An ENQUIRY; or, a Discourse between a Yeoman of Kent, and a Knight of a Shire, upon the Prorogation of the Parliament to the second of May, 1693.  Yeoman. 
SIR, your humble Servant, I am happy to meet you at this Friend's House, where I did not expect you— Pray, Sir, is the News true, that the King hath prorogued the Parliament to day?  Knight. 
'Tis very true, we are prorogued to the second of May next.  Yeom. 
Were all your Bills passed that were agreed on by both Houses?  Kt. 
I wish I could tell you they were.  Yeom. 
I hope, Sir, the King hath not refused any Public Bills.  Kt. 
Which are those you call Public?  Yeom. 
Truly, Sir, those two wherein the Country reckoned themselves most concerned are, That for securing the Foundations of the Civil Government, by such a constant Succession of new chosen Parliaments, that their Deputies by their long continuance in that Trust, may not be in danger to be corrupted, by Offices, or private Interests; and, That for preserving our Property in our Lands and Mines, against the Pretences of a Royal Prerogative, to take away our Mines and Oar, though with have spent most of our Estates to discover the Mines in our Lands.  Kt. 
I am sorry to tell you, that those are the two only Bills to which his Majesty would not assent.  Yeom. 
Are those Bills then to be utterly lost, after that both Houses have spent so much Time and Care to compose them? May they not be offered to the King again as soon as the Parliament meets?  Kt. 
You seem not to know the Force of a Prorogation of Parliament, which (as our Lawyers have of late resolved) makes void all Bills of that Session, not enacted, and all other Matters depending, as if they had never been: These are no more to be accounted Bills of Parliament; but if any thing contained in either of them be desired to be hereafter enacted, it must begin anew, as if it had never been before either House of Parliament.  Yeom. 
Sir, if all the Care and Pains of our Deputies in Parliament may be thus neglected, or blown away with one Breath, what Hopes have we then from the Consultations of Parliament, of the promised and long-expected Settlement of Liberty and Property?  Kt. 
I know no Remedy, until the King shall please to cause a new Session of Parliament.  Yeom. 
And is such a Session to be absolutely at the King's Will, whether it shall be six Months hence, or a Year, or seven Years?  Kt. 
You know it was so designed, and in part practised in the late Reigns; and the Judges than were so corrupted, that they declared (notwithstanding the Laws for Annual Parliaments) 
Vid. The minutes of the Judge's Opinions in the King's-Bench, upon the Arguments about bailing the Earl of Danby out of the Tower.  That the holding of Parliaments depended entirely upon the King's Pleasure.  
But 'tis most manifest, besides the positive Laws for Yearly Parliaments, that 
† Inter Laeges Edgari, cap. 5.  by the ancient Constitution of our Government, they did meet of course at least twice every Year.  
Afterwards in the Reigns of the Saxon Kings, it was made a perpetual Law, that a Parliament should be holden every Year once at London, and the same Law was incorporated into the Laws of Edward the Confessor; and from thence all the successive Kings of England to this day, have been sworn to the Observance of it.  
I must confess to you nothing prevailed with me more to concur with our King in his Pretensions to restore our Parliaments, and the Laws to their due Authority, than my own Knowledge, that the late Civil Wars in this Kingdom, and the Subversion of our Religion, Laws and Liberties, were principally occasioned by the Powers usurped in several late Reigns, to refuse the calling of successive Parliaments, and to continue the same Parliament for many Years, to form them into a Compliance with their Designs of Despotic Power.  
When I read the solemn and repeated Assurances his Majesty gave us, That his Design in coming into England, was to remove from the Administration of the Government those evil Ministers that had promoted the Murders and Treasons committed, in attempting to set up an Arbitrary Power over the People and their Parliaments: And also heard him desire the Parliament to make such an effectual Provision for their Fundamental Laws and Liberties, that they might never hereafter be in danger to be again invaded; I thought the Ancient, Legal Course of annually chosen Parliaments would have been immediately restored, and the strongest Fence made for that Constitution, that the Wisdom of the Kingdom could have invented: but I must tell you, to my Sorrow, that we are left as much to the King's Will for a Session of Parliament, as evil Ministers in the late Reigns designed we should be.  Yeom. 
If this be our case, it is no wonder that men's Minds are so unquiet; we are in daily imminent hazard of Confusion, whilst the Government remains wholly unsettled in its Fundamentals. It seems to be apparent, that after the Expense of twenty Millions, besides the vast Effusion of Blood, we are no more secured against the Slavery we feared by subverting our Constitution, than we were before the Convention of the People for a Settlement, when King James had just abdicated the Kingdom.  Kt. 
You take it rightly. If no Bill should pass to secure the certain Legal Succession of Parliaments, and we should connive at the Usurpations made by the late Kings therein, and seemingly approve the Turkish Doctrine of the then Judges, That the holding and continuance of Parliaments depended absolutely upon the Wills of our Kings; then the Supreme Power, vested by the Constitution in Parliaments, to maintain the Laws and Statutes, and preserve Justice and good Government, must be acknowledged not to be the Kingdom's Right, but to arise from the Gracious Will and Pleasure of their Kings; and the People must not dare to claim Liberty and Property as their due.  
If this Point of our Constitution should remain thus unsettled, and an ill King succeed his present Majesty, than the free Counsels of the whole Kingdom for its Defence and Welfare appointed by our Laws to be in Parliament, may (by the pretence of his Prerogative) be utterly rejected and despised; and his Flatterers, and Designers to make him absolute Master of our Laws, Liberties and Lives, may be exempted by him from the danger of Punishment, certain Justice being to be done upon such Offenders, only upon the People's Complaints, and Impeachment of them in Parliament.  
