A JUSTIFICATION OF The Directors of the Netherlands East Indie Company.  
As it was delivered over unto the High and Mighty Lords the State's General of the UNITED PROVINCES, the 22th of July, 1686.  
Upon the Subject and Complaint of Mr. SKELTON, Envoye Extraordinary from the King of Great Britain, touching the affair of Bantam, and other Controversies at Macassar, and on the Coast of Mallabar and at Gamron, in the Gulf of Persia.  
Likewise a Justification in Answer to the seveveral Memorials lately given unto the State's General by the Marquis of Albeville, touching Meslepatam and other Places in the Indies.  
Translated out of Dutch by a good Friend, for the Satisfaction of all such as are Impartial Judges of the matters now in dispute between the two Companies.  
Printed at London, in the Year 1687.   

To the High and Mighty Lords The STATE'S GENERAL Of the United Netherlands.  
High and Mighty Lords,  
IN obedience to your Highness' Letter addressed the 30. May 1686. unto the Praesidial Chamber of the East-Indie Company at Amsterdam, being pleased to Command the said Company in relation to your Highness' Resolution of the same dato, to transmit with the very first an Information unto a certain Memorial presented by Mr. Skelton, Envoy Extraordinary of his Royal Majesty of Great Britain, unto your Highnesses the second of the said Month, touching the Business of Bantam, and moreover containing complaints of what passed in the East-Indies at Gamron, Mallabar and Macassar, with demand of reparation, hereupon the Regent's (or Directors) of the said Company of this Nation, have with all due respect, this to say: First Concerning the first Point, specifying the business of Bantam, that although your Puissant Highnesses may very well remember all what hath happened and passed since the Month of May 1683, when first those Clamours and heavy complaints were made by Mr. Chudlie, extraordinary Envoy, in the Assembly of your Puissant Highnesses, and thereupon soon after more fully dilated and deduced by Sr. John Chardin, both viva voce and in writing: Nevertheless assuring ourselves that it will not be unacceptable to your Pu. Highnesses, that the said Memorial be again some what afresh reiterated, the foresaid Regent's of the East-Indie Netherlands Company will with permission of your Puis. Highness' make a short recital, first of what in the beginning was done here in Holland by Conference and treatises, and also afterward continued and further Progress thereof made in England by the L. Ambassador Citters, according to the order given him by your Puis. Highnesses, and consequently of the proceed held in England by Committees on both sides, and what further was acted in the same, and so come to the Principal Matter, to demonstrate as briefly as possibly may be, how unreasonable and wholly ungrounded those complaints are, which in the beginning were so clamorous, and then will fully justify the Government of Batavia in their management and proceed in those affairs.  
What Concerns the first, Mr. Chudlie extraordinary Envoy by his Memorial of the 25. May, of the foresaid year 1683, complained to your Puis. Highnesses, that the Government of Batavia had in a manner altogether extraordinary, outrageously dealt with the English East-Indie Company, and by main force driven them out of their ancient place of residence at Bantham, and that in so strange a manner, that not any one Example (a thing rather to be buried in silence, then related) of the like nature can be produced, and therefore requiring that the said Netherlandish Company should be obliged to draw back their Troops out of Bantam, re-establish the English there again, and to make reparation of the losses by them sustained. But Sr. John Chardin, before mentioned, who by the foresaid English East-Indie Company was sent hither in Commission, did somewhat mitigate these complaints, apparently, because they were so horribly extravagant, and in stead of accusing the Government of Batavia, as if they had driven the English out of Bantam, did content himself to say, that it happened through the suggestion and Counsel of Major St. Martin, who commanded the Netherlandish Troops at Bantam in Chef, and that it was he that disposed the King to put forth the English out of Bantam, and although all he affirmed was without any proof, but only grounded on a Conjecture, yet that which is to be wondered at is, that he would form a public Memorial on so slight and weak grounds.  
