saith Peter Halliox) Clemens imitated Dyonisius Areopagita, 
Quest. 2. de vitâ & opibus Dionys. Areopagit.  viz. in that he voluntarily and on purpose wrote his Books somewhat obscurely, and would hide the seeds of knowledge, and sometimes makes use of new words: to the end that, (as in hunting) the truth being found with much pains, might be the more sweet and acceptable, as also that it might be the more remote and secure from the scorn and cavils of petulant men, who apprehend not holy things. 
Contra Celsni. pag. 774.  Yea, (saith Origen) using such obscurity, he did herein as the Prophets were wont to do. To which let me only add the account which he himself gives of his end in compiling these Books; his words are, as rendered in the Parisian Edition; Non est hoc opus Scriptura artificiosè comparata ad ostentationem, 
Strom. lib. 1.  sed mihi ad senectutem reconduntur monimenta, oblivionis medicamentum verè image & adumbratio evidentium & anim●tarum illarum orationum, quas dignus hahitus sum qui audirem, & virorum beatorum quique reverà erant maximi precii & aestimationis.  
2. The eighth Book of Stromes is different from the rest.  
1. In the bulk of it: 
Heins. in Annotat.  being shorter than the foregoing; whence it appears not to be an entire book.  
2. In the Inscription thereof: fo● in some copies it hath this Title, 
In Biblioth.  saith Photius, Quis dives salveter: (of which before) and begins with these words, Qui laudatorias or ationes: in other Copies it is thus inscribed, Stromat●n Octavus, as the other seven, and begins with the same words, which the now extant eighth book doth; Sed neque antiquissimi Philosophi.  
3. In the subject thereof, or matter contained and handled in it: for the seven preceding books are altogether Theological, but this wholly Logical; 
In Medul.  nihil continet (inquit Scultetus) Theologicum, sed de syllogismis argumentisque logicis quasdam praeceptiunculas) wherein there are some things unsound, though not so many as in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or institutions: 
In Annotat.  so far Photius. Heinsius supposeth that this may be a fragment, taken out of his Institutions, to which some things contained in them that were not sound did stick: so that he conceives this book was long lost, and that now a part of the institutions hath invaded the place thereof: Which haply may be the reason, 
Chron. tom. 2. lib. 2. cap. 27.  wherefore Freculphus reckons the books of Stromes to be but seven. This I thought good to intimate, and so to leave it unto the discreet Reader, to judge and make what use of it he can.  
That small Commentary set forth by Bigne, which he calls adumbrationes or shadowings (Baronius gives them the name of breves notae, 
Biblioth. patrum, tom. 1. Ad an. 196. §. 24.  short notes) upon some of the Catholical Epistles, viz. The Epistle of Peter, the Epistle of jude, and the first and second of john (and the truth is, they give but little light into those Scriptures) though they bear the Title of this ancient Father, yet in all likelihood are they none of his; 
Rivet. Crit. Sac.  for neither Eusebius nor jerom make any mention of them; only Cassiodorus affirms it, and that it is done in an Attic or Elegant stile; wherein many things are spoken subtly indeed, but not so warily as they should have been. Probable it is that these notes also were by some one taken out of his Institutions. For these are said to contain in them an explanation of a great part of the sacred Scriptures, and particularly of the Catholical Epistles.  
§ 4. For the stile that he useth 'tis elegant and full of gravity: both jerom and Cyril commend in him his eloquence; and Trithemius styles him Eloquentissimus, a most eloquent Man: It's conceived that he was born in Athens, and consequently it is likely that there also he had his first Education, and the Language of the place, which was of all other the best and finest. 
Lib. de An●mâ.  Athenis (inquit Tertullianus) sapiendi dicendique acutissimos nasci relatum est: In Athens are born the most acute men, for Wisdom and Speech: Athens being famous for Eloquence, 
Rhodig. ject. antiq. lib. 18. cap. 1.  as was Sparta for Arms. His Books of the Schoolmaster (saith Photius) are nothing like unto his Institutions or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: 
Biblioth. num. 110.  for besides that they have not in them any of those sottish and blasphemous opinions, which were to be found in the other; the very phrase is more florid and rhetorical, rising to a certain well tempered gravity mixed with sweetness. Such was the Attic Dialect: 
Ibid. cap. 25.  Atticorum aures teretes ad quas qui se accommodat is existimandus est Atticè dicere (inquit Rhodiginus. 
Erasm. adag. ) ut nil sentiatur insolens, nil ineptum; omnia ornata, gravia, copiosa: Whence grew that adage; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, pr●venustâ lepidâque oratione.  
§ 5. Those excellent Monuments of his own extant, may not unfitly be compared unto a pleasant Garden, richly furnished with great variety of the choicest herbs and flowers: wherein the judicious Reader may with much contentment recreate himself, and be thence abundantly stored both for his profit and delight. I shall gather and present you with a view for an invitation.  
1. Concerning the Holy Scriptures he speaks very venerably, plainly asserting the Divine authority, perspicuity and perfection of them thus:  
We make use (saith he) of the Scriptures for the finding out and judging of the truth of things: 
Strom. lib. ●. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Now whatsoever is judged, is not believed before it be judged; wherefore neither is that a principle, that needs to be judged. If it be not enough to affirm what seems to be a truth, but that a proof of what is spoken be requisite, we expect not the Testimony of men, but we prove what is inquired after by the Voice of the Lord, which is more worthy to be believed than any demonstration, or rather is the only demonstration. Again, as in war, that order is not to be forsaken, which the Commander hath given to the Soldier: So neither is that order to be forsaken, that the word hath prescribed to us, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  which we have received as the Prince or Moderator both of knowledge and practice.  
2. To believe in Christ, 
Strom. lib. 4.  is to be made one with him and inseparably united to him: Not to believe is to doubt, and to be divided and at distance from him.  
Faith is a voluntary anticipation (or aforehand taking hold of what is promised) a pious assent: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Hesychius.  the substance of things hoped for, and argument of things not seen. Others; an uniting assent unto things not apparent; 
Strom. lib. 2.  a demonstration, or manifest assent unto a thing not known.  
3. The whole life of a godly man is, 
Strom. lib. 7.  as it were, a certain holy and solemn festival day: his Sacrifices are Prayers and Praises, and the reading of the Scriptures before his repast; as also Psalms and Hymns while he is at meat: likewise before he goeth to rest, yea, and in the night to Prayers again. By these he unites and joins himself unto the Choir of Heaven. But doth he know no other Sacrifices? Yes; namely, the largess of instruction, and relief of the poor. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   
4. The Sacred Scriptures are they, 
In protreptico.  which make men holy like unto God. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
5. This is to drink the Blood of Jesus, 
Paedagog. lib. 2. cap. 4.  viz. to be made partaker of the incorruption of the Lord.  
6. It's the greatest argument of Divine Providence, 
Strom. lib. 1.  that the Lord permits not sin and vice, which had its rise from man's voluntary defection, to remain unprofitable, nor yet altogether hurtful: for it is the office of the divine wisdom, virtue and power, not only to do good (for this is (to say it once for all) the nature of God, as it is of fire to burn, and of light to illuminate) but also, and that chiefly, to bring that unto some good and profitable end and issue, that hath been devised by wicked men, and to use those things profitably, which seem to be evil. Again, nothing comes to pass without the will of the Lord of all: It remains therefore that we briefly say, 
Strom. lib. 4.  that things of this Nature, (viz. persecutions, etc.) do come to pass, the Lord not letting or hindering them; 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  for this only salves both the Divine Providence and Goodness: for we ought not to imagine that he doth effectually cause afflictions; far be it from us so to think; but we ought to persuade ourselves, that he doth not hinder those who are the authors of them, but make use of the bold attempts of adversaries unto a good end.  
7. God, 
Strom. lib. 6.  who is good and gracious, chastiseth for three causes. 1. That he who is chastised may become better than he was. 2. That such as may or shall be saved, being admonished by Examples, may be prepared. 3. That he who is injured, may not be contemned, and apt (or exposed) to more injury.  
8. Speaking of the several sorts of Officers in the Church, 
Strom. lib. 6.  he makes mention only of those three commonly received, viz. Bishops, Elders and Deacons.  
9 Reprehension is, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  as it were, a kind of Chirurgery of the affections of the Soul: and admonition is, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  as it were, a kind of diet for the sick soul: 
Paedgog. lib. 1. cap. 8.  which counselleth and adviseth unto those things that are to be taken; and forbids such as are to be forborn.  
10. He calls pleasure 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Strom. lib. 6.  the Metropolis, or principal seat of Vice.  
11. As touching the Author of the Epistle to the Hebrews (because I find it recorded by Eusebius, 
Euseb. lib, 6. cap. 13.  Nicephorus and others, 
Niceph. lib. 4. cap. 33.  I thought good not to omit it) he affirmeth it to be Paul's undoubtly (whom he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: the divine Apostle) and therefore written in the Hebrew Tongue, 
Strom. lib. 2.  for the Hebrews sakes, but faithfully translated by Luke (who was the Disciple of Paul) and published unto the Gentiles or Greeks: and therefore we find in it the like phrase or manner of speech, as is used in the Acts of the Apostles. And that we have not the wont superscription prefixed in this Epistle, viz. Paul an Apostle, etc. he gives this reason of it; For, saith he, writing unto the Hebrews, because of the ill opinion they had conceived of him, he very wisely concealed his name, left upon the sight thereof they should be dismayed, and refuse to read the Epistle: And also, (even as Macarius the Elder said) for as much as the Lord himself was the Messenger of the Almighty, and sent unto the Hebrews; Paul for modesty's sake, or out of his humility being the Apostle of the Gentiles, wrote not himself the Apostle of the Hebrews, partly for the honour due to Christ, and partly also for that he being the Apostle of the Gentiles, did freely and boldly write unto the Hebrews,  
12. Of the Order of the Evangelists according unto the tradition of the Elders, 
Euseb. Nic●ph. ibid.  he thus writeth.  
The Gospels which contain the Genealogies are placed and accounted the first, (viz. Matthew and Luke) The Gospel according to Mark was written upon this occasion; when Peter preached openly at Rome, and published the Gospel by lively voice; many of his Auditors entreated Mark (having been a hearer and follower of that Apostle a long time, and one that well remembered his words) to deliver unto them in writing such things as he had heard Peter Preach before; which thing, when Peter afterward understood to be done, though he had not given command that it should be done; yet being done, he forbade it not. john last of all seeing in the other Evangelists the Humanity of Christ set forth at large, being entreated by the Disciples, and filled with the holy Ghost, he wrote chiefly of his Divinity.  
13. By the Gnostick in our Author (in whom this term is freequently used) we are to understand the complete and perfect Christian; 
Scultet. in Medulla.  whom he so styles in opposition unto those foul Heretics and false Christians, who for the excellency of knowledge, which they vainly boasted of, 
Augustin. de Heres. Heins. annotat.  proudly assumed and appropriated unto themselves this name and title of Gnostics or knowing men; by which they are commonly known: Against these he opposeth the true Gnostick, for the information and description of whom, he wrote his Books of Stromes; 
Lib. 6. ca 12. in Biblioth.  as the inscription set down by Eusebius, and more at large by Photius, doth more than intimate: though especially and particularly he discourseth upon this subject, in the sixth and seventh Books: wherein he treateth of the Affections, Science, Speech, Prayers, Love both to God and to the Truth, of the benignity, Sacrifices, and Contemplation of the true Gnostick. In which description he is so exact, that he therein shows rather what a one a Christian should be, than what any one is: there being no such example to be found; such as was the portrait of a wise man by the Stoics, and of a commonwealth by Plato, whom herein our Author imitated.  
14. He shows whence several Heresies have their several names. 
Strom. lib. 7.  Some (saith he) take their names from the Authors of them; as from Valentinus, Martion and Basilides; although they boast that they bring the opinion of Mathias: for both the Doctrine and Tradition of all the Apostles was one and the same: Some are named from the place; as the Peratici: Others from the Nation; as the Heresy of the Phrygians: Some from their profession; as the Encratitae, (because they abstained from Marriage, Wine, and the eating of Flesh) others from their proper opinions as the Docitae and Haematitae: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Some from their hypotheses, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  and the things which they honoured; as those which are called Cainists and Ophiani: Others from those things which they nefariously perpetrated and dared; as those of the Simonianis, who are called Entychitae. Of which last Danaeus thus speaks: Canistae (qui ab amoribus turpissimis ita sunt appellati) fuerunt tetriores: 
Comment. in Augustin. de Haeres. cap. 1. § 2.  quanquam Clement, storm. lib. 7. putat fuisse Eutychitas; sed errorem subesse in condicibus impressis, nemo qui aliorum de eisdem rebus scripta legerit, dubitabit.  
15. In the first Book of Stromes, undertaking to demonstrate the antiquity of the Christian Religion; and that it was before the Philosophy of the Heathen; he proves that Moses (who flourished in the time of Inachus the King of the Argives) was more ancient than any of the Greek Poets, Philosophers, or Wise men, yea, most of their gods: to which end he sets down and reckons the times of the Kingdoms of the Jews, Persians, Macedonians and Romans: and so presents us with an exact and accurate Chronology from the time of Moses, unto the death of Emperor Commodus; in whose Successors reigns, viz. 
Lib. 6. cap. 5.  Severus, (for Pertinax, who came between them, held the Empire but a few Months) he wrote these Books as Eusebius concludes: for thus he: Clemens writing his Books of Stromes, comprised in the first Volume a Chronicle, containing the times unto the death of Commodus; so that it is evident, (saith he) that he finished his Books under Severus.  
16. He thus descants upon those words of Christ: 
Strom. lib. 4.  Matth. 10. 23. When they persecute you in this city, flee ye into another: he doth not here persuade to fly, as if to suffer persecution were evil; nor doth he command us, fearing death to decline it by flight; but he wills us, that we be to none the authors or abettors of evil; he requires us to use caution: but he that obeys not, is audacious and rash, unadvisedly casting himself into manifest perils. Now if he that kills a man of God, doth sin against God; he also is guilty of that Murder, who offers himself to Judgement. And such a one shall he be accounted, that avoids not persecution, presumptuously offering himself to be taken. He it is, that as much as in him lieth, helps forward the impiety of him that persecutes. Much like to this is that of Athanasius, Numb. 11. vid.  
17. Behold, 
In protreptico.  O man (saith he) for how small a matter the Lord doth give thee Land to till, Water to drink, another Water whereby to send forth, or export, and to return or import thy Commodities, Air wherein to breathe, a House to cover thee from the injury of the weather, Fire wherewith to warm thee, and whereat to employ thee, a World wherein to dwell: all these things so great, so many, thy Lord hath, as it were, rent out unto thee, at a very easy rate; a little Faith, a little Thanks, so it be true, so they be hearty: And most unkind thou, if thou deniest him that rent; the earth is the Lords, and the fullness thereof: if then thou dost not acknowledge thy Lord being compassed round with his blessings; he will then say unto thee; Get thee out of my Land, and from out of my House; touch not my Water, partake not of my Fruits. If I have rent these out unto thee for so small a matter, a little thanks, and thou dost deny me that little; thou hast, in so doing, forfeited the whole, and I will require the forfeiture at thy hands.  
§ 6. These and many such like excellent passages do his Writings abound with; but yet there are intermixed and scattered up and down, 
Gratian. part. 1. distinct. 15. 〈…〉 19●. § 26.  such things as are neither sound, nor savoury, which are therefore carefully to be heeded and avoided. In so much as for this cause Pope Gelas●us did providently require, (saith Baro●ius) that the works of this Clement should be branded with the note of Apocryphal: 
Because Lactantius deny●d the substance of the holy Ghost; quis mihi interdicere potest, ne legem institutionum ejus libros, quibus contra gentes scripsit fortissimè, quia superior sententia dete●tanda est. Hieronym. Epist. ad Pammach. & Oceanum, de errorib. Origen.  wherein notwithstanding he may justly be accounted more wary than wise; for were this ground sufficient to reject the labours of the ancients, because among much good grain there is some chaff to be found, none of them would be remaining, or of any credit at this day. Let us rather sever the Gold from the Dross, than damn up the Mine, and let what's bad be suffered to continue for the sake of what is good and useful in them, rather than what's good be rejected for the bad's sake. Nevertheless, it may not be amiss to give notice of what will not endure the test and trial; lest through inadvertency, and because of the antiquity and authority of the Author, that should be esteemed and taken up for sound and current, which upon examination will prove adulterate and unpassable. Of which sort are these that follow.  
10. It is a ridiculous thing (saith be) to imagine, 
Strom. lib. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  that the Body of our Saviour, as a body, did stand in need of necessary aids and Ministries that it might continue: for he did eat not for his body's sake, which was upheld by an holy Power; but lest it might occasion those with whom he conversed to think otherwise of him; as indeed afterward some were of opinion, that he appeared only in a Vision and Phantasm: For, to say it once for all, he was void of passion, being one whom no motion of affection could take hold of, neither pleasure nor grief. A strange and gross conceit▪ and directly contrary to clear Texts of Scripture.  
2. That Christ ought to preach but one year only, 
Strom. lib. 1.  he fond gathered from, Luke 4. 19 he hath sent me, To preach the acceptable year of the Lord: and supposeth that he suffered in the thirtieth year of his age. Both which, 
Exercitat. 1. § 26.  as his errors, Casaubo● maketh mention of; and how manifestly repugnant they both are to the History of the Evangelists, is obvious to every observing eye.  
3. He is of the mind, that Jesus Christ descended into Hell for this cause, that he might preach the Gospel unto the dead, 
Strom. lib. 6.  and that these are the bodies spoken of, Matth. 27. 53. 53. that arose at the time of Christ's passion, that they might be translated unto ● better place. Yea, that the Apostles, as well as the Lord himself, 
Ibid.  did preach the Gospel unto those that were dead. Chemnitius thus reports it: 
In examine. parte 1. detradit.  Clemens Alexandrinus (inquit) multa citat ex apocryphis, quibus peregri●s dogmata stabilire conatur: Vt ex libro Pastoris Hermae probat Apostolos post mortem praedicasse illis qui anteà in infidelitate mortui fuer●nt, & illos conversos vivificasse. He thought that no man was saved before the coming of Christ, but that those who lived piously and righteously by the Law, or by philosophy were accounted righteous, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  yet wanted Faith: wherefore in Hell they expected the coming of Christ, and the Apostles, and that by their preaching they were converted to the Faith, and so saved.  
4. He frequently asserteth the freedom of man's will in spirituals. 
In protreptico.  e.g. Yours is the Kingdom of Heaven, if directing or turning your freewill unto God, you will believe only, and follow that short way that is preached unto. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Again, neither praises nor dispraises, neither honours or rewards, nor punishments are just, if the soul have not free power to desire, and to abstain. Also, because it is in our power to obey or not to obey; 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  that none may pretend ignorance, the divine word gives a just call unto all; 
Strom. lib. 2.  and requires what every one is enabled to perform. Lastly, defection, going back, and disobedience are in our power as is also obedience. 
Ibid.  And in this particular he erred not alone, the two immediately preceding, and divers other of the Ancients being of the same judgement; the ground whereof may be conceived to be this, because many of them had been in their first years brought up in the study of Philosophy, 
Ce●t. 2. cap. 4.  and of Philosophers being converted, became Christians; this made them attribute so much, even too much unto Philosophy, which proved the occasion of many errors in them: 
Lib. advers. H●rmogen.  Hence it is that Tertullian calls Philosophers Patriarchas haereticorum: and Rhen●nus having shown of how great advantage the Philosophy of Platonics was unto Valentinus (who had been of that Sect) in the hatching of his wild and sottish Heresies; 
In argument. lib. Tertull. advers. Valentinian.  breaks out into these words; See (saith he) how great mischief Philosophy hath always done unto Christianity, well therefore might the Apostle so caution the Colossians; Beware lest any man spoil you through philosophy and vain deceit. 
Coloss. 2. 8.  jerom also exercising some errors of his, 
Epist. ad Pammac●. & Oceanu● de orrorib. Orig.  wherein he had followed Origen, thus pleads for himself; Fae me, inquit, errasse in adolescentiâ & philosophorum, i.e. gentilium studiis eruditum, 
Patrum nonnulli sunt, qui pro eâ quâ imbuti fuerunt adolescentes in Scholis ethnicorum Philosophiâ naturae viribus plus aequo tribu●●t. Arrowsm. Tactic. lib. 2. cap. 2. § 2.  in principio fidei d●●mata ignorasse Christiana, & hoc putasse in Apostolis, quoth in Pythagorâ & Platone, 〈◊〉 Empedocle legeram. Cur parvuli in Christo, 〈◊〉 lactentis errorem sequimini? Cur ab eo imputatem discitis, qui necdum pietatem noverat● Secunda post naufragium tabula est, culp●● simpliciter confiteri. Imitati estis errantem, imitamini & correctum. Erravimus juvenal, emendemur senes, etc. Now among other things Philosophy doth beyond measure advance the power of man's will and nature abilities: 
Cent. 2. cap. 10.  and this opinion drew on within the extenuation of Original sin, and the depravation of the Doctrine of the Merit of Christ; into both which this Father among the rest was but meanly insighted. And this may be the reason why the Reverend Cal●● styles that Doctrine of freewill, 
Comment. in Rom. 8. 7.  Heatheni● Philosophy: Procul sit (inquit) à Christi●● pectore illa de arbitrii libertate Gentilis Phil●sophia.  
5. He affirms, that because the 〈◊〉 hath freewill, 
Strom. lib. 1.  he may repent: which saying of his seems to have been the occasion 〈◊〉 that error in Origen his Scholar, that the Devils might be saved; 
Cent. 2. cap. 5.  as both the Cent●rists, and also Gentian Heroet conceive; who in his Education hath this Note in the M●●gin upon these words of Clement; hinc 〈◊〉 Origenis.  
7. He also fancied, 
Strom. lib. 3. & 5.  that some of the Angels were incontinent, and being overcome with lust, they descended and disclose● many secrets unto those woman with whom they fell in love, and whatsoever things came to their knowledge, which the other Angels concealed, and reserved unto the coming of the Lord.  
Besides these there are some other things wherein he is judged to be both unsound and uncertain; sometimes affirming one thing, sometimes another; as concerning the Baptism of Heretics, which he seems altogether to condemn: Also, that second Marriages have imperfection in them, and are not without sin, yea, are little better than fornication; contrary to that express Text. 1 Timoth. 5. 14. I will that the younger women (viz. 
Cent. 2. cap. 4.  Widows, verse 11.) marry. Likewise, concerning good works, perfection and repentance, he seems sometimes to contradict himself, and vents very dangerous opinions: adeò in multis articulis lubricus est, ac saepenumerò sibi contradicit, ut quid constanti sententiâ affirmet, vix interdum agnoseas.  
§ 7. How long this Father lived, as also when, where and how he ended his days is very uncertain: Histories being silent herein: only probable it is that he attained unto many years, and continued long after the death of his Master Pantaenus: For it seems that he compiled his Book, 
Cent. 2. cap. 10.  both of Stromes and Informations or Institutions (if not all the rest) after that time, seeing he mentions him as dead, and some good while before: as also that he had through length of time forgotten many of those things, which he ha● heard from him. He flourished (saith I●rom) under the Emperor Severus and Autoninus Caracalla: and (as some report) 〈◊〉 ended his Pilgrimage by a natural death 〈◊〉 Alexandria, 
In Catalogue.  where he had long taught; dying▪ In a good old age, and full of days, em●annum 195.   

Tertullianus.  
HE styles himself in the Titles prefixed to his Books by the name of Quintus Septimius florence Tertullianus; 
Pamel. in vitâ Tertull.  perhaps to distinguish himself from some others, whose names did in part agree with his own. For his Country, he was an African, and had for the place of his Birth there the famous City of Carthage, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as it's called by Strabo) Rome's Corrival, 
Geograph. lib. 10. Hist. natural. lib. 15. cap. 18.  de terrarum orbe aemula (saith Pliny) that contended with it for the Empire of the world. And 'tis observed as memorable, that in his time two of his Countrymen held the places of highest Dignity both Civil and Ecclesiastical, 
Pamel. ibi●●  viz. Septimius Severus and Victor, both Africans, the one being Emperor, and the other Bishop of Rome.  
His Father was a Centurion, 
Hieron. in cate-log. ●  one of eminent Rank, as bearing the office of a Proconsul, who took care to have his Son from his tender years to be well educated, and trained up in the Schools; 
Baron. ad an. 197. §. 18.  where, having a pregnant wit and excellent parts, he proved a notable proficient, and soon attained unto such a measure of knowledge in Philosophy and all kind of Learning, that he was by all esteemed for one of the most exquisite and best accomplished Scholars of his time.  
He for some years professed and taught the art of Rhetoric in Carthage with approbation and applause; 
Sixt. Senens. lib. 3.  from which, after a while he proceeded to the practice of the Law (to the study whereof he had formerly applied himself, and became well skilled therein, as Eusebius testifieth, styling him a man well experienced in the Roman Laws) accuratâ legum (inquit Nicephorus) & actorum Rom●norum peritiâ clarus) performing the office of an Advocate, 
Lib. 2. cap. 2.  in pleading the causes of such Clients as entertained him, 
Lib. 2. cap. 8.  with much dexterity. But he is designed unto a more high and honourable employment, viz. to plead the cause of God, and to publish the glorious mysteries of the Gospel: in order whereunto the divine goodness finds out a way for the translating of him from the School of the world into the Shool of Christ, by his conversion from Gentilism to Christianity.  
As touching the time and manner thereof, though nothing be lef● upon Record, either by himself, or others directly pointing it out, and acquainting us therewith; yet are then some things to be found from whence it may be probably conjectured, that it fell out while he was yet but young, and in the prime of his years. For  
1. He wrote a Treatise of the troubles attending Marriage, cum adhuc esset adoleseens, when (saith jerom) he was but a young man: yet Baronius conceives it most likely to have been done by him after his conversion; 
Advers. Jovinian. lib. 1. Ad an. 197. § 19  for (saith he) I cannot think that jerom would have directed Eustochium (whom he wished to read that Book of his) unto the writings of an Heathen for her instruction in that particular.  
2. jerom and others report concerning him, 
In cate-log. Nicephor. lib. 4. c. 34.  that he continued an orthodox Presbyter in the Church, usque ad statam mediamque aetatatem, unto his middle age; and afterwards fell away unto the Heresy of the Montanists: but now evident it is, that he wrote the most of his Books before that time, to the doing whereof, and furnishing for such a work, a great deal of time must needs be requisite. In the judgement of Pamelius, 
In vitâ Ter-Tertull.  and according to his computation, he became a Christian in the third year of the Reign of Severus, in which also he is of opinion, that he wrote his Book de P●llio, or of the Cloak; and so continued year after year to put forth some or other of his Labours unto the time of his defection, which fell out in the eighteenth year of that Emperor's Reign: so that he remained in the Church after his conversion about fifteen years before he arrived unto his middle age, and therefore could be of no great age when first he gave up his name to Christ.  
That which gave the occasion of his relinquishing the Heathenish, 
In Apolog.  and embracing the Christian Religion, some conceive (taking a hint hereof from a passage of his own) to have been this, 
Pamel. in vitâ Tertull.  viz. that the Devils being sometimes adjured, did, though unwillingly, confess that they were the Gods of the Gentiles. This put him upon the search and study of the Scriptures, whose great antiquity (as transcending all other writings in this regard) asserted their authority, and the truth of the predictions contained in them (testified by answerable events) was a sufficient argument of their Divinity: which two, duly considered, could not but prove strong inducements to persuade him, that the Doctrine and Religion therein taught and discoursed, must needs be the truest, and above any other most worthiest to be believed and embraced: To which he added, as no small help hereunto, the diligent perusal of those writings of his Predecessors, wherein they had testified against the Gentiles their profane practices and abominable Idolatries.  
Having after his conversion spent some time in Carthage (where he was promoted unto the degree and office of a Presbyter) he afterward came to Rome, 
Euseb. lib. 2. cap. 2.  in which City he was had in great estimation, 
Clericorum nominatissimis Romanae urbis. Opus detemporib. mundi.  being famous among those learned men who flourished there at that time. Upon what occasion he came to Rome, and how long he made his abode there is uncertain: 
In vitâ Tertull.  Pamelius conceives th●● his Book de coronâ militis was there writte● in the sixteenth year of Severus, in the eighteenth year of whose Reign he made his defection from the Church, upon which he was excommunicated, and consequently in al● likelihood than left that place, returning again unto Carthage. But how long or short soever his continuance was there, it prove● too long for him, in regard of the mischief that there betided him; for in this place 〈◊〉 was, that he split and dashed himself upon the Rock of Montanism, either through 〈◊〉 overlargeness of the Sails of self-conceit, 〈◊〉 the impetuous gusts of his own passions.  
jerom and divers other Historians do agree in this, 
In cate-log. cent. Rhenan Platina. Nicephor, etc.  that his defection took beginning from the envy conceived against, and contumelies cast upon him by the Romish Clergy; moved hereunto, either by his Learning and Virtue (wherein haply he might go beyond and outshine them, 
Cent. 3. cap. 10.  and so seem to detract from their worth, and eclipse their Glory) or for that being extremely studious of continence and chastity, 
Pa●el. in vitâ.  they thought him to lean toward, and too much favour (though closely) the Heresy of Montanus: or lastly, because in some of his Books he had too sharply reprehended the vices which he had observed among them: hereupon, being a man of a choleric and violent spirit, impatient and unable to brook and bear such injuries (Cum ingenio & calamo omnia vinceret, 
Scultet 〈◊〉 Medulla.  impatientiam vincere non potuit, inquit Scultet. Miserrimus ego (inquit Tertullianus ipse) semper aeger caloribus impatientiae, 
Lib. de patient.  patientiae sanitatem suspicem necesse est) he openly joined himself unto that Sect, which being once fallen to, he as zealously laboured to defend and plead for, as he had formerly opposed it; proving as vehement an adversary of the Orthodox, as he had been of the Heretics. Some conceive the occasion of his fall might be, 
Pamel. in vit●. council. tom. 1 Binnii notae invit. Victor.  because that after the death of Agrippinus he suffered a repulse, and was put by the Bishopric of Carthage: 
Rhenan. in argument. lib. Tertull. advers. Valentinian.  (Sic Valentinus, cum cujusdam Ecclesiae Episcopatum ambiret, & ipsius non fuisset habita ratio, offensus hac re, veteris cujusdom opinionis praestigias adversus orthodoxos docere caepit, hoc videlicet pacto sui contemptum ulturus) whereunto may be added as a step to his fall, that he was a man of an easy belief, and of no great judgement, 
Baron. ad an. 201. controvers. Tract. 2. q. 23. § 23.  (saith Rivet) insomuch as he was apt to give credit unto the feigned Relations of every silly woman, and to prefer them before the most certain and Catholic Doctrines.  
These things thus making way for it, the work became the more facile and easy; 
Baron. ad an. 201. § 10. 11.  whereof one Proclus was the unhappy instrument, reputed a most eloquent man and one of the more moderate followers of Montanus: with this Man being then at Rome Tertullian grew familiar, having him in admiration for his eloquence and Virgin old age: ut, Proculus (inquit) nostrae Virginis senectae & Christians eloquentiae dignitas: loqui autem eum de P●culo seu Proclo Montanistâ apparet, 
Lib. advers. Valentinian  inquit P●melius, de quo suprà auctor lib. de praescri●●. advers. heretic. Proclus making his advantage hereof, 
In annotat. in loc.  soon deceived him, telling him that the Doctrine which he professed, he had received not from Man, but from the Paracle● that descended first upon Montanus: 
Baron. ●ibid.  he highly commended chastity, enjoined fasting to be observed in the strictest manner, as by the instinct of the spirit, multiplied watchings and prayers, and so much extolled martyrdom that he held it unlawful to fly, or use a● means for the preservation of life. What 〈◊〉 thus confidently taught and delivered, was ●●greedily taken in by Tertullian, in so much ● he quickly became giddy, yea even drunk with his Fanatical opinions; which as he entertained with facility, so did he retain the●● with pertinacy: in whom we find this verified; that eminent gifts may occasion a 〈◊〉 fall, but cannot keep him from falling: it being Grace alone that makes the soul steady, and secures it against all the impetuous blasts of temptation.  
Great par●s expose men to hazard.  
1. Through pride, which is too often the companion of them, and begotten by them: hence they soar aloft, prying into things secret, not content to walk in the common and safe road: they would (as he, Acts 8. 9) be some body more than ordinary; and so transcending the limits of sobriety, they do 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: upon which precipice being once gotten, they soon fall into the snare of the Devil.  
2. Through envy, which for the most part follows them, as the shadow the substance: this blasting their reputation, and being as a dead fly in the pot of their precious ointment; they betake them unto factions: choosing rather to side with the erroneus in esteem, then with the orthodox in disgrace.  
3. Through ambition, they would fain be as eminent in place as in parts: accounting themselves injured when others are preferred before them: hence it comes to pass, that sometime in way of discontent and by way of revenge, they have deserted, yea set themselves against the truth, because they would make opposition against those that have stood in their way, and crossed them in their expectations.  
By this means he lost both his repute, and also his place in the Church, which excommunicated and owned him no longer. Hence also it came to pass, 
Hilar. in Math. ●.  that having erred so foully, his writings were of little authority and lost much of their esteem: being prohibited to be read by Gelasius: 
Gratian. par. 1. distinct. 15.  and because absurd opinions were in them, 
Cent. 3. c. 10.  mingled with other things, they were by the orthodox condemned and reckoned in the number of Apocryphal books. 
Rivet. crit. sac.  He was (saith Bellarmine) an arch Heretic, and in matters dogmatical of very small account: jerom therefore being by Helvidius pressed with the authority of Tertulian: 
Tom. 2. Epist. 1.  in his heat thus ●oundly replies; I say no more of him but that he was no man of the Church. Nevertheless, that especially for which he was adjudged and proceeded against as an Heretic, was this, that betaking him to the Cataphrygians or Montanists, 
Augustin. de haeres. c. 86.  (whom before he had opposed) he began to condemn second marriages (contrary to the Doctrine of the Apostle, 1 Tim. 5. 14.) as no better than fornication: 
Praefat. an't. opera Tert.  which opinion he was the rather moved to embrace, (saith Rhenanus) because he thought that the last day (which elegantly he calls diem expeditionis lib. 1. ad uxorem.) was near at hand, 
Rhenan. in argument. in Tertul. exhort. ad castitat.  as also did jerom and other of the Ancients grounding upon that of the Apostle, 1 Cor. 7. 29. 〈◊〉 time is short, 
Hoc tum Apostolis, tum ●ypriano (in exhortat.  it remaineth that they that 〈◊〉 wives, be as though they had none. 〈◊〉 hereto he added (which completed his fault) that being divided from the Cataphrygians, 
Martyri● quoniam inquit, in fine 〈…〉  he ● length gathered conventicles of his own, and became the Author of that s●ct, which from him are called and known by the name of Tertullianists. 
August. de haeres. c. 86.   
Doubtless the fall of this worthy Man struck a very great fear with admiration into the hearts of the faithful, 
Baron ad an. 216. § 17.  when they saw one so eminent, and learned, such a lover of truth, and in every regard so accomplished, to miscarry.  
In this sad condition did he remain unto the end of his life, for aught that appears in History to the contrary: which mentions his fall, but not his rise and recovery: herein greatly to be pitied, that having with so much zeal and strength maintained the Doctrine of Christianity against the adversaries thereof, he should at length unworthily desert the truth, and become a champion of the grossest errors. 
Gal. 2. 1●.  It is iniquity, and maketh a Man a transgressor, to build again the things which he had destroyed, 
Gal. 3. 3.  and a point of greatest folly to begin in the spirit, 
1 Cor. 10. 12.  but to end in the flesh; let him that thinketh he standeth, take heed lest he fall.  
Yet I shall not omit to give you the judgement and charitable thoughts of the learned Daille concerning him; 
Treatise of the use of the Father's lib. 2. cap. 4.  We are to take notice (saith he) that his Montanism put no separation at all betwixt him and other Christians, save only in point of Discipline, which he, according to the severity of his nature, would have to be most harsh and rigorous: 
Vid. lib. de Mon. cap. 2. Et li. contr. Psych. cap. ●. S● also Meri● Casaubon, it's true he bacame a Montanist or was 〈◊〉 so at least; though in very deed he never was of his Congregation or Belief, generally: but in matter of private Revelations only. Treatise of Enthusias●●.  for as for his Doctrine, it is very evident, that he constantly kept to the very same rule, and the same Faith that the Catholics did. And this is evident enough, out of all those books which were written by him, during the time of his being a Montanist: wherein he never disputeth or contendeth about any thing, save only about Discipline.  
§ 2. He is a very ancient Author, nea● neighbour unto the Apostles times, 
Rhenan. in praefat. & in annotat. in lib. de cor. milit. item in arg●m. in li. de carne Christi. primus Latinorum qui quidem extet.  the very first among all the Latin Fathers, and Ecclesiastical Writers, whose works are come to our hands, than whom the Christian World scarce hath an Elder: who preceded all the Councils, (those in the Acts only excepted) and the first that strenuously asserted and vindicated the Doctrines of the Gospel against all the cunning cavils and bold attempts of profane Heretics. 
Theologus Aventi● annal. Rhenan. in praefat.   
He was a Man of a sharp wit, and vehement spirit, 
Hieronym. in cate-log.  very bold and undaunted, which he notably discovered in his plea and Apology for the Christians, wherein he budgeth not a jot from that constancy that became him, 
Zeph. in argum in apogoletic.  not caring and little curious to curry favour, as knowing well he had a just and honest cause in hand. Vehementi ardore magnoque affectu pro orthodoxâ religione scribit, 
Rhenan. in argu●. in lied patient.  disputa●, pugnat, ut liqueat, eum nihil fingere, verae pietatis atque Martyrii amantibus semper gratissimus. 
〈◊〉 institut. lib. 5. 〈◊〉 1.  So accomplished was he and exactly skilful in all kind of Learning, 
〈◊〉. Mag●●  as no Man more in the judgement of jerom; in so much as he accounted that what himself had, was but very little in comparison: 
Epist. 128.  also I pray (saith he to Fabiola) ne meam 〈…〉 comparetis: compare not my drop to his stream: 
Rhenan. in praefat.  vir undecunque doctissimus: being excellently insighted into Philosophy, 
Cent. 3. c. 10.  a most accurate disputant, throughly exercised in the Art of Rhetoric, and most completely furnished with the knowledge of all Antiquity. He had diligently perused all sorts of Authors (a large Catalogue whereof is set down by Pamelius) Grammarians, 
Pamel. in vitâ.  Poets, Historians, Philosophers, Mathematicians, Orators, Civilians, etc. from whence this industrious and busy Bee, as from so many flowers, gathered that honey wherewith his Hive was so replenished. He was no less acquainted with the Greek, then with the Latin Tongue, as appears from his being conversant in Authors as well Greek as Latin (the most of ecclesiastics that had gone before him, having written in Greek.) Shortly, 
In praefat. in Hilarium.  in the judgement of Erasmus, he was inter Latino's Theologus multò omnium doctissimus.  
After his conversion he bent his studies to Divinity, and spent night and day in reading not only Ecclesiastical Writers, but chiefly the sacred Scriptures, 
Pamel. in vitâ.  wherein his books show him to be more than ordinarily versed: in citing whereof he follows the Interpretation of the Septuagint in the old Testament, and the Greek Text in the new: in translating whereof in a peculiar manner and different from all others, it's very manifest that he was no mean Grecian but familiarly acquainted with that Tongue. He had a notably faculty in teaching, and could do much that way wherein as also in writing, 
Cent. 3. c. 10.  he excelled both in fullness and gravity: yet would he sometimes have such sprinklings of the salt of his wit among; 
Erasm. in prolegom. a●te Grigen. Cent. 3. c. 10.  as that he would move laughter in his Auditors with his merry conceits: whom herein jerom too often imitates.  
He was as eminent and as exemplary in his life as other ways, non loquitur solùm magna, 
Rhenan. argum. in lib. de patient.  verùm etiam indubiè vixit, not only speaking great things, but without doubt acting and living accordingly: as Minutius Felix his contemporary; in his Octavio: speaks of the Christians of that time, 
Danzus. in Aug. de haeres. cap. 86.  non eloquimur magn●, sed vivimus. Of a comely behaviour, innocent and harmless, ubique, mirum, magnumque animi Zelum in Deum spirat: full of zeal toward God and of great austerity, insomuch as his over-valuing of continence, watchings, fastings, 
Baro. ad an. ●01. §. 8.  etc. gave Proclus his Seducer no small advantage, and became one of those baits whereby he was at length ensnared. These things had made his name and memory sweet and precious amongst Men unto this day, had not the dead fly corrupted and marred the savour of the fragrant ointment.  
Let Vincentius Lyrniensis be heard, (an ancient Father too) and if any thing be wanting above, 
Contra haeres. c. 24.  he will supply it, and make his encomium full. He is (saith he) accounted the chief among the Latins, for who more learned than this Man? who more exercised in things both divine and humane? In the wonderful vastness and capacity of his mind, he comprehended all Philosophy, and all the sects of Philosophers, the authors and assertors of those sects, together with all their Discipline: all variety of History, yea of all kinds of study. Was not his Wit so weighty and vehement, that he propounded almost nothing to himself, to be overcome and mastered by him, which he either broke not through with the sharpness, or else dash● in pieces with the ponderousness of it? Moreover, who can set forth the praises of his speech, which is so environed with I know not what strength of reason, that whom he could not persuade, he doth even force to yield to his consent: in whom there are as many sentences as words, and as many victories as reasons: as Martion, Apelles, Praxeas, Herm●genes, the Jews, the Gentiles, Gnostics and others knew full well, whose blasphemies he overthrew, with the many and mighty mounts and batteries of his Volumes, as it were with certain thunderbolts. And yet even this man, by much more eloquent than happy, not holding the ancient Faith, even he also became in Ecclesiâ magna tentatio, a great temptation in the Church of God.  
§ 3. As he was a Man of great abilities, s● was he of no less industry: as appears by those lasting monuments of his learned and elaborate Volumes; Acutus Scriptor & gravis (inquit Danaeus) & qui totum hominem desideret, imò etiam saepè ingenii communem captum superet, 
In Aug. in heres. c. 86.  who was had in great estimation, especially by holy Cyprian; so that he suffered no day to pass, without the diligent reading and perusal of some part of him: testifying the extraordinary respect which he bore toward him by the words he was wont to use, 
Hieronym● in cattle.  when he called for him, saying, Da Magistrum, reach hither my Master: whom also in many things he imitated, borrowing even his words and expressions from him, 
Pamel. in vitâ.  and transcribing many passages out of him, which he inserted into his own books: many other also of the Ancients that followed him made use of him, viz. jerom, Ambrose, Fortunatus, Basil, Isidore, &c, which plainly shows that they had him in great veneration. As the ancient Ethnics honoured Homer the Prince of Poets, 
Diogen. Laert. in vitâ ejus.  and particularly Arcesilaus the Academic, who was so delighted with, and studious of him, that he would always read somewhat of him before he went to sleep, as also in the morning when he arose, saying that he went, ad Amasium, to his beloved.  
Of his works some are wanting, 
Fertur multa, quae non extant opuscula condididi●le. Hieron. in cata. Hieronym. advers. Jovinian. lib. 1. In vitâ Tertul. annal. ad an▪ 197. § 20.  but the most remaining unto this day. Of the first sort are.  
1. His Treatise of the troubles attending marriage, unto a Philosopher his friend: which he wrote when he was but young, (●um adhuc esset adolescens lusit in hac materiâ) before, as Pamelius thinks, but in the judgement of Baronius, after his conversion.  
2. His book of the Garments of Aaron, which jerom mentions in his Epistle to Fabiola. 
Epist. 128.   
3. Of the hope of the faithful: wherein he declares himself to be a Millenary: 
Hieronym. in cattle. de Papiâ.  himself mentions it, advers. Marcionem, lib. 3.  
4. Of Paradise, which he thus speaks of himself, 
lib. de A●imâ. cap. 55.  habes etiam de Paradiso a nobis libellum, quo constituimus omnem animum apud inferos sequestrari in die Domini. 
Tertul. lib. de carne Christi c. 8. Epiphan. haeres. 44.   
5. Against Apelles; who (with Lucian the Heretic) having been the Disciple of Martion; and falling upon errors of his own, differing from his Master, became the author of a Sect, that from him have the name of Apelletiani, (as Tertullian styles them) or Apelleiani (as Epiphanius) or Apellitae (as Augustine) or Apelliaci (as Rhenanus) alluding unto them, 
De heraes. c. 23. In annot. in li. de carne Christi. Ter.  as the deniers of the Flesh of Christ (which was their error) Quasi sine pelle, sive cute, hoc est, carne; ut Horatius judaeum vocat Apellam, 
Pamel. fragment. Tert.  quòd sine pelle sit, nempe quòd praeputium non habeat. Against these Heretics did Tertullian write this Book, inscribed adversus Apelletianos'.  
6. Six Books 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Of Rapture; which (saith Pamelius) seem rather to have been written in Greek than Latin; 
Hieronym. in cat.  and a seventh, which he wrote particularly against Appollonius; (who with Victor are the only two Latin Fathers that preceded Tertullian, who hath the third place among them in Ieroms Catalogue) wherein he endeavours to defend whatever the other reproved him for. These were written after his defection against the Church, containing in them divers of his wild, Montanistical conceits; which therefore may well be wanting without any detriment, the bad by much over-weighing the good that was in them; they might haply be suppressed by some, who wished well unto the peace of the Church; 
Rhenan. praefat. in opera Tertu.  and surely the loss of them would have proved a gain, had the errors contained in them, been with them buried in everlasting oblivion. It's a mistake of Platina to say, 
In vitâ Calisti.  that he wrote six Books of Ecstacy against Apollonius; whereas 'twas only a seventh: So it is also of Honorius Augustodunensis, 
De Script. Eccles. cap. 54.  who reckons but five of Ecstasy, and six against Apollonius: and of Trithemius, who records but one of each, which he saith he had seen; 
De Script. Eccles.  so that they seem to have been extant, even unto his time.  
7. A Book against Martion, 
Contra Martion. lib. 1.  as he himself intimates; written by him in his younger years, somewhat overhastily: as jerom speaks of an Allegorical exposition of the Prophet Obadiab composed by himself in his youth; liberè profiteor illud fuisse puerilis ingenii; 
Abdiam Prophet.  in libris quoque contra Marcionem Septimius Tertullianus hoc idem passus est.  
8. Of the submission of the Soul. 
Inproleg. ante lib. Tertul. ad Nationes.   
9 Of the superstition of that age, these two, saith Gothfredus, among the rest were in the Index of the Books of Tertullian, which was prefixed unto that Ancient Manuscript, out of which he took those two Books of his ad Nationes which he published.  
10. That the Soul is corporeal, 
In argument. lib. Trrtul. de resurrect. ●arn.  volumen hoc suppressum putamus, inquit Rhenanus. To which added.  
11. De Fato.  
12. De Nuptiarum angustiis ad Amicum philosophum.  
13. De mundis & immundis animalibus.  
14. De circumcisione.  
15. De Trinitate.  
16. De censu animae adversus Hermogenem: which Pamelius hath in his Catalogue also.  
17. Trithemius sets down in his Catalogue a Book of his Contra omnes Haereses; which begins with Divorum Haereticorum.  
18. The Book of English Homilies, tom. 2. part. 2. against the peril of idolatry, mentions his Book, Contra coronandi morem; which I find no where else spoken off: unless it be the same with his Book, De coronâ Militis.  
19 Bishop Andrews in his Speech against Mr. Traske, mentions a Book of Tertullian's De Sabbato judaico, which (saith he) we have lost.  
His Works that are extant follow here in their order, as Rhenanus, and others have set them down.  
1. Of Patience, 
Hyper. de rat. stud. Theolog.  wherein he ingeniously describes that grace, presenting us with a lively draught of it, pressing with divers notable arguments to it, and proving that neither losses in Estate, 
Scultet. Medulla.  nor provocations, reproaches, nor the death of friends, the desire of revenge, nor divine castigations are just causes of impatience.  
2. Of the Flesh of Christ; 
Rhenan. argument. in l●b.  that it was true and real Humane Flesh which he took: against Martion, affirming him to be clothed only with imaginary flesh, and not born, also against Apelles, who granted him to have a solid body, but withal held that he took it not of the Virgin Mary, but borrowed it of the Stars and Celestial Substances, 
August de heres. cap. 23.  which he restored again, when he ascended.  
3. Of the Resurrection of the Flesh: 
In Apolog. pro Zuingl. Cent. 3. cap. 4.  Liber verè aureus; a truly golden Book, saith Gu●lther: wherein he proves it, luculentismis & firmissimis argumentis, most clearly and strongly: 
Scultet. in Medulla.  1. Because the dignity of the flesh is such, that it ought to be raised. 2. The Power of God is such, that it may be raised. 3. The Justice of God requires that it should be raised up. 4. The Testimonies of Scripture are clear, that it shall be raised.  
4. Of Prescriptions against Heretics: an expression borrowed from the Civil Law: 
Mynfinger. Scholar in mistitut. Just. lib. 2. In vocabulario.  used by Civilians, pro exceptione perpetuâ: Pr●escriptio (inquit Altenstaig) est jus ex tempore capiens firmitatem. In what sense it is here to be understood, take Scultetus his words. Cum (inquit) vindicanti rem suam domino possessio longi temporis objicitur, 
In Medulla.  praescribi ei dicitur; eaque 
See also Chamier. tom. 1. lib. 2. cap. 8.  praescriptio longi temporis praecisâ locuti●● pro Praescriptio ex longi temporis possessione appellatur. Sic Praescriptionem haereticorum & Ecclesiae vocat Tertullianus illud omne, quod j●ri● cujusdam specie, haeretici Ecclesiae, & contrà haereticis Orthodoxi opponebant. A most excellent, eloquent and convincing Commentary; a choice and truly golden piece (saith Zanchy) wherein being willing to put a stop, 
Baron. ad an. 201. § 8. Epist. de discer. Spi●itib.  if possible, to that spreading gangrene, he delivers unto the Faithful certain Rules, by which they might be enabled to discern, who are Heretics; and the better know how to deal with them.  
5. Against the Jews: wherein he convinceth them of their errors, 
Rhenan. in argument. Pamel. in argument.  in denying the Gentiles admittance unto the Gospel (as 1 Thess. 2. 16.) in ascribing too much unto the Law of Moses, and urging the Ceremonies as necessary unto Salvation, which he proves to be temporary and mutable; and that they were accordingly changed by the coming of Christ, as was fore-prophesied; whom they deny to come; therefore doth he from the Scriptures largely discourse of, and prove the Nativity, Kingdom and Passion of Christ; as also the calling of the Gentiles, rejection of the Jews, destruction of jerusalem, and the second coming of Christ.  
6. Five Books against Martion; of whom Eusebius reports, 
lib. 4. cap. 14.  that meeting Polycarp, and ask him; Dost thou know us? Polycarp, replied, I know thee to be first born of Satan: Among other his wicked errors, this was one: That there were two Gods: one who was the Father of Christ, whom he called good, clement and merciful: the other the Creator of the World, whom he called not only just, (as Cerdon his Master had done from whom he sprung) but also cruel and evil; for which cause he is justly branded by Clement of Alexandria with this Note, 
Epiphan. haeres. 42. Augustin. de haeres. cap. 22.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; an ungrateful wretch towards his Creator, the God of Nature. This our Author strongly confutes, proving the the Creator of the World to be the only true God, and the Father of Christ.  
7. Against Hermogenes; 
Rhenan. in annotat.  who was an African, our Author's Countryman; and by Profession a Painter. The Error he held, (which here Tertullian confutes) was, that the matter whereof all things were made, was coeternal with God; which error he therefore embraced, 
Rhenan. in argument.  because he hoped by this means to excuse God from being the author of evil, Which (saith he) proceeded not from the Creator, but from the matte● whereof things were created: 
Idem. in annotat.  Vix alibi 〈◊〉 est argumentis: Scarce any where doth he arg●● more strongly than in dealing with this Heretic, whom he followeth closely, and press●● hardly every where.  
8. Against the Valentinians; who brought in and mixed their strange Platonical Fable●● (crimina potius quam numina inquit Tertullianus) with the Doctrines of Christianity● fancying no less than thirty Aeones, 
Dan●us in August. de haeres. cap. 11.  (crimi●● potius, etc.) Gods, Male and Female, Born, Ma●●rying and begotten; 
Nicet. Choniat. Thesaur. Orth. ●id. lib. 4. cap. 4.  not unlike the Heath●● Poet Hesiod. Errors so gross and sott●●● that they are altogether unworthy of a gra●● discussion; the bare narration of them ●●ing a sufficient confutation; etiam sol●● modò demonstrare, 
Pamel. & Rhenan. in argument.  destruere est: which therefore our Author for the most part cont●● himself withal, as deserving rather scorn ●●derision, 
Rhenan. Ibid. Pamel. in vita.  than a serious consideration. 〈◊〉 in this Book makes mention of Irenaeus, 〈◊〉 before him had written on this Subject quem penè ad verbum est imitatus; for its apparent he took his relation from th●● adding little thereto, beside quips and jests▪  
9 Against Praxeas; 
Rhenan. in argument.  who denied the 〈◊〉 of persons in the Godhead: affirms that there was no God, but the Father 〈◊〉 that he was born of the Virgin Mary, 〈◊〉 upon the Cross, and was Jesus Christ: 〈◊〉 Heretics who held this opinion, as they 〈◊〉 the name of Praxeani from their Author, 〈◊〉 also of Patripassiani from their Error, 
Augustin. de haeres. cap. 41. Danaeus in hunc lib. ●ap. 36.  〈◊〉 they said it was God the Father that suffe●● Which Heresy Tertullian re●els, proving 〈◊〉 sundry arguments the Doctrine of the Trinity. This Book he wrote after his middle age, and when he was tainted with Montanism: for herein we have him speaking of the Paraclete and new Prophecy: 
Pamel. in paradox. Tertull.  it's therefore warily to be read; In nullo libro c●ntiùs legi debit (inquit Rhenanus) quam in eo quem adversus Praxeam scripsit, 
In admonit. de Tertull. dogmat.  unde periculum esse possit imprudenti lectori.  
10. Of the Soldier's crown or garland, 
Tertull. principio lib. Rhenan. in argument▪  which was written upon this occasion. A Christian Soldier coming to the Tribune to receive the Emperors donative, brought his Crown or Garland of Flowers in his hand; which the rest (as the manner was) wore on their heads: for which being questioned, he boldly alleged this reason, that he was a Christian, and therefore that it was not lawful for him to observe that Ethnic Custom: hereupon he was haled unto the prison to be punished. This act of his being censured by many as unadvised and needless, 
Scultet. in Medulla.  Tertullian in this Book undertakes the defence of it, proving it to be unlawful for Christians to comply with the Heathens therein: 
Rhenan. ibid.  1. From Custom and Tradition (instancing in many particulars observed by Tradition, and showing the force of it.) 2. From Nature. 3. From the Original of wearing those Crowns, in honour of the Heathen Gods. Wherein he with much zeal opposeth whatsoever becometh not the profession of Christianity; earnestly pressing Christians unto constancy in that way, which they have entered into without tergiversation. He in this tract also discovers his Montanism; for, answering the censurers of the Soldier; planè superest, (inquit) 〈◊〉 etiam martyria recusare meditentur, 
●e kins. problemat.  qui prophetias ejusdem Spiritus Sancti respuerunt: it 〈◊〉 therefore written after he was a Montani●●: from whom he received all those idle Ceremonies which here he makes mention of, 〈◊〉 the Centurists very profitably conjecture; though Pamelius would fain have it otherwise. 
In Annotat. numb 30.   
11. To the Martyrs: 
Rhenan. in argument.  which Book he 〈◊〉 unto those that were in prison, whom h● styles Designatos, destined unto suffering for the Testimony of Jesus; comforting, confirming, and exhorting them to constancy; showing the commodity or benefit of a prison; that the Spirit is ready, though the 〈◊〉 be weak; and that even Heathens for 〈◊〉 glory have endured the utmost.  
12. Of the vailing of Virgins; 
Rhenan. in annotat. Pamel. in annotat.  this 〈◊〉 wrote as well in Greek as in Latin; whi●● may be collected from those his first wor●● Proprium jam negocium passus meae opini●●● Latinè quoque ostendam, virgins nostras 〈◊〉 oportere. Wherein he proves that Virg●● ought to wear a veil upon their heads: 〈◊〉 he was moved to do by a contrary custom 〈◊〉 those of Carthage, whose Virgins used 〈◊〉 come into the Congregations unveiled, 〈◊〉 so they might the more easily get them Husbands. And whereas some objected that 〈◊〉 Apostle, 1 Cor. 11. 10. Spoke of married Women only, our Author shows that he meant 〈◊〉 of Virgins also. He concludes this Bo●● with these words, which plainly show it 〈◊〉 be his: Haec cum bonâ pace legentibus, etc. 〈◊〉 those who with good and peaceable 〈◊〉 read these things, preferring profit before custom, peace and grace from our Lord Jesus be multiplied upon them, with Septimius Tertullian, whose work this is.  
13. Of the habit of Women: wherein he exhorts, 
Rhenan. in argum.  unto Christian modesty, wishing them to avoid excess in their apparel, and for this end to remember the condition that Eve hath brought them into; that evil Angels were the first inventors of strange fashions, and that gold and silver were not ordained of God for such an use.  
14. Of the decking or adorning of women, 
Pamel. in argum.  a Book of a much like subject with the foregoing; only herein he particularly blames curiosity about their hair and skin, exhorting them not to addict themselves unto paintings, and what might set off their Beauty.  
15. Unto his Wife, two Books; wherein 1. He adviseth her, 
Rhenan. in argum.  in case he should die before her, not to marry again. 2. He exhorts Christian Women to abstain from marrying with Heathens, setting down the inconveniences of such Marriages, viz. that they cannot so freely attend the Duties of Christianity; and commends those of one Christian with another, because such may have full liberty in their whole Duty, which he thus particularly sets down, 
Tertul. ad uxor. lib. 2▪ sub finem.  Liberè aeger visitatur, indigens sustentatur, eleemosynae sine tormento, sacrificia sine scrupulo, quotidiana diligentia sine impedimento; non furtiva signatio, non trepida gratulatio, non mutae benedictio, sonant inter duos Psalmi & Hymni, & mutuò provocant, quis Deo meliùs ●anat; talia Christus videns & audience gaudet.  
16. Of flight in time of persecution; being consulted by one Fabius a Presbyter, 
Rhenan. in argum▪  whether it were lawful to fly at such a time; 〈◊〉 wrote this Treatise by way of answer, whe●● in he holds that in such cases a Christi●● ought not to fly, but rather valiantly to 〈◊〉 for the name of Christ: and that that Precept, Matth. 10. 23. When they shall persecute you in one City, flee ye into another, 〈◊〉 temporal, and concerned that time and stated the Church only. But (saith Peter Money) who will so diligently weigh his reasons, 〈◊〉 find that they have in them much more ele●gancy than strength. 
●pist. de fu●● in persecut.  This Book was 〈◊〉 written against the Church after his defect●●● the error herein maintained being one 〈◊〉 those he had learned from Montanus; of 〈◊〉 Baronius taxeth him somewhat tartly; 〈◊〉 Montanistarum (inquit) de non 〈◊〉 nec securitatem redimendo, Tertullianus in precepts semel infeliciter actus, 
●d an. 205. § 15.  edito eâ de 〈◊〉 mentario validissimè tutari conatus est, & 〈◊〉 admodum.  
17. Unto Scapula the Precedent of C●thage, whom (because he threatened the C●●stians with utmost punishment, 
Rhenan. in argum.  unless 〈◊〉 would abjure and deny Christ) he depress and admonisheth not to persist in his 〈◊〉 lest he should bring the wrath of God 〈◊〉 himself and the whole City, as it had 〈◊〉 others, whereof he giveth divers instances▪  
18. An exhortation to Chastity, wh●● he persuadeth his Friend, 
Rhenan. ●n argum.  who had lost 〈◊〉 wife, to abstain from marrying again; concluding from those words, 1 Cor. 7. 29. 〈◊〉 time is short: That the last day was not 〈◊〉 off, and therefore he should forbear, as 〈◊〉 because of the impediment arising from marriage. Here in his heat he condemns second marriage, accounting it (as Montanus had done) but little better than adultery. This Book is another of those which he wrote against the Church.  
1. Of once marrying, or single marriage, wherein he shows this discipline not to be new, 
Scultet. in M●dull.  but ancient, and peculiar unto Christians. What in the former Treatise he only persuaded, 
Rhenan. in argum.  in this he magisterially enjoins, more openly condemning second marriage: they are both of the same subject, 
Pamel. in vitâ. Hieronym. in cate-log.  and in divers places agreeing even in the same words. This is the fifth of those Books which he wrote against the Church after his defection.  
20. Of the Cloak; 
Rhenan. in argum.  written upon this occasion, when Tertullian had laid aside his Gown (the Roman Weed) and taken on a Cloak, as more becoming Christian Simplicity, he was by one branded with the note of inconstancy: hereupon (in vindication of himself) he writes this Book, therein showing the antiquity and commodious use of the Cloak. This being the Garment of the Greeks, which they were wont to cast over their other Garments: hence it came to pass, that by way of reproach, the Christians using it, were called Grecians; and when they went abroad, they commonly heard this nickname or taunt, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 alluding unto their Garment. Also because of the simplicity or meanness both of it and those that used it, it grew into contempt; and it became a Proverb among the Carthaginians, a togâ ad pallium, from the Gown to the Cloak, noting the change from a more eminent to a meaner estate and condition, from riches to poverty.  
21. Of the testimony of the Soul: wherein by a prosopopoea he fetcheth arguments from the Soul itself, 
Pamel. in argum.  even of Ethnics, whereby he convinceth them of their Atheism and abominable Idolatries: among the rest, from those speeches frequent in the mouths of such as are not Christians, e. g. Si Deus voluerit, Deus bonus est, 
Tertul. de 〈…〉 animae.  benedicat te Deus, Deus videt omnia, Deo commendo, Deus reddet, Deus inter nos judicabit, etc. His last words in this Treatise are remarkable, which are these, M●ritò igitur omnis anima rea & testis est, in tantum & rea erroris, in quantum testis veritati●▪ & stabit ante aulas Dei die judicii nihil habens dicere: Deum praedicabas & non requirebas; Daemonia abominabaris, & il●a adorabas; judicium Dei appellabas, nec esse credebas; inferna supplicia praesumebas, & non praecavebas; Christianum nomen sapiebas, & Christianum pers●quebaris.  