If the due Succession of Parliaments be not established, so as the Kings cannot by any Artifices avoid their meeting, an ill King may, in effect, authorise whom he pleases to subvert and destroy our Religion, Laws and Liberties, by renewing Pardons of all such Crimes as often as they can commit them. I am sorry to say it, but our present case is such, that all the Security we have for our Religion, our Laws, our Liberties, our Lives, depends wholly upon the uncertain and hazardous Life of our present King, to make good his Declarations and Promises to the Kingdom.  Yeom. 
Sir, you make me afraid that our Country must run a desperate hazard, to have their Government and all their highest Concerns remain still unsettled for at least another half Year. The King I hear is going for Flanders, not to return till towards Winter; and who can be secure of his Life, or the Events of War? and what dreadful Consequences may ensue in an unsettled Kingdom? Pray, Sir, can you tell me the Reasons why his Majesty hath deferred to make this Settlement of Parliaments? What shall I say to my Neighbours in this Point?  Kt. 
Do you expect, my good Neighbour, that I should show you good Reason for the King's rejecting of the Bill? If I had known any such Reasons, or either House of Parliament; we ought not, as his great Council, to have advised him to pass it. We concluded, upon solemn Debates, that he was highly concerned to have this Bill enacted, to justify the Design of his coming with Force and Arms to deliver us from Arbitrary Power, and to settle our Laws and Liberties. We thought that the Reputation of his Concurrence with the Advice of the great Council of his Kingdom, obliged him to a free Consent to that Bill, the Expectations of all Europe being so exceeding great from the Results of this Parliament's Counsels, and his Union with them. We believed his Desire to secure to his Subjects their Government by Laws, would have made him glad of the opportunity of this Bill, lest any Accident should befall him in this War, and he should lose the Glory of his Design, by leaving them unsettled. We thought it was for his Interest to pass this Bill, to induce the People to pay their great Taxes freely, and to advance them to as great Sums as the Acts of Parliament would allow: It being the ancient Course in Parliaments, that the Kings always passed some Bills for the People's Advantage, when they had great Sums of Money from them. And we thought his Majesty had the less Reason to deny his Assent to this Bill, in regard it deprived the Crown of no Legal Prerogative, but only revived and confirmed the ancient Laws of the Realm, than which nothing is more frequent, when wholesome and necessary Laws grow into disuse. We also conceived that his Majesty was bound in Honour to make good the Matter of his Declarations, and his solemn Promises to the People in them, to settle their Legal Government beyond all dangers of being subverted by ill Princes or evil Ministers. It seemed to us that his Majesty's Desire of being as great and potent as any King that ever possessed the English Crown, would have pressed him to a Conjunction with the Parliament in this Bill, since English Kings can be great only by the wise and affectionate Counsels and Assistance of their Parliaments, who have the absolute Command of the Wealth of the whole Kingdom.  Yeom. 
Sir, you have been extremely kind in showing me your Opinion of the Importance and Necessity of this Bill: but you have not informed me of any one Objection made against the King's passing it. I would gladly know what was alleged against the Settlement of this Fundamental of our Government.  Kt. 
It would be useless to tell you the salacious Arguments that were brought, to show there was no Necessity of passing such a Bill in this King's Reign; but all that was said was in substance no more than, That the Bill took away an undoubted Prerogative of the King's, to call, continue, and dissolve Parliaments at his Pleasure; that the Power of the Regal Office would be lessened thereby; and, that it was not fit to show Jealousy of this King's denying our Legal Rights, whilst he so continually hazards his Person for our sakes.  Yeom. 
Pray, Sir, let me be so hold as to ask you how these Objections against the Bill were answered: I know 'tis not hard to delude the unlearned Countrymen in Matters of this nature; yet they are not ignorant that it hath been the common Practice of those that have designed our Slavery, to cry up the King's Prerogative, to suppress the Subject's Claims of their Rights and Liberties. Be pleased to favour me with a short account of what was said upon this occasion.  Kt. 
As to the first Pretence, That the Bill destroyed the Prerogative of the Crown, to call, prorogue and dissolve Parliaments at their Will and Pleasure only, it was plainly said, That there neither is, nor ever was, any such Prerogative, and that there needs no other Evidence of that Truth, than the very Nature and Essence of our Constitution. 'Tis a Repugnancy in itself, and downright Contradiction, to say, that by our Constitution, the Subjects are to be governed only by Laws of their own choosing, and that their Deputies to that purpose are to be appointed from time to time by the Subjects, as the Laws shall direct, as they respectively shall attain to Age, and as the Estates descend, alter and change, (all which is known by our common Laws, and fully declared in several 
* Vid. 25. H. 8. 1ᵒ J. 1.  Statutes, and acknowledged by all that know our Laws) and then to say that our Kings have a rightful Power and Prerogative, either to keep them from meeting, to advise about, and choose their Laws, or to prevent the successive Generations to choose their Deputies for that purpose, by continuing such as are once chosen so long as he or they live.  Yeom. 
Sir, I thank you for opening of this Point. I see it manifestly inconsistent, that the Subjects should have a Right to be governed only by the Laws of their own choosing in their successive Parliaments, and that it should be at the Pleasure of their Kings, whether Parliaments should ever be holden, or successively chosen.  Kt. 