And although the Bewinthebbers were at that time unfurnished with such Elucidation of matters as is requisite, not yet having then any of their Ships returned out of India, and what they knew in the business, was by Letters only sent in English Ships from England, where the said Letters were held up some time, the seals broken and opened, and then afterward handed to the Correspondent of the Netherlandish Company at London, notwithstanding they omitted not according to the knowledge they had attained, to give your Highness' Informations and Answers to their Complaints. Whereupon your Pu. Highnesses having given an Answer to the said Chudlie and Chardin (unto which the English Company in some passages of their Writing do appeal) soon after with the good liking of your Pu. Highnesses, a treaty began with the forenamed Chardin and the Netherlandish Company, and the business was so far avanced, that on both sides a final agreement was assuredly expected, whereas on a sudden Mr. Chudlie and Sr. John Chardin pretending to have command and order from their King to put a stop to the business, the foresaid Treatise here was unexpectedly broken of, however was with consent of your Pu. Highnesses, who desired nothing more than to compose and conclude, if possible, this matter in a friendly way, continued in England, whereunto the Lord Ambassador Citters was furnished with full Order and Power both from your Pu. Highnesses, as also from the Company here: but hereupon the English heightening their Demands, and as appeared afterward, even in their reply, of which shall be spoken hereafter, they avoved to have other designs, intending to re-establish themselves at Bantam, unto which end in the latter part of the year 1683. they prepared a great Fleet well manned to effect the same; but this their design, as themselves affirm, & complain that they might not put it in execution, as being hindered by the now deceased King, of happy Memory, hereupon this Treatise was stopped, and no further progress made therein until at length, it pleased his said Majesty to make way for the prosecuting of the agreement prescribed Anno 1674. between his Majesty and this State, to wit, that the differences should be determined and composed by Committees on both sides, who to that end according to the foresaid Convention were to assemble together at London, the which being also approved by your Pu. Highnesses, there was erected a Tribunal Court, consistng of eight Committees, four on each part, before whom, after that the Parties on both sides had divers times appeared about the Praeliminaries and cases incident, it was thought meet, that all things should be handled in writing, and the State of the case so written, to be made by Demand, Answer, Reply, and Duplick (or double Reply) even to a Triplick and Quadruplick, and besides all this there were delivered up such pieces probatory as might serve to fortify and maintain the case on the one hand, with the Confutation of the same on the other hand, they of the Netherlandish Company also making their Demand against the Demand of the English, and delivering the same over by way of reconvention or contrary Demand, for the fraiting of four Ships, wherewith the Netherlandish Company, upon the earnest Request of the English Company had accommodated them, amounting to thirteen thousand nine hundred pound Starling. In so much that the foresaid Pieces being delivered to the said Committees to do right therein, the Englsh Commissaries in their vote declared, that it was their opinion and sentence, that in stead of all what was demanded by the English East-Indie Company (to wit, not only the recalling of the Netherlandish Troops out of Bantam, and the Territories thereof, but moreover and above to deliver up the Castle and City of Bantam.) The Netherlandish Company was only bound, to re-establish the said English Company in Bantam, so, and in such wise as was demanded by Monsieur Chardin in the Hague, and to settle all things in state as it was before the War, and the Damages and Reconvention (or contrary Demands) should be reserved.  
But the Committees of this State delivering in their Advice, every one of them in order did understand and declare, that forasmuch as the decision of the case, which must be judicially determined, did depend upon the verity of Fact, which the English Company had charged the Netherlandish Company with, and in special that the said English Company were by them driven out of Bantam, of which they could not produce the least proof, that therefore the said English Company ought to have their Demand and Conclusion made, and taken up against the Netherlandish Company, denied them: and the said English Company to be condemned to satisfy the Netherlandish Company for the Freighting of the four Ships which they demand by reconvention: by which, because of the cessation of voices, the case being fallen into the terms, which they were in according to the convention of agreement of the year 1673/4, must come into the hands of an Arbitrator or Compromissarius, to the choosing of whom by the foresaid agreement the time of a Month was prescribed: but the said Committees for the Decision on both sides, not agreeing, for although the English Company were plantif in convention, yet the English Commissaries did not propose a Super Arbitrator, so hereby the whole case, according to an Act passed and subscribed on both sides, was left in the hands of his said Majesty and your Highnesses, to be determined by you, according to the contents of the foresaid Agreemtnt And this is the reason why the said Mr. Skelton, Envoy Extraordinary, made the foresaid Memorial and Address to your Pu. Highnesses to do justice in the case to the Subjects of England: Whereupon it must needs fall under Examination, whither the complaints which the English Company have, and still do make of the business happened at Bantam, be grounded on such solid Reasons, as to oblige the Netherlandish Company so to resettle them at Bantam, as they were before the War, (for more than this was before denied to be due to them, by the English Commissaries themselves) and that with reparation of Damages and Interests, which they pretend to have sustained by the Netherlands Company. Now to make this case to appear more clearly, forasmuch, as since it was first presented to your Pu. Highnesses by Mr. Chudly Extraordinary Envoy, and afterward more amply pressed by Sr. John Chardin, is now wholly altered, and quite of another face: as also that the Netherlandish Company hath recoured further proofs for the Confutation of what the English Company did bring in, and maintain, therefore it will be necessary to dive somewhat deeper into the matter.  
