SOME OBSERVATIONS Upon the LIFE of Reginaldus Polus Cardinal OF THE Royal Blood of England.  
Sent in a Packet out of Wales, By G. L. Gentleman, And Servant to the late MAJESTY of Henrietta Maria of Bourbon, Mother to the present KING.  
— Majora canamus: Non omneis arbusta juvant humilesque Myricoe.  Virg. Ecl. 4. 
LONDON, Printed for Matthew Turner at the Lamb in High-Holbourn, 1686.   

EPISTLE To his Worthy Friend Mr. THEOPHILUS EVANS.  
THe different aspect of Countries, wheresoever I travelled, was still grateful; and Nature, in her various forms and dresses, like so many diversyfied scenes and representations, always pleased me; but never more, me thinks, than here in Wales: Where in a lofty and stately Situation, having the Ocean on one side, and the flat Campagne on the other, she seems, as it were, delighted in herself, and to look about her with a sort of comely Majesty. The rich and fortile Vales, (as they call them) with their misty exhalations, foggy vapours and fat offerings, had formerly, instead of feasting me, only stupifyed with a lethargique dulness, my wit and senses. Which here with the pure and subtle air of a supremour Region are reinvigorated: and entertained with so many various Objects of profitable use and meditation, that I cannot well express them. The low, flat, pastoral Country, which I lately left, seems now to my imagination like some calm, dead water; than which, nothing is more odious or tiresome to an active sturdy Vessel: which ever best appears in a proud, imperious and tempestuous Sea. Which kind of pompous and majestic aspect, I, methinks, at this present enjoy among these lofty Mountains; Not to be considered without some excellent remarks. For the strange precipitation of waters, in vast currents, from such places not overtopped by others, is to be admired as scarcely comprehensible. So that the artificial cascades of Ruelle and Versailles are but faint shows and shadows compared to these impetuous and natural Cataracts. Besides, their excessive latitude confutes and destroys the earth's Eternity, asserted by the perversity of some Philosophers. Which otherwise at this time could not appear in so unleveled a posture, though the substance of these Mountains had been adamantine.  
Sir, I was delighted, with a kind of ravishment, in the midst of such pleasant thoughts, which your last Letter, on a sudden, has utterly dispersed, and left me in a mourning solitude. For, the good old Knight you say, is irrefragable, and earnestly insists upon some speedy Accomplishment of what I once promised concerning Reginaldus Polus. To whom, I hear, he has some remote Relation, by reason of the Princely Blood of Wales being commixed with that of the Royal Line in him. 'Tis strange, a person so generous, so remiss, so indulgent amongst his Tenants, should be so severe and rigorous to me; and that no confession of a debt should avail without immediate payment: Especially where he knows such occurring difficulties, which by such weak undertakers as myself, cannot be overcome. He thinks it, perchance, a prone and easy matter, with advantageous language, to reduce this noble Of spring of the Royal Family into favour again among his Compatriots; not considering the present posture of the times, where the hearts and minds of people are in that high, violent and malignant fermenmentation, which no rational, persuasive Discourse can mitigate or reduce to any moderation: Where the ingenuous, candid, Loyal Protestant passes for a manifest Papist; though the Religion of the latter, (wherein their forefathers were regenerated) be now more odious among them, than the Saracenical, or any sort of Paganism. So that an Essay herein, is not, as he esteems it, alike as to commend the Athenian Socrates at Athens, among persons thus formerly seduced with false principles, false histories, false doctrines, and still infested with the same prejudice and passions from thence resulting: but rather almost of the same nature with the undertaking, to have plausibly commended the Major African Scipio in the old Carthage, or Hannibal at Rome. However, you tell me, that he says for my comfort, if I writ ill, I shall be in the Mode and Fashion; if Well, it will be Recommendable: And how noble the attempt alone will be to restore the memory of this Person, who was the honour of our Nation, and the Age wherein he lived; when Tully so glorifies himself in recovering the very Tomb stone only of the great Archimedes. All this only tends to the same purpose, of leaving no escape or subterfuge, but forcing me to write some rhapsodous Discourse: Which is all I can perform, and will never satisfy his critical Judgement.  
Had I any dexterity for this Task, I should need no spur or invitation.  
For this Cardinal has been along time the only Object of my Affection and Admiration. My volatile Fancy, which every where else is quickly tired, can only here insist, repose and dwell. He is my Socrates, my Aristides, my Eastern and Western Gregory the great.  
But having mentioned the former of these persons, I must add, That he is not only mine, but the Roman Socrates, and that, in an Age, which the Italians place in parallel and competition with that of Augustus in point of Wit and Learning. Those rare examples of a sublime Virtue, and Christian Piety, as Cardinal Borromeus, and others, which followed after, they confessedly owe to him, as the Reformator of Religion and the Age.  
These considerations, as they incite my Affection, so they deter my Modesty: Especially when I look upon him, as an Object of such divers Qualities, and so various Dimensions, which afford no certain limits of Modification. For sometimes his Devotion imprisons him like an Hermit in a Cell; sometimes some other qualities enclose him in the Cabinet-Councils of Princes; at other times he is at a more large restraint in his Study, like an elegant Writer, subtle Philosopher, and profound Divine: And sometimes again, I find him so wholly inconfined, and exposed to the Sun and Air, as they call it, that no person was ever employed in more different Embassies, or of higher Nature, and betwixt the greatest Princes, that in these many hundred years have appeared on the stage of humane Affairs. But, methinks, the chief scene of the splendid and glorious part of His Life, was at the opening the ecumenical Council of Trent: where, as first Legate, he had a rare occasion to shine, and appear in that ample Posture, which became his divine Person, his Royal Extraction and his admirable Elocution. Where I shall at this time abruptly leave him, in compliance of our noble Friends request, to prepare for the next Packet, the Preface to his Life, as it is in Italian, Latin, and now very common in French.   


PREFACE.  
THE real passages of this piece are various, like those of a well-contived Poem, intermixed with surprising accidents, sometimes pleasant, sometimes horrid, and at last ending in a strange catastrophe. Than which, as the Critics say, nothing can be more agreeable to an inconcerned Reader. Of which condition, I presume most are in this distance of time. The Author is one Ludovico Beccatelli an Italian, sometimes domestic of this great person, and afterward advanced to the Archbishopric of Rhaguse for his rare piety and learning. Which latter partly appears in the artifice of this writing, wherein he has used a native, graceful and perspicuous eloquence, becoming the learned age and place wherein he lived. From which our times, with their studied follies and affectations, have much degenerated. There is not seen the least mention of him among our Writers, in recognizance of this great benefit, and our national obligation. However, as it happens in those virtues which reward themselves, in the choice excellency of his Subject he has not only given, but received also a never dying memory. I am sorry, I can say nothing else, save only that I find every where honourable mention of him among the foreign writers. We own entirely to him, what we have of the precious remains of this person: his very ashes as I think, in the foul sacrilege committed in our times at Canterbury, being sacrificed to the winds. For our late brethren spared neither King nor Priest in the fury of their zealous preaching & proceeding. Though this age, like some others, be pestered with swarms of writers, yet 'tis prudently observed by my Lord Bacon and others, that there have been ever too few of this nature. Which whether it happen out of the scarcety of subjects, or difficulty to express them, I cannot tell. But 'tis certain, there is nothing more properly conducing to human happiness. The way to which, though this preaching age may perchance deny it, being neither so certain or compendious by precepts, as great examples in this kind, which not only instruct, but also animate us at the same time. But where to find them, and after to illustrate them is a task of much difficulty. Which I perceive in the case of our noble Author, who though he brought an eloquence proportionat to the singular affection, he had for his subject: Yet I find him succumbent, and, as it were, oppressed with the weight of it. The divine pencil of Plato has set forth Socrates with what exquisiteness, art or wit could contribut: Yet we imagine something much above what we read of him. So our fancy must assist us in forming the idea of this great Cardinal, who crowned all those admired virtues of the other with a supreme and Christian perfection. In expressing shapes of singular beauty, and of some luminous objects, the art is often more deficient than the painter, too much light, which will not be confined, causing in him an obscure confusion: which happens in the same fashion to a writer from the resulting splendour of an eminent worth and virtue: which if ever appeared in a corporeal shape, as the ancients discourse, certainly it was in the rare person of this Cardinal. As we may see by the powerful attraction and strange effects of those divine rays which enlightened him; and not only surprised such persons who approached him, but drew others out of remote parts into Italy. Where they were not only captivated, but detained in a manner, I think, unknown to all antiquity. But, what seems incredible, Italians of noblest quality left their own Country, rich relations and all temporal respects to come into a northern climate, where they were sure to be encumbered with various infirmities and troubles, besides the disaffection and hatred of the people. But all this was more than recompensed in the constant fruition of his charming aspect, discourse and company: whom I perceive they would have followed to the very Antipodes, or where ever he should be: For among the sect (as I may call them) of his friends and followers I find those most troubled, who survived him. As they found the first and choicest fruit of life in the enjoyment of him; so death itself could present nothing so dark or terrible as a separation and deprivance of him. And yet most of these persons were neither of pedantic or monastique humour, but of noble extraction and education, and of that Country, whose greatest stain is, to breed up minds too much addicted to temporal respects and interest. But to consider what qualities wrought these wonders, let us in short survey him, and first externally, observing his extraction from the Houses of York and Lancaster, which produced the comeliest