I must tell you, that it was further said, that such a Pretence of Prerogative appeared more vain by the continual Practice of all Ages, concurring with our Constitution. The Duty of the Regal Office was so notoriously known, that whenever our Kings neglected to hold Parliaments to maintain the Government, or dissolved them before due Provisions made for the Kingdom, it was so far from being esteemed an Exercise of their rightful Power, or Prerogative, that it was always adjudged Misgovernment in them: and it appears by our Histories, that fatal Consequences have thereupon ensued.  Yeom. 
Sir, our Country is bound to pray for all those Gentlemen that have thus maintained this first Foundation of all our Rights and Liberties, and made it thus plain, that it does not entrench upon the Rights of the King. Yet I must tell you, Sir, there are a sort of People make great Noise of the Right of the Kings, by their Prerogative, to call and dissolve Parliaments, and that all Kings have constantly done it. Pray, Sir, help us to understand what is the Royal Prerogative in this case.  Kt. 
You ought to know that it is the King's undoubted Prerogative to issue out all legal Writs in the Administration of the whole Government: and Writs for calling Parliaments being established by Law, all Kings, by their Prerogative, called the Parliaments; though it was not in their Power to change a Word or Syllable in the form of those Writs, yet the times of sending out such Writs, and of their Returns, within the Limits of the Law, and the Place of the Parliament's meeting, were at the King's Discretion; from whence it might be said to be their Prerogative alone to call them.  
I must further tell you that it ought to be remembered, that by our English Constitution, Parliaments are, and always were to be holden within the compass of certain times, being the Foundation and Essence of the Government; and that it is not in the Power of the Royal Prerogative to refuse the calling these Parliaments successively as the Constitution intends. The being or not being of such Parliaments is not trusted to the Crown; but the Direction only of some Circumstances about holding them, is left to the Royal Prerogative. But there is also a general Trust placed in the Crown, by our Constitution, to call Parliaments upon Occasions and Emergencies, when the Safety and Welfare of the Kingdom require it; and for that reason, when a positive Statute enacted, that a Parliament should be holden once every Year, at least, these words were therein added, And oftener if need be.  
Now the calling and dissolving such occasional Parliaments is trusted wholly by our Laws to the Royal Prerogative, the Kings are the only Judges of the necessity of holding such Parliaments, subject always to the Oath of the Crown, to preserve the Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom.  
The Prerogative of the Kings is so absolute about the calling such occasional Parliaments, that it were highly injurious both to the King and Kingdom to attempt to take it away, or diminish it by any Act of Parliament: 'tis as necessary to the common Good and Safety, to maintain this Prerogative of the Crown about Occasional Parliaments, entire, as it is to prevent the extending the like Prerogative to Parliaments in general; and a certain prevention of that Mischief was the only Aim, and honest Intention of the Promoters of the late Bill.  Yeom. 
Sir, you so well distinguish the Powers and Prerogatives of the Crown, that I cannot imagine what could be said to show that this Bill encroached upon any of them. I have found, by Experience, that those who clamoured most against it, for taking away the King's Prerogative, could say very little when they were pressed to speak particularly. I myself, after my Country-manner, asked one of them the other day, whom I heard clamouring, What Royal Prerogative the Bill took away? Tell me, said I, what Act of Royal Power, possible to do any good to the Crown or Kingdom, was proposed by the Bill to be restrained? Is it a Royal Prerogative, to have the very Being of Parliaments, the Use of their Authorities, and the Constitution itself, absolutely at the King's Will, against which alone the Bill provides? That the People should never consult, or provide for the Safety of their Estates. Liberties and Lives, unless their Kings please? Hereupon the Gentleman grew angry, and said I talked like a base Commonwealths-man. Truly, Sir, it appears to me, that some amongst us hate our Laws and Liberties; but not daring to say so, they cover their Malice with Pretences of advancing the Power of the Crown. These Men are better at railing than reasoning, and talk only in Generals, as if they were the only Friends to King William, though they have another Person in their Hearts and Intentions, when they seem so careful for the Power of the Crown, and cry out, that this Bill lessens the Power and Dignity of the Regal Office. Pray, Sir, what was said to show the Falsehood of that Suggestion?  Kt. 
This Suggestion against the Bill appeared to be so far from Truth, that those who objected it, could neither give an Instance of any Power belonging to the Regal Office which the Bill restrained, nor of any one Act proposed by it to be done by the Kings, unto which they are not obliged by Law, and the Duty of their Office without any such bill. 'Tis a wonder that any secret Enemies of our Laws and Liberties, should have the Confidence to insinuate, that the Regal Office would be lessened, by a constant successive electing and holding of Parliaments in a legal Course, not to be interrupted by evil Ministers, or ill Princes; the contrary being indeed manifest, that the Honour, Greatness and Glory of the Crown can never be in any other manner supported, much less advanced and augmented. It cannot but be clear to every Man, that by such a certain Succession of Parliaments, the Greatest and Wisest of the Kingdom should constantly hold their Consultations to advance the King's and his Kingdom's Interest, Honour and Greatness, and be enabled to discover all Unfaithfulness, Failures and Defects in the Administration of the Government, which may any way derogate from the Security, Potency, and Honour of the King.  
In like manner all the Forces of the Kingdom, which are some hundreds of thousands, may be applied to the King's Service, and every Man of them employed, as shall most conduce to the Kingdom's Safety and Honour: And, to complete the Prince's Glory, all the Treasure and Wealth, which these Islands have gathered in many Ages, from both the Indies, and all the People's Lands, Goods and Interests, would be subject to be charged; as the Wisdom of such great Councils should think fit. for the Maintenance and Prosecution of any Just and Glorious Design.  