22. Of the Soul: wherein he handles divers questions▪ 
Scultet. in Medulla.  and discusseth many controversies with the Philosophers about the essence, operations, adjuncts and various state of the Soul: which he would have to be corporeal, endued with form and figure, and to be propagated and derived from the substance of the Father to the body of the Son, and engendered with the body, increasing and extending itself together with it; and many other the like dreams he hath, in the maintaining whereof, he useth so much subtlety, strength of reason and eloquence, as that (they are the words of the learned Daille) you will hardly meet with, 
Treatise of the right use of the Fathers, lib. 2. cap. 4.  throughout the whole stock of Antiquity, a more excellent and more elegant piece than this Book of his: yet was it composed by him when he was turned Cataphrygian. 
Lord Digbies second Letter.  Hence Bellarmine having made use of a passage taken from hence for the proof of Purgatory, the most Reverend Usher thus replies, 
In his answer to the jesuits challenge.  he must give us leave (saith he) to put him in mind with what spirit Tertullian was lead when he wrote that Book de animâ, and with what authority he strengtheneth that conceit of men's paying in Hell for their small faults before the Resurrection; namely, of the Paraclete, 
cap. ult. d● animâ.  by whom, if he mean Montanus the Arch-Heretick (as there is small cause to doubt that he doth) we need not much envy the Cardinal for raising up so worshipful a Patron of his Purgatory.  
23. Of Spectacles or Plays, 
Pamel. in vitâ Tertul.  written (as Pamelius conceives) in the twelfth year of Severus the Emperor, in which were exhibited unto the people those plays that were called Ludi seculares, because they were presented only once in an age or an hundred years, unto which therefore the people were solemnly invited by a public cry made in these words, 
Brisson. de formul. li. 8.  Convenite ad ludos spectandos, quos neque spectavit quisquam, neque spectaturus est: Come ye unto those Spectacles which no man now beheld, or shall behold again. Hereupon Tertullian in this Book (which he wrote both in Greek and Latin) makes it evident that these plays had their original from idolatry, and were full of all kind of cruelty and obscenity, and that therefore it was utterly unlawful for Christians to behold them, and that they should provoke the truth of God against them, 
Baron. ad an. 206. § 4.  should they not fear to be present at them. 
Pamel. in annotat. num. 1.  Therefore Constantine the Great did by a law prohibit the setting forth and frequenting of such kind of plays. And herein our Author doth so largely treat of the several sorts of play which then were wont to be made use of, that a curious Reader needs no other commentary fully to acquaint himself with those Antiquities.  
24. Of Baptism, against Quintilla one of the Disciples of Montanus, who denied or took away Baptism by water; of whom he scoffingly thus speaks, 
Tertul. de baptism.  Optimè novit pisciculo● necare, de aquâ auferens. He therefore proves, that it is not an empty or idle Ceremony, 
Pamel. in argum.  but of great force and virtue, 
Scultet. in Medul.  setting down the form and manner, together with the Rites observed by the Ancients in the administration thereof, and resolves divers questions about it. This also was written both in Greek and Latin.  
25. Scorpiacum, 
In annot. in hunc lib.  a Book against the Gnostics; so called from one Scorpianus an Heretic, against whom particularly it was intended, saith Pamelius: but more probably from the nature of it, being an antidote against the bite and sting of the Scorpion, to which purpose jerom thus speaks, 
Advers. Vigilant.  Scribit adversum haer●sim tuam, quae olim erupit contra Ecclesiam (ne & in hoc quasi repertor novi sceleris glorieris) Tertullianus vir eruditissimus, insigne volumen, quod Scorpiacum vocat rectissimo nomine, quia arcuato vulnere in Ecclesiae corpu● v●nena diffudit, quae olim appellabatur Cain● Haeresis, & multo tempore dormiens, vel sepult●, nunc à dormitantio suscitata est. These Heretics vilified Martyrdom, 
Baron. ad an● 205. § 19 This was also the Doctrine of Basilides the Heretic▪ See Origen. Tom. 2. in Math. Tract. 28.  teaching that it was not to be undergone, because God would not the death of a Sinner, and Christ had died that we might not die. By this Doctrine they did much harm to many weak ones in the Church, who, to save themselves, would deny Christ and offer incense. Against these Tertullian herein opposeth himself, proving Martyrdom to be good, and setting forth the excellency thereof by many examples. And in thus doing he deserved well, had he not (unhappy man) ran afterwards into the other extreme of the Montanists, who magnified Martyrdom too much (denying the lawfulness of flight to avoid danger in that case) as these did too much undervalue it.  
26. Of Idolatry, 
Pamel. in vita Tertul.  written about the same time, with his Book de spectaculis; wherein, being desirous to take away all kind of idolatry, 
Pamel. in argum.  lest Christians should longer labour under gross ignorance herein; 
Scultet. in Medul.  he shows the original of it, and how many ways (and not only in the worshipping of Idols) they may be guilty of it, all which they ought to beware of and avoid, and not to comply with Idolaters in their Festivals, Solemnities and such like observations.  
27. Of Chastity, 
Baron. ad an. 216. § ●. In hoc libr● est vehementior.  which was written upon this occasion; Zephyrinus Bishop of Rome having published an Edict, in which he gave notice unto all the faithful, that the Catholic Church receives such as repent, though they had fallen into the sins of Fornication and Adultery: 
Lib. de pudicit. paulo post initium▪  Tertullian herein opposeth him, as may be gathered from his own words: I do hear, saith he, that there is an Edict published, and that a peremptory one: Pontifex scilicet maximus Episcopus Episcoporum, 
Veteres boni ominis causal Bonun factum praefari solebant in edictis. Tu●neb. adversa. l. 3. c. 22.  dicit▪ ego & moechiae & fornicationis delicta paenitentiae functis dimitto. O edictum, cui adscribi non poterit Bonum factum.— Erit ergò & hic adversus Psychicos: so he used to call the Orthodox after he became a Montanist. 
Scultet. in Medulla.  And herein he undertakes to answer all the arguments brought for this practice; denying that such aught to be received. jerom saith that he wrote this book against repentance, 
Epist. Damaso. num. 146.  and wonders at the man that he should think those publicans and sinners with whom Christ did eat, 
Math. 9 6.  to be Gentiles and not Jews, the better to defend his error, weakly grounding his opinion upon that in Deut. 23. non erit pende●s vectigal ex filiis Israel. This book he wrote against the Church.  
28. Of Fasting, against the Psychiici: So, as we have said, 
●ame. in adnotat.  he contumeliously calls the Orthodox; 
See Rhenan. annot. in lib. Tertul. advers. Praxe● Scultet. in Medul.  accounting those to be carnal, who rejected the prophecy of Montanus, and those only spiritual (alluding unto, 1 Cor. 2.) who received and embraced it. Herein he defends the set Fasts and stations observed by the Montanists. Of the name Psychicus, Baronius gives us this account. Ignominiae caus● Orthodoxos Psychicos nominare, fuit (ut autor est Irenaeus. lib. 1. cap. 1.) Valentini haeresiarchae inventum, 
Baron. ad an. 201. § 14.  qui Psychicos nominabat homines qui non essent, sicut ipse, ut aiebat, spirituales. Transiit vox eadem ad Cataphrygas, qui aequè omnes non suscipientes Paracletum, Psychicos appellabant.  
29. Of prayer; 
Comment. in Math. Scult●t. in Medul.  which Hilary calls, volumen aptissimum; wherein he commendeth and commenteth upon the Lord's Prayer, adding somewhat of the adjuncts of prayer. The title and subject hereof seem to intimate that it was a mistake in Sixtus Senensis, to imagine that he wrote two books upon this subject, 
Biblioth. sanct. l. 4.  one whereof he entitles in orationem dominicam, the other de oratione.  
30. An Apology against the Gentiles in the behalf of the Christians; 
This was written by him in the Latin Tongue, saith Nicephorus, l. 2. c. 8. but translated into Greek.  wherein he notably and at large defends their innocency, clearing them of the crimes falsely charged upon them, and fully evincing the groundlesness of the adversaries hatred to, and unjust proceedings against them; imitating herein justin and Aristides who had undertaken the same task before him, who yet he far transcends, both in sharpness of wit and soundness of Learning: 
Pamel. in argument.  how boldly doth he stand up against the Gentiles? how constantly maintain the purity of our faith? what Authors doth he not read? which of their disciplines doth he not touch? so that this book alone is abundantly sufficient to convince the pertinacy of the Gentiles? 
In Epist. ad Magnum. 84 Zephyr. in argument.  It contains in it (saith jerom) cunctam saeculi disciplinam: wherein he is more elegant than ordinary: the strength whereof was such, that in likelihood it was the thing that prevaiied to the mitigation of the enemy's fury, and, in some measure, 
Panel. in vitâ Tertul.  the cessation of the persecution then raised against the Christians. It was written by him, 
Ibid.  as both Pamelius and Baronius conj●ct●●●, in the seventh year of the Emperor Severus, 
Baro. ad an. 201. § 37.  An. Christi 201. Of the excellency hereof Prateolus thus speaks; proculdubiò, 
De haeres. lib. 18.  inquit, verum est; quum acris & arden's ingenii non ferens gentilium insolentiam atque saevitiam quâ in Christianos ferebantur omnes ingenii sui nervos in borum defensionem intendit, incomparabiles interim eruditionis & eloquentiae suae opes isthic oftentans.  
31. Ad nationes; 
In prolego. ante notas in l. Tertul. ad nationes.  libri duo: set forth and published singly, by jacobus Cothofr●dus, I.C. which by divers arguments he would prove to be Tertullias; also that they were written before his Apologetic, as a Prodrome or preparatory to it; as his book de testimonio anim● followed after and was added as a third way whereby he attempted the Gentiles, viz. by testimonies drawn from the soul, and by those forms of speech, wherein they named God in common use among them. He also shows it to differ from his Apologetic, because in these books he directs himself unto the Nations in general; but in that, only unto the Governors and Precedents of the Roman Empire: besides, these are purely Elenctical, wherein he undertakes not to defend the cause of the Christians (as in the other he doth) but reproves the iniquity of the Nations against the Christians, 
Epist. ad Magnun. 84. Novatianus scripsit de cibis Judaicis. Honor. Augusto dunens. descrip. Eccles. also, Hieronym. in cate-log. Scultet. in Medul.  and shows the vanity of the Gentile Gods. jerom mentions these books contra gentes, as distinct from his Apology: quid, inquit, Tertulliano eruditius? quid acutius? Apologeticus ejus, & contra gentes libri cunctam saeculi continent Disciplinam.  
Of these following, it is doubted whether they be his or no.  
1. An Epistle, concerning Judaical meats: wherein he shows that the difference between clean and unclean meats enjoined unto the Jews, is taken away and abolished under the Gospel. 
Pamel. edit. Tertull.  Pamelius thinks this Epistle to be none of his, but rather Novatians, whose name therefore he prefixeth to it, thus, Novatiani Romanae Ecclesiae presbyteri de cibis Iud●icis epistola. 
In cate-log. script.  It seems (saith Bellarmine) to have been sent by some Bishop unto his own people; but Tertullian was no Bishop: yet I determine nothing. 
Ctitic. Sac.  Both the Style (saith Rivet) and the Texts of Scripture otherwise Translated then in Tertullian; as also that the Author remembers his withdrawing in the time of persecution; (which Tertullian is every where against) plainly show it to be none of his.  
2. Of the Trinity: 
Ruffin. in apolog. pro Origin. Pamel. in argument. Sixt. Seneus. Bibloth. Sanct. l. 4.  concerning which Ruffian and others do report that certain of the Macedonian Heretics, who were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, finding somewhat in Tertullia's book of the Trinity which was for their advantage inserted it among the Epistles of Cyprian, causing them to be dispersed about Constantinople and sold at a low rate, that so being the more bought up and read, what was unsound therein might be the sooner embraced for the Authority of so great an Author, by which means, as they supposed, their cause would be credited and promoted. But (saith jerom) there is no such matter; 
In Apolog. advers. Ruff.  for that book of the Trinity is neither Tertullias nor Cyprians, but Novatians; as both by the title and propriety of the stile doth evidently appear; characterem alium & genus dieendi nitidius in eo notat Laurentius. Hence jerom speaking of Novatian: 
Rivet. Crit. Sac. In Catalogue. Parker. de descens. l. 4. § 10.  He wrote, saith he, grande volumen, a great volume of the Trinity, making as it were, an Epitome of Tertullia's work upon this subject, which many ignorantly think to be Cyprians: this piece of Novatians exceeding in bulk that of Tertullias now extant, 
Pamel. in frag. Tertul.  it must needs refer unto some book of his on that subject, now wanting; unless we will make (which is absurd) the Epitome to be larger than the book itself, whose compend it is. Bellarmine supposeth it to be beyond all doubt, 
In Catalogue. script. & controvers. de Christo. l. 1. c. 10.  that this book is none of Tertullias, because the heresy of Sabellius (which began almost an hundred years after Tertullia's time) is therein by name refuted, 
Pamel. in argument.  with whom Pamelius accords, adding this as another reason of his confidence, that the Author in the sixth Chapter denieth Corporeal Lineaments in God, which Tertullian more than once affirms. How ever it be; it is a learned and elegant book; 
Cent. 3. l. 10.  (though yet there are some things to be found in it, 
In Medul.  not agreeable to the Christian Faith) and I conclude, saith Sculteius, that whoever was the Author, it is written according to the genius of Tertullian, and therefore deservedly set forth under his name; seeing it agrees so well with that Noble work of his against Praxeas. 
Ba●on ad an. 116. § 19  Baronius tells us, that those of the Eastern Church did receive it as the legitimate writing of Tertullian.  
3. Of Repentance: 
Rhenar. in argument.  wherein he discourseth of the excellency and utility thereof: persuading to beware of recidivation and returning unto sin again after repentance: particularly directing himself unto the Catechumen, who for that they believed their sins would be all blotted out and washed away in Baptism, were not so careful, as they should have been, to abstain from it. Est autem hic commentarius ejusmodi, 
Ibid.  ut theologi eum debeant ad unguem ediscere: nam egregium monumentum est antiquitatis; tam sanctè docet, tam piè suadet, tam instanter urget rem ecclesiasticae disciplinae summopere necessariam. 
Scultet. in Medulla.  In the argument of this book Rhenanu● that expert Antiquary & solertiss●nus Tertulliani interpres, hath spoken so much and so freely against the Auricular Confession of the Romish Synagogue, 
Index expurgat. pe● Francise. Junium.  (crudelis illa conscientiarum carnificina, that cruel rack of consciences) that the Council, or rather that politic and packed Conventicle of Trent, took order that the most part of it should be expunged, as unskilful, rash, false, heretical, and otherways scandalous: as, they did also, by somewhat contained in the argument of his book de carne Christi; because it suited not with their Doctrine of the perfection of the Virgin Mary; a short way, were it as safe and honest, to make all sure. But this book also, in the judgement of the quicksighted Erasmus, grounded upon the difference of the stile from that of Tertullian, 
Cent. 3. c. ● Rivet. Crit. Sac.  is none of his but of some other, very studious in our Author, and living about the same time: to whom Rhenanus subscribes, 
In argument.  though the author use many words and figures, agreeable to and borrowed from Tertullian. I am of opition, saith Daille, that both the birth and fortune of that piece de paenitentiâ hath been, 
Treat. of the use of the Father's part. 1. cap 3.  if not the very same, yet at least not much unlike that of the Trinity; though Pamelius and Baronius be of another mind, 
In argum. ad an. 216. § 18.  and would fain it should be his.  
4. His Poems; which are divers according to Pamelius, 
Pamel. Edit. Tom 4.  viz.  
1. Against Martion 5. books.  
2. Of the Judgement of the Lord.  
3. Genesis.  
4. Sodom.  
5. His Poem to a Senator that turned from the Christian Religion to the service of Idols. But should we reject them all as Apocryphal (seeing neither Ierom nor Eusebius make any mention of them) together with Iuret's, 
Biblioth. Patr. Tom. 8.  jonab and Nineveh (notwithstanding the Authority of his old Manuscript) I suppose that neither our Author nor the Commonwealth of Learning would at all be injured hereby. 
Praefat. in Tom. 4.  Pamelius tells us, that in his Edition of Cyprian's works he had entitled them unto him as the composer of them; but thinks it not amiss to follow the censure of Sixtus Senensis who ascribes the Poem of Sodom unto Tertullian, induced hereunto by the fidelity (as he supposeth) of some Manuscripts: and because the stile is the same with that of the other, he concludes that all three were his, viz. Genesis, Sodoma & ad Senatorem. A weak ground for him to change his mind, and build such confident conclusions upon, as well may we deny them to be either Tertullias or Cyprians, and so leave him to seek a Father for them.  
§ 4. For his stile and manner of writing, he hath a peculiar way of his own, s●us quidam est character, saith Erasmus: sufficiently elegant; 
In Epist. ante ●ilar. de ●eres. ca 86. Nicephor. Hieronym. Epist. 13. Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.  ejus opuscula eloquentissimè scripta, inquit Augustinus; eloquentiâ admodum pollens est: full of gravity, and becoming a Learned man; creber est in sententiis, sed difficilis in loquendo: very sententious, and of much strength and vehemency, but hard, difficult and too elaborate: 
In vitâ Ter.  varius est (inquit Rhenanus) in phrasi; in disputationibus dilucidior & simplicior, in locis communibus, velut de pallio, 
Lactant. inst. lib. 5. cap. 1.  etc. est durior & affectatior, Not so smooth and fluent as many others, and therefore not in so much esteem as otherwise he might have been. 
Instit. lib. ●▪ cap. 13. § 28.  His expressions, (saith Calvin) are somewhat rough and thorny, and therefore dark and obscure, 
In argum. in Apologetic.  certè magis stridet quam loquitur, idem in Epist. 339. Phraseos' Character (inquit Zephyrus) minùs semper c●mptus, multùmque brevis & obscurus fuisse videtur. Commata enim potius habet qùam ●ol●, & frequentes periodos, qualia decent gravi vehementique stilo, quo semper ipse usus est. 
Casau●. exercitat. facundia ejus fe●rea.  So that, durè & Tertullianicè loqui, to speak harshly, and like Tertullian are equivalent phrases. And the causes whence this proceeded might be chiefly these four.  
1. His Country, being an African, of the City of Carthage, which was a Province of the Roman Empire: Now those that were Provincials, 
Erasm. E●▪ ante Hilar.  scarce any of them could attain unto the purity of the Latin Tongue, except such only as were brought up at Rome from their childhood: as was Terence, our Author's Countryman, Romam perductus, cum in tenerâ aetate foret, comoedias sex composuit, easque ab Apollodoro & Menandro Poetis Graecis in Sermonem Latinum convertit, 
Pet Crinitus. lib▪ 1. de poetis Lat.  tantâ Sermonis elegantiâ & proprietate, ut eruditorum judicio nihil perfectiùs aut absolutiùs in eo scribendi genere habitum sit apud Latimos: Cicero in Epist. ad A●●icum refert Terentium esse optimum autorem Latinitatis. 
De honest. discipline. li. 8. cap 3.  The same Author elsewhere speaking of the difference in this language among those living in several Countries, thus observes: Romani omnes (inquit) in suo genere, pressi, elegantes & proprii: Hispani autem florentes, acuti & qui ad peregrinum inclinent: Punici & Carthagivenses, duri, audaces, improbi: palam aberrantes vitium virtuti praetulerunt: ut Tertullianus, Apuleius, & Cyprianus. It's also the observation of Joys le Roy, 
Lib. 2.  in his discourse of the variety of things: Every thing, saith he, by how much the farther it is from its original spring, is the less pure, as the Gauls, Spaniards, and Africans, did not speak Latin so purely as the Romans, for although their words were Latin, yet they retained the phrase of their own Country: insomuch, that speaking Latin they were always known for Strangers. 
Lib. de tradend. discip.  Perturbatissime loquitur Tertullianus (inquit Ludovicus Vives) ut Afer. 
Epist. ante Hilar.  And in the decrees of the Africans (many whereof Augustin relates) you may perceive (saith Erasmus) an anxious affectation of eloquence, 
Epist. 3. ad He●iodor.  yet so as that you may know them to be Africans. 'Tis no wonder then jerom should say, 
Pamel. in vit● Tertul. Brerewoods' Inquiries cap▪ 4.  that the stile of Tertul●ian and also of other Africans, was easily discerned by Nepotian: and it appeareth by Augustin in sundry places, that the Roman Tongue was imperfect among the Africans, even in the Colonies.  
2. His calling and profession: 
Pamel. Inadnot. in lib. de prescript. num. 1.  for before his conversion he had studied and practised the Law: wherein he was very skilful: hence it comes to pass, 
Pamel. in vitâ Tertul. In Aug. do haeres. c. 8●.  that using many Law terms (& juris verborum erat retinentissimus) and phrases borrowed from thence, his Language comes to be more perplex and obscure. It's apparent (saith Danaeus) from his continual stile and manner of speaking, that he was a most expert Lawyer, and by reason of the unusual novelty of his words, 
Biblioth. sanct. lib. 4.  his stile is very obscure, saith Sixtus Senesis.  
3. His constitution and natural temper, 
Novator vocabulorum Tertullianus Pamel. in adnot. in lib. de prescript. num. 125. & Rhenan. in annot. in lib. eundem. Epist. ante Hilar.  for words are the mind's Interpreters, and the clothing of its conceptions, wherein they go abroad, which therefore are in a great measure fashioned by it and receives a tincture from it. Hence it is that most men's styles do differ as well as their faces: suus cuique stilus est (inquit Erasmus) & quisque suum quendam habet gustum peculiarem: every one hath somewhat peculiar to him in this particular. Accordingly our Author, 
Hieronym. in ●atal. duri in genil.  being a Man, ●cris & vehementis Ingenii, of a rough, sharp, and vehement spirit, 
Baron ad ●n. 197. § 19  makes use of a stile answerable, viz. quick and crabbed, and consequently harsh and obscure: which he did of purpose, 
Pamel. in ●pist. dedicat. Rhenan. in argum. lib. add ers. Valentin.  affecting it as most agreeable to his Genius; so that his expressions are such even in things that are plain and easy. This Rhenanus▪ renders, as the reason why his writings had so many faults, 
In praefat. ante Tertul▪  or Erratas in them, viz. ●eglectus aut●ris, quo multis annis non est lectotum manibus tritus, & ips●m dicendi g●nus affectatum & Africanum (& affectati stili durities molestiam addit) quod etiam magis effecit, 
Bond. in Ep●st. ad lectorem.  ut minùs leg●retur, quam quidvis aliud. Which betided the Poet Persius, qui consul●ò est obscurus, suisque scriptis caliginem & tenebras exindustriâ objecit: for being by one taken in hand, and perceived to be so dark and cloudy, he was fairly laid aside with such like words as these: Si nol●t intelligi, non legetur.  
4. His converse in the Greek Authors whom he diligently read, being very skilful in that Tongue, idenim temporis nihil extaba● (inquit Rhenanus) apud Latinos in sacris, 
In annot. in lib. Tertul. advers. Valentin.  praeter testamentum utrumque, tantum Victor & Apollonius scripserant opuscula: hence it is, that transcribing much from them, he retains their phrases: (though he quote not his Authors; 
Hoc erat illius aetatis praeter S. Scripturas neminem nominatim citare Eras. Epist. ante Hilar. In vita Tertul.  which was the manner of the first ages, viz. to cite none by name, but the sacred Scriptures only; especially if they had drawn the Water out of the Wells of the Greeks) and imitates their manner of speaking. By his assiduous perusal of their Books, (saith Pamelius) adeò Graecas loquendi formulas imbiberit, ut etiam Latinè seribens illarum oblivisci nequiret: he so drank in their forms of speech, that when he comes to write in Latin, he cannot forget them: 
Rhenan. in annot. in lib. a●vers. Valentin.  and both himself and Rhenanus have taken notice of many phrases in him, which he borrows from the Greeks, and wherein he conforms unto them.  
Most of these, I find observed by that Learned Frenchman Mr. john Daille, 
lib. 1. cap. 5.  in his choice Treatise concerning the right use of the Fathers. What shall I say (saith he) of Tertullian, who besides his natural harshness and roughness which you meet with in him throughout, and that Carthagmian spirit and genius, which is common to him with the rest of the African writers, hath yet shadowed and overcast his conceptions with so much learning, and with so many new terms and passages out of the Law, and with such variety of all visions, subtleties and nice points, as that the greatest stock both of learning and attention that you can bring with you, will be all little enough to fit you for a perfect understanding of him.  
§ 5. This father is full fraught with and abounds in grave and excellent sentences; some few whereof I shall here insert; which may serve a little to acquaint us with the state of those times in reference unto both the Doctrine and Discipline then professed and practised in the Chuches of Christ.  
1. Take a view of his Symbol or Creed, containing a summary of the faith which was generally received and maintained in his time: 
Lib. de veland. virg. l. de praes●rip. ad●er. h●res. pri●oomniū emissu●.  Altogether one, the only immovable and irreformable rule, as he styles it: which is this. To believe that there is but one God, nor he any other beside the Creator of the world, who made all things of nought, by his word, first of all sent forth: Colos. 1. 16, 17. That word to be called his Son; in the name of God variously seen by the Patriarches: 
Delatum.  always heard by the Prophets; last of all brought down, by the Spirit of God the Father, and Power, into the Virgin Mary, made flesh in her womb, and of her born a man, and that he is Jesus Christ; moreover that he preached a new law, and a new promise of the Kingdom of Heaven: that he wrought or did wonders, was fastened to the Cross, arose the third day; that being taken up into heaven, he sat down on the right of the Father; 
Vicariam vim Sparke Sancti. qui agate.  sent the power of the Ghost in his stead, that he might guide or act believers: that he shall come in glory to take the Saints into the fruition of eternal life, 
Factâ utrius●; partis resuscitatione.  and heavenly promises, and to adjudge the wicked unto perpetual fire; a resurrection of each part being made with the restitution of the flesh. This rule instituted by Christ, as shall be proved, hath no question made of it among us, but which Heresies bring in, and which makes Heretics.  
A compend or brief hereof is to be seen in the beginning of his book of the veiling of Virgins, as also in that against Praxeas the Heretic: unto which he subjoins these words. This Law of Faith remaining, other things that concern discipline and conversation, do admit of a newness of Correction; the grace of God working and making a proficiency unto the end. So that where there is a consent in the fundamental and substantial truths of the Gospel, differences in things of less moment may be born with, nor should they cause divisions among Christians. 
〈◊〉. B.  That rule holding here, that Opinionum varietas, & opinantium unitas non sunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. He adds, that this rule hath run down from the beginning of the Gospel, even before any heresy sprung up; 
Lib. advers. 〈◊〉  insomuch as from hence this appears to be a firm Truth; id esse verum quodcunque primum; id esse adulterum, quodcunque posterius.  
Again, The Church acknowledgeth one God, Creator of the universe: and Jesus Christ, of the Virgin Mary, the Son of God the Creator; and the resurrection of the flesh: it mingleth the Law and the Prophets, with the Evangelical and Apostolical writings; and from thence drinks in that faith. It signs with water, 
De praescrippotat.  clotheth with the holy Ghost (which Pamelius understands of confirmation) feeds with the Eucharist, 
Pamel. in notis.  exhorteth with Martyrdom; 
Martyrio exhortatnr.  and so receives none against this institution.  
2. He prescribes and lays down this for a sure rule, 
Lib. de prescript.  by which the truth may be known, viz. If the Lord Jesus Christ did send out the Apostles to Preach, other Preachers are not to be received then those whom Christ did institute: because neither doth any other know the Father but the Son, and he to whom the Son hath revealed him; neither doth the Son seem to have revealed him unto any others, save to the Apostles whom he sent to Preach. Now what they have preached, (i.e. what, Christ revealed to them) ought no other way to be proved, then by the same Churches which the Apostles themselves founded; preaching unto them as well by a lively voice, as they say, as afterward by Epistles. If these things be so, it is then evident, that every Doctrine which agrees with the faith of those Apostolical, Mother and Original Churches, is to be accounted the truth ● undoubtedly holding that which the Churches received from the Apostles, the Apostles from Christ, Christ from God: but all other Doctrine to be adjudged false, which savoureth contrary unto the truth of the Churches, and of the Apostles, and of Christ, and of God.  
3. As touching their Church Meetings at that time, and the exercises about which in them they were employed, he gives us this account. 
In Apolog. quasi manu factâ ambiamus.  We come together, saith he, into the congregation, that we may as it were with an Army; besiege God without prayers; which violence is pleasing unto God. We pray for the Emperors and for their Ministers and inferior powers, 
Pro●statu sculi. pro morâ finis.  for the state of the world for the peaceable condition of affairs, and for the delay of the end. We are assembled for the rehearsal of the Divine Scriptures, if the quality of the present times doth need any thing by way of Premonition or recognition. Surely with the holy Word do we feed our faith, 
Densamus.  raise up our hope, settle our affiance, nevertheless we do strengthen the discipline with inculcation of precepts: There are also exhortations, castigations, and the Divine censure: and judgement is passed with a great deal of weight and authority; as among those who are certain of the presence, or inspection, of God: and it is the highest prognostic of the judgement to come for one so to offend, as to be cast out or removed from Communion of Prayer, and our assemblies, and all holy Commerce. Approved Elders are Precedents who have attained this honour not by price but testimony. Every one brings some small piece of money to the chest if he can, one day in a month, or when he will: for no man is compelled, but gives freely. This is, as it were a pious depositum; for it is not laid out in feasts, or gluttony or gormundizing; but for the feeding and interring of the poor; and for Boys and Girls that are destitute of Estate and Parents; also for such as are aged, and for such as have suffered shipwreck: and for any who are condemned unto the Mines, are banished into Islands, or are in Prison, etc.  
4. Of their Love feasts, thus; Of how great cost soever they be 'tis ●gain to be at expense for piety's sake; 
In Apolog.  seeing that the needy are holpen by this refreshing. 
Praegustetur  No baseness or immodesty is admitted; they sit not down 〈◊〉 prayer to God be first made: they eat as much as hungry ones use to take, to satisfy their hunger only: they drink as much as is meet for sober men to do: they are so filled, as who remember, they must even in the night worship God: they so discourse as those who know that God hears. After water for the hands is brought, as any one is able from the holy Scriptures, or of his own invention, he is invited to sing unto God in the midst of all: hence it appeareth how hath he drank: likewise prayer concludes the feast.  
5. We pray with our hands stretched out, 
In Apolog.  because innocent; with our heads uncovered, because we blush not; lastly, without a Monitor, because from our breast or heart.  
6. The power of casting out Devils continued unto his time; 
In Apolog. & lib. ad Scapulam.  for hereof he thus speaks. The Devils by our touch and breathing do unwillingly grieving and blushing (because you Gentiles are present) depart out of the bodies, which they possessed.  
7. Afflict, 
In Apolog.  torment, condemn, break us in pieces; your iniquity is the trial of our innocency: therefore doth God permit that we should suffer these things.— Your exquisite cruelty, speaking to the persecutors of the Christians, will avail nothing at all: it is rather an allurement unto our Sect: we become the more, the oftener we are cut down by you; the blood of Christians is seed; that very obstinacy which you upbraid us withal is a mystery; for who is not moved by beholding it, to inquire, what is in the matter? who having inquired, comes not unto us? and coming, desires not to suffer? etc.  
8. Take away from Heretics those things which they hold with Ethnics, 
Lib. de resurrect. carn.  that they may ground their questions upon the Scriptures only; and they are not able to stand.— Again; we need no curiosity after Jesus Christ, nor inquisition after the Gospel; when once we believe it, we desire to believe nothing else; for this is the first thing that we believe, that there is nothing more which we ought to believe.  
9 The greatest Antiquity challengeth the chiefest Authority unto the Sacred Scriptures or Instruments: 
In Apolog.  the Cabinet of one Prophet, viz. Moses, for age surpasseth all your Originals; the veins of your ancient stile, the most Nations, your famous Cities, the very effigies of your Letters, yea even your very Gods themselves, their Temples, Oracles and Sacred Rites.  
10. Of the sufficiency and perfection of the Scriptures; 
Lib. advers. Hermogen.  adoro scripture plenitudi●em; I do adore, saith he, the fullness of the Scripture.  
11. He hath a most elegant resemblance of man's body unto the earth out of which it was taken: 
Lib. de carn. Christ.  what is the blood, 
Glebae, saxa. calculi.  saith he, but a red humour? what is the flesh; but earth turned into its figures? consider the several qualities; the muscles as clods; the bones as rocks or stones; also about the Paps, certain pebbles? Behold, the firm connexion of the nerves, as the traductions of roots; and the branchy running about of the veins as the windings of the rivers: the down, as moss; the hair as grass; and the hidden treasures of the marrow, as the metals of the flesh.  
12. He gives us a lively draught or pourtraicture of the grace of Patience, 
Lib. de patient.  together with a large encomium of it from the admirable source and excellent fruits thereof: in these words: It fenceth faith, helpeth love, armeth or instructeth humility, governs the flesh, secures the spirit, bridles the tongue, binds the hand, tramples upon temptations, drives away scandals, consummates Martyrdom. It comforts the poor, moderates the rich, it delights the believer, and invites the Gentile; it commends the servant unto the Master, and the Master unto God; it adorns the wife, and approves the husband, it is lovely in a child, laudable in a youth, and admired in the aged; it is amiable in every sex and age. The patient man he thus describeth; he hath a serene and pleasant countenance, a smooth forehead, not furrowed with any wrinkle of grief or anger: his eyebrows alike remiss in a cheerful manner: 
Remissa.  his eyes cast down through humility, not adversity; his mouth sealed up with the honour of silence; his colour such as is that of secure and harmless ones; the motion of his head frequent against the Devil, and a threatening laughter; the attire about his breast candid and close to his body; as of one who is neither puffed up, nor disquieted.  
13. The Flesh shall rise again, 
Lib. de resurrect.  even all, the same, and the whole: For it is every where deposited with God, 
Fidelissimum sequestrem dei & hominum.  by the most faithful Mediator between God and Men, Jesus Christ, who shall restore both God to Man, and Man to God, the Spirit to the Flesh, and the Flesh to the Spirit. For that which thou supposest to be the destruction thereof, know 'tis but a departure. Not only the soul is separated or laid aside; 
Seponitur.  the Flesh also in the interim hath its receptacles in the Waters, Fires, Fowls, Beasts. When it seems to be dissolved into these, it is, as it were, poured into Vessels; if also the Vessels themselves shall fail, when it flits out of them, it is, as it were, by certain windings swallowed up again into its Mother Earth.  
14. If thou wouldst spend the time of thy life in pleasures, 
Lib. de spectacul.  why art thou so ungrateful, as not to acknowledge and account sufficient, so many and such pleasures as art afforded thee of God? For what is more than reconciliation with God the Father, than the Revelation of the Truth, than ● calling to remembrance of our Error, than the pardon of so many sins past? What greater pleasure than the loathing of pleasure itself? than the contempt of the whole World? than true Liberty, than a sound or good Conscience, 
Vita sufficiens.  than a sufficient Life, than no fear of death? that thou tramplest upon the Gods of the Nations, that thou castest out Devils, that thou dost Cures, that thou coverest Revelations, that thou livest unto God?  
15. How shall I be able to declare the happiness of that Marriage, 
Of Marriage.  which the Church knits together, 
Lib. 2. ad uxorem.  the oblation confirms, the Angels reports it sealed, the Father ratifies? For neither on Earth do Children rightly marry without the consent of their Parents. 
Angeli renunciant obsignatum.  What a match is that of two Believers, of one hope, one vow, one discipline, the same service? Both Brethren, both Fellow-servants, no difference of Spirit or Flesh; but truly two in one Flesh: 
Volutantur.  where the Flesh is one, and the Spirit one: they pray together, they are humbled and fast together, leading and exhorting one another: in distresses and refreshments neither concealeth, avoideth, or is grievous unto the other: the sick is freely visited, the poor sustained; alms are without torment, 
So Albaspin. in notis.  sacrifices without scruple, (i.e. offerings for Ministers and the Poor) signing (viz. with the cross) is not by stealth, greeting not with trembling, nor benediction mute: Psalms and Hymns sound forth from two, and they mutally provoke one another, who shall sing best unto their God: Christ rejoiceth to behold and hear such things. Which words (saith Rhenanus) are worthy to be written in Letters of Gold. 
In annotat. in loc.   
16. He would have these to be the Ornaments of Christian Women. 
Woman's ornaments.  They should (saith he) take whiteness from simplicity, 
Lib. de cult. foeminar.  redness from modesty; their eyes should be painted with bashfulness, their spirits with silence, hanging in their ears the Word of God, tying about their necks the Yoke of Christ. Submit unto your Husbands (saith he) and you shall be sufficiently adorned: employ your hands in wool; let your feet keep at home; and you shall more please, than if decked with Gold. Cloth you with the Silk and Purple of Virtue, Holiness and Chastity; being thus beautified, you shall have God for your Lover.  
17. A woman going unto the Theatre, 
Lib. de spectacul.  returned from thence possessed of the Devil: wherefore in the Exorcism, being pressed how he durst adventure upon a Believer, he constantly replied: I do it most justly: In meo eam inveni. For I found her upon mine own ground.  
18. As touching the carriage and course of Heretics, 
Lib. de prescript.  he thus describes it: First of all, it is uncertain who among them is a Catechumen, 
Of Heretics.  and who a Believer: they congregate together, and hear together, pray together: if even heathens come in among them, they give that which is holy unto dogs, and cast pearls (though not true ones) before swine: they will have simplicity to be the prostration of Discipline; the care whereof among us they call an enticement: they also make peace every where with all: For it matters not with them, though they hold different opinions; so that they agree together for the overthrow of the Truth: they are all puffed up, they all promise knowledge; even heretical women how malepe●t, who dare teach, contend, ex●rcise, promise cures, and perhaps baptise too: Their ordinations are rash, light and inconstant; sometimes they place in novices, sometimes such as are addicted unto the World; sometimes our Apostates, that they may oblige them by Glory (or Preferment) whom they cannot by Truth: Proficiency is no where more facile, 
Ipsum esse illic pro. meter● est.  than in the Camps of Rebels; where even to be a desertor is a stepped to promotion; therefore one is a Bishop to day, to morrow another: to day he is a Presbyter, who to morrow is a Layman; he is to day a Deacon, who to morrow is a Reader: For even unto Laics do they commit Pastoral Charges, or the Priestly Office. What should I speak of the Administration of the Word? Seeing their business is not to convert the Heathens, but to subvert ours: This glory they rather covet, if they may ruin those that stand, than raise up those that are fallen: Because their work proceeds not of their own proper building, but of the destruction of the Truth. Besides, they know not to respect or reverence those that are over them; and hence it is that there are scarce any Schisms amongst Heretics; for when there be, they obey not. Finally, if we look narrowly into Heresies, we shall find them all in many things differing from their Authors: many of them have no Churches; they wander up and down, without a Mother, without a seat, destitute of the faith, like banished ones: it is also observed, that Heretics have much acquaintance with Magicians, Jugglers, Astrologers, Philosophers, being given to curiosity: every where minding that; Seek and ye shall find. So that the quality of their Faith, may be estimated from their manner of conversation. Doctrine is the Index of Discipline. They deny that God is to be feared: therefore all things are free and loose among them. etc.  
§6. Though these and many such like excellent passages are to be found in his works throughout; yet is there a great deal of caution and judgement to be made use of in the perusal of them: For,  
1. He hath many inconvenient and dangerous expressions, which without a favourable interpretation are not to be allowed of, 
Osiand. Epit. Hist. cent. 3. lib. 1. cap. 5.  for although in some of them he haply thought more commodiously than he wrote: yet his absurd phrases are no way to be approved of, 
August. de Haeres. cap. 86.  nor can some of them by any means well be excused: As, where he saith, that God is corporeal, 
Lib. advers. Praxeam.  and hath a body, though not fashioned or figured: who (saith he) can deny that God hath a body, although God be a Spirit? which expression of his is very inconvenient, and unsuitable unto the most simple Nature of God. Yet hath the great Augustine herein pleaded his excuse: 
Aug. ibid.  He might perhaps (saith he) by a body, mean the very Divine Nature, Substance or Essence: which term he therefore useth, lest he should seem to make God an empty Phantasm, and mere nothing. And indeed, comparing this expression with divers passages in the works of our Author, we shall find there was cause why he should conceive this to have been his meaning, and that he had ground sufficient for so friendly a construction of his words. As, where he saith, the very substance is the body of every thing: 
Lib. advers. Hermog.  Also, every thing that is, is a body in its kind; nihil est incorporale, nis● quod non est: 
Lib. de carne Christi.  Nothing is incorporeal, but what is not. Again, who will deny God to be a body, though he be a Spirit? For a Spirit is a body of its kinds in its shape and fashion: 
Lib. advers. Praxeam.  The less reason had Alphonsus de Castro, 
Lib. 5. advers. haeres.  to make Tertullian the first Author of the Heresy of the Anthropomorphites: (though they might abuse these expressions of his, and by them be confirmed in their opinion) considering withal, that those Scriptures upon which they built their gross conceits of God, art otherwise understood by him, than they were by them, e. g. where the Scriptures do speak of the eye, ear, hand and feet of God, they understood them literally; but he metaphorically, and as spoken after the manner of men to our capacity: For (faith he) by those expressions the Divine operations are declared, 
Lib. de Trinitat.  but not corporeal lineaments given or ascribed unto God: For by the eye is signified that he seeth all things; 
August. de▪ h●res. c. 86.  by the ear, that be heareth all things, etc. this therefore made him not an Heretic.  
Another such expression is this; that the father was before the Son; 
Lib. de Trinitat.  and that the son had his original or beginning, when the Father would that he should proceed from him. Yet doth he in the same Book assert the Eternity of the Son; saying, That he was always in the Father, nor can time be assigned unto him, who was before all time.  
Again, 
●ib. advers. Praxeam.  the Father is the whole Substance; but the Son a derivation or portion of the whole. 
Controvers. de Christo. lib. 1. cap. 10.  Of which words Bellarmine gives this favourable interpretation; Haec verba, inquit, intelligi debent de sola distinctione personali, quem in toto libro intendit: vocat autem Filium portionem, & Patrem totam substantiam; quia Pater est fons & principium aliarum personarum, & in eâ ratione majoritatem quand●m habet. These and other the like dangerous expressions are scattered up and down his Books; in regard whereof Rhenanus saw cause, why he should in the Margin against the last mentioned passage, warn the Reader, that here and elsewhere Tertullian is to be read with caution: Again, Here and elsewhere (saith he) let the Reader remember that he is perusing Tertullian. 
In argum. lib. de carve Christi.  Yet again, Divines, saith he, are to be admonished, that they do interpret some things more commodiously, 
In argum. lib. advers. Praxeam.  or aptly than they sound, and indulge something to antiquity.  
2. He delivereth and laboureth to maintain many unsound Opinions and gross Errors, which are carefully to be avoided and rejected, as what is sound and Orthodox in him to be embraced: the good is not to be neglected for the bad, nor the bad to be received for the sake of that in him which is good. I think (saith jerom) that Origen for his Learning is sometime to be read in the same manner, 
Epist. 76. Tranquillino.  as Tertullian, Novatus, Arnobius, Apollinarius, and some other Ecclesiastical Writers, both Greek and Latin, viz. So that we choose the good in them, and refuse the contrary: according to the Apostles saying; 
1 Thess. 5. 21.  Prove all things; hold fast that which is good. We are to make use of him as Cyprian did, who honoured him with the Title of Master: 
Hieronym. Epist. Pammach. & Oceano. N. 65.  though he took a great deal of delight in the wit of that learned and zealous man, yet did he not follow Montanus and Maximillia with him. And this gives a hint of his foulest Error, which I shall mention in the first place.  
1. He became a follower of Montanus; whose gross and sottish Errors having once entertained, he (for aught that appears to the contrary) persisted in unto the end of his days; styling and owning the blasphemous Heretic, 
Lib. de resurrect. carnis. & saepius alibi. lib. advers▪ Praxeam. initio.  (together with his Female consorts Priscilla and Maximilla) sor the Paraclete or Comforter, whom Christ promised to send, distinguishing him from the holy Ghost: contrary to that clear Text, joh. 14. 26. The Comforter, which is the holy Ghost, whom the Father will send in my name, etc. This say his followers, descended upon the Apostles, but the Paraclete upon Montanus and his Minions; 
Hieronym. advers. Vigilant. Rhenan. in annotat in lib. adder's. Praxeam.  whose Prophecies, or rather idle Dreams, and Fancies they much magnified: wherein second Marriages are condemned, and Fast and Martyrdoms are exacted: which things Tertullian being overmuch taken with, and approving of, he thereupon embraced that new Prophecy. A strange thing that so learned and eminent a man should give credit unto such foolish and frantic conceits: Especially considering that, not long before, himself had ranked the followers of Montanus, viz. Proclus and Aeschines amongst the most notorious Heretics; 
Lib. de prescript.  whom he chargeth with this blasphemy, as he call it, that they say the holy Ghost was in the Apostles, but not the Paraclete; and that the Paraclete had spoken more in Montanus, than Christ had delivered in the Gospel; and not only more, but better and greater things. 
Sculte● in Medul. lib. lib. 7 cap. 42. Erasm. in vitâ Origen.  Erasmus conceives that he did this contra mentis suae sententiam, appellans Montanum omnis veritatis deductorem: For he could not be persuaded that a man of so piercing a judgement, and so exercised and versed in the Sacred Scriptures, did ever believe that Montanus was the holy Ghost or Paraclete, whom Christ promised unto the Apostles.  
2. He advanceth the freedom of man's will after the fall so highly, that even Pelagius himself would scarce dare to do it with the like Liberty, e. g. The Law (saith he) would not have been given to him, that had not the obedience to the Law, in his own power. And, 
Lib. 2. advers. Marcian.  a little after, thus: So we find the Creator propounding unto man, or setting before him good and evil, life and death; exhorting and threatening; which he would not have done, unless man had been free, and voluntary to obey or contemn. Again, Behold, (saith he) the Kingdom of God is within you: 
L●k 17. 21. Lib. 4 advers. Martion.  Who will not so interpret it? within you i. e. in your own hand and power; if you hear, and do the command of God? Also, that the Patriarches, 
Lib. advers. Judaeos.  Noah and Abraham were just by the righteousness of the Law of Nature.  
3. He condemns second Marriages, 
Exhortat. ad castitat. lib. develand. Virginib.  accounting them no better than Adultery, and worthy of Excommunication: May we not say, (saith he) that second Marriage is a kind of Adultery? etc. Also, he calls the lawful company of Man and Wife, contumelia communis: A common contumely or reproach.  
4. He denys that it is lawful for a Christian to flee in time of persecution; 
Lib. de fug. in persecut.  being immoderate in the praise of Martyrdom; as if it merited pardon of sin. Who (saith he) doth not wish to suffer that he may purchase the whole favour of God, and all pardon from him by the compensation of his Blood? Omnia enim huic operi delicta donantur.  
5. He was of the opinion (as was also Clemens Alexandrinus and Cyprian, 
Lib. de idololatr.  lib. De discipline. & babit. Virgin.) that the Angels fell in love, and accompanied with Women (misunderstanding that passage of Moses, Gen. 6. 1.) and that they discovered many secrets and hidden Arts, 
Lib. de habit. muliebr.  and especially divers curiosities for the adorning and setting forth of Women; for which they were condemned.  
6. He held also the Error of the Chiliasts or Millenaries: 
Lib. 3. advers. Martion.  We confess (saith he) that a Kingdom is promised unto us in the Earth, before Heaven; but in another state; namely, after the Resurrection for a thousand years in a City of a Divine Work or Building. jerusalem coming down from Heaven, etc. this we say is provided of God for the Saints, to be there refreshed with all spiritual good things, in recompen●e of those things which in the World we have either despised or lost. For it is a righteous thing, and worthy of God, that his Servants should exult and rejoice there, where they have been afflicted for his name.  
7. He thought that both Angels, 
Lib. de anim●.  and also the Souls of men, were corporeal; and the latter derived from the Parent unto the Child by way of propagation. 
●x traduce.  Anima in utero seminata pariter cum carne, pariter cum ipsà sortitur & sexum, 
Lib. de haeres. cap. 86.  etc. Augustine tell us, his opinion was, that the worst Souls of men are after death converted, or turned into Devils; which absurd conceit Pamelius thinks aught rather to be imputed unto those Heretics, 
In vitâ Tertull.  that took their name from him, than unto Tertullian himself, because it is not to be found in any of his Writings: 
In lib. August. de haeres. cap. 86.  nor could Danaeus easily be induced to believe, that Augustine should charge him herewith, seeing he is more equal toward him.  
8. He approves of and labours to defend the superstitious facts and stations; 
Cent. 3. cap. 10.  as also other ridiculous Ceremonies of the Montanists, viz. the superstitious use of the sign of the Cross, Oblations for the Dead, and annual upon Birth-days, Processions, etc. (Antiquae observationes (inquit Chemnitius) quorum apud▪ Tertullianum fit mentio, 
〈◊〉. part. 1.  non sunt omnes Apostolicae traditiones; sed multae ex Montani Paracleto profectae sunt) these and such like, which he borrowed from those Heretics, did he practise and augment: though he himself confess that there is no warrant for them in the Scriptures, nor were they instituted by the Apostles. 
Lib. de coron. m●lit.  Who list, may there see a large Catalogue of such Observations and Practices; which are built upon none other, than the sandy foundation of uncertain Tradition. The materials of the Anti christian Synagogue were preparing betimes.  
§7. As touching his Exit, 
Trithem. de Script.  or the close of his life, I find this only recorded; that he lived long, 
Hieronym. in Catalogue.  even to old age, yea, usque ad deerepitam aetatem: unto decrepit old age; which yet Pamelius would have to be but unto sixty three years: 
In vitâ Tertull.  At what time (saith he) decrepit old begins: So that according to his account, he, (as many other eminent men have done) ended his pilgrimage in his Climacterical year: Or rather, then ceased to write any more; for he is loath to affirm that he lived beyond this time, considering what jerom had delivered concerning him. Some do rank him among the Martyrs that suffered for the name of Christ; 
Cent. 3. cap. 10.  and Rhenaenus makes Regino the reporter of his Martyrdom; 
In vitâ Tertull.  though, after diligent perusal, I do not find him so much as named by that Historian: This therefore seems to be a mere and groundless conjecture, and very unlikely, seeing that neither Eusebius, nor jerom do make any mention of it. True it is, that he was very desirous of Martyrdom; but it might be a righteous thing with God, not to vouchsafe that honour unto him, who had so unworthily deserted the Truth, and esteemed Martyrdom meritorions. But what kind of death soever put a period unto his life, he is herein much to be lamented, that having as a Star of the first Magnitude, shined in the Church of Christ so brightly the most part of his time; he should at last, by forsaking it, be so much obscured, and go out so ingloriously.   

Origenes Adamantius.  
§5. HE is commonly known by the name of Origenes Adamantius; so called of the Adamant; a stone of such hardness, that it yields not to the stroke of the hammer: not unlike whereunto was the spirit and temper of Origen, indefatigably laborious, both in reading and writing; Scriptoribus aliquot propter indefatigatam studii tolerantiam Admantini cognomen inditum fuit; 
Erasm. adag. Didymus Scripsisse super ter mille & quingentos libros perhibetur. Meurs. in notis in Hesych. de illust. Epist. 18. Marcello. Victor. Scholar in Hieronym.  ut Didymo grammatico & Origeni Theologo: For which cause also jerom gives him the name of Chalcenterus & verè Adamantinus, or brazen sides; for so may the greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be rendered: of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, intestina. Photius renders this, as the reason of his name, quòd rationes, quas colligaret, adamantinis quibusdam quasi vinculis non absimiles viderentur. He was one whom neither austerity of life, nor perpetual pains taking, 
Biblioth. cap. 118.  nor the hardship of poverty, nor the unworthy carriage of such as envied him, 
Erasm. in vitâ Orig.  nor fear of punishment, nor any face of death, could in the least remove from his holy course and purpose.  
His Country was Egypt, and the place of his birth therein (as is conjectured) the famous City of Alexandria; he descended of Christian Parents, both Father, Grandfather, and great Grandfather, and pious from his childhood, trained up like another young Timothy, in the Christian Religion and Knowledge of the Scriptures. 
Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 1.  His Father's name was Leonides, a pious and learned man, and according to some, 
In verb. Origen.  a Bishop: for so Suidas; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: who in the cruel persecution under Severus was crowned with Martyrdom, being beheaded for the name of Christ, Origen was then but young, yet so fervently affected toward Christian Religion, that being hindered by his Mother (who hid his apparel from him to prevent the danger he would have exposed himself unto) from going unto, and visiting his Father in prison, he could not rest, but wrote unto him a Letter, wherein he thus exhorts him; Faint not, O Father (saith he) nor think of any thing (because of us) but suffering constantly.  
His Father in his life time had carefully instructed him in the holy Scriptures in the first place, 
Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 1.  and after that in the Liberal Arts, and profane Literature, in both which he profited exceedingly, and above his years: His manner was to demand of the child a daily task of some certain sentences, which he enjoined him to learn by heart; by which means he grew unto such promptness and acquaintance with the Scriptures; that he contented not himself with the bare and usual reading of them, but proceeded farther, searching into the hidden and profound meaning of them; so that many times he would even gravel his Father, questioning him what was meant▪ by this and that place, insomuch as his Father would check him sometimes in outward appearance, admonishing him not to inquire curiously above the capacity of his years, and more than the plain Letter gave him to understand; yet inwardly did he rejoice greatly hereat, and would oftentimes uncover the Breast of his child while asleep, solemnly kissing it as the Shrine or Closet of the Holy Ghost, giving hearty thanks unto God that he had made him the Father of such a Son.  
From this domestical Discipline he was delivered over unto other Masters, 
Cent. 3. cap. 10.  whereof the famous Clement of Alexandria was one, 
Erasm. in vitâ Origen.  and the learned Philosopher Ammonius another, whom he heard for the space of seven years.  
When his Father was martyred, he was left an Orphan of the age of seventeen years, 
Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 2.  with his Mother and six Children in great want, 
Hieronym. in cate-log.  his Father's Substance and Estate being all confiscated into the Emperor's Treasury: Origen therefore casting himself upon the providence of God, 
Cent. 3. cap. 10.  he stirred up the heart of a Matron in Alexandria, 
Gabriel Powel in his discourse of the unlawfulness of toleration, speaking of this Paulus, and this very passage, adds (as I think, saith he, Samosatenus) who was Bishop of Antioch: as Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 26.  very rich, and also religious, to compassionate him in his necessities, who received him into her House, and not only maintained him, but also liberally helped and promoted him in his studies at her own cost. There was in the house at the same time a certain man of Antioch, named Paulus, accounted a profound and wise man, but a notable Heretic, whom she had adopted for her Son; to him resorted a very great number, not only of Heretics, but also of the Orthodox as unto their Master. Origen then of necessity using his company, and having made so good a progress in Learning, that he could discern between true and false Doctrine, would by no means be drawn either to discourse, or to be present with him at prayers; nor would he give him any respect at all; so much did he detest his heretical opinions.  
About the eighteenth year of his age▪ he● publicly at Alexandria began to profess and teach the art of Granmar, wherewith he maintained himself, that he might not be burdensome to any one; Olympia senile & arduum fuit negotium Grammaticam profiteri: A work of great difficulty in former time (saith Erasmus) to the due performance whereof much labour and no less skill was requisite. 
Erasm. in vitâ Origen.  And because by reason of the heat of persecution, those who had formerly catechised and taught in that School were forced to fly, so that none of them were lest; he under the person of a Grammarian acted the part of a Catechist, 
Hieronym. in cate-log.  Sub occasione secularis literaturae in fide Christi eos instituens, together with Grammatical Rules, scattering some seeds of piety and Christian Doctrine in the minds of his hearers; which may be the ground of Zonaras his words concerning him, Annos, 
Tom. 2. in Severo.  inquit, octodecim natus institu●ndis Christianae Religionis tyronibus praefuit. The Seed thus sown grew and prospered so well, that divers of his Scholars profited exceedingly, 
Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 2.  sucking from his lips the juice of Christian Religion and Heavenly Philosophy; among whom one Plutarch was the first, who at length was crowned with Martyrdom; the second, Heraclas the Brother of Plutarch, who afterward succeeded Demetri●s in the Bishopric of Alexandria.  
Having for a while continued in this exercise with good success, 
Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 7.  the charge of the School or Office of Catechist at Alexandri● (wherein he succeeded Clement his Master) was committed unto him by Demetrius the Bishop of that City: 
Cent. 3. cap. 10.  Origen perceiving that many Scholars did resort unto him, 
Hieronym. in cate-log. & Epist. ad Pammach. & Ocean.  and frequent his Lectures, he laid aside the reading of humanity, and applied himself to a more profitable course, viz. the exercise of godly Discipline, and in the instructing of his Auditors in the Sacred Scriptures, in which employment he continued and flourished for divers years. 
Euseb. 6. cap. 14.  But at length the number of those who in companies flocked unto him, and that even from morning to night, growing so great, that he had scarce a breathing time afforded him; and perceiving that by himself alone he was not able to undergo the burden of so great a work, nor could enjoy that leisure which he much desired, to search into the profound mysteries of the Scriptures, which his mind was chiefly carried out after, he made choice of Heraclas, a man expert in the Scripture, most eloquent, and not unskilful in Philosophy, to be his assistant in the work of catechising, committing unto him the instruction of those who were newly come to the faith, reserving unto himself the care of such as had made a farther progress therein, having attained unto more perfection.  
While he was thus employed in preaching the word, 
Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 7.  and instructing not only men, but also women resorting unto him, that he might cut off all occasion of suspicion and slander from the Infidels, literally understanding those words of Christ, Matth. 19 12. There be some who have made themselves Eunuches for the Kingdom of Heaven's sake: He practised upon himself, either by abscission, or else by exsiccation, and deading of those parts by certain herbs or medicaments which he made use of for that purpose. 
●rasm. in vitâ Origen.  A thing it seems commonly practised by the Heathen Priests: for so Servius affirms, Sacerdotes, inquit, qui maximae sacra accipiebant, renunciabant omnibus rebus, nec ulla in his nisi numinum cura remanebat, 
In Virgil. Aeneld. lib. 6.  herbis etiam quibusdam emasculabantur, unde etiam coire non poterant. jerom gives us an instance hereof in the Hierophantae, a sort of Priests among the Athenians, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Suidas in verbo. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  sacrorum interpres, mysteriorum praeses) (qui enim sacris praesunt ceremoniis praedictionibusque Deorum multiplici nomine censentur, namque Hierophantas aliquos, 
Genial. dier. dier. lib. 5. cap. 17.  alios Hierodidascalos, nonnullos Hieronomos, plerosque Hi●rophylaces aut Nomophylaces, 
Advers. Jovinian. lib. 1. & in Epist. ad Ageruchiam viduam de Monogamiâ. n. 11.  qui frequentes erant, appellarunt Graeci, inquit Alexander ab Alexandro) Of these (saith he) Legant Hierophantas Atheniensium usque hodie cicutae sorbitione castrari, & postquam in Pointificatum f●erint electi (surrecti fuerint, 
Lect. antiq. lib. 31▪ cap. 6.  inquit Rhodiginus) viros esse desinere, ut castissimè sanctissiméque sacrum facerent. 
Alex. ab. Alex. ibid. lib. 4. cap. 17.  Of the virtue of which herb Pliny thus speaks, Certum est, quod lac puerperarum mammis imposita extinguat, 
Hist. Natural. lib. 25. cap. 13.  ven●remque testibus circa pubertatem illita. 
In exam. part▪ 3.   
Chemnitius makes the reason of his so doing to be his too great admiration of single life, which example of his many others followed, Adeò ut Ecclesia coacta fuerit severiter 〈◊〉 prohibere. 
Can. 1. Bin. Concil.  So doth the Council of Nice provide, that whoever was found guilty of g●lding himself, if he were already in orders, he should be deposed, if not, he was not to be ordained: 
Can 21. 22.  agreeable to what we find in the Canons of the Apostles (as they are called) concerning this thing.  
This unadvised act of his Origen desired to conceal, yet could not carry the matter so closely, but that it came to the knowledge of De●eirius the Bishop, whereof what use he made, we shall hereafter declare.  
Leaving Alexandria he went unto Rome in the time when Zephyrinus was Bishop there, 
Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 13. Ad an. 220. § 6.  a little before his death, as Baronius conjectures: the cause why he undertook this journey, was the great desire that he had to see the most ancient Church of the Romans; 
Erasm. in vitâ Origen.  where, having made but a little stay, he returned un●● Alexandria again, and there diligently attended his charge, the success of his pains being the gaining of many to the embracing of the truth, and the recovering of others from error, 
In cate-log. Epiphan. Haeres. 64.  among whom one Ambrose (addicted unto the Valentinian Heresy, or (as jerom reports) unto that of Martion, or (as others) partly a Marcionist, and partly a Sabellian) was brought to see and forsake his error, and afterward called to the Office of a Deacon in the Church of Alexandria, 
Hieronym. in cate-log. & Scholar Miraei in loc.  famous for his confession of the name of Christ, a man noble▪ rich and learned.  
The same of Origen was now spread abroad even unto other Countries; 
Euseb. lib. ●. cap. 1●.  for a certain Soldier sent from the Governor of Arabia, comes to Alexandria, bringing with him Letters unto Demetrius the Bishop there, and also unto him who was then Lieutenant of Egypt, 
Cent. 3. cap. 10.  requesting them with all speed to dispatch Origen unto him, that he might instruct him and his people in the Doctrine of Christianity: 
Osiand. Epit. hist. cent. 3. lib. 1. cap. 7.  for although there had before been a Church of Christ in Arabia, yet it is credible, that the Duke or Governor with his Court had persisted in his Heathenish Impiety even unto the time of Origen, it being observed that for the most part the propagation of the Christian Religion begins with the lowest of the people, and gradually by little and little ascends unto the Governors of Common wealths. 