The Case is this, Sulthan Agon, formerly King of Bantam, and Father of the present King now reigning, having resolutions, both in respect of his age, and other considerations to disinvest himself of the Government, and lead a still and private life, he made over his Kingdom to his Eldest Son, retiring himself to Turtiassa, a place of pleasure, about six miles from Bantam, and seated a mile from the Sea, there to spend the residue of his days free from public affairs. His Son seated on the Throne, and having the Government of the Kingdom in his hands, forthwith sent Ambassadors to Batavia (accompanied for the further Splendour with a train of about 300. persons) to give notice to the Government there of his access to the Crown, and also to reniew their ancient Alliance, sending also Ambassadors to England, where they were in such manner received, as that those of the East-Indie company by their Letter to the said King of Bantam in July 1682. written about two years after the young King was come unto the Crown, say, that such honour was given to his Ambassadors, as if they been sent from the greatest King or Potentat of the World, adding in the said Letter, that they did with joy understand, that God Almighty had brought and invested him on the Throne of his Kingdom of Sourosoan, that is, the Kingdom of Bantam, with the good will of his Father.  
And furthermore his Majesty of Great Britain sent away the said Ambassadors with presents to the young King their Master, accompanied with an honourable Letter to him, all which in the Process is produced, and in which he is styled the famous and Illustrious Sulthan Abdul Cahar Aba Nasar King and Lord of the said Kingdom of Sourosoan, that is of Bantam, adding moreover, that his Majesty received the foresaid Ambassadors with all due respect, according to their Character, and with entire affection, as coming from a Prince, whose Person and Amity his Majesty declared to have in very high esteem, and unto whom, he judged it necessary to send over his Agent or Envoy, furnished with power from his Majesty, and order from the English Company, for to make a stricter League with the King of Bantam, which testimony and proffer of Alliance was yet further reiterated in another Letter, writ by the foresaid English Company from London the 17. July 1682. also produced in the Process. By all which then it appeareth undeniably unto all that are impartial; that the present King now ruling was acknowledged both by the King of Great Britain, and by the English Company, as well in England as in India, for the lawful Lord and King of the whole Kingdom of Bantam, and as the Successor of his Father.  
But forasmuch as the present King in the direction of the affairs of the Kingdom, did not, as it seems, answer the expectation of his Father, nor satisfy the humour of many of his Subjects, there arose a heavy Civil War in the Kingdom, in which the malcontented intending to cast of the yoke from their neck as they termed it, after they had also drawn the Old King to their party, who thereupon strengthened himself in Turtiassa (as also the King now reigning did at Bantam) at length by force of arms they made themselves Master of Bantham, and besieged the young King in his Castle into which he was retired, intending to bereave him both of his Throne and life, and to set up a younger Brother in his place: whereupon this King apprehending no other way of deliverance, as having most of the great ones of his Kingdom animated against him, and the Commonalty also his enemies, thought it expedient for him to make known to the General of the Council of the Netherlandish Company at Batavia, his miserable State, and that he not only was to expect the los of the Crown, but also a most cruel death: the which he signified, in most lamentable wise, imploring their assistance: but they not judging it convenient in a case of such importance to intrude themselves to unadvisedly, did, before they determined any thing in the least about it, conclude to interpose their Mediation betwixt Father and Son, and to that end to send Ambassadors with letters tending to that purpose: But the Father in a most disdaingful manner rejecting the same, without vouchsafing to return any answer at all to the Government of Batavia or their Committees, the said Government did at last resolve, seeing the condition of the Son tending to ruin, as being forsaken almost by all, to assist him against the Rebels, and if possible to deliver him out of the miserable estate into which he was brought, which also they did with such success, that notwithstanding the strong opposition of the Enemy, we Landed our forces, raised the siege of the Castle in which the King was, and set him again upon his Throne, who thereupon both to demonstrate how gratly he was offended with the English, who had assisted his enemies, as also to provide for his own security for the future, did without any instigation of the Netherlandish Company, command them to leave his country and to departed elsewhere with their Goods. This then being a true Narration of what passed in these affairs, these considerable things do present themselves to consideration.  