and the greatest Princes of those times. Which rare advantage he made use of in the cultivating his mind, as other Princes in neglecting this principal part in them, through the false doctrine and insinuation of flatterers. From the practices of which sort of domestic cattle, that he might be entirely freed, he early past the Seas, submitting himself to the institution of the best Masters of Italy. Under whom though his natural wit was much admired; yet it was always surpassed by his singular industry; so that his progress in learning was stupendious. But that which most surprised the judicious, was to see a person of so high blood, in the heat of youth and at his own disposal, which all seems invitations to corruption, to keep himself pure, chaste, and unstained from all vice, and besides exempted from all those disordinate affections and passions which so incommodate our human natures. Which effects though some may enviously impute to a stupid heaviness of disposition: yet this can have no place here in a person of a sanguine complexion, vigorous health, and such a singular vivacity of wit and spirit. They are rather to be ascribed to the free election of his noble mind, and the known domestic valour of his family, which he a person of the long robe showed in this trampling all vices and passions under foot; and so according to the rule of nature and religion keeping original slaves in a continual vassalage. The ancients observed two sort of virtues, wherein we chief approach our celestial origine; the one contemplative in matters most worthy of human knowledge; the other consisting in actions chief conducing to the general good. In Polus we find a rare commixture in this kind, and all the moments of his life thus happily divided. As if from his infancy he had proposed this the universal scope of his intentions, in which consists the Sovereign perfection: to which so few in all Ages have arrived. For as the finest earth cultivated with skilful hands and choicest seeds, scarce ever produces fruits without some intermingled weeds: So the singular excellency of nature and education seldom exempts us from all sorts of imperfections. Yet no defect has hitherto been observed in the life or actions of this Cardinal, exposed in so much light to the curious inquisition of so many nations: which advantage we own to his exile and memorable proscription. The confines of our Island were too narrow a space for so sublime and boundless a virtue. So that fortune herein seemed to prepare him the noblest Theatre of the Universe, for his rare eloquence, erudition, and other eminent qualities to appear in a fit lustre for the benefit of mankind. Which being composed of several and opposite tempers, could never from one example draw so various and manifold advantages. For no excellent qualities though incompatible in themselves found any discord in him, as magnanimity and humility, fortitude and modesty, frugality and magnificence; in fine, such a tenor of mind, that 'tis unknown with what fortune most suitable. For at all times I remark in him a constant serenity, like that of the ethereal region, unalter'd with any aspiring vapours of ambition or dejecting clouds of adversity. When a price was set upon his head, and the cursed undertakers provided; and the Earth conscious of the future loss seemed, as it were, to tremble at the horror of the act, he himself rested, with a stupendious indifferency, wholly inconverned. What so honourable, so glorious a present can Heaven or fortune bestow on us like a Principality, especially where the votes and suffrages are free? yet Polus refused this, proffered to him by a Senate of Princes, or at least the greatest men that ever appeared since, in that place. Besides he was at that time in want, in exile, devested of his total patrimony; and had only received this, as the just and innocent acquisition of his merit, superior to any of that age, though fertile in great persons. When I consider the circumstances herein, this seems to me an act of a nobler temper & elevation of Spirit, than what I have ever read. But to be short, there is no virtue intellectual, moral or Christian, to which at his birth he seems not to have had a rare disposition, and in process of time perfectly habituated. If it be thus, some will ask, why his memory thus long lies interred with his ashes. I answer, because the popular judgement in England has been a long time strangely corrupted by some Demagogues. So that they have been very ill esteemers of the worth of great persons▪ especially those of the Royal Blood. Which that we may sufficiently demonstrate, let us consider some occurrents in the late head of his Family, because passages are fresh, and not yet, as the fashion is, historicaly corrupted. If his royal birth and fortune had not cast a crown upon him, his rare endowments of mind and body, and excellent virtues might have challenged it in a popular or aristocratical election. To which I chief attribute his ruin, by the rule of contraries; as being directly opposite to the hypocritical and vicious manners of the times. We hear of no Prince persecuted with so violent and obstinate a hatred by his implacable adversaries. Who in their impious designs could be prevented with no kind of anticipating oaths; nor repressed with any humane, natural or divine obligations. Nay, but the last preparative of a voluntary perjury invented to accomplish his destruction, exceeds all imagination. For who could fancy in his thoughts a sort of creatures visibly stamped with the impression of humane form, who just before the robbery, should voluntarily enter into a solemn league to preserve the person, whom they destined to utter ruin; a pactise unheard of till this latter Age. I speak this because some regarders of events, have suspected some human deficiency in the King to have exposed him thus to Fortune and his Enemies which is a manifest error, for he had both the moral and politic Virtues of an Excellent Prince and that in no mean degree. But how could he, (conscious of his own worth, and high meriting of the public) imagine the future Eruption of that Villainy in his days, which never showed itself in the world before? Some have brought in Religion, as a principle actor on the scene of these affairs: but the error is easily discoverable, and the grounds of such discourse will be found fallacious. Unless we mistake a profound hypocrisy, or a volatile religion, changeable with the humour of fickle times, for a serious profession of faith. The truth of this assertion, though to some strange at first, will manifestly appear; if we consider, how the old Protestant and Roman Catholic were the only Christian Religions, which ever this Nation publicly embraced. Now in these different professions their late Majesties were as sincerely zealous, as in their mutual affections. So that both parties boast of them as admirable examples in different kinds. Yet 'tis not known, which was the greater object of hatred to the same enemies. For though the Queen escaped the public scaffold, yet perchance 'twas through her flight and exile. For after declaring her a Traitor, they barbarously sought to tore her in pieces with their canon at Burlington, without all respect due to her birth, or very sex. Now in the mentioned case of religion, and not rather mutual excellency in virtue, these occurrencies could not have hapend, for otherwise hatred on the one side must with a necessary sub-alternation have increased affection on the other. 'Tis not to be wondered therefore, if the same causes have been prejudicial to the reputation due to the memory of this Reginaldus Polus. Among whose other virtues a clear, constant sincerity of mind was the least observable, because this, with many other excellent qualities, was formerly habitual to the nation. Nature was observed to imprint an ingenuous candour in our looks, uniform to that of our hearts.  
At the first appearance of the English beyond the Alps, the Italians derived the name Angli from their angelical aspects. To which, the frank sincere integrity of their minds was correspondent. Hence proceeded that mutual love and generous hospitality unknown to other nations. So that whoever informed with this notion had arrived among us in the late times, would certainly have thought our island had been absorbed (as 'tis said of one of the Cycladeses) and a new England started up in the room. For instead of Monarchy, he would have found a wild anarchy spiritual and temporal, the preachers being scarce distinguished by sexes; instead of sincerity, perfidiousness; of hospitality, treachery; of faith, perjury: instead of religion, a sacrilegious superstition; and instead of those abovementioned looks, a cloudy forehead, distorted eyes, with a worse distorted heart, from all the courses of equity, justice, and honour. We own the original cause of these changes to hypocrisy, transplanted hither from foreign parts, where I am sorry the soil has proved so fertile. For nothing sooner induces, as we have seen by the sudden improvement, atheistical impiety. This was the secret engine, by which at first the ruin of the best of Princes was procured, and then his murder; and afterward a Hydra set up in his place, and at last a Barrabas to show and make manifest in all fashions, that the true Anointed, and a Man according to God's heart, could not be according to the hearts of these people. All these vile, wicked, and cursed practices were followed with such a confirmed, public and obstinate impenitence, that it raises at present horror and amazement, not only in all sober Christians, but all others, who have not clearly devested themselves of their humanity.  
The English nature and disposition in itself certainly excels that of most nations, as being capable of all sciences, and more easily applicable to that sort of virtue and piety, wherein others find much reluctance. But there is no temper, which by false opinions, especially in religion (which swarmed here in the royal absence) by education and discipline will not be corrupted. Hence it is that the noble actions and monuments of magnificent Founders and Benefactors have not only been defaced, but defamed among us by an ingrateful posterity. Which has been alike injurious to the most illustrious eminence of this Riginaldus Polus, but with less effect, his reputation soaring in another region, above the reach of their Malice. For our suburban Chronicles allow him no other attribute, than that of a barbarian, a monster, and idolater. Sure 'tis with the public damage of the Country, that such mechanic spirits should be thus the judges and disposers of the price of merit in noble men. But since the disorder is such, and they have acquired general reputation among no vulgar persons, I cannot pass them over with that scornful neglect, which they deserve, without some prejudice to that of the royal family, and the general honour of our Country concerned herein. In opposition therefore to their abuses, out of many, I shall produce some few testimonies; which I desire may be perused circumstantialy in the greatness of the persons, and as the effects of no flattery or interest, being chief after death, with such profusion of praises, from a nation so jealous and cautiously abstemious in this kind to all strangers, besides himself.  
Ex Pauli manutii Epist. a Pium quartum e Medicea familia Principem.  