Cent. 3. cap. 10.  Origen accordingly goeth thither, and having happily accomplished the end of his journey, he not long after returneth again unto Alexandria, where, through a sedition, finding all in a combustion and tumult, and his Scholars scattered, so that there was no abiding for him there, no nor in any other place of Egypt in safety, he left his Country, and betook himself unto Caesarea, a City of Palestina, where he was earnestly entreated by the Bishops of that Province to expound the Scriptures, though he were not as yet called to the Ministry (Legatione ad eum missâ Episcopi permisere, 
Hist. Eccles. lib. 5. cap. 14.  ut dissereret de sacris literis: so Nicephorus reports it.) This act of his (condescending to their request) was much distasted by Demetrius, who in a Letter which he wrote unto those Bishops, thus speaks of it, that such a practice was never heard of, nor could there any where the like Precedent be found, that Laymen in the presence of Bishops have taught in the Church. 
Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 19  But they in defence of what had been done, returning an answer unto him, have therein such words as these, we know not for what cause you report a manifest untruth, since there have been such sound as in open assemblies have taught the people, yea, when as there were present learned men that could profit the people, and moreover holy Bishops at that time also exhorting them to preach: for example, at Laranda Euelpis was requested of Neon, at Icovium Paulinus was requested by Celsus, at Synada Theodorus by Atticus, who were godly Brethren. It is like also that this was practised in other places, though unknown to us. Thus was Origen, being a young man, honoured of Bishops that were strangers unto him. But the storm of civil dissensions being blown over, and both Demetrius and the Deacons of the Church by Letters earnestly soliciting him to return, he leaves Palestine, and comes back again unto Alexandria, and there applieth himself to his accustomed manner of teaching.  
Not long after Mammaea the Mother of the Emperor Alexander Severus, 
Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 20.  a most pious and religious woman (Christianissima, 
De Script. Eccles.  inquit Trithemius, quae a Christianissimo non abhor●●it, 
Hist. Eccles. Epit.  inquit Osiander) hearing of the Eloquence and Apostolical Life of Origen, and ●iving then at Antioch with her Son, sent for him by some Soldiers to come unto her, accounting it no small happiness if she might see him, and hear his wisdom in the holy Scriptures, which all men admired. To whom he accordingly repaired, and staying a while with her, he instructed her in the Doctrine of Christianity, 
N●●cler. Zonoras'.  which found so good acceptance with her, that she became both a lover of it, and a favourer of those who professed it; (not that she was now first brought to the knowledge and embracing of it, as some conceive; (audito origen Christian● facta est) but rather further confirmed therein) who so far prevailed with her Son, 
Chronic. Urspergens. Osiander. Hist. Eccles. Epit.  that not only the persecution against the Christians ceased, but they also had a place granted them for the exercise of Religion, and were had in high esteem with him. Having here detained him a while, she at length dismissed him with honour, who again betook him to his School at Alexandria.  
And now did he begin to comment upon the holy Scriptures, 
Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 21.  being much instigated thereunto by Ambrose whom he had reduced from error, as hath been before said; who, for his encouragement, furnished him with necessaries for that purpose, allowing parchments, and no less than seven Notaries, 
Erasm. in vitâ Origen.  who by turns took from his mouth, and wrote what he dictated unto them; and as many Libraries (maintained all at the charge of Ambrose) who transcribed or copied out more fairly what the other had formerly taken; and that this was the difference between the Notarii and the Librarii, 
Ibid.  may be gathered from Erasmus his calling the one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or swift, the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or fair writers. Notariorum, 
Ad an. 220. §. 11.  inquit Baronius, erat scribere; Librariorum exscribere. 
In notis in Hieronym. cate-log. in Hyppolyto.  jerom (saith Miraeus) calls those Notaries, who with a swift hand took the words of him that did dictate, and sometimes they wrote by notes or characters: but those Librarii, or Scriveners; who afterward more accurately committed the things so taken unto Books. Of this Turuebus thus speaks, 
Adversar. lib. 14. c. 24.  Scribere notis non est compendio quodam literarum verba complecti ad celeritatem, sed quibusdam fictis signis comprehendere, idque docebantur pueri, non tantùm scribere; Cassianus enim Martyr, qui puerorum s●ilis confossus Christo animam reddit, notis scribere docuit: Prudentias' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Hym. 9 
— Magister literarum sederat,  
Verba notis brevibus comprendere cuncta pertius,  
Raptimque punctis dicta praepetibus sequi.  
Aliud enim esse notis, aliud literis scribere, ostendit Manilius, lib. 4. cap. 1, his verbis.  
Hic & scriptor erit felix, cui litera verbum est:  
Quique notis linguam superet cursumque loquentis.   
Martial also the Epigrammatist, of the Notary thus: 
Currant verba licet, manus est v●locior illis:  
Nondum lingua suum, 
Lib. 14. Ep●gr. 176.  dextra peregit opus.   
So thirsty after the knowledge of the Scriptures, 
So Jerom calls Nepotian. Epist. ad Helio d●rum. num. ●.  and so pressing upon Origen, unto this work was Ambrose (whom he therefore calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) that he would scarce afford him sufficient time to eat, 
Hieronym. in cate-log.  sleep or walk for his recreation, or to read and review what the Notaries had written, as himself complains in a certain Epistle to his Friend. 
Cent. 3. cap. ●0.   
About this time the Churches of Achaia being much pestered and vexed with divers Heresies, 
Eras●. in vitâ Origen. Hieronym. in cate-log.  Origen is sent thither with Letters testimonial for the suppressing of them, who was now in his middle age, or about forty and three years old, 
Ad an. 230. § 7.  as Baronius conjectures: he supposeth that the cause of his going into Greece, was his great desire to get the sixth Edition of the Bible, which was this year found at Nicopolis, that he might adjoin it unto the other five Versions, which with unwearied pains and diligence he had formerly found out; and so compose that laborious work of his, which he called Hexopl●. Now, 
Eras●. ibid. Cent. 3. cap. 10.  passing through Palestine toward Athens, he was (by Alexander and Theoctistus (who greatly admired: Origen) two Bishops of great authority, 
Osiand. cent. ●. lib. 1. cap. 7.  the one of Jerusalem, the other of Caesarea) by imposition of hands made or ordained Minister at Cesares; 
Niceph. lib. 5. cap. 18.  which office gained him much more respect, so that he was had in great esteem. This begat envy in Dem●trius, who was highly offended with those Bishops for what they had done, 
hieronym. in cate-log.  and by aspersions endeavoured to darken and eclipse the Glory of Origen in his Letters unto all the Bishops throughout the world: 
Euseb. lib 6. cap. 7. & 2●.  and having nothing else to charge him withal that might tend to his disparagement, he published his unadvised act of castration, as a mo●● foul and absurd fact of his, though when he first came to the knowledge thereof, 
Ut rem Piam & fortem approbaverat. cent. 3. cap. 10.  he had admired and praised him for it, encouraging him still to go on in the office of catechising.  
Origen therefore perceiving how much the mind of Demetrius was alienated from and in censed against him (forbearing to make use of any bitterness against his detractors) choose rather to pass by the injury in silence, 
Erasm. in vitâ Origen.  and to give place to their passion, than further to exasperate them: he therefore after his return and abode there for some small time, lest Alexandria, 
Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 29.  having committed the office of a Catechist there unto Heraclas formerly his assistant in that work, and went again into Palestine, remaining at Caesarea, where he applied himself unto the preaching of the word, many not only of that Country, but also strangers from other places resorting thither and attending upon his Ministry: among whom were divers eminent men, and of special note, viz. Firmilian Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, 
Ad reformationem Ecclesi● su● Osiander. in Epitome. Fra●m. in vitâ Origen. Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 26.  who one while invited him into his Province, to edify or reform the Churches there; another while under pretence of visiting the holy places, he made a voyage into Palestine, and for a good space continued there, that by Origen he might be brought to the further understanding of the Scriptures. Also Theodorus, 
Hieronym. in cate-log.  called afterward Gregorius, Bishop of Neocaesarea in Pontus, a man most renowned, and for the miracles which he wrought, 
Baron. adan. 266. § 23.  surnamed Thaumaturgus, together with his Brother Athenodorus, whom (continuing with him about the space of five years) he converted from Heathenism to Christianity; for which cause this Theodorus a while after penned a Panegyric or Enco●miastick Oration in the praise of Origen, to testify his thankfulness for what he had received from him.  
After this, 
Euseb. l. 6. cap. 32.  Beril, Bishop of Bostra in Arabia falling into Heresy, and maintaining that Christ before his Incarnation had no being: 
Hieronym. In Catalogue. Angelocrat. in epit. Con.  he was dealt and disputed with by divers Bishops assembled together: Origen also was sent for who by strength of Argument so convinced him of his error, that he restored him again to his former sound opinion: for which he returned him solemn thanks in divers letters written unto him: Also certain others arose in Arabia, 
Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 36.  who broached this pernicious Doctrine that the soul died and perished together with the body, and that in the general resurrection, they arose together and were restored unto life again. These Heretics are by Augustine called Arabiei, 
De h●res. cap. 83. & Dan●us in come. in loc.  by Damaseen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Animimortales; about which a great Synod was assembled, wherein Origen so discoursed of this matter, that the erroneous did soon renounce their absurd opinion, and were reduced to a better judgement. He also suppressed the Heresy of the Helcesaits, 
Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 37.  which sprung up about the same time (called of Epiphanius Sampsaei; in the region of Per●●, whose first Author was one Elxaeus) who rejected part of the Old Testament: 
Epip. h●r. 53.  denied the Apostle Paul wholly: counted it an indifferent thing to deny or not to deny with the mouth in time of persecution, so that thou persist faithful in thine heart; and used a certain book, which (as they say) came down from heaven, the which whosoever heareth and believeth (say they) shall obtain another kind of remission of sins then that which Christ purchased for us.  
Growing now old (above sixty years of age) and much worn out and wasted with long study and painful exercise, 
Euseb. l. 6. cap. 35.  he at length was prevailed with and permitted, that those things which he publicly preached and disputed, should by Notaries be taken and Copied out; which before he would not suffer to be done; 
Eras. in vitâ Origen. Jam scil. quando in eo erat vitae gravitas & maturitas ●tatis & mult● experienti● authoritas. Haymo. eccles. hist. lib. 6. cap. 3.  This Erasmus understands of his Sermons or Homilies: tantae erat modestiae, (inquit ille) ut serò p●ssus sit excipi quae disserebat. And thus was his time and strength laid out and spent in the work of the Lord, even from his Childhood unto his old age, not hiding his talon, but as a good servant improving it for the advantage of his Master, who had entrusted him therewith.  
§ 2. He was man of extraordinary parts and endowments of Nature, 
T●●ihem. de script.  vir magnus & excellentis ingenii: which began to appear in him even from his very childhood, 
Hieronym. epist. ad Pammach. n. 63.  vir magnus ●b infantiâ: being a man in understanding, when but a child in years; styled therefore by Erosmus, 
In vitâ Orig. In epist. ante opera Orig.  senilis puer; of a notable strong and piercing wit, perspicacississimo ingenio, saith Rhenanus; for which nothing was too hard (and so truly Adamantine●) nor nothing too high (and so truly Origenical, 
Eras in vitâ Origen.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Montigena:) such a one as Learned Greece, the fruitful mother of the most happy wits, scarce ever bred the like; 
Hieronym. in cate-log.  immortal inge nium: so comprehensive, as not to be bounded within the limits of ordinary capacities; there being nothing within the Encyclopedy of Arts that could escape his knowledge: for he exactly perused all kind of Authors: wherein he had this advantage above many others, 
In vitâ Orig.  that he lost no time; ei (inquit Erasmus) nulla pars aetatis periit à studiis: his tenderest years being improved this way by his pious and careful father, By which means, the fair field of his great abilities being so well cultured and manured, 
Optimis disciplinis omnifariam excultus. Rhenan. In epist. ante opera Orig.  began in his very spring to flourish and abound with the fruit of excellent skill in all the Liberal Sciences: whereof he gave a large proof and testimony, undertaking at the age of eighteen years the public profession of the art of Grammar in the famous City of Alexandria; A task of no small difficulty, to the dispatch whereof was requisite, besides elegancy of Speech, insight into most authors, 
Eras. in vitâ Origen. See Polydor. Virg. de● inventor. rec. lib. 1. cap. 7.  and acquaintance with history and antiquity; together with a competent measure of knowledge in Poetry, Rhetoric, Logic, Arithmetic, Cosmography and Music; all which, being so young he had attained unto with wonderful celerity, as jerom testifies: 
In Catalogue.  He had diligently studied the writings of the several Sects of Philophers, 
Euseb. l. 6. cap. 18.  viz. Pythagoreans, Stoics, etc. but was specially conversant in Plato: in which kind of Learning he grew to such an height, that he became famous even among the Heathenish Philosophers; in so much as many, and those of chiefest rank among them, resorted unto him and attended upon his Lectures: in what esteem they had him, may be gathered from the words of Porphyrius in 〈◊〉 Plotim: Cum, inquit, Origenes aliquando Romae venisset in Scholas, Plotinns (qui tum publicè ibidem profitebatur) statim genas rubore suffusus, 
Baron. ad an. 248. § 3.  assurgere volu●t: Sermiones verò ab Origene continuare rogatus, respondit: studium loquendi cessare, quando qui loquitur, ●uimadvertit se ad illos, qui idem ipsi noverint, verba facturum: atq●e ita, cum pauca quaedam disseruisset, 
In praefat. ad lib. 19 lect. antiq.  inde surrexit. These bitter enemies of Christian Religion; Porphyrius, Proclus & alii, (inquit Rhodiginas) fatentur eum exactissimam omnium disciplinarum liberalium ●●gni●●onem tenere. 
Eras. in vitâ Origen.  Yea, they frequently make honourable mention of him in the books written by them; and would sometimes refer unto him the resolution of perplex doubts and questions. Some of them also have dedicated their books unto him; and others have delivered to him what they had written, as unto the censure of a Master: so great was the Reverence they bore him, 
Opus de temp-mundi.  and in such account was he had amongst them. He was Philosophorum omnium sui temporis princeps; tan●● ingenii, ut nulla eum lingua, 〈…〉 latuerit: 
Socrates. l. 6. cap. 12.  And is styled by the great At●●nasius, Admirabilis & summae 〈◊〉 vir.  
But these philosophical studies did he addict himself unto, 
Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 17. 19  only as a step unto a higher form; he prized the Arts as things that might be of great use for the confutation of the Heathens; as also a help to the contemplation of Divine Mysteries, and a meet handmaid to serve and wait upon her Mistress Theology: and in this regard, as he judged them profitable and necessary for himself, so did he exhort and persuade others unto the study of them. Nor indeed are they of small advantage, as they do fit the vessel for the receipt of more precious liquor, sublimating the understanding, and so disposing it to apprehend those higher things contained in the Scriptures: 
Bacon. Essay. 29.  for thus do Histories make men wise, Poets witty, the Mathematics subtle, natural Philosophy deep, Moral grave, Logic and Rhetoric able to contend; as that Noble Scholar hath observed.  
To the study of the Scriptures therefore did he chiefly apply himself; 
Hieronym. Epist. 18.  wherein he found such sweetness, and took so much delight, that he thought nothing worthy of his time or pains in comparison of them: 
Epist. 65.  quis ardentem (inquit Hieronymus) in Scriptures animum non miretur? both day and night was he thus exercised, 
Trithem. de script. Eras. in vit● Origen.  neither did he account his meat or sleep sweet unto him, if not seasoned with reading somewhat of those Sacred Oracles: judging it an unworthy thing that the meaner part of man should be refreshed, and the better and more Noble neglected: To which he joined fervent prayer as the best key to unlock that Cabinet, that so he might come to and enjoy the precious jewel contained therein: 
Epist. Pammach. n. 65.  lectio orationem (inquit Hi●ronymus) excepit, & oratio lectionem. By this means the holy Scriptures became so familiar unto him, 
Ibid.  through continual use and his being daily conversant in them; that, by the help of a most strong and happy memory, 
Eras. in vit● Origen.  he had gotten them by heart, ad unguem ●bsolutus in divinis literis, and as it were at his finger's end; herein even another Esdras: and for that he was of a searching and soaring wit, he confined not himself to the low and obvious sense of the words, but would mount aloft into the sublime and mysterious meaning of them; yet herein is he blamed by many, 
Ibid.  and not without cause, as being too studious of allegories: in allegoriis, inquit Erasmus, superstitiosior est interim & violentior, nimium in hoc intentus, ut destruat historicum sensum; 
Grinaeus in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ante Origen. in Genes.  quasi locus non sit allegoriae, illo incolumi: In these he was to excessive and immoderate; though in the framing of them he took much pains, and is very happy in many of them. But the truth is, had he followed the Counsel given to jearus: — Medio tutissimus ibis:  
He might have avoided his fate, and not, by singeing his wings, have fallen into such a gulf of errors as he did, through his audaciousness this way. And because he saw that he wanted one principal help to the more accurate finding out of the meaning of the Scriptures, 
Trithem de script. Hieronym. in cate-log.  he (contrary to his age being somewhat old, and also to the custom of his country) fell upon the study of the Hebrew Tongue, the difficulties whereof he easily overcame; 
Hieronym. epist. 25. 〈◊〉 Paulam.  and (to the wonder of Greece) attained unto a competent measure of skill in that language in a few (not to say months, but) days. Being thus furnished he diligently improved his talon, affording the help not only of his frequent lectures to his contemporaries, but also of his learned Commentaries to posterity for the better understanding of the Scriptures; 
Hieronym. Epist. 65. Pamach. & Oceano.  sweeting night and day in the study of the explanation of them.  
Nor is this the meanest flower in the Garland of his praise, that he was the first among the Fathers that undertook a work of this nature; an enterprise of no small difficulty seeing he was to go in an untrodden path, none of those that lived before him, affording him any help or direction herein: Primus (inquit Rhenanus) quasi glaciem scidit, 
In Epist. ante opera Origen.  jux●● proverbium, in enarrandis Scripturis Divinis— divinae rei primus inventor. Homo pen● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (inquit Sixtus Senensis) & qu● primus aggressus est explanationem omnium divinarum Scripturarum, 
Biblioth. l. 4.  nondum ob ingentem earum difficultatem ab aliquo attentatam. Erasmus therefore setting him in the front of all the ancient Commentators both Greek and Latin, 
Ratio verae Theologiae.  adds these words, Origenes, inquit, inter Commentatores sic est primus, ut nemo cu● illo conferri possit. And indeed who among them all can say, that he is not beholding to him? All that followed, took from him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, their hints both of Teaching and Writing, so that they were not a little holpen by him; Basil and Gregory Nazianzen who collected the Philocalia, 
Tarinus in Epist. ante Philocal.  call him omni●● Theologorum cotem & maximum secundum Apostolos Ecclesiarum Magistrum. And as all the Latin Poets followed Ennins, so (saith Ranulphus Cestrensis) all Expositors followed Origen. 
In Polycronic.  jerom highly commends and ascribes much to his Interpretations, though he disliked many of his opinions; 
Epist. 62. & 65.  he styles him the Master of the Churches next after the Apostles (as Basil and Nazianzen did) wishing the envy of his name, 
In praefat. ante li. Heb. nom.  with his knowledge in the Scriptures. 
In prooem. quaest. in Genes.  Hilary and Victorinus so much approved of him, ut ejus tractatus non ut interprete, 
Hieronym. Epist. 65.  sed ut Auctores proprii operis transtu lerunt. Pamphilus the Martyr had his expositions in so high esteem, that with his own hands he copied out (as the greatest part of the Volumes written by him so particularly) five and twenty volumes of his expositions upon the twelve Prophets, 
Hieronym. in cate-log.  which jerom happily light on, kept and embraced, with as much joy, as if he had found the treasures of Croesus. Atque (ut pancis dicam) hortus quidam reverà nobis erat (inquit Gregorius Thaumaturgus) magni illins paradisi Dei similitudinem referens. 
In Orat. panegyrics. ad Origenem.  He beautified his learning with piety, being very eminent in this regard: sanctitate vitae incomparabilis: 
Fascicul. temp.  a true Evangelical Doctor, that practised in his Life, what he Preached with his Lips: there being a notable agreement between his words and his works, prescribing rules with the one, and giving a pattern of them in the other. 
Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 2.  Whence it was said of him, that as he taught so he lived, and as he lived so he taught: a sweet harmony. 
Trithem. de Script.  jejuniis, vigiliis, orationibus & continuis divinarum Scripturarum studiis Deo devotè serviens, intentus fuit. His abstinence and austerity was admirable, he often fasted and watched, always used a spare and mean diet, only for necessity, forbearing altogether the use of flesh and wine; except through infirmity forced thereunto: insomuch, as that having sold the profane Authors (which he had diligently perused) he enjoined the buyer to pay him four half pence a day, 
Euseb. ibid. Erasm. invitâ Origen.  which for the space of many years sufficed him for Meat, Drink, and Apparel. Abstinentiâ corporis vigorem àde ò domuit, ut omninò contabuisse sceletumque factum esse videretur. 
Suidas.  He took his rest (which was but little) not on a soft bed, but on the bare ground; and supposing that our Saviour ought especially to be observed, Mat. 6. 34. &c 10. 10. he would not wear two coats, nor shoes, nor take care or thought for the morrow. Such also was his love to, and zeal for the truth, and constant professors of it, 
Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 2.  that in times of persecution he frequently exposed himself to so great and eminent dangers, as he could not have escaped, had not the divine power in a marvellous manner preserved him; he was sometimes so narrowly watched, and closely pursued by his persecutors, that he could no way pass safely through Alexandria, being forced oftentimes to change his Lodgings, that so he might avoid them; yet would he not forbear to visit those that were imprisoned, yea and accompany such as were condemned, unto the places of execution, boldly embracing, kissing, and saluting them to his no small hazard, so that once the multitude in their rage had stoned him to death, had he not been even miraculously defended from them and preserved.  
It shall suffice concerning his worth every way, to add but a testimony or two more to what hath been already said, 
Lib. 2. annal. ●●ior●m.  Origenes ille (in▪ quit Aventinus) maximus omnium secundum legat●s Christi, veritatis divine assertor, magn● famâ majori gloriâ caelestes literas interpretatus est; & Philosophiam Christianam magnâ auditorum frequentiâ publicè docuit. Cultoribus quoque deorum venerabilis, ad Imperatores Romanos, Caesares Augustos matresque eorum in ●ulam vocatus accessit, ad eosdem literas dedit. Omnibus ejus vita, mores, studium, doctrina, admirationi fuerunt. Vincentius Lyrinensis more largely thus speaks of him. In him, saith he, so many excellent, 
Contra haeres. cap. 2●.  singular, and wondered things are to be found, that at first a Man would easily judge all his assertions were to be assented unto: for if the life give any Authority, his industry, purity, patience, and sufferings were great, if his stock and learning, what more noble? springing from a Family made Illustrious by Martyrdom. Moreover, for Christ was he deprived not only of his Father, but also of all his substance, he proceeded so far in the straits of poverty, that he was oftentimes afflicted for the confession of the name of Christ: such also was the strength of his Wit, profound, sharp, and elegant, that by much and far he excelled well nigh all others; so great was his knowledge and learning that they were but few things in divine, and almost none in humane Philosophy that he throughly attained not unto? What was there so difficult to be persuaded, that by the force of disputation he cleared not up? What so hard to be done, that he made not to seem easy? His speech being so pleasant, delightful and sweet, that to me their seemed to flow from his mouth, not so much words, as honey. But perhaps, his assertions were woven only with knotty arguments? Nay verily, never any of the Masters did use more examples of the divine Law. But (you'll say) I believe he wrote but little; no mortal Man more: so that I have not only not read all his Books, but it seems even impossible to find them all: and lest any thing should be wanting in him requisite unto the attaining of knowledge, fullness of Age also abounded. But perhaps he was not happy in his Scholars? who ever more happy? sith innumerable Doctors, Priests, Confessors, and Martyrs came from his bosom. Besides, who can express how great admiration, glory, and favour, he had amongst all men? Who any way religious did not fly unto him from the utmost parts of the World? Who among Christians did not reverence him as almost a Prophet; among Philosophers, as a Master? How much he was respected, not only by those of a private condition, but also the Empire itself, Histories do declare, that report him to have been sent for by the Mother of Alexander the Emperor, for the worth of his Heavenly Wisdom. His Epistles also testify the same, which in the authority of a Christian Master, he wrote unto Philip, the first among the Roman Emperors that was a Christian, concerning whose incredible knowledge, if any one will not receive the testimony of us Christians reporting it, yet at least let him believe the confession of the Heathen Philosophers affirming it. For that impious Porphyries saith, that he was by the same of him, stirred up, (when almost but a child) to go unto Alexandria, and that there he saw him being now aged; but surely such a one, and so great, as that he had gotten unto the very top of all knowledge. Time would fail me to speak even but a little of the things, which were in that Man, which notwithstanding appertain not only unto the glory of Religion, but the greatness of temptation: for who would not use that sentence, (viz. of Cicero, concerning Plato) that he had rather err with Origen, than be of a right judgement with others? Thus far Vincentius.  
Origen thus every way excellent was withal a wonderfully industrious and laborious Man, 
In Math. 12. 32. & in decret. Nicen. Synod.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: inquit Athanasius, wholly spending his time and improving his vast abilities in the work of the Lord and for the behoof of the Church: and this he did; partly by Preaching: for which employment he was completely furnished, being so familiarly acquainted with, 
Erasm. in vit● Origen.  and ready in the holy Scriptures, which he abundantly made use of, beautifying and adorning therewith (as with so many precious gems) his discourses throughout: Gentium Testimonia ●usquam adhibet, nisi quoties id res ipsa postulat, quum nullum autorum genus non exactè tenuerit: sed totus hujus Sermo (inquit Erasmus) S●crorum Voluminum sententiis undique seu gemmeis emblematibus distinctus est, sed adeò commodé & in loco insertis, ut nihilo seciùs cur●●t oratio: dicas esse non ascita, sed ibi nata; 〈◊〉 aliunde quaesita, sed suâ sponte praesto esse. And this he did the rather, (and I therefore add it because it is a notable testimony, that the Scriptures at that time were read by all sorts of persons, 
Eras●. ibis'.  in the vulgar Tongue, or that in use among them) because in that Age the common people did understand the words of the Scripture, being frequently exercised in the reading of the sacred Volumes. For than even Weavers and Spinsters had those Books at home, which as often as they had leisure, they carefully perused: neither to the understanding of them was their need of any other Language, than that which the illiterate vulgar did make use of: and certainly that reading brought this profit with it, that they sat in the Church more docil or teachable before him that expounded the mysteries of the Scriptures unto them. He had an admirable faculty of speaking ex tempore, as he did many of those Homilies which were thought worthy of the public view, 
Ruffin. in 〈◊〉. ad Chromatium  such were his six and twenty Homilies upon joshua: Oratiuncul●s viginti sex in jesum Nave, quas ex tempare in Ecclesiâ peroravit Adamantius senex ex Graeco Latinè tibi pro virium me●rum parvitate disserui: 
In perorat. Translator. Sixt. Senens. Bibl. lib. 4.  inquit Ruffinus. Also his explanation of the Epistle to the Romans. His sixteen Homilies upon Leviticus, etc. quotidi● & quasi ex tempore Scripturas ad populum ena●rabat. Of which kind of speaking Meri● Casaubon thus reports in his Treatise of Enthusiasm. 
Chap. 4. of Rhetorical Enthusiasm.  For that faculty of the Sophists (saith he) of extemporary speaking upon any subject, it was their common profession, that is most certain: 
Such a one was Boethus cujus facilitas apud Tarsenses maxima videbatur, adeo ut ex tem●ore meo magno, impetu ad— omnem datam materiam 〈◊〉 ret. Strab. Geo-graph. lib. 14.  and it was accordingly performed by many of them, with singular dexterity, to the great amazement of all their Auditors: such was calisthenes the Sophist or Philosopher: The Tarsenses of Asia, are by the Ancients noted, as for their love to Learning in general, so particularly to have excelled in this faculty:— And Quintilian a sober solid Man, makes this a chief end and fruit of long pains and exercises in the Art of Rhetoric, to attain to such a faculty as to be able upon any sudden occasion, to speak pertinently without any premeditation: thus he. Origen was also very zealous and lively in his delivery: 
Erasm. in vitâ Origen.  for he loved the things which he spoke, and of such we use to speak with affection and delight. His Sermons were commonly short, for he would never exceed an hour, lest he should cloy his Auditors, judging it better to preach often than long. In reproving he always remembered Christian moderation; sharp he would be, yet never bitter; but for nothing he would more blame them, then for seldom and slack coming to the hearing of the Word, and for oscitancy when they came, accounting diligence or negligence this way one principal note of proficiency or deficiency in Piety. He observed this method: First, plainly and briefly to expound the History; 
Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.  then would he stir them up to observe the Mystical and Allegorical sense; and lastly, handle some moral places, 
Erasm. in vitâ Origen.  making application of what he had delivered and unfolded.  
Partly also by writing did he improve his abilities; 
Frasm. ibid. Euseb. lib. 6. cap 21.  and dictating unto those that wrote: whereunto of himself he was backward, but set upon it by the inst gation of Ambr●se, (Christianae fidei conf●ssor i●signis, inquit Trithemius, 
De 〈…〉  qui etiam ad off●cium diacon● tus meruit promoveri, 
Vir nobilis & non inelegantis ingenii. Hieronym. in Catalogue.  vir certè doctissimus, & librorum studiosus amator.) who pressed him hereunto above measure, giving him no rest, and exacted from him a continual or daily task.  
His works were innumerable, written by himself, 
Apolog. advers. Ruffin. lib. 2.  and others from his mouth; many whereof jerom saith, he had gotten together and perused: but not all; For who of us, saith he, 
Epist. 65. Pammach.  can read so much as he wrote? Some affirm, as from jerom, that he composed six thousand Volumes; 
Is●dor. Hispal. in Orig. lib. 6. cap. 7.  though yet jerom himself deny it; For, saith he, look over the Catalogue of his Books contained in the third Volume of the life of Pamphilus written by Eusebius, 
Apolog. advers. Ruffin. lib. 2.  and you shall not find the third part of that number; yet did he utter above a thousand Tracts in the Church, 
Hieronym. Epist. 65. Vincent. Lyrineus.  and besides set forth Commentaries innumerable: in a word, no man ever wrote more: for which cause Suidas styles him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or the Composer. jerom in his Epistle unto Paula, the Mother of Eustocbiu●●, (now not extant) reckons up all the Monuments of origen's Wit, comparing him unto that learned, 
Aul. Gell. ●oct. Attic. lib. 3. cap. 10.  Varro, who by that time he had arrived unto the age of eighty four years: (which yet it seems, he exceeded; 
Hist. Nat. lib. 29. c. 4.  for Pliny mentions the eighty and eighth of his age) had written four hundred and ninety Books; of whom Terentianus a Carthaginian Poet thus speaks. 
August. de Civit. dei. lib. 6. cap. 2.  Vir doc●●●●mus undecunque Varro, qui tam multa legit, ut aliquando scribere vacasse miremur; 〈◊〉 multa scripsit, quam multa vix quemquam legere potuisse credamus. Such another was Didymus of Alexandria, surnamed also Chalcenterus, (Nobilis grammaticus, qui julii Caesaris evo floruit) quod indefesso labore libris assideret, 
Mirtus in not. in Hieronym. cate-log.  who is reported to have written above three thousand and five hundred Books, as Meursius, 
In notis in Hesych. de viris illustrib.  and Suidas: four thousand (saith Seneca) but withal handling such trivial things, (quae (inquit) erant ded●scenda, si scires) that it cannot be said of him, 
Epist. 88  as Erasmus of Origen; In origen nihil ineptum aut redundans. 
In censur. Orig. in lib. Job. Treat. of the use of the Fathers: lib. 1. cap. 1.  Briefly, his Works were such and so many, That (saith the learned Daille) had we them all entire, they would perhaps be able to give us more light and satisfaction about the present Controversies in Religion, than all the rest of the Fathers.  
His Works on the Scriptures are by Iero● distinguished into three sorts or classes; 
In Prologue. ante homil. Origen. in Ezech.  (& nullam scripturae partem ille praetermisit, in quâ non scripserit, inquit Erasmus.) the first sort he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; 
In censur. in lib. Origen. Vid. Sixt. Senens. lib. 3. vacationes. p. 167. cent. 3. cap. 10.  ociosa; i. e. brief Annotations upon obscure and difficult places, when he had not leisure to frame a full and just Commentary: The second sort, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or homilies, that he preached unto the people publicly. Homilia est familiaris & domestica divinae Scripturae ad plebem elucidati●; 
Sixt. Senens. biblioth. lib. 3.  cujus seopus est explicare & hortari sen applicare: The third sort, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (which saith Erasmus, he wrote himself) Books or Volumes, 
In vitâ Origen.  majoris disputationis, wherein he disputes at large, spreading the sail of his wit to the full, 
Isido. Hispa. Orig. lib. ●. c. 8.  and launching out into the deep: which title he himself, saith jerom, gave unto his Commentaries. 
Epist. 65. Pam●ach.  To which three, Eusebius adds two other, viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. e. Epistolare, in quo questiones ex divinâ scripturâ, 
sixth Senens●ibl. lib. 4.  amicor●m literis ad se missas, rescriptis explicavit Epistolis. E● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, interpretivum, in quo genere demùm ponendae sunt omnes Scripturae divinae translationes, quas ipse, in Hexaplis, Octaplis, & Palaestinae editionis codicibus complexus est.  
Of these his Labours, but few are now extant, and they in Latin; and of those that are lost, the names of few are remaining at this day: So great were the endeavours of those, 
Erasm. in censur. lib. Origen.  who (because of his errors) sought to suppress his Writings, that they would not suffer so much as the very Titles to remain; wherein they showed more Zeal than Discretion and Wisdom; 
Scultet in Medulla.  for surely, might we have been so happy as to have enjoyed all that he wrote, the errors found in them might the better have been born with, being countervailed, and by much overbalanced by what in them was sound and Orthodox. Of how great esteem his Works were among the Ancients, may be gathered from hence, that divers of them thought it well worth their time and pains to translate much of what he wrote; 
In Apolog. ●. advers. Ruffin.  jerom tells us, that he himself translated seventy Books of his: Ruffian not a few, though not so faithfully; Hilary translated almost forty thousand Verses, Quadraginta fermè millia versuum; of Origen upon job, and the Psalms: and Victorinus many things, non ut interprete, sed ut auctores porprii operis, 
Hieromyn. 〈◊〉 65. & Apolog. 1. adder's. Ruffin. 〈…〉  and the Books of Ambrose, almost all of them are full of the sayings of this man.  
§ 3. Of the almost innumerable number of those that are lost, we find recorded in di●ers Authors these following.  
1. His Collections and Collations of the Translations of the Old Testament: 
Baron. ad an. 231.  a Work of huge bulk, 
Hieronym. in praefat. in Josuam.  collected with great pains, and composed with no less diligence; requiring no small cost to procure, nor less labour to pe●use it. 
Field of the Church. lib. 4. c. 26.  An excellent piece, and of admirable use and advantage; which filled all the ●amous Libraries in those times: highly commended even by Epiphanius himself, no friend to Origen; 
Lib. de Mensur.  Herein (saith he) he did well and profitably; I would he had done others things as well. These were of three sorts.  
1. He compiled that work which he named Tetrapla, or his fourfold interpretation; consisting of the Translations;  
1. Of the Septuagint.  
2. Of Aquila of Pontus; 
Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 16. Epiphan. lib. de mensur. Miraeus. in notis in Catalogue. Hieronym.  who was first a Gentile, than a Christian; but being for his obstinacy in the practice of Astrology, and calculating Nativities, excommunicated, he became a Jewish Proselyte, and was accordingly circumcised, being semi-Iudaeus, semi-Chri●●●nus, 
Buxtorf. Epist. dedicat. ante lex Hebr.  and having learned the Hebrew tongue, he translated the Old Testament into Greek; about the year of Christ 129. which he did, 
Miraeus in auctar. de S●ript. Eccles.  to the end, that as much as in him lay, he might subvert the Prophecies of Christ, for which cause Epip●anius call him judaizantem heraeticum.  
3. Of Theodotion, 
De Script. Eccles.  of Pontus also: Or, as Trithemius, an Ephesian: who being first a Christian; (but then a follower of those arch-heretics, 
Sixt. Senens. bibls. lib. 4.  Tatianus, Martion and Ebion) afterward turned Jew; 
Buxtorf. Ibid.  and having been among them well instructed in the Hebrew Tongue, he also translated the Old Testament into Greek: 
Praefat. in lib. Job.  In the year of Christ 180. whom jerom reckons among the Judaizing Heretics: 
Bellarm. de verb. dei. lib. 2. cap. 5  he was more faithful in his Translation than the former; and therefore did the Churches of Christ always use to read the Prophet Daniel, 
Hieronym. praefat. in Dan.  not according to the Septuagint, but Theodotions Interpretation or Edition.  
4. Of Symmachus: 
Sixt. Senens. bibls. lib. 4.  he was a Samaritan, ranked among their wise men; but not having that honour from them which he expected, he fell to the Jews, 
Bellarm. Ibid.  and was circumcised the second time; Si quidem arte medicâ & certis instrumentis (spatisterem appellant) judaei solebant resectum praeputium iterum super inducere, sive attrahere; & hoc est quod Apostolus ait, 1 Cor. 7. 18. Qui circumcisus vocatus est, non adducat praeputium: vel, ut clariùs sonant verba Graeca, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i.e. non attrabatur. But living ingloriously among these also, he became a Christian, embracing the Heresy of the Ebionites, 
Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 16.  who held that Christ was a mere man, and born of joseph and Mary. He translated the Old Testament into Greek, not word for word, as Aquila had done, but according to the sense thereof: non verbum ex verbo, sed sententias ex sententiis reddidit: about the year of Christ 200. This Translation, 
Buxtorf. ibid.  Origen saith, he found at Caesarea with a certain woman named juliana, which saith, 
Euseb. ibid.  that Symmachus delivered it her to keep.  
2. To the four above named, he added two more, viz. the Hebrew Text in Hebrew Letters ●. 
Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.  And again, the same Text in the Greek Characters, for the help of those that could not read the Hebrew: These Texts with the former four interpretations were set one beside another; each page being divided into six distinct columns for that purpose; for which cause he entitled the work Hexapla, as the former Tetrapla, and the following Octopla, for the like reason; each page having in the one four, as in the other eight columns. Erasmus rather approves of the writing of it without an aspiration, 
In censur. in lib. Origen.  viz. Exapla; ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: to explain; as conceiving it to take the name not from the number of columns, but from the nature of the Work: but were it so, then might the same title have been given as well unto the foregoing and following, as unto this; the Etymology agreeing to them all alike.  
3. To these six he added two more: 
Sixt. Senens. Ibid.  which because he had found without the names of their Authors affixed to them, he called the one Quinta, or the fifth; and the other Sexta, or the sixth; the former whereof he had found in the City of Hiericho; the later at Nicopolis. These two, with the above named six made up his Octopla, or eight fold interpretation: wherein they were disposed or set in this order. 1. The Hebrew Text in the Hebrew Letters. 
Epiphan. de Mensur. Baron. 231. § 8.  2. The Hebrew words in Greek Characters. 
Field of the Church, lib. 4. cap. 26.  3. The Translation of Aquila. 4. That of Symmachus. 5. The Septuagint. 6. The Translation of Theodotion. 7. That Edition called the fifth. 8. That called the sixth. Of which Alsted thus speaks: 
Encyclopaed. Hist.  Octopla (inquit) opus laboriosum & insigne magno Ecclesiae malo amissum, and not much unlike, 
Controu. de Scriptur. cap. 4.  our Learned Whitaker: His labour (saith he) was incredible in gathering together all these Editions: which being all thus brought into one body, proved a most Divine Work, the loss whereof is a great detriment to the Church, and well might Ambrose say of him; Multorum interpretationes diligenti discussit indagine. 
In Psal. 118. Serm. 4.   
4. He also set forth another Translation for daily use; 
Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.  composed of the Septuagint, and that of Theodotion: being a third from them both; 
Dever. Dei. 2. cap. 5.  it a ut nova videretur, inquit Bellarminus: which may be said to be, not so much a Translation, 
Fiel. lib. 4. cap. 26.  as an Emendation of the Septuagint: Wherein he added some things out of Theodotions Translation, 
Baron. adan. 251. § 37.  which he found wanting in the Septuagint: and these additions he noted with an Asterisk or shining Star 
* Masius in Epist. dedicante Josuam.:  but those passages, quae Hebraicè nou erant dicta, which were not to be found in the Hebrew, he pierced through with a Spit or Spear—. 
Epist. August. Numb. 89.  Of which jerom thus speaks: Vbicunque virgulae, i.e. obeli sunt, significatur quòd Septuaginta plus dixerint, quam habetur in Hebraew: ubi autem asterisci, i.e. stellulae praelucentes, ex Theodotionis editione ab Origine additum est. Again: Sed quod majoris est andaciae, 
Praefat. in lib. Paralip.  in editione Septuaginta, Theodotionis editionem miscuit Origines; asteriscis videlicet designans quae minùs fuerant; & virgulis, quae ex superfivo videbantur apposita. Isidore gives us this account of the notes; Asteriscus, inquit, apponitur in iis quae omissa sunt, 
De Origen. lib. 1. cap. 20.  ut illucescant per eam notam quae de esse videntur. Obelus apponitur in verbis vel sententiis superfluè iteratis, five in iis locis ubi lectio aliquâ falsitate notata est. This work he undertook, because the Septuagint had been, 
Baron. ad an. 231. § 36. 37.  through the carelessness of Notaries and Transcribers, not a little corrupted and depraved. 
In Epist. dedicat. ante Josuam.  Cum manum (inquit Masius) Septuaginta interpretationi admovere ausus est Origenes, erat etiam tum perverfissima. 
Hieronym. advers. Ruffin.  And though some have judged it rather a corruption, than a correction of the Septuagint; yet was it indeed a diligent collation of those two interpretations, and a Work very profitable unto all; it being a most accurate restitution of the Septuagint to its purity. Concerning which Emendation Andreas Masius (a man, 
Treat. of the Fathers: lib. 1.  saith Daille, of singular and profound Learning, yet of such candour and integrity, as renders him more admired than his Knowledge doth) thus speaks: 
Epist. dedicat. ante Josuam.  In correcting and conserving that interpretation of the Septuagint, 
Hesychius Aegypti Episcopus Marian. Scholar in Hieronym. Ep●st. Lucianu● Ecclesiae Antiochenae Prebyter Hieronym. in Catalogue.  to their no small praise did Helychius take great pains, Lucianus more, Origen most of all: by whose industry (he saith) he was provoked to deliver unto the age wherein he lived the Septuagint Translation, sound and entire in that one History of josuah, as Adamantius had done the whole throughout. This Edition was afterwards so far approved of, that it quickly filled all Libraries, 
Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.  and was received and made use of in their daily readings, by all the Churches of of Palestine and Syria; 
Hieronym. advers. Ruffin.  so that it was accounted as the vulgar Translation.  
2. He wrote ten Books of Stromes; 
Hieronym. Epist. ad Magnum, Numb. 84.  (in imitation of Clemens his Master, whose Work so entitled, consisteth of eight Books) wherein comparing the Scriptures and Philosophers together, he confirms the Doctrine of Christianity by the sayings of those Heathens: 
Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.  but the two last of these Books were spent in the exposition of the Prophecy of Daniel, and the Epistle to the Galatians.  
3. His Books of the Interpretion of Hebrew names contained in the Scriptures: 
Euseb. lib. 6. 23.  mentioned by the Author of the answers unto certain questions propounded by the Orthodox, 
Respons. 86.  falsely ascribed unto justin Martyr: 
Hieronym. in praefat. in lib. Heb. nom.  which jerom (who herein imitated him) reckons among the excellent Monuments of his Wit, wherein he took pains as a Christian, to supply, what Philo, as a Jew, had omitted.  
4. Of the Resurrection, 
Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 23.  two Books.  
5. Of Prayer. 
Cent. 3. cap. 10.   
6. A Dialogue between him and one Candidus a Defender of the Valentinian Heresy; In whom (saith jerom) I confess I have beheld (as it were) two Andabatae, 
Hieronym. advers. Ruffin.  or blindfolded Champions encountering each other. 
Ad an. 23. § 7.  Of Baronius thus: Non (inquit) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ tantùm pluribus scatebat erroribus, sed & blasphemiis refertissimus dialogus ille erat, quocum Candido haeretico de dogmatibus fusiùs desputavit.  
7. Of Martyrdom, 
Euseb. l. 6. cap. 27.  or a Book of Martyrs: which he dedicated unto Ambrose and Protoctaetus Ministers of C●sarea; for that they both suffered no small affliction, enduring most constantly examination and confession, in the time of Maximinus the Emperor, a cruel persecutor: 
An. 237.  who (out of spite that he bore unto the house of Alexander his Predecessor, which harboured many of the faithful) gave commandment that the Governors only of the Churches, 
In specul. Hist. lib. 11. cap. 11. & Haymo hist. Eccles. lib. 6. cap. 3.  as principal Authors of the Doctrine of our Saviour, should be put to death. Of which Book, saith Vincentius Bellovacensis: scribit tantâ dictrictâ spiritus virtute, ut ejus sententiis tanquam validissimis nervis multos ad martyrium stabiliret.  
8. Above an hundred Epistles, 
Lib. 6. cap. 35.  which being scattered here and there, were collected and comprised by Eusebius in several volumes, to the end they should be no more dispersed.  
9 Five Books against Heretics. 
Trithem. de Script.   
10. An Epitome of the History of Susanna. 
Bellarm. de Script.   
Moreover, he commented upon most of the Books of the Old and New Testament: of which Works of his, besides those now extant, these are recorded in several Authors, viz.  

I. Upon the Old Testament.  
1. A continued explanation of the four first Chapters of Genesis, 
Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.  in thirteen Tomes; but twelve saith Eusebius.  
2. One Book of Annotations upon Exodus; 
Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 23.  also the like upon Leviticus.  
3. One Homily upon the Song of Hannah, 
Sixt. Senens. Ibid.  1 King. 2.  
4. One Homily upon Solomon's judgement between the two Harlots 2 King. 3.  
5. Many Homilies or Tracts upon the Books of job.  
6. A brief exposition, 
Ibid.  or an Enchiridion upon the whole Book of Psalms: also larger explanations thereupon at the request of Ambrose. He was the first (saith Ierom) that commented upon the whole Psalter. Trithemius saith that he wrote one hundred and fifty Tracts upon the Psalms; 
De Script. Eccles.  which equals the number of them.  
7. A Commentary upon the Proverbs of Solomon. 
Sixt. Senens. Ibid.   
8. Explanations upon the Book Ecclesiastes. 
Deverb. dei. lib. 1. cap 4.  Kimedoncius citys a Testimony out of Origen Homil. 1. in Ecclesiasten.  
9 Ten Books of Commentaries upon the Canticles: 
Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 31.  five whereof he wrote at Athens; the other five returning from Caesarea. 
Prologue. in Cantic.  A worthy Work requiring much time, labour and cost to translate, for which cause jerom omitted it, and would not attempt or adventure upon it. In this Work, containing well nigh twenty thousand Verses, he discourseth so magnificently and clearly, 
Ibid.  (saith jerom) that as in the rest he overcame all others, so in this he overcame himself.  
10. Annotations upon the whole Prophecy of Esay: 
Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.  also continued explanations from the first Chapter unto the thirtieth; of which, thirty Tomes came to our hands, saith Eusebius: together with two Books upon the thirtieth Chapter.  
11. A huge number of Homilies upon jeremy, 
Lib. 6. cap. 31.  the most whereof are lost.  
12. Upon the Lamentations nine Tomes: 
Lib. 6. cap. 23.  Of which (saith Eusebius) we have seen five.  
13. Upon Ezekiel twenty and five Tomes, 
Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 31.  the which he wrote being at Athens: 
Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.  besides many Homilies.  
14. Upon the twelve Minor Prophets many Tracts, 
Lib. 6. cap. 35.  Whereof (saith Eusebius) we have found twenty and five in the whole, 
In Catalogue. Pamphilus.  which jerom saith, he found copied out by Pamphilius among these were: one upon Hosea; of which jerom thus: 
In praefat, in Osee.  Origenes parvum de hoc Prophetâ scripsit Libellum, cui hunc titulum imposuit, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i.e. quare in Osee appellatur Ephraim, volens ostendere, quaecunque contra eum dicuntur, ad haereticorum referenda personam, etc.   

II. Upon the New Testament.  
1. Upon Matthew, 
Sixt. Senens. Lib. 4.  one Book containing his Scholia, or brief Annotations upon obscure places: Also, twenty five Homilies upon divers places of the Gospel. 
Descript. Eccles.  Six and twenty, 
Hist. Eccles. lib. 5. cap. 19  saith Trithemius; and Nicephorus speaks of five Books of his upon Matthew.  
2. Upon Luke five Tomes; 
Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.  and many Homilies.  
3. Upon the Epistle to the Galatians five Tomes; 
Ibid.  also one Book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or of choice passages: besides not a few Homllies.  
4. Upon the Epistle to the Ephesians three Volumes or Commentaries; 
Apolog. 1. advers. Ruffin. & in prooem. ant● comment. in Ephes.  of which jerom makes mention in these words. Illud quoque 〈◊〉 praefatione commoneo, ut sciatis Origenem tria ●●lumina in hanc Epistolam conseripsissc; quem & nos ex parte secuti sumus.  
5. Upon the Epistle to the Colossians three books.  
6. Upon the first Epistle of the Thessalonians divers books: 
Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.  for jerom maketh mention of the third volumn upon this Epistle; 
Epist. 152. Alexand. & Minerio.  wherein, saith he, he discourseth with much variety and prudence.  
7. Upon the Epistle to Titus, one book.  
8. Upon the Epistle to the Hebrews many books: 
Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.  all which through the injury of time, and violence of his adversaries, are lost, and now not to be found.  
The books that are extant at this day under his name, are these following;  
1. Seventeen Homilies upon the book of Genesis; which are said to be interpreted by jerom whose name is prefixed to them, but falsely, 
Eras. in lib. Orig. cens.  as Crynaeus supposeth: for indeed it was done by Ruffinus, as appears by the liberty that he takes, to add detract and change what he pleased: which it seems was his manner: 
In epist. ante Hilar.  sed haec non est, inquit Erasmus, libertas interpretis sed licentia potius contaminantis scripta aliena. Again, Ruffino peculiaris est ista temeritas, 
Eras. cens. de comment. in ep. ad Rom.  (viz. ea quae verti●, truncare, augere, immutare, & ex alieno opere suum facere) cujus unicum studium fuisse videtur, omnes illustrium autorum libros, attrectando contaminare. Ha● a●rte vir glorie cupidus, 
Id. in cens. in hom. in Levi.  putavit se reperisse viam, quâ vel invitis omnibus tereretur manibus hominum. Certainly, 
Treat. of the Fath. l. 1. c. 4.  saith the Learned Daille, he hath so filthily mangled and so licentiously confounded the writings of Origen, which he hath translated into Latin; 
See an addition In hom. 15. de verbo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  that you will hardly find a page where he hath not either cut off, or added, or at least altered something. A soul fault in a translator, in whom fidelity, as the chief virtue is required and most commendable. Such is his dealing in this kind, that the Reader is often uncertain whether he read Origen or Ruffian. 
Scultet. in medull. Apol. adver. Ruffin.  Which thing jerom often and tartly taxeth him for: and particularly for his unworthy translation of his book of principles, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Epist. 16. ad Principiam Virginem.  which he calls, and that fitly enough, and not without ●est cause, an infamous interpretation: Let it suffice once for all to have given this hint of the manner of Ruffian in his translation of divers books of Origen. And that this translation of these Homilies upon Genesis is his, appears from what Ruffian himself hath said in his Peroration added unto the Commentary upon the Epistle to the Romans, wherein he professeth that he translated Origen upon Genesis: And probable it is, that the transcribers prefixed Ieroms name as the more gracious and acceptable. Grynaeus hath taken pains for the benefit of the Reader to set down, 
Ante hom. in Gen.  as he hath done before all the rest of the works of Origen in his Edition of them, the several Theological Common places handled in these homilies: adding moreover that by them the diligent Reader will confess, that he hath light upon a rich storehouse of Christian Philosophy, replenished with all kind of Spiritual treasures.  
2. Upon Exodus thirteen Homilies; translated also by Ruffinus; 
Eras. in cens. hom. in Gen.  though for the gaining of the more credit unto them, the name of jerom be here also prefixed as the interpreter of them.  
3. Upon Leviticus sixteen Homilies; eighteen say some: 
Suppl. Berg.  where the same craft is made use of in the alteration of the name of the translator as in the former. 
Eras. n. ib.  By some overbold impostor, 
Grynaeus. ante libr.  these are ascribed unto Cyril of Alexandria, 
Sixt. Senens. l. 4.  under the title of so many books, or a Commentary: whereas it is manifest, they are not Commentaries, but Homilies: for the Author excuseth his brevity to his auditors, by reason of the straits of time; and that he intended not a large exposition of the words, but to touch some few things briefly for their edification: The stile, saith Bellarmine, 
De Script. Eccles.  and similitude of the Doctrines contained in them, show them plainly to be origen's.  
4. Upon Numbers, 
Trithem. de script.  twenty eight Homilies: (some say, but twenty six. 
Grynaeus. & Merlin.  Cent. 3. cap. 10. Sixt. Senens. lib. 4. and Scultetus in Medulâ) which its likely was translated by jerom; 
In perorat. in ad Roman.  because Ruffian speaking of his translation of Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, josuah, and judges, makes no mention of Numbers: and, 
In cens. in libr. Origen.  saith Erasmus out of Gennadius, Ruffian translated all of Origen, except what was done by jerom. Yet that there are some additions of the interpreter in this piece is apparent, saith Grynaeus, 
In loc. Rivet. Cri●. Sac.  in homil. 2. in cap. 2. Yea these Homilies by their phrase seem to be the work of some Latin Author; for in Chap. 12. he expounds the difference between excudere and excidere: which could have no place in a Greek.  
5. Upon josuah, 
Eras in cens. Spuriae sunt, ut quae abundant soloecismis. Perk. in problemat.  twenty and six Homilies; where we have also the name of jerom as the interpreter, instead of Ruffian: as also a Preface pretended to be his; but so frigid and and foolish, that a more certain argument cannot be desired to persuade us, that neither the one, nor other is Ieroms: and Er●smus gives instance in divers particulars.  
6. Upon judges nine Homilies: 
Erasm. ib.  where we have the same mistake of the interpreter; liber inquit Grynaeus satis bonus. Here also the Etymology of rex à regendo, gives cause to suspect, that these came out of the same shop, with those upon Numbers.  
7. Upon the book of the Kings, 
Questionable Riu. Cri. Sac.  or one Homily upon the first and second Chapters of the first of Samuel.  
8. Upon the book of job, 
Sixt. Sen. l. 4.  a large explation, divided into three books; from the beginning of the History unto the middle of the third Chapter. A Learned piece it is; and worth the reading: but both the stile and method show it to be none of origen's, both being far different from his. 
Ans. to jesuits Chall.  Those Commentaries, saith Usher, upon job are wrongly ascribed unto Origen. Also the Author is full of Battologies or repetitions of the same sentence, which certainly is not the manner of Origen. 
Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.  For my part, saith ●rasmus, I suppose him to be a Latinist, and to have written in Latin: 
In censur.  for he speaks of the Greek as not his own Language, 
Coci censur.  and interprets the word Adamantius to signify in Greek, indomabilis, iuflexibilis: and saith he, 
Eras. in cens.  Lucianus, cognominatus est tanquam lucidus. He was one of free speech fit to teach the vulgar, but withal an Arian, as is clear from divers passages; and therefore it cannot be origen's work; for Arius arose many years after him. Besides, he brings in the exposition of Lucianus the Martyr in the third Chapter, who suffered under Maximinus, refutes the Manichees in the seventh and eighth Chapter, and makes mention of the Homousianists; none of which were known till after the time of Origen; 
Locutulei.  The Preface, saith Erasmus, 
Eras. in cens.  or Prologue set before it, is of some prating fellow, that had neither learning nor modesty in him, unless the concealing of his name may be so interpreted: Surely he had little skill in the Latin (yet, saith Possevine, commentarii hi sunt pervetusti & pereruditi viri.) 
In apparent.  The whole being nothing else but mere and miserable stammering. Praefatio, 
In Epist. ante Hilar.  inquit Erasmus, testatur hoc opus ab aliis nonnullis fuisse versum sed neque bonâ fide neque doctè, dum ex benè Graecis, reddunt malè Latina: quum ipse qui haec praefatur, reipsá declaret, se fuisse hominem, qui nec Latinè sciret, nec ingenio aut eruditione valeret; sed qui tanto plus haberet arrogantiae, quanto minùs habebat peritiae. 
Dr. Jam. of the corrupt. of the Fathers.  Yet are these Commentaries made use of as origen's, by the Po●tificians to prove their Doctrines, of the Invocation of Saints, oblations for the dead, abstinence from flesh in Lent and for giving of alms upon funeral days for the salvation of souls. 
Coci Censur.  Erasmus conjectureth the Author to have been one Maximinus a Bishop, 
In ceasur.  whose disputations with Augustine are extant.  
9 Certain Homilies upon three of the Psalms, viz. Five upon the six and thirtieth; two upon the seven and thirtieth, and two upon the eight and thirtieth; in all nine: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sunt optima, inquit Gynaeus, allegoriae frigidae. 
In Censur.  Erasmus is doubtful, whether they be his or no; for they do scarce express his wit and phrase, 
Coci Censur.  but come nearer unto that of Chrysostom: he thinks it was some Latin, that wrote them: which may be guessed from hence, that in explicating divers texts; he tells us how they are in Latin, how in Greek: which was not the manner of the Greeks to do; for they little, or not at all cared for the Latin Tongue. But if Ruffian translated it, he according to his custom, made that his own by defiling it, which was another man's: 
Eras. in cens.  Yet having observed the weakness of the Preface, I can hardly think, saith Erasmus, that Ruffian was so very a Child: who, if not so much by Art, yet certainly by nature was eloquent enough: but if any contend, that Ruffian is sometime foolish this way, I will not much oppose, so it be confessed that the genius of this work, doth not resemble the happiness of Origen. 
De script. Eccles.  Bellarmine gives this hint of them, that some do doubt whether they be his or no: 
In Medulla.  And Scultetus reckons this and the immediately preceding, to have crept in among the works of Origen, 
Dr. Jam. of the corrupt. of the Fathers.  but to belong indeed unto others. Yet from hence also do those of Rome fetch authorities, 
Coci Censur.  as from Origen, for the proof of their tenets concerning purgatory, auricular confession, the virtues of the Cross, that wicked men do eat the body of Christ in the Sacrament, and that the Book of judith is authentic.  
10. Upon the Canticles. 1. 
Cent. 3. c. 10.  Two Homilies; explanationis prioris.  
2. Four Homilies, upon the two first Chapters of the Book; explanatienis posteriovis: or rather a continued imperfect Commentary. 
Erasm. in Censur.  But they are indeed neither origen's nor Ieroms, but a work of some Latin Author, well learned and sufficiently eloquent: for, he quotes the Greeks in his Prologue as Strangers, and interprets some Latin words. Verbum dei, inquit, apud Graecos masculino genere: 
In censur.  ex hoc (inquit Cocus) evidenter perspicitur, non Graecum, sed Latinum fuisse autorem. Erasmus suspects them to be his, who wrote the Books de vocatione gentium, and certain Commentaries upon the Psalms, 
In cens. in lib. Origen.  which go under the name of Ambrose. Merlin on the other side, 
Post. homil. in Cantic.  is very confident that they are origen's, as (saith he) the sagacious Reader will easily perceive; though his reason be weak enough to ground even a conjecture upon: yea himself confesseth that the stile differs from origen's; for which cause some deny it to be his. 
B●●●ioth. San●●. lib. 4.  It is (saith Sixtus Senensis) a pious, learned, and eloquent work; or rather a fragment, in which the two first Chapters are excellently expounded, having in some ancient Copies Ierom's name prefixed to it: who indeed m●●tions four Homilies written by himself upon the Canticles. 
In catalogo.   
Ierom●▪ 〈…〉 of these; 
Epist. Damaso. 〈…〉  〈…〉 tractatus, quos i● morem quotidiani eloquii parvulis abhuc lactentibus composuit, fideliter magis quam ornatè interpretatus sum, gustum tibi sensuum ejus, non cibum offerens. Tu (Damase Papa) animadvertas quanti sint illa estimanda quae magna sunt, quum si● possunt placere quae parva sunt.  
11. Nine Homilies upon divers places of the Prophecy of Esay, especially upon the sixth Chapter, 
Erasm. in censur.  which fragment was by jerom (as himself confesseth) turned into Latin. It wants a Preface, which (because it was Ierom's manner to set a Preface before what he translated) Erasmus supposeth to be taken away by those to whom he wrote, after that the name of Origen became odious or envied at Rome: For very likely it is, that therein he spoke highly in commendation of his Wit, as he doth in his Prologue before the Commentaries upon Ezekiel. Yet notwithstanding the Historical errors (saith Grynaeus) the Doctrines so weak and waterish, 
Ante homil. in Esai.  and the frigid Allegories (indignissamae Origine & Hieronymo) together with the Barbarism of the Translation, do, I think abundantly show, that neither Origen was the Author, nor jerom the Translator of them.  
12. Upon jeremiah fourteen Homilies, 
Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.  whereof jerom was the Translator; which are the only remaining of a huge number upon this Prophecy. These and the following are (saith Grynaeus) origen & Hieronymo dignae.  
13. Upon Ezekiel fourteen Homilies, translated also by jerom, 
Erasm. in censur.  as appears both by his own Testimony (in Hieremiam & Ezekielem Homilias Origenis viginti octo è Graeco in Latinum verti) and also by the Preface which is undoubtedly his, 
In cate-log.  because Ruffian out of it objects a passage against him.  
14. Upon Matthew, 
Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.  his Commentaries: which are to be ranked among his Tomes as the Greek Titles declare; 
Eras. lectori ante hunc commentar.  though some have imprudently divided them into Tracts or Homilies: whereas there is not the least footstep of that kind of writing to be found in them: for his Homilies always end in a Doxology, having sometimes a short Prayer joined therewith. It contains thirty eight Homilies say some; 
Cent. 3. c. 10. Sixt. Senens. Bellarm.  but thirty five say others: 
Grynaeus. & Merlin.  wherein we have an exposition of a great part of this Gospel, viz. from the thirteenth unto the seven and twentyeth Chapter. It is a piece (saith Erasmus) most worthy to be read: 
Lectori Epist. ante comment.  Origen is ardent every where, but no where more, than when he handleth the sayings and doings of Christ, and in my judgement (saith he) no one of the Evangelists doth more fully comprehend the Life and Doctrine of Christ, than Matthew. 
Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.  Yet Ambrose conceiveth our Author to be far meaner in the new Testament, than in the Old. The Translator, in all probability was Ruffian, 
Erasm. ibid. In lib.  as may be gathered (though the Preface be wanting) from the liberty which he takes in translating: It seems (saith GryneuS) to be the writing of some Latin: demptis iis quae vertit Erasmu●: who translated a good part of this work, viz. from the thirteenth Chapter unto the twentyeth verse of the sixteenth Chapter. Docti dubitant, 
Usher. de Brit. Eccles. primord. cap. 7.  an tractatus in Matthaeum tribui debeant Origeni.  
15. Upon Luke thirty and nine Homilies: of which without doubt jerom was the Translator, 
Erasm. in censur.  seeing he professeth so much in his Preface: And because they are not so elaborate, and are sprinkled with some errors that were condemned, 
Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.  he excuseth them as written by Origen when but young (as those upon Matthew when he was old.) 
Casaub. exercitat. 14. §11.  He is no where in his Homilies so short and concise, as in these. Three and thirty of them are a continued exposition of this Gospel, from the beginning thereof unto the midst of the fourth Chapter. The six latter of them are an enarration of divers places scattered here and there. 
In lib.  Est liber optimus (inquit Grynaeus) habet tamen aliquas salebras. 
In fine.  It's an Interpretation (saith Merlin) which those that envied him have profaned with sundry errors so that many think it not to be his, 
Merlin. in praefat.  because of the many errors inserted therein.  
16. Upon john thirty and two Tomes: jerom speaks of thirty and nine, which he durst not undertake to translate for the Bulk of them. 
Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.  They all lay hid, till of late Perionius a Monk of Cassinas' sound nine Tomes of them in an old Greek Copy which he light on in the King of France his Library, and turned into Latin, yet were they in many places maimed and inconsequent. These were afterward by some obscure Grecian, divided into thirty and two Tomes, that they might be the more desired and sell the dearer: by whom Ambrose of Milan, a Monk of Cassina, was deluded, though a Man sagacious enough, and of a quick Wit, who translated and published them in thirty and two Tomes as now they are: which (saith he) in his Postscript, let the Reader know I have done with utmost diligence and fidelity, 
Gryneus: ad calcem commentar.  so that it is not at all changed from what it was as written by the Author.  
17. Certain Homilies upon divers places of the Evangelists: 
Bellarm. de Script.  which without doubt are not all origen's: some of them (saith Erasmus) it's apparent, are not his, 
In censur.  but of some Latin Author, and the rest impudently corrupted by Ruffian. They are ten in number, whereof seven are upon certain places of Matthew: two upon john, viz▪ upon part of the first, and part of the twentyeth Chapters: and one upon the Epiphany without a certain Text. 
Bellarm. de Script.  The fifth upon Matthew, seems to be of some Latin Author; for, saith he, Spiritu● Sanctus is of the Neuter Gender, not of the Masculine, as with us: where he plainly discovers himself to be a Latin. For the eighth (saith Merlin) many think it to be origen's, though it be not fully his stile. 
Ante hanc homil.  The ninth is a mere Cento patched up, the former part thereof with somewhat taken out of origen's thirty fourth tract upon Matthew: 
Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.  the latter part, with two fragments, the one taken out of Gregory's Morals, 
Bellarm. de Script.  chap. 14. and some others later than Origen: 
Nullius est ponderis Holloix: in quaest. 2. devita Dionys. Areopag.  yea the stile of these fragments show that they are none of his. The Homily upon the first of john is apparently none of his, there being mention made of the Manichees and Arians, 
Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.  both which arose long after Origen: and withal the Author saith, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Nec cujus sunt authoris nec quant● antiquitatis facilè sciri potest. Holl●i●. ibid.  apud Graecos sunt Masculini Generis. The Homily upon the twentyeth of john cannot be his, for it is clearly of a Latin stile; And if some be of Latin Authors, 
Bellarm. ibid.  the rest may justly be suspected to be so too: 
Coci censur.  Yet are these cited by those of Rome as origen's, to prove the real presence of Christ in the Eucharist, that Dionysius the Areopagite is the Author of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, and what is the use and benefit of making the sign of the Cross with the fingers.  
18. Commentaries upon the Epistle to the Romans, in ten Books, as we have them divided by Merlin and Grynaeus; though Sixtus Senensis, Trithemius and some others make them fifteen. jerom is supposed to be the interpreter, 
Lib. 4. biblioth. sanct.  though it do appear both from the preface, 
Erasm. in censur.  and especially from the peroration, that Ruffian was the translator of them; who saith that he had contracted the whole work almost one half: how great an injury to deprive the Church of such a treasure? 
In prolog. antelib.  Yet is Salmeron of a contrary judgement upon the same grounds: 
In comment. in Epist.  Ex Epistolâ ad Heraclium, inquit, quae loco prooemii praefigitur libris Origenis in Epist. ad Romanos, 
Paul. disputat. 19  & ex peroration, in quâ se Hieronymus interpretem illorum, non tantùm verbis, sed etiam stylo satis prodit, constat Hieronymum, eos Latinos reddidisse.  
19 Four Books, 
In prologo  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quod vel de principiis vel de potestatibus dici potest, inquit Ruffinus, of principles, or of powers, which he wrote in emulation of one Longinus a Philosopher, well known unto him (as Baronius conceives) who in those times had set forth a Commentary almost of the same argument. 
Ad an. 252. § 3.  This is the Book, the interpretation whereof occasioned so hot a contest between jerom and Ruffian (who both performed that task) wherein especially jerom chargeth him with false dealing, 
Hieronym. in apolog. 2. advers. Ruffin.  for that he added some things, subtracted others, and took liberty to change what he pleased: whereas for his part he desired faithfully to discharge the duty of an interpreter. 
Lib. 1. advers. Ruffin. Epist. Paulino. num. 153.  ay, saith he, simply expressed what I found in the Greek; my care was to change nothing. Again, I leave it to your judgement, what pains I did undergo in translating the Books 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seeing that to change any thing that was in the Greek, would not have been the part vertentis, sed evertentis, of a turner or translator, but of 〈◊〉 overturner; 
Epist. Ocea●o. num. 65.  and to express the same word for word, would not become him that desires to keep the elegancy of speech. My end, saith he, was to discover an Heretic, that I might vindicate the Church from Heresy. And the truth is, 
Hieronym. Epist. 153.  Origen is no where more foully erroneous than in this Book, wherein there is more bad than good, it being full stuffed with gross errors: Toti (inquit Scultetus) scatent erroribus: so that it can hardly be believed how much in that work he betrayed the Christian Faith, 
Baron. ad an. 232. § 3.  which he had received from his Predecessors. And as Plotinus said of the forenamed Longinus, that he was studious of Learning, yet not at all a Philosopher: so may it be truly affirmed of Origen, as touching this Book, that therein he meant to seem a Philosopher rather than a Christian; the truth is, it is most obscure and full of difficulties: Scias (inquit Hieronymus) detestanda tibi in eyes (lib●is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) esse quam plurima, & juxta sermonem Domini inter scorpiones & colubros incedendum. 
Praefat. Ruffin. in lib. Epist. A●itonum. 59  In the close of which Epistle he shows with what caution these Books are to be read, withal making an enumeration of the errors contained in them, 
Concil. tom● 1.  it being intended by jerom as an antidote against them, Binnius calls this piece Multarum Heresium promptuarium. The translation of these Books which we now have (as Grynaeus conceives) is Ruffine's; for in his Marginal Notes we sometimes meet with these words, loquitur Ruffinus.  
20. Eight Books against Celsus the Philosopher, 
Opus elencticum & dogmaticum Haeschel. in Epist. ante libr.  of the Sect of Epicurus, who had most bitterly inveighed against and traduced the Christian Religion. This is the only work of Origen, 
Rhenan. in Epist. ante opera Origen.  upon which the incomparably judicious Erasmus passed not his censure, being prevented by death; the want whereof (as also of his Coronis) is much to be bewailed, considering that by reason of his singular learning, and long exercise in the study of the Ancients, it cannot but be presumed, he would have gone through and performed it in a most excellent manner. Origen undertook this work by the instigation of Ambrose, who was much grieved to see that the Christian Religion should be so reproached. Celsus styled his Book the word of truth, though little were contained in it, 
Origen. contr. Cel. cells. prooem. & sub ●inem.  but what was foolish, weak and false, and unworthy of a prudent man; whose objections and slanders, (as also those of all other both Gentiles and Jews) Origen in his answer (which Baronius calls celeberrimum commentarium) most notably wipes off and refuteth. 
Ad an. 243. § 3. Scultet. in Medulla. Miraeus in Scl●ol. in cate-log. Hieronym.  A piece it is of much use, especially unto the History of those times, which by itself is set forth in Greek and Latin by D●vid Haeschelius, who gives this commendation of it, 
In Epist. dedicat. ante edit. Gr. Lat.  Celso argumentis & rationibus Origenes ita respondit, ut haud sciam an quicquam in hoc genere solidius atque eruditius existet. He set upon this work after that he had arrived unto maturity of age, viz. being then more than sixty years old.  
21. Of the right faith in one God, or three Dialogues against the Marcionists, 
De Script. Eccles.  which are mentioned by Bellarmine as two distinct pieces of Origen, though indeed they be but one and the same. For so the learned Doctor Humphries, 
Humph. in praefat. ante libr. Rivet. crit. sac.  that translated it into Latin out of a Greek Manuscript that he obtained of Frobenius, and set forth anno 1557. (as Perionius had done the year before out of a Greek Copy which he found in the King's Library) entitles it, Of the right Faith in one God, against the three principles of Megethius the Marcionite. These two interpreters made use of two very different Copies; but it is evident, that that which Dr. Humphries followed was the more distinct and full. It is questionable whether this is Origen's or no: 1. Because the Author speaks of Kings and Princes that piously believe: now there were none such in Origen's time. 2. No ancient Author of Note hath recorded this disputation, wherein an Ethnic (viz. Eutropius, a Greek Philosopher) being made the Judge, the Church by Origen should get the victory; for the issue was (as is affirmed) the conversion of Eutropius unto Christianity, 
In argument. operis per Doct. Humphred.  together with many others, who in the close of the disputation, celebrated the praise of Origen with this acclamation; 
Coronis tertii dialogi.  David hath slain the Tyrant Goliath, and Adamantius hath cut the throat of that opinion which fought against God. 3. Besides, it is strange that this should not come to the notice of Eusebius, or in case it did, that he should be silent herein, who so diligently sought out whatsoever might make for the commendation of Origen. The Dialogues against the Marcio●ites (saith Usher) were collected for the most part out of the writings of Maximus, 
Answ. to the jesuits chal.  who lived in the time of the Emperor's Commodus and Severus. 
In catalogo.  Of which Maximus, jerom tells us, Quòd famosam quaestionem insigni volumine ventilavit, Vnde malum, &, Quòd materia à Deo facta sit.  
22. The lamentation of Origen, which he himself wrote with his own hand in the Greek Tongue, when after his fall and denial of his Master Christ Jesus, he wandered to and fro with great grief and torment of conscience, the which jerom translated into Latin: these are the words of Doctor Meredith Han●er, prefixed to this Lamentation, set down in his English Translation and Edition of Eusebius, between the first and second Chapters of the seventh Book; having immediately before given us out of Suidas the story of his fall. As touching his fall, viz. that he should choose rather to offer incense unto Idol, than to have his Body defiled by an Ethiopian: though Epiphanius (who was no friend to our Author) and Suidas also deliver it for a truth; 
Haeres. 69. Ad an. 25●, § 120, etc.  yet doth Baronius upon weighty grounds conceive it to be rather a mere fiction and slander of those that were his enemies, who envying, 
Treat of the Fathers. lib. 2.  endeavoured this way to dark●● the same of Origen: and (saith D●ille) that I may not dissemble, I profess myself much inclined to be of the Cardinal's opinion, who thinks this story to be an arrant fable; and that it was foisted into Epiphanius, or else (as I rather believe) was taken upon trust by himself; for this Father hath showed himself in this as in many other things, a little overcredulous. Now the story itself being questionable, and so sandy a foundation, the superstructure must needs be weak; nor, is the censure of Erasmus without cause, 
G●ynaeus ante lamentum.  that these Lamentations were neither written by Origen, nor translated by jerom, but the figment of some idle and unlearned brain, who studied by this means to cast a blemish upon this excellent wit. It is therefore by Gelasius ranked among the Apocrypha. 
Gratian. distinct. 15. Bellarmin. de Script.   
23. There is another piece, which, because it is inserted in the catalogue of the works of Origen, I thought good not to pass it over altogether unmentioned; it is styled by the name of Philocalia, 
Ibid. In Medulla.  or (as Bellarmine renders it) De amore honesti, of the love of that which is good. Scultetus calls it Quaestiones illustriores, or famous questions; they were collected out of all the works of Origen by those two eminent Fathers Basil and Nazianzen: so that though Origen supplied them with the matter, yet they gave the form to this work, who therefore may as well be entitled to it as he. Hanc non Origenis magis quam Basilii & Gregorii 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 esse dixerim, 
In notis in Philocal.  inquit Tarnius; by whom in his Edition it is divided into twenty and six Chapters, or so many common places, 
Tarnius ante opus.  who gives us this account of it; Delectum hic liber continet quaestionum Scripture it solutionum, ex variis Origenis commentariis, ab illis Divinarum rerum consultissimis Gregorio & Basilio, quem horum alter, Gregorius Theologus 〈◊〉 Theodorum Tyaneum id Temporis Episcopum, i● tabellis misit: In his Letter he thus styles it, Electorum Origenis Libellum.  
§ 4. As touching his stile, it was familiar, plain and free from Rhetorical pomp, 
Sixt. Senens▪ lib. 4.  brief and succinct especially in his Homilies, and Sermons to the people, in whom (saith Merlin) under a choice stream of words flows forth, 
Merlin. in Epist. ante. apolog. Origen.  I know not what secret divinity and breath of life; by which the minds of Men, do easily receive the knowledge of good and evil, his speech being pure and perspicuous: yea and withal very eloquent, which made it so pleasant, delightful, and sweet, that not so much words as honey seemed to drop from his lips: 
Vin●ent. Lyrinens. contra haeres. cap. 23.  nor was it without a certain kind of Majesty, in which regard Ruffian styles him, a magnificent Trumpet: and Pierius a Presbyter of Alexandria was honoured with the Title of Origen Junior, 
In prolog. ante Roman.  as well for the elegancy of his Language, 
Hieronym. in cate-log.  as the multiplicity of his writings. But Erasmus hath spoken so fully of this particular, that it would be superfluous to add any thing more, having once given you an account of what he hath said concerning the phrase of Origen. He had, saith he, 
Erasm. de phras. Origen.  an admirable faculty of speaking ex tempore, and even in obscure matters his speech is very perspicuous; 
Origenis sermo mirè perspicuous. Erasm. in Epist. ante Hila●.  nor is brevity wanting as often as the matter requires it: the sentence runs every where certainly, neither doth he hinder himself with words that do ●●rthen wearisome ears: (Graecis peculiaris est inquit Erasmus) erudita simplicitas, & orati● venusta, 
Ibid.  dilucidaque magis arridet, quam grandis & operosa:) he is no where too lofty, which jerom attributes unto Hilary: nor doth he with borrowed and far fetched Ornaments extend and lengthen out his Books, as sometimes jerom doth: (Origenes vix unquam assurgit, 
De ration. stud. Theolog. lib 4.  inquit Hyperius, sed totus est in docendo, nihil attingens affectuum, nisi quos ipsa move●res, quod est Atticorum:) he studieth not to move laughter in his Auditors with quips and jests, as Tertullian oftentimes, and jerom too much imitated him: but with a certain continual hilarity, he suffers not drowsiness to creep upon his Auditors, nor doth affect the flowers of Rhetoriek, acquaint sentences and Epiphonemaes, as Ambrose and jerom, nor delight to retard and stop the Reader with unusual words, as Tertullian; nor doth he spend away the time in frequent digressions, as is the manner of Augustin in his Treatises to the people, nor is he superstitious in the structure of his speech, shutting up each sentence with short pointed members, and periods, which Gregory is not altogether free from, here you shall never meet with the like cadencies and end wherewith Augustin was delighted.  
§ 5. Of the useful and remarkable passages whereof not a few are to be found in the writings of this eminent Ancient, I shall content myself with the rehearsal of these following.  
1. His Symbol or rule of Faith, the particulars whereof (saith he) are delivered manifestly by the preaching of the Apostles, 
lib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in prooem.  which are these.  
1. Quod unus Deus est, qui omnia creavit, atque composuit, quique ex nullis fecit esse Vniversa, Deus a primâ creaturâ & conditione mundi omnium justarum, Adam, Abel, Seth, Henos, etc. & quòd hic Deus in novissimis diebus, sicut per Prophetas suos ante promiserat, misit Dominum Nostrum jesum Christum primò quidem vocaturum Israel, secundò verò etiam gentes post perfidiam populi Israel. Hic Deus justus & bonus Pater Domini Nostri jesu Christi, legem, & Prophetas, & Evangelia ipse dedit, qui & Apostolorum Deus est, & veteris & novi Testamenti.  
2. Tum Deinde quia Iesus Christus ipse qui venit, ante omnem creaturam natus ex Patre est: Qui cum in omnium conditione Patri ministrasset (per ipsum enim omnia facta sunt) novissimis temporibus se ipsum exinaniens 〈…〉 est: incarnatus est, cum Deus esset. 〈…〉 quod Deus erat. Corpus assumpsit corpori 〈◊〉 simile, eo solo differens, quòd na●um ex V●rgi●e & Spiritu Sancto est. Et quoniam hi● jesus Christus natus & passus est inveritate & non per imaginem, communem hanc mortem ve●è m●rtuus est: verè 〈◊〉 a morte resurrexit, & post Resurrectionem conversatus cum Discipulis s●is, assumptus est.  
3. Tum deinde honore ac dignitate Patri ac Filio sociatum tradiderunt Spiritum Sanctum. In hoc non jam manifestò discernitur, utrum natus aut innatus. Sed inquirenda jam ista pro viribus sunt de sacrâ Scriptura, & sagaci perquisition● in●estiganda. San● quòd iste Spiritus Sanctus unumquemque Sanctorum vel Prophetarum, vel Apostolorum inspiravit; & non ali●● Spiritus in veteribus, alius verò in his qui in adventu Christi inspirati sunt, manifestissimè in Ecclesius praedicatur.  
4. Post haec jam, quòd anima substantiam vitamque habens propriam, cum ex hoc mund● discesserit, & pro suis meritis dispensabit, sieve vitae aeternae, ac beatitudinis haereditate potitura, si hoc ei sua gesta praestiterint; sive igne aetern● ac suppliciis mancipanda, si in hoc eam scelerum culpa detorserit. Sed & quia erit tempus Resurrectionis mortuorum, cum corpus hoc quod in corruption seminatur surget in incorruptione & quod seminatur in ignominiâ, surget in gloriâ.  
2. Of the authority of the Scriptures: we ought, 
Tract. in Math. 23. 17.  (saith he) for the testimony or proof of all the words which we utter in Doctrine or Teaching, to bring forth or allege the sense of Scripture, as confirming the sense or meaning which we expound or give: For as all that Gold which was without the Temple was not sanctified; so every sense (or interpretation) which is without the divine Scripture, though to some it may seem admirable, is not Holy, because it is not contained in the sense of Scripture.  
3. Of the Divinity of the Scriptures, and how they may be known of God: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 4. cap. 1.  thus, If any one with all diligence, and with that reverence which is meet, do consider the sayings of the Prophets, even then when he reads and carefully looks into them, it is certain that having his mind and sense strike or moved by some more Divine inspiration, he shall know and acknowledge, that those words, which he reads, are of God, and not uttered by Man, and of himself he shall perceive that those Books were written not by humane Art, 
Divino Cothurno.  nor mortal eloquence, but in a divine and lofty stile.  
4. Of the fullness of the Scriptures, thus: It becomes us to believe the sacred Scriptures not to have one Apex or Tittle void of the Wisdom of God. 
Homil. 2. in Jerem.  The Prophets receiving of his fullness sung or spoke those things which they took of his fullness. Therefore the sacred Scriptures do breath the fullness of the Spirit: and there is nothing either in the Prophecy, or the Law, or Gospel, or in the Apostle, which descendeth not from the fullness of the Divine Majesty.  
5. Of the great efficacy and utility of the Scriptures, 
Homil. 2. in Joshuah.  thus: Because all Scripture is given by Divine Inspiration and is profitable: (in Scriptures sanctis est vis quaedam, quae legenti etiam fine explanatione sufficit.) we ought to believe it to be so, though we feel not the benefit thereof: As Physicians are wont sometimes to give some meat or drink for the clearing of the sight, yet in taking of it we perceive not any benefit, but afterwards when its virtue reacheth it, it by little and little purgeth the sight; after this manner we ought to believe the holy Scriptures to be profitable unto the Soul; although for the present, our sense or reason reach not, nor attain unto the understanding of it.  
6. That Children ought to be baptised, thus: the Church hath received from the Apostles this tradition to give or administer Baptism even unto Infants, 
In Epist. ad▪ Roman. c. ●. ver. 6. item. in Levit. cap. 12. ver. 13. Homil. ●. item. in Lue, cap 7. Homil. 14.  for they to whom the secrets of divine Mysteries were committed, knew that there is in all the inbred filth of sin, that aught to be washed away by Water and the Spirit.  
7. Of the Sabbath; 
In lib. Numeror. cap. 28.  thus: Let us see how a Christian ought to observe and keep the Sabbath: Upon the Sabbath, none of the businesses of the World ought to be done, if therefore thou cease from all worldly labours, and do no such work, but attend spiritual employments, come to the Assembles, apply thine ear unto the holy Scriptures read, and Sermons; think of heavenly things, be solicitous about the future hope, have before thine eyes the judgement to come, look not unto things visible, and that are present, but unto invisible and that shall be: This is the observation of a Christian Sabbath.  
8. Concerning excommunication, and that it ought to be performed by the Church▪ 
In Josuah. cap. 7.  thus: If any one having been admonished and rebuked for a fault, once, again, and the third time, shall show no amendment; there remains no remedy but cutting off: 
Matth. 5. 20.  For so saith the Lord, If thy right offend thee, cut it off, i. e. If I that seem to thee to be a right hand, and am called a Presbyter, and seem to preach the Word of God, if I shall do any contrary unto Ecclesiastical Discipline, and the Rule of the Gospel so that I give a scandal or offence unto the Church; let the whole Church conspiring with one consent, cut me off, their right hand.  
Again, 
In Josuah. cap. 15.  those whose sins are manifest, we ought to cast off; but where the sin is not evident, we ought not to eject.  
9 Out of those Prophecies or Books of the Scripture, 
〈…〉. lib. 4.  which contains Histories, we may receive benefit not only, or so much from the narration of the things, as from what is figuratively signified by them; seeing that with greatest Wisdom, they are so written and dispensed, that they do agree or suit with either the simple and vulgar among Believers, or with the excellent that are willing and able to search them more throughly.  
10. He reciteth the Canonical Books of the Old Testament, 
Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 24.  as they are now reckoned, viz. twenty and two in number, after the number of the Hebrew Letters; And besides these, saith he, there are Books of the Maccabees. Of the Epistle to the Hebrews, he thus speaks; 
Ibid.  The character of the Epistle to the Hebrews (saith he) setteth not forth the stile of Paul, 
2 Cor. 10. 10.  who confesseth himself to be rude in speech; for the phrase of that Epistle savoureth very much of the Greek Tongue; whosoever he be that hath any judgement or discerning of phrases, will confess the same. I truly for mine own part, that I may speak as I think, do say, that the Doctrine of this Epistle is the Apostles for undoubted; but the phrase and order another man's, who noted the sayings of the Apostle, and contrived such things as he had heard of his Master, into short and compendious notes.  
11. That Christ cometh and goeth, 
In Cant. Homil. 1.  and is not always enjoyed, nor alike present with his people; thus: God is my witness, that I have often times beheld the Bride groom coming unto me, and to be very much with me; who suddenly withdrawing, I could not find what I sought for. I therefore again desire his coming, and sometimes he cometh again; and when he appeareth, and was held in my hands, he again slips away: and being gone, he is again sought for by me: and this he doth often, till I truly hold him fast.  
12. Against the Observations of one's Birthday, 
In Job lib. 3. item in Matth. cap. 14.  as an annual Festival; thus: It is no where recorded in the Scripture that any of the Saints did keep a Festival, or hold a great Feast upon the day of his Birth; only sinners rejoice for such a Nativity, as did Pharaoh and Herod.  
§ 6. But as his worth was great, 
Hieronym. ●p. ad Pammach.  (being great from his infancy) and his excellencies many; (his deeds even from the Cradle deserving, in the judgement of Eusebius, to be recorded and transmitted unto Posterity) so were they equalled by his defects and blemishes; 
Merlin. in Apolog. Origen.  and as for the one he was justly had in high esteem; so did the other no less detract from his reputation; which occasioned that speech so commonly made use of concerning him; that, where he did well, no man did better; and where he did ill, no man did worse. 
Vid. Baron. ad an. 256. § 46.  Cui (inquit Cassiodorus) & illud convenienter aptari potest, quod Virgilius, dum Ennium legeret, à quodam, quid faceret inquifitus, respondit, Aurum ex stercore quaero. Hence it came to pass that divers of the Ancients were so divided in their judgements, and had such hot contests about him: Some vilifying and opposing him, as did Theophilus, Bishop of Alexandria, and Epiphanius, Bishop of Salamis, a City of Cyprus; who speaking of the multitude of Books, which he wrote, cries out: 
Haeres. 64.  O inanis operarie; O empty scribbler! He was also persuaded by Letters, 
Gennad. de Script.  which he received from the said Theophilus (qui scripsit adversum Originem unum & grande volumen, in quo omnia penè ejus dicta, & ipsum pariter damnat, etc.) to summon a Council at Cyprus, wherein by the Bishops of the Island assembled, 
Socrates, lib. 6. cap. 9  it was decreed that none should read the works of Origen: The like was also done shortly after, in a Synod convened by Theophilus himself in his own Province: Upon which divers of origen's followers fled from thence unto Constantinople, imploring the aid of Chrysostom; 
Binnius. Concil. tom. 4.  who admitted them to communicate with him: and this was it that occasioned the great contention between Chrysostom and Epiphanius upon his coming thither; 
Ibid.  so that they parted in great heat. He was also anathematised, together with those that adhered unto him, and held his errors, by the fifth general Council▪ which was held at Constantinople under justinian the Emperor, wherein they style him the abomination of desolation, Malè sanum, impium Deoque repugnantem; and his opinions, deliramenta & insanias; exclaiming thus against them; O dementiam & inscientiam hominis insani & Paganorum disciplinae explicatoris; ment caecutientis, studentisque, Christianorum fidei miscere fabulas, 
In Epist. ad Johan. Hierosolymitan. in Biblioth. Numb. 8.  etc. Epiphanius calls him Dei & Ecclesiae hostem; as also, the Father of Arius and root of other Heresies. He utters many things (saith Photius) blasphemously, and other very absurd, and full of impiety. jerom also is very sharp against him; 
Advers. Vigilant. ep. 75.  (though one that admired his wit and parts) in plerisq, inquit, haereticum non nego: and tells us, that with a sacrilegious Tongue, 
Advers. Ruffin. lib. 2. Epist. 65. Pammach.  he blasphemeth; that his Opinions were venomous, dissonant from the holy Scriptures, and offer violence unto them: professing that he was always an adversary to his Doctrines. Yet withal he thus adds; I am not wont, saith he, to insult over the errors of those whose wit I admire, and if any one shall object or oppose to us his errors; let him hear this freely: that sometime even great Homer himself may nod or slumber; let us not imitate his Vices whose Virtues we cannot follow. 
Caesarii. Dialog 3. inter opera Nazianzen.  Caesarius the brother of Nazianzen, styles him that impious Origen; and his Doctrines pestiferous; yea ●ugae, trifles and toys. And among the later Writters, Beza saith of him, that he was a select instrument of Satan, 
In Rom. 8. 3.  and styles him, Impurissimus ille Scriptor, quem exoptem velex lectorum manibus excu●i, aut summo cum judicio à studiosis tractari.  
On the other side, some did no less magnify and admire him; 
Grynaeus. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Genes.  pleading and apologizing in his behalf, Basil, Chrysostom, Nazianzen and jerom did most highly esteem the Doctrine, Allegories and Tropologies of Origen, extolling him unto heaven with their praises; those that did apologise for him were among other, Pamphilus the Martyr, and Eusehius commonly surnamed Pamphili; for the singular friendship that was between them: by whom were written six Books in defence of Origen (which jerom calls latissimum & elaboratum opus) five whereof were the 〈◊〉 labour of them both, 
In Apolog. 1 advers. Ruffin.  and the sixth of Eusebius alone after the death of Pamphilus: as appears from the word of Eusebius himself, lib. 6. cap. 20. 
Baron. ad an. 256. § 40. Ipse quidem (Pamphilus) proprii operis nihil omnino scripsit (inquit Ruffinus invita Pamphili) exceptis Epistolis. Hieronym. Apolog. 1. advers. Ruffin.  Quae (inquit) de ejus gestis sunt ad cognoscendum necessaria ea ex Apologia quae à nobis Pamphili sancti nostri temporis martyris operâ adjutis elucubrata est (illam enim ego & Pamphilus, quo ora malevolorum obtrectatorum, ●amae Origenis detrahentium obturaremus, mutuis vigiliis accuratè eleboravimus) licet facilè colligere▪ Photius gives us this account here of, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. i. e. Lecti sunt Pamphili martyris & Eusebii pro Origene libri sex, quorum quinque sunt a Pamphilo in carcere, 
Biblioth. num. 118.  praesente etiam Eusebio, elaborati: Sextus verò, postquam jam Martyr ferro privatus vitâ, ad unicè desideratum Deum migrarat, ab Eusebio est absolutus. These were seconded by Ruffian who undertook the same task; setting forth an Apology for Origen; or rather, 
Bellarm. de script. horum tu primum librum vertis sub nomine Martyris, inquit, Hienym. Apolog. 1. advers. Ruffin. Possevin. apparat.  the Apology of Eusebius (for so it's commonly called) by him translated into Latin; unto which he added a Volume of his own, bearing this title; of the adulteration of the Books of Origen; These were followed by some learned men of the latter times, viz. johannes Picus, the noble Earl of Mirandula, and Phoenix of his time; Vir ingenii penè prodigiosi, & in omni artium, scientiarum & linguarum varietate usque ad miraculum exculti. 
Sixt. Senens. lib. 1.  Also; Gilbert Genebrard, a Parisian Divine, and Professor there of the Hebrew Tongue; And jacobus Merlinus, Victurniensis Sacrae Theologiae Professor, who endeavours to vindicate both the holiness of his life, 
Merlin. Apolog. ante opera Origen.  and the soundness of his Doctrine. Moreover, such an equipoise was there in him of good and evil, that with Samson, Solomon, and Trajan (though I conceive the medley is as Monkish as the scruple) he is put into the number of those concerning whom 'tis equally difficult to determine whether they were saved or not. 
Fascicul. temp.  But surely that bold Shaveling went too far beyond his bounds, who in his Book entitled Pratum Spirituale (which is supposed to be written by Abbot john Moschus) reports that a certain brother (doubting whether Nestorius were in an error or no) was, 
Biblioth. Patr. tom. 7. cap. 36. Prati spiritual. Possevin. apparat. & Aloys. Lipoman. in Epist. ad lect. ante libr.  by one appearing unto him for his satisfaction, conducted to Hell, where among other Heretics he saw Origen tormented in those flames: (the Earl of Mirandula is of a contrary judgement.) But the Jesuit Possevine plainly tells us, 
In Apalog. pro Origen.  that whosoever was the Author, many of the relations in that Book deserve but small credit, 
Possevin. apparat. in Sophronio.  being indeed little better than down right lies; among which he gives an instance in this (not unlike that of Origen) that in a Vision Chrysostom should be seen placed in heaven above all the Doctors and Martyrs: But enough of such stuff. However, evident it is, that he was very erroneous, yea, scarce any one of the Ancients, more; whether we respect the multiplicity, or quality of his errors: So that, as the Orthodox that came after him, were much beholding unto him, as of great advantage to them in the interpretation of the Scriptures: 
Contra Socrates hist. lib. 4. cap. 21.  So did the Heretics take from him the hints of many of their foulest Heresies: 
Epist. 61. inter Hieronym. Epist.  for which cause as Epiphanius calls him the fountain and Father of Arius, so did the Error of Pelagius (saith jerom) spring from him; 
〈…〉 ad ●tesiphontem.  Doctrina tu● Origenis ramusculus est: Yea, there is scarce any sect that had not its rise and beginning from him. 
Zonaras. Tom. 2. Libr. advers. Haeres. c. 23.  The grounds whereof (as Vincentius Lyrinensis conceives) were such as these; His abusing the grace of God too insolently his overmuch indulging his own wit, and trusting to himself; his undervalueing the simplicity of the Christian Religion, his presuming himself wiser than others, and his interpreting some Scriptures after a new manner; contemning Ecclesiastical traditions, and the Authority of the Ancients: Epiphanius imputes it unto this, because he would suffer no part of the holy Scriptures to pass, without his interpretation; 
Haeres. 64.  therefore he fell into error.  
Yet do his Apologisers' labour to free him; laying the fault of the errors fathered upon him unto the charge of others; 
De adulter. lib. Orig.  Ruffian pleads in his behalf, that he was abused by Heretics, who adulterated his writings, as they dealt with divers others; 
Sixt. Senes. lib. 4.  that so they might gain credit to their errors, by the names of those famous men, as if they were of the same mind with them; 
Dicet aliquis corruptos esse Origenis libros: nó resisto; quin potius & malo. Vincent. contra hear. c. 23.  he adds withal, that the Epistle of Origen unto certain friends of his in Alexandria intimates so much wherein he complains of wrong done unto him in this kind, while he was yet alive. Merlin mentions two ways more beside this, by which Origen might be made to speak that which he never thought; 
In Apolog.  First, by the unskilfulness of the Scribes, who might easily omit or alter what he uttered and dictated. 2. Through the envy of those, who might think their own lustre Eclipsed by the glory and fame of Origen. 
Hist. Eccles. lib. 6. c. 3.  Ego sanè, inquit Haymo, de eo dixerim, vel quòd haec omnino non scripserit, sed ab haereticis ob praedarum nomen ejus obsuscan. dum malignè conficta sint, & conscripta, & nomine suo praetitulata; vel si scripsit, non statuit ex sententiâ, sed disser●it ex opinion; & fortasse, cum in aliquibus locis scribendo atting● haereticorum errores, calumniatus est, hoc à semetipso dixisse. 
Mirandul. in apolog. pro Orig.  Much to the same purpose speaks the Noble Italian, in his excellent and sinewy Apology in his behalf; wherein he proves that Origen in his younger years delivered many things, as one that rather inquired after, than positively asserted them; as is apparent from divers expressions of his own: e. g. These things, saith he, speaking of the reparation of the Devils, 
Lib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  are said by us with great fear and caution, rather discussing and handling, than for certain and definitively determining them. These and divers other ways do they endeavour to excuse him: wherein yet they do but wash a blackmore: for notwithstanding all that hath been said for him; many soul spots and blemishes do and will stick fast unto him: for we have himself (in a Letter unto Fabian Bishop of Rome) confessing and repenting that he wrote such things; 
Hieroym. epist. 65. Pammach. & Oceano.  imputing it to the unadvisedness of Ambrose, who made that public, which he delivered privately: secretè edita & minimè correcta (inquit supplementum Bergomense) in publicum protulit. Hoc mihi, inquit, praestiterunt amici mei: si tacuero, re●● censear; 
Supple. Bergomens.  & si respondero, inimicus judicabor. Dura utraque conditio; sed à duobus eliga● quod melius est. Severus Sulpitius reports that in his time it was decreed by a Synod held at Alexandria, 
Gennad. de script.  that Origen was by wise men cautiously to be read for the good that was in him; but, by those, who were less capable, to be rejected, because of the evil that was in him: his words are, respuendam esse penitus lectionem, quae plus esset nocitura insipientibus, 
In vit● Martini. l. 3.  quam profutura sapientibus: After which it follows; I do wonder, saith he, that one and the same man could so much differ from himself; ut in eâ parte quâ probatur, neminem post Apostolos habeat aequalem; in eù verò quâ jure reprehenditur, nemo deformiùs doceatur errasse. 
Ibid.  I shall content myself with the brief mention of some of the most notorious errors that have been observed in him, as I find them set down by Os●●ander in his Epitome of the Centuries: and they are these following. 
Cent. 3. lib. 1. cap. 6.   
1. Quòd Filius Dei Patrem non videat: quòd sit creatura; factus, non natus. Quòd Pater sit perfectè bonus, filius verò non absolutè bonus, sed tantùm cum additamento, ut, Pastor bonus. Filium non esse adorandum, neque cum Filio Patrem. Omnia, quae à Salvatore 〈◊〉 juxta historiam referuntur, putatiuè tantùm 〈◊〉 per allegoriam, accipienda esse. Christum pro Diabolorum salute etiam in aere & supernis 〈◊〉 passurum.  
2. Spiritum Sanctum dixit, inferiorem esse 〈◊〉 majorem enim esse fortitudinem filii; quam Spiritus Sancti. 
Epist. 65. Pammach.  Of whom he spoke so meanly, that saith Jerome, his opinions of the Son were bad, but those of the holy Ghost, were worse.  
3. Mundos esse innumerabiles, non quidem simul, sed ita, ut semper mundi unius finis fit initium alterius mundi.  
4. Mundum per angelos ita gubernare, ut alii promptè, alii inviti mundum regant; & propter Angelorum negligentiam & peccata (quòd res terrenas non rectè administrent) sterilitates incidere.  
5. Diabolos, 
Cent. 3. l. 10  sicut & impios, adhuc salvandos; & post longa supplicia, angelis bonis denuò associandos esse.  
6. Animas hominum fuisse ante corpora, & egisse aliquid; ideoque crassis corporibus aligatas; & animas postquam salutem consecutae fuerint, non ampliùs futuras animas. Most of these, jerom mentions together thus. Origenem, inqnit, in plerisq, haereticum non nego: Erravit de resurrectione corporis, 
Epist. adver. Vigilant. num. 75.  erravit de animarum sta●●, de diaboli poenitentiâ, &, quoth his majus est, Filium Dei & Spiritum Sanctum, in commentariis Esaiae, Seraphim esse testatus est.  
7. Providentiam Dei non demitt●re se 〈◊〉 omnes creaturas, & inferiora mundi: sed tantùm in coelorum regionibns commorari.  
8. Homini, etiam post lapsum talem perfectionom concedit, qualem Adam habuit ante lapsum. Liberum itaque arhitrium, etiam in spiritualibus, homini tribuit.  
9 Hominem operibus justificari credidit.  
10. Purgatorium post hanc vitam esse opinotus est. Graviora delicta semel tantùm per p●nitentiam condonari putavit.  
11. Baptismum post resurrectionem necessarium futurum.  
12. Nuptiis seeundis parùm aequus fuit.  
13. Sensit etiam, animas post mortem in coelum ascendere: & nunc proficere, nunc ad inferiora delabi: ita ut per innumerabiles ruinas anima saepe moriatur.  
14. Resurrectionem corporum nostrorum s●c futuram, ut eadem membra non habeant: imò in alterâ vitâ fore nos sine corporibus; aut certè corpora nostra id futurum, quod nunc est aether, aut coelum, aut si quod est aliud & syncerius corpus.  
15. Post resurrectionem Angelos, diabolos & animas omnium hominum, etiam gentilium, fore unius conditionis: deinde alium subsecuturum mundum, in quo animae de coelo delabentes ali●s corporibus vestiantur.  
16. Denique sacras literas intempestivis & immodicis al●egoriis multò magis obscuravit, quam explicuit; & aliis scriptoribus ecclesiasticis occasionem dedit, ut & ipsi sacram Scripturam per ineptas allegorias depravarent. Origenis audacia (inquit Chamierus) in affectandis allegoriis semper fuit suspecta, 
Tom. 3. l 24. c. 10.  nec longè distans à temeri ●ate.  
To these many more might be added, which if the Reader desire to acquaint himself withal; let him peruse the Epistles of jerom ad Avitum, ad Pammachium & Occanum, together with his Apologies against Ruffian: Epiphanius his Panarium. Haeres: 64. and in his Epistle ad johannem Hierosolymitanum; the Centurists in Cent. 3. cap. 10. Dan●us in his Commentary upon the 43. Chapter of Augustin de haeresibus; and Nicelas Choniates in his treasury of the Orthodox faith. Lib. 4. Haeres. 31. who there thus speaks of him; that for natural and moral philosophy he was a Doctor acceptable unto all; but for matters Dogmatical or of Faith, & of Theological speculation, he showed himself the most absurd of all that went before or followed after him. Which also those frequent passages of jerom, 
Epist. Pammach. n. 65.  do show; where he saith; I commended him as an interpreter, but not as a Dogmatist: Again; I call Origen ours for his learning and wit, not for the truth of his opinions and Doctrine. Lastly, 
Apolog. adv. Ruffin. l. 2. Epist. ad Theop. n. 62.  as I ever attributed unto Origen the Interpretation and idioms or proprieties of Scripture; So I most constantly took from him truth in his opinions. For this cause also having at his request sent unto Avitus, his Translation of origen's books 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: 
Ep. ad Avita. num. 59  in the close of his Epistle he prescribes this as an antidote against the errors therein contained: Whosoever, saith he, will read these books, and go toward the land of promise with his feet shod, lest he be bitten of Serpents, and smitten with the forked wound of the Scorpion; let him read this book or Epistle wherein are declared the dangerous passages contained in those books, that so he may know before he begin his journey, what things he must shun & avoid. Hence Beza gives this censure of him; certainly, 
Epist. 28.  saith he, this writer is every way so impure whether he wrote so himself, or whether his writings were afterward depraved, that in matters controversial, he deserves no authority in the Church. Yet notwithstanding in the judgement of some, the good that was in him, exceeded the evil; so that although he were guilty of the errors imputed unto him, yet being a man of so much learning, he deserves to be pitied; whose faults, 
Hist. Eccles. lib. 6. c. 3.  saith Haymo, if there be any in his books, may be overcome by the Celestial splendour of those things, which are faithfully written by him: 
In Medulla.  And, saith Scultetus, this age might well bear the precipitate publication of his works by Ambrose, or the malevolent depravation of them, if withal, they had all come to our hands.  
Many of his errors began first to be entertained by the Monks and Disciplinarians in Egypt, 
Epiphan. haeres. 64. Dan●us. in Aug. de haeres. c. 43.  from whose Cells being vented they spread abroad, and were embraced and maintained by very many: unto whom (as a Sect or swarm of Heretics, deriving their errors from Origen) was given the name of Origenists or Adamantians; who continued long, even unto the time of Gregory the great; for he testifieth that some of them were remaining in his days. 
Ad an. 256. § 47.  Adversus Origenistas (inquit Baronius) longa admodum & periculosa fuit Ecclesiae concertatio.  
§ 7. Now as touching the last scene of his life, his going off the Theatre of this world; I find no large mention made of it. That his sufferings for Christ were neither few nor small, (though he suffered not martyrdom) is abundantly testified; So that in the judgement of Merline, 
In Apolog.  as also of Mirandula, he came but little short of it, 
In Apolog.  and deserves the palm: 
In vitâ Cypriani.  semper Deo (inquit Pontius Diaconus) mancipata devotio, dicatis hominibus pro martyrio deputatur. 
Hist. Eccles▪ l. 6. c. 13.  And, saith Haymo, voluntate Martyr fuit: though he laid not down his life, yet he lost not the Honour of Martyrdom: For they were many and sore things which he did undergo, even in his old age, (besides what in former time had betided him) at what time the persecution against the Church raged under the Emperor Decius: whereof Eusebius makes report in these words: (drawing toward the close of Origen, 
Lib. 6. c. 38.  about which the most part of the sixth book is spent) what things they were, saith he, and how great, which happened to Origen in that persecution, and how he died; the spiteful Devil pursuing him with his whole troop; striving against him with all might and every kind of sleight that possibly could be invented; and especially against him above all the rest which then were persecuted to death; and what and how great things he sustained for the Doctrine of Christ; imprisonments and torments of body; scourging at Iron stakes, stench of close prison; and how for the space of many days, his feet lay stretched four paces asunder in the stocks; and how that constantly he endured the threats of fire and all that the enemy could terrify him with; and what end he made after the judge had wrought by all means possible to save his life; and what speeches he uttered very profitable for such as need consolation; sundry of his Epistles truly; faithfully and curiously penned, do declare. He lived the space of sixty nine years: 
Euseb. hist. l. 7. c. 1. Hieronym. in Catalogue. 〈◊〉. 3. c. 10.  of which (reckoning from the time that he was by Demetrius made Catechist in the School of Alexandria) he spent above fifty most laboriously, in teaching and writing; in the affairs and care of the Church, in refuting Heresies, and in the exercise of Piety, and many notable virtues. But notwithstanding all his labours and worth, his age and end (as well as the former part of his life) were accompanied with poverty; so small recompense and reward had he from men, who haply could be well contented freely to afford him their praises, but kept fast their purses; 
Horace.  sic, virtus laudatur & alget. And for this, rich Ambrose above all other deserves most blame, 
Eras. in vitâ Origen.  that at his death was not more mindful of his old and indigent friend Origen. Hence it came to pass, that he ended his days in a mean and miserable condition (miserabiliter, 
Hist. l. 5 c. 33 Euseb. l. 7. cap. 1. Baron. ad an. 256.  inquit Nicephorus, infoelix obiit) dying in the famous City of Tyre, where also he was buried in the reign of the Emperors Gallus and Volusian, and in the year of Christ. 256.    

Cyprianus.  
§ 1. CYprianus, 
Epist. 69. Pamel. in vitâ  called also Thascius, was born at Carthage, one of the chief Cities of Africa, he was very rich, 
Nazianz. orat. 29.  and of great note and power there, being one of the Senatorian Order, and among them held the first or chief place: his breeding was liberal and ingenuous from his tender years, 
Pontius in vitâ.  being trained up in, and seasoned with the knowledge of the Arts wherein his proficiency was such, that (among the rest) he became an excellent Rhetorician, 
Lactant. de institut. lib. 5. cap. 1.  and publicly professed and taught that art at Carhage, being had in very great esteem among them; but all this while an Ethnic, without the knowledge of Christ, yea, a most bitter persecutor of the Christians, withal à Magician, 
Nazianz. ibid. Epist. 2. § 1. edit. Goula●t.  and skilled in those curious arts, though this last be very improbable in the judgement both of Baronius and Pamelius.  
How long he continued in this condition is uncertain, yet that he was well stricken in years before converted unto Christianity, may be conjectured, 1. Partly from his own words: for (while being a Gentile, he thought of receiving the Christian Faith) he conflicted with such reasonings as these; he conceived it a hard and difficult thing (as sometime did Nicodemus) for a man to be born again, that he should by the washing of water put off what he was before, and have his mind changed: How (saith he) can such a conversion be possible, that so suddenly that should be put off which was genuine and natural, and through length of time and old age had taken such deep rooting? 
Ad an. 25●. § 7.  Hence it appears (saith Baronius) that he was senescens, near unto and upon the verge of old age when he was about to give up his name to Christ. 2. Partly also from the time that he sat Bishop of Carthage, which is generally conceived to be about the space of ten years, 
Pamel. in vitâ.  and not above; for he was chosen unto the office about the year 249, and suffered martyrdom, an. 259. Now both Baronius and Pamelius, as also before them, Pontius his Deacon and companion in his exile, who wrote the story of his life, do all affirm, that he was made Bishop shortly after his conversion, and while but Neophytus & Novellus, a Novice in Christianity, and newly come to the Faith.  
The instruments by whom he was converted, 
Pontius in vitâ Cypr.  was one Caecilius a Presbyter, who partly by his pious conversation (which was very exemplary, he being a just man, and in honour, as well as age, a true Presbyter) and partly by his persuasions (upon which his eloquence did set such an edge, 
Cent. 3. cap. 10.  that they were of great force and pierced deeply) prevailed with him, 
Baron. ad an. 250. § 6.  and brought him unto the knowledge and profession of Christianity. It seems the special portion of Scripture that wrought upon him, was the prophecy of jonab, 
In Jonan cap. 3.  which haply Caecilius was unfolding and preaching upon at that time; for so much jerom intimates, where he saith, Blessed Cyprian having been before an assertour of Idolatry, at length hearing the Sermon of jonab, was converted and brought unto repentance. It is not unlikely that he had been before prepared and somewhat inclined unto the Christian Religion, by reading the Books of Christians, and particularly of Tertullian his Countryman, unto whom he was much addicted, and greatly admired him; for had it not been so, 
Ad an. 250. §. 11.  Baronius seeth not how (unless you will ascribe it to a miracle) he could in so short a time attain unto such a height of knowledge both in Doctrine and Discipline, as should furnish him for so high a function in the Church.  
His love and affection unto his Caeeilius ever after was so great, 
Pontius in vitâ.  that he respected and and reverenced him not as a friend and equal only, but as a spiritual Father, and one by whom he had received a new life, which he gave clear testimony of unto the world, by prefixing his name unto his own: so that unto this day he is called and commonly known by the name of Caecilius Cyprianus, as did Eusebius in after times annex the name of Pamphylus unto his own, 
Post non multum temporis electus in Presbyterum etiam Episcopus Carthagi●iensis con●titutus est. Hieronym. in cate-log. Pontius in vitâ.  for the love that he bore unto that Martyr.  
But a very little time did intervene between his conversion and advancement unto the chief Dignity in the Church; so great was his growth in the faith, that in a short space he attained unto such maturity as few perhaps do arrive at. Herein he was singular, there having been scarce the like example before, which Pontius speaks of as a thing almost incredible: Nemo (inquit) metit, statim ut s●vit: Nemo vindemiam de novellis scrobibus expressit: Nemo adhuc unquam de noviter plant●tis arbusculis matura poma quaesivit: In illo omnia incredibilia occurrerunt. Praevenit, si potest dici, (res enim fidem non capit) praevenit, inquam, tritura sementem, vindemia palmit●m, 
Ad an. 250  poma radicem. Baronius sets down the story of his addition unto the Church, and ascending unto the Episcopal Chair, as the occurrents of the same year.  
Unto this Dignity of sitting at the Helm, 
Baron. ad an. 250. § 1.  in the first and principal of the African Churches was he elected by the unanimous consent of the whole Clergy and people, none contradicting, but the unhappy Presbyter Felieissimus, with a few of his Associates, the seat being being vacant by the decease of Donatus, 
Cent 3. cap. 10.  Agrippinus or some other; for 'tis uncertain who was his immediate predecessor.  
Being called unto, 
Pamel. in vitâ.  and having undertaken so weighty a charge, as a careful Pastor he bestirs himself accordingly: and in the first place, and while as yet the peace of the Church lasted, he applied himself with all his might to restore the Discipline delivered by the Lord (whereof he was a great lover and advancer, and which long tranquillity had corrupted) unto its ancient purity.  
But this continued not long; 
Baron. ad an. 25●▪. § 30.  for a very sore porsecution ensued very shortly after under the Emperor Decius, which mightily wasted the Church of Christ: the violence whereof reaching as far as Carthage, Cyprian felt amongst the rest, 
In vitâ Cypr.  attaining not long after he was made Bishop (as Pamelius gathers from the words of Pontius, who saith it sell out, statim, eftsoon after) the Glory of Proscription, unto which was added (that not satisfying the people) their violent clamour often repeated in the Theatre, requiring him to be cast unto the Lions.  
To avoid the violence of this storm, 
Pontius in vitâ.  he withdrew not so much out of fear, 
Baron. ad an. 253. § 30. Pamel. in vitâ.  as for divers other weighty reasons: as  
1. In obedience to God, whose providences spoke out no less than his command what he should do, 
Epist. 10. § 4.  as he himself speaks: You shall (saith he in an Epistle to the Clergy) hear all things, when the Lord shall bring me back again unto you, who commanded me to withdraw. Of which Pontius gives us a larger account: 
In vitâ Cypr.  'Twas fear indeed (saith he) moved him so to do, but it was that just fear lest he should offend God, that fear which would rather obey God than be so crowned; for his heart being in all things devoted unto God, and his faith subject unto divine admonitions, he believes that if he had not obeyed the Lord, requiring him then to hide, he should have sinned in his very suffering.  
2. Lest by his presence he should stir up envy of the people, 
Pamel. in vitâ.  who could less away with him than any other of the Presbyters; 
Cypr Epist. 15. § 1. & Epist. 6. § 1. & Epist. 36.  and so the sedition already begun among them, should grow unto a greater height.  
3. The Church could not have been deprived of him but to her exceeding great detriment, 
Pontius in vitâ.  especially at that time, there being none so able to afford that comfort, encouragement, direction, correction and restoring, which multitudes in the Church did then stand in need of: Well, well, therefore, (saith Pontius) and truly by divine providence, it came to pass that a man so necessary in many regards, should be delayed the consummation of Martyrdom. Yet it seems that some were unsatisfied with, and calumniated this his action, 
Pamel. in vitâ.  which he therefore took occasion to clear and vindicate in divers of his Epistles; 
Baron. ad an. 253. § 32.  whereby he gave satisfaction unto the Clergy of Rome, who took it well, and judged what he did to be warrantable.  
During the time of this his secession (which was about the space of two years) he was not wanting (though absent in body, 
Pamel. in vitâ.  yet very vigilant as present in spirit) by his admonitions, and otherwise to provide for and promote the welfare of the Brethren as much as he could, constituting divers Presbyters to execute his office in his room. But that which did occasion no small grief unto him, was the schism and disorders that happened in the Church, 
Baron. ad an. 254. § 39 Pamel in vitâ.  whereof his former adversary Felicissimus was the principal author, with whom joined five other Presbyters, who granted rashly and promiscuously peace and communion to the Lapsi, or such as through fear had fallen in that time of persecution. 
Euseb. lib. 6. c. 42.  These were set on and abetted by Novatus a Presbyter of Carthage (from whom afterward sprung Donatus and his Sect) with whom sided Fortunatus, 
Baron. ad an. 255. § 10, 11.  set up by his party as a Mock-Bishop in opposition unto Cyprian, who yet were of a contrary opinion to the former; 
H●nce Cyprian calls Novatus interfector poenitentiae.  denying all hope of peace to the Lapsi: but though they were opposite in judgement unto each other, yet did they all at length conspire together, and made up one faction against Cyprian; who had given order, that as the Lapsi should not be altogether excluded▪ so neither should they be admitted unto communion, but upon their repentance and satisfaction given unto the Church.  
This Felicissimus with his complices proceeded so far, 
Baron. ad an. 254. § 35.  as that of those who adhered unto him (who in number increased daily) he constituted a Church of his own, which he congregated in a certain Mountain; from whence the name of the Montenses took its Original, 
Ibid. § 38.  given afterward unto the party of the Donatists, who in imitation of these, lived in the Mountains. 
Ibid. § 39  But though Felicissi●us were the first in the Schism, yet was he the less famous; 
August. de haeres. cap. & Danaeus in comment.  for his name growing more obscure, Novatus gave the title unto the whole Sect, who from him were called Novations; as also Cathari or pure; because they refused to communicate with the Lapsi, 
Pamel. in vitâ.  though repenting, accounting them unclean.  
These Schismatics growing unto this height, the careful Cyprian, though in exile, is very solicitous how to suppress them; and to prevent further mischie●s, that hereupon might ensue: 
Baron. ad an. 254. § 35.  He falls upon the last remedy, writing unto Caldonius and Herculanu● his Colleagues, 
Pamel. in vitâ.  as also unto Rogatian and Numidicus, Compresbyters, that they excommunicate Felicissimus and his followers, 
Epist. 38.  which accordingly they performed, 
Epist. Cypr. 39  as appears by their Letters unto the Clergy of Carthage. After two years he returned from his banishment, 
Pamel. in vitâ.  Decius that cruel Persecutor being slain by the Gotbs', and so peace restored unto the Church. Immediately after his return he useth his utmost endeavours to close up the rent that had been made in the Church during his absence; for which end he convenes a Synod, wherein after due debate, this moderate temperament was agreed upon concerning the Lapsi; that the causes and necessities of their fall being examined, the Libellatici (who were such as by their friends did offer or give in their Libels unto the Magistrate, wherein they did deny Christ, but withal desire that they might not be compelled to sacrifice) as the less Delinquents should be admitted unto communion upon their repentance; 
Go●lat. in notis in Cypr. Epist. 52. n. 39  but the Sacrificati (who were such, 
Angelocrat▪ Epit. Concil.  as to preserve their Estates, or being by others persuaded thereunto, did offer unto the Idols) should have a longer time of repentance set and assigned unto them; 
Gesner. Hist. Concil.  and in case infirmity urged, they should receive peace, or be reconciled at the time of their death. In which Decree Cornelius Bishop of Rome agreed with them, 
Pamel. in vitâ.  a little after calling a Council at Rome, 
Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 42.  which consisted of sixty Bishops, so many Presbyters, 
Gesner. Hist. Concil.  and many Deacons, wherein the business of the Lapsi was throughly scanned, and Novotian (set up as Bishop of Rome by his party against Cornelius) together with Novatus and Felicissimus, were excommunicated; the sum of which decree was this, that Novatus together with such as consented unto his opinion, which was repugnant unto brotherly love, should be banished the Church, and that the Brethren, fallen through infirmity in the troublesome time of persecution, should be received, after that the salve of repentance and confession had been applied unto the Maladies. 
Baron. ad an. 256. § 34.  By these Schisms was the Church much vexed for sometime, and Cyprian loaded with calumnies by the Authors and Maintainers of them; which he bare and overcame with invincible courage and patience. Many Councils were celebrated at Carthage, 
Pamel. in vitâ.  and in other Provinces, both of the Eastern and Western Churches, for the suppressing of them. What afterward became of these Schismatics is not found; 
Baron. ad an. 255. § 28.  but persecution being renewed, seems for the present to have put an end unto these Controversies.  
After this arose the question about the rebaptisation of Heretics returning again unto the Church: 
Baron. ad an. 258.  which had been in use in the African Churches, 
Pamel. in vitâ Cypr.  in the time of Agrippinus, the Predecessor of Cyprian, and before him in the time of Tertullian. 
Baron. ad an. 258. § 11. 12.  This was occasioned by the practice of the Novatians, who were wont to baptise again, as unclean, such as they had drawn from the Church unto their faction; which provoked divers African Bishops to emulation, among whom Cyprian was the chief. 
Ibid. § 27. 42.  Three Councils were by him called about this thing, in the last whereof were assembled at Carthage, 
Bin. d● Concil. tom. 1.  out of Africa, Numidia and Mauritania, eighty and seven Bishops; by whom it was concluded, that such as had been by Heretics baptised, were upon their return unto the Church to be admitted again, by rebaptisation: and that, because there is but one Baptism, which is no where to be found, but in the true Church. The sentence of Cyprian is in the last place set down in these words. 
Binnius ibid.  My sentence (or judgement herein) (saith he) the Epistle written unto our Colleague jubaianus hath most fully expressed, viz. that according to the Evangelical and Apostolical contestation, the Adversaries of Christ, and called Antichrists, when they come unto the Church, are to be baptised with the only Baptism of the Church; that they may be made friends of foes, and of Antichrists Christians. Which Opinion was rejected by Stephen Bishop of Rome, 
Baron. ad an. 258. § 42.  and the Council by him there assembled. Yet did many of the Eastern Bishops, and of Egypt, as well as of Africa consent with Cyprian in this his opinion; 
Ibid. 49.  which having for a while, to their utmost defended, 
Daille of the Fathers, lib. 2.  they at last relinquished it, subscribing to Stephen, and the rest of the Church of Rome; 
Baron. ad an. 259. § 1. 3. 4.  and that Cyprian did so among the rest is very probable, of which more hereafter.  
Shortly after followed another grievous persecution under the Emperor Valerian and Galienus, 
Ibid. § 6.  which lasted three years and an half; 
Baron. ad an. 260. § 33.  and extending very far, Africa as well as other Provinces felt the violence thereof; 
Pamel. in vitâ.  where the first that was aimed at and vexed, 
Plin. Hist. nat. lib. 5. cap. 3.  was Cyprian, who by Paternus the Proconsul was banished unto Curubis (or Curobis, as Ptolemy) a Town environed with the Lybian Ocean, 
In Geograph. lib. 4.  almost in the manner of an Island, standing on the Promontory of Mercury, 
Baron. ad an. 260▪ § 39  over against Sicily, distant from Carthage about fifty miles. In this place, of a pleasant situation, 
Pontius In in vitâ Cypr.  was he fitted with a convenient lodging, and visited by many of the brethren: Continuing here the most part of a year, 
Pamel. in vitâ.  he was not idle, as his Letters, not a few, written from hence do testify; wherein he ceased not to exhort those, unto whom he wrote, to constancy in suffering, even unto the laying down of their lives for Christ; in which employment let us a while leave him, till we shall come to speak of his Matyrdom.  
§ 2. He was a man of excellent natural parts (the elaborate piece of Nature, 
In orat. in laudem Cypr. ingenio faceto, copioso, suavi & aperto. Lactant. lib. 5. cap. 1.  saith Nazianzen, the Flower of Youth) and these to the utmost improved by Education and industry; so that he attained unto a great height of secular Learning in all kinds, before his conversion. For besides his exactness in the art of Rhetoric, (whereof he was public Professor in the famous City of Carthage, 
Pamel. in vitâ.  and he so far excelled, that he went beyond other men in Eloquence, 
Nazianz. in orat. in laud. Cypr.  as much as we exceed the brute Creatures) he was accurately skilled in all other Arts; One (saith Nazianzen) that had gotten unto the top of Learning, 
Ibid.  not only of Philosophy, but other Sciences, in every kind, take him where you will: so that, in variety of knowledge, and in absolute insight into the Arts, yea, in every regard, he excelled all others. To which was added, his through knowledge in the Tongues, viz. the Greek and Latin, (the two learned Languages) wherein he was most skilful. 