But 'tis notorious that none of these high Powers and Authorities can be exercised by the English Kings, in any other manner, than by such a constant Succession of Parliaments as the Laws intent; and therefore 'tis evident, that this Bill proposed the highest Advancement of the Regal Office, by making Provision for the certain holding of such successive Parliaments, within the times limited by Law.  
Pray, Countryman, let me advise you to read your Chronicles at home of our Kings, and you shall find, that all those Princes were most Great and Glorious, who governed by the Counsels of legal successive Parliaments; and that those who declined it, lost the Honour and Power of the Nation, and rendered themselves and their People unhappy.  Yeom. 
These things being so clear, pray, Sir, let me be so bold as to ask you, what hath made so many Favourites of our Princes dissuade them from observing the Laws for constant successive Parliaments, and how came our Princes so readily to follow those Counsels?  Kt. 
I could easily tell you, if it were fit to speak plain; but in short, the Favourites Power with their Princes is restrained and lessened by a due course of Parliaments, their Corruptions would be liable to be examined, and their high ambitious Designs defeated. And for the Princes, they are deceived by their Flatterers, with a false Notion of Power: they are made believe, that their Power is lessened, when they are bound by Laws to do themselves and their People good, though they were bound to it before by the Laws of God in Nature, and the Laws of the Realm, by which they hold their Royal Offices, and which, at their several Coronations, they solemnly swear to observe.  
'Tis hard to persuade some of them, that it is the Glory and Perfection of the Royal Office, to be disabled by Laws to hurt their People: but if they be truly God's Vicegerents, they ought to remember in their most towering ambitious Thoughts, that it is the highest Perfection of God Almighty, that he is uncapable of doing ill.  Yeom. 
Sir, you have said enough to satisfy me, that this Bill was not only just in itself, but highly necessary for the Settlement of the Government, and the Security and Welfare of the Kingdom: but it seems such as had a mind to avoid it, urged it to be unseasonable at this Time; they pretended their Fears, that it might weaken the Reputation of the Union between the King and his Parliament, and occasion Rumours, that the Parliament is jealous of our King's Compliance with them in securing our Liberties. When they could not resist the Reasons for the Bill, they offered at the old Trick in such Cases, to delay the passing it till a better Season. Do you think, Sir, there was any thing of Weight in these Pretences, or were they mere sham's?  Kt. 
If I might without Breach of Privilege tell you the Discourse in our House of Commons upon this Occasion, you would conclude that those who objected the Unseasonableness of the Bill, did not believe themselves; whatever they said to delay the Bill, for fear of a Disgust between the King and Parliament: That being in truth (after so many in both Houses had appeared for it) a Reason for present passing it, that the whole World might have been out of doubt of their perfect Union.  
But I may freely tell you some of the private Discourses amongst the Members; and in those some of us were bold to ask, whence came the Rumours that the Bill would displease the King? and whether any Body had Authority to insinuate to the Members, that the King would have the Bill delayed, as unseasonable? But I could hear of none that would own more than their Doubts and Conjectures, which made me suspect that there were some secret Designs to dissuade the King from agreeing to the Bill, on purpose to weaken abroad the Reputation of the King and Parliament's perfect Agreement.  Yeom. 
What you have observed makes it appear, that the secret Enemies of the Government are still designing Mischief to disturb the Agreement between the King and his People: but might not this Bill give Occasion to the King to think, that the Parliament had some Jealously of him, that he would not govern by a due Course of successive Parliaments, according to the Nature and Intent of our Constitution?  Kt. 
Sir, I can readily answer you, that if the Time and Manner of offering the bill be only considered, with other Circumstances, there could be no Reason for the King to harbour such a Thought. Is there any Reason for a Prince to think his People jealous of him, because they provide good Laws for the securing their Rights and Liberties? Every good Prince ought to be pleased to see his People careful therein, not only that he might not have it in his Power to wrong them, but that it might not be in any other Prince's Power who may succeed him. Every Prince should be ambitious to have Laws of that kind made in his Time, to be lasting Monuments of his Glory, as having given such Securities of Peace and Rest to his People. It ought to be remembered that our King had invited his People to invent and provide Laws so to secure their Parliaments, which is their Constitution, and all their Rights and Liberties, that they might never be in Danger to be again invaded; therefore he could not think their Obedience to his own Commands should arise from a Jealousy or Distrust of him. It must also be considered that our King hath had large Experience of the Confidence of his People in him: they have, by several Acts, more absolutely trusted their Persons, Liberties and Estates in his Power, than was ever done to any former Princes, by our Ancestors, in any Age.  
It ought to be esteemed the greatest of all Trusts, that they have patiently born, for above four Years, the dangerous Unsettlement of their Government in a legal Course of successive Parliaments: And had his Majesty unhappily fallen in the Wars, or otherwise, we had been left to the Will of succeeding Princes, to contest that our Fundamental Liberty; though it is manifest that all the late Miseries, Confusions and Blood that have been in England, were occasioned by the want of that Settlement. Now when the Parliament hath thus highly trusted his Majesty, can he take it amiss that they are unwilling to run the Hazard any longer, of the like Trusts devolving upon Successors, that cannot be known who they are, or what they will be?  
That which was mentioned of his hazarding his Life in the War for our sakes, is so far from showing this Bill to be unseasonable, that it is the strongest Argument possible to have it finished forthwith, while he enjoys the Crown, who hath personally renewed the Original Contract with the People, and is under greater Obligations to settle and secure the Government, than can be expected to meet in any other Prince.  Yeom. 