Quae cum per se maxima sunt, & curandis Christianae Reipub. vulneribus utilissima; tum verò ponderis accedit plurimum ab eximiâ scriptoris innocentia, doctrina, dignitate. Quis enim quibus animi bonis, quibus industriae ingeniique ornamentis abundaverit, qui denique vir, quantusque fuerit Reginaldus Polus, aut ignorat; aut si quam modo tantarum laudum partem habet cognitam, non earum memoria, & desiderio vehementer commovetur. Potestne quisquam tam inops a judicio, tam aversus ab humanitate, tam plane ferus esse ac ferreus, qui non intimis eum sensibus dilexerit. Cujus non modo in studiis, in moribus, in sermonibus, sed in ipso plane aspectu omnis probitas, omnis luceret bumanitas. De religione verò, deque Christiani hominis officio quid senserit, & judicarit, non aut in uno alteróve libro ita ostendit, ut in aliis unquam dissenserit: aut ita scripsit, ut aliter viveret, aut ita vixit, ut interdum sibi non constaret. Sed omnia literis ab illo prodita, sine ulla exceptione semper laudarunt, hodieque laudant boni, & sapientes viri; quorum directa ad verit atem ipsam, id est, ad unam Dei gloriam sententia nec obtrectandi study, aut invidia flectitur, nec malevolentiâ, aut ambitione mutatur. Vitae vero totius instituta, & excellentem in omni actione, omnique fortunâ pietatem, utinam quam facile noverunt, tam libenter imitarentur multi. Opens, honores, clientelas, Regum maximorum gratiam & benevolentiam qui assequuntur, proxime ad felicitatem putantur accedere. At ille haec omnia apud Henricum Britaniae Regem, & jure propinquitatis, & multo etiam magis sua virtute cum possideret, ultrò contempsit, ne turpissimas Regis actiones, & adversantem Christi Vicario sententiam probare, aut etiam adjuvare cogeretur. Patavii diu vixit, quanquam erat habitu naturae prope divino, liberalibus tamen disciplinis vehementer deditus: Et cum eloquentiae atque philosophiae pari studio flagraverit, in utra tamen magis enituerit, non facile est existimare. Illud certe constat, qui vel meliora, vel ornatiora scriberet, hâc hominum memoriâ extitisse neminem. Quanquam id ei propositum fuit, eo direxit cogitationes omnes, atque curas, ut philosophiae scientiam non tam scriptis, quàm vitâ ostenderet. Itaque major atque excelsior Patavii in tenui & humili fortunâ fuit, quam cum in regno omnibus copiis, & ipsius maxime regis gratia floreret. Hic nimirum verus est, ac praestantissimus optimorum studiorum fructus, si qui à seipso pendeat, si temporum vicissitudines non extimescat, si adversus hominum iniquitates, fortunaeque injurias ratione & vertute pugnet. Quam in Polo constantiam & sapientiam fuisse quis ignorat? Metuendae erant a rege potentissimo insidiae, metuenda vis propterea quod, suscepta Ecclesiae causa, luculento illo de Pontificis autoritate libro, susceptum simul a se gravissimum ejus odium intelligebat. Deserebatur etiam quotidie magis à re domestica. Nemo tamen eum dejecto, aut demisso sensit esse animo, nemo unquam vidit tristiori vultu in sermonibus, in consuetudine, in convictu: in tota denique vitae ratione tranquillitatem mentis, quam habuerat antea, perpetuo retinuit. Nec defuêre, quae nunquam speraverat, ac ne cogitaverat quidem, tantis debita virtutibus praemia. Nam cùm ita viveret, ut in uno Deo omnia poneret, caetera quae mortales admirantur, infirma, caduca, inania duceret: cumque in illa Patavini gymnasii celebritate domesticis otii sui fimibus contentus, paucorum admodum consuetudine uteretur: brevi tamen (ut sibi viam facilè virtus aperit) ita manavit fama de admirabili ejus prudentia, temperantia, doctrina; ut ad aures Pauli tertii Pont. max. pervenerit. Qui cùm ea esset ment praeditus, ut nemo unquam magis de ornanda egregiis Cardinalibus Ecclesia cogitaverit, & eo judicio, ut nemo in delectu erraverit minus: commotus multorum indubio sermone, Reginaldum Polum, disciplinae Christianae renovandae caussâ, cum praestantibus aliquot viris ad Urbem accivit: eumque Paulo post non petentem, non optantem, prope etiam recusantem Cardinalem creavit. In hác dignitate, cum alios antea, tum seipsum vicit omni genere laudis. Omitto fingularem illam, cui par oratio reperiri milla potest, in caede matris acerhissima fortitudinem atque constantiam. Unicum illi contraommes injurias, omnesque calamitates conscientia praesidium fuit; & in adversis rebus jam antea didicerat esse fortis. Gravitatem eximiam, pari comitate conditam, mansuetudinem prudentiam, benignitatem in sublevanda miserorum inopia non attingo; communia sint haec, in quibus tamen principua quadam land Polus txcelluit. Venio ad id quod à Cardinalis persona postulatur. Nam ubi primum sacerdotio est ornatus amplissimo, non ille mentem, ut multi, cum fortuna mutavit: non sericam vestem, non argenteam supellectilem, non devique illustrem aliquam, aut optimam provinciae praefecturam appetivit. Sed contempta prorsus rerum hnmanarum specie, divina studia, quae antea non leviter attigerat, toto pectore complexus, de tuenda Pontificii juris majestate, de augenda inter homines Dei gloria, de illustranda veritate dies noctesque cogitare coepit. Quantum in ea philosophia, quae a sensibus ducitur, erroris insit, atque obscuritatis, cum antea non ignorasset, tum verò totus ad cam philosophiam traductus, quae caelestium bonorum cognitionem parit, clarissime perspexit. I am illam, quae colligitur ex rhetorum praeceptis, eloquentiam, in qua praeter coeteros floruerat, neglexit penitus, inanem duxit, cum librorum voces, non durium voluptati servientes, sed ad intimas animorum partes incredibili quadam suavitate penetrantes, exaudivit attentus. Nec verò quidquam habuit antiquius, quam ut a sanctissimis Ecclesiae legibus discedentes, quoquomodò ad sanitatem redirent: cum ipse multos cohortatione sua, consilio, doctrina, nonnullos etiam lenitate quadam ad meliora cons●ia converteret. Incidit tempus, cum de sufficiendo post obitum Pauli tertii Pontificis successore Cardinalibus deliberatio esset: affuit Polus ita sedato animo, ita cupiditatis & ambitionis expers, ut majore Collegii parte Pontificatum ad eum de ferente, non statim assenserit, differendamque rem tantam in posterum diem censuerit: fore enim; si probaret Deus, eundem post aliqot horas Cardinalium consensum: sin minus, omnino sibi quod Deo displiceret, placere nihil posse. Scripsit etiam in eo Conclavi praeclara quaedam de officio Pontificis: quae cum aliis ejus libris, quos Joannes Moronus Cardinalis ob summa erga sedem Apostolieam merita, perpetuamque vitae innocentiam clarissimus, accuratè servavit, propediem in lucem proferentur. Quibus in libris, cùm spirare adhuc mens illa divini hominis & vigere videatur, afficimur non tam praeceptis atque docrina, quàm recordatione tautarum virtutum, quas in illo vidimus.  
Ex Jacobi Sadoleti Cardinalis, Epist. 10. lib. 5.  
DE consuetudine & convictu Poli nostri tantum te capere voluptatis, quantum scribis & minime miror, & tuum de illo judicium vehementissime probo. Quid enim esse potest homine illo humanius, cruditius, sanctius? Eum ego cùm hàc iter haberet, paucis illis horis vix degustare quidem potui: sed tantas tamen in illo omnium ornamentorum divitias tum mihi persplexsse visus sum, ut posteà illum non amore modò, sed insigni quadam observantiâ semper sim prosecutus. Nam cùm illa mihi amabilia in eo sunt cognita, ingenium probitas, literae, in quibus ille non mediocriter excellit, tum id praeterea admiratione summâ dignum (quod ego primum statuo omnium) quòd cum tantâ generis amplitudine & nobilitate tanta naturae bonitas atque humanitas juncta sit. Itaque quanti fieri a me putas, quod à te scriptum est, nomen saepe meum versari in sermonibus vestris? Ego verò vobiscum, o amicissimi homines, & animo semper & cupiditate illâ sum, ut si detur facultas, vobiscum vivere potissimùm velim. Etenim si essemus unà, Deus immortalis, quantas & quàm varias caperemus suavitates? quae studiorum cunjunctio? quae communicacio voluntatum? qui denique ardor existeret animorum? ut ad illa praeclara atque sancta philosophiae adyta copulati introiremus.  
Ex ejusdem. Epist. 13. lib. 5.  
POlus add me scribit uberrimis elegantissimisque literis, multa illa quidem digna illo ingenio & sanctissimis ipsius moribus, sed plurimum & praecipuè de te, quem ipse admodum cuperet ad Theologiae studia jam aliquando animum adijcere.  
Ex ejusdem. Epist. 20. lib. 12.  
QUanquam quod ad suavitatem amicitiae & familiaritatis attinet, multorum mihi amicorum vicem praestat vir clarissimus Polus, qui apud nos complures jam est menses: quo homine cave mi Bembe quenquam existimes aut dulciorem in congressibus, aut fideliorem in consiliis aut sanctiorem in omni parte vitae optimisque moribus existere: praeterea summae ipsum doctrinae, summique judicii. Sed quid ago? tibine ego eum laudo, qui tibi ipsi melius notus est, quam mihi? illud affirmare possum, hòc illius sermones mihi etiam gratiores esse & jucundiores, quòd in magnâ copiâ & varietate rerum, de quibus colloquimur, saepe nobis de te in loquendo incidit mentio, in quâ diutius commorari solemus, Priulo praesertim tuo materiam & copiam sermonibus suppeditante.  
Ex Epist. lib. 14.  
ADventus huc Poli amplissimi collegae nostri, & magnum mihi dolorem attulit, ut tu quoque futurum videras, & non minorem etiam voluptatem. Videre enim hominem amicissimum utrique nostrûm, summâ ipsum virtute, summâ temperantiâ modestiâ, sanctitate vitae praeditum, sanè jucundissimum mihi fuit. Eundem autem videre tot appetitum injuriis, atque alienae impietatis & crudelitatis scelere, in tantas & tam graves conjectum calamitates, certè non mediocriter mihi molestum accidit: cum praesertim non amici solùm in eo incommoda, sed Christianae etiam Reipub. vulnera uno & eodemtempore, dolere & miserari cogerer. Atque ipse quidem, quo animi robore, & quâ erga Deum pietate munitus est, ferebat res adversas fortiter atque constanter. Ego vero qui nequaquam simili virtute praeditus sum, cum me afflictarem in ejus acerbis casibus, illo ipso consolatore sublevatus sum, cui me afferre solatium magis oportebat. Atque is unum diem apud me cum fuisset, ita a me discessit; ut praeter pristinammeam de illo opinionem no vam etiam admirationem suae spectatissimae virtutis in animo relinqueret.  