Possevin. in apparat.  The most Eloquent Preacher, Danie● Tossanus, 
In Rhetoric. Eccles. lib. 2. cap. 3. § 9  did persuade both myself (saith Keckerman) and other candidates of the Ministry, that among all the Fathers, we would in the next place after the holy Scriptures, and most diligently, read Cyprian: and certainly I know not what spirit of Eloquence breathes upon us, when we have read this Author. These things did afterward prove of great advantage unto him, as did unto the Jews the Gold and Silver whereof they spoilt the Egyptians; 'Tis Augustine's allusion, 
De doct. Christ. lib. 2. cap. 40.  whose words for their weight and worth do deserve perusal, which I shall here insert. As the Egyptians (saith he) had Gold and Silver, and Raiment, which the people of Israel departing out of Egypt, did clancularly challenge for a better use, not by their own Authority, but by the command of God; the Egyptians ignorantly lending them those things, which they used not well: So the Doctrines of the Gentiles do contain the Liberal Arts, very useful to the Truth, and some most profitable moral precepts; as also some Truth's concerning the worship of that one God; Which Gold and Silver, as it were, of theirs (that they themselves instituted not, but did dig out certain Mines of the Divine Providence, extending itself every where, and which they perversely and injuriously abused to the worshipping of Devils) 〈◊〉 Christian, when he departs from them, and in heart separates himself from their miserable society, aught to take or bring away for the just use of preaching the Gospel; and what else did many of our good and faithful men? Do we not see with how great a burden of Gold, Silver and Raiment, the Most sweet Doctor and blessed Matyr, Cyprian departed out of Egypt? So also did Victorinus, Optatus, Hilarius, and innumerable of the Greeks, etc. thus he: And not much unlike is that passage of jerom (〈◊〉 alluding unto those words of Moses, 
Epist. 84.  Deut, 21. 10, &c). who being demanded by Magnus a Roman Orator, Cur in opusculis suis saecularium literarum interdum poneret exempla & caudorem Ecclesiae ethnicorum sordibus pollueret? responsum, (inquit) breviter habeto: Quis nesciat & in Moyse & in Prophetarum voluminibus quaedam assumpta de gentilium libris? 
Tit. 1. 12.  Sed & Paulus Apostolus P●etarum Epimenidis, 
1 Cor. 1●. 33. act. 17. ●8.  Menandri, & Arati versiculis abusus est. Quid ergò mirum, si & ego sapientiam saecularem propter eloquii venustatem & membrorum pulchritudinem, de aneillâ & captiuâ Israelitidem facere cupio? & si quicquid in eâ mortuum est idololatriae, voluptatis, erroris, libidinum, vel praecido vel rado; & mixtos purissimo corpori vernaculo, ex eâ genero Domino Sabaoth? labour meus in familiam Christi profecit.  
But the most splendid Jewels, that were his principal Ornaments, Christianity only furnished him withal; which made him exceeding amiable in the eyes both of God and Men▪ so that nothing was more illustrious or famous in the whole world: 
In notis in Nazianz. orat▪ 42.  (saith Billi●s quoting the words of jerom) accounted by the Church as a Star of the greatest Manitude: Non solùm malos Catholicos (inquit Augustinus) nullo modo comparamus, 
De baptis●. contr● Do ratist. lib. 6. cap. 2.  sed nec bonos facilè coaequamus beato Cypriano, quem inter r●ros & & paucos excellentissimae gratiae viros numer●● pia mater Ecclesia. 
In orat. in laud Cyprian.  He was (saith Nazianzen) sometime (viz. before his conversion) the singular honour of Carthage; but now, viz. since his becoming a Christian, of the whole world. His natural disposition was very sweet and lovely; but being polished by Religion, it became much more so: 
Pontius in vitâ Cypr.  in whom was to be found such an equal composition of gravity and cheerfulness, severity and mildness, that it might be doubtful whether he deserved to be more feared or loved, but that indeed he equally deserved both.  
His knowledge in the Mysteries of the Gospel was such, that for it he was renowned every where, his writings that were dispersed f●r and near, did spread his fame and made him of great note not only in the African and Western, 
Augustin. contr. dnas Epist. Pelagianor. lib. 4. cap. 8.  but also in the Churches of the East. In comparison of whom the great Augustin doth so far undervalue himself, that (saith he) I am very much▪ 
Contrà Crescon. prammatic. lib.  yea incomparably inferior unto the desert of Cyprian. And he was not only a shining, but also a burning light, 
Pontius in vitâ.  so exemplary in his conversation, that the Rays of Grace and Holiness streaming forth therein, did even confound the minds of the beholders. 
In praefat. ante opera Cypriani  Talis ubique Sermonis habitus et (inquit Erasmus) ut loqui sentias verè Christianum Episcopum, ac Martyrio destinatum. Pectus ardet Evangelicâ pietate, & pectori respondet oratio: loquitur diserta, sed magis fortia quam diserta: neque tam loquitur fortia, quam vivit. Insomuch that in the sentence pronounced upon him, 
Pontius in vit● ejus.  he is styled the Standard-bearer of his Sect, and enemy of the gods qui futurus esset ipse documento, & cujus sa●guine inciperet Disciplina sanciri▪ Among the rest, those graces, whose lustre and brightness, the place he held, the employments he managed, and the condition of the times that he lived in, did more especially discover, were such as these.  
1. His humility, that sweet grace, peculiar to Christianity, this added a beauty unto all the rest, 
De baptism. contr. Donatist. lib. 2.  tanto erat excelientior, quanto humilior, inquit Augustinus; who was so much the higher in the account of others, by how much the lower he was in his own. Being to deliberate about weighty affairs, his manner was to decree nothing without his colleagues, neither would he pertinaciously love and adhere unto his own apprehensions, 
Cent. 3 c. 10. Scultet. in Medulla.  but rather embrace what was by others profitably and wholesomely suggested.  
2. His Charity and compassion to those in want and durance: 
Pontius in vitâ ejus.  for immediately upon his conversion he parted with what he had, and gave it for the relief of the Poor. He was (as job speaks of himself) eyes to the blind, and feet to the lame; 
Job 29. 15, 16, 17.  a Father unto the Put, and the cause which he knew not, he searched out; he broke the jaws of the Wicked, and plucked the spoil out of his Teeth. And when many had been taken Captives by the barbarous Goths, 
Pamel. in vitâ ejus & in notis in Epist. 60.  or Scythians, he sent an hundred thousand Sestertia from the Church, for the redeeming of them: so himself speaks: misimus (inquit) Sestertia centum millia nummû●, quae isthic in Ecclesiâ, 
Epist. 60. § 4.  cui de Domini indulgentiâ praesumus, Cleri & plebis apud nos consistentia collatione collecta sunt. The sum being so vast, Pamelius conjectures it ought to be only Sestertia centum, 
In notis. num. 5.  and that millia nummûm, added for explications sake, 
See Brerewood de pretiis vet. nummorum.  is from the Margin crept into the Text: or else, he thinks it should be thus read: Sestertium centum millia nummûm. Yea while he was in exile, he not only wrote, but also sent relief unto those poor Christians who were condemned unto the Mines. 
Pamel. in vitâ ejus. Cypr. Ep. 77.  He manifested also this Grace in his Indulgence to forgive and receive those offenders, who repenting returned unto the Church: 
Epist. 55. § 18.  Hear his own words— Remitto omnia, inquit, multa dissimulo, study & voto colligendae fraternitatis, etiam quae in Deum commissa sunt, non pleno judicio Religionis examino, delictis plusquam oportet remittendo penè ipse delinquo: amplector promp●â & plenâ dilectione cum paenitentiâ revertentes, peccatum suum satisfactione humili & simplici const●entes.  
3. His patience in bearing injuries and wrongs: whereof he gave an ample testimony in his behaviour toward those who opposed him, 
Pontius in vitâ ejus.  when he was chosen Bishop; Oh how patiently did he bear with them, and with what a deal of clemency did he forgive them; reckoning them among his friends to the admiration of many.  
4. His equanimity and peaceableness; being a very great lover and maintainer of unity among Brethren, which he was studious to preserve and hold, even with those that dissented from him: 
August. contrà Donatist. lib. 1. & contrà Crescqu. lib. 2.  as appears in the grand difference between him and Stephen Bishop of Rome, and others about the rebaptisation of Heretics: for, as himself did not break Communion by separating from them, so neither did he cease to persuade others also, that they should bear with one another in love, 
Epist. 76. § 12.  endeavouring to keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace: his words that he used in the Council of Carthage, speaks out this sweet temper of his Spirit. Super est (inquit) Collegae dilectissimi, ut de hac ipsâ re quid singuli sentiamus, proferamus, neminem judicantes, 
〈◊〉. Concil. Tom. 1.  aut à jure Communionis, aliquem, si diversum senserit, amoventes.  
To these many more might be added, as his contempt of riches, 
Nazianz in Orat. in Laud. Cypr.  keeping under of his body, purity of Life, diametrically opposite to the lusts of his former conversation, gravity joined with humanity, equi-distant both, from arrogancy and baseness: fidelity, prudence, industry, watchings and the like, which more at large are commemorated and recorded by Pontius and Nazianzen, in all which regards he was very eminent: 
Lyrinens. contr. haeres. cap. 10.  Hence Vincentius styles him, illud Sanctorum omnium & Episcoporum & Martyrum lumen, beatissimum Cyprianum: 
In praefat. ante opera Cypr.  He may be instead of many (saith Erasmus) whether you respect eloquence or Doctrine, or the dignity of a Pastor, or a breast every where breathing forth the vigour of an Apostolical Spirit, or the glory of Martyrdom. Whose writings (saith Scultetus) have in them so happy a genius, 
In medull.  that, although they were interwoven with divers errors, yet they found some Doctors of the Church, not only admirers of the more sound Doctrine, but candid Interpreters even of the errors contained in them. How transcendent a Man he was in the judgement of the great Augustin is evident, and may be collected from the Titles he gives him, wherein the Epithets which for the most part he makes use of, such as are Doctor Suavissimus, lucidissimus, pacis amantissimus, excellentissimae gratiae, also Martyr beatissimus, fortissimus, gloriosissimus, etc. 
Contrà Crescon. lib. 2. cap. 32.  A Man (saith he) whose praise I cannot reach, to whose many Letters I compare not my writings, whose Wit I love, with whose mouth I am delighted, whose Charity I admire, and whose Martyrdom I reverence. Add hereto the Encomium of Prudentius, whose words are: 
— Tenet ille Regna coeli, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉   
Nec minùs involitat terris, nec ab hoc recedit orbe;  
Disserit, eloquitur, tractat, docet, instruit, prophetat.  
Nec Lybiae populos tantum regit exitusque in ortum.  
Solis, & usque obitum, Gallos' fovet, imbuit Britanuos,  
Praesidet Hesperiae, Christum serit ultimis Hiberis.   
Let me shut up all with the words of Pontius: 
In vitâ Cypr.  I pass by (saith he) many other and great things, which the Volume, lest it swell too big, suffers me not more largely to relate, of which let it suffice to have said this only, that if the Gentiles might have heard them at their Bars, they would perhaps forthwith have believed and become Christians.  
§ 3. The monuments of this excellent and choice spirit were many, 
Hieronym. in cattle.  Sole clariora, lively representing as in a glass his great worth, and wherein though dead, he yet liveth and speaketh: 
Strigel. cited in criseis Melancthon.  Of which Augustin had so venerable an esteem, that he accounted all his own works not equal unto one of Cyprian's Epistles: And jerom giving directions unto the noble Widow Laeta for the pious education of her Daughter Paula, recommends the works of Cyprian to her continual perusal: Cypriani (inquit) opuscula semper in manu teneat. 
Ad Laetam Epist. 7. Bucholcer Chronolog.  Cujus singula prope verba spirant Martyrium. They are but fragments as it were, that remain, and the loss of what is wanting is much bewailed by Erasmus.  
Of those many that are lost, I find but few mentioned in any Authors: so that it seems, not only the Books themselves, but even their very Names and Titles are exstinct with them. 
In passione Cyprian. apud Pamel.  Paulus Diaconus reckoneth among the innumerable Volumes (as he hath it) which he wrote, a very profitable Chronicle compiled by him: Also that he discoursed most excellently upon the Evangelists and other Books of the Scripture. But how little credit this report deserves, will appear from the words of jerom (a Man as well as most acquainted with the writings of those that went before him) who tells us, 
Epist. ad Paulinum. n. 13.  that he never commented upon the sacred Scriptures, 
Marian Victor. in Scholar Erasm. in praefat. ante opera Cyprian.  being wholly taken up with the exercise of virtue (totus in exereitatione, alias, exhortatione virtutum) and occupied or hindered by the straits of persecution: Unless his three books of testimonies unto Quirinus (which are as it were common places out of the Scriptures) might be looked on by him as Commentaries, 
Pamel. in vitâ ejus.  wherein indeed he briefly glosseth upon and giveth some light unto many Texts, though this were not the thing that he intended in those Tables.  
Among the works of Cyprian that remain unto this day, his excellent Epistles are deservedly ranked in the first place; 
In Orat. de lect patr ante loc. common.  as having a notable vein of piety running through them; (Epistolae Cypriani, inquit Chemnitius, referunt pectus ardens Pietate, ita ut lectorem accendere possint) and wherein is discovered abundance of that prudence, candour, meekness, modesty, gravity, and holy severity, wherewith his rare spirit was so much adorned. These are the most genuine births of our Author, though yet they have not continued altogether untouched, nor have escaped the injury of those, whose fingers have been itching to tamper with and corrupt them, 
Rivet. Crit. Sac. For they have been bold to add not only sundry Epistles, but have blotted and blurred divers of them, which were most evidently written by that blessed Martyr, Dr. James, of the mysteries of the Indic●● Expurgat.  for the support of their tottering cause, which truth will never patronise.  
There are at this day eighty three of them in number, 
Cent. 3. c. 10.  whereof some few were from others unto himself, the rest written by him unto the Bishops, Presbyters, and Churches or Brethren. They are by Pamelius digested and cast into this order, two were written shortly after his Baptism, 
Index ante opera Cypr. edit. Goulart.  thirty and eight in his first Exile, which lasted the space of two years; eighteen during the time wherein Cornelius and Lucius sat Bishops of Rome; eight miscellany Epistles, written in the times of the peace of the Church; ten in the time of Stephen Bishop of Rome, concerning the Rebaptisation of Heretics; and seven in his last secession a little before his Martyrdom. The same Author hath taken good pains in his more exact Chronological account of the particular years, wherein these Epistles (as also his other Treatises) were written, 
Pamel. praefat. ad lectorem.  which affords not a little light for the better understanding of them: for he had found them to have such a mutual dependence one upon another, that many of them without the help of others could not well be understood. This Chronology is prefixed by Pamelius in his Edition of these Epistles, together with the rest of Cyprian's works, in whose diligence in his emendations and annotations (which contain many Ecclesiastical Antiquities for the illustration of them) deserveth commendation; Yet in this was he unhappy, that being a sworn Vassal of the Romish Synagogue, he strains his Wit and skill, 
goulart. in Epist. ante opera Cypria.  to reconcile (which cannot be) the opinions and judgement of Cyprian and other Ancients, with Pontifician Traditions and the Anathematisms of the Tridentine Conventicle: which filth cast upon the famous Cyprian and Orthodox antiquity, Simon Goulart hath with good success endeavoured to wipe off in his Learned notes, 
Coci censur.  as an antidote subjoined unto those of Pamelius: by which means this Edition comes to be more exact than any that were before it, 
Bilson' s difference.  though there were divers. 
In Epist. ante opera Cypr.  Of which Pamelius a Louvain Divine, the said Goulart gives this approbation, that he was an ingenious Man, of much reading, most diligent, of very accurate and quick expression, and one that had merited much of those studious in Theology in his Edition of Cyprian: if contenting himself to have pointed at the various readings, he had, either not touched, or more sincerely explicated, those Antiquities.  
As touching these Epistles, 
In medals Pat●um.  I shall refer the Reader for the Analysis and contents of them unto Scultetus, who hath taken laudable pains in surveying the works of our Author, together with divers other of the Ancients. It shall suffice me to reflect upon them in a more general way, and what is remarkable in them; and to hint somewhat that may be of use in reference unto them: And herein I shall observe that order wherein they are ranked and set down by Pamelius.  
The second Epistle contains a flourishing and eloquent Narration of his conversion and Baptism, savouring much for its quaintness, of the Rhetoric Schools from whence he was newly come. 
Cent. 3. c. 10. In annotatiuncul.  The phrase of this Epistle (saith Erasmus) is more neat and florid, then that of the rest, retaining still the scent of Scholastical eloquence. 
Erasm. in praefat. ante opera Cypr.  In Secundâ Epistolâ nonnihil lusit apparatu pompâque Sermonis; unde & Augustinus, (Lib. 4. cap. 14. de Doctr. Christian) comptae, jucundae splendidaeque dictionis depromit exemplum. 
De Script. Eccles.  It is entitled by Trithemius, 
Chronic. ad an. 263.  lib. de gratiâ Dei. And by Antoninus, De Gratiâ & abundantiâ malitiae saeculi. But this accurate Eloquence of his gotten with so much sweat, 
Baron. ad an. 250. § 11.  and augmented with continual exercise, and for which he was famous every where, he laid aside as of little profit and necessity, preferring before it Christian simplicity. Yet, that in this Epistle he wrote in so high a strain, I suppose it therefore so fell out (saith Augustine) or rather was advisedly done, 
De doct. Christ. lib. 4. cap. 14.  that posterity might know, what a tongue the soundness of Christian Doctrine had recalled from such redundance or superfluity, and restrained to a more grave and modest eloquence: such as in his following writings is securely loved, religiously desired, but most difficulty performed. Wherefore this holy Man did show, that he could so speak, because some where he spoke so; but withal that he would not, because he afterward no where doth so. 
In praefat. ante opera Cypr.  Nihil (inquit Erasmus) reperies in Cypriaeno, quod ad ostentationem inge●● videri possit ascitum, aut quod ullo pacto vafrieiem sapiat.  
In the twelfth Epistle, 
Ad plebem.  ad plebem, wherein he desires them to wait for his return, that we (saith he) and our fellow Bishops being assembled together, may examine the Letters and desires of the blessed Martyrs, according to the Doctrine of our Lord, and in the presence of the Confessors, & secundum vestr●● quoque sententiam, and according as you shall think convenient. Those last words are maliciously left out; because (saith Daille) they would not have us to know, 
Treatise of the Fathers.  that the faithful people had ever any thing to do with, or had any vote in the affairs of the Church.  
In the thirty first Epistle, there remained for a long time a foul fault uncorrected, 
Cypriano Papae, Presbyteri & Diaconi Romae consistentes, salutem.  by which the place was so depraved, that no perfect sense could be made of it: which was at length happily amended by the dexterity of that Phoenix of her Sex for Learning, 
M. S. the Life of Sir Thomas Moor.  Margaret the Daughter of Sir Thomas Moor: one unto whom Erasmus wrote many Epistles and dedicated his Commentaries on certain Hymns of Prudentius, calling her the flower of all the Learned Matrons of England. She was of a quick and sharp Wit, and composed in Greek and Latin both Verse and Prose; and that most eloquently, to the admiration of those that perused her writings. This Gentlewoman reading this Epistle, and being come to the place corrupted, (which was this; Absit enim ab Ecclesiâ Romanâ vigorem suum tam profanâ facilitate dimittere, & NISI VOS severitatis eversâ fidei Majestate dissolvere) presently without help of other example or instruction, quoth she, those words Nisi Vos, must be, Nervos: and so the sentence by that word is made plain and perspicuous. 
In annotat. num. 15.  With this emendation is this Epistle set forth in the Edition of Pamelius, who making honourable mention of the Author thereof, 
In Scholar in Vincent. Lyrinens.  reports it from Costerus, that tells us he had it from Doctor Clement a Learned Physician, one familiarly acquainted with Sir Thomas his Family, as having married Mrs. Margaret Gage another rare proficient in that famous Female Academy. Rhenanus styles it a very notable Epistle; 
In annotat. in lib. Tert. de 〈◊〉  Habemus (inquit) de Disciplinâ Romanae Ecclesiae valdè insignem Epistolam Presbyterorum & Diaconorum urbis Romae.  
In the general there are three things especially observable in the Epistles of our Author.  
1. There are to be found in them divers evident footsteps of the ancient Discipline of the Churches of Christ. As concerning Officers and the manner of electing them: of the power of those Officers, and how it was made use of by them; of the excommunication of offenders, and the restoring of them unto Communion again, upon their repentance and satisfaction given unto the Church: of the care that ought to be had of the poor, imprisoned, etc. of which see Epist. 6. 11, 12, 13 31, 34, 37, 52, 54, 64▪ 65.  
2. Many notable cases propounded unto, and resolved by him; particularly, these following among the rest.  
1. Whether Novatian the Schismatic could or might baptise or no? 
Ad Magnum Epist. 76.  he denies that he could (though herein he erred) which he endeavours to maintain and make good by divers arguments: but the good Bishop (as Goulart observes in his notes) undertook a bad cause, in defending whereof he discovered much weakness, though withal no less modesty, in the close of his discourse.  
2. Whether a Stage-Player, persevering in the exercise of that unseemly Art, 
Ad Eucratium Epist. 62.  aught to communicate? To which his answer is in the Negative, that he ought not. Puto, inquit, nec Majestati Divinae, nec Evangelicae Discipline congruere, ut pudor & honour Ecclesiae tam turpi & infami contagione foedetur, which place (saith Goulart) meets with those who admit unto the Communion without distinction, 
In Notis.  such as are impious and impure.  
3. Whether those who had been baptised by Heretics, upon their return unto the Catholic Church, ought again to be baptised? His answer is Affirmative, (wherein joined with him many other Bishops) and as the ground of it, he labours to prove the Baptism of Heretics to be a nullity; wherein he doth humanum aliquid pati. And this is the chief subject of divers Epistles, viz. from the seventieth unto the seventy seventh, among which in the seventy sixth Epistle, the first Quaere, viz. that about the Baptism of Novatian, is answered.  
4. Whether the Clinici (i. e. those who were baptised upon their sick Beds) are to be accounted legitimate or rightful Christians, 
Epist. 76.  because they are not washed, but only sprinkled with baptismal water? Unto which his answer is affirmative: Nos, inquit, aestimamus in nullo mutilari & debilitari posse beneficia divina, nec minus aliquid illic posse contingere, ubi plenâ & totâ fide & dantis & sumenlis accipitur, quod de divinis muneribus hauritur, etc. This by Pamelius is made to be the latter part of the seventy sixth Epistle, and not an entire one by itself: 
In annotat▪ ante opera Cyprian.  and so thinks Erasmus of it also, though in some Editions it be disjoined from it: It's plain, saith Erasmus, from the first words, that it is no entire Epistle; for who would begin an Epistle after this manner, Quaesisti etiam: yet in his Edition are these made two distinct Epistles, viz. one the sixth of the first Book: the other the seventh of the fourth.  
5. Whether Fortunatianus (sometime a Bishop) who had sacrificed unto Idols, 
Epist. 64.  might challenge or take unto himself his office again? He answers negatively, rendering divers reasons why he so judgeth.  
3. Many excellent and pressing exhortations un●o constancy in suffering for the name of Christ; as also sundry choice documents and directions for Holiness and Christian Conversation; for which work he was so completely furnished, that Pontius would conclude from thence, his flight in the time of persecution, and reservation from Martyrdom for a while, to be from the special providence of God, because of the need the Church then had of him: For, saith he, who should teach the Lapsi Repentance, 
In vitâ Cyprian.  Heretics Truth, Schismatics Unity, the Sons of God peace and the Law of Evangelical Prayer? Who should comfort Christians tenderly affected with their losses, or rather those of little faith, with the hope of future things? Whence should we so learn mercy or patience? Who should raise up so many Martyrs with divine exhortations? Well then it happened, that a man so many ways so necessary, should be for a while respited from Martyrdom. 
In vitâ ejus.  He was therefore, saith Pamelius, saved by the Lord, that being destined unto Martyrdom afterward, he might by his exhortations send before many Martyrs unto the Lord, who, had they wanted the incentive of this celestial Trumpet, might else have fallen from the faith. Hear the words of the Presbyters and Deacons at Rome, 
Epist. 31▪  to this purpose, say they in an Epistle unto him, Maximas tibi atque uberes gratias referre debtmus & reddimus, quòd— victores 〈◊〉 viribus tui sermonis animasti, ut quanquam h●e totum de fide confitentium & de divinâ indulgentiâ venire videatur, tamen in martyrio 〈◊〉 tibi ex aliquo debitores facti esse videantur. Of this kind among the rest are Epist. 6. 8, 9 16. wherein in an eloquent and plainly divine stile, 
Pamel. in argument.  he confirmeth the confessors: also Epist. 25. 56. 77. & 81. In Epistolâ 77. (inquit Baronius) elucet mirificè Christiani nominis excellentiâ quae eo gloriosior redditur, atque praeclarior, quo magis fuerit afflictata molestiis, ac rebus fatigata contrariis, praestat eas literas audire, utpote novissimos cygnaeos viri sanctissimi cantus, qui mirificum quendam reddunt flagrantis spiritus cum suavitate concentum.  
For his other works, Pamelius conceives, that in the last recited words of Pontius, 
In praefat. in Tom. 2.  is hinted the order in which they were written; for who can think, saith he, that merely by accident, and not rather purposely and with mature deliberation, he should observe such an order in his words, which he therefore observes in his Edition, and so shall I in the recital of them. His Treatises than are these following.  
1. Of the discipline and habit of Virgins, entitled by Erasmus, 
Epist. ad Demetriad. n. 8. de Script. Pamel. in vitâ.  only De habitu Virginum: and by jerom and Trithemius, de virginitate. It was written by him while he was yet a Presbyter, or at least shortly after he was made Bishop, viz. in the first year: of which Rhenanus thus speaks, Cyprianus scripsit de habitu Virginum, 
In argument. lib. Tertull. de patient. Epist.  nitidior aliquanto f●ciliorque hoc nostro authore, viz. Tertulliano. jerom styles it an egregious Volume, wherein he exhorts Virgins to a conversation suitable to their profession, to contemn the world, and to shun the abuses and corruptions of it, which in a lofty strain he stirs them up unto: for so Augustin, 
De doct. Christ. lib. 4. cap 21. Erasm. in Margin.  ad virginitatem magno accendit eloquio Cyprianus: In this Tract, (as in others also) he much imitates his Master, as he calls him, Tertullian upon the like subject.  
2. De Lapsis. 
Pamel. in praefat. ante tom. 2.  1. Of such as fell in time of persecution, which Erasmus calls by the name of Sermo: this with the two following was written shortly after his return from exile, peace being restored unto the Church: 
Pamol. in annotat.  wherein congratulating the Confessors, and blessing God for their invincible constancy under the Cross, he greatly bewails the fall of such, as by the threaten of the adversary were drawn to sacrifice, and did not rather withdraw according unto the counsel of Christ, blaming them, that before their repentance they would even extort communion and peace from some Presbyters without the consent of the Bishop: and lastly, by divers arguments he exhorts them unto a public acknowledgement of their sin, and to give satisfaction unto the Church. Herein also he imitates Tertulian in his Book of repentance.  
3. Of the unity of the Church; 
Antonin. chron. part. 1. tit. 7. in annotat. in Epist. 5●. & in annotat. in lib. de unitat. Eccles.  some do add the word Catholic: and this Pamelius (as himself more than once boastingly tells us) from the fifty first Epistle, first found out to be the true Title of this Book, which Erasmus and some others do stile, A Treatise of the Simplicity of Prelates: and Augustine an Epistle touching unity. 
Co●tra Creseon. lib. 2. c. 33.  A golden Book, written by occasion of the Novatian Rent or Schism, 
Pamel. in vitâ.  that he might deter his Carthaginians from siding with Novatus, 
Pamel. in notis.  who were too much inclining unto, and not so averse from him as they should have been. Wherein he earnestly presseth the Pastors carefully to preserve unity in the Church, by many weighty arguments; showing the original and source of Heresies to be the contempt of the truth and celestial Doctrine of Christ, commending unity in the Church; and in the close he discourseth of the Duty of those who stand firm in the unity of the Church, viz. to shun the society of Schismatics. This excellent piece of Cyprian the Vassals of the Romish See have been most busily tampering with, and as palpably corrupting for their advantage in point of the Pope's Supremacy; having boldly foisted in here and there, 
Daille lib. 1. cap. 4.  as they thought fit, whole periods and sentences against the faith of the best and most uncorrupted Manuscripts: 
Treatise of the Fathers.  the additions are these following,  
1. He built his Church on him alone (viz. Peter) and commanded him to feed his Sheep.  
2. He established one Chair.  
3. The Primacy was given unto Peter, to show that there was but (one Church of Christ) and but one Chair.  
4. He that forsakes the Chair of Peter, on which the Church was founded, doth he hope himself to be in the Church? Of these last words, saith Philander (after Theophilus had named six Editions of Cyprian, 
Bilson's difference, part. 1.  in which they are not) indeed I confess the words were wanting, till Pamelius a Canon of Bruges found them in an old written Copy lying in the Abbey of Cambron. All these additions will evidently appear unto any one, who (without having recourse unto other copies) will but compare Erasmus and Pamelius their Editions together. He that desireth to be farther satisfied in the foul fraud of these shameless forgers in this particular, let him please to peruse the learned Doctor Reynolds in his conference with Hart, chap. 5. division. 2. Bilson in his difference, etc. part 1. pag. 89. and Doctor james, of the Corruption of the Fathers, part 2.  
So many have been the mutations, additions, detractions and variations of this small Book, that the laborious abovenamed Doctor james (in a little Treatise written by him, which he entitled Cyprian restored or revived) hath observed no less than two hundred and eighty eight of them, 
Rivet. crit. sac.  by a diligent collation of four manuscript Copies: this the bold Jesuit Possevine in his Apparatus, 
James of the corrups. of of the Fathers. part. 2. pag. 10. 20. 22.  inserts as his own, which the Doctor thus chargeth him with: It hath pleased him, saith he, in his first Tome, at the word Cyprian, to steal a Treatise of mine, and concealing my name, mutatis mutandis, chopping and changing some few words at his pleasure, to publish it unto the world: Sic no● non nobis mellificamus apes. A most unworthy act, and at least deserving the brand of base ingenuity: a fault that Crinitus blames in Macrobius, 
De honest. discipl. lib. 20. cap. 7.  who having been much beholding unto A. Gellius, makes no acknowledgement thereof: Cum sit, inquit, obnoxiae mentis & ingenii maximè infaelicis, vunquam fateri, pe● quos authores profeceris.  
4. Of the Lord's Prayer, which Treatise Augustine thus commends, 
Lib. de great. & lib. arbit. cap. 13.  I admonish, saith he, and much exhort you to read diligently that Book of Blessed Cyprian, which he wrote of the Lord's Prayer; and as the Lord shall help you, to understand and commit it to memory: he writes it unto one Valentinus and the Monks that were with him. In this piece commending this prayer; 
Schultet. in Medulla.  he shows how we ought to draw near unto God; then explains the several parts and petitions of it: unto which he subjoins somewhat of the necessity of prayer, how the mind ought to be composed in this duty; and when it should be performed. Herein also he imitates Tertullian de Oratione. 
Bibl. Sanct. lib. 4.  Est, inquit Sixtuì Senensis sanctae & venustae brevitatis expla●●tio.  
5. Unto Demetrianus, the Proconsul of Africa; an Apologetical or invective Oration; 
In Annotat. Erasm. in Margin.  Erasmus wonders why any should rather call it a Treatise, than an Epistle. Wherein, using a more elaborate stile, he clears the Christians of those calumnies that were cast upon them by Demetrian and other Ethnics; who imputed it unto the Christians not worshipping the Gods, that those grievous judgements of famine, pestilence and war, did so rage in the Roman Empire: the true cause whereof he shows to be their contempt of Christianity, which he proves by divers arguments; and closeth with an exhortation unto the Gentiles to come unto God, and to believe on Jesus Christ. In this likewise he imitates his Master Tertullian in his Apology, 
Pamel. in Annotat. De Justit. lib. 6, cap. 4.  and in his book against Scapula; but is blamed by Lactantius for not handling the matter as he ought; because he dealt with an Heathen by Scripture testimonies, which Demetrian esteemed as feigned and vain; who should have been refuted by reason and arguments grounded thereupon; 
Hieronym. in epist. ad Mag. n. 84. Ad an. 256. § 30.  yet herein is he defended by Baronius who labours to excuse him.  
6. Of the vanity of idols; or, that idols are not gods: wherein he proves that they were men, and consequently that the worshipping of them can be no way profitable: And that there is but one true God and Lord of all, whom the Christians worship. Erasmus suspects it to be a fragment of a larger work, 
In Annotat.  because it begins so abruptly. Of which piece jerom thus speaks, 
Ad Magnun. epist. 84.  commending his wit and skill: with what brevity, with what knowledge of all Histories, with what splendour of words and sense hath Cyprian discussed that idols are not Gods? Herein also as he imitated Tertullian in his Apology, so likewise doth he Minutius Foelix in his Octavius; 
Pamel. in vitâ ejus.  or Minutius him: for they lived near about the same time.  
7. Of Mortality; written by him in a time wherein the pestilence invaded and raged in divers provinces, 
Ens. in Chro. refers it ad An. 255. Ans. to the Jes. chall.  and chiefly Alexandria and the rest of Egypt. Usher calls it a famous Treatise: wherein by divers arguments, he armeth Christians against the fear of death; and admonisheth them not to grieve immoderately for those that die, showing what are the fruits of death, and of how great advantage it is unto them that die in lord 
De praedest. l. 1. c. 14.  A book, saith Augustine, laudably known to many, yea almost to all that love Ecclesiastical writings; in quo dicit mortem fidelibus utilem reperiri, quoniam peccandi periculis hominem subtrahit, & in non peccandi securitatem constituit.  
8. Of works and almsdeeds: 
Contr. ●. Epist. Pelag. ●. 4. c. 8. Epi. ad Pammach. 26.  Augustin calls it an Epistle: and jerom grande volumen, a great volume wherein he exhorteth those that were able, to contribute toward the relieving of the poor, who by pestilence, famine and other calamities had been reduced unto great exigencies.  
9 Of the good of Patience, wherein, virtutem hanc per effecta magnificè amplificat: 
Keck. rheto. Eccles.  commending the practice of it from the example of God, Christ & the Saints: proving also both by Scripture and reason, that 'tis not only profitable, but also necessary for a Christian. Baronius shows us the occasion of the writing hereof. Veritus, inquit, magnopere Cyprianus, ne inter Episcopos obortis contentionibus, 
Ad An. 258. § 35.  magno aliquo sebismate Catholica scinderetur Ecclesia, ad ●ntevertenda futura mala, egregium illud prop●ylacticon praeparavit antidotum, libellum illum de bono Patientiae scribens, quò demonstraret absque, patientiâ impossibile esse servari inter fratres mutuam charitatem. And Cyprian himself in his Epistle to jubaianus concerning the rebaptisation of heretics, having said in the last paragraph, 
Id Jubaian. Epist. 73.  that he would not for Heretics contend with his fellow Bishops; he shuts up all with these words: servatur à nobis patienter & firmiter charitas ●nimi, collegii honour, vinculum fidei, & concordia sacerdotii. Propter hoc etiam libellum de bono patientiae, quantum valuit nostra medi●critas, permittente Domino & inspirante, conscripsimus quem ad te pro mutuâ dilectione transmisimus. In this book also he much imitates Tertullian upon the same subject, with a pious and commendable emulation: 
Rhenan. in Annotat. in Tertull. de patient.  for he feared lest (as it afterward fell out) the writings of so eminent a man should be lost or laid aside: 
Id. in arg. in 1. Tertul. de patient.  many even then abstaining from the reading of him, because he had so unhappily separated from the Church.  
10. Of zeal (he takes this word here in the worse sense) and envy: which by many arguments he dehorteth from; showing whence it proceeds, and how much evil it produceth. 
Rhetor. Eccles. lib. 1. lib. de bapt. cont. Donat. l. 4. c. 8.  Sermo praeclarus, inquit Keckerman●us, & egregia coneio. Augustine calls this Tract also an Epistle; and jerom, librum valdè optimum. 
In Epist. ad Galat. cap. 5. Pamel. in praefat. ante tom. 2. opera Cypr.  The occasion of the writing of this, as of the former Treatise also, was the controversy and great contest that arose between Stephen Bishop of Rome and the African Bishops about the Baptising of Heretics.  
11. An exhortation to Martyrdom; written unto Fortunatus; distinguished into twelve Chapters containing so many arguments, whereby he presseth unto Martyrdom: which are collected almost verbatim out of the Scriptures. 
Pamel. in arg. & Baro. add an. 255. §. 45.  Baronius and Pamelius are very confident, that it is Cyprians, and much wonder that any should ascribe it unto Hilary; 
In Annotat. in Hierony. Epist. 50. ad Pammach. Cens. Patr.  which yet Marianus Victorinus doth as confidently, induced hereunto by the stile, and authority of jerom. For which cause the industrious Mr. Cook doubts not to rank it among the works falsely ascribed unto this Father.  
12. Three books of Testimonies unto Quirinus, being none other then a rhapsody or collection of several places of Scripture. The two first, against the Jews: In the one he shows that the Jews have departed from God, 
In praefat. Cypr.  and so have lost that grace and indulgence which formerly was afforded unto them; and that the Gentiles from among all nations have succeeded them, and come into their place. The other contains the mystery of Christ, that he came according as the Scriptures had foretold, and hath done and performed all things by which he might be known. In the third, 
Cent. 3. c. 10. praefa. Cypr. in lib. 3.  which the Centurists stile, de disciplina Christianorum, he instructs Quirinus in a Christian life; it being a Collection of Divine Precepts and Commands, which may be the more easy and profitable for the Readers, for that, being but a few and digested into a Breviary, they are the sooner Read over, and more frequently repeated. 
In argu. in l. Eras. in Annot. ante opera Cypr. In Medulla.  Pamelius cannot wonder enough at the censure of Erasmus, that it should seem more probable unto him, that these books are not Cyprians: Yet is this sagacious censor seconded by Scultetus, who renders some reasons why he should make question of it, viz. that some Greek forms of speech, are used in the third book, which are not to be sound in the other works of Cyprian: withal he adds, that many things do offer themselves unto the diligent Reader, by which without any great ado they may be distinguished from what of this Father is genuine.  
13. The sentences or suffrages of the Council of Carthage concerning the baptising of Heretics: 
Eras. in Annotat.  which is none other than a rehearsal of what was done and said in that Council; as things were taken by the public Notaries, whereof he gives an account unto Quirinus. This piece shuts up the second Tome in Pamelius his Edition.  
His third Tome contains those books that are doubted of or falsely ascribed unto Cyprian: 
〈◊〉 tom. 3.  though in his preface Pamelius makes them to be of three sorts. First, Some, that by the stile and Scriptures cited, do certainly appear to be his genuine works: but how true this is, we shall hereafter examine. Secondly, Others, of which there is some doubt; yet are there many things to persuade us that they are his, or at least, of some Author, no less Ancient than he. 3. Some that are certainly found to be none of his. But though divers pieces have his name affixed unto them, that he was never the Author of; yet, saith Erasmus, herein was he more happy than some others, 
In praefat. ante opera Cypr.  that nothing is ascribed unto him but what is Learned, and proceeded from great men.  
These are, first, his book of Spectacles; which, he shows 'tis unlawful for Christians to be present at and behold. A book, which neither Trithemius nor the Centurists nor Erasmus take notice of: 
Bellar. de script. Eccle. Rivet. Crit. ●ae.  and therefore not without cause suspected; which also the stile gives sufficient ground for. Herein the Author much imitates Tertullian upon the same subject.  
2. Of Discipline, or the good of chastity; wherein many passages are almost verbatim taken out of Tertullian. 
Pamel. in Annotat. De script. Eccles.  Bellarmine and Pamelius conceive it to be Cyprians: 'Tis a work of an uncertain but Learned Author, so that 'twere pity it should be lost; 
In Annotat.  (saith Erasmus) yet in his judgement, the stile plainly shows it to be none of Cyprians.  
3. Of the praise of Martyrdom, 
Baron. ad an 255. § 38. Erasm. in Annotat.  unto Moses and Maximus; wherein, pennis eloquentiae se mirificè extulit. But the stile is so elaborate and unequal, that Erasmus supposeth no man is of so dull a scent, but he must needs perceive it to be far different from that of Cyprian. He thinks it therefore to be an Essay of some one that would exercise his pen; wherein he showed more care then, wit, and more affectation than ability. Cardinal Baronius is very angry with him for this his censure, 
Ad an. 255. § 37, 38.  calling him Mome; telling us that he that will prudently compare it with the Apologetic unto Demetrian, or his Epistle unto Donatus, will easily perceive by the same lineaments of their faces, that they proceeded from the same Author. But the wit and wisdom of Erasmus (dictator ille rei literariae) and his ingenuity in this kind are sufficiently known and approved of by the Learned. 
Sphinx. c. 25.  And as he was able, so was he no less diligent in comparing one thing with another, that he might the better give a right judgement: So that the cavil might well have been spared and deserves little to be regarded, as issuing rather from heat and interest, then from candid and impartial animadversion. The truth is, both the Cardinal and the Canon Pamelius looked on it as advantageous and making somewhat for their market; 
Coci censu●●.  affording them a considerable authority for the Doctrines of Purgatory and the Invocation of Saints▪ who therefore strain hard and would fain persuade us that it is Cyprians; 
Rivet. Crit. Sac.  though they be levissima argumenta, very trivial and slender arguments, whereby they endeavour to make it appear so to be.  
4. Unto Novatian the Heretic: that hope of pardon ought not to be denied unto the Lapsi, such as fell in time of persecution: which, 
In Annotat.  saith Erasmus, the stile will not suffer us to believe that it is Cyprians: But withal, it is so Eloquent and Learned, that he judgeth it not altogether unworthy of Cyprian; 
In Margin.  yet rather thinks, that Cornelius Bishop of Rome wrote it: which conjecture he grounds upon the words of jerom; 
In Catalogue. Cornelius.  whom herein Honorius Augustodunensis follows and explains: 
De script. Eccles.  saying, Cornelius wrote a very large Epistle unto Novatian and Fabius.  
5. Of the Cardinal or Principal works of Christ, unto his ascension unto the Father: which, besides the Preface, consisteth of twelve Chapters or Sermons:  
1. Of the Nativity of Christ.  
2. Of his Circumcision.  
3. Of the Star and Wisemen.  
4. Of the Baptism of Christ, and manifestation of the Trinity.  
5. Of his Fasting and Temptations.  
6. Of the Lord's Supper, and first institution of the (Sacrament) consummating all Sacraments; 
Goulart. in animadvers.  wherein is comprehended the sense and consent of Orthodox Antiquity, and the Catholic Church concerning the Lord's Supper.  
7. Of washing the Disciples feet.  
8. Of Anointing with Oil and other Sacraments.  
9 Of the passion of Christ.  
10. Of his Resurrection.  
11. Of his Ascension.  
12. Of the Holy Ghost.  
All these are urged as the authority of Cyprian by divers Romish Champions for the maintenance of many of their unsound Doctrines; 
Coci Censur. james Bastardy of the Fathers.  though it be doubted of by themselves for sundry weighty reasons; among the rest these following,  
1. The stile is lower than Cyprian's useth to be. 
Bellar. de script. Eccl. Possevin. in apparat.   
2. The Author (in serm. de tentatione) s●ith that the Devil fell from Heaven before the creation of man, 
Pamel. in apparat. Pamel. in annotat. in praefat.  contrary unto the opinion of Cyprian, in his Treatise de telo & invidiâ.  
3. In the Preface he gives unto Cornelius Bishop of Rome, the Title of sublimitas ve●ra, your Highness: whereas Cyprian always styles him brother and Colleague.  
The stile, saith Erasmus, argues it to be none of Cyprian's, though it be the work of some learned man, whereof that age had store. 
Exercitat. 16. § 29. De amiss. great. lib. 6. cap. 2.  Non Cypriani quidem (inquit Casaubonus) sed non indignus Cypriano. And Bellarmin himself elsewhere affirms, that the author of these Sermons, without doubt, lived long since Cyprian, yea, after the time of Augustine; and taxeth the boldness of him that first put Cornelius his name in the fore front of this Book. But in a very ancient Manuscript in the Library of All-Souls College in Oxford, 
james B●stardy● of the Fathers.  the Author is called Arnaldus B●na●illacensis, who lived in the time of Bernard, unto whom he hath written one or two Epistles; and the Book is dedicated, not unto Cornelius, who lived about the year of Christ, 220. but unto Adrian the Fourth, who lived about the year, 1154. and succeeded Eugenius the Third, unto whom Bernard wrote his Book of Consideration. 
Answ. to the jesuits challenge.  Also that Learned Antiquary the Reverend Usher saith, he hath seen besides the abovenamed, another Manuscript in the public Library at Oxford, 
Arnald●s Carnotensis Abbas bonae vallis.  wherein this Book bears the name of the said Arnaldus, as the author thereof. Taking it then for granted, that it is none of Cyprian's, let us give it its due in the words of Scultetus, It is a Book full of Religious Piety, 
In Medulla.  and of great use to Preachers: for they are popular declamations which do breath affections stirred up by the spirit of God.  
6. Of Dicers, which Game he proves by many arguments to be unworthy of a Christian, especially an Ecclesiastical man. 
Rivet. crit. sac.  But it certainly appears to be none of his by the stile, and seems to be written in the corrupter times of the Church. 
De script. Eccles. in annotat.  Bellarmin and Pamelius speak doubtfully of it; the former supposing it rather to be written by some one of the Bishops of Rome, as plainly appears from the Author's assuming unto himself the Presidentship of the universal Church, and to be Christ's Vicar, which indeed none ever dared to do, but that proud Prelate of Rome.  
7. Of the Mountains Sina and Zion, against the Jews, being a mystical interpretation of them; 
De script. Eccles. in annotat.  the stile shows it to be none of his, 
Pamel. in argument.  as both Bellarmin and Pamelius confess, yea, it is altogether different both from the stile, and also the Genius of Cyprian, and is stuffed with such allegories and expositions of Scripture as are far from the Learning, Piety and Simplicity of this Blessed Martyr.  
8. As for those Poems, viz. Genesis, Sodo●●, & ad Senatorem, Pamelius hath adjudged them rather unto Tertullian, because of the stile, 
Pamel. in Tertull.  and because Cyprian was never ranked among the Christian Poets, but only by Fabricius (he might have added Gyraldus) so that he leaves the matter doubtful: And, saith Bellarmin, 
De script. Eccles.  we have no certain ground whence to conclude it. So also for the Hymn de Pascha, in many Manuscripts it is ascribed ●nto Victorinus Pictaviensis: 
Rivet. crit. ●ic. De script. Eccles. De Poet. Hist.  But, saith Bellar●in of them, Opera sunt gravia & docta, & S. Cyprian● digna. To which I add the Verses de Sanctae Crucis ligno, which Lilius Gyrald●s ascribes unto Cyprian, being sixty nine Heroics in number, Quos, inquit, ego legi: & si semel legatis, iterum & saepe legetis. But as I find them no where else mentioned as Cyprian's; so I conceive Pamelius would not have failed to rank them among the rest, had he seen but the least probability why he might have eutituled them unto Cyprian.  
9 Those two Prayers, one for the Martyrs, the other made use of by himself (as is pretended) on the day of his suffering, have the like censure from Bellarmine that the Po●●s had, 
De script. Eccles.  who leaves them altogether uncertain.  
10. Of the single life of the Clergy, and that they ought to abstain from the company of women. 
In annotat. In praefat. ante Tom. 3. operum Cypr. & in annotat.  The work is not Cyprian's (as the many barbarous words to be found in it, and the phrase do plainly show) as Erasmus conceives, to whose censure Pamelius subscribes, who thinks it rather to be Origen's, being induced hereunto by some authorities, (Vincentius Bellovacensis in speculo Hist. lib. 11. cap. 15. mentions a Book of Origen's, which he calls Liber pulcherrimus de singularitate clerieorum. Also Laziardus Caelestinus in Epitome. Hist. universal. ●aec babet: fertur Originem codicem de singularitate clericorum composuisse) by his mentioning without dislike those who make themselves Eunuches for the Kingdom of God, and by divers Grecisms here and there to be found in it. 
Ad an. 253. § 45. crit. sac. Prideaux. in orat. de Pseudepigraph. In annotat.  But, saith Bellarmine the stile is against this, which shows it to be the work not of a Greek but some Latin Author. Baronius supposeth it to be Cyprian's, though upon weak and slender grounds, as Rivet shows. Liber de singularitate Clericorum, Originem, Cyprianum, 
De script. Eccles.  Augustinum praefert autores. It is therefore very uncertain whose it is; But, saith Erasmus, whoever were the author of it, it cannot be denied that he was a learned and eloquent man: And without doubt, saith Bellarmine, very ancient.  
11. An exposition of the Apostles Creed, which (though it be inserted among the works of Cyprian) yet is it generally conceived to belong unto Ruffinus a Presbyter of Aquileia, 
Bellarm. de script. In cate-log.  as appears both by the phrase, and also by the authority of Gennadius, who styleth him not the least part of the Doctors of the Church, and of an elegant wit to translate out of Greek into Latin: And, saith he, in this exposition, he through the Grace of God so far excelled, 
〈…〉  that others in comparison of of him can scarce be said to have expounded it. Pam●lius therefore entitles it unto Ruffian, as the true author thereof, and not Cyprian; whose, that 'tis not, it's evident from the mention therein made of the Heresies of Arius, the Manichees, Samosatenus, Eunomius, who all lived after the time of Cyprian. Yet by the consent of all it is a learned piece, 
In annotat.  and most worthy to be read; but herein blamed by Pamelius, because it denies the Books of Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Tobit, judith and the Maccabees to be of authority for the confirmation of the faith; but for what cause is obvious enough. 
Pamel. in argument. Bellar. de. script. Eccles.   
12. Of the incredulity of the Jews, unto Vigilius: it is none of Cyprians, but rather the preface of one Celsus upon the altercation between one jason a Christian, and Paviscus a Jew of Alexandria: 
Goulart. in annotat.  and indeed in the close of it, the author so styles himself: In ment, inquit, 〈◊〉 habe puerum tuum Celsum. A confused piece it is, 
Pamel. in a●ment. Bellar. de script.  no way suitable unto the piety or learning of Cyprian.  
13. Against the Jews who persecuted our Lord Jesus Christ, written by an uncertain author, the stile discovering it not to be Cyprian's. 
Pamel. in argument. Erasm. in annotat.   
14. Of the Revelation of the head of john the Baptist, 
Helvic. chron.  and the translation of it into France under Pipin the Son of Charles Mar●ell. who lived about the year 750. by which it appears as clear as the Sun to be none of Cyprian's, 
Scultet. in Medulla. Ri●t. crit. sac.  who was some hundreds of years before this time: and they are mere fables that are contained in it, it might well come but of the Cell of some superstitious Monk, 
Bellar. de script. Eccles. Rivet. crit. sac. Coci censur.  being fabulous, superstitious and ridiculous.  
15. Of a twofold Martyrdom unto Fortunatus; it is to seek of a Father; for Cyprian's it is not, as the mention of Dioclesian, and of the Emperor's war against the Turk, do fully evidence. 
In argument.  Pamelius thinks it to be the work of some Neoterick, and not unlikely (as Henry Grave conjectures) of Erasmus: But this is very improbable, considering how sharp Erasmus is against those, who by counterfeiting their writings, 
Rivet. crit. sac.  have so abused the Fathers: and if he would in this kind have imposed upon the world, surely he was not so weak to let fall such passages as should so palpably discover it to be an imposture and supposititious; we leave it therefore as an exposed Birth. 
Trithem. de script.   
16. Of the twelve abuses of the world: the phrase is not Cyprian's, and the quotation of the Scriptures according to Ierom's Translation speaks it of a later date. 
Coci censur.  Erasmus is of the mind that it came from some honest Laic: and Pamelius guesseth it to have been written by one Ebrardus, or johannes Climacus.  
17. A small Tract entitled Coena: 
Goulart. in annotat.  so unworthy the name of Cyprian, 
Pamel. in argument.  that it deserves rather to bear that of a Turk than a Christian, it is so impure and ridiculous; the author seemeth to have been an Italian, some profane knave, being so well acquainted with all sorts of that Country Wine.  
§ 4. His stile is such as hath a certain proper and peculiar face whereby it may be known: 
Epist. 48. Nec omuinò nihil habet Africum Cyprianus. Eras●. in Epist. ante opera Hilarii. In praefat. ante opera Cypr.  saith Augustin, It tangs of his Country, but yet is he more plain and candid than the rest of the Africans: And I wish, saith Erasmus, that as Augustin did exceed him in the number of the Volumes which he wrote, so that he had attained unto, and equalled him in the elegancy of his language: Oh would he had as happily emulated his tongue, as he ingenuously admires it! Tertulliano, inquit Ludovicns Vives, 
De▪ trad. discipl. lib. 3. Ibid.  loquitur clariùs, sed & ipse nonnunquam Afrè. Time was, saith Erasmus, when I accounted jerom for the chief among the Orthodox Writers; but when I looked a little more narrowly into Cyprian, I was doubtful whether of the two to prefer, they both seemed to excel: but if a true and natural kind of speaking, and that which is more remote from a declamatory shadow, deserve the precedency; herein Cyprian went as far beyond jerom, as Demosthe●●s beyond Cicero; he is every where more serious, and hath less of affectation; his habit or form of speech is such that you may perceive him to be a true Christian Bishop, and destined unto Martyrdom: his heart burns with Evangelical Piety, and his words are answerable; 
Erasm. in Epist. ante opera Chrysostom.  (Non minùs fortiter quam disertè loquens) he speaks no less strongly than eloquently; for worthyness became him more than neatness: yet is he quick enough sometimes; as where he derides a certain Heretic that denied him to be a Bishop: and likewise when he refutes those who deemed such not meet to be called Christians, but Clinics, that in perilous diseases were baptised not only by immersion, but aspersion or sprinkling of water. For here besides that perpetual sweetness, which as blood runs through the whole Body, he useth quips and jests. Again, Africa sent forth many men famous for eloquence and learning; among whom Tertul●ian and Augustin were chief; but scarcely unto any one happened the genuine purity of the Roman Language, but only unto Cyprian. Thus Erasmus, Like a pure fountain he flows sweetly and smoothly; 
Hieronym. Epist. ●3. ad Pa●linum.  and withal he is so plain and open (which is the chief virtue of speech) that you cannot discern, 
Lib. 5. cap. 1. institut.  saith Lactantius, whether any one were more comely in speaking, or more facile in explicating, 
In Hymn. de pass. Cypr.  or more powerful in persuading. Prudentius also in this regard thus extols him: 
O nive candidius linguae genus! O novum saporem!  
Vt liquor Ambrose cor mitigat, imbuit palatum,  
Sedem animae penetrate, mentem fovet, & pererrat artus?   
His phrase is most elegant (saith Sixtus Senensis) and next unto Ciceronian Candour. 
Biblioth. sanct. lib. 4. E●cyclop. Hist.  And in the judgement of Alsted, as Lactantius may be truly accounted the Christian's Cicero; so may Cyprian their Caesar; for these two among the Latins added ornament unto Christian Doctrine. Now Caesar, saith Vives, 
De trad. discipline. lib. 3.  is egregiously useful for daily speech, unto whom Tully gives the praise of a pure and uncorrupted dialect: Quintilian of elegancy, whom he peculiarly studied: and Mr. Ascham in that learned and grave discourse which he calls his Schoolmaster, judgeth that in Caesar's Commentaries (which are to be read with all curiosity) without all exception to be made either by friend or foe, is seen the unspotted propriety of the Latin Tongue, even when it was in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, at the highest pitch of all perfectness: yet is his phrase various: sometimes he soars aloft, and is very copious with abundance of words: 
Baron. adan. 255. § 37. August. de doct. Christ. lib. 4. cap. 21.  as in his Epistle unto Donatus: another time he falls as low, as in his Epistle unto Caecilius, of the Sacrament of the Lord's Cup: but most commonly he is temperate, and keeps the middle way between these extremes, as in his Treatise of the Habit of Virgins. 
De stud. Theolog.  In a word, he was, saith Hyperius, plain, vehement, serious, and not unhappily fluent; his words breathing a venerable elegancy, 
Scultet. in Medulla.  as the things which he wrote did piety and martyrdom: whereof I now proceed to give a taste.  
§ 5. In his Treatise of the vanity of Idols, 
§ 6, 7, 8.  we have a sum of his Faith, which Froben in his Index affixed unto the edition of Erasmus, styles the most elegant Creed or Symbol of Cyprian: containing the Doctrines of Christ, his Deity, Incarnation, Miracles, Death, Resurrection, Ascension and second coming. His words are these,  
Indulgentiae Dei, gratiae, disciplinaeque arbiter & magister sermo & filius Dei mittitur, qui per Prophetas omnes retrò illuminator & doctor humani generis praedicabatur. Hic est virtus Dei, hic ratio, hic sapientia ejus & gloria, hic in Virginem illabitur: carnem, Spiritu Sancto cooperante, induitur; Deus cum homine miscetur; hic Deus noster, hic Christus est, qui mediator duorum, hominem induit, quem perducat ad Patrem; quòd homo est, Christus esse voluit, ut & homo possit esse quòd Christus est— Cum Christus Iesus secundùm a Prophetis ante praedicta, verbo & vocis imperio daemonia de hominibus excuteret, leprosos purgaret, illuminaret caecos, claudis gressum daret, mortuos rursus animaret, cogeret sibi element a famulari, servire ventos, maria obedire, inferos cedere; Iud●ei qui illum crediderant hominem tontùm, de humilitate carnis & corporis; existimabant magum de licentiâ potestatis. Hunc Magistri eorum atque primores, hoc est, quos & doctrina illâ ille & sapientiâ revincebat, accensi irâ & indignatione provocati, postremò detentum Pontio Pilato, qui tunc ex parte Romanâ Syriam procura●at, tradiderunt, crucem ejus & mortem suffragiis violentis ac pertinacibus flagitantes— Crucifixes, prevento carnis officio, spiritum sponte dimisit, & die tertio rursus a mortuis sponte surrexit. Apparuit discipulis talis ut fuerat, agnoscendum se videntibus praebuit, simul junctus & substantiae corporalis firmitate conspicuus ad dies quadraginta remoratus est, ut d● vel ab eo ad praecepta vitalia instrui possent, & discerent que docerent. Tunc in Coelum circumfusâ nube sublatus est, ut hominem quem dilexit, quem induit, quem a morte protexit, ad patrem victor imponeret; jam venturos & è Coelo ad poenam Diaboli, & ad censuram generis humani, ultoris vigore, & judicis potestate.  
2. Concerning the Article of Christ's descent into Hell, 
§ 2●.  the Author of the Exposition of the Apostles Creed, thus speaks, We are, saith he, verily to know that it is not to be found in the Creed of the Roman Church, neither in the Oriental Churches; yet the force of the words seemeth to be the same with those wherein he is said to be buried.  
3. Of the Canonical Books of the Old and New Testament, the same Author of the Exposition of the Apostles Creed, having enumerated the same Books that we do: These, saith he, are they which the Fathers concluded within the Canon, out of which they would have the assertions of our Faith to consist: But we are to know further, that there are other Books which our Predecessors called not Canonical, but Ecclesiastical, as the Books of Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Toby, judith and Maccabees, all which they would indeed have to be read in the Churches, but yet not to be produced for the confirmation of the Faith.  
4. Of how little esteem custom ought to be, 
§12. Epist. 74. Pompeio.  if not founded upon truth, he pithily shows in that short sentence; Consuetudo sine veritate, vetustas erroris est: Custom without truth is but mouldy error. In vain therefore, saith he, 
Epist. 53. § 11 ad Jubaianum.  do some that are overcome by reason, oppose or object custom unto us, as if custom were greater than truth; or that in Spirituals were not to be followed, which for the better hath been revealed by the Holy Ghost. Again, if Christ alone must be heard, as Matth. 17. 5. we ought not to heed what another before us thought fit to be done, 
Epist. 63. § 11. Caecilio.  but what Christ, who is before all, first did. Neither ought we to follow the custom of man, but the truth of God.  
5. He understands by Tradition, nothing but that which is delivered in the Scripture: Let nothing be innovated, saith Stephen unto him, 
Epist. 74. § 2. Pompeio.  but what is delivered. He replieth, whence is this Tradition? whether doth it descend from the authority of the Lord, and the Gospel, or doth it come from the Apostles Commands and Epistles: for those things are to be done, that are Written:— If therefore this (speaking of the Rebaptisation of Heretics, or receiving them into the Church only by imposition of hands, which later was Stephens opinion against Cyprian) be either commanded in the Evangelists, or contained in the Epistles or Acts of the Apostles, let it be observed as a Divine and Holy Tradition.  
6. That the Baptism of children was then received and practised in the Church; and that performed by aspersion, as valid as that by immersion. This, saith he, was our sentence in the Council, 
Epist. 59 § 4. ad Fidum.  that none ought by us to be kept back from baptism, and the grace of God, who is merciful unto all. Now seeing this aught to be retained and observed toward all, than we think it is much more to be observed about even Infants and such as are newly born.— Neither aught it to move any one that the sick are sprinkled or have water poured on them, seeing they obtain grace of the lord— it appears therefore that sprinkling also obtains even as the Salutary Laver: and when these things are done in the Church, where the faith both of the giver and receiver is sound, all things may stand, be consummated and perfected, with or by the Majesty of the Lord and truth of Faith. Concerning which opinion of his Augustine thus speaks; 
Epist. 28. Hieronymo.  Beatus Cyprianus non aliquod decretum condens novum, sed Ecclesiae fidem firmis●imam servans, ad corrigendum eos qui putabant ante octavum diem nativitatis non esse parvulum baptizandum, non carnem, fed ●●imam dixit non esse perdendam, & mox natum ●itè baptizari posse, cum suis quibusdam coëpiscopis censuit.  