Sir, I can never thank you enough for the Information you have given me in this Matter, that so nearly concerns our whole Country; yet after all, I know not what to say to my Neighbours when I come home, if they shall ask me, as I must expect they will, why the King did not pass this Bill? Many of them are as ignorant as I was, and I could have stopped their Mouths, by saying, that the Bill took away part of his Prerogative; but now I am otherwise convinced, I cannot speak against my Conscience, nor cousin my Neighbours, though I should be very loath to drop a Word that might lessen the Countries Esteem for his Majesty. Let me beg your Advice what to say to them.  Kt. 
My good Neighbour, I want Advice as much as you, how to satisfy those that sent me to Parliament, about the King's Refusal of the Bill; yet one thing vexes me worse, that having been zealous for the Revolution, I know not how to restrain, nor yet well to bear the Scoffs of some of our Enemies at my Folly. They call to mind that I (simple Man as I was) confidently said, that the Government should be reform, and our Laws and Liberties fully secured. They now ask me, whether I find by Experience a King of our own making more ready to do the People Right, than the old ones that claimed by Lineal Descent? Some of them laughed, and told me, that I gaped for a new Jerusalem to drop from Heaven, wherein there would be nothing but Righteousness; and that the Government should be administered by none but Men of Virtue and known Fidelity to their Country. They have upbraided me with what I said, that God had sent us a Prince that would deny his People nothing, but pressed and conjured them to provide most effectual Ways and Means for securing their Religion, Laws and Liberties.  Yeom. 
Sir, I suppose the Gentlemen that talk to you in this manner, have a Mind to disgrace the honest Principles that led the People justly to reject King James, and make you believe that they were cozened in thinking that the Security of Religion, Laws and Liberties, or the Reformation of the Government were ever intended in the Revolution. They would have you believe that there was nothing but Ambition and Avarice in the bottom of the Design, and that whatever was pretended, the Crown and its Powers were the only things in the Eyes of King William and his Followers. They would persuade you and the People, to think, that our Religion and Liberties might be secured by a Treaty for bringing back King James, and that an End may be put to the War thereby, and the People acquitted from the heavy Taxes and Burdens they now lie under. They would impose upon you to believe, if possible, that he, who so basely cast the People of England at the Feet of the Pope, by an English Ambassador, and ran the utmost Hazards to subvert the Protestant Religion established, should desire to secure our Religion, without pretending to be converted, and be fit to be trusted to defend our Faith; and that he, who is known to the whole World to have occasioned so vast an Effusion of Christian Blood, to enslave us to his Arbitrary Power, and make himself our absolute Master, should be fit to receive Royal Powers and Authorities for the Defence of the English Laws and Liberties.  Kt. 
Neighbour you are in the right; but this sort of Gentlemen dare not, upon these Occasions, argue plainly for King James; and I hope that neither the Parliament nor the Country are in much Danger by them.  
But there are another sort of Men who enjoy the Powers and the Profits of the late Revolution, and highly pretend to maintain it, that upon the Occasion of this Bill, do so pervert the Meaning and Construction of our Laws, and assert such dangerous Notions, as really tend to introduce Arbitrary Power and Slavery, if they do not unhappily throw the People upon King James. These Men make a specious Show of their Love to the Advancement of the Honour and Greatness of the Crown, as if they were their Majesty's principal Friends, though in truth they are daily undermining their Majesty's Legal Title to the Crown, by the pernicious Notions of the late Reigns, which are contrary to the Fundamental Maxims of our Government. They commend and applaud the King's Refusal of the late Bill, and some of them have been so bold as to say, (whether in love to K. William or K. James I will not determine) that what the King did therein, was the chief thing that he hath done like a King. He hath showed, say they, that the Being and Sitting of Parliaments, are only Acts of Grace from the Crown; that the People have no other but a precarious Right to them, to have them only at such Times, in such Manner, and for so long as the Crown pleases. These Gentlemen pretend to great Moderation, and privately whisper to such as they hope to lead, that the Principles of our Government were too strictly and severely laid down in the late Revolution. They say, that the original Contract between the King and the People, should not have been set forth as an equal Contract, on equal Terms, whereby the Kings were as strictly bound on their Part as the People on theirs, as if each Party had no Right to claim a share in the Legislative Power in Parliament, or any other Administration of the Sovereign Authority, save only by Force of the Contract. No doubt, say they, his Majesty is now advised, that the Original of the Legislative and Executive Sovereign Power ought to be wrapped in Clouds, and not exposed to vulgar Eves. 'Tis an Indecency to have it commonly said of so Great and almost Divine Persons as Kings, that they receive all that Majesty and Glory only from their People. It's below, say they, the high Regal Office, to have it said by all the People, that their Majesties must, within appointed times, call the Parliaments, and let them redress the People's Grievances, as the Laws direct. They praise the Wisdom of his Majesty's Counsels, to refuse the Bill, and to avoid any further Obligations to the People, than were upon his Predecessors. 'Tis fit the Kingdom should as much depend upon his Grace and Clemency for their Parliaments, as upon any others that have sat in the Throne; and if he had condescended to this Bill, the Insolence of the People, in their Demands of their Liberties, might have been insupportable.  Yeom. 