Ex ejusdem. Epist. 11. lib. 15.  
QUòd enim me cum Polo meo, tuâ opinione sententiáque conjungis, homine summâ erudition, summâ pietate, summâ prudentiâ praedito: optasque denos utriusque nostrûm similes, si fieri possit, existere: quorum fide, vigilantiâ, consiliis afflictae Christianae Reip. subveniatur: est quidem hoc & tuae probitatis, ac religionis maximum argumentum & ejus opinionis, quam de me habes conceptam, indicium insigne. Veruntamen scito, cùm jamdiu sit, quòd ego virum illum, & colo & admiror, nunquam autem me optare esse ausum, ut cum eo compararer: tantum sat mihi duxisse, si illius modò persequi vestigia, vel procul observando atque imitando possem. Itaque habeo eum in vitâ & in disciplinâ, & in omnibus forensibus senatoriisque actionibus, ducem ac magistrum: Quem quòd tu quoque tam studiosè laudas & probas, perjucundum id mihi est, propriumque ejusdem praestantis animi tui, de quo jamdudum loquor.  
Ex ejusdem. Epist. 9 lib. 16.  
QUomodo ergo hoc lues? opinor si & literas mihi miseris, & doctissimorum hominum contubernalium tuorum Aloysii Priuli, Contarini & Marci Antonii Flaminii acta aliqua ad me perscribes. Nisi fortè omnem tuam mentem, cogitationemque rerum caeterarum, illa prope immensa suavissimi hujus comitatus voluptas sic obruit, ut despicere in partem aliam non queas: praesertim, omnium hominum long & virtute & comitate & prudentiâ praestantissimo, Polo, tuos oculos animumque complente: quod si est ita, ignosco tibi equidem, neque te amplius ullo crimine accerse.  
Joannes Casa in vita Petri Bembi Cardinalis.  
CUltus est Romae Bembus, cum à bonis plerisque omnibus Contareno, Sadoleto, Cortesio, Morono Cardinalibus amplssimis, hominibusque eruditissimis: tum verò praecipuè a Reginaldo Polo, homine, Dei immortalis, dubio procul, beneficio, ex ultima usque Britania ad nos vecto, vel de coelo potiùs, si modò dictu fas est, lapso; cujus de laudibus, quamquam de tam praeclarâ ac divinâ virtute nemo satis digne unquam loquetur, alius mihi profectò dicendi locus dabitur. Hoc certè haud facile in praesentiâ dijudicare audeam; plus ne eam insulam, multis vulneribus Christianae reipub. per summam impietatem infligendis, nocuisse dicam; an quòd in illo solo talis tantusque vir ortus & procreatus sit, unde verae, planeque Christianae pietatis, vitaeque exemplum peteremus; profuisse. Is igitur cum Bembo familiarissime vixit, etc.  
Which Bembus speaks somewhere to him, as I remember, in this manner; Tu verò longe ornatior atque illustrior factus, non Italiam modò, sed Britaniam etiam tuam, atque ipsum coeli verticem tuarum laudum splendore fac impleas. As if his eminent virtue, like the surprising light, of some new Comet, without a parallax, was to shine universally in all parts, for the benefit of mankind.   

SUPPLEMENT.  
THE commendations of these great persons, I know, are of little account and validity in Countries under the domination of Zuingle, Calvin, and Beza. But all learned and civilised spirits rise up with a kind of reverence at the very mentioning of Sadoletus, Bembus and Contarinus, etc. Whose Names stand already consecrated to all posterity in the histories of their times. They lived in a happy, glorious age, which not only revived, but, I may say, accomplished the noble arts, and sciences of the ancient Greeks and Romans, which are now universally and much degenerated. For in painting we see no pieces like those of Raphael, Michael Angelo and Titian, or their very Scholars, in the three famous schools, at the same time of Rome, Florence, and Lombardy. And what is very remarkable, the Statuarian art appeared in perfection, and was extinguished in the very same person of the forementioned Buonaroti. Elocution in all her dresses either Historical, Oratorian or Poetical, scarce ever appeared more majestic, polite or florid with all her artificial colours, beauties and graces. The above-cited persons Contarinus, Casa, Polus, Sadoletus and Bembus were very eminent in this princely, commanding faculty, as adapted thereto by their extraction (which was very noble in all, though only royal in Polus) by their learned education and natural excellency of wit. They have left us rare monuments in all kind of Eloquence, wherein the old Grece and Rome ever boasted; but have proceeded no further, like over-cautious Pilots not venturing in unknown Seas. Where however they knew others more rash and les expert would at the last hazard. For being all Churchmen and honoured with Episcopal dignity, they have left us no rule, art, or method of preaching; nor any example, to look upon, like a canonical picture of Titian, and trace thereby the futur model and general lineaments of a regular sermon. Which neglect in these our Master-guides has been of great damage and detriment not only to their own age, but also that of their posterity, leaving us in the dark and ignorance, nevertheless rashly venturing to put and push forward with hardy boldness, not so much as like blind men, groping to find out the true way. To illustrate and give some light to this Parodoxical discourse, let us consider, what the moderate and judicious Spaniard, Ludovicus Vives says. Than whom, after his Countryman Quintilian, no one has better censured the lives, actions, and writings of men. He was conversant in most Countries, where human literature flourished, and sometimes in Corpus Christi College in Oxford, and therefore his censure falls particularly on no place or persons, which was this, in his famous book de Causis corruptarum artium.  
— Receptâ Christianâ pietate, passi sunt Principes, quod universis in common conduceret, ut Presbyteri ad populum de rebus sacris loquerentur: ita sacri Concionatores priscis illis Oratoribus successêre, sed dissimillimo successu. Name quantó illos-superamus rebus, tanto partibus omnibus eloquentiae, totâ vi persuadendi, sententiis, argumentis, dispositione, verbis, genere orationis, actione inferiores sumus. Cujus rei culpa divisa est inter dicentem & audientem. Olim qui dicebant, erant callentissimi usûs & totius prudentiae communis, & tractandorum animorum peritissimi artifices. Qui nunc dicunt quam dispares, imperiti, ignari vitae, imô communis sensûs: qui sint affectus, aut quemadmodum vel impellendi vel revocandi omnino nescij. Nec cui rei quae verba, quod genus orationis sit adhibendum nôrunt, omnia bent convenire omnibus rati. Sententias habent plumbeas, frigidas, jacentes, segnes quae animos dejiciant potius quam excitent: argumentatiunculas colligunt ab illo exercitio scholastico, quae ventilant quidem, & titillant interdum, nunquam feriunt aut caedunt. Dispositio fusa & dissipata: nihil dicunt suo loco: actio immoderata: nihil pro re aut tempore: non in voce, non in oculis & ore, non in manu & digitis, non in gestu & statu corporis universi: quae illi ita habent cognita, ut nulla esse arbitrentur, nec interest saltitent dicentes, an sedeant. Jam auditores habebant illi olim acutos, attentos plerosque eruditos, nunc socordes, segnes, peregrinantes, animo rudes atque imperitos, etc.  