7. That Devils were cast out in his time. 
§ 12. item. de vanit. idol.  Be ashamed (saith he unto Demetrian) to worship those Gods, 
§ 4.  whom thou thyself must defend.— Oh, that thou wouldst but hear and see them, when they are adjured by us, and tortured with Spiritual scourges, and by the torments of words are cast out of possessed bodies, when wailing and groaning with humane voice and by Divine Power feeling whips and stripes, they confess the judgement to come. Come and know the things we say to be true— thou shalt see us to be entreated by them whom thou intreatest, to be feared by those whom thou adorest: thou shalt see them stand bound under our hand, and being captives to tremble whom thou dost honour and reverence as Lords. Certainly even thus mayst thou be confounded in these thine errors, when thou shalt behold and hear thy gods at our demand forthwith to bewray what they are, and although you be present, not to be able to conceal their sleights and fallacies.  
8. The various operations of the three persons in the Trinity, 
Tract. de bapt. Christi. § 6.  are thus elegantly described in the book of the Cardinal works of Christ. In this School of Divine Mastership, it is the Father that doth teach and instruct; the Son that doth reveal and open the hidden things of God; the holy Spirit that doth replenish and endue us. From the Father we receive Power from the Son Wisdom, from the holy Spirit Innocence. By the Father is given us eternity, by the Son conformity unto his image; by the holy Spirit integrity and liberty; In the Father we are, in the Son we live, in the holy Spirit we move and go forward.  
9 Of inadvertency in Prayer; 
Tract. de orat. Dom. § 22.  what slothfulness is it, saith he, to be alienated and drawn away with foolish and profane thoughts, when thou art praying unto the Lord? as if there were some other things that thou oughtest to think on, then that thou art speaking with God. How dost thou desire to be heard of God, when thou hearest not thyself? wilt thou have the Lord to be mindful of thee when thou prayest seeing thou art not mindful of thyself? this is, not wholly to beware of the enemy; this is, when thou prayest unto God, to offend with the negligence of prayer the Majesty of God; this is, to watch with the eyes, and sleep with the heart; whereas a Christian ought, even when he sleeps with his eyes, to have his heart waking.  
10. He doth most Rhetorically upbraid the slothfulness and sterility of the Lords people, 
Tract. de eleemosyn. § 19, 20.  by bringing in Satan with his sons of perdition, thus speaking; I, for those, O Christ whom thou seest with me, have neither received blows, nor sustained stripes, nor born the cross, nor redeemed my family with the price of my passion and death; neither do I promise them the Kingdom of heaven, nor restoring unto them immortality do I call them back again to Paradise: And yet they prepare me gifts very precious, great and gotten with too much and long labour, etc. Show me, O Christ, any of thine, admonished by thy precepts, and that shall receive for earthly heavenly things, who bring thee such gifts:— By these My terrene and fading gifts (he means the Ethnic Spectacles) no man is fed, none clothed, none sustained by the comfort of any meat or drink; all perish in the prodigal and foolish vanity of deceiving pleasures, between the madness of him that sets them forth, and the error of the beholders,— thou promisest eternal life to those that work, and yet unto mine that perish, thine are scarce equal, who are honoured by thee with Divine and Celestial rewards. Oh; my dear brethren, what shall we answer ●nto these things?  
11. Of Admission into the Church, thus. We (saith he) that must render an account unto the Lord, 
Epist. ad Cornel. 55. § 17.  do anxiously weigh and solicitously examine; those who are to be received and admitted into the Church: For some there are, whose crimes do so stand in the way, or whom the brethren do so stiffly and firmly oppose, that they cannot at all be received without the scandal and danger of many. For neither are some rotten shells so to be gathered, as that those who are whole and sound should be wounded; nor is he a profitable and advised Pastor who so mingles diseased and infected sheep with the flock, as to contaminate the whole flock by the afflictation (afflictatione) of evil cohering: Oh, if you could (dear brother) be present here with us when these crooked and perverse ones return from schism, you should see what ado I have to persuade our brethren to patience, that laying asleep or suppressing the grief of their mind, they would consent unto the receiving and curing of those evil ones. For as they rejoice and are glad, when such as are tolerable and less culpable do return; so on the other side they murmur and strive, as often as such as are incorrigible and froward, and defiled either with adulteries or sacrifices (and after these things yet over and above proved) do so return unto the Church, that they corrupt good dispositions within: I scarce persuade, yet extort from the common sort, to suffer such to be admitted: and the grief of the fraternity is made the more just, because that one or other of those (who though the people did withstand and contradict, yet were through my facility received) became worse than they were before, nor could keep the promise of repentance, because they came not with true repentance.  
12. That the people had at that time a voice in the election of their Bishop or Pastor, even in Rome itself plainly appears in the case of Cornelius so chosen; yea that it was the use every where, is evident, by these words of his: 
Epist. 68 § 6  That (saith he) is to be held and observed diligently from Divine Tradition and Apostolical observation, which is held with us also, and almost through all provinces; that to the right celebrating of ordinations, the Bishops of the same province next unto that people over whom the Chief Officer is ordained, do convene or meet together; and that the Bishop be chosen in the presence of the people, who most fully know the life and conversation of every one. Again, 
§ 4.  the people obeying the Lords Commands and fearing God, aught to separate themselves from a sinful overseer, nor to mingle themselves with the sacrifices of a sacrilegious Priest; seeing they chiefly have the power either of choosing such as are worthy, or refusing the unworthy. Which very thing we see to descend from Divine Authority. And else where, speaking of Cornelius, and of his great modesty and humility when called unto the Office of a Bishop; he hath these words worth our notice; 
Epist. 52. Anton. §. 4.  Non, inquit, ut quidam vim fecit ut Episcopus fieret; sed ipse vim passus est, ut Episcopatum coactus ●●ciperet. Et factus est Episcopus à plurimis 〈◊〉 nostris, qui tunc in urbe Româ aderant, 〈◊〉 ad nos literas honorificas, & laudabiles, & testimonio suae praedicationis illustres, de ejus ordinatione miserunt. Factus est autem Cornelius Episcopus de Dei & Christi ejus judicio, de Clericorum penè omnium testimonio, 〈◊〉 plebis, quae tunc affuit, suffragio, & de sacerdotum antiquorum & bonorum virorum collegie.  
13. Of the interest of the people in the management of the affairs of the Church, 
Epist. 6. § 5. ad Presbyteros & Diaco●os.  thus he. I determined, saith he, from the very beginning of my Bishopric, to do nothing by my private sentence, without your counsel, and the consent of my people: but when, by the grace of God, I shall come unto you, we will then handle in common those things which either have been done, or are to be done, as mutual honour requires. Again, to the same purpose: This agreeth with the modesty, and discipline, and the very life of us all, 
Ep. 14. § 2.  that (many Bishop's meeting together in one, the people also being present, unto whom even unto them honour is to be given for their faith and fear.) We should dispose of all things with the Religious care of Common Counsel.  
14. Of the Original and rise of Heresies, 
Epist. ad Pupianun. 69. § 4.  thus; Thence Schisms and Heresies have, and do arise, when the Bishop (who is one and set over the Church) is by the proud presumption of some contemned, and, a man honoured with the dignity of God, is by men judged unworthy. 
An Exposition hereof, See in the hist. of the Council of Trent. l. 2.  By one Bishop, that he means one Bishoply Office (unus Episcopatus) appertaining alike unto all rightly called thereunto, appears from. Epist. ad Antonianum. 55. § 16. & tract. de unitate Ecclesiae. § 4.  
§ 6. These and many the like excellent passages are to be found in the writings of this eminent Father; Yet was not the beautiful face even of this man without its blemishes; though they were fewer than are to be observed in most of the Ancients; and, those that were, for the most part so small, that they may not unfitly be called rather freckles and morphew that do detract but little from his great worth. Such as were some hard expressions that fell from his pen; either through in advertency and want of caution; or because they were in those times commonly made use of, perhaps harmlessly then, but abused in after ages by those, who (to palliate their errors with a show and pretence of Antiquity) strained them higher, and wrested them to another sense, than the innocent Authors intended in them.  
Of this kind are the following instances.  
1. Concerning freewill; 
Ep. ad Cornelium. 55. § ● Test. ad Quirin. l. 3. § 5●. Ep. 7●. § 5.  which in divers places he seems to assert: he some other where seemingly crossing himself, speaks the contrary. e. g. God, saith he, remunerates with the reward of paternal piety, whatsoever he himself hath performed, and honours that which he himself hath wrought in us. 
Ep. 2. § 2.  Again, 'tis of God, I say, 'tis of God, (saith he) all that we can: thence we live, thence we have our strength.  
2. He ascribes too much unto good works, 
Tract. de Eleemosyn. § 1.  particularly unto alms; by which, he saith, the defilement contracted after baptism, is washed away; but that the sins preceding conversion are purged by the blood of Christ. Which yet he may be conceived to have uttered in a declamatory way: 
Goulart. in notis. n. 3.  and is to be understood here (and throughout this whole treatise) of works as conjoined with or accompanying Faith.  
3. He attributes remession of sins to our satisfaction, 
Tract. de lapsis. § 1●▪  wherewith, saith he, God is to be appeased: but of this a tolerable interpretation may be made; the word satisfaction being▪ Catachrestically taken, for the repentance and confession of the Lapsi, wherewith the Church was satisfied, 
Goulart. in n●tis. n. 6●.  whereupon they were again admitted unto communion. And that they might the more commend unto men those Ecclesiastical Rites; 
Chemnit. examen. part. secund. cap. 10.  the Ancients by little and little in their exhortations unto the people, began to speak hyperbolically of them, as, that pardon of sin and reconciliation were this way obtained: upon which ground, those passages of satisfaction and alms, fell inconsiderately (saith Chemnitius) from the pen of Cyprian.  
4. He too eagerly and even superstitiously urgeth the mixture of water with wine in the Eucharist, 
Epist. 63.  because water and blood came out of the side of Christ; 
Chem●i●. in exam. part. secund. c. 9  True it is, that in the primitive times, the custom was in many Churches (that they might Celebrate the Lords Supper with the greater sobriety) to temper the wine with water: at length some went so far (so did the Aquarii, who had thence their name, quòd aquam offerunt in poculo Sacramenti) as to make use of water only, 
August. de haeres. c. 64.  whom here Cyprian justly reprehends; though yet he urgeth the mixture of both too vehemently and upon too slender grounds. Had he left it as a thing indifferent and not pressed it as necessary (for which Chemnitius justly blames the Council of Trent) it needed not to have been ranked among his errors. 
Ubi supra.   
5. He seems to allow of the admission of Infants or those not come to years of discretion, 
Tract. de ●apsis § 20.  unto the Lord's Supper; (its like to have been the common error of that time) as appears by the story he relates of a young Girl, who had been partaker of the Idol Sacrifices: Afterward coming with her mother unto the Christian Assembly, puella mixta cum sanctis (to give you his own words) precis nostrae & orationis impatiens, nunc ploratu concuti, nunc mentis astu coepit fluctuabunda jactari, & velut tortore cogente, quibus poterat indi●iis, conscientiam facti in simplicibus adhuc anuis (facinus enim commissum tam loqui & indicare non potuit, quam nec intelligere prius potuit, nec arcere) rudis anima fatebatur. Vbi verò solennibus adimpletis, cali●em diaconus offerre praesentibus coepit, & accipientibus caeteris locus ejus advenit; faciem suam parvula instinctu Divinae Majestatis avertere, os labiis obturautibus premere, calicem recusare. Perstitit ●●men Diaconus, & reluctanti licet, de Sacramento calicis infudit. Tunc sequitur singul●●● & vomitus. In corpore & ore violato Eucharistia permanere non potuit. Sanctificatus in domini sanguine potus, & de polutis visceribus erupit; tanta est potestas Domini, tanta Majest●s. The necessity of this and the other Sacrament he seems to conclude from. john 3. 5. Except a man be ●orn of water and the spirit, he cannot enter into the kingdom of God; And, 
Ad Q●irin. l. 3. § 25.  John 6. 53. Except ye eat the flesh of the Son if man and drink his blood, ye have no life in you.  
6. But the greatest error to be noted in him, (which yet, oh how small, in comparison of some in many other of the ancients) was that about rebaptisation, 
In orat. de lect. pa●ru● ante loc. come.  by Chemnitius too harshly called a fundamental error: Ha 〈◊〉, inquit, errorem in fundamento. His judgement was this, that those who having been baptised by Heretics, did forsake their Heresies, and return unto the Church, were to be received by Baptism. In this opinion many Bishops, 
Bin. Tom. 1. council.  not of Africa only, but of Asia also, consented with him: about which, there having been three Councils convened at Carthage; in the third (wherein Cyprian was Precedent) it was agreed in the affirmative, upon this ground chiefly, because they thought the Baptism of Heretics to be a nullity.  
Great was the contest between the African and Western Churches about this controversy: 
Epist. ad Pompeium contra Steph. Epist. 74. § 1.  these latter holding with the Bishop of Rome, that Heretics returning unto the Church, were to be received only by prayer and imposition of hands: wherein they are to be conceived no less erroneous than the former; for that they allowed the Baptism of all sorts of Heretics, 
Bin. council. tom. 1. ca●. 19  without making any distinction between them: whereas, not long after in the Council of Nice, if any one fly unto the Catholic Church from the Paulianists (meaning the Samosatenians, 
Hieronym. advers. Lucifer. dialog. August. de Haeres. cap. 44.  called by either name from the Author Paulus Samosatenus) and Cataphrygians, it is ordained or decreed that they ought altogether to be rebaptised. The reason was, because these Heretics holding Christ to be none other than a mere man, they baptised not in the name of Christ; and so the substance and true form of Baptism not being retained by them, it was adjudged to be no Baptism. And indeed whoever is baptised by such an Heretic as openly denies the Holy Trinity, aught to be rebaptised: 
Osian. Epist. cent. 3. l. b. 2. cap. 13.  so that it was the error of Stephen, and those who joined with him, that they excepted not such Heretics as these; as Cyprian erred in excepting none.  
But Stephen, though he were little less erroneous than Cyprian herein, yet did he differ much in his disposition and carriage: 
Epist Firmil. ad Cypr. 75. § 21.  for according unto his hot and choleric temper, he declared publicly against Firmilian Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia (of Cyprian's opinion) and excommunicated all those that dissented from himself. chose, Cyprian discovering herein the mildness of his spirit, thus bespeaks his colleagues in the Council of Carthage: (jerom in commendation of him, 
Advers. Luciferian.  citys two passages of his to the same purpose, the one ex Epistolâ ad Stephanum Episcopum Romanum: the other ex Epistolâ ad jubaianum: In the former his words are these, Quâ in re, inquit, nec nos vim cuiquam facimus aut legem damus; cum habeat in Ecclesiae administratione voluntatis suae liberum arbitrium unusquisque praepositus, rationem actus sui Domino redditurus.) 
Bin. Tom. 1. council.  It remains, saith he, that we produce what each of us thinks concerning this thing, judging no man, or removing any of another judgement from the right of Communion: for none of us makes himself a Bishop of Bishops, or with tyrannical terror drives his colleagues to a necessity of obeying: seeing every Bishop hath a proper judgement, according unto his own liberty and power; as, who cannot be judged by another, seeing that he himself cannot judge another. But we all expect the judgement of our Lord Jesus Christ, who only and alone hath power of preferring us in the Government of his Church, and of judging our actions. 
See de 〈◊〉 contra Donatist. lib. 5. cap. 17.  Oh how much is Augustin taken and delighted with the peaceableness, charity and moderation of Cyprian herein, for which he greatly admires and commends him. 
Ibid. lib. cap. 18.  And, saith he, the Lord therefore did not discover this truth unto him, that his pious humility and charity in wholesomely keeping the peace of the Church, might be the more open and manifest, and taken notice of as a remedy, not only by the Christians of that time, but also by posterity, etc.  
Moreover, let me add (as making much to his praise) that he was not obstinate in his error; for as he was learned and skilful to teach oth●rs, so was he also docil and pat●ent to learn of others: 
Ibid lib. 2. 〈◊〉. 4 〈◊〉. 4. cap. 5.  which I doubt not, saith Augustin, he would have demonstrated, had he discussed this question with holy and learned men. Yea, saith he, perhaps he did correct his error, but we know it not: for neither could all things, which at that time were done among the Bishops, be committed to memory and writing; nor do we know all things that were so committed. 
Epist. 48.  Again, we do not find, saith he, that he corrected his error; yet may we imagine not incongruously of such a man, that he did correct it, and that it was perhaps suppressed by those who were too much delighted with this error, and were unwilling to want so great a patronage. And this hath been by some so far charitably believed, that they have plainly affirmed so much, that he did, being convinced by the Orthodox, renounce his error herein: so Bede, 
In vitâ Cyprian.  quoted by Pamelius, Supplement, Bergomens. Platina in vitâ Lucii: Scaliger in Elench. 
Ad an. 258. § 51.  Trihaeres●i Nicolai Serari, cap. 31. And Baronius, who tells us that none can justly doubt of it, seeing both the Eastern and Western Churches have always used to celebrate the Birth Day of the Martyr Cyprian. Briefly, either he was not, 
Epist. 48.  saith Augustin, of the opinion that you the (Donatists) report him to have been of, or he afterward corrected it by the rule of truth, or else he covered this (quasi naevum) spot as it were of his white Breast, 
Ubere: velo saith Doctor Gaude●. in his Suspiria Eccles. Anglican. lib. 3. c 13.  with the pap or veil of charity; while he most copiously defended the unity of the Church increasing through the whole world, and most perseveringly detained the bond of peace.  
§ 7. As touching his Martyrdom, 
Pontius in vitâ Cypr.  it is recorded, that upon his first entrance into Cu●ubis (the place of his banishment) it was revealed unto him in a Vision (whereof he had divers, 
Epist. 69. § 8.  and attributed much unto them) that upon that same day in the year following he should be consummate and crowned; 
Pamel. in vitâ ejus.  which accordingly fell out: For being by Galerius Maximus (who succeeded Paternus in the Proconsulship) recalled from his banishment, 
Paul. Diacon. in pass. Cyprian. Pamel. 〈◊〉 ejus  he according unto the Imperial Edict, abode a while in his own Garden; from whence, being certified that certain Officers were sent to bring him unto Utica (a famous Town not far from Carthage) he withdrew for certain days, 
Epist. 83. § 1.  by the persuasion of his dearest Friends, unto whom herein he consented, and, as himself saith, not without just cause; for that it is meet a Bishop should in that City wherein he is set over the Lord's Church, there confess the Lord, and so make the whole people famous by the confession of their present Overseer: for whatsoever in that moment of Confession, the Confessor Bishop speaketh, God inspiring him, he speaks with the mouth of all. If it should be otherwise, the honour of our so glorious a Church shall be maimed, etc. Here therefore lying hid, we expect the coming of the Proconsul, saith he, returning unto Carthage, that we may hear what the Emperor shall command, and speak what the Lord shall give in that hour. Accordingly there came suddenly (upon the Ides of September) two Apparitours to bring him before the new Pròconsul Galerius; 
Pamel. in vi●â.  but being put off till the next day (the Lord so willing that he might dispose of the affairs of the Church) he was brought then into the Court of Judgement, where he received this sentence, that having been the Standard bearer of his Sect, 
Pontius in vitâ ejus. Paul. Discon. in passion. Cypr.  and an Enemy of the gods, and one that would still be an example unto his own, refusing to offer sacrifice, It is my pleasure, saith Galerius, that he be beheaded. Which Sentence being passed, he was led away unto a certain place called Sexti, about four miles (six saith Baronius) from the City, 
Ad an. 261. § 22.  a great multitude following him, and crying, Let us die together with the Holy Bishop. Being come unto the place, he submitted himself unto the stroke of the Sword, by which his Head being severed from his Body, he changed this frail for an eternal life, being the first of the Bishops of Carthage that sealed the truth with his blood. 
Pamel. in vitâ.  He suffered under the Emperor's Valerian and Galerius, anno Christi, 259.  
The Carthaginians did so highly honour, 
Niceph. lib. 17. cap. 12.  and had him in such veneration, that they erected unto him a most magnificent Temple, and kept a yearly Festival in memory of him, which from his name they call Cypriana: as Mariners do also a certain storm that usually falls out about the same time.   

Lactantius.  
§ 1. LVcius Caelius was his name, 
Scultet. in Medulla. cent. 4. cap. 10.  unto which his eloquence gained him the addition of Lactantius, from his milky and smooth kind of speaking: as his Country that of Firmianus, being an Italian by Birth, 
Ad an. 302. § 61. in apparat. Magnin. in Geograph. in Ital. num. 15.  (not an African, as Baronius and Possevive imagine, because he was the Scholar of Arnobius that was so) of the Province called Picenum of old, but afterward by the Lombard's, Marchia Anconitana, from the chief Town therein, 
Heylin. Geograph.  Ancona: as also Marchia Firmiana, from the strong Town Firmium, heretofore the Head City of the Piceni, which Country is a part of the Land of the Church under the Government of the Popes of Rome. Some do contend that he was of the Germane Race; 
Winpeling. in Epitome. rer. German. cap. 10.  and that at this day there is a Family not obscure among the Germans, which, bearing the name of the Firmianis, do boast themselves to be the posterity of Lactantius: but the general consent of Authors shows this to be but a vain conceit.  
He was at first the Scholar of Arnobius, 
Hieronym. in cate-log.  Professor of Rhetoric at Sicca in Africa; as also some time at Rome, where Lactantius heard him, and profited much in the study of eloquence; who also instructed him in the Christian Religion, which it seems, he had embraced before he came into Bythinia; whither, under Di●olesian the Emperor, he was called, unto the City of Nicomedia, wherein for some while he professed the Art of Rhetoric, whereof he had been a learner before. But being a Latin in a Greek City, 
Hieronym, in cate-log.  his auditory grew thin, so that he was destitute of hearers: hereupon laying aside the work of teaching he betook him unto his pen and fell to writing; being provoked unto, and put upon it by a couple of impure and foulmouthed Philosophers, 
Lib. Institut. 5. c. 4.  who either of them had belched out their books, against both the Religion and name of Christians.  
He was at length in France made Tutor unto Crispus, 
Hieronym. in cate-log. Trithem. de script.  the son of Constantine the great (and his great friend) who committed him for his breeding unto the c●re of Lactantius; an evident argument both of his fame and faithfulness.  
§ 2. He was a man of great Learning, 
Osiand. epito. cent. 〈◊〉 script. eccles. de temp. c. 9  〈◊〉 erudition clarus; abundanter 〈◊〉, inqui● Trithemius: a very grave Author, saith Hospinian; one notably skilled 〈◊〉 the Art of Rhetoric, and in all Philosophy; having diligently perused the writings of all sorts of Humane Authors, 
Cent. 4. c. 10.  as his books do sufficiently testify in which he omitted almost ●one of any science, or Profession, whose testimony he made not use of: and so excelled in eloquence of speech, 
Scultet. in medull.  that therein he was judged to be superior even unto his Master Arnolius, who yet was of chief note among Orators. He is for this cause often styled Orat●● disertissimus, 
Chron. Ber●om.  the most eloquent and elegant Lactantius, who among the Latins especially added Ornament unto Christian Doctrine; the very top, and most eminent of the Latin Rhetoricians: & in Divinis Scripturis nobiliter institutus. 
Trithem, de script.   
His great abilities he notably improved for the public good; 
Possevin. in apparat.  for though he were somewhat defective in the inward knowledge of Divine Mysteries, and far inferior unto many others for his skill in delivering and confirming the Doctrine of Christianity; yet was he a stout Champion for the truth and gave good testimony of his zeal thereunto in opposing with all his might the adversaries thereof; for which work he was excellently furnished, having such a dexterity herein, that he easily refuted and overcame them. utinam, 
Ep. ad Paulinum. 13.  inquit Hieronymus, tam nostra confirmare potuisset, quam facilè aliena destruxit. For observing the Christian Religion to be destitute of those that should eloquently defend it, the opposers of it being such, ay, saith he, undertook this task; being grieved with the sacrilegious writings which they published; 
Instit. l. c. 4  and stirred up hereunto with their proud impiety, and conscience of the truth itself: that so with all the strength of my wit, I might reprove the accusers of righteousness: not that I might write against them, who might have been confounded in few words; but that I might at once, by one assault, put to flight all those, who every where do, or have undertaken the same work. A most laudable enterprise, wherein as he manifested no small love unto the truth in attempting it, so did he manage it with no less dexterity; for which he hath been deservedly famous in the Church of Christ unto this day: His challenge that he makes of all the Heathen is remarkable. 
Instit. l. 5. cap. 20.  Si qua, inquit, 〈◊〉 fiducia est vel in philosophiâ, vel in eloquentiâ, arment se, ac refellant haec nostra; si possunt, congrediantur comminus, & singul● quaeque; discutiant. Decet eos suscipere defen●●onem Deorum suorum, ne si nostra invaluerint, ut quotidie invalescunt, cum delubris 〈◊〉, ac ludibriis deserantur.— Procedant in medium Pontifices, seu minores, seu maximi flemines, augurs, item reges, sacrificuli, quique; sunt sacerdotes & antistites religionum. Convocent nos ad concionem, cohortentur nos ad suscipiendos cultus Deorum, persuadeant multos esse, quorum numine ac providentiâ regantur ●●nia, ostendant origines, & initia sacrorum, ac deorum, quomodo sint mortalibus tradita, qui sons, quae ratio sit, explicent, proferant, quae ●●rces in cultu, quae poena in contempta maneat, quare ab hominibus se coli velint, quid illis, si beati sunt, humana pietas conferat. Quae ●mnia, non asseveratione propriâ, (nec enim ●●let quicquam mortalis hominis authoritas) sed divinis aliquibus testimoniis confirment, ficuti nos facimus.— Doccant isti hoc modo, si qua illis fiducia veritatis est, loquantur, audeant, inquam, disputare nobiscum aliquid ejusmodi, jam profecto ab aniculis, quas● con●emnunt, & à pueris nostratibus error illorum ac sultitia irridebitur, etc.  
§ 3. Of the books that he wrote, many have been devoured by time, which hath left scarce any thing of them remaining besides the names, of which I find mentioned,  
1. His Symposium or banquet, which he wrote in Africa, 
Hieronym. in cate-log. Cent. 4. c. 10. de script. Eccles.  while he was but a youth in the Schools; or (say the Centurists) unto the youths of Africa: and (as Trithemius hath it) in Hexameter verse.  
2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or his journey from Africa unto Nicomedia, 
Hieronym. in Catalogue.  in Hexameter verse: (this shows him to have been also an excellent Poet) of which I conceive Damasus is to be understood, 
Ep. 124. inter Hierony. Epist.  (if not rather of his Epistles or of both) who gives us an account of the number and nature of them; thus: I confess unto you that those books of Lactantius which you sent me of late, I therefore willingly do not read, because in them many Epistles are extended unto the space of a thousand verses or lines, 
See Riccard. Vincent. in notis in Cantacuzen. in Cantic.  and they do rarely dispute of our Doctrine: whence it comes to pass, both that their length begets a loathing in the Reader, and, if any be short, they are more fit for the Schools then for us, disputing of verse or meeter, of the Situation of Regions or Countries, and Philosophers.  
3. His book, which he Entitled Grammaticus.  
4. Ad Asclepiadem, lib. 2. apud Trithemium, l. 1. 
Hieronym. in Catalogue.   
5. Of Persecution.  
6. Four books of Epistles unto Probus.  
7. Two books of Epistles unto Severus.  
8. Two books of Epistles unto Demetrian his Auditor or Scholar.  
All these jerom reckons up in his Catalogue. 
In Ep. ad Gal. c. 4.  He also make mentions of the eighth book of his Epistles unto Demetrian: so that it seems he wrote so many unto him: Unless we may suppose, that all his Epistles were gathered into one volume, which make up the number of eight books; whereof the two last (and so one of them, the eight) were unto Demetrian.  
9 His book of Paradise, in Hexameter verse; 
Trith. de Script.  All these are lost and perished, none of them being now to be found.  
Those that at this day are extant under his name, are these that follow, viz.  
1. Seven books of Institutions, 
In institut. libris contra gentes scrip. fortissimè. Hierony. Ep. Par●m. 65. Cent. 4. cap. 10. Instit. lib. 1. cap. 1. Ad an. 302. § 60.  against the Gentiles, which with an high and Heroic Spirit he wrote under Constantine the Great; for so he himself speaks; Hoc opus, inquit, nunc nominis tui auspicio inchoabimus Constantine Imperator maxim. Baronius calls them luculentissimos libros.  
That which occasioned the writing of them was the cunning and calumniating books, especially of two great enemies of Christianity: the one whereof, professing himself a man of chief note among the Philosophers, wrote three books against the Christian Name and Religion; whom Baronius supposeth to be Porphyrius, an Apostate, who at this time excelled among the Platonics, and set forth bitter Commentaries against the Christians; (which then no other Philosopher did.) And therefore by Cyril not unjustly styled, the father of Calumnies.  
The other, (being of the number of the judges, and one that was the principal Author of the persecution then raised against the Christians, in the City of Nicomedia and whole province of Bythinia) wrote two books not against the Christians, lest he should seem enviously to inveigh against them; but unto the Christians, that he might be thought gently and with humanity to advise them: which books he entitled, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Baronius thinks his name to be Hierocles, a crafty fellow, concealing the wolf under the sheep's skin, that by his fallacious title he might ensnare the Reader. To confute these, and to render the truth oppressed with reproaches, more illustrious and shining with her own beauty, Lactantius undertook this Noble task of Writing his seven most excellent books of Institutions. Thus Baronius. in annal. ad an. 302. § 43. ad 61. Of which in general Lactantius himself thus speaks. Quanquam, inquit, Tertullianus candem causam plenè peroraverit, in co libro, cui Apologetico nomen est, tamen quoniam aliud est accusantibus respondere, quod in defension aut negatione solâ positum est; aliud instituere, quod nos facimus, in quo necesse est totius doctrine substantiam contineri; non defugi hunc laborem, ut implerem materiam, quam Cyprian's non executus est in eâ oratione, quâ Demetrianum, sicut ipse ait, oblatrantem atque; obstrepentem veritati redarguere conatur. Loctant. Institut. Lib. 5. cap. 4.  

The several books are Entitled by these several Names:  
1. Of False Religion; 
Scultet. ● Medulla. Lactantii institutionum libri apud catholicos & optimos quosque; viros, praesertim sex priores, optimè audierunt semper. Bulling. de orig. error.  wherein he shows the Religion of the gods to be false: After the proem, asserting providence, and that there is but one God, which he proves by the testimonies and Authorities of the Prophets, Poets, Philosophers, Sibyls, and of Apollo: also (refuting the Gentile gods and their Religion in the general, and of the Romans in particular) he proveth that they were born at a certain time, lived most wickedly, and at length did undergo the Law of all Mortals. Of this, and his book de opificio dei, Chytraeus thus speaks; Prima pars operis, inquit, quae Ethnicas idolomanias & Philosophicas de deo & summo bono opiniones taxat, 
De rat. stud. Theolog.  & liber de opifieio Dei in structurâ corporis & animo humano, eruditus & lectu utilissimus est.  
2. Of the Original of error, and that the Religion of the Gods is vain which he evinceth by divers arguments, showing that the causes of all errors in this kind are these two. First, The defection of Cham and the posterity of pious Noah, from God. Secondly, The cunning and craft of the Devil. Thirdly, Of false Wisdom; wherein he demonstrate; the vanity of Philosophy and Philosophers, instancing in the Epicures, Stoics, Pythagoreans and the rest, showing how false their chief tenets and opinions be, and lastly that Philosophy is not true wisdom.  
4. Of true Wisdom; which comprehends the Doctrine of Christ, his Person, Name, Nativity, two Natures, Miracles and Passion; and afterward he declares the causes of Heresies to be Avarice, Pride, Ignorance of the Scripture, and admiration of false Prophets.  
5. Of Justice: that 'tis not to be found among the Gentiles; and that they are deceived, who think Christians to be fools; and that their sin is great and inexcusable; who persecute the Church pretending it to be for their good, viz. That they may bring them unto a right mind.  
6. Of true Worship: which consists in this, that the mind of the worshipper be presented blameless unto God, discoursing at large of virtue and vice, as the ways leading unto heaven and hell; and concluding, that the best Sacrifices which we can offer unto God are these two, integrity of mind, and the praise of his name.  
7. Of the Divine Reward, 
Lib. 7. c. 6.  and the last Judgement, the sum whereof he himself thus sets down; the world, saith he, was made, that we might be born; we are born that we may acknowledge God the Creator of the world, and ourselves; we acknowledge him, that we may worship him; we worship him, that we may obtain immortality, as the reward of our labours; we receive the reward of immortality, that we may for ever serve, and be an eternal Kingdom unto the most High God our Father.  
2. Of the Anger of God; some Philosophers denying it, he proves by nine several arguments that God is angry, and answers the objections to the contrary. 
In Catalogue. & in comm. in Ep. ad Ephes. c. 4.  He wrote this book unto Donatus, and it is highly commended by jerom, who calls it a most fair or elegant book, which he wrote in a learned and and eloquent stile.  
3. Of the Workmanship of God; 
Scultet. in Medulla.  unto Demetrian his Auditor: a learned piece and most profitable to be read. It was written by him to this end, that by the wonderful structure of man, he might prove the Providence of God: He therefore takes a view of, and looks into the several members of the body, and in them shows how great the power of Divine Providence is: withal removing the cavils of the Epicures against it: And toward the end, discourseth of the Soul for the same purpose.  
4. An Epitome of his Institutions, which wants the beginning; 
In Ep. ante edit. Vene●. Lact. opera.  and is clearly, saith Baptista Ignatius, but a fragment: being a repetition of the chief heads of doctrine contained in that larger work. All these, saith Bellarmine, are without controversy the works of Lactantius.  
There are besides these; certain Poems that appear, and have been published unto the world under his name; concerning which it is very questionable whether they be his or no: seeing, that neither Ierom nor Trithemius take any notice of them, nor did Thomasius is he tells us, find them in any Ancient▪ Copies. 
In Scholar in Lactant.  The Titles of them are these following.  
1. Of the Phoenix: they are not, saith Thomasius, 
In Scholar in Biblioth. patr. tom. 9  the verses of Lactantius, but written by some most elegant Poet, who yet, I believe, saith he, was not a Christian: for he calls his Phoenix the Priest of the Sun, and speaks of Phoebus, as if he were in very deed a god.  
2. Of the day of the Resurrection of the Lord; which for elegancy, is no way comparable unto the former; 
Ibid.  whence it evidently appears that they are not of the same Author and Authority. Thomasius saith, that he found them in the Vatican Library among the works of the Christian Poet Venantius Fortunatus Bishop of Poitiers. And whereas in the Ordinary Editions the Poem begins with this Distich, Salve festa dies.—  
By the Authority of the Vatican copy, he placeth it twenty Distiches off, immediately before that. Mobilitas anni.—  
Which from his copy he amends thus, Nobilitas anni.— and in the Pentameter, for Stridula cuncta, he puts Stridula puncta. And out of the same copy, he adds unto the Poem, ten verses more than are usually found, both because they very well agree with it, and also because in the end of the Poem be these Numeral Letters, CX. to make up which, those ten were to be added; yea, I find an hundred and twelve verses of this Poem, in the Parisian Edition of the Poems of Venantius. 
Biblio. Patr.   
3. Of the Passion of the Lord; of which Poem Thomasius tells us he could no where find any footsteps at all: 
Ibid.  and therefore unlikely to have Lactantius for the Author. Yea the Author both of this and the former is very doubtful, saith Bellarmine, because some do deny them to be his; 
De script. Eccles.  though hereof we have no certain Argument. His verses of Christ's Passion, saith Mr. Perkins, are counterfeit, for they contradict all his true writings in these words, Flecte genu lignumque crucis venerabile adora.  
Perkins problem. For (saith Illiricus, in Catalogue. test. veritat. lib. 4.) He vehemently inveigheth against Images.  
4. As for the Arguments upon the several Fables of Ovid's Metamorphosis, 
Possevin. in appar. Chro. Bergomens.  and the Annotations upon Statius his Thebais, by Gesner and Glareanus attributed unto Lactantius, (which they account most worthy to be read) the diversity of the Style speaks them not to be his: 
Ibid.  they rather belong, saith Po●sevine, unto Luctatius Placidus a Grammarian. The Commentaries upon Thebais, 
De Poet. hist.  saith Gregorius Gyraldus, are not of Lactantius; for in them many things almost word for word are taken out of Servius the Grammarian, who lived more than an age after Firmianus: they are the work of one Placidus Lactantius, or (as some Learned men call him) Placidus Lutatius: thus he.  
§4. His stile is so accurate and polite, that he excelled all those of his time, 
In Chron. add an. 322.  (vit omnium, inquit Eusebius, suo tempore eloquentissimus) and hath justly merited the name of the Christian Cicero; 
Alsted. encyclop. hist. Trithem. descript.  coming nearest of any unto that Prince of Orators, in whom chiefly, the Latin Tongue was fully ripe and grown unto the highest pitch of all perfection. jerom therefore styles him a certain River as it were of Tullian, 
Ascham. Schoolmr. l. ● In Ep. ad Paulin. 13. Ep. ad Magnum. 84. In elect. in l. 2. Arnob. in praefat.  eloquence: and he that shall Read his works, saith he, will find in them an Epitome of Cicero's Dialogues. And as he followed his Master Arnobius, so did he, saith Goddeschalcus Stewchius, almost overtake him: for however Arnobius might go before him in the strength of his arguments, and weight of things; yet doth Lactantius so recompense that in elegancy of speech, and gravity of sentences, that it is a hard matter to know which to prefer before other: the clearness and neatness of his Language was wonderful; 
Ant. Sab●lli. Ennead. Lud. Vives. de trad. discipline. l. 3. Ante Nazianz. opera. de poet. hist.  being the most eloquent of all the Christians; his sound is plainly Ciceronian; to whom Erasmus ascribes, faelicem facilitatem: fuit eloquentiae Ciceronianae, inquit Gyraldus, inter Christianos praecipuus aemulator.  
§5. There are to be found in his writings many grave sentences and excellent passages, that may be of great use unto the Reader; though in the Doctrine of Christianity he come short of many others; his principal scope being the discovery and confutation of heathenish idolatry and superstition; which he happily performed. Non multum potest juvare lectorem, 
In orat. de lect. patr. ante loc. ●6.  inquit Chemnitius, tautùm enim fer● contra Paganismum disputat. Amongst divers things in him not unworthy of serious observation, take these that follow.  
1. Speaking unto those, who, having been accustomed unto polite Orations or Poems, 
Instit. l. 6. cap. 21.  pleasing and delightful to the ear, do therefore despise, as sordid, the plain and common language of the Scripture: saith he, Cannot God the former of the heart, speech and tongue, speak eloquently? Yea, but in his most wise providence he would have those things to want varnish, which are Divine: that all might understand the things which he spoke unto all.  
2. Again, to the same purpose; the Sacred Scriptures, 
Instit. l. 3. c. 1  saith he, deliver things briefly and nakedly, neither indeed was it meet to be otherwise, as if when God would speak to men, he should assert his words with arguments, as if he were not to be believed; but, as it became him, he spoke as God himself, as the great judge of all things; for whom, 'tis not to argue, but to pronounce what is true.  
3. Of the mighty force and efficacy of the Scriptures and Christian Religion, beyond all the Rules of Moral Philosophy, to expel vice and plant in men all kind of virtue, he thus speaks. 
Instit. lib. 3. cap. 2●.  Da mihi virum, qui sit iracundus:— Give me, saith he, a man that is wrathful, foulmouthed, unruly, with a few words of God's book I will make him as gentle as a Lamb; Give me one that is close fisted, covetous, greedy of money; I will send him back unto thee liberal, bountifully distributing his money with his own hands. Give me one that is fearful of torment and death; He shall soon despise crosses, and fires, and Phalaris his Bull. Give me a le●her, an adulterer, a haunter of brothel-houses; you shall see him sober, continent. Give me one that is cruelly disposed and bloodthirsty; that fury of his shall be changed into true clemency. Give me one who is unjust, unwise, a sinner, he quickly shall be just, wise, upright. So great is the power of Divine Wisdom, that being infused into the breast of a man, doth at one assault expel folly, the mother of vices.— Hath any one of the Philosophers either performed these things, or can he, if he will? Who when they have worn out all their time in the study of Philosophy, can make neither any other, nor themselves better, if nature a little withstand. Therefore their wisdom when it hath done its utmost, 
Non excindit vitia sed ●bscondit.  doth not abolish, but hide vices. Whereas a● few precepts of God do change the whole man, and, the old being put off, do make him new, that you cannot know him to be the same.  
4. Of the Church: thus. The Church, saith he▪ 
Instit. 4. c. 13  is the true Temple of God, which consisteth not in walls, but in the hearts and faith of men, who believe on him, and are called faithful or believers.  
5. Again, That only is the Catholic Church, which retains the true Worship of God. 
Inst. l. 4. c. 30 〈◊〉  This is the fountain of verity, this is household of faith, this is the temple of God, into which who so shall not enter, or from which, who so shall depart, he is an alien from the hope of eternal life and salvation.— And because every company of Heretics, do think that they chiefly are Christians, and theirs to be the Catholic Church; we are to know, that that is the true; wherein is Religion, Confession and Repentance, which wholesomely cures the sins and wounds unto which the frailty of the flesh is subject.  
6. Of Repentance thus; He that reputes of his deed, 
Inst. l. 6. c. 24  understands his former error: wherefore, the Greeks do better and more significantly call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, than we Latines can call it Resipiscentiam. For he reputes, and, as it were, recovers his mind from madness, who grieveth for his error, and corrects himself for his folly, and confirms his mind to live more uprightly, being most wary of this, that he be not again drawn into the same snares.  
7. Again, The conscience of sin and fear of punishment, 
Inst. l. 5. c. 13  makes a man the more Religious: and always faith is by much more firm, which repentance resettles or puts again in its place.  
8. He sets down the sum of the Law, referring it unto two heads, after this manner. The first head or chief point of the Law is to know God and to obey and worship him alone: Or, the first duty or point of righteousness is to be in conjunction or communion with God: the second with man: the former is called Religion: the other is named, mercy or humanity.— Wherefore the principal bond of men among themselves, is humanity, the which, whosoever shall break asunder, is to be accounted a wretch and a parricide. For if we all have our Original from one man, whom God form, surely, we are of kin and of the same blood; 
Consangu. Act. 17. 26.  and therefore is it the greatest crime to hate a man, even an enemy: for which cause God hath commanded that we should never bear enmity toward any, but always take it away, to wit, that we should pacify those who are enemies unto us, 
Gen. 13. 8.  by admonishing them of the alliance that is between us.  
9 God, saith he, is not to be worshipped with offerings and much blood; 
Inst. l. 6. c. 25  but with a pure mind and honest purpose. Temples are not to be builded unto him with stones heaped together on high; but to be hallowed by every one in his own breast. If any one think that garments and gems and other things which are had in esteem, are dear to God, he plainly knows not what God is; who thinks that he takes pleasure in those things, which, if even a man contemn, he shall be justly praised. What therefore is pure, what worthy of God? but that which he himself in his Divine Law requireth. Two things there are which ought to be offered; a gift and a sacrifice: the gift is integrity of mind; the sacrifice, praise and thanksgiving.  
10. There is no man so rude and of such barbarous manners, 
Inst. l. 1. c. 2.  but, when he lifts up his eyes unto heaven, albeit he know not by the providence of what God this universe, which he beholds, is governed, yet doth he understand that there is one, by the very vastness, motion, order, constancy, utility, beauty and temperament of thing: and that it cannot be, but that that which consisteth in such an admirable manner, is guided by some greater Counsel.  
§6. These and many other the like useful passages are to be found in his writings: though yet for the chief points of Religion he handles them but very slenderly, and not so plainly as he should: for there is not a clear sentence concerning faith, the benefits of the Son of God, or of any other necessary part of the Doctrine of Christianity to be met with in Lactantius throughout: 
Cent. 4. c. 10  he being for the most part employed in refuting the false opinions of the Gentiles; which is the ground of that speech of Chemnitius, 
In Orat. de lect. patr. Scultet. in Medulla.  that Lactantius cannot much advantage his Reader. Many points of Religion he but toucheth only, and the most he understood not: so likewise speaks Chytraeus of him; 
De stud. Theolog.  Doctrinam Evangelii propriam, de beneficiis Christi, & de fide parùm intellexit. Whence it comes to pass that his errors were neither few nor small; speaking of the weightiest doctrines very unfitly and improperly; though perhaps in some of them (as Osiander charitably conceives) he thought better, 
Epitome. hist. Eccles. cent. 4. l. 1. c. 31.  and was more sound in his judgement.  
His Errors were such as these.  
1. Concerning God, 
Inst. l. 1. c. 7.  his expression is very unmeet and dangerous, viz. That God made himself, Yet may his meaning be that God had his being of himself; for so: lib. 2. 9 'tis God alone who is not made;— he is of himself, as we said: lib. 1. and therefore is such as he would himself to be, viz. impassable, immutable, uncorrupt, blessed, eternal.  
2. He so speaks of Christ, 
Cent. 4. c. 10.  say the Centuturists, that a man may well say, he never rightly understood either the person or Office of the Son of Son of God. As where he saith;  
That God did produce a Spirit like himself, 
Inst. l. 2. c. 9  who should be endued with the virtues of God his Father. Also, The Commands of his Father he faithfully observed: 
Ibid. l. 4. 14.  for he taught, that God is one, and that he alone ought to be worshipped; neither did he ever say that himself was God; for he should not have been faithful, if, being sent to take away the gods, and to assert one, should have brought in another beside (that) one. These and such like words he hath, that do not a little smell of Arianism. Indeed, he in this particular doth not express himself so warily as he ought; which hath occasioned such suspicions of him; but yet however, that in his judgement he neither denied nor doubted of the Deity or Eternity of Christ, seems clear from divers other places, where in so many words he acknowledgeth both; as, where he calls him the word of God; &, (inquit) meritò sermo & verbum dei dicitur, 
Inst. l. 4. c. 8.  qui procedentem de ore suo vocalem Spiritum, quem non utero sed ment conceperat, inexcogitabili quadam majestatis suae virtute, ad effigiem, quae proprio sensu, ac sapientiâ vigeat, comprehendit, & alios item Spiritus in angelos ●●guraverit. Also, 
Ibid.  if any wonder that God should be generated of God, prolatione vocis 〈◊〉 Spiritus; when once he shall know the sacred voices of the Prophet, he will certainly cease to wonder. Again, he saith, that the Jews condemned their God. 
Lib. 4. c. 18.  Last, Sicut ●ater, 
Lib. 2. c. 9  inquit, sine exemplo genuit Authorem suum; sic ineffabiliter Pater genuisse credendus est Coaeternum. De matre natus est, qui ante jam fuit; de Patre, qui aliquando non fuit. Hoc fides credat, intelligentia non requirat, ne ●ut non inventum putet incredibile, aut reper●um non credat singular. If therefore in some places he seem to deliver that which savours too much of Arius, or speak not so clearly of Christ as he should; 
In Scholiis. in l. 4. c. 16. etc. 22. in Bibli. Patr.  Thomasius, that diligent peruser of him, who compared divers Copies together, is of the mind, that there his books are by some Arian corrupted; giving sundry instances herein.  
3. He unadvisedly saith, that Christ after his resurrection went into Galilee, 
Inst. l. 4. c. 20  because he would not show himself unto the Jews, lest he should bring them unto repentance, and save those wicked men.  
4. He is silent concerning the Priestly Office of Christ, 
Cent. 4. c. 10. Scult. c. 12. Chytr. de stud. Theol.  mentioning no other ends of his Incarnation or coming, and passion, but only to reveal and make known unto men the Mysteries of Religion, and to give them an example of virtue.  
5. He knew nothing at all of the Holy Ghost; 
Cent. ibid.  and makes little or no mention of him in his books now extant. Or, 
Ep. 65. Pam.  if he knew any thing, jerom acquaints us what his apprehensions of him were; In his books, saith he, and especially in his Epistles unto Demetrian, he denies the substance of the holy Ghost, saying, according to the error of the Jews, that he is referred either unto the Father, or the Son; and that the sanctification of either person, is demonstrated under his name. So that, what jerom spoke of Origen, may not unfitly be applied unto him also, 
Ibid.  viz. that his opinion of the Son was bad, but concerning the holy Ghost was worse.  
6. He conceited, that the Angels were given unto men to be their guardians, 
Inst. l. 2. c. 15  lest they should be destroyed by the Devil, unto whom at first the power of the earth was given. And that those guardian Angel, being alured to accompany with women were for this their sin cast down from heaven; and so of the Angels of God, became the Ministers of the Devil.  
7. Also, 
Inst. l. 7. c. 5.  That God created an infinite number of souls, which he afterward put into frail and weak bodies that being in the midst between good and evil, and virtue being propounded unto man consisting of both natures, he might not with ease and delicacy obtain immortality, but with great difficulty and labour get the reward of eternal life.  
8. He speaks nothing of the righteousness of faith; 
Inst. l. 7. c. 27  but that salvation is merited by good works; 
Lib. de opisi. dei. c. 20.  and that if a man serve not the earth, which he ought to tread underfoot, he shall merit everlasting life. 
De stud. Theolog.  Cum lib. 5. & 6. (inquit Chytraeus) orationem de justitiâ Christiana ex professo instituerit, tamen de philosophies tantum sen legis justitia disputat & justitiae ●●dei, quae Evangelii propriâ est, nullam ferè mentionem facit.  
9 Of Prayer, saith he, As often as a man asks, he is to believe that he is tempted of God, 
Institut. lib. 6. c. 13.  whether he be worthy to be heard: Of pardon of sin thus, that God vouchsafes it unto them that sin ignorantly, but not unto them that sin of knowledge and wittingly. Also that a man may be without sin, which yet he contradicts within a few lines after.  
10. He hath many superstitious things concerning the virtue of the sign of the Cross, viz. That it is terrible unto the Devils, qui adjurati per Christum, de corporibus quae obsederint, 
Institut. lib. 4. c. 27.  fugiunt. Nam sicut Christus ipse Daemonas verbo fugabas, ita nunc sectatores ejus eosdem, spiritus inquinatos de hominibus et nomine Magistri sui et signo passionis excludunt. Cujus rei non difficilis est probatio, nam ●um diis s●is immolant, si assistat aliquis signatam fronte gereus, sacra nullo modo litant, nec responsa potest consultus reddere vates.  
11. He thinks it unlawful for a righteous man to go to war, 
Institut. lib. 6. c. 20.  or to accuse any one of a capital crime, because Murder is forbidden.  
12. He denied that there were any Antipodes, 
Institut. lib. 3. c. 24.  and that with much earnestness and confidence, bestowing a whole Chapter upon the maintenance of so evident a mistake, in showing the Original, and (as he conceived) the absurdity of the Antipodian opinion, and confuting it: wondering at the folly of those that held it. What shall we think, saith he, of them who give out that there are Antipodes walking opposite unto us? Do they speak any thing to the purpose? or are there any so stupid as to believe, that there are men whose feet are higher than their heads, or that those things there do hang which with us do lie on the ground? That the Plants and Trees spring downward, that the snow and rain and hail fall upward upon the earth? And need any man marvel that hanging Gardens are accounted in the number of the seven wonders of the world, since the Philosophers have made both Fields and Seas, Cities and Mountains all hanging?— What to say of these I know not, who having once erred do constantly persist in their folly, and with vain defend vain things, only sometimes I think that they play the Philosophers in jest, or wittingly and knowingly undertake to defend falsehood, to exercise, as it were, and show their wit in things that are evil. Strange ignorance that accounts so palpable a truth so gross an error, yet herein was Lactantius outgone by Zachary Bishop of Rome, 
Hakewel. Apolog. lib. 3. cap. 8. § 1.  (oh the infallibility of that Chair!) who condemned one Vigilius Bishop of Saltzburg as an heretic, only for holding that there were Antipodes.  
13. That the Souls of all men are detained in one common prison, 
Institut. lib. 7. c. 21.  until the coming of the great Judge.  
14. He hath fond conceits of the coming of a great Prophet immediately before the end of the world, 
Institut. lib. 7. c. 17.  who shall convert men unto God, and work strange miracles; unto whom he applies those passages concerning the two witnesses, mentioned in Revel. cap. 11.  
15. He is a millenary, asserteth two resurrections, 
Institut. lib. 7. cap. 14.  and largely discourseth of the reign of the Saints upon earth after the first, for the space of a thousand years, and what should fall out during that time. After this (saith he) shall be the last judgement, in which not all shall be judged, (the wicked being condemned already) but only those who know God, at what time their good works shall be weighed with their bad, and if the good do over balance the bad they shall go into life, if otherwise they shall be condemned. A gross error and cross to plain Scriptures.  
16. He thus speaks of the last judgement, 
Institut lib. 7. c. 21.  when (saith he) the Lord shall judge the righteous, he shall prove or try them by fire, (he seems to allude unto, 1 Cor. 3. 13.) Then they whose sins shall prevail either in weight or number shall be burnt, but those whom righteousness and maturity of virtue shall have fully concocted, shall not feel that fire: For they have somewhat that repels the force of the flame, etc.  
These and other the like unsound passages are scattered up and down in the Writings of Lactantius, who is therefore to be read with much caution, (apud Lactantium inquit Hyperius, 
De rat. stud. Theolog. lib. 4.  invenies plura quae sapientem lectorem desiderant.) He made too much of Philosophy, (as did also other of the Ancients) chiefly that of Plato, 
Thomas. in Scholar in lib. 7. cap. 15. institut.  and too closely followed Origen, which was the cause why in so many things, he swerved and wandered from the truth, and was so great a stranger unto it: Retinuit tamen hactenus (inquit Bullingerus) suam gloriam in Ecclesiâ Christi. 
de Orig. error. c. 29.   
§ 7. As concerning his death, I find no mention at all in History, where, or after what manner he ended his life. That he lived unto a great Age, may be gathered from what jerom writes of him, 
In cate-log.  that in his extreme old Age, he was in France, Schoolmaster unto Crispus the Son of Constantine the Great, where therefore it is most likely he might end his days: But withal he was reduced to such poverty and want, (which is somewhat strange being a man of such worth and so greatly favoured by that good Emperor) that for the most part he lacked even necessaries for his subsistence. 
Euseb. chron. ad an. ● 12.     

Athanasius.  
§ 1. HE was born at Alexandria, of virtuous and godly Parents, 
Athanasii omnino vita praelegenda est ab eo qui ejus scripta cum fructu cupit evolvere. Possev. in apparat.  and their only Son: From his very Childhood he gave good evidences of his towardliness and inclination unto piety and spiritual things. One thing especially as very remarkable, and presaging his future dignity and employment, is recorded by most Historians concerning him, and it is this: 
Socrat. lib. 1. cap. 11.  He with his play fellows in their childish sports, imitating those things that were done in the Church, 
Ruffi●. hist. lib. c. 14.  was chosen by the rest for their Bishop: Who acting his part accordingly, baptised some of the boys, that had not been baptised before, according unto the due form of interrogatories and answers usually preceding Baptism; giving them afterwards divers exhortations and admonitions. All which, Alexander, than Bishop of that place, passing by at a distance beheld, and understanding by examining them how he had proceeded, concluded with his Presbyters, that what was done, though in childish simplicity, was valid, and that those Children ought not again to be baptised.  
Alexander being moved herewith, and having sent for his Parents, earnestly besought and charged them that he should be carefully trained up in piety and learning for the service of the Church: which accordingly they diligently performed, delivering him unto a certain Notary, 
Ruffin. hist. lib. 1. c. 14.  who instructed him in the Grammar: After which he spent some small time in the study of the liberal Arts; lest he should seem to be altogether ignorant in this regard; which having lightly tasted and passed thorough, he is, as another Samuel, by his Parents according to their promise presented unto the Bishop: With him, being taken into his care and tuition, he applies himself wholly unto the study of divinity, most diligently perusing and meditating in the holy Scriptures of the Old and New Testament, by which means he became deeply insighted into them: hereunto he added also the study of the Law, wherein he attained unto so much skill, that Sulpitius Severus speaking of him, 
Sac. hist. l. 2.  gives him the Title of jurisconsultus or a Lawyer.  
For a while he lived with the Bishop as his Amanuensis or Scribe, 
In Epist. ad Epictet●●.  who afterward promoted him unto the Office of a Deacon, and from thence unto the rest of the sacred orders; all which he passed through, behaving himself in an admirable manner.  
The Council of Nice, (so famous even unto this day, of which Athanasius thus speaks; Nulla (inquit) est in Catholicâ Ecclesiâ synodus existimanda preter unicam Nicaenam, quae omnium haersi●v profligatarum ac imprinius Arianae trophaeum habenda est. 
In praesat. a●t. council. Sardicens.  And Binnius thus: Patrum hujus consilii autoritas erat orthodoxae fidei clypeus, impiorum terror ac luctus, ecclesiarum nexus & quies.) This Council, I say, being called by the Emperor Constantine the Great, Alexander Bishop of Alexandria going thither, takes along with him young Athanasius, who was present not only as a spectator, 
Ruffin, hist. lib. 1. c. 14.  but an assistant unto the Bishop, now grown aged, helping him much in refuting the subtle Sophisms of the adversaries: wherein he gave a notable experiment of his Learning and Piety, which much endeared him unto the Orthodox, but made him from that time no less envied and hated by the Arian Heretics.  
Alexander survived this Council but a little while, not above the space of five months: when he was upon his death bed, he would often call for Athanasius, who purposely absented himself, being unwilling to undertake the charge of that Church, which yet the old Bishop had designed him unto, using such like words as these; Athanasius, thou thinkest to escape, but thou shalt not: meaning hereby both the Bishopric, and also the many and great conflicts that he should undergo: 
Ruffin. hist. lib. 1. c. 14.  which were such, that an Historian applies unto him those words of Christ unto Paul; I will show him how great things be must suffer for my name's sake. 
Act. 9 16.   
Alexander dying, Athanasius is by the general vote chosen Bishop in his room; 
Possev. in apparat.  being then about four and twenty years of age, so great was his proficiency in whatever qualifications were requisite for that Office. This his Election by an Universal consent, is testified by the Church of Alexandria in these words. We with the whole City and Province do testify, that the whole multitude and people of the Catholic Church, being met together, and, as but of one body and soul, did with clamours and cries require that Athanasius might be given us for the Bishop of this Church; and that with public prayers they desired this of Christ; which that we the Clergy would do, they earnestly besought us night and day, themselves in the mean time not departing from the Church, nor permitting us to depart. Whence it evidently appears how great the inclination of them all was unto him, and how honourable an opinion they had of him.  
He no sooner undertook this weighty charge, but forthwith he applied himself diligently, (and made it his main work) to illustrate the truth, to assert and vindicate the Doctrine of the Eternal Deity of the Son of God, and to reduce those into the right way again, 
Nihil sibi prius a●endum rati sunt Ariani, quam ut Athanasium Ecclesi● submoverent, qui semper eis velut murus obstiterat, quo re noto, reliquos in suam libidinem cessuros 〈…〉 Sever. lib. 2.  who had been led astray, 
In 1 Ti●. digress. l. 1. c. 17.  being infected with the Arian Heresy: for which reason, that faction (conceiving that their cause could not thrive and prosper, while it had such an adversary in so eminent a place & dignity) became his implacable enemies, still contriving mischief against him, and endeavouring his disturbance by multiplied calumnies, and false accusations: So that, Ejus annorum quadraginta sex Episcopatus perpetua fuit persecutio, (inquit Espencaeus) exilium propè irremissum, fuga frequens, & latitatio diuturna. The truth here of may be seen in the following passages of his life.  
His chief adversary was Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia, who with his complices many ways assailed him, as,  
1. They cavilled at, and found fault with his Election, as undue; but that came to nought.  
2. They traduced him unto the Emperor Constantine the Great, as one that caused divisions and distractions in the Church, and hindered concord: the ground whereof was, his refusing to receive the Heretic Arius (a Presbyter of Alexandria) into Communion, whose return from banishment had been procured by a certain Presbyter about the Emperor, upon his feigned submission and consent unto the Nicene faith. Hereupon the Emperor, (giving too much credit unto the party of Eusebius) wrote menacing letters unto Athanasius, threatening to remove him from his place in case he should persist to refuse Arius: But he by his Letters, gave full satisfaction unto the Emperor; showing that such an Heretic having been proscribed and justly excommunicated by so famous a Council, ought not to be received again, but upon his repentance manifested, and by the public consent of the pious. This not succeeding, his adversaries.  
3. Proceeded to accuse him as a fomenter of sedition aiding with money one Philumenus, who enterprised somewhat against the Emperor. But he, coming unto Constantinople, cleared himself, and made his innocence so to appear, that the Emperor not only acquitted him from all suspicion of the crime objected unto him, but also honourably sent him back unto Alexandria, with letters of high commendation. Being thus disappointed, his restless enemies ceased not to charge him with more heinous crimes, unto which he made his answer in the Synod of Tyre consisting of sixty Bishops, who were convened for the consecration of a Magnificent temple which the Emperor had built at Jerusalem: 
In notis in conc. tom. 1.  of which Binnius thus speaks: conciliabulum (inquit) & malignantium conventus; ad quod convocati sunt Episcopi duntaxat illi, quos Eusebius & Eusebiani nefarii haeresiarchae advocandos persuaserunt. The Bishops being assembled, Athanasius is  
4. Accused before them, by an impudent Harlot (whom the Arians had suborned) to have vitiated and abused her. But Timotheus, a worthy Presbyter, speaking unto her, as if he had been Athanasius; did I ever, saith he, enter into thine house, or had any thing to do with thee? Unto whom she pointing at Timotheus with her finger, thus replieth with much eagerness; Thou, thou art he that hast abused me, and despoiled me of my chastity; By which means the fraud being thus discovered, those of the conspiracy were surprised with shame, yet not desisting;  
5. They proceed to charge him with the Murder of one Arsenius, (whom they had conveyed away and hidden) sometime a Reader, or, as some, a Deacon in the Church of Alexandria; producing and showing forth the arm of a man, which they pretended to be his, and to have been cut off and kept by Athanasius for some Magic uses. Upon the sight whereof there was a great cry among them against Athanasius for so abominable a fact. But silence being made Athanasius demanded, whether any one there present had known Arsenius? Unto which some answering affirmatively he hereupon brings forth Arsenius (who had the day before come voluntarily unto Tyre, and showed himself unto Athanasius) and presents him before the Council sound and having both his Arms: whereat the Conspirators were so abashed and confounded, that they knew not what to say, only they cried out, that he was a Magician, and deluded the eyes of the beholders. Unto all which they yet add,  
6. That Macarius a Presbyter of Alexandria being sent unto Mareotis to forbid one Isehyras or Ischarion, (who usurped the Office of a Minister) to Officiate or Administer the holy things: He by the command of Athanasius (as they suggested) had overturned the holy Table broken the Chalice, and burned certain Books; but the falsehood hereof was soon made apparent; for Ischyras repenting, 
Bin. in notis in council. tom. 1. Socrat. hist. l. 1. c. 3.  publicly confessed that he had slandered him, being suborned by the Meletions, and enforced so to do: (these Meleti●●s, so called from Meletius a certain Egyptian Bishop were in this conspiracy confederates with the Arians.) Hereat being greatly enraged, they would have offered violence unto Athanasius, which to avoid, he went out of the Synod, and betook him unto the Emperor. Being gone, they sentenced him, ●s guilty of the crimes laid to his charge, to be deposed from his Bishopric; writing Letters unto the Bishops every where not to Communicate or have any Commerce with him. The famous Confessor Paphnutius Bishop of the upper Thebais, being now present in this Synod, and perceiving that they purposed to proceed against Athanasius, taking Maximus Bishop of Jerusalem by the hand; Arise, saith he unto him, and let us depart hence, for it is not meet that we who have had our eyes put out for the word of truth, should partake with these wicked men, in their violent proceeding against the defenders of true piety.  