Sir, you have taken infinite Pains to instruct me; yet I was such a Blockhead, that till this last Discourse of yours, I did not apprehend why the King refused the Bill: it was hard for me to believe that there is so great a Party, as now I suspect, that prosecute the same Designs that were in the late Reigns to enslave us. I thought that such as enjoyed great Preferments, Honours and Profits, by K. William's Election into the Throne, would never have thought to revive the former Designs of enslaving us, by setting up Pretences of a Power in English Kings above Parliaments, by Divine Right, antecedent to the Contract between King and People. Though I am convinced there are some Men, who have so far lost all Sense of Honour and Conscience, that they may be still engaged in the former pernicious enslaving Designs; yet before this your Discourse, I did not think, that any number of Englishmen were so corrupted or infatuated, as to think, that our whole Constitution, our Government by Laws, and all our Estates, Liberties and Lives, are holden by the mere Grace and Favour of our Kings. I must confess, you have mentioned several of those gentlemen's seeming Reasons against passing the Bill, that are spun too sine for our Country Heads. We should have thought that nothing of our Rights could have been too plainly set down, when we were to declare, as was done in the Revolution, what are, and have been the Rights of us and our Ancestors, reserved in the very Constitution, from all Ages. But I perceive that what cannot be denied to be the People's legal Rights about Parliaments, is desired by that sort of Men to be concealed. They would not have a new Law pass about holding Parliaments, lest this King should have more Obligations upon him to hold Parliaments, than some of his Predecessors. The true meaning whereof can be no more than to say, that the King and the People ought not to be put in mind, how many Laws have been made and renewed in all Ages, for the same thing; since every body knows, that the new Law hath no greater obligatory Power than any of the former, which his Majesty and all his Predecessors have sworn to keep and observe.  Kt. 
You do well to observe that the secret Enemies of our Legal Government do always avoid the renewing and reinforcing of our ancient Laws. They would have them forgotten, or negligently disused, and brought by Degrees to be esteemed obsolete and unnecessary. Their evil Practice hath been of old to slip over the Calling of Parliaments, according to Law, pretending there was no great need of troubling the People; and then the Omission of one was made a Precedent of doing the like again and again, not only in the same King's Reign, but in those of their Successors; and thereby the constant Course of successive Parliaments came to be so broken and disused, that the People scarce dared to demand them, as their Right, but rather moved for them, as Acts of the King's Grace, crying up those for the best Kings, that used them most. But, my good Neighbour, you ought to take notice that the true English Patriots always thought it necessary to reinforce expressly, and by name, the principal Statutes that concerned the Foundations of our Government: and for that Reason usually made, in the Beginning of Parliaments, Confirmations of the most material Laws enacted in the former, though not one Word was added or diminished.  
They have caused Magna Charta itself to be confirmed near forty times, not that they thought the Confirmations gave more Force to those Laws, but that the Contracts, Powers, Obligations and Duties of their Princes, and the whole Form of the legal Government might be kept in perpetual Remembrance: And to that purpose they also ordained, that the same great Charter should be publicly read in full County several times every Year. If we would do like our Ancestors, there is abundant Cause to insist upon this Bill for successive Parliaments, especially upon this Revolution, wherein we have engaged to God and Man, to re-establish our ancient Constitution, with all our Rights and Liberties.  Yeom. 
Sir, I am ashamed to detain you longer, yet your rational Discourse upon this Subject does so disquiet my Mind, that I can scarce forbear being further troublesome to you. You have made it apparent that many of those who pretend to settle and secure the Kingdom, are contriving how to keep it unsettled: they are seeking to bring us into that negligent, lose, uncertain, arbitrary Course of Governing, that was in the late Reigns, and had almost ruined the Kingdom. For that purpose they endeavour to avoid the Change of Things or Persons in the Administration, and to leave every thing doubtful about the People's Rights, which those Reigns seemed to call in question. They have avoided the raising and vacating all false Judgements and Opinions against the People's Rights, except the Cases of very few Persons, wherein the Parliament hath taken care by special Acts. They imitate the Proceed in the late Reigns, as if they would make K. William's Government as grievous as K. James'. I cannot but conclude that 'tis for this Reason they show their Fears of making a clear and plain Settlement of the Foundations of our Government, in the Course of successive Parliaments, to be holden unavoidably; all the Designers to enslave us having always dreaded such a Settlement for several Ages.  Kt. 
I wish our Countrymen were generally as well informed as you are, concerning the Party that are secret Enemies to our present Government, who are striving either to keep the way open for K. James' Return, or at least to set up his way of governing, or something so like it, that the one may not be known from the other.  Yeom. 
Sir, many of our Countrymen know well enough this sort of falsehearted Men, but they for their base Compliances, getting up to be our Masters under K. Charles and K. James, grievously oppressed us then, and have now again got such Powers and Preferments, as if they had brought about the late Revolution, and are so able to plague, vex and crush us, as they did formerly, that the Country dare not speak their Minds of them or their Proceed. But pray, Sir, help me to show my Neighbours how this sort of Men, in their Designs of Arbitrary Power, always sought to prevent an absolute Settlement of the Legal Course of successive Parliaments.  Kt. 
It would require greater Abilities than I have, to show what you desire, by Reflections upon our whole History of the Contests with the Kings for our Liberties; but I will tell you the Practice in our times, and those just before us. This sort of Men under James the First, made him afraid of the sitting of Parliaments, as an Eclipse of his Power; and insinuated to him, that the calling, adjourning, proroguing and dissolving of Parliaments, aught to be absolutely at his Will. They also raised Disputes whether Parliaments were, of Right, Masters of the Methods of their own Proceed, or were bound first to consider and resolve upon what the King propounded for Money, or otherwise. By those Means they made the sitting of Parliament uneasy to him, so that he was always glad to be rid of them, before the necessary Business of the Kingdom was done.  