Italy at this time flourished in eloquence and polite learning, more than at present; and as for our Cisalpine Countries, I leave them to the plead of no mean advocates Sir Thomas More, Erasmus and Budaeus, etc. As for the first of his animadversions, touching the excessive disparity betwixt our Preachers and the ancient Orators, whom they succeed: I think there is no disagreement amongst the Learned. Nor how far we exceed them in the nobleness, variety and amplitude of subjects; which the Mysteries of our religion in a copious manner afford us. Yet all this has produced no considerable effect, nor any thing to be put in parallel with those precious relics of Antiquity; richly embellishing with a pleasant variety, for the most part trivial, temporal and profane subjects. In our French travels, you remember, the common Sermons much deceived our expectation, with their long repetitions, tedious circumlocutions and airy expressions, under which there was no solid sense or foundation of matter methodicaly disposed, wherein the ancients were admirable; which defect made the words (as it usualy hapens) fly and flutter about our ears, with a great deal of insignificancie. Which however are poured forth with a confident readiness and a great volubility, the Preacher never otherwise appearing armed and provided, than with his handkerchief, instead of prompting papers, so contrary to the custom of the English, who are nothing inferior in wit, and of a better memory. At our return home, having seen King Charles the first in his writings often complaining and ascribing his ruin to the Pulpit; we presumptuously thought to have retrieved the ancient Eloquence rising amongst us there again, in a formidable Majesty. For the admirable effects of this renowned faculty being known to be good and bad: we have here seen the latter, higher and of a more cursed nature, than what Antiquity can show. For where shall we find among them, so great and virtuous a Prince soberly murdered with cold hands in Public, so incomparable a Queen and numerous issue either miserably wand'ring, banished or imprisoned; in fine, the Religion and State wholly subverted by the voluntary swearers to defend both. Now, to this vast demolishment and downfall of three Kingdoms, if you imagine in fancy to find proportionated Engineers, you will be much deceived. For Hugh Peter, the chief Architect among them, had in his looks, behaviour and discourse more the fashion of a Buffoon, than the face, habit and authority of one of the ancient Orators. As for the rest of his Brethren, we will pass them over in silence, as being his inferiors, and for our own credit sake; that the nature and paltry condition of our Antagonists may the better remain indiscovered 'tis strange to think, how a noble Kingdom, acquired by the invincible hands of so great a Conqueror, should in process of time fall thus by the wretched tongues of so vile, mercenary and ignominious Gowmnen. There was nothing more foolish or frivolous, (setting aside the Treason) in form and matter than their disconcerted Sermons: nor indeed more ridiculous, unless it was the action and pronunciation, which was with an odious noise and utterance through the nose, yet appearing very musical and grateful to their most attentive & pressing Congregations. Their general custom was, to pick out of the Scripture some obscure Text, which they mangled, instead of dividing, into fragments, and certain diminutive particles, which were converted at last into so many positive points, strangely pricking & tickling the corrupted fancies of their Audience. In whose opinion and judgement, they would often destroy all Prelacy and Popery in the same breath. Which, by virtue of former Scribblers in this kind, was as easily done; as the body of their Sermons composed out of Common places and Concordances. Their Epilog and terrible Peroration was usualy included within the seven hills of Rome there furiously baiting the horned beast, and Antichrist. Which however many times were their best friends and assistants, at a dead halt and stand; when all their Hebrew, Grec and Latin; and their last uses, doctrines and applications failed them. Which sort of sorry shifts and poor inventions, to waste time, are only the lazy customs of these latter days, unpractised by the Ancients. Whom we cannot sufficiently admire, with their artificial methods; sometimes analytique, sometimes of an opposite nature, and sometimes mixed; yet ever producing admirable effects: Which subtle ways were very well known and practised by my Lord Bacon, and are the hidden reason why so may of his discourses instruct, improve and please the readers in general, like a legitimate piece of Architecture very often surprising, incomprehending, and ignorant fancies, which can give no reason of their ocular delight and satisfaction. Some of these discourses therefore have past the Alps, and found approbation in an Italian dress, from the exquisite judgements of that Country. Whereas 'tis best for most Sermons to rest satisfied with the applause of their first Audience; whether it be in City, Court or Country. The open light and air are very improper and hazardous for them, as being usualy Creatures of a week fabric and constitution: something not unlike in nature to the fading compositions in Music of our days, which scarce ever survive the Author, and so disorderly thrust one another out of date, that the younger stile gets place. Which ever falls out contrary in the just and lawful productions of noble spirits, wherein we always see precedence in antiquity rather giving authority and prerogative, than causing any kind of detriment or diminution. However I hear of late, that there are started up among us, excellent Preachers of all Religions, who with choice matter curiously elaborated, and with a free noble delivery, set of with looks and gesture suitable to the subjects and passions represented, are likely to work marvellous effects, and reduce again the happy first days of King Charles the first. Which appears the more probable, in that I understand, these worthy persons are for the excellent, moral and pacifique doctrine of the old Grec and Latin Homilies, having laid aside all Controversies, which are most improper for Pulpits: and serve rather to irritate, than heal or compose our minds too much already festered and exulcerated with so many late seditious contentions of all sorts. We are only fit now for a peaceable quietness, like such patients, to whom the prudent Physician prescribes a weathering repose alone, with the use perchance of some waters to purge and wash away certain scurvy, malignant humours. The matter of Controversy has been drained to the bottom on all sides and hands, ever since my Lord Bacon's days, as he himself testifies: So that now there's nothing left, but filthy lees and dregs for new Operators. And therefore, like a sage Lawyer, as well as great Philosopher, he dissuades any father progress in such contentions, fruitless and endless in a Country, where there is no Tribunal of judicature erected, or will be admitted by either sex. If any, by reason of the difficulty and variety, find themselves unfit for those noble, profound sciences, which he often proposes; yet have an itchy, buisy spirit, which must be in some action; there are many other more ingenious occupations and employments, to take up their time of leisure, if aptly followed, as the various and delightful operations in Chemistry; and so many excellent inventions and practices, lately discovered at home and abroad, in Experimental Philosophy, with several other accessary and subservient parts of Philosophical learning in general.   

POSTSCRIPT.  
As concerning the above-cited Testimonies.  
THe fame of Paulus Manutius, Bembus, and Sadoletus, is spread among the learned of all nations; but this of Casa has not taken so large a flight, nor is much conversant in Northern parts, unless among Travellers. To give therefore some credit to his testimony, and make it more authentic, we will hear, in the first place, Muretus, speaking in this manner.  
— Neque immeritò commendati sunt, aut is qui pauca quidem scripsit, sed in scribendo omnium politissimus maximeque, limatus, idemque ab omnibus ineptiis remotissimus fuit Joannes Casa, etc. This expression ab ineptiis remotissimus, among others, as he elsewhere testifyes, reflects on the conceits and Batavian jests of Erasmus, in his praise of Folly and Dialogs, etc. which sort of sauce and seasoning, some scholars have grossly mistaken for pure Attic salt and wit. The noble Tridentine Historian speaking of this Casa, says, As his brother was formidable with his sword; so he was with his pen. His Oration to the great Emperor of his time, is imagined to be the first piece of true genuine eloquence, which has appeared since the days of Augustus; and therefore I wonder it has found no Translator. But perchance it would not please, since instead of the figures, tropes and schems, in a solid discourse, and other graces of the Ancients, we are now so delighted with jingles, quibles, and trifling conceits in a frothy, incohaerent matter, interlarded with a nauseous multiplicity of citations, in divers languages. Which, for the most part, are only sorry, servile shifts, pedantic arts, and odious deformities in speech and writing, introduced by some modern Orators: and nothing conducing to the true delight or benefit on the one side, but much assisting and concealing the supine ease and lazines of the cunning practiser on the other side. Whereas an orderly discourse should, with a certain analogy, imitate the works of nature, or of art in perfection; where all parts have ever a congruous and conspiring union as well as uniformity among themselves. As for example, in a Dorique composition, either in music or architecture, any thing Jonique, though excellent in itself, would be vicious; and so all enterlacing and embossments, which are like frequent citations in speech, though otherwise splendid, would be here offensive to the senses and understanding of a well-bred Gentleman. But let us pass to this short Character of Bartholomeo Zucchi in his Idea of a perfect Secretary.  
Questi è quel Giovanni della Casa Gentilhuomo Fiorentino, che ha' lasciato in dubio, in qual lingua egli scrivesse meglio, ò nella Latina ò nella Toscana, e nel verso e nella prosa: Cosi fu mirabile nell'una e nell'altra. Ha' scritto poche cose, ò almeno poche vanno attorno, le quali il faranno piu immortal, che le molte, che hanno publicate alcuni. Son tutte belle, tutte eccellenti. Furio e Segretario di Cardinali, e impiegato in gravi affari. Dopo essere stato alcun tempo Prelato molto stimato nella Corte Romana, hebbe l' Arcivescovato di Benevento, nel quel grado si mori.  
Englished thus.  
This is that John de la Casa a Florentine Gentleman, who has left in doubt, in what language, he was most dextrous and excellent: whether in Latin or Italian; or Verse or Prose. He was so singular and admirable in all these faculties. He has writ few pieces or at least few pass currant as his genuine productions. Which however will more immortalise his name, than the voluminous works of others. Every thing proceeding from him is rare and excellent. He was Secretary among the Cardinals, and employed in affairs of great consequence. After having been a Prelate of great estimation in the Court of Rome, he was advanced to the Archbishopric of Beneventum, in which condition he died.  
Monsieur Balzac, whose follies and affectations in his young days, corrupted not only the the spirits of his own Country, but many also of those abroad, seems at last to have had a mature judgement: which perhaps is the reason, why his latter books please less, and remain every where untranslated. However out of the value I have for them, I shall pick out here something concerning our present subject.  
En Italy il s'appelle Monsignor de la Casa, il estoit Gentilhomme Florentin, de tres bonne et tres ancienne maison. Il avoit este nourry petit garzon a la Cour de Rome, ou d'abord il eut l'approbation de tout ce qu'il y avoit d'honnestes gens. Il a escrit en prose et en verse, en l'une et l'autre langue avec tel success, qu'il fut admiré des Orateurs et des Poetes de son temps, au dessu desquels il s'estoit eleuè. Torquato Tasso l'a tant estimé qu'il a voulu estre son grammairien. Et j'ay leu, sur un des sonnets de ce Monsignor, une lecon, que ce poet recita, si'l m'en souvient bien dans l' Academy de Ferrare. Cet excellent homme est●it d'une santé assez vigoreuse, il vescut dans le loisir tantost de Rome et tantost de Venise: et neantmoins il n'a laissé en toute sa vie, qu'un liure de l'espaisseur de deux almanachs Cest n'est pas qu'il eust, l'esprit sterile, et qu'il cultivast une terre ingrate. Car jamais homme n'apporta au monde de plus grands avantages, ni plus de disposition a l'eloquence, etc.  
Englished thus.  
In Italian he is called the Signior de la Casa, being a Florentine Gentleman of a most noble and ancient race. The education of his unriper age was at the Court of Rome, where on a sudden, he gained the approbation of all persons of merit and honour. His prose and verse in both languages was so happy and successful, as to make him admired by the Orators and Poets of his time, whom he much surpassed. Torquato Tasso valued him at so high a rate, that he vouchsafed to become his Grammarian. And I have read, if I well remember, a lesson upon a sonnet of this Signior which this Poet recited in the Academy of Ferrara. This excellent person was of a sufficient and active health, and enjoyed a happy leisure sometimes at Rome, and sometimes at Venice. Yet all his life has only afforded us a little book no thicker in bulk, than two Almanacs. The reason of this proceeded not from the sterility of his spirit; or that he cultivated a barren and ungratful soil. For never man was born with more natural advantages, or endowed with a better disposition for Eloquence, etc.  