The Emperor understanding what had passed, was much incensed against those Bishops, and by his Letters sharply reprehended them for what they had done, requiring them to appear before him at Constantinople: whither being come, they waving all former accusations, instil into the Emperor's ears, another foul slander against Athanasius, viz. That he had threatened to hinder the transportation of corn (as was wont) from Egypt unto Constantinople: which begat in the Emperor such indignation against the Bishop, that without hearing he banished him into France unto the City of Triers (Galliarum metropolis, 
Banished the first time.  inquit Athanasius; Treviris, ad Mosel●ae r●ipam, olim (inquie Victorius) insignis Galliae, 
In Ep. ad solit. vitam agentes.  nunc Germaniae imperialis urbs) then belonging unto that Kingdom, 
In Scholar in Hieronym. epist. 6.  but since unto Germany being now the seat of one of the Ecclesiastical Electors: 
Hist. tripart. l. 4. c. 2. & ●than. in Ep. ad vitam solit. agent.  although some conceive, that the Emperor did this for the safety of Athanasius, and in hope, that hereupon peace and unity among the Bishops would ensue.  
Arius upon the banishment of Athanasius, 
Athan. de morte Arii.  entering again into Alexandria, occasions new tumults there, which when the Emperor understood, he sendeth for him unto Constantinople, requiring him by subscription to testify his consent unto the Nicen faith: this he doth ●ignedly. Hereupon the Emperor requires Alexander Bishop of Constantinople, to receive ●im into communion: Who all night long by ●arnest prayer beseecheth the Lord either to ●ake him out of this life, or else to take away 〈◊〉, lest by him this Church should be indicted with his heresy. Arius, the next day ●oming with a great company toward the Church, in the way turns aside to ease himself, which while he was doing he burst asunder in the midst like another judas, so that ●is bowels came out, and died ignominiously ●n the place, whom the Eusebians with shame ●nough took thence and buried him. So prevalent were the prayers of the good Bishop Alexander.  
Shortly after this dyeth the Emperor Con●●nti●e the great, leaving the Empire unto his three Sons, viz. unto Constantius the East, and the West unto the other two, Constans and Constantine. Before his death he had a purpose to recall Athanasius from his banishment, 
Hist. tripart. lib. 4. cap. 2.  〈◊〉 being prevented he commits the doing ●ereof unto his Son Constantine, which he accordingly performed, sending him back with Letters recommendatory unto the Church of Alexandria, unto which he returned after he had been about two years and four Months in exile. But he held not his government quietly above three years, for (returning without out common consent, and the decree of the Bishops) he was by the Arians accused unto Constantius (infected with, 
Entitled by Binnius. Concilium Antiochenum primum sub Julio Papa primo, celebratum, in quo Ariani Athanasium de posuerunt, atque Gregorium Cappadocem substitue●nnt. council. tom. 1. anno 341.  and a great favourer of that Heresy) and thereupon by the Synod of Antioch, (wherein the Arian faction prevailed) consisting of ninety Bishops, again deposed and one Gregory set up in his Room.  
Athanasius now finding it not safe for him to continue in Alexandria, fled unto julius' Bishop of Rome; who assembling the Western Bishops, sends him back with Letters testimonial, and pressing his restitution: But upon his return unto Alexandria, 
He flieth a second time.  a great tumult being raised by the Arians wherein some were slain, the blame hereof is cast upon Athanasius, and this seconded with other calumnies: which so enraged the Emperor Constantius against him, that he sent one Cyrianus a Captain with many Soldiers to apprehend him: Withal, by his Edicts he required all his Officers to make diligent search for him, promising rewards unto any that should bring him alive, or else his head unto the Emperor.  
Hereupon he is for●ed to hide himself; 
Hides the third time.  which for sometime he did in a certain Well or Cave which was known unto none, save only to one of his familiar friends, who sent him necessaries by a Servant who at length discovered him: But Athanasius having timely notice hereof, the same night wherein he should have been apprehended, betook him unto another place. 
And flieth.  Yet finding it not safe for him to remain in the dominions of Constantius, he fled into the West unto the Emperor Constance, 
Quia concilium Sardicense Nicaenae tantùm fidei tutelam suscepit et quia Patrum utriusque una suit sententia, una mens unus spiritus, semper appendix tanquam Nicaeni concilii fuit habita.  who very honourably received him. Unto whom he makes a very sad complaint of the injuries offered him by the Arians, earnestly desiring him that a Synod might be called for the discussing of his cause. The Emperor harkening unto him, obtains of his Brother that an universal Council both of the East and Western Bishops, should be convened at Sardica in Illiricum: Of which, Binuius thus; Concilium Sardicense, (inquit) 〈◊〉 Nicaeni appendix, 
Binnius' ib. Praefat. antconcil. Sard.  et a multis Nicaeni nomine umprehenditur. Sculte●us styles it, pa●em Ni●enae Synodo. Where being assembled, the Eastern Bishops required, 
In Medul.  that Athanasius and his sautors should he removed from the Council: Which being denied as unjust, the Eastern Bishops withdrew, and instituted an An●●synod at Philopolis in Thrace, wherein the decrees of the Council of Tyre against Athanasius were confirmed, the doctrine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 concluded and agreed on, and julius' Bishop of Rome, Hosius of Corduba, Maximinus of ●riers, and divers others for receiving Atha●asius unto communion, were deprived of their Bishoprics. What was the issue of these cross Councils, appears in the following words. Ex contrariis decretis harum Synodorum ortum est ●tron et diuturnum Schisma inter Orientales et Occidentales Ecclesias, 
Angeloc●at. in Ep. cozen.  quod ante Gratianum et Theodosium Imperatores non desiit, ita ut invicem ●●n communicarent.  
For on the contrary, the Council of Sardica, having heard Athanasius clearing his innocency, received him unto communion, condemning his accusers: Withal they confirmed the 〈…〉 Council, and decreed, that such as defended the contrary thereunto, should not only be deprived of their Bishoprics, but also excluded from the society and communion of the faithful.  
Constantius, notwithstanding the decree of this Council of Sardica, for the restitution of Athanasius unto his Bishopric, refuseth to admit of him: hereupon his Brother; the Emperor Constans writes him a short, but sharp Letter, threatening that if he should still persist to oppose and hinder the return of Athanasius, he himself would come with an Army, and whether he would or no, restore him again unto his place. This so far prevailed, that Constantius yields, and again and again invites doubtful and delaying Athanasius to return, by divers letters written unto him, who at length hearkens and returns accordingly.  
The Emperor meeting with him at Antioch, gently entreats and confers with him, permitting him with safety to go unto Alexandria; withal promising to admit of no more accusations against him, and by his Letters commended him unto the Church of Alexandria for his singular piety, 
Osiand. in Ep. hist. Eccles.  exhorting them with all respect to receive him: But before his departure from him, he told him, that the Bishops desired one thing of him, namely, that he would grant one Church in Alexandria unto those that dissented from, and could not join in communion with him. I am content (quoth he) so to do upon this condition, that the Arians will vouchsafe one Church unto the Orthodox in the City of Antioch, which the Emperor inclined unto as reasonable, but the Arians were altogether averse from it.  
Athanasius, in his way to Alexandria, coming unto Jerusalem, prevails with Maxi●●s then Bishop of that place, to call a Synod of the Bishops of the neighbouring Countries; wherein they approved of his restitution, and also by their letters signified unto the Bishops of Egypt and Africa, their joining in communion with him.  
Coming unto Alexandria, he is received with exceeding great joy and festivity, as it were in a kind of triumph, where he continued about the space of five years; viz. unto the death of Constance the defender of the Orthodox.  
Upon his decease, (the inconstant Constan●●us being sole Emperor) the Arians again with might and main fall upon Athanasius; persuading the Emperor that he made continual stirs throughout Egypt and Lybia, that in his journey he had ordained Bishops and Presbyters without his jurisdiction, and that he had been the Author of dissension, between the Emperor and his Brother.  
The ciedulous Emperor so far hearkens unto these accusations, that he abolisheth the decrees of the Council of Sardica, and commands that those Bishops should be deprived and removed from their Churches, whom that Synod had restored: Amongst these, Athanasius was the chief, who by an order obtained from the Emperor was to be dispatched and slain: 
Athan. in apolog. pro fugâ suâ.  For which end a Captain that was sent with five thousand Soldiers, begirts and enters the Church, where by night Athanasius and the people were assembled together. 
A fourth time he flieth.  But he in a wonderful manner escapes, passing out among the rest undiscerned by the Soldiers, and flying into the desert of Lybia, he abode there until the death of Constantius, being about ten years; yet sometimes coming unto Alexandria to confirm the Church: Though as some report, he lay hid all this time in Alexandria, 
Sozomen. hist. Eccles. 1. 5. c. 6.  in the house of a sacred Virgin.  
During the reign of Constantius, divers Councils of the Eastern and Western Bishops were convened; as at Antioch, Sardica, Sirmium, Milan, Ariminum, and Seleucia: chiefly intended for the promoting of the Arian heresy, and against the faith of the Nicene Council: which yet succeeded not accordingly, the Eastern being still stoutly opposed by the Western Bishops. In which time also nine several forms or confessions of faith were framed, all differing from that of Nice: An evident argument of the distracted condition and state that then the Churches were in.  
Upon the departure or withdrawing of Athanasius, George of Cappadacia, a violent Arian enters, and like a wolf in a furious madness makes havoc of the Church, exercising great cruelties and inflicting grievous tortures upon the Orthodox: 
In Sholiis. in Nazianz. orat. 31.  who yet (saith Billius) was by the Arians removed, because he showed not himself so diligent in maintaining and propagating their doctrine, as they expected.  
But julian the Apostate succeeding Constantius in the Empire, (who upon his deathbed bewailed these three things especially: 1. That he had a hand in murdering his kindred. 
Nazianz. orat. 31.  2. That he had changed the form of the Nicene Faith. 3. That he had named julian for his Successor.) In the beginning of his Reign restoreth those Bishops unto their places again, whom Constantius had removed: which he did not out of any love unto Religion, but to impair the fame of Constantius, and out of a hope he had, that by their dissensions Christianity would suffer and be shaken: Amongst the rest Athanasius returns again unto Alexandria.  
Not long after this, the Magicians and Sorceters' urging and crying out, that nothing could be done by their arts, until Athanasius, the great obstacle, were taken out of the way, julian not only banished but also commanded that he should be slain: Hereupon, being about to take ship to shun the danger, and the people of Alexandria standing weeping about him; 
5. Time 〈◊〉 flieth.  saith he unto them, Be not troubled my Children, nubecula est citò transitura: 'tis but a little Cloud, and it will soon pass away: which fell out accordingly.  
Flying up the River Nilus and being closely pursued by some that were sent to apprehend him, those that were with him being greatly afraid, persuaded him in this exigent speedily to get into the desert for his safety: Why are you so much troubled, quoth he: Let us rather go to meet them, that they may know he is greater that defends us, than they that do pursue us. Hereupon they direct their course accordingly, and coming near them (little suspecting any such matter) the pursuers asked them if they had heard where Athanasius was? who answered, that they had lately seen him passing not far from thence. They followed him therefore as they thought with all the speed they could make, but all in vain, for by this means Athanasius escaped their hands and came safe unto Alexandria, where he lay hid until the death of julian, who was shortly after slain in a battle against the Persians, having reigned only one year and eight months.  
In his Room jovinianus is by the Army chosen Emperor, a most pious, Prince, who reduced from banishment the orthodox Bishops: Among whom for his singular virtues he much admired Athanasius, and had him in great esteem, conferring and advising with him about matters of faith, and the right ordering of the Churches: under whom they were like to have been in a very flourishing and happy condition, had not the shortness of his government prevented it, which the space of eight months put a period unto.  
After him followed Valentinian, who associated with him in the government of the Empire, his Brother Valens: these dividing it between them, Valentinian had the West, and Valens the East for his dominion. This Valens did greatly favour the Arian faction, in so much as he began to persecute the Orthodox, especially Athanasius, (their great eye-fore) sending an Officer by force to expel him out of Alexandria: Athanasius fearing what might ensue hereof, and that stirs and tumults might be raised by the common people, 
6. Time be hide●h.  hid himself for about the space of four months in his Father's monument: The Citizens nevertheless grew so seditious, that to appease and satisfy them, Valens, though unwilling, was fain to permit Athanasius quietly to enjoy his Bishopric: which he did (and the Church of Alexandria peace) unto the end of his days. The Narration of whose life and sufferings, let me conclude in the words of Osiander. 
Hist. Eccles. cent. 4. lib. ●. cap. 16.  Non volui in recitandâ tanti viri▪ plusquam martyris historia esse brevior, quia nihil vidi, quod rectè omitti posset.  
§ 2. He was a man of such transcendent worth and every way so excelled, that he was had in very high esteem and much admired by all the lovers of piety and sound doctrine: as appears by the honourable titles given unto him by divers eminent persons among the Ancients. 
Theodoret, hi●●. Eccl. l. 1. c. 26.  I saw (saith the Emperor Constantine the great, in an Epistle unto the Alexandriaus,) your Bishop Athanasius with delight, and so spoke unto him as one whom I believed to be a man of God. 
Orat. 31.  Nazianzen styles him the great Trumpet of truth, a principal Pillar of the Church, the eye of the world, that second light, 
Orar. 33.  and (if we may use the word) forerunner of Christ, whom praising I shall praise virtue itself, for in him all virtues meet. Basil hath recourse unto him, 
Epist. 52.  v●lut ad universorum apicem, quo consultore ac duce actionum ●●eretur. A most faithful Master (saith Vincentius Lyrinensis) and a most eminent confessor. 
L. contra h●●res. c. 42.  An illustrious and famous man (saith Cyril of Alexandria) and in the Council of Nice, 
Epist. 1.  one that was had in admiration of all: (though then but young.) 
In dialog. 1.  Theodoret calls him the most shining light of the Church of Alexandria, who was among the Bishops thereof, as an Orient pearl, most conspicuous, 
Contra Eu tychen. l. 2.  One most approved in the judgement of all Ecclesiastical men, saith Vigilius: A profound, and every way absolute Divine; in so much as he acquired, 
Nannius in ep ante opera Athanas.  and accordingly is commonly known by the name of Athanasius the Great.  
He was for his natural parts more than ordinary, 
Orat. de vitâ e●us a viro docto script.  being of a strong and excellent wit, as also of a sharp and piercing judgement; which he cultured and improved by the study of the Liberal Arts, and other Humane Learning; 
Hyper. de stud. theol. l. 1. c. 7.  wherein he attained unto a competent measure of skill, although he spent but a small time in them: for he chiefly intended things of an higher nature, applying himself unto diligent Meditation in the Scriptures, 
Nazianz. Orat. 31.  viz. all the Books both of the Old and New Testament; by which means he so increased in the riches, not only of knowledge and Divine Contemplation, but also of an egregious and shining conversation, (both which he happily joined together; 
Sixt. Senens. lib 4.  being vir sanctitatis & eruditionis eximiae) as no man more: so that in Learning he went beyond those that were famous for their Learning, and in action the most apt for action: his life and manners were a rule for Bishops, and his Doctrines were accounted as the Law of the Orthodox Faith: 
Nazianz ib.  a man of great ability to oppose error and to defend the truth. He was adorned with all sorts of virtues; of such gentleness, that the way was open and easy for all to converse with him; free from anger and passion; and very propense unto pity and commiseration; withal of most Heroic magnanimity (enkindled in his breast by the holy Ghost) to bear any adversity, and of such invincible courage, that he could not be broken with any blows of persecution: his speech was pleasant, but his manners more; of an Angelical face; yet in his mind more Angelical; he was indeed an exact picture of virtue, and pattern for Bishops; His skill was great in the Management of the affairs of the Church, and an admirable dexterity he had in the composing of differences and distempers, 
Ep. 49. & 51  (unto which his Authority conduced much, and was of great advantage) as appears by the addresses that Basil made unto him, earnestly imploring his aid: who styles him their only comfort against those evils, and one ordained by God in the Churches to be the Physician for the curing of their maladies; for which work he was abundantly furnished. In a word, he was as a Maul or Hammer unto the Heretics (semper Arianis velut murus obstitit (inquit Sulpitius Severus) hereticorum nugis (inquit Cyrillus Alexandrinus) inexpugnabili quadam & Apostolicâ prudentiâ restitit.) 
Hist. sac. 1. 2.  as an Adamant unto his persecutors, 
Epist. 1.  and as a loadstone unto such as dissented from him, drawing them unto the truth.  
§ 3. His works declare him to have been indefatigably industrious, being very many, penè infinita, almost infinite, (saith Trithemius:) some whereof are generally held to be his, 
De Script. Eccles. Scul●e●▪ in Medul●.  and by the stile are discovered so to be: for they are destitute of those Rhetorical flourishes, so frequently to be found in Nazianzen, as also of those Philosophical Speculations in the works of Basil: 
Nannius in ep. ante op. Athanas.  which yet (had he made use of them) would have rendered his writings more sweet and succulent: but some of these Arts he shunned as diligently, as he did Heretical opinions; and others of them he useth very sparingly. Netheless his labours were had in very great esteem, 
Epist. 1.  as may be gathered from the words of Cyril who thus speaks of them; quasi fragrantissimo (inquit) quodam ungnento, ipsum coelum scriptis suis exhil●ravit. And the Abbot Cosmas intimates his apprehensions of their worth in these words; when, saith he, 
Pratum spiritu●l. c. 40.  thou lightest on any of the works of Athanasius, and hast not paper to write on, write it on thy garments. But, as many are genuine, so some under his name are dubious and questionable; and others forged and supposititious. An injury which the best Authors have not escaped, unto whom many books have been ascribed, which were not theirs; but to none more than unto Athanasius; Vt, inquit Nannius, fertilissimis agris multa Zizania una cum optimis frugibus nascuntur; 
I●●p. nuncu. pat●ante op. Athanas.  ita optimb cuique autori plurimi falsi & notbi libri adscribuntur; nulli au●em plures quam Athanasio. Indeed as they are now extant, scarce the one half do belong unto him; which Erasmus meeting with, he cast them away with indignation, and being full of them, 
Cont. 4. c. 10.  cried out, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: having his fill, and unwilling to meddle more with such stuff. Among other that offered him this wrong were the Nestorian and Entychian Heretics (saith Evagrius) who set forth divers books of Apollinarius, 
Hist. Eccles. lib. 3. c. 31.  under the name of Athanasius.  
The books extant under his name both of one sort and other, I shall briefly set down in the same order that I find them in the Parisian Edition; Ann. One thousand six hundred twenty seven, contained in two Tomes. And they are these following.  
1. An Oration against the Gentiles.  
2. Of the Incarnation of the word of God; 
De script. Eccles.  (which Bellarmine thinks to be those two books against the Gentiles, whereof jerom makes mention:) 
In Catalogue.  by himself truly styled the Rudiments or Character of the Faith of Christ; 
Sculter. in Medulla.  for it contains in it an Epitome of Christian Doctrine most necessary to be known, and not unpleasant to be read.  
3. An Exposition of the faith; wherein the Orthodox Doctrine of the Trinity is asserted, 
De script. Eccles.  and the Heretical refuted. Of this Bellarmine makes question whether it be his or no.  
4. His answer unto an Epistle of Liberius Bishop of Rome: 
Bellarm. ib.  being a Confession of the Faith; 
Perk. prob.  but expressed in words very improper; it is also foolish in the allegations of Scripture, and therefore not to be attributed unto him.  
5. An Epistle unto the Emperor jovianus; 
Theod. hist Eccle. l. 4. c. 3  yet written not by him alone, but by the Synod then assembled at Alexandria.  
6. His disputation against Arius in the Council of Nice: which plainly appears to be supposititious, by the very inscription; making it to be held. 
Ri●et. crit. 〈◊〉 Scul●et. in Medulla.  Ann. 310. whereas that council was celebrated. Ann. Three hundred twenty five. Also the disputation itself saith, that it was held not against Arius, but against an Arian. Again, it is said in the lose of the disputation that Arius was hereby converted of him in Ecclesiastical History. Lastly Arius herein is made to impugn the Divinity of the holy Ghost, calling him a mere creature: which Heresy he is not charged withal nor was it broached or maintained by him, but brought in by some of his followers. Bellarmine knows not whether to style it a disputation or a Dialogue between Athanasius and some Arian: 
De script. E●cles.  nor whether it were written by Athanasius or some other.  
7. An enarration of those words of Christ: Matt. 11. 27. All things are delivered unto me of my father, etc. against Eusebius and his followers. I find this,  
Enarration to be much larger in the Latin Parisian Edition by Articus Albulei: 
Sixt. Senens. lib. 4. Possevin. in apparat.  Printed An. One thousand five hundred eighty one, then in the Greek and Latin Edition: Ann. One thousand six hundred twenty seven, & the former to have annexed unto it a Compendium, taken out of the above written, against those who say that the holy Ghost is a creature: which Compend is mentioned by the Centurists, Bellarmine and Possevine.  
8. An Epistle, or, as others, an Oration against the Arians; unto Adelphius a Brother and Confessor.  
9 An Epistle, or Oration unto Maximus a Philosopher, of the Divinity of Christ: of this the Centurists make some question whether it be his or no. 
Cent. 4. c. 10   
10. An Oration or Epistle unto Serapion Bishop of Thmuis a City of Egypt, 
Possev. in ap.  ordained by Athanasius, and his familiar friend; who for the elegancy of his wit was surnamed Scholasti●ns.  
11. A second Epistle unto the same Serapion; 
Scul. in med.  both against those that make the holy Ghost to be a creature.  
12. A third Epistle unto the same Person, 
In medul.  upon the same subject: which Scultetus (with Erasmus) conceives to be the work of some idle and witless man, who would fain imitate Athanasius his book unto Serapion. It contains a strange heap of places and confusion of reasons, together with a irksome repetition of things before spoken of: 
Rivet. crit. sac.  Besides the Author citys a place out of the Prophet Micah which is no where to be found: it's therefore ranked, and justly; among the suspected works of Athanasius by the Centurists and Mr. Perkins.  
13. Certain testimonies out of the Sacred Scriptures, concerning the natural Communion of the (Divine) essence between the Father, 
Scult. in medul. ●  the Son, and the holy Ghost: Collected not by Athanasius, but some other, as appears in that the compiler hath transcribed divers things verbatim out of the questions unto Antiochus, whereof Athanasius is not the Author.  
14. An Epistle, showing that the Council of Nice, well perceiving the craftiness of Eusebius, did in congruous and pious words, expound their decrees against the Arian Heresy.  
15. Five Orations against the Arians ' wherein he useth great strength of Argument, fortified with clear testimonies and demonstrations from the Sacred Scripture. So that these alone may abundantly suffice for the confutation of all Arianism: 
Photius in Biblioth.  yea he that shall say, that Gregory the Divine, and Basil the Great did from this fountain derive those egregious and pure streams of their books against the same Heresy, verily he shall not say amiss.  
16. An Epistle, concerning the Opinion of Dionysius sometime Bishop of Alexandria; wherein he proves the Arians did belie him, in affirming that he was an assertor of their opinion.  
17. An Epistle unto all the brethren every where throughout Egypt, Syria, Phoenicia, and Arabia: ranked among those that are suspected.  
18. A refutation of the Hypocrisy of Meletius, 
Cent. 4. c. 10. Perk. prob.  Eusebius, and Paulus Samosatenus, concerning the consubstantiality of the Father and the Son: it's suspected.  
19 An Epistle unto the Antiochians, 
Ibid.  which seems to be a fragment of some entire book.  
20. An epistle unto Epictetus' Bishop of Corinth, 
Scult. in Medulla.  against the Apollinarists, it is the most famous among all his Epistles.  
The Orthodox in the time of Cyril of Alexlexandria made much use of it, in confuting the heresy of Nestorius, to avoid the dint and force thereof those heretics did boldly adulterate it, substracting some things and putting in other, that it might seem to favour of the doctrine of Nestorius. So much Cyril gives us to understand, his words are these. Cognovimus quod celeberrimi patris nostri Athanasii ad beatum Epictetum epistolam, orthodoxè loquentem, nonnulli a se corruptam ediderunt, ita ut hinc multi laedantur. Epist. 28. Again, speaking of this Epistle: Quia ex eâ (inquit) Nestorius arguebatur, cum legentes eam defensores rectae fidei cohiberent, etiam eos qui probantur similia sentire Nestorio, correptionem suae confutationis ex eâ impii formidantes, machinati sunt ●cerbissimum quiddam, et haeretica pravitate dig●issimum. Praefatam namque adulterant epistolam, sublatis ex eâ quibusdam, aliis suppositis ediderunt, ita ut putaretur ille similia Nestorio sapuisse, in▪ Epist. ad successum Episcopum posteriori.  
21. A Sermon of the incarnation of the Word of God against Paulus Samosatenus, 
Cent. 4. c. 10.  it's doubted of whether it be his or no.  
22. A Sermon or Tome of the humane nature, assumed by the only begotten Word, against the Arians and Apollinarius.  
23. An Epistle or Treatise of the incarnation of Christ against Apollinarians.  
24. An oration or treatise of the healthful coming of Christ, against Apollinarius; it is perplex, 
Scultet. in Medulla. censur. patr.  intricate, and obscure: and by Cook it is thought to be supposititious. The Sermons against Apollinarins do excel in grace and ornament, say the Centurists.  
25. An oration of the eternal substance of the Son and holy Spirit of God, against the company or followers of Sabellius.  
26. An oration that Christ is one,  
27. An Epistle unto Serapion concerning the death of Arius.  
28. An Apology unto the Emperor Constantius, wherein he freeth himself from divers imputations, and defends his flight into the Wilderness.  
29. An Apology for his flight.  
30. Another Apology for his flight, wherein he professeth his innocency.  
31. An Epistle unto the Africans, which is Apologetical.  
32. A Catholic Epistle unto the Bishops of Egypt, Syria, Phoenicia and Arabia, exhorting them to leave the Arians, 
Scultet. in Medulla.  and to join with the Orthodox.  
33. An Epistle unto all those, who any where do profess or lead a solitary life. 
Scultet. in Medulla.  The former part whereof only (viz. from the beginning unto those words, The Grace of our Lord Jesus Crist be with you, Amen.) is the Epistle unto the Monks; and aught to be placed before the five orations against the Arians, as a dedicatory Epistle unto those Books. The following part thereof is without doubt a fragment (suspected whether his or no) of some other work, 
Perkins. problem.  wanting a beginning; to make up which defect, that Epistle was added unto it. Herein he recounts his own and the Church's calamities. 
In apparat.  Athanasius ipse (inquit Possevinus) labores & persecutiones suas ubere epistolâ ad solitariam vitam agentes ob oculos ponit, quamobrem et illam perlegisse neminem penitebit.  
34. The protestation of the people of Alexandria, 
Scultet. in Medulla.  ferè nihil continet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
35. An epistle concerning the Synods held at Ariminum in Italy and Seleucia in Isauria; wherein is set forth the levity and inconstancy of the Arians there present, in the matter of the faith. 
De script. Eccles.  This Bellarmine supposeth may well be taken for his book against Valens and Vrsatius (mentioned by jerom) two Arian Bishops, 
In cate-log. In Scholar in Hieronym. cate-log.  who (saith Marianus) deceived the Fathers in those Synods, feigning themselves Orthodox.  
An Epistle of Athanasius and ninety Bishops of Egypt and Lybia, unto the Bishops in Africa against the Arians: wherein the decrees of the Council of Nice are defended, and the Synod of Ariminum is shown to be superfluous, that of Nice being sufficient.  
37. An Epistle unto all the Orthodox wherever, when persecution was by the Arians raised against them.  
38. An Epistle unto john and Antiochus two Presbyters; also another unto Palladius, 
Scultet. in Medulla.  nihil continent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
39 An Epistle unto Dracontius, whom flying away, 
Scultet. ibid.  he by divers arguments persuades to return unto the Church of Alexandria, whereof he was Bishop elect, and that he would not hearken unto those that would deter him from so doing: 
In 1 Timoth. digress. l. ●. c. 4.  It is (saith Espencaeus) a learned Epistle.  
40. An Epistle unto Marcellinus, concerning the interpretation of the Psalms, 
Bellar. de script. Eccl.  which seems to be the same that jerom calls; of the Titles of the Psalms: styled by Sixtus Senensis thus: 
In Biblioth. lib. 4.  In Psalterium Davidis ad Marcellinum de titulis et vi psalmorum, Isagogicus libellus. Of which Cassiodorus thus: Testis est (inquit) Athanasii, episcopi sermo magnificus, qui virtutes psalmorum indagabili veritate discutiens, omnia illic esse probat, quaecunque sanctae scripturae ambitu continentur. It is by Mr. Perkins put among the suspected works. 
In conclus. comment. in Psalm. Perutilem sanè libellum dedit Athanasius in quo usum et finem quorumcunque psalmor●m compendiosè monstravit. Hyper. deratjon. stud. Theol. in praeparat. ad demonstrat. problem.   
41, A treatise of the Sabbath and Circumcision, in the Latin Parisian Edition, Anno, 1581. It is joined as his enarration upon those words, Matth. 11. 27. All things are delivered unto me of my Father, etc. being the seventh in this Catalogue. Unto which is added in the same Latin Edition, a Compendium of what had been formerly written against those who affirm the Holy Ghost to be a creature.  
42. Upon those words, Matth. 12. 32. Whosoever speaketh against the Son of man, etc. suspected. 
Perkins. ib. cent. 4. c. 10. et Coci cens.   
43. A Sermon upon the passion and cross of the Lord: the phrase (saith Erasmus) savoureth not of Athanasius: 
Scultet. in Medulla.  Also it altogether forbids oaths which Athanasius doth not: It is therefore supposititious. 
Perkins problem.  Herein also the questions unto Antiochus are cited, which are not of this Author. Besides the Author foolishly makes Christ to feign words of humane frailty, 
Rivet. crit. sac.  when hanging upon the Cross he so cried out, Eli, Eli, Lama Sabachthani: which yet, the true Athanasius saith, were truly spoken of him according to his humane nature. Sixtus Senensis calls it eloquentissimam concionem. 
In biblioth. lib. 4.   
44. A Sermon upon Matth. 21. 2. Go into the village over against you, etc. It seems to be a fragment taken out of some other work or commentary: 
Scultet. in Medulla.  wherein the Author (as playing with them) wresteth the Scriptures, saith Erasmus, 
Coci censur.  it is forged.  
45. A Sermon of the most holy Virgin, the Mother of God or of the Annunciation: it is evidently spurious: 
Bellarm. de script. Eccles. Scultet. in Medulla. et Rivet. in crit. sac.  for the Author is large in refuting the error of Nestorius, and presseth the Monothelites, both which errors were unknown, as not sprung up in the time of Athanasius. The Author also lightly and almost childishly derives the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and moreover saith, that the attributes of God are not the very substance of God, sed circa substantiam versari, which is discrepant from the manner of Athanasius, who is wont to speak very considerately. It appears by many passages that the Author hereof lived after the sixth general Council.  
46. Of Virginity, 
Perkins. problem.  a Sermon or Meditation it is dubious: 
Scultet. in Medulla.  If it be of Athanasius' penning, he did (saith Erasmus) strangely let fall his stile, and I may add (saith Seultetus) that he also laid aside his Theological gravity, if he prescribed those childish rules unto a Virgin, which (saith the Author) whoso observeth shall be found among the third order of Angels, and also teacheth that no man can be assured of his salvation before his death.  
47. An homily of the sour; 
Perkins problem. Scult. in Medulla.  it is suspected as being found only in an English book.  
48. A Sermon against all heresies, 
Scultet. in Medulla. Coci censur. Rivet. crit. Sac.  it is none of his but some doting fellow, est vilis et confusus ut plurimum.  
49. An oration of the ascension of Christ, which because of the flourishing stile thereof, Scultetus is scrupulous to ascribe it unto Athanasius●. 
In Medulla.   
50. An oration or history of Melchisedech, 
Ibid.  in the end whereof, the Author speaks of the fathers of the Nicene Council, as dead long before; it's therefore spurious.  
51. A brief oration against the Arians. I find no where mentioned, but in the Parisian edition by Nannius.  
52. The declaration of Leviticus, 
Perkins problem.  it is suspected.  
53. Short colloquies between jovianus and certain Arians against Athanasius. Also.  
54. Of the incarnation of the Word of God both which are no where to be found, 
Symbolum ho vulgò tribui solet Athanasio: certè cum Athanasii scriptis, imprimis verò sacris literis per omnia conveniens est▪ Pelarg. in Symbol. Athan. in Medulla.  but in the last Parisian edition.  
55. The Symbol or Creed of Athanasius, by Scultetus judged to be dubious, he having met with it in no book among the works of Athanasius, only in one it is read without the name of the Author. It hath been a great dispute among the learned (saith Pelargus) whose it should be: Some ascribing it unto Athanasius, 
In symbol. Athanas. Athanasii doctrina et scriptorum omnium summa in symbola comprehensa est. Chytraeus. ●de stud. Theol.  and others unto some later Author as yet unknown.  
56. An Epistle of jovianus the Emperor unto Athanasius, and Athanasius his answer thereunto.  
57 An Epistle unto Ammun a Monk, it is dubious.  
58. A fragment of a festival Epistle, containing a catalogue of the canonical books of the old and new Testament, 
Scultet. in Medulla.  it is dubious, I believe it (saith Scultetus) to have been taken out of his Synopsis. 
Ibid.   
59 An Epistle unto Ruffinianus.  
60. Theological definitions, said to be collected by Clement and other holy men: 
Ibid. cent. 4. c. 10.  It is supposititious and by Scultetus ranked among those which seem to be written with no judgement. 
Bellar. de script. Eccl.  It seems not to have been of Athanasius his writing, because therein Gregory Nyssene is cited, who (in all likelihood) had not begun to write, till after the death of Athanasius. Besides the Author speaks so distinctly of the two Natures of Christ in one Hypostasis, that it seems to be altogether of a later date than the Council of Chalcedon.  
61. A brief Synopsis or Compendium of the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament; Wherein, first, he sets down a Catalogue of the Canonical and Non-canonical books. 
Scult. in Medul.  Secondly, he shows by whom each was written, whence it had its name, and what it doth contain. Thirdly, he names the books of both Testaments that are contradicted or accounted Apocryphal.  
62. Five Dialogues of the Trinity. Also,  
63. Twenty Sermons against divers Hesies; 
Scult. in Medul.  which are Pious and Learned, and therefore most worthy to be read. The phrase shows them to have been both written by the same Author; not Athanasius, but one Maximus a very Learned Man, many years after the death of Athanasius. Scultetus tells us that he hath seen the name of Maximus upon a certain old Parchment, 
Rivet. Crit. Sac.  in which these Dialogues were wrapped up. This Maximus was a Constantinopolitan Monk, who lived in the time of Pope Honorius a Monothelite, and died, Ann. Six hundred fifty seven. The Catalogue of whose book mentioned by Photius, or which are in the Vatican Library, contains divers that have the very same title, with those which are inserted among the works of Athanasius.  
64. A book of divers questions of the Sacred Scripture, unto King Antiochus: which appears to be supposititious, 
Bellar de scrip. Eccles.  because: first, Athanasius himself is therein cited, quaest. 23. and that under the name of Athanasius the Great, which would have argued too much arrogance: Secondly, Many things are to be found therein which are dissonant from the judgement of Athanasius. 
Cent. 4 c. 10.  Thirdly, The Mystical Theology of Dionysius Areopagita is alleged therein, which I suppose (saith Sixtus Senensis) was altogether unknown in the time of Athanasius: 
In bibli. l. 4.  he conjectures it to have been collected out of the writings of the Fathers by some studious man. 
Possevin. in apparat.  Fourthly, The questions are variously reckoned; in some Copies there being only forty and six; in others one hundred sixty and two. Fifthly, Gregory Nazianzen is twice named in it: Also, there are cited Gregory Nyssen and Epiphanius as ancient authors: yet was Athanasius before them: also Chrysostom, Scala johannis, Maximus, Nicephorus, etc. all of them juniors unto Athanasius. Sixthly, Yea, quaest. 108. the Romans are said to be a kind of Franks; 
Bellar. de scrip. Eccles.  whence he evidently appears to be a late author: for all those of the West are called Franks in the Turks Dominions. Luce ergò clarius est (inquit Cocus) libellum hunc filium esse populi, 
In censur.  nec novisse parentem suum. Yet is the authority hereof urged by many of the Romanists to prove, that there are nine orders of Angels, that the Saints departed do know all things, 
Jam. of the corrupt ●f the Fathers.  images lawful, distinction of sins, orders of Monks, necessity of baptism, Sacrament of penance, prayer for the dead, Antichrist to be a certain person, the sacrifice of the Altar, etc.  
65. Questions of the words and interpretations of the Evangelical parables: they are supposititious; 
Rivet. Crit. Sac.  for they are gathered out of Chrysostom, Cyril of Alexandria and Gregory Nyssen; their very names being expressed.  
66. Certain other Anonymous questions which appear to be spurious: 
Ibid.  in all likelihood the work of some late Greek; for in them the procession of the holy Ghost from the Son is denied.  
67. The life of Antony the Monk: 
In vitâ Athanas▪ in Catalogue.  That such a narration was written by Athanasius both Nazianzen and Jerome do affirm: But that this now extant should be the same, believe it who will; 
In Medulla.  I doubt not, saith Scultelus, but that it is the figment of some foolish man; for endeavouring to show how in the whole course of his life, Antony imitated Christ, he talks childishly and ridiculously: and there are many things in it, 
In Synopsi.  saith Tossanus, that are fabulous, and savour not of the gravity and simplicity of Athanasius. Besides, some report Antony to have been a Lawyer and very learned; but this Author makes him altogether illiterate. But that this is an Ancient Legend, appears from hence, that Damaseen citys a place out of it: Yet is it but a Fable and no more, 
De script. Eccles.  notwithstanding all Bellarmine's vain confidence to the contrary.  
68 A Sermon in Parasceven, or the preparation, which I find no where mentioned, but in the Parisian Edition by Nannius: only Possevine saith, that it was first set forth in Greek and Latin in the Antwerp Edition.  
69. Certain fragments of Athanasius upon the Psalms taken out of Nicetas his Catena: with some other, out of other Authors.  
70. Eleven books of the united Deity of the Trinity: 
Possevin. in apparat. Scul. in med. Riu. crit. sac. Bellar. de scrip. Eccles.  others reckon but seven: they are found only in Latin; and seem to have been written in that Language, and not Translated out of the Greek; as appears partly from the Style; and partly because the Author tells us how those things are expressed by the Greeks, which he wrote in Latin; he also confutes one Vrbicus Potentinus, 
Bellar. de scrip. Eccles. Riu. crit. sac.  a disciple or follower of Eunomius; which Athanasius could not do.  
71. A disputation concerning the Faith held at Laodicea, between Athanasius and Arius: it is clearly Commentitious and Counterfeit; nor can it be a true disputation between those two; for Athanasius is here brought in as a Deacon disputing in the second year of Constantius: whereas it appears that Athanasius was made Bishop long before, viz. In the one and twentieth year of Constantine the Great: and Arius infamously died in the one and thirtieth year of the same Emperor who therefore could not dispute in the Reign of Constantius. 2. Herein is mention made of Photinus, the Heretic, as if from him Arius had Learned his Heresy; whereas Photinus was after Arius: It seems rather to be that Dialogue which was written by Vigilius Bishop of Trent, against Sabellius, Photinus and Arius; which he therefore set forth under the name of Athanasius, 
Vigil. l. 5. ad●er. Euty. Raynolds de libris Apoc. praelect. 22. Perk. prob.  that, saith he, persons present might seem to deal with those that were present.  
72. An exhortation unto the Monks; It is forged.  
73. An Epistle unto Pope Mark, 
Cent. 4 c. 10.  for the exemplars of the Nicene Council; with the answer of Mark thereunto; 
Possev. in ap. Bennius in notis in has ep. tom. 1. council.  both which without doubt are supposititious: for this Mark was dead at that time, when, as 'tis pretended, this answer was written: also, at this time was Athanasius in banishment in France; and so could not write from Alexandria: So that both these Epistles, and also the seventy pretended Canons of the Council of Nice contained in them, 
Cent. 4. c. 9  are none other than a mere forgery.  
74. A Sermon upon the passion of our Saviour; which is a mere patch, taken almost verbatim, out of the Sermon upon the same subject; being the forth in this Catalogue.  
75. Of the passion of the image of Christ Crucified at Beryth in Syria: 
C●ci censur.  It savours of the Golden Legend; And that it cannot be the work of Athanasius, may evidently appear from the title that Anciently was wont to be prefixed hereunto: which was this: D. Athanasii Archiepiscopi Alexandrini, de passione imaginis Domini nostri jesu Christi, qualiter crucifixa est in Syria, in urbe quae Berythus dicitur temporibus Constantini senioris & Irenae uxoris ejus. Now it is known unto all, that Athanasius was dead some Centuries of years, before the reign of those two abovementioned. This Fable is by Sigebert referred unto the year, 
In Chronico.  Seven hundred sixty five, about which time the question about worshipping of images was agitated. It must needs therefore be the work of some later Author, (saith the Learned Daille) so tasteless a piece, 
Treat. of the Fathers. c. 3.  and so unworthy the gallantry and clearness of that great wit, that he must be thought, not to have common sense that can find in his heart to attribute it unto him.  
76. A fragment taken out of Athanasius, concerning the Observation of Sabbaths.  
Unto these there are added seven homilies more (never before extant) by Lucas Holsteinius, out of the French Kings, the Vatican, and Oxford Libraries; and they are these following.  
1. Of the taxing of the Virgin Mary; upon Luke 2. 1.  
2. Upon Matth. 21. 2. Upon whi●h text we had an Homily before, viz. the 41. in this Catalogue.  
3. Upon Luke 19 36. which with the former Holstein verily believes to be of Athanasius. 
Lect. ante vol. ●. edit. Paris.   
4. Upon the Treason of judas: 
Ibid.  which, as also the following, hath the Character of Athanasius by Photius.  
5. Upon the holy Pascha; which, of all, is the best and most Elegant.  
6. Upon the man that was born blind, john 9 1. which, 
Ibid.  together with the following hath nothing of Athanasius in it; (nec vola nec vestigium) but the title only.  
7. Upon the Fathers and Patriarches: a most foolish, rustic and barbarous piece. They may all well be conceived to be of very small credit, having lain so long dormant.  
Also certain Commentaries upon the Epistles of Paul, 
Trithem. de scrip. Eccles. Bellar. de scrip. Eccles.  are by some ascribed unto Athanasius; which yet are not his, but Theophylacts.  
Some of his works are lost, of which the Names or Titles are these that follow.  
1. Commentaries upon the whole book of Psalms; 
Sixt. Senens. ● 4. ib. ubi. suprà.  which I think (saith Holstein) to be Palmarium Athanasii opus; the chief of Athanasius his works.  
2. Upon Ecclesiastes. 
Phot. in biblioth.   
3. Upon the Canticles.  
4. A Volume upon john. 
sixth Senens. lib. 4.   
§ 4. Athanasius hath a peculiar stile or manner of speech; 
Nannius in ep. ante op. Athanas.  making use of words which were known only unto the age wherein he lived, and neither before nor after: The subject, whereof he for the most part treateth, being very high, viz. of the Trinity: of the Son begotten of the Father before all time, equal unto him, but distinct in person from him, etc. Yet making use of terms very apt to express those hidden and mysterious things by, which cannot well be rendered in the Latin or other Tongue, without loss or lessening the grace of them, such are, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. He shuneth all flourishes, and expresseth the Mysteries of the Kingdom of God in Evangelical words. In his speech he useth much simplicity, 
Anonym. in vit● ejus. Photius, in blblioth.  gravity and energy; and (saith Erasmus) he is wonderful in teaching. He is most plain in his Commentaries, yet in all his writings perspicuous, sober and candid: in his five books against Arius vehement and profound, managing his arguments very strongly: moreover so fruitful is he and abundant, as is indeed very admirable. But his Epistles (especially those, wherein by way of Apology he excuseth his flight) are both elegant and splendid, and composed with much clearness, flourishing with such neatness and force of persuasion, that it is pleasant to hear how he pleads for himself.  
§ 5. Many are the memorable and worthy passages that are to be found in his works; for a taste I shall present you with these that follow,  
1. His Symbol or Creed: every where received and recited in the Churches, both of the East and West: it was so famous and generally approved of, that it was embraced with an unanimous consent as the distinguishing Character between the Orthodox and Heretics. Nazianzen calls it a magnificent and princely gift. 
Anonym. in vit● ejus.  Imperatori, inquit, donum verè regium & magnificum offered, 
In Orat. 31.  Scriptam nimirum fidei confessionem adversus novum dogma nusquam in Scripturâ expressum: ut sic & Imperatorem Imperator, & doctrinam doctrina, & libellum libellus frangeret atque opprimeret. It is as it were an interpretation of those words of Christ, john 17. 3. This is life eternal, 
Pelarg. in Symbol. Athanas.  to know thee the only true God, and jesus Christ whom thou hast sent: And may be divided into these two parts: 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Athanasius (saith Doctor Andrews in his speech against Mr. Trask) was great for his Learning, for his Virtue, for his Labours, for his sufferings, but above all Great for his Creed.  

The words whereof are these.  
Whosoever will be saved; before all things it is necessary that he hold the Catholic Faith: which Faith except every one do keep whole and undefiled, without doubt he shall perish everlastingly.   

And the Catholic faith is this;  
That we worship one God in Trinity, and Trinity in Unity. Neither confounding the Persons, nor dividing the Substance. For there is one Person of the Father, another of the Son, and another of the holy Ghost. But the Godhead of the Father, of the Son, and of the holy Ghost is all one; the glory equal, the Majesty Coeternal. Such as the Father is, such is the Son, and such is the holy Ghost. The Father uncreate, the Son uncreate, and the holy Ghost uncreate. The Father incomprehensible, the Son incomprehensible, and the holy Ghost incomprehensible. The Father eternal, the Son eternal, and the holy Ghost eternal. And yet they are not three eternals, but one eternal. As also, there are not three incomprehensibles, nor three uncreated; but one uncreated, and one incomprehensible. So likewise, the Father is Almighty, the Son Almighty, and the holy Ghost Almighty; and yet they are not three Almighty's, but one Almighty. So, the Father is God, the Son is God, and the holy Ghost is God; and yet they are not three Gods, but one God. So likewise, the Father is Lord, the Son Lord, and the holy Ghost Lord; and yet not three Lords, but one Lord. For like as we be compelled by the Christian verity, to acknowledge every Person by himself to be God and Lord: so are we forbidden by the Catholic Religion, to say there be three Gods, or three Lords.  
The Father is made of none, neither created, nor begotten. The Son is of the Father alone; not made, nor created, but begotten. The holy Ghost is of the Father and of the Son; neither made, nor created, nor begotten, but proceeding. So there is one Father, not three Fathers; one Son, not three Sons; one holy Ghost, not three holy Ghosts. And in this Trinity, none is afore, or after other, none is greater, or less than another. But the whole three Persons be coeternal together, and coequal. So that in all things as is aforesaid the Unity in Trinity, and the Trinity in Unity is to be worshipped. He therefore that will be saved, must thus think of the Trinity.  
Furthermore, it is necessary to everlasting salvation; that he also believe rightly in the incarnation of our Lord Jesus Christ. For the right faith is, that we believe and confess, that our Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, is God and Man. God of the substance of the Father begotten before the worlds: and Man of the substance of his Mother, born in the world. Perfect God, and perfect Man, of a reasonable soul, and humane flesh subsisting. Equal to the Father as touching his Godhead: and inferior to the Father, touching his manhood. Who though he be God and Man, yet is he not two but one Christ. One, not by conversion of the Godhead into flesh; but by taking the manhood into God. One altogether; not by confusion of substance; but by unity of Person. For as the reasonable soul and flesh is one Man; so God and Man is one Christ.  
Who suffered for our salvation; descended into hell; rose again the third day from the dead: He ascended into heaven; he fifth on the right hand of the Father, God Almighty: from whence he shall come to judge the quick and the dead. At whose coming all men shall rise again with their bodies; and shall give account for their own works; And they that have done good, shall go into life everlasting; and they that have done evil into everlasting fire. This is the Catholic Faith, which except a man believe faithfully, he cannot be saved.  
As for the censures annexed hereunto, viz. 1. In the beginning (except a man keep the Catholic faith.) 2. In the middle (he that will be saved must thus think.) and 3. In the end (this is the Catholic faith, which except a man believe faithfully he cannot be saved.) I thought good to give you Dr. Hammond's apprehensions of them, how they ought to be understood: His words are these. I suppose (saith he) they must be interpreted by their opposition to those heresies that had invaded the Church, 
In his treatise of Fundamentals.  and which were acts of carnality in them that broached and maintained them against the apostolic doctrine, and contradictory to that foundation which had been resolved on as necessary to bring the world to the obedience of Christ, and were therefore to be anathematised after this manner, and with detestation branded, and banished out of the Church. Not that it was hereby defined to be a damnable sin to fail in the understanding or believing the full matter of any of those explications before they were propounded, and when it might more reasonably be deemed not to be any fault of the will, to which this were imputable. Thus he.  
2. The canonical books of the old and new Testament owned by him, are the same with those which the reformed Churches acknowledge for such, of which he thus speaks. All scripture of us who are Christians was divinely inspired. 
In Synopsi.  The books thereof are not infinite but finite, and comprehended in a certain Canon, which having set down of the Old Testament, (as they are now with us) he adds, the Canonical books therefore of the Old Testament are twenty and two, equal for number unto the Hebrew Letters or alphabet, for so many elements of Letters there are among the Hebrews. But (saith he) besides these there are other books of the Old Testament not Canonical, which are read only unto the Catechumen, and of these he names, the Wisdom of Solomon, the Wisdom of jesus the Son of Syrach, the fragment of Esther, judith, and Tobith, 
Whitak. de script. Apocryph. q. 1. c. 6.  for the books of the Maccabees he made no account of them, yet he afterward mentions four books of the Maccabees with some others. He also reckons the Canonical Books of the New Testament, which (saith he) are as it were certain sure anchors and supporters or pillars of our Faith, as having been written by the Apostles of Christ themselves, who both conversed with him, and were instructed by him.  
3. The sacred and divinely inspired Scriptures (saith he) are of themselves sufficient for the discovery of the truth: 
Orat. contra idola, et or. 2. contra Arian.  In the reading whereof this is faithfully to be observed, viz. unto what times they are directed, to what person, and for what cause they are written: lest things be severed from their reasons, and so the unskilful, reading any thing different from them, should deviate from the right understanding of them.  
4. As touching the way whereby the knowledge of the Scriptures may be attained, 
Lib. de in. carnat. verb. Dei.  he thus speaks. To the searching and true understanding of the Scriptures, there is need of a holy life, a pure mind, and virtue which is according to Christ, that the mind running thorough that path, may attain unto those things which it doth desire, as far as humane nature may understand things divine.  
5. The holy Scripture (saith he) doth not contradict itself, for unto a hearer desirous of truth, it doth interpret itself.  
6. Concerning the worshipping of Christ▪ we adore (saith he) not the Creature, God forbid. 
Epist. ad Ad●lphium.  Such madness belongs unto Ethuicks and Arians, but we adore the Lord of things created, the incarnate Word of God, for although the Flesh be in itself a part of things created, yet is it made the Body of God: Neither yet do we give adoration unto such a body by itself severed from the word, neither adoring the Word do we put the Word far from the Flesh, but knowing that it is said, the Word was made Flesh, we acknowledge it even now in the Flesh to be God.  
7. He gives this interpretation of those words of Christ, Mark. 13. 32. But of that day and that hour knoweth no man, no not the Angels which are in heaven, neither the Son but the Father. The Son (saith he) knew it as God but not as man: 
Orat. 4. contra A●ian.  wherefore he said not, neither the Son of God, lest the divinity should seem to be ignorant, but simply, neither the Son: that this might be the ignorance of the Son as man. And for this cause when he speaks of the Angels, he added not a higher degree saying, neither the Holy Spirit, but was silent here, by a double reason affirming the truth of the thing: for admit that the Spirit knows, then much more the Word as the Word (from whom even the Spirit receives) was not ignorant of it.  
8. Speaking of the mystery of the two natures in Christ; 
In orat. Christum esse unum.  What need is there (saith he) of dispute and strife about words? it's more profitable to believe, and reverence: and silently to adore. I acknowledge him to be true God from heaven imp●ssible: I acknowledge the same of the seed of David as touching the Flesh, a man of the earth passable. I do not curiousty inquire why the same is passable and impassable, or why God and man: lest being curiously inquisitive why and how, I should miss of the good propounded unto us. For we ought first to believe and adore, and in the second place to seek from above a reason of these things: not from beneath to inquire of Flesh and Blood, but from divine and heavenly revelation.  
9 What the faith of the Church was concerning the Trinity, 
Ep. ad Serap. Sp. S. non esse creaturam.  he thus delivers. Let us see that very tradition from the beginning, and that Doctrine and Faith of the Catholic Church which Christ indeed gave, but the Apostles preached and kept: For in this Church are we founded, and whoso falls from thence cannot be said to be a Christian. The holy and perfect Trinity therefore in the Father, Son and Holy Ghost, receives the reason of the Deity, possesseth nothing foreign or superinduced from without, nor consisteth of the Creator and Creature, but the whole is of the Creator and Maker of all things, like itself and indivisible, and the operation thereof one. For the Father by the Word in the holy Spirit doth all things, and so the unity of the Trinity is kept or preserved, and so one God in the Church is preached, who is above all and through all and in all: viz. above all as the Father, as the beginning and fountain, but through all by the Word, moreover in all in or by the holy Spirit. But the Trinity is not in name only, or an empty form of speech: but in truth and reason of subsisting, the Trinity: For as the Father is that very thing that he is, so also the Word God over all, is that very thing that he is; so also the Holy Ghost is not any inessential thing, but truly existeth and subsisteth.  
10. According to the Ecclesiastical Canons (saith he) as the Apostle commanded, 
Ep. ad Orthodox. in persecut.  the people being gathered together with the Holy Ghost, who constitute a Bishop, publicly and in the presence of the Clergy, craving a Bishop, inquisition ought to be made, and so all things canonically performed.  
11. Concerning the lawfulness of flight in time of persecution, 
Apol. ad Impe●at. Constantium.  he thus speaks. I betook me to flight not for fear of death, lest any should accuse me of timidity, but that I might obey the precept of our Saviour whose command it is that we should make use of flight against persecutors, of hiding places against those that search for us, lest if we should offer ourselves unto open danger, we should more sharply provoke the fury of our persecutors. Verily it is all one both for a man to kill himself, and to proffer himself unto the enemies to be slain: but he that flees as the Lord commands, knows the Articles of the time, and truly provides for his persecutors: lest being carried out even to the shedding of blood, they should become guilty of that precept that forbids murder. Again concerning the same thing;  
12. That law (saith he) is propounded unto all in general, 
De fugah suay.  to flee when they are pursued in time of persecution, and to hide themselves when they are sought: for neither should they be precipitate and rash in tempting the Lord, but must wait until the time appointed of dying do come, or that the Judge do determine something concerning them, as shall seem good unto him: But yet would he have us always ready, when either the time calls for it, or we are apprehended to contend for the Church even unto death. These things did the blessed Martyrs observe, who while they lay hid did harden themselves, but being found out they did undergo Martyrdom. Now if some of them did render themselves unto their persecutors, they were not through rashness moved so to do, but every where professed unto all men, that this promptness and offering of themselves did proceed from the Holy Ghost.  
13. He giveth this character of an heretic, 
Epist. ad▪ ●o●litar. vit. agentes.  Heresy (says he) or an heretic may thus be known and evinced, that whosoever is dear unto them and a companion with them in the same impiety, although he be guilty of sundry crimes & infinite vices, & they have arguments against him of his heinous acts; yet is he approved and had in great esteem among them, yea, and is forthwith made the Emperor's friend, etc. But those that reprove their wickedness, and sincerely teach the things which are of Christ, though pure in all things, upon any feigned Crime laid to their charge, they are prefently hurried into Banishment.  
§ 6. The defects and blemishes of this eminent Father and Champion of Jesus Christ, were neither so many nor so gross, as are to be found in most of the Ancients that were before him: yet was he not altogether free but liable to error as well as others, as appears from somewhat of this kind that dropped from his pen, which were especially such passages as these in his genuine works, for as for the apparently supposititious, I shall forbear to meddle with them, having in them so much hay and stubble as we cannot imagine should pass thorough the hands of so skilful a Master-builder.  
1. He affirms the local descent of Christ into Hell. 
Epist. de incarnate. Chr●sti advers. Apollinar.  He accomplished (saith he) the condemnation of sin in the earth, the abolition of the curse upon the Cross, the redemption from corruption in the Grave, the condemnation of death in Hell: Going through all places that he might every where perfect the salvation of the whole man, showing himself in the form of our image which he took upon him.  
Again. The body descended not beyond the grave, 
Ibid.  the Soul pierced into Hell, places severed by a vast distance, the Grave receiving that which was corporeal, because the body was there, but Hell, that which was incorporeal. Hence it came to pass that though the Lord were present there incorporeally, yet was he by death acknowledged to be a man: that his Soul, not liable unto the bands of death but yet made as it were liable, might break asunder the bands of those Souls which Hell detained, etc.  
2. Concerning the state of the Fathers before Christ, 
Tractat. d● Salut. Advent. Christi.  that they were in Hell; he thus speaks. The Soul of Adam detained in or under the condemnation of death, did perpetually cry unto the Lord, and the rest who by the law of nature pleased God, were detained together with Adam, and were and did cry with him in grief. In which passage we have also a third error of his, viz.  
3. That men by the law of nature may please God, contrary unto what we find in Heb. 11. 6.  
4. He maketh circumcision a note or sign of Baptism. 
In Eager. in Mat. 11. 27  Abraham (saith he) when he had believed God, received circumcision for a note or sign of that regeneration which is obtained by Baptism: wherefore, when the thing was come which was signified by the figure, the sign and figure itself perished and ceased. For circumcision was a sign, but the laver of regeneration the very thing that was signified.  
Besides these there are in him some other passages, not so aptly nor warily delivered as they ought to have been, viz.  
1. Concerning the freedom of man's will, 
Orat contra idola.  he thus speaks. The mind (saith he) is free and at its own dispose, for it can, as incline itself unto that which is good, so also turn from it, which beholding its free right and power over itself, it perceives that it can use the members of the Body either way, both unto the things that are, i.e. good things, and also unto the things that are not, i.e. evil.  
2. He is too excessive and hyperbolical in 
In Apolog. ad Constan●▪  the praise of Virginity. The Son of God (saith he) our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, among other his gifts bestowed upon us in virginity, an example of angelical holiness. Certainly Virgins endowed with that virtue, the Catholic Church is wont to call the Spouses of Christ; whom being beheld by them the very heathen do prosecute with admiration, as the Temple of Christ.  
There is a large encomium hereof, in the end of the treatise of Virginity, which being but a vain rhetorical flourish, and because the Treatise itself is justly suspected not to belong unto Athanasiùs, I shall forbear to set it down as being unworthy to be ascribed unto so grave and found an Author.  
3. He seems to assert the worshipping or adoration of the Saints, 
Lib. de incarnate. verb. Dei. contra P. Samosat.  thus: If (saith he) thou adore the man Christ, because there dwelleth the Word of God, upon the same ground adore the Saints also, because God hath his habitation in them. It is strange (say the Centurists) that so great a Doctor should so write, 
Gent. 4. c. 4. in med. part. ●. c. 16.  but they do err, (saith Scultetus) not considering that he there speaks upon the suppositition of Samosatenus, who thought that Christ as man was to be adored, because of the Word dwelling in him, which is the thing that Athanasius denyeth, convincing Samosatenus of falsehood from an absurdity that would follow: For seeing the Word dwelleth also in the Saints, it would thence follow that they are to be worshipped, which Athanasius in the same place affirmeth to be extreme impiety. And indeed he expressly elsewhere saith, 
Orat. 3. contra Arian.  that adoration belongeth unto God only.  
§ 7. As touching his death, it was very remarkable in this regard: that in the midst of a most vehement storm and tempest (the cruel persecution under the Emperor Valens) he should so quietly arrive at the haven. For being forced to hide himself (as hath been said) in his Father's monument about the space of four months, the people that greatly loved him, and had him in very high esteem, grew so impatient of his absence from them, that they began to be tumultuous, threatening to burn the ships and public edifices, unless Athanasius were permitted to return unto them again. 