But that sort of Men appeared more boldly upon the Accession of Charles the First to the Crown. They attempted then to invade the great Fundamental of all Liberties and Property, the Power of the People of England alone to impose Money upon themselves. They had the Confidence to maintain a Power in the Kings to take Tonnage and Poundage, and other moneys without Act of Parliament. They cannot deny that these were their traitorous Practices and Designs, so long as the great Petition of Right remains upon Record.  
Neither ought it to be forgotten how Parliaments were then browbeaten, and their Authorities questioned and slighted, and the Method of their Proceed controlled, contrary to their Fundamental Rights and Privileges, nor how they were tossed up and down, by sudden Adjournments, Prorogations and Dissolutions. The Houses, Studies, and Pockets of divers of their Members were searched, their Persons, against the express Laws, imprisoned, and the free Debates in Parliament made subject to the restraining Power and Censure of inferior Courts and Judges. The King's special Command and Pleasure were declared 'Cause sufficient to detain some of them in Prison till Death, without Trial, or being legally accused of any Offence. Yet this sort of Men thought all these Practices could not secure them, till they brought that King to resolve to have no more Parliaments, and to forbid the People, by Proclamation, to make mention of Parliaments.  
We ought to call to mind, that for ten or twelve Years after, all the Counsels of those Designers against our Legal Government, were employed to invent Ways to make the Constitution of Parliaments useless, and the Crown wholly independent upon the People in Parliaments for Supplies and Aids. Such were the Inventions of Loan-Money, Privy-Seal-Money, Knightcod-Money, Coat and Conduct-Money, Arbitrary Fines without Juries for Encroachments upon the King's Wastes, Ship-Money, Billet-Money, oppressing Monopolies, and illegal Patents upon Trades, almost without number. Such also was the Commission passed the Great Seal, to impose, by pretence of Royal Authority, an Excise, though the Illegality and Oppression of it were so manifest, that a sufficient number of Persons could not be suddenly found to put it in Execution. All Projects were embraced that had but an appearance of supplying the Crown, that they might avoid the necessary Settlement of successive Parliaments.  
The last most dangerous and desperate of their Designs of that kind was upon some pretence from Ireland or Scotland, to get an Army, and settle Martial Law, that might raise such Money as a Council should think fit, and make Proclamations and Orders of State to be as binding to the Subject as Acts of Parliament. Yet even that was embraced, as appears by the Journals of the Commons in Parliament: Monsieur Burlemach there openly confessing, that he had received thirty thousand Pounds which was sent over Seas, to hire Germane Horse to be the Foundation of the Standing Army here.  
I could tell you, Neighbour, that during all these Transactions, which lasted divers Years, their Counsels and Endeavours were to divert the King from admitting the Legal Course of Parliaments. The Petitions and Cries of the Subjects to restore them, could not be heard, and Agreements were made between the King and several Persons of greatest Abilities and Influence, in order to the arriving at absolute Power, that there should there should be no more Parliaments during his Life. Nevertheless about the Year 1639. the King's Wants of Money being extremely pressing, they resolved to make use of a Parliament for Supply, but without a Thought of doing the Kingdom Right, in restoring the due Succession of Parliaments, and the Exercise of their Legal Authorities: and therefore as sooon as they were met, they procured the King to demand of them their giving up their Legal Fundamental Privilege, of considering in the first Place, and redressing the People's Grievances; and the King so positively insisted in denying them their Right and Privilege therein, that within twenty days they were dissolved, contrary to the known Intentions and Ends of our Constitution.  
The Failure of the People's Expectation at that time, and the long Interruption of the legal course of Parliaments, raised great Discontents, and loud and general Cries of the People for Parliaments; the Consequences whereof were such, as I dread and abhor to remember: yet it was universally agreed, That the want of the Legal Course of successive Parliaments, and the Designs of interrupting and preventing their meeting and sitting, were the great occasions of all the Confusion, Blood and Mischief, that afterwards happened. And no doubt but the Parliament than took the only wise and necessary course to prevent all the impending Mischiefs and Dangers, both to the King and People, when they laboured, with the help of the best Lawyers of England, to declare and secure the Observance of the ancient Laws for annual successive Parliaments; and to provide for their certain meeting, and holding them, notwithstanding all possible Designs and Contrivances against them: Which was done to the great Satisfaction of the People, by that notable Act of the 16th of Char. I.  Yeom. 
Sir, let me be so bold as to ask you, whether that Act for ascertaining Parliaments, did not occasion, or some way promote the Tumults and Wars that ensued?  Kt. 
You may easily be satisfied from what was written in those times, of the Falsehood of such Suggestions, and that the King, Lords and Commons passed that Act with great Unanimity; and that King often gloried in having passed that Act for the Security of his People: but I believe you confound the Act for Triennial Parliaments, with another Act for making the Parliament then in being, in a manner perpetual; for they were not to be dissolved or prorogued, but by their own Consent, declared by Act of Parliament. That Act did in truth derogate from the King's Prerogative in dissolving Parliaments, and whatsoever Mischiefs might, or did thereupon ensue, aught to be imputed to the Alteration made thereby, of our Constitution, or Monarchy, not to the just and strict Observance of our Laws and Statutes, for which the Act for Triennial Parliaments made Provision.  Yeom. 
Sir, I know there is a common Mistake about those Acts of Parliament, and that occasion is taken by some from the Confusions in Government that soon after happened, to impose upon the People false Notions about the Authority of Parliaments, and to frighten them from demanding, and insisting upon their constant successive Elections, as the Laws appoint. 'Tis notorious, that those who design Arbitrary Power are always busy in such Matters, and in unworthy Reflections upon Parliaments. But pray, Sir, let us pass by that dark time of the Civil War, and see what the same sort of Men have done about Parliaments, after the Return of K. Charles II.  Kt. 