The memory of Monsieur Blazac has not failed him; for the lesson here mentioned (which I have by me) was recited in this manner: and there was a kind of civil war between the two Academies of Ferrara and Florence at the same time, when it was composed be Torquato Tasso. Who was, without dispute, the greatest and most universal Poet, that has appeared in any known language, since the death of the Roman Virgil. And yet here he acts the inferior and subservient part of a Grammarian, Scholiast, Commentator. Which condescension in so Princely a Poet, is the greatest which I have ever heard: and crowns with an everlasting honour the memory of this Signior de la Casa. From hence we perceive of how high a value, is this large Encomium of Polus, from a person of so rare merit, and otherwise, as we have seen, so penurious of his choice and precious Ink. What is spoken here of this Giovanni della Casa, seems devious & episodical, as to our subject; but I could not omit it, out of respect and gratitude, for the great honour, this noble Florentine has done our Country, in the person of this royal Cardinal, to whom we will now return in this following relation of Le Sieur Maurier.  
REnaud Polus, Cardinal & Archeveque de Cantorbie, estoit fils de Richard Polus Cousin  du roy Henry VII. & de Marguerite fille de George Duc de Clarence, frere du roy Edovard IU. Lafoy nature luy avoit donné un excellent esprit, qu'il avoit cultiué soigneusement & beureusement dans les plus celebres Academies de l' Europe, où il se'stoit fait d'illustres amis, & sur tout en Italy. Comme il avoit de la naissance, & du scavoir, de l'esprit, & de l' hability, tout le monde l' honora en Angleterre: & le roy Henry; VIII. ne fut pas des derniers a luy faire des avances de bienveillance & d'estime. Renaud Polus en temoigna bien de la gratitude. Mais il ne pût jamais adherer, par une lasche complaisance, au desires injustes de ce Prince, qui pour satisfaire une passion brutale, viola toutes les loix de l'honneur, & de la religion, introduisant, par un renversement deplorable, le schism & l'heresie dans son estate. Polus fut contraint de sortir du royaume. Censt dans ce temps q'uil se crût obligé d'escrire au roy, un traité de l'union de l'eglise: Et ce zele genereux passant pour insolence & pour temerité dans l'esprit d' Henri, il promit cinquante mille ●escus a celuy qui luy apporteroit sa teste. Le Pape Paul III. qui l'avoit creé Cardinal en 1536. luy donna des guards. Henri en temoigna un deplaisir extreme, & ne pouvant se vanger sur la personne de ce Cardinal, il fait mourir sa Mere & divers de ses Parens, & le persecutast luy mesme dans toutes sorts d'occasions. Le genereux Polus supporta la mort des scions & la desolation de sa famille, ayant tant de constancy & de courage, qu'il merita des eloges des plus illustres Ecrivains de ce temps & l'admiration de toute l'Europe. Il pardonna aussi aux trois italians & a deux Anglois, qui l'avoient voulu assassiner. Cependant il fut employé en diverses legations, & envoyé au Council de Trente. Apres la mort de Paul III. les Cardinaux voulurent le mettre sur le siege pontifical, & il fut le seul qui s'opposa a cette exaltation glorieuse. Sa mort fut un coup fatal & pour la religion & pour le royalme, elle arriva seize heures apres celle de la Rein le 25 Nou. de l' an. 1558. Les Auteurs, mesme les Protestans, donnent les eloges a son esprit, a son scavoir & a sa prudence: & tout le mondé avove q'uon vist peu d'egale bonté pour les hommes, ny de semblable zeal pour Dieu.  
Englished thus.  
Reginaldus Polus Cardinal and Archbishop of Canterbury, was Son of Richard Polus Cousin german to Henry the seventh. His mother was Margaret daughter of George Duke of Clarence, brother of Edward the fourth. Nature had given him an excellent spirit and wit. Which he carefully and happily enriched in the most famous Academies of Europe: where he gained the friendship of many illustrious persons, but especially in Italy. As he was eminent in birth, wit, knowledge, and activeness of spirit; so he was much beloved and honoured at home; and King Henry the eighth was very forward in applauding and showing the singular esteem he had of him. Wherein Polus was never backward in a ready demonstration of his humble gratitude. But however, could never adhear, and submit, with a servile compliance to the injust desires of this Prince, who to satisfy a carnal appetite, broke the laws of honour and religion, introducing a deplorable confusion into his Kingdom. Out of which Polus was constrained to departed. In this time of absence, he thought himself obliged to writ a treatise to the King, concerning the general union of the Church. But this general Zeal passing for an insolence and rash enterprise in the spirit of King Henry, he set a price, and promised fifty thousand Crowns, as a reward, to him who should present him with his head. The Pope Paul the third, who had created him Cardinal in the year 1536. preserved him with Guards, appointed for his safety. Which put the King into so great a passion and choler, that being unable to revenge himself upon the person of this Cardinal, he made his Mother die a violent death, with many of his kindred; neither leaving to persecute his remaining person also, in all sorts of occasions. The generous Polus patiently suffered the death of his nearest allies, and the desolation of his family, with so great a constancy and courage, that it merited and procured him the testimonies and admiration of all the noble Writers in Europe of his time. He pardoned also three Italians and two Englishmen who would have assassinated him. He had the fortune to be employed in many Embassies of several kinds, and to be sent Legate to the Council of Trent. After the death of Paul the third, the Cardinals would have placed in the Pontifical Throne; and he himself was the person alone, who opposed this glorious exaltation. His death was a fatal blow to the religion and kingdom, which happened sixteen hours after that of the Queen in the year 1658. The Protestants themselves give eulogiums to his wit, learning, and prudence. And all agree that there scarce ever appeared so great a zeal for the service of God, nor charity and affection for that of men.  
The learned Mr. Camden, a person of another religion, as being a worthy old Protestant of the old Church of England, seems to approve of these commendations, and verify this last passage in these words.  
Eodem quo Maria obijt die, post pauculas horas Polus Cardinalis, Archiepiscopus Cantuariensis expiravit, Vir quem pietas, doctrina & integritas multò magis, quàm regij generis splendor illustrârunt; licet ille Georgij Ducis Clarentiae fratris Edvardi quarti Regis Angliae è filiâ nepos fuerit.  
His persecution, with the tragical desolation of the Family, and the cruel, unnatural destruction of the members by their proper head, is thus described by Gratianus.  
Nam Henricus, cum ei omnia tentanti, ac ne maximis quidem parcenti sumptibus intercipere Polum non successisset, implacabilis irae atque acerbitatis suae impetum in Margaretam Poli matrem avertit. Ea erat lectissima & sanctissima faemina, Edvardi Regis fratris filia. Nec tamen genere, quam moribus, innocentia ac totius vitae laude nobilior: in cujus disciplinâ antè Henricus Mariam unicam filiam educaverat. Tum abreptam in carcerem diu aerumnis ac miserijs male habitam, falsis etiam nuntijs interfecti Reginaldi filij tortam, postremò altero filiorumu natu majori, qui simal captus in eâdem custodiâ habebatur; crudeliter necato, anum ipsam alterum & septuagesimum annum agentem, palam in foro capitali supplicio afficit, nullum ob crimen aliud, quam quod Reginaldum genuisset, & de fide Catholicae pietatis decedere recusasset.  
Though enough has been already promoted in this kind, to please and satisfy all persons, whose Religion allows them any freedom of spirit; yet I cannot think this following Relation will appear tedious.  


Ex L. B.  