Socrat. lib. 4. c. 16.  The Emperor hereupon fearing what the issue might be, gave way to their fury (being a hot and hasty kind of people) and suffered him to enjoy his Bishopric again, from that time tempering himself from troubling Alexandria and the Country of Egypt. By this means it came to pass, 
In vita ejus ab incerto Authore.  that after so long labour and sweat for Christ, so many encounters for the Orthodox faith, so frequent and famous flights and banishments, having given many things in charge unto Peter his successor, he did at Alexandria in peace and a good old age, 
Osiard. ep. hist. Eccles.  pass from this vale of trouble unto the rest above, after he had governed that Church by the space (though not without intermissions) of forty and six years, 
Socrat. lib 4. c. 16. Baron. Annal.  in the seventh year of the Emperor Valens, and of Christ, about 371.    

Hilarius Pictaviensis.  
§ 1. HE was born in France, and yet not Gallus; 
Antonin. hist. part. 2. cap. 3.  as himself answered Leo Bishop of Rome in a certain Council, ask him at his entrance in a proud insulting manner: Tune es Hilarius Gallus? At ille. Non sum, inquit, Gallus, sed de Galliâ: ac si diceret: non sum natione Gallus, sed de Galliâ praesul. Erat enim gente Aquitanicus; pontificali autem dignitate praeminebat Gallis: for he was Bishop of Po●ctiers the chief City of the Celtaes or Galli. 
Nomenclat. Geograph. ad Caesar. comment.  For France of old was divided into three parts or Provinces, viz. Belgicam, Aquitanicam, (body Guienne vocatur) & Celticam. Now the inhabitants of this later were properly those called Galli; ipsorum linguâ Celtae, nostrâ (inquit Caesar) Galli appellantur. 
In come. de bello Gallic. l. 1. Plin. l. 4. c. 17 Sirab. l. 4. Pomp. Mela. l ● c. 2. Mag. in Geog l. 4.  So doth Sulpitius Severus distinguish his Country men into these three sorts, Aquitanes, Galli and Britons: the two former are so far differing the one from the other (saith Strabo) both in habit and Language, that the Aquitanes are more like unto the Spaniards, then unto the Galli.  
It is reported of him, that in his younger years applying himself unto study, 
Antonin. 〈◊〉. ●art 2. cap. 3.  and not profiting as he desired, (which made him to doubt whether he should ever attain unto that which he aimed at) he left the Schools, purposing to fall upon some other course: and passing along by a certain well in the way, walled up with great stone, he observed that those stones were much worn and hollowed in some places, by the often rubbing of the Rope upon them, wherewith they used to draw the water: Hereupon he fell into this consideration with himself: if this Cord, that is much softer, hath by frequency of fretting made this hard stone hollow; then surely may I also, by continuance of time, both profit and perfect or accomplish my desire: Accordingly, he betook him again unto the Schools, where by assiduity and constancy in study he at length became a most Learned and accurate Scholar.  
He seems to have been at first an Ethnic, 
Cent. 4. c. 10  at what time perceiving and considering with himself how vain the opinions and conceits were which the Philosophers had of the gods, musing much hereupon, he at length light upon the books of Moses, 
Hilar. de Trinit. l. 1.  the Prophets, and the Apostles, by the diligent perusal whereof he came to the knowledge of the truth, and to embrace the Christian Religion; being now well stricken in years: yet in a short time did he so much profit in the Doctrine of Christianity, 
Bellar. de scrip. Eccles.  that he was deservedly esteemed a chief Doctor and pillar of the Catholic Church.  
His Country men, coming to understand of his great worth, soon advanced him unto a high degree of dignity; though a married man, he being by them chosen to be Bishop of Poitiers, chief City of the Province of Poictou. About this time, the persecution under the Emperor Constantius, 
Been council. tom. 1.  grew very hot; in so much that many eminent Bishops for holding fast and sticking close unto the Catholic Faith, were exiled and driven into banishment. Hereupon Hilary with divers other Gallicane Bishops, convening together, with mutual consent did by a Decree separate Saturninus, Valens and Vrsatius (who were violent Arians) from their Communion: adding withal, that if any, being admonished to shun their society, did not herein obey the sentence of the Catholic Bishops, they should be excommunicated. Saturninus who was Bishop of Arles (a factious and mischievous man) took this very grievously, 
Sulp. Sever. hist. l. 2. vir sanè pessimus, & ingenio malo prauóque verùm etiam praeter h●resis infamiam multis atque infandis criminibus convictus, Ecclesia e●ectus est. Angelocrator. ep. conc.  that he should be Anathematised and excluded from Communion with the rest of the Bishops; (yet after this was he sor heinous crimes cast out of the Church) wherefore by the favour of Constantius he procured Synods to be congregatted at Byterris, and at Arles Cities of France, unto which the Catholic Bishops should be forced to come: Hilary, being one of those who were present in these Synods, fearing least by the subtlety of the Arians (as was their manner) the Orthodox through simplicity might be circumvented, offereth a libel to be read, wherein the close conveyances, crafty fetches, and blasphemous Heresies of the Arians were laid open and discovered unto all. But the adversaries withstanding the Reading thereof, prevailed so far, that Hilary refusing to subscribe unto their ambiguous and captious contessions and decrees (for he was very circumspect and quick sighted to discern and avoid their cunning devices and impostures) was banished into Phrygia in the East, where he continued for the space of three whole years and upward.  
In the fourth year of his banishment, 
Sulp. Sever. lib. 2.  the Emperor commands a Synod of the Eastern Bishops to assemble, 
Bin. Tom. 1. Concil.  at Seleucia a City of Isauria, (about the time that those of the West met at Ariminum) at the which Hilary was compelled by the Emperor's deputy, to be present among the rest: this the Officers did by virtue of a General Command that they had received, for the convening of all the Bishops, having no particular order concerning Hilary: which yet came to pass, not without the special hand of God so disposing it, that a man so well instructed in the knowledge of Divine Truth, should be present, when matters of faith were to be disputed of. Being come, and received with a great deal of respect by the Orthodox the minds of all being toward him; they first demanded of him, what was the Faith of the Gallicane Churches, (for by the false reports of the Arians, they were suspected by the Eastern Bishops to be tained with the Heresy of Sabellius:) wherein having given them good satisfaction, and showed them that in the Faith they agreed with the Council of Nice, he was taken into their society, and added unto the Council: in the which, the Arians after much debate, were condemned by those that were but little better, being Half- Arians.  
Some are sent unto the Emperor, to give him an account of what had passed in the Synod. 
Ibid. Sulpit. Sever.  Whither being come (those, who had been condemned, going thither also, presuming upon the strength of their party, and the Emperor's favour, who was of their faction) they there found the delegates of the Orthodox partly that had met at Ariminum: who, partly through fear of the Emperor, and partly through the fallacy of the Arians, were compelled to join in Communion with the Heretics, there having been delivered unto them a specious form of the Faith, wrapt-up in fallacious terms and expressions, which indeed seemed to be Catholic, but had the contrary doctrine closely couched under them.  
Unto this, the Emperor required those of the Council of Seleucia to subscribe, threatening banishment unto them that refused so to do: in so much as the greater part were drawn to yield hereunto, some by one means, and some by another. Hilary being present with the Emperor, waiting upon him to know his mind whether he should again return into exile or no; and seeing the Faith in so much danger, the Western Bishops deceived and the Eastern deterred, and both overcome: he did most importunately by three petitions crave audience, and that he might be permitted to dispute the matter in controversy with the adversaries: which the Arians shunned and altogether refused. At length Hilary is commanded (as being the seminary of discord and disturber of the East) to return into France again.  
Whither being come, 
Sulp. Sever. ib. c. 4. c. 10.  he out of a mind burning with holy zeal, applied himself with greatest care and industry unto this work chiefly, viz. To reduce into the right way again the Western Bishops that had been miserably deceived by the Arians. For which end divers Synods were assembled in France, wherein by his means the thing he intended, and so much desired, was at length happily effected: for the seduced were brought to see, acknowledge and amend their error, condemning what had been done and decreed at the Council of Ariminum, and so was that Church reform and the saith therein restored unto its ancient state again. 
Euseb. Vercel. est vir omni vitâ Deo serviens Hil. ad Constantium. l. 2.  For which great benefit the Gallicane Churches were (as is evident unto all) beholding chiefly unto Hilary to whom they owe their freedom: By the brightness of whose beams (as also of Eusebius Bishop of Vercellis) the thick mists of error that had so much darkened those Countries, 
Sozom. l. 15. c. 10.  (viz. of juyricum, 
Anton. part. 2. c. 5.  Italy and France) were dispelled and scattered. 
Ruffin. hist. lib. 1. c. 21.   
§ 2. He was a very learned man, 
Trithem. de script.  and of wonderful eloquence, 
Erasm. epist. ant. Hilar.  wherein he so far excelled, that jerom calls him a most eloquent man, 
Apolog. adv. Ruff. lib. 2.  the most elegant of his time, even a Rhodanus of Latin eloquence: Of a notable faculty to persuade and win men unto the truth, 
In proaem. comment. in Galat. lib. 2. Ruff. lib. 1. c. 31.  so that he was one of the most eminent lights of the age he lived in, and in France shining as the Moon at the full in the Temple of God: 
Erasm. ubi supra.  In whom this among the rest deserveth admiration, 
Anton. hist. part. 2.  that (though he were otherwise learned yet) being for the most part ignorant of Ecclesiastical controversies, 
Baron. ad an. 356. Bellar. de script. Eccl.  he should in so short a time as he did, become so great a Doctor and Antagonist against the Arians, as to be worthily esteemed a chief pillar of the Catholic Church, 
Erasm. epist. ant. Hilar.  being the first among the Latins that wrote against that heresy, of which he was a bitter enemy, branding the maintainers thereof with the black marks & characters of impious, 
Sulp. Sever. lib. 2.  blasphemous, pests, Antichrists, travelling and taking exceeding great pains for the stopping of its current and the curing and recovering of the infected world, this contagion having spread itself far and near.  
He was excellently skilled in the knowledge of the Scriptures and divine mysteries, 
Sulp. Seu. ib.  so that he was of great fame and authority in the Church, as appears by the venerable mention that jerom oftentimes makes of him. 
Erasm. epist. ant. Hilar. Cent. 4. c. 10.  Many were the the rare gifts wherewith he was richly adorned, and among others with a singular dexterity in teaching, and a notable faculty of persuading: 
Ruff. hist. lib. 1. c. 31.  unto which we may add, his acuteness in discerning and discovering the cunning conveyances and impostures of the Heretics. 
Biblioth. lib. 4. epist. ad Magnum. 84.  Sixtus Senensis styles him an incomparable Bishop; and jerom, the Confessor of his time, who stoutly maintained the truth, and constantly opposed the adversaries thereof, though in so doing he many times exposed himself to no small perils.  
He was of a sweet and mild temper, 
Ruff. ubi supra.  very venerable in his life and manners, 
Trithem. de script.  and of such modesty and humility, that though he were deservedly ranked among those of chiefest note in his time, 
Lib. de Synod. advers. Arian.  yet did he account himself the most unskilful and unlearned of them all. 
Lib. 3. c 13.  In a word, he was a man (saith Sozomen) truly divine in respect both of his life and learning, yet in this latter not a little defective, in that he had but small skill in the Greek and Hebrew languages: 
Erasm. in epist. of't. Hil.  Hebraei sermonis (inquit Hieronymus) ignarus fuit, Graecarum quoque literarum quandam aurulam ceperat; 
Ep●ad Marcellam, num. 141.  sed ab Hiliodorio presbytero, quo ille familiariter usus est, ea quae intelligere non poterat, quomodo ab Origene essent dicta, 
Ibid.  quaerebat. Yet withal he adds, I dare not (saith he) reprehend so great a man, and the most eloquent in his time, 
In epist. ante opera Chrysostom.  (vocalem illam Ecclesiae Catholicae tubam, inquit Erasmus) who both for the merit of his confession, industry of his life, and famousness of his eloquence, is spoken of as far as the Roman name reacheth. 
In epist. ad Ludovic. Imperat. de Judaie. superstitionibus.  I may not omit a passage in Agobardus Bishop of Lions concerning him. Quâ cantela (inquit) judaeorum semper et haereticorum devitavit Hilarius profana consortia, vita ejus scripta fatetur: quòd ita scilicet hujusmodi hostes Ecclesiae fuerit execratus, ut non solum convivium, sed ne salutatio quidem ei extiterit, cum his praetereunti communis.  
I shall close his encomium in the words of Venantius, who was also Bishop of Poitiers, about the year of Christ, 575. 
Nicaeus. in auctario. de script. Eccl.  And a Poet of chief note according to the time he lived in, He in four books of Heroic Verse wrote the life of S. Martin, by whose help he had been cured (as it is reported) of a great pain in his eyes, in the first of which books he thus speaks in the praise of our Hilary. 
— Summus apex fidei, 
Biblioth. patrum.  virtutis, amoris,  
Hilarius famae radios jactabat in orbem:  
Buccina terribilis, tuba legis, praeco Tonantis:  
Pulchrior electro, ter cocto ardentior auro,  
Largior Eridano, Rhodano torrentior amplo,  
Vberior Nilo, generoso sparsior Hystro,  
Cordis inundantis docilis ructare fluenta,  
Fontibus ingenii sitienta pectora rorans.  
Doctor Apostolicus, vacuans ratione sophistas,  
Dogmate, luce, side informans virtute sequaces.   

Which may be thus Englished:  
Hilary, top of honour, faith and grace,  
Whose fame doth dart its rays in every place,  
The laws shrill Trumpet, preacher of the most High  
Fairer than Amber, sparkling far and nigh,  
More than refined Gold, larger than Po,  
More vehement than Rhone of swiftest flow,  
For fruitfulness passing th' Egyptian Nile,  
Outstretching generous Ister many a Mile:  
Whose swelling heart freely its streams out spews,  
And with his wit the thirsty breasts bedews:  
Doctor Apostolic skilful to untie,  
The cunning knots of subtle Sophistry,  
And by sound doctrine to inform aright  
His followers with virtue, faith and light.  
§ 3. As for the Writings of this Worthy many of them have felt the force of time, which hath raked them up in the dust, so that, they are withdrawn from the view and use of the present, as also of some preceding Ages. The little of them which with their names have been preserved unto this day, is that which follows, viz.  
1. His commentary or tractates upon the Book of job, 
Hierovym. Apol. 1. adv. Ruffin.  which is little else than a translation of Origen: For herein (and in his comment upon the Psalms) are to be found almost forty thousand verses 
Hierovym. ibid.  (quadraginta fermè millia versuum Origenis in job et Psalmos transtulit) translated out of that Author, 
Hieron. in cate-log.  in which he keeps to the sense though not unto his words. 
Cent. 4. c. 10.  These were extant in Ieroms time, for he had the sight of them.  
2. His comment upon the Canticles, 
In cate-log.  which jerom only heard of, but it came not to his hands.  
3. Of Mysteries. 
Ibid.   
4. Of the Septenary or uneven number, a book mentioned by jerom, 
Apol. pro l●bris. advers. Jovinlan.  dedicated unto Fortunatus: This book (saith Victorius) is extant under the name of Cyprian, 
In Scholar in Apol. istam.  but that 'tis rather Hilary's, appears (saith he) from the stile, Ieroms authority ascribing it to him, and its dedication unto Fortunatus, who was Hilary's great friend, as his Poems do testify.  
5. His book or commentary (as Possevin calls it) against Dioscorus a Physician, 
Cent. 4. c. 10.  or against Sallust a Perfect: 
Hieron. epist ad Magnum num. 84.  wherein (though it were but short, yet was it a learned and accurate piece) he showed what he could do with his Pen, putting out all the strength both of his wit and eloquence: 
Erasm. in ep. ante Hilar. Possev. in apparat.  which is wanting, not without the great loss of the History of the affairs of France, and other Countries.  
6. His book against Valens and Vrsatius, 
Sulp. Sever. lib. 2.  (two pestilent Arians, who had infected with their heresy, Italy, Illiricum, and the East,) containing the History of the Acts of the councils of Ariminum and Seleucia, 
Erasm. in epist. praedict.  which is lost, unless perhaps it be contained in his book of of Synods.  
7. A defence of the Catholic Faith. 
Trithem. de script.   
8. Of heresies.  
9 A book of Chronicles, 
Trith, ibid. Berg. chron.  or an history from the beginning of the world unto the time of Christ.  
10. A book of hymns, 
Ibid.  he was the first among the Catholics, that set forth hymns and verses. 
In epist. ant. Hilar.  Declarat (inquit Erasmus) phrasis et compositio Hilariani sermonis, in carmine non infoelicem fuisse. Et fortassis aliquot hymni, quos hodiè canit ecclesia, non indoctos sed incerti authoris, illius sunt.  
11. Divers Epistles, a work mentioned by Sulpitius Severus, 
Sac. hist. l. 2.  which reporteth the great age of Osius the famous Bishop of Corduba, as being above an hundred year old. 
Cent. 4. c. 10.  The most of them seem to have been written after his return from banishment into France, wherein condemning the Arian heresy, he labours to reduce therefrom those Western Bishops, who by the Eastern in the Council of Seleucia had been by cunning and craft deceived and drawn into it.  
12. Whereas the Centurists speak of a book of his concerning the rebaptisation of heretics, 
Ibid.  I suppose it belongs not to our, 
Rivet. crit. sac.  but another Hilary, 
Hilarius quidam, non Pictaviensis episcopus sed Romanus diaconus denuo hanc Camarinam movit. Pamel. in vita Cypriani.  who was a Deacon in the Church of Rome, and of Cyprian's mind in the point of rebaptisation of those that had been baptised by heretics, and particularly the Arians. He indeed wrote certain books upon this subject: of whom jerom is to be understood, calling hlm the World's Deucalion, as one that thought the whole World would have perished in the baptism of Heretics as in a second flood, 
In dialog. adv. Luciferian.  had not he restored it by another Baptism. 
Victorius. in Scholar in loc.   
There are extant to this day these following books, which are generally conceived to be his.  
1. Twelve books of the Trinity against the Arians, 
Cent. 4. c. 10. Chemnit. in or. de lect patrum.  which he wrote when he was banished into Phrygia, being the first among the Latin Fathers that dealt upon this subject: A work in this regard of no small advantage unto the Reader, 
Erasm. in ep. of't. Hilar.  that therein he expounds divers places not a little obscure, in the Gospel of john and Epistles of Paul, no less happily than accurately. 
Erasm. ibid.  The first of these books as it seems he writ last, for it contains an account or sum of the whole work, setting down particularly the subjects or contents of each of the other books. 
Socrat. h. l. 5. c. 12. Theodor. l. 3. c. 14.  It is an elaborate piece, of much strength, and commended even by the adversaries themselves.  
2. Three books or Apologues unto Constantius the Emperor, 
Cent. 4. c. 10.  who much favoured the faction of the Ariaus: 
In epist. ant. Hiiar.  All which Erasmus thinks to be imperfect, for (saith he) they promise something exact and laborious, but perform not accordingly, being as it were suddenly silent. The first of these he conceives to have been written after the death of that Emperor, because he therein deals more freely and sharply with him; whereas in the other two he is more fair and moderate, Baronius supposeth the first as well as the two later, to have been written while the Emperor was alive, and therefore that the book mentioned by Jerome to be written after the death of Constantius, 
In cate-log.  is not now extant; because he saith that by this free confession, he tended to martyrdom, whereunto he exhorteth others by the like liberty of speaking, which would have seemed ridiculous if the persecutor had been now dead. 
De script. Eccless.  But (saith Bellarmine) perhaps these different opinions may be reconciled, by thus saying: That at the Writing of the first Epistle, Hilary thought him to have been dead, though indeed he were then alive.  
3. His book against the Arians or against Auxentius Bishop of Milan, 
Cent. 4. c. 10.  written unto the Bishops and people detesting the Arian heresy: which by jerom is styled an elegant book: 
In cate-log.  wherein he accuseth the said Bishop as infected with Arianism. To which is annexed an Epistle of Auxentius, wherein he cleareth himself, as not guilty of the crime laid to his charge.  
4. His book of Synods unto the Bishops of France, 
Erasm. ant. Hilar. epist.  whom he congratulates that in the midst of so great tumults as are in the world, they had kept themselves free from the Arian faction; wherein he declares in what meetings of the Bishops the Arian heresy had been condemned. This book (as himself testifieth) he translated out of Greek, but with this liberty that neglecting the words he kept still to the sense, and where the place invites him so to do, 
In or. de lect parr. ante loc. come.  he adds and intermingles somewhat of his own. Of which, Chemnitius thus speaks. He gathered together (saith he) the opinions of the Greeks concerning the Trinity, and unless he had collected the decrees of the Eastern Synods, we should have known nothing of them as touching their opinions and doctrines.  
5. His commentary upon the Gospel of Matthew, 
E●asm in epist an't. Hi●  which he divided into thirty and three Canons, 
Sixt. Senens. biblioth. l. 4.  by which name it is called of some: Going through almost the whole of that Evangelist, in a succinct and brief, but learned and solid explanation: Being more delighted with the allegorical than literal sense herein imitating Origen, out of whom I doubt not (saith Erasmus) he translated this whole work; 
Ibid.  it doth so in all things savour both of the wit and phrase of Origen. For as it containeth many choice things which do proclaim the Author to have been most absolutely skilled in the sacred Scriptures, so is he sometimes too superstitious and violent in his allegories, a peculiar fault to be found in almost all the commentaries of Origen.  
6. His commentary upon the Psalms, not the whole but upon the first and second: then from the one and fiftieth unto the sixty and second: 
In cate-log.  according to Ierom's reckoning, but as now extant in Erasmus his edition, from the one and fiftyeth unto the end of the sixty and ninth: which addition Sixtus Senensis saith he had read being printed. 
In biblioth. lib. 4.  Also from the hundred and nineteenth unto the end of the book: only that upon the last Psalm is imperfect, 
In ep●st. of't. Hilar.  the last leaf (saith Erasmus) in the manuscripts being either torn or worn away, as it oftentimes falls out. This work is rather an imitation than a translation of Origen: for he adds somewhat of his own, some do affirm that he set forth tractates upon the whole book of the Psalms, and that it was extant in Spain, But commonly no more is to be found than the above mentioned. 
Ep. ad Fl●rentium. num. 6.  as also his book of the Synods, being very large, jerom transcribed with his own hand at Triers for he had him in very high esteem.  
There are also some books abroad under his name, which are justly suspected and taken for spurious▪ As,  
1. An Epistle unto Abram or Afram his Daughter, 
Fra●n in ep. of't. Hilar. ●t 〈◊〉.  which is a mere toy of some idle and unlearned man, it hath nothing in it worthy of Hilary, much less that which follows, viz.  
2. An Hymn which hath in it neither rhythm nor reason, yet doth jerom testify of Hilary, that he wrote in verse, 
Eras●. ibid.  and perhaps some of those hymns which at this day are sung in the Church, whose Author is unknown, may be his: 
De poetis.  He was so far skilled this way, that Gyraldus gives him a place and ranks him among the Christian Poets. Bellarmine and Possevin had but small reason upon so slender a ground, as they have, to affirm both of these to be his without doubt.  
3. A book of the unity of the Father and the Son, 
Bellat. de script. Ecci.  which, whether it were his or no, seems very uncertain; seeing jerom makes no mention of it. It seems to be a rhapsody of some studious man, 
In cate-log. libr. Hilar. in edit. Erasm. Cent. 4. c. 10.  taken partly out of the second, but for the most part out of the ninth book of the Trinity; who omitted and added what he pleased. With this as a distinct book from it, Bellarmine joins another, of the essence of the Father and the Son, which yet I find not named by any other Author. Indeed there is an appendix unto the former of the various names of Christ, 
Ibid.  (which Bellarmine mentions not) the phrase whereof differs much from Hilary's. 
R●v. crit. sac.  The Author whereof would fain imitate Hilary, which he was not negligent in the performance of: 
De script. Ecclef.  They are grave and learned books (saith Bellarmine of his two) and not unworthy the spirit and eloquence of Hilary.  
4. An Epistle unto Augustine, concerning the remains of the Pelagian heresy, which cannot be Hilary's, 
Riu. crit. sac.  because that heresy was not known in his time.  
5. Another Epistle unto Augustine, being the eighty and eighth in number among Augustine's: 
Ibid.  in which he propounds certain questions to be resolved, 
Bellar. de script. Ecci.  but neither this nor the ●ormer are our Hilary's, who was dead before Augustine became a Christian, and yet in his answer he styles him his Son. 
Riu. crit. sac.  They both seem to belong unto another Hilary, that was afterward made Bishop of Arles; who together with Prosper of Aquitain, defended the cause of Augustine against the French Semipelagians, The former of the Epistles gave occasion unto Augustine to write his treatises of the predestination of the Saints and of the good of perseverance, to which are prefixed this Epistle, together with one from Prosper concerning the same matter.  
6. A fragment concerning the things that were done in the Council of Ariminum, 
Ad an. 352.  rejected by Baronius.  
7. An heroic Poem, 
Riv crit. sac. Bellar. de script. Eccl.  styled Genesis written unto Pope Leo, who lived Ann. 440. at what time Hilary had left this life: And therefore it cannot be his, but may better be ascribed unto the abovenamed Hilary Bishop of Arles.  
8. A fragment of the Trinity, 
Biblioth. Patr. gr 〈◊〉 tom. 1.  which contains his creed, but of little credit as being no where else mentioned. It might happily be an extract out of his work upon this subject.  
§ 4. As for his stile, it is perplex and thorny, 
Calvin. ep. 339.  such, as should he handle matters in themselves very clear, yet would it be both hard to be understood and easy to be depraved. Very lofty he is after the Gallicane manner, 
Erasm. in ep. of't. Hilar.  for this seems to be peculiar unto the wit and genius of that nation; (as appears in Sulpitius Severus Eucherius, and of late the famous Budaeus, adeo sublimis, ut tubam sonare credas non bominem; adeò faeliciter elaboratus, ut eruditum lectorem nunquam satiet, 
Hieron. ep. 13. ad Pauli●um.  trivialiter literatos procul submoveat.) and being adorned with the Flowers of Greece, he is sometimes involved in long periods, so that he is far above the reach of, and in vain perused by unskilful Readers, which yet Sixtus Senensis thinketh aught to be referred unto his books of the Trinity, 
Biblioth. l. 4.  wherein he imitated Quintilian both in his stile, 
Hieron. epist 84. add Magnum.  and also the number of the books: for in that work though the subject itself were profound, yet did he affect the praise of subtlety in the handling of it: which inconvenience (saith Erasmus) may be lessened in the Reader through custom and familiarity. 
In epist an't. Hilar.  But in his commentaries upon the Psalms and Gospel of Matthew, 
Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.  his stile is succinct without any affection of art, solid yet sometimes obscure, but far from all swelling haughtiness.  
§ 5. There are many things in his works well worthy of note; I shall present you with a few which I shall choose to do in his words lest they should lose too much of their weight, by the translation of them.  
1. His Creed or the sum of his faith, 
Ad Constan. l. 3. sub sinem  which he thus pithily sets down. Intelliges (inquit ad imperatorem Constantium) a me praedicari unum Deum Patrem, ex quo omnia; et quem misit jesum Christum, per qnem omnia, natum ex Deo, qui est ante tempora aeterna, et erat in principio, apud Deum, Deus Verbum, qui est imago Dei invisibilis, in quo habitat omnis plenitudo divinitatis conporaliter: qui cum in forma Dei esset, humilians sese salutis nostrae causâ, formam servi ex conceptu Spiritus sancti de Virgine accepit, factus obediens usque ad mortem, mortem autem crucis, et post resurrectionem mortis deinde in caelestibus sedens, aderit judex vivorum et mortuorum, et Rex omnium aeternorum saeculorum. Est enim unigenitus Deus, et Deus verus et Deus magnus, super omnia Deus, et omnis lingua confitebitur, quia dominus Iesus Christus in gloriâ Dei Patris est.  
2. Of the Scriptures, 
In Psal. 132.  as containing in them all things necessary to be known: Quae (inquit) libro legis non continentur, ea nec nosse debemus.  
3. Of God thus. 
De trin. l. ●.  Inter haec (speaking of his doubts concerning the heathen Gods) animus sollicitus, devinum et aeternum nihil nisi unum esse et indifferens pro certo habebat, quia id quod sibi ad id quod est autor esset, nihil necesse est extra se quod sui esset praestantius reliquisse. Atque ita omnipotentiam aeternitatemque non nisi penes unum esse, quia neque in omnipotentiâ validius infirmiusque, neque in aeternitate posterius anteriusve cougrueret. In Deo autem nihil nisi aeternum potensque esse venerandum.  
4. Much to the same purpose. 
In Psal. 2.  Deus (inquit) beatus atque perfectus profectu non eget cui nihil deest, demutatione non novus est, qui origine caret. Ipse est, qui quod est non aliunde est, in sese est cum est, ad se est, s●us sibi est, & ipse sibi omni● est, carens omni demutatione novitatis, qui nihil aliud quod in se posset incidere per id quod ipse sibi totum totus est reliquit.  
5. Of Christ thus: 
●e Trin. l. 4.  Hic unus est disponens ad Abraham, loquens ad Mosen, testans ad Israel, manens in Prophetis, per Virginem natus, ex Spiritu Sancto, adversantes nobis inimicasque virtutes ligno passionis affigens, mortem in inferno perimens, spei nostrae fidem resurrectione confirmans, corruptionem carnis humanae gloriâ corporis sui periniens.— Deo haec unigenito soli propria sunt.  
6. Of the Anger of God, 
●n Psal. 2.  thus: Poena patientis, ira esse creditur, decernentis. Atque ita irascitur Deus, cum per poenae dolorem iram decreti in se sentiat esse punitus, quae non per dem●tationem naturae in iram ex, placabilitate commota est, sed ex constitutione poenae ir● sit puniendis.  
7. Of faith, 
De Trin. lib. 10▪  thus: Pietas est non ambigere, & justitia est credere, & salus confiteri. Non in incerta diffluere neque ad stultiloquia effervere, neque modo circumscribere potestatem, neque causas investigabilium sacramentorum retractare, Dominum jesum confiteri, & à Deo suscitatum à mortuis credere salus est. Quae vr●ò insania est, qualis & oujusmodi sit jesum calumniari, ●um saelus sola sit hoc solum scire, quòd Dominus sit. In simplicitate itaque fides est, in fide justitia est, in confession pietas est. Non per difficiles nos Deus ad beatam vitam quaestiones vocat nec multiplici eloquentis facundiae gener● solicitat. In absoluto & nobis ac facili est aeternitas, jesum suscitatum à mortuis per Deum credere, & ipsum esse Dominum confiteri.  
8. Of the evil of divisions thus,— usus inolevit, qui postquàm nova potius coepit condere, quam accepta retinere, nec verterata defendit, nec innovata firmavit, & facta fides temporum potius▪ Evangeliorum, dum & secundum annos scribitur, & secundum confessionem baptismi non tenetur. Periculosum nobis admodùm, atque etiam miserabile est, tot nu●c fides existere, quot voluntates: & tot nobis doctrinas esse, quod mores & tot causas blasphemiarum pullulare, quot vitia sunt: dum aut ita fides scribuntur ut volumus, aut ita ut volumus, intelliguntur: & cum secundum unum Deum & unum Dominum, & unum baptisma, etiam fides una sit, excedimus ab eâ fide quae sola est, & dum plures fiunt, ad id coeperunt esse, ne ulla sit.  
9 Of Heretics, 
De Trinit. lib. 10.  thus; Quis Doctrinae profectus est, placida magis quam docenda conquirere? Aut quae doctrinae Religio est, non docenda desiderare, sed ●esideratis coac●rvare doctrinam? Sed baec seducentium Spirituum incentiva suppeditant, & simulatae religionis falsiloquia confirmant. Sequitur enim fidei defectionem hypoerisis m●ndax, ut sit vel in verbis pietas quam amiserat conscienti●.  
10. Of pardon of sin, 
In Psal. 66.  thus: Ex copiâ bonitatis suae misericordiam in peccatorum remissionem largitur Deus; & peccatorum remissio non probitatis est meritum, sed spontaneae indulgentiae voluntas ex bonitatis divitiis ad miserandi ●unus exuberans.  
11. Of merit, 
In Matth. Canon. 27.  thus, Virgins prudentes fatuis petentibus ut oleum mutuent; responderunt, non posse se dare, quia non sit fortè quod omnibus satis sit, alienis scilicet operibus ac meritis neminem adjuvandum quia unicuique lampadi suae emere oleum sit necesse. Suitable hereunto is that remarkable story recorded by Melchior Adam's; 
In vita Gobelini Personae. vixit. ann. 1420.  to this purpose that a little before the time of Gobelinus, there was set forth a play at Isenach in Germany, of the wise and foolish Virgins; wherein the foolish desiring oil of the wise, (which the Actor thus interpreted; that they would intercede unto God for them that they might be admitted unto the Marriage, i. e. the Kingdom of heaven) they utterly denied to lend them any. The foolish fell to knocking, weeping and instant praying, but could not prevail a jot; but were bidden to be gone and buy oil. Hereat Prince Frederick (being present) was greatly amazed, crying out Quid est fides nostra Christiana, si neque Maria (she was one of the five Saints that represented the wise Virgins) neque alia sancta exorari potest: ut deprecetur pro nobis? quorsum tot merita & bona opera, ut Sanctorum apud Deus intercessionem nobi● conciliemus, & gratiam impetremus: This consternation was such, that through it he fell into a sore and dangerous disease, which ended in an apoplexy whereof he died about four days after.  
12. Of the qualifications of a Bishop or Pastor: 
De Trin. l. 8.  thus, Quae propria disciplinae ac morum sunt, ad sacerdotii meritum utilia esse significat Apostolus, 
Tit. 1. ●.  si etiam haec quae ad docendae ac tuendae fidei scientiam necessaria sunt, inter reliqna non deerunt. Quia non statim ●oni atque utilis sacerdotis est, aut tantummodo innocenter agere, aut tantummodo scienter praedicare, cum & innocens sibi tant●m proficiat, nisi doctus sit: & doctus sine doctrinae sit autoritare nisi innocens sit. Non enim Apost●licus sermo probitatis bonestatisque praeceptis hominem tantùm seculo conformat ad vitam, neque rursum per doctrine scientiam scribam synagogae instituit ad legem, sed perfectum Ecclesiae principem perfectis maximarum virtutum bonis instruit, ut & vita ●jus orn●tur docendo, & doctrina vivendo.  
13. Of Scandal, 
In Psal. 140▪  thus. Differt laqueus à seandalo: Laqueus enim est adhortatio voluptatum, & ingenium appetitionis inhonestae, quod modo laquei fallens capit. Scandalum autem est uxor irreligiosa, filius iniquus, & caetera deinceps domi nomina, & omnis ex Ecclesiâ frater, aut contumeliosus, aut avarus, aut ebriosus, aut turpis. In his enim nobis est scandalum, quoticus ad necessitatem irascendi, inhibendi, vindicandi ex illâ quietâ fidei nostrae mansuetudine provocamur.  
14. Of being under the power of corruption, 
In Psal. 125.  thus, Animae captivitas quam infoelix est Avarus cariturus semetipso, career timet pecuniâ, negociosus, tristis, anxius, sine requi● ulla, domni metu semper detinetur: honestatis immemor est, amicitiarum inobservans, humanitatis fugax, religionem nescit, bonitatem omninò odit. At verò cui libido domina est, in quo coeno dedecoris volutatur? Pendet ad occasiones adulteriorum, anxius circa lasciviae suae fervorem, oculis, ment, corpore totus in scortis est. Videns quotidie atque audiens humanas in adulteros leges, adulterium in ipso foro cogitat: quod agit timet, & quod timet non fugit. Quid verò infaelicius ebrietatis dominatu? Ventri ultra capacitatem infundere, sensuirationem a dimere, non loqui, non meminisse, non stare, & mortem quandam naturae incolumi imperare? quam dedecorosus autem est furentium motus, temeritatis impetus, odiorum stimulus, livoris anxietas? Quanta ergò perturbatio eorum est, quanta calamitas, qui suprà memoratis malis serviunt?  
§ 6. These and such like passages worthy of note, are frequently to be met with in the writings of this Father; wherein there also some things that call for the caution of the Reader, as not so warily and fitly uttered as they should have been, nor altogether allowable and to be approved of. Such are these that follow.  
1. Suam cuique personam distribuens, 
Lib. 2. de Trinitat.  aeternitatem adsignat patri, imaginem filio, usum Spiritui Sancto. In the explication of which place, 
Cent. 4. c. 10.  Augustine much troubled himself, as not knowing what he should mean by the word Vsus.  
2. Videtur Christo tribuere corpus & animam, 
De Trinit; lib. 10.  nullis obnoxiam molestis affectionibus, e.g. hominem (inquit) verum secundum similitudinem nostri hominis non deficiens à se Deo sumpsit Christus, in quem quamvis aut ictus incideret aut vulnus descenderet, aut nodi concurrerent, aut suspensio elevaret, afferrent quidem haec impeturae passionis, non tamen dolorem passionis inferrent, ut telum aliquod aut aquam perforans, aut ignem compungens, aut aera vulnerans— homo ille de Deo est habens ad patiendum quidem corpus, & passus est, sed naturam non habens ad dolendum.  
3. Parùm benè ab eo dictum est: 
Ibid.  Mariam Virginem praeter concipiendi, 
Cent. 4. c. 10.  gestandi & pariendi ministerium, nihil addidisse de suo: ac fi Christus non ex substantiâ corporis Mariae carnem & sanguinem suam sumpsisset.  
4. Asserit, 
Do Trin. l. ●  nos cum filio & patre unum esse naturâ, non adoptione, neque consensu tantùm.  
5. De creatione sensit: 
De Trin. lib. 12.  omnia creationis opera simul & semel, sine intervallis aut ordine operum aliorum post alia creatorum, extitisse; quae opinio manifestè cum 1. capite Geneseos pugnat.  
6. De libero arbitrio non satis videtur cauté locutus: 
In Psal. 118.  cum ait. In Psal. 119. 33. Prius (inquit) quae à Deo sunt cum honore praeposuit, & tunc quae à se cum confessione subjecit. Orat igitur ut Deus tribuat. Est ergò à nobis cum oramus exordium, ut munus ab eo sit: dehinc quia de exordio nostro munus est ejus, ex nostro rursum est, ut exquiratur, & obtineatur, & maneat. 
Ibid.  Item. Est quidem in fide manendi à Deo munus, sed impediendi à nobis origo est. Et voluntas nostra hoc proprium ex se habere debet, ut velit Deus incipienti crementum dare; quia consummationem per se infirmitas nostra non obtinet, meritum tamen adipiscendae consummationis est ex imtio voluntatis.  
§ 7. As concerning his end, 
Cent. 4. c. 10. Osiand. epit. hist. Eccles.  I find this: that upon the death of Constantius, julian his successor granting liberty of returning unto all those that by Constantius had been banished, 
Cent. 4. l. 3. c. 18.  Hilary among the rest returned into his own country, where having remained by the space of six years he peaceably ended his days, 
Sulpit. Sever. l. 2.  in the Reign of the Emperors Valentinian and Valens; 
Bucholcer. Chron. Baron. annal.  A●n. Christ, Three hundred sixty six, or as others, Three hundred sixty nine.  
FINIS.     

Reader, you are entreated to correct the errors of the Press, particularly that in page 151. for all visions read allusions.   

Mantissa.  
THis Treatise which hath lain dormant by me for several years, was dispatched and put out of hand, before Mr. Dallee's book of the Writings of Dyonisius Areopagitas and Ignatius Antiochenus saw the light, and had it then passed the press (as it was very near to have done) I had been saved this labour, and no contest had happened between the very learned Dallee and myself. But coming to a view of it, when mine was adventuring into the world, I thought myself concerned to say somewhat (and much it shall not be) in vindication of the Epistles of that holy Martyr Ignatius, as being at least in part genuine, and not wholly supposititious; though it cannot be denied that both he and they have been not a little abused by bold and dis-inngenuous persons.  
Having therefore perused what the perspicacious Mr. Dallee hath done upon this subject, I find that therein he hath given sufficient proof of his singular learning, judgement and industry: And had his great pains been confined to and levelled at, the further discovery of the vile injury that hath bern offered to the worthy monuments of that famous Martyr and primitive Pishop, and not the utter extinction of them, his undertaking might have proved much more acceptable and successful. He herein follows his Coaetanian Countrymen Salmasius and Blondel; and of the more ancient, (who yet were Eight hundred years after Christ) Nicephorus Patriarch of Constantinople, and Anastasius the Library keeper at Rome, and these are the principal whom he names to have been of the same mind with himself herein, though the greatest part of learned men go a contrary way unto him.  
The method he proceeds in is this: 1. He endeavours to make out the imposture (as he apprehends it to be) by no less than sixty six Arguments, drawn from the Ancients making no mention of these Epistles, especially such as preceded Eusebius: as also from divers expressions and passages found in them, which we cannot imagine should ever drop from the Pen of Ignatius. 2. He undertakes to answer the arguments and objections against it, made by those that dissent from him herein.  
In answer to the first Argument drawn from the silence of the Ancients making no mention of them: Besides what the learned Dr. Hammond hath said, viz. That he is clearly destitute of positives, whoever would make use of Negatives, and saith Bellarmine, arguments negatively drawn from authority conclude nothing: both these sayings Mr. Dalle sets down, Chap. 5. I would offer to consideration.  
1. That it is more than probable that Ignatius did write Epistles: this Mr. Dallee seems to grant: 'tis not questioned (saith he) whether Ignatius wrote Epistles, (for who is so foolish to deny that he writ some) but whether he wrote those that are carried about. p. 450. Again, why do we not follow that which is most likely, to wit, that the impostor having learned that some Epistles were of old written by Ignatius, and perceiving that they were now wanting, took counsel from thence to feign and put forth his own under the same name. p. 454. To which he subjoins these words of the learned Petavius, I verily deny not that the Epistles of Ignatius, have been interpolated and changed by the addition of certain things, and depraved; and that some are supposititious: But that no Epistles at all were written by Ignatius, I verily think to be too rashly affirmed. p. 230. Now if he did write Epistles, we cannot but suppose that those of his time who had him in so high esteem, would with utmost care preserve them, and not suffer through their negligence so precious a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be lost: And if so, what hinders why these now remaining should not (at least in part) be some of them?  
2. 'Tis known that the Ancients do but seldom make use of the writings of those that went before them, and when they do so they do it many times without naming the Author from whom the passages are borrowed. So Irenaeus is wont (saith Mr. Dallee) to bring and recite the sayings and sentences of eminent men more ancient than himself, delivered by them, whether written or by lively voice, without naming the Authors. p. 266. Again, Mr. Dallee in his treatise of the right use of the Fathers, lib. 1. Chap. 6. p. 103. If the Fathers (saith he) would have but taken the pains to have given us notice every time, who the Author was whose opinion they alleged, this manner of commenting upon the Scriptures, would have been much more beneficial to us and less troublesome. But this they very seldom do, as you may observe out of the expositions of Hilary, Ambrose and others who robbing poor Origen without any mercy, do not yet do him the honour so much as to name him scarcely. From the Ancients not mentioning the Epistles of Ignatius therefore, to infer that they are none of his, is very inconsequent, seeing this was a practice very usual with them.  
3. We find that Polycarp who lived at the same time with Ignatius, as also Irenaeus and Origen, (who were all before Eusebius) do make use of some passages in those Epistles: And the double testimony (saith Mr. Dallee p. 458.) of Polycarp and Irenaeus prevailed with Eusebius so far, that he doubted not but that it was Ignatius his work. It is true that the Arguments drawn from hence by the most reverend Vsser, and learned Dr. Hammond, Mr. Dallee labours to enervate as of no source: but of what strength his solutions are we shall make some trial by and by: And thus much for his first argument drawn from the Ancients not mentioning, as he pretends, the Epistles of Ignatius.  
2. As to his second Argument fetched from the expressions and passages found in them, which cannot be conceived to have come from Ignatius, but have been inserted by some latter hand: To this it may be answered, that many of these (and too many of them have crept into Ignatius his epistles) have been observed and made mention of by others: though the diligent and quicksighted Mr. Dallee hath taken notice of and discovered many more. The first discoverers of the imposture from thence concluded (as well they might) that ●oul hands had been tampering with and defiling them: (and who of the most eminent Ancients have not been so dealt with by wretched men; that so those worthies might seem to own some errors, which by this means these hucksters seek to impose upon the world, and would fain that they should be entertained by unwary Readers) but yet did not conceive this to be a sufficient ground altogether to disclaim and reject them, as not written by Ignatius: Et gradus non alterat speciem. And had Mr. Dallee proceeded no further upon his more narrow inspection into, and espyal of the fraud of those interpolators, good might have been done by his laudable pains, and the mischief of the deceit more fully prevented. But Mr. Dallee seems to have been too much swayed by Nicephorus P. C. and Anastasius the Roman Library keeper, whom he follows herein, who upon this only account (as Vsser thinks) because they were interpolated and corrupted, did rank these Epistles in the number of Apochryphals: as Mr. Dallee tells us p. 251. Though the instances produced by Mr. Dallee (too many here to be repeated) be looked on and yielded to have been since added by unworthy interpolators, yet may there be so much found remaining, as may make up those Epistles as they came out of the hands of Ignatius; those Epistles of his reckoned to be genuine, being much shorter in the time of Eusebius than they are at this day. The interpolations therefore are no sufficient warrant for their utter rejection. Petau. p. 229.  
The second branch of this discourse consists of his answer made to the Arguments of dissenters, wherein they show that the Ancients before Eusebius, did make use of divers passages from Ignatius, and therefore is his pretence of their silence in this regard of no source to annul the Epistles of Ignatius.  
Their first argument is drawn from the testimony of Polycarp his contemporary, which is found in his Epistle to the Philippians.  
To which Mr. Dallee returns this solution. 1. That that Epistle to the Philippians is apocryphal. Answ. Those whose judgement this is, are the aforesaid Nicephorus P. C. and Anastasius Bibli. R. who follows Nicephorus herein as Mr. Dallee owns, p. 250. f. so that upon the matter it amounts to no more than one single testimony; against which we may well oppose the contrary judgement of Eusebius, much more ancient than they who mention that passage of Polycarp, (viz. that he had sent them as many Epistles of Ignatius as he had by him) as contained in his Epistle to the Philippians, without any hesitation of its being his. hist. lib. 3. cap. 32. and quotes Irenaeus, lib. 3. cap. 3. as owning it to be his: Thus, there is (saith he) extant an Epistle of Polycarp unto the Philippians, very profitable etc. hist. lib. 4. cap. 14.  
Solut. 2. The Author (saith Mr. Dallee) of that particle in Polycarps epistle, (viz. of Ignatius himself, and those that are with him, signify what ye know for certain) intimates that when he writ it Ignatius was living, but the Author of the Epistle most plainly affirms, (using the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) that he was dead: Therefore wa● it inserted into the Epistle by some other.  
Answ. 1. Were it so; yet this makes not the whole Epistle Apocryphal but only corrupted, as those of Ignatius have also been, for which cause Nicephorus and Anastasius reject them: and upon the same reason, as Mr. Dallee imagines, do they conclude that the Epistle of Polycarp also is Apocryphal, p. 429. m. but how weakly, judge. And for this particle inserted Mr. Dallee, ibid. thinks it no crime to say, that those Epistles, viz. of Ignatius, which in this Epistle of Polycarp to the Philippians, are said to be collected by him, were not collected by Polycarp, a conjecture but slenderly bottomed. Yea Mr. Dallee grants that if those words put in by the impostor be left out, all the rest of the Epistle agrees with the judgement of Photius one of the Successors of Anastasius in the Patriarchship who saith: There was read the Epistle of Polycarp unto the Philippians, full of many admonitions, with plainness and simplicity. p. 429. m. It seems by this that Photius (a most learned Writer as Mr. Dallee there styles him) did not account that Epistle to be Apocryphal, nor did the judgement of his predecessor sway him herein, which therefore he did not look on as of so much weight as Mr. Dallee esteems it to be.  
And whereas Mr. Dallee tells us that it is apparent that the particle contained in this Epistle (wherein is mentioned that a collection of Ignatius his epistles was made by Polycarp) was inserted by the impostor, whence he concludes that the collection was not made by him: It seems not to be so apparent, for admit that particle not to be be so coherent with the preceding clause, as Mr. Dallee conceives, yet we know how usual it is in the close of Epistles, to add somewhat beside the main intendment of them occasionally. Besides, all that he gathers from the seeming incoherence is only this; that those words seem to have been rashly and beside the mind of the Author sown on by some other hand: and if any thing were added, saith he, by the Author beside the above mentioned words, I should believe that those last words which follow after the place objected against, (viz. Scripsistis mihi et vos & Ignatius, etc. where he speaks of the collection of the Epistles of Ignatius made by him) were the words that were added. p. 4●7. So, saith he, expunging all that which is said of Ignatius and his Epistles, the whole clause of the Epistle would run decently. Thus he p. 427. And what amounts all this conjecture unto, but only this that from the seeming incoherence of that particle with the foregoing words, it seems to him and he believes, and p. 429. 'Tis his opinion concerning the objected place in Polycarp's Epistle, that that particle was added by the impostor. Let the Reader now judge whether these conjectural apprehensions of his be sufficient to invalidate Polycarps testimony of the Epistles of Ignatius.  
But what can be imagined that the impostor should have in his eye, in adding this particle to Polycarp's Epistle? seeing it hath nothing in it, beside a commendation of Ignatius his Epistles, but some particular affairs: what advantage could he gain by such an abuse? Oh much, saith Mr. Dallee: the impostor (whom I think we need not look far for) is even he without doubt, whom we have hitherto demonstrated by many and manifest proofs to have substituted, feigning the name of Ignatius, Epistles framed by himself to the holy Martyr. This is indeed said by Mr. Dallee, but how doth it appear that he is the man? and if he framed Ignatius his Epistles, than all or only some of them: All he could not, for some were extant before Eusebius his time, who mentions divers of them. lib. 3. cap. 33. and he lived. an. 326. And the second collection being six in number, was made (as the Reverend Vsser conjectures) Ann. 580. or, as the publisher of the Constantinopolitan Chronicle thinks, ann. 630. So the space of time between those mentioned by Eusebius, if collected but in his time, and the second collection is by the former computation. 254. years, and by the latter 304. years, a time too long to imagine the impostor to have lived. If he were the forger but of some only, 'tis demanded of which? and of this I suppose it will be found somewhat a knotty difficulty to determine. Besides, if some only be the impostors, than the remainder must be of some other, and if so why not of Ignatius, being the commonly reputed father of them.  
2. That the Author of the Epistle saith plainly that Ignatius was then dead, is not so plainly to be found therein. For those expressions, viz. That he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and had finished the least act of his conflict, do not necessarily imply so much, but might be made use of upon this account, because he had been condemned, and was under the sentence of death, being now also in the way to his execution: for such are dead in law and looked on as in that state: as that Phrase holds out, Psal. 79. 11. According to the greatness of thy power, preserve thou those that are appointed to die, or as the Margin reads, the children of death.  
2. The second Argument or objection made by the dissenters, is drawn from the testimony of Irenaeus; who in his fifth book against heresies, towards the end hath these words: As one of our own, who for the testimony of God, was adjudged to the beasts; said, I am the Wheat of God, etc.  
Solut. Irenaeus saith not that he wrote those words, but only that he spoke so: Then it cannot be gathered that he saw any writing of Ignatius.  
Answ. 1. The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 denotes indifferently both the thing uttered by the voice, and those delivered in writing also: so Tit. 1. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: one of themselves even a prophet of their own, said, this was written by Epimenides the Poet. So then notwithstanding the expression 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he might have that sentence from some writing of Ignatius. 2. jerom and others report, that those words were uttered by him, when he was adjudged to the beasts, which was no small while before he encountered them. For after his sentence pronounced, he was led from Syria to Rome, a long journey, wherein he writ his genuine Epistles, of which that to the Romans was one, containing the words pronounced by him: So that probable it is that he spoke those words more than once, between the time of his being sentenced and executed; and therefore may well be conceived to have made mention of them in an Epistle.  
2. Mr. Dallee concludes that Irenaeus never saw or knew of any Epistle of Ignatius. 1. Because he brings the Authority of such as were Elders before him, and disciples of the Apoles against the error of Florinus and of Polycarp by name; but mentions not Ignatius. Answ. 1. His not mentioning of Ignatius, is but a slender argument to prove that he saw not any Epistle of his, he might have some reason unknown to us of this his silence. 2. Ignatius is no less contained in the word Elders, than Polycarp: for he saith in general that Florinus never had his doctrine delivered to him from those Elders, the disciples of the Apostles: which expression (Elders) comprehends and may be understood of Ignatius as well as Polycrap, who were both the Disciples of the Apostle john. 3. In that fragment of his Epistle to Florinus, he saith this only of Polycarp: I, saith he, saw thee Florinus, when I was yet a boy with Polycarp in the lesser Asia, etc. and then adds, if that holy and Apostolic Elder had heard any such thing, he would straight have stopped his ears.  
This therefore is but a weak Proof that he never saw any of Ignatius his epistles: but rather the contrary, he being as well as Polycarp comprehended in the name Elders.  
2. Because where he mentions the difference between Anicetus, Bishop of Rome and Polycarp, about the observation of Easter, he speaks not a word of Ignatius; especially considering that peremptory saying of his (in his Epistle to the Philippians) that if any one observed Easter with the jews, he is partaker with those that slew the Lord and his Apostles: Anicetus might well have objected this to Polycarp. p. 270. Answ. You have little reason to say that the Epistle to the Philippians, was altogether unknown to Irenaeus, because he made not use of this passage to Anicetus: for 'tis conceived that those words fell not from the Pen of Ignatius, but were since foisted in by some one that corrupted that Epistle: we grant that Irenaeus never read those words there, nor could he well, seeing they were not at that time there to be found: Yet might he see that Epistle as it came out of the hands of Ignatius, which had no such blemish in it.  
3. Because he is of a contrary mind unto Ignatius, about the time of Christ's abode upon earth: Ignatius rightly conceiving that being baptised about the thirtieth year of his Age, he remained on earth but three Passovers after that time: whereas Irenaeus thinks that he taught to his fortieth or fiftieth year. Answ. 1. Irenaeus was not bound to follow Ignatius in every thing, if he had a peculiar apprehension of his own in this matter, what eminent men have not in some things had the like, wherein yet sometimes they have been in the wrong? 2. Irenaeus erring herein, thought he had reason for his opinion. Mr. Parker. lib. 4. §. 13. de descensu. speaks in his behalf. This tradition, saith he, of Irenaeus carried in it a certain show of truth, and seems to have a foundation from the Scriptures: He, i. e. Christ was called Master, and had the perfect age of a Master; he came to save every Age, therefore he passed through every one: thou art not yet fifty year old, joh. 8. 65. therefore was he forty or upward: for the Jews lied not, or miss, twenty years. Also Irenaeus brings in men of great name for Authors, namely the Elders which had lived with john in Asia. He quotes for this Iren. lib. 2. cap. 39 40. No marvel then that he was mistaken, and his dissent from Ignatius herein, is but of little strength to prove, that he was altogether unacquainted with Ignatius his Epistles. I may here make use of Mr. Dallee's words, cap. 9 p. 282. where speaking of the disagreement of Clemens Alexandrinus from Ignatius, about the time of Christ's preaching after his baptism, (whereas Ignatius saith it was three years, Clemens saith it was but one) he hath this passage: If Clemens had known the judgement of so great a man as Ignatius, without doubt he either for his piety would have followed it, or for his learning he would certainly have brought reasons and confirmed it, why he thought not that to be followed: thus he. And this we find Irenaeus to have done viz. To have produced reasons.  
3. The third Argument or objection made by the dissenters, is drawn from the testimony of Origen, in whom are to be seen two passages of Ignatius that are found in his Epistles: the former in bom. in Luc. cap. 6. where naming Ignatius, I, saith he, found written in an epistle of his, that the virginity of Mary was hidden from the Prince of this world, epist. ad Ephes. The latter out of his prologue to his commentary on the Canticles: where he thus speaks. I remember that one of the Saints spoke thus of Christ; My love was crucified. So▪ Ignatius in his Epistle to the Romans.  
Solut. The latter of these passages, he saith, that he spoke but not that he writ so. Answ. 1. The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies speaking either with the voice, or by writing: As doth also the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the same import: as Act. 17. 28. As some of your own Poets have said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: instancing in a saying of Aratus, in his Poem entitled Phaenomena. 2. He might both speak & write so too, see his answer to his Solution of the first argument from the testimony of Irenaeus. 2. Solut. Each place, saith he, alleged out of Origen, is of uncertain and doubtful Authority.  
Answ. 1. If those places be dubious, than the passages of Ignatius might be reported by Origen as well as not: And the Authority is of equal strength for the Affirmative or Negative; nothing certain can be concluded from them. 2. Erasmus his censure (which you produce who thinks it none of his) is not infallible: and Merlin (to whose pains we are beholding for one edition of Origen, who therefore should be acquainted with his works) is very confident that these commentaries are Origen's 3. The reason for which they are judged to be the work of some Latin Author, seems not to be so cogent, viz. because some Greek words are interpreted by Latin: For this he might do for the help of those that might not so well understand some Greek words; which therefore needed explication. Besides it is known that for Origen's works, although he wrote them in Greek, yet have we scarcely any of them at this day, but only in Latin; except his excellent answer to Celsus in eight books. Therefore these interpretations of divers Greek words by Latin; and the saying that such a Latin word or expression is rendered so or so in the Greek, may be done by the Translators of his works, which is most likely: from whence therefore it cannot be inferred that those Commentaries are none of Origen's. 4. For his homilies on Luke they are not mentioned by either Cook or Rivet among the Tracts falsely ascribed to Origen; which doubtless they would, and (in such a work, their censure) they ought to have done, had they judged them not to be origen's. 5. jerom the interpreter of these Homilies on Luke thinks them to be origen's, but a birth of his younger years, and not so elaborate, for some errors sprinkled amongst them. Sixt. Senens. in Biblioth. which errors, as Merlin imagines, were inserted by those that envied him. So that notwithstanding what is said by Mr. Dallee, those sayings of Ignatius may have been related by Origen, which he might be acquainted with from his Epistles.  
4. The fourth Argument or objection made by the dissenters, is drawn from the testimony of Eusebius Bishop of Caesarea, who in his Ecclesiatical History, lib. 3. cap. 32. mentions six Epistles of Ignatius: So the Reverend Vsser accounts them, making that to the Church of Smyrna, and to Polycarp their Bishop to be the same, but others reckon seven, judging that to Smyrna, and that to Polycarp to be two distinct Epistles: These six or seven (saith Mr. Dallee p. 442.) we confess that Eusebius acknowledgeth and holds them to be truly the Epistles of Ignatius. To these Mr. Dallee's Solutions are.  
1. Solut. His testimony is of no force being of a man that was two hundred years later than Ignatius. Answ. 1. The Epistles of Ignatius might well be preserved unto that time: many men's writings have remained many hundred years longer. 2. If so, then might Eusebius well come to the sight of them though others not; being a man so inquisitive after books, and Pamphilus his intimate companion, most studious and diligent in erecting the Library at Caesarea, and searching after books: So jerom. julius Africanus began a well furnished Library in the University of Caesarea, (saith Middendorp of Academyes lib. 2.) which Pamphilus and Eusebius so enriched, that there is not a more famous one in the whole Earth. Being then so intimately acquainted with Pamphilus (as that he added his name to his own, being called Eusebius Pamphili) and assistant with him (who was very curious to find out the writings of those that went before him) in completing his Library; questionless they would not omit so precious a treasure as the epistle of Ignatius; which (saith Polycarp. epist. ad Philip.) are such, that from them you may reap great profit, for they contain faith, patience, and all edification pertaining to our Lord. Here then Eusebius might come to see and peruse them, if he had them not among his own store. 3. The work he undertook and accomplished, (viz. The compiling of an Ecclesiastical History, wherein no one had gone before him) required that he should be supplied with fitting furniture for such an enterprise: who therefore being most inquisitive after the chief monuments of antiquity, doubtless would not neglect so choice a relic as those epistles, that might contribute not a little to his intended design. So that if Ignatius writ any epistles, (and, saith Mr. Dallee it were a foolish part in any to deny that he did, p. 450.) who was more likely to obtain them (reserved with utmost care by those that lived with him, as Polycarp and the Churches to whom he sent them) than Eusebius, so conducing to his purpose?  
2 Solut. He leans, saith Mr. Dallee upon a broken Reed, viz. the two passages in Polycarp and Irenaeus, which are falsely said to be found in them, as hath been made to appear. Answ. But we have showed before that the allegations from them are a ground sufficient to prove that for which they were produced, and therefore I refer you to what hath been said hereof already.  
3 Solut. He evidently overthrows this his opinion by somewhat laid down by himself elsewhere, (which Mr. Dallee styles his Golden Rule) which is this, that no books inscribed with the names of the Ancients, are to be accounted for true, but only those whose testimonies were made use of by men, either of the same or certainly of the next memory or Age, Euseb. lib. 3. c. 34. Answ. Eusebius his words are these: speaking of the second Epistle of Clement Bishop of Rome to the Corinthians) we have to learn, saith he, that there is a second epistle of Clement which was not so received and approved of as the former, 
Dallee page 444.  seeing we find not that the Elders (or Ancients) did use it. Now the question may be what use of it Eusebius means? Not that which Mr. Dallee intends, viz. their alleging of it in their writings; but the public reading of it in the Churches: for so Eusebius records of his first epistle. One undoubted Epistle, saith he, of his there is extant, both worthy and notable, which he wrote from Rome unto Corinth, when sedition was raised among the Corinthians: the same epistle we have known to have been read publicly in many Churches both of old and amongst us also, hist. l. 3. c. 14. Again, saith he, Dionysius Bishop of Corinth writing an epistle to the Romans, viz. unto Soter their Bishop, remembreth the Epistle of Clement thus: we have, saith he, this day solemnised the holy Sunday, in which we have read your Epistle and always will for instructions sake, even as we do the former of Clement written unto us, hist, l. 4. c. 22, So that Eusebius his golyen rule (as your term it) being thus misunderstood by you, proves in its right sense, as no way advantageous unto you, so no whit at all prejudicial unto him.  
Thus have I spoken a word in the behalf of Ignatius' his epistles, which notwithstanding what hath been said by the learned Mr. Dallee do not appear to be altogether supposititious: and that, though they have been basely abused by unworthy persons with their corrupt interpolations, yet have we to this day found among us some remains of the monuments of that eminent and glorious Martyr.  
FINIS.