They pursued the same Designs of subverting our Constitution as to Parliaments, but took Measures quite different from those before used to effect it. They remembered the ill Success of all Projects and Monopolies, and Pretences of Prerogative to supply the Government with Money. They had found and felt by Experience, that a free Parliament could not be awed, and that the People in the Intervals of Parliament would not be forced to pay Taxes, that were not legally imposed upon them: yet there was an absolute necessity for the Crown to be supplied with Aids from the People, without which it could not subsist, great part of the Crown-Lands being wasted and squandered awny in the two preceding Reigns. 'Twas therefore resolved to attempt that by Fraud, which they could not compass by Force; and in order thereunto they took the Advantage of the present Temper of the People, which carried them, without considering what the Consequences might be, to every thing that was agreeable to the Court. They recommended such to be chosen Members of the House of Commons, whose Fortunes had been most impaired in the late Wars, and whose Dependence upon the Court might incline them to a Compliance with whatever should be demanded of them; and these good-natured Loyal Gentlemen repealed the Act of the 16th of K. Charles I. for Triennial Parliaments, whilst a few worthy Patriots laboured in vain to defend it. 'Tis true, they pretended in the Act, by which this Statute was repealed, to ascertain the frequent holding of Parliaments; yet it left the King at liberty to continue the same Parliament as long as he pleased, and that King did accordingly continue that same Parliament near eighteen Years: which time they could not be said truly to represent the People of England, many of those who chose them being dead, and others were either grown up, or had purchased Estates, whose Opinions both of Persons and things might be much changed from what the Sense of the Nation was when that Parliament was first called. But having got a considerable Party in the House of Commons, they laboured to confirm and increase it. Places and Pensions were liberally bestowed on all that could be brought over to them: and 'tis no wonder they gave such prodigious Sums of Money out of the poor People's Purses, when a great part was again to be refunded into their own. This scandalous Proceeding was manifest, and confirmed by the open Confession of a Gentleman (through whose Hands much public Money then passed) in the House of Commons the next succeeding Parliament, who there acknowledged his paying annually many and great Pensions to Members of Parliament.  
Besides thus corrupting those already in the House, there was neither Pains nor Money spared to get their Friends chosen where any Vacancy happened, insomuch that the Court spent 14000 l. at one Election of a Burgess for Northampton.  Yeom. 
Sir, you have fully satisfied me that the Ministers in that Reign were as bitter Enemies to the English Constitution about Parliaments, as those in the two former that went before it; but their Measures are more dangerous and likely to succeed; and it was God's great Mercy that these Hirelings did not enslave us, as it were by our own Consent, and by colour of the Authority we had given them for our Preservation.  
But pray, Sir, what was the meaning of the great Bustle all over England about Charters? What made the Court so mightily labour to persuade all Corporations to surrender their old Charters, and take new ones from the King? Was not that done with a design to influence the Elections of Members to Parliament?  Kt. 
Yes most certainly, and this was a more pernicious and dangerous Design than any put in Practice in the former Reigns. This struck at the very Root of all the Liberties of England, that the People should never again have a free Parliament chosen according to the Constitution; but such Men imposed upon them, as would servilely comply with the Court in all their Measures to enslave us. They corrupted some in every Corporation to persuade the rest to surrender their Charters; and where they could not prevail by Entreaties, these wicked Instruments in several Towns, broke open the Trunks wherein their Charters were kept, and stole them away to deliver them up. Where this could not be done, they brought Quo Warrantoes against the Charters of almost every Town in England, that hath a Right to lend Members to Parliament; and by means of corrupt Judges, declared them void, upon some Pretence or other, that the present Magistrates had acted be yond, or contrary to the Powers granted in them, and thereby forfeited all their Rights and Privileges. New Magistrates were placed thereupon in those Towns, such as they could most confide in, and such Clauses were inserted into their new Charters, as put the Choice of their Representatives in Parliament absolutely for the future into the Power of the Court.  Yeom. 
Sir, I am infinitely obliged to you for your Pains and Kindness, in showing these things to me; but I stand amazed to think, that there could be so many Englishmen found in every Reign, to join in carrying on this continued Design to subvert our Constitution, and enslave us. What present Advantage could delude and tempt them? they themselves, and their own Posterity must be involved in the same Misery and Ruin they endeavoured to bring upon others.  
Sir, I have trespassed too long upon your Patience, and shall not therefore trouble you further about their Designs under the late King James (those being most excellently laid down and made manifest in his Majesty's Declarations, when Prince of Orange, published upon his coming into England) but upon the whole 'tis most plain, That neither we nor our Posterity can be safe in our Religion, Laws and Liberties, till we obtain and absolute Settlement of the Legal Course of successive Parliament.  Kt. 
I will only tell you one thing more, Neighbour, before we part, that these Kings, who endeavoured to subvert the Constitution as to Parliaments, were always embroiled with their People about Rights and Privileges; and that when once the People had discovered these Designs in them, though they called many Parliaments, yet the same Jealousies continued, and they never after came to a good Understanding, or had a mutual Confidence in one another.  
Our Histories declare the Truth of this Observation in many former Princes Reigns, so that I hope the King will avoid a Rock that hath been fatal to all who have struck upon it; and I am confident that his Majesty will do all that a good King and honest Man can do, to restore to us our Constitution, having in his Declaration called God and Man to witness, That was the Design of his coming hither.  
FINIS.