ILlud autem persuasum habeo, ejusmodi me legentium oculis imaginem propositurum, quae omnibus iis, quae in Christianum hominem cadere possunt, virtutibus ornata & expolita appareat. Tantas in hunc Deus hominem ex uberrimo illo benignitatis suae fonte divinorum munerum divitias transfuderat. Atque hae quidem tot tamque insignes Poli Cardinalis virtutes omnibus tota Europa ita cognitae atque perspectae fuerunt, ut multi etiam, qui eum nunquam vidissent, èjus nominis studiosissimi atque cupidissimi fierent. Celebre est etiamnum ejus nomen apud omnes bonos, magnáque cum laude, saepenumero in sermonibus usurpatur: atque ita gratiosa est apud multos Principes ejus memoria, ut, si quem in ejus familiâ aliquandiu versatum intelligant, eum, vel hanc unam ob causam, benevolentiâ, complectantur, eique libenter faveant. Tanta fuit ejus mansuetudo & clementia, ut si quis eum offendisset, nibil de ulciscendo cogitaret, omnesque injurias facile remitteret, atque condonaret. Viterbij tres Italos, necem sibi molientes, liberari jussit. Duos item Anglos Capranicae, quò ipse ob aestivos calores vitandos secesserat, comprehensos, qui ad eum trucidandum ab Henrico rege ex ultimâ usque Angliâ submissi erant, necari noluit, cùm ad unum se eam injuriam pertinere diceret; nec durius in illos animadverti passus est, quàm ut paucos ad dies ad triremes relegarentur. Res adversas & calamitates, tam forti magnoque animo semper tulit, ut, ei hac virtute pares qui essent, paucos admodum memoriâ nostrá fuisse existimem, superiorem verò neminem. Ejus rei multa possem afferre exempla, sed hoc uno contenti erimus. Quodam die cum multas ex Galliâ, atque aliis ex locis literas accepisset, mihique mandâsset, ut iis respondcrem; tum ego literas in unum fasciculum colligens, cum quasdem Anglica lingua scriptas vidissem: Ad has verò, inquam, non est, quod ego respondeam, cùm ejus linguae planè sim ignarus. Ille minimè turbato vultu, utinam verò, inquit, eas & legere posses & intelligere. Laetum, enim nuntium referunt. Ejus ego nuntii cupiditate incensus, ut me quoque ejus participem esse velit, rogo. Tum ille, equidem semper existimavi, inquit, Dei beneficio, ejus me faeminae filium esse, quae tum genere ipso, tum virtutibus primaria esset. Quâ de re maximas etiam Deo gratias habebam. Nunc verò non id solùm, verium etiam majori me Dei benificio auctum video. Matrem enim meam martyrii gloriâ ornatam esse audio. Nam cum illa Catholicam fidem nostram constanter retineret, neque eam deserere ullâ ratione vellet, Henrici jussu, septuaginta jam annos natae mulieri caput est amputatum. Hoc sciliect praemium tulit laborum, quos in educandâ ejus filiâ susceperat. His verbis, consternato animo cum essem; bono, inquit ille, animo simus: haec quoque accessit ad caeteros patronos, & advocatos, quos in caelis habemus. Postea in sacellum, ubi deum precari solebat, secessit; ubique aliquandiu commoratus est, egressus ad suos eundem semper vultum, eandem hilaritatem retinuit. Neque verò hoc ille faciebat, aut quòd mediocriter matrem diligeret, aut quod non vehementer ab illá redamaretur; sed eâ animi fortitudine, ut dictum est, munitus erat, ut his fortunae telis de constantiâ suâ dejici non posset. Sic prorsus nuntium tulit de fratris sui natu maximi nece, cui Rex caput, uná cum duobus aliis ejus Consanguineis, religionis causâ, praecidi jusserat: Sic alias complures calamitates, & res adversas. Atque in his quemadmodum fortiter se gerebat; ita in secundis rebus humiliter; ut neque in alteris ullo modo efferetur, neque alteris dep●imeretur. Sic paupertatem tanquam dives; opes tanquam pauper tulit. Pridie ejus diei quo è vitâ discessit, extremae unctionis sacramentum sua sponte ipse, nemine monente, postulavit, & ad extremum usque spiritum & locutus est, & praeclarè sibi semper constitit; ac tam leniter, quietéque animam ipsam efflavit, ut dormientis speciem magis, quam morientis, vultus ejus ac totus corporis habitus referret. Obiit autem, quod sanè mirum videri queat, eo ipso die, quo Regina. Scripto to testamento Aloysium Priulum Patritium Venetum, quem unicè amaverat, & semper fratris loco habuerat, suarum rerum omnium haeredem instituit, ejusque arbitrio permisit, ut cum alia quaedam ipsius legata distribueret, tum iis, qui se longinquis è partibus secuti fuerant, sibique ministraverant, tum aliis; id singulis dom daret, quod cujusque diligentiam promeritam judicaret. Is cum haereditatem recusaret, neque tamen proptereà distribuendorum legatorum onus suscipere nollet; Rogavit eum Polus, quod etiam in ipso testamento perscribi voluit, ut aliquam saltem bonorum suorum partem sibi sumeret, quae tanquam aliquod veteris ac perpetuoe inter ipsos conjunctionis pignus ac monumentum extaret. Hoc ille planè renuit, seque jam inde ab initio cùm in ejus se familiaritatem contulerat, longè alterius generis bona secutum, ex eisque plurima assecutum esse respondit. Atque ita cum haeres scriptus esset, nihil ex haereditate capere voluit, praeter duos libellos, ex quibus Polus deum precari solitus erat, Breviarium vocamus & Diurnale. Atque hic quidem est Priulus ille, quem initio diximus, anno 1532. Patavii in arctissimam Poli consuetudinem venisse, neque ab ejus lutere unquam, ex eo tempore, discessisse, sed omnium itinerum, legationum, laborum comitem ac socium: studiorum item consiliorum ac omnium periculorum participem fuisse, ut neque ullis honoribus, nec dignitate, quae illi, cùm in patriâ suá in quâ summa est ejus familiae nobilitas atque amplitudo; tum Romae, non semel proponebatur, a Poli consuetudine avelli posset, quam omnibus divitiis omnique dignitati facilè anteponebat. Post ejus mortem xx totos menses, quibus ille superstes vixit, in colligendis magno labore ejus rebus, quae variis in locis disjectae erant, & in illis, summâ cum fide, distribuendis consumpsit.   

Englished thus.  
But I am verily persuaded, that I shall herein represent to the eyes and understanding of the reader, an image polished and adorned with all those virtues, which can fall within the capacity of a true Christian spirit. The divine Goodness, with so large an effusion of grace, had enriched the soul of this Reginaldus Polus. Whose rare and excellent virtues were so eminently conspicuous over all Europe, that many, who never saw him, cherished the very thoughts, imagination, and name of him. Nay even now any mention or commemoration of him is very pleasant and delightful among all persons of honour or worth: and among Princes his memory is still so gracious and prevalent, that to have been of his family only, is a sufficient commendation and entrance into their favour. His peaceable mildness and clemency was so extraordinary, that howsoever offended he remitted all injuries, never complotting or meditating any sort of revenge. At Viterbo he caused three Italian conspirers of his death to be delivered out of prison. Whilst he was at Capranica retired to shun the infesting heats of the summer, two English men sent by King Henry to dispatch him, he would by no means suffer to be put to death, alleging how the injury pertained to him alone, as Judge and Party: Nor would he permit any other punishment to pass upon them, save only the condemnation to the Galleys, for some few days. His various afflictions, misfortunes and calamities he ever sustained with so great a courage, and noble constancy, that certainly this age has not afforded his equal. To this purpose I could produce many examples, but let this alone for the present suffice. When on a certain day, he had received several letters out of France, and many other remote parts, and ordered me to prepare their answers: so soon as they were collected into distinct pacquets, perceiving some in English, I told him, I hope, Sir, you expect not that I should answer these, as being a stranger to the language. He, not the least changed in looks or colour instantly replied; I wish you could read and understand them both at once, for they import joyful news and tidings. Withat impatient in my itching desire, I humbly begged, that I might participate. I always thought myself, says he, the son of a woman as singular and eminent for her virtues, as extraction: in which respect, I have often rendered thanks to the divine Goodness. But now I find these former qualities strangely dignifyed with a noble vantage of quite another and higher nature, by her being crowned & adorned with the glory of a happy martyrdom. For whilst she constantly retained her Catholic faith and religion, immovable by any threats or persuasions, she lost her head upon the Scaffold, at the age of seventy Years, receiving this reward, for the great pains taken in the education of his only daughter, from King Harry the Father. When, I amazed with sudden horror and astonished, startled at this relation; be of good courage, says he, my Mother has happily increased the number of our patrons and advocats in heaven. After this, retiring for some few moments to a Chapel, where his use was to pray, he straight appears among us again, with the same former looks and cheerful countenance. Neither did he act this strange unexpected part out of a tepid indifferency of affection, which he had for her, or she for him (which was quite contrary in both) but out of a magnanimous constancy not exposed or obnoxious to these violent attaques and cruel injuries of fortune. No other alteration was perceived by us in him, at the sad doleful message of the death of his eldest Brother, who with two other of his nearest allies, lost their heads upon the Scaffold by the King's order, for constantly adhering to their religion.  
These, and many other afflictions, calamities and injuries of divers sorts he suffered with the same perpetualy inalterable constancy. And as Fortune could not terrify him with her frowns; so she could not seduce him with her smiles. His affairs running prosperously sometimes beyond expectation could never puff him up beyond his accustomed station; nor turning retrograde on the contrary cause in him the least dejection. So that his seeming poverty in riches; and his great satisfaction in poverty were both alike commendable.  
Three days before he died (of his one accord without any other admonishment) he desired to have the Sacrament of Extreme-Vnction, retaining his speech, senses and understanding entire to the very last moment. He rendered up his spirit in that gentle, quiet and placide manner, that his face, visage, fashion and habit of his whole body represented the posture of one sleeping, rather than dead. That which seems marvellous to some, is that his Queen, and he should expire both within the compass of the same natural day. In his last Will and Testament he ordained Aloysio Priuli a noble man of Venice, whom he most singularly affected, the entire heir of whatsoever he possessed. To whose will and pleasure he freely transmitted the disposal of certain legacies, gifts and rewards to such, who had followed him out of foreign parts, and others of his attendants, according as he thought the merit and diligence of each person proportionaly required. Whereas this noble Venetian absolutely refused the total inheritance: he begged and entreated of him the acceptance only of some part, which might appear, as a lasting pledge and monument of their ever inviolated love and friendship. This also he utterly renounced, replying, that when he first courted and insinuated himself into his familiarity, he proposed in his mind an other sort of riches, goods and treasure, with which now he thought himself abundantly gratifyed. Thus he the total heir of so considerable an inheritance accepted of nothing, but only two prayer-books, rendered precious in his thoughts by the frequent usage of Reginaldus Polus, whereof the one was called the Roman Breviary, and the other the Diurnal belonging to it. This is that Aloysio Priuli, who in the year 1532 at Milan contracted that individual and exemplary familiarity and friendship with Polus, which never afterward admitted of any separation in adversity or prosperity. He was a constant companion in all his journeys by Sea and Land, in his tedious and dangerous embassies, and all other toils and troubles: so unanimously participating also of all his intentions, purposes, studies and counsels, that he was sensible of no titles, honours, dignities, which were open and obvious in his own Country, by reason of the great nobility and prerogative of his family: nor could Rome herself with her dazzling purple and other allurements ever seduce him from this habitual society and enjoyment of his friend, a happiness which he so inestimably valued above all others: and whom he survived only the space of twenty months, which interval of time he wholly employed in the collection of those goods, which were dispersed in several Countries, and in the just and equal-distribution of them.  
This memorable friendship of Reginaldus Polus and Aloysius Priulus contracted between persons of so distant and different Countries, certainly excels in all circumstances, that of Laelius and Scipio, or what ever other examples, the ancient Grece or Rome or the Barbarians (as they call them) could ever produce. For that religion which most enriches our minds with the best Virtues, and devests them of usurping passions, renders them the most susceptible of this rare and divine quality. Which therefore consequently must always be among the most excellent Christians. The Philosophers and their followers had the sublime virtues of this nature in subtle speculation only, which were left for others to put into real exercise and practise.    
I have at present sufficiently, as I hope, refuted some perverse Chroniclers among us, enemies, as we see, to truth, honour, and the just respect due to royal families: and have shown how requisite it is for these many years, to look abroad, that we may understand any truth at home of this kind. The Testimonies produced are very authentic. Which I have the rather increased, because nothing, methinks, can be said too much of so Rare, Divine and Princely a subject. However I shall now supersede, omitting many Authors of excellent account, as the French Precedent Thuanus, and the famous palavicini, with many other Italian Writers. Who generally in their relations, very much extol and magnify the power of King Harry, able to revive in Italy a custom abolished ever since Marius, Silvius and Marc-Antony, in proscribing a great Roman senator in Rome itself, as well as other parts of the world. Among these Authors, which I must advertise you, you will often find i'll Cardinal d' Inghiltierra mentioned; which you must have a care, not to take for our rich, fat Prelate the Cardinal Wolsey. Otherwise your mistake will be very gross. For this Reginaldus Polus, who is thereby signified, and He were as different in quality and worth, as they were in extraction; the vast, immense ambition of the one, almost equalizing the most Christian humility of the other, and therefore vainly coveting and courting with an insolent presumption that Papacy, which the other with so generous a magnanimity refused.  
Now, as I suppose, I have fully satisfied my engagement, though perchance not the desire or expectation of our obliging friend. What the postscript of your last letter signifies, concerning some versification on this subject, was never included in my promise. Yet to be as compliant, as I can, I shall send here two Epigrams: in the former of which, could I dispense with myself, from being serious, in so grave a subject, as the sacred memory of this Cardinal, I could impose upon our friend, acting the jocular plagiary, and make myself pass for the author; being they seem so adapted to this noted Epitaph, Depositum Poli Cardinalis. But I can assure you, they were made above a thousand years ago, as I shall make it appear at our next meeting. As for the latter, they are excellent verses, made on the picture of this great person, drawn by Titian, and now in the Farnesian Palace. It would appear almost a madness in me, to write on the same subject, after Marcus Antonius Flaminius the celebrated Author. I shall only therefore venture, for satisfaction sake in this kind, to send some recovered fragments of a Poem, dedicated to the honour of the Heroical Prince of this age, during the Dutch Wars, and to be prefixed before a meteorique treatise, not published, by reason of the late rogueries, set here artificialy on foot among us.  


Epigrama primum.  

FVnctus honorato sienio, plenusque dierum  
Evocor ad superos: pignora quid gemitis;  
Reddere Depositum lex est: ideoque petenti  
Corpus humo, manes restituoque Polo.  
Sumite quod vestrum est, insignia, jura, parentis  
Scilicet & titulos: plus satis ●rna mihi haec.    

Epigrama secundum  

SIvelut egregiae picturae, maxime Pole, Est expressa tui corporis effigies:  
Sic divina tuae potuisset mentis imago Pingi, nil oculi pulchrius aspicerent.    


MArtia progenies Caroli, quem Gallica nympha  
Magnorum soboles regum, conjuxque sororque  
Et formosa parens peperit felicibus astris;  
Quique tuum tantis animum natalibus aequas;  
Cum tua tot cupiant vates praeconiae laudis  
Dicere, victuris necnon inscribere chartis;  
Hactenus baud facile inceptis timor obstitit ausis.  
Me traxit non unus amor, vel causa canendi.  
Nam cum perjuri jam factio dira Senatus.  
Factio non omnem non execranda per aevum,  
Cum superis & patre tuo sibi bella gerenda  
Censuit, & victo leges imponere caelo:  
Te profugum sedes nostris habitata Camaenis  
Excipit, & primae docuit praeludia famae.  
Hic primum conscendere equos, fraenare lupatis  
Discis, & attonitos cursu proevertere cervos;  
Atque alia exerces belli simulacra futuri,  
Cujus te posthac docuit Turennius arteis,  
Exemplo & monitis magnus Turennius inquam,  
Sic ut jam tanto vix cesseris ipse magistro.  
Nam tibi cum fuerit teneris maturius annis  
Ingenium & robur, vix puber ad arma vocatus  
Non finis has tacita dotes torpere sub umbra;  
Principibus licet hos mores indulserit oelas.  
Si memorare juvat primornm elementa laborum  
Ac veluti puerile decus, quis fortius unquam  
Aggressus fuerit, repulitve audacior hostem?  
Signa magis prompte anteivit, serove reliquit  
Sub dio aestivos soles, ac frigora passus?  
Vnde tibi nullum imperium Turennius olim  
Detraxit, tanti semper securus alumni!  
At tua non superat civilem bellica laurum:  
Non hinc aut illinc debentur praemia laudis  
Inferiora tibi: Cum tu bellique domique  
Idem semper eras; eadem constantia vultus  
Atque animi laeta sorte adversaque renidens.  
Quo sumis vultu fasceis, deponis eodem.  
Nil nova miraris raptus popularibus auris,  
Immemor haud unquam morum vitaeque paternae:  
Nec te fixa manent, aut plebiscita refixa.  
Libertas, legesque placent; mensuraque recti  
Non tibi sunt vires: scelerum victoria merces  
Parta, tibi est odio: licet hi jam saecula nostra  
Infamant mores: ut dextera fortis in armis,  
Promissis sic firma sides: Castrisque foroque  
Justitia & pietas una comitantur ubique.  
Hic tua non virtus veteris cum laude magistri  
Substitit ingenti: sed me per inhospita ponti  
Impatiens secum abreptat, non fluctibus istis  
Assuetum, ac ultra timidum contendere litus   

Cum jam concurrere nostrae  
Ausa fuit Batavum classis: non acrius unquam  
Pugnatum est: tamen hinc spolia ampla & opima tulisti  
Summe Ducum, patriae decus admirabile nostrae  
E pelago primus: nam cum Praetoria puppis  
Opdamii tecum congressa est; protenus ipsam  
Ignivomis globulis attollis in aethera, quamvis  
Ingenti sub mole viri, sub mole carinae  
Ingemuit pontus. Sic formidare coactus  
Oceanum Batavus, sua regna antiqua reliquit,  
Ac te sanguineis urgentem fugit in undis.  
Ah tamen haud parvo stetit haec victoria nobis:  
Nam quam lecta manus prope te juvenumque virumque  
Concidit! illa tuis tam digna natalibus ora  
Ah visu indignum! sanie sunt sparsa tuorum:  
Non autem domitus Batavus, sed victus abibat:  
Major colligitur classis post damna, priori.  
Nam quibus antiquus, novus ac vix sufficit orbis,  
Sic puduit vinci, in ponto dare terga coactis.  
Armatas igitur propriis e sedibus urbeis  
Emittunt pelago, ventoque aestuque secundo.  
Navibus opprimitur pontus: tot carbasa venti  
Vix simul impellunt. Jam nobis fortius instant  
Robore nec numero paribus: tum flectere gyro  
Incipimus laceras puppeis: Et jam tua navis  
Strage virum cumulata fere subsidit in undis,  
Vela cadunt, pinus fracta est: At non tua virtus  
Fracta fuit; sed enim mediis excelsa periclis  
Clarius emicuit, revocatque in milite vireis:  
Qualis, ubi obductum picea caligine caelum  
Cum premitur, Coro Boreaque agitante procellas  
Per mare, per terras; soboles si forte refulsit  
Ledaea, assumit faciem natura priorem,  
Laetior & ridet, subductis nubibus aether.  
Jam cocunt naves, ubi te Vexilla ferentem  
Regia conspiciunt, medios lapsumque per hosteis.  
Nunc iterum redeunt animi, paulo ante sopiti,  
Atque irae, quas tu regalia lumina torquens  
Accendis; nunquam tanta est data copia famae  
Caeruleis campis, virtusque exercita utrinque;  
Belga licet primus vireis animosque remittens  
Non tua laethiferae jam tandem fulmina classis  
Sustinuit, cessitque mari, rursusque subegit  
Hos contemptores regum tua regia classis.  
O toties invicte malis, terraque marique  
Egregium o gentis Britonum per saecula nomen,  
Spesque tui generis, nostri & tutela Profundi  
Quandoquidem decus & longe tibi cessit avorum  
Gloria magnorum, patriaeque exempla parasti  
Virtutis, quae te summis Heroibus aequat;  
Parce pio tandem capiti, & sic prospice nobis:  
Communem belli sortem reverere, nec ultra  
Prodigus heu animae magnae, patriaeque salutis  
Atque tuae, tantis ita te committe periclis.  
Cum vero his pridem terris Astraea reducta  
Consiliis, placidoque tui moderamine fratris  
Otia secum affert, curarum pondere pectus  
Expediens, hoc pacis opas tibe some, meamque  
Uranien vestris samulam penetralibus altis  
Admitte: affinis tua mens caelestibus astris,  
Satque datum pelago & terris: ne sidera differ  
Amplius ac caelos: En haec te lucidalate  
Aetheris immensi spatia, astrorumque meatus,  
Atque situs, variosque obitus, ortusque docebit.  
Aurea quinetiam sua limina pandit Olympus,  
Quae tibi pulcher honos pridem pietasque reclusit.  
Respice sam qua parte mices; seu Signifer axe  
Arrisit ru●ilo, magis aut temone Triones,  
Qua ●unquam poteris nostris occumbere terris,  
Invenies virtute viam: sed pauperis umbrae  
Quo feror e tecto, quae me caligine celat  
Seclusum vulgo? quo me rapit ardor amantem  
O Dux magne tui? cujus perstringere laudes  
Hic volui tantum: nos posthac plura canemus,  
Quaeque meas coluit musas, florente javenta,  
Inclyta clarorum genitrix Limnestria vatum,  
Mecum una aeternis condet tua nomina Fastis.      
FINIS.