First, that the Old King having made over his Kingdom to his eldest Son, he therely became lawful King by his Fathers transport, and was acknowleged so to be, by the King of Great Britain, and by them of the English East-Indie Company.  
Secondly, that he therely being lawful King, his subjects in taking up arms against him, were Rebels.  
thirdly, that according to the Law of nature and of nations, it is not only permitted, to be assistant unto a King, that is oppressed by his subjects, but that such assistance is approuvable and a Work of Charity and Love.  
Fourthly, that it is contrary to the Rule of Justice, to ascribe the evil Consequences of a lawful and worthy Act, unto him that is the Author of the said Act, and not of the consequences.  
Fifthly, that it is altogether against reason to impute the Chase of the English out of Bantam unto them of the Government of Batavia, and to their auxiliary Forces, because it is manifest, that the departure of the English out of Bantam was not a necessary, but an accidental Consequence, the King not causing them to departed because he was victorious (for he had suffered them to live there from the time he came to the Crown until the War, to wit, during the two years of his Reign) but only because he was certain they had assisted his Rebels, besides many other suspicions he might justly have taken up against them.  
But against this, they of the English Company do allege, and depose for a real truth, that they of Batavia had raised and fomented the quarrels between the Old and the Young King of Bantam.  
That two years before the War began they had had secret Negotiations with Pangeran Diepa Panerat, one of the Principal Ministers of the young King, to bring about this their design.  
That they afterward having got this King into their snares, and most perfidously brought him under their yoke, forthwith forced him to drive out the English.  
And to make the Ministers of the Netherlandish Company yet the more suspected and stinking to all the world, they undertook in the beginning of the year 1683. to represent unto the King of Great Britain that the foresaid Major St. Martin who commanded over the forces of the Netherlandish Company at Bantam in Chef had committed very many Enormities against the Factors, People and the Effects of the English Company at Bantam, so far that they dispossessed, and drove them out of their place of residence: But in stead that the English Company ought to have proved the Facts which are essential to the thing, in case they herein aimed to triumph, they do not in the whole product which they made in the Process thereof, so much as allege the least appearance either directly or indirectly, no not so much as consequentially might serve for the verifying of the Enormities of such Facts.  
And although the Netherlandish Company might stand upon the Negative, which is not necessary, nay many times possible to be proved, save only indirectly (for no man can in a direct manner prove that which is not) nevertheless to manifest clearly that they of the Government of Batavia are altogether blameless, let us only consider the moral impossibility of the foresaid Fact, viz. that the Governors of Batavia should have raised and fomented the questions and differences between the Father and the Son, as also the notorious falsehood of the second Fact, namely, that the said Government should have forced the King to cause the English to departed out of Bantam.  
What concerns the first, it's known to the world, that for a long time, there had been no good intelligence between the Old King and the Government of Batavia, no not so much as to the least Correspondence, for the latter finding themselves much affronted and injured, insomuch that at last they took up Arms against each other, the War not ending until the Son came to the Crown, so that they could not stir up the Son against the Father, muchless foment their quarrel.  
And what folly would it have been for them of Batavia, to animate the Father to War against the Son, forasmuch as they lived with the Son in amity, and as good Neighbours, not having any reason in the least to complain of his Government and conduct towards them, whereas on the contrary if the Father had got the upperhand they should have been in a far worse condition, and attracted a nieu Enemy against themselves.  
And that they should have stirred up the Son against the Father, and encouraged him to War, cannot be imagined by any that are in their right senses, partly because there by they could not expect any profit or advantage, or if they had, it would have been mixed with an uncertainty as to the event, and again the Son would then have endeavoured to have been aforehand and the first aggressor, whereas on the contrary it was the Father, who thereby got so great advantage over the Son, burning and ruinating the City, and keeping his said Son besieged in his own Castle, so that, had it not been for the intervention and succours of them of Batavia, the Father certainly would have triumphed over the Son: and put the case the War had ended according to the intention and advantage of the Son, what more could he have expected thereby, who already sat on the Throne, and could be no greater than he was, would the Son have listened to such counsel, and engaged in a War against his Father, whose Interest consisted in governing his Kingdom in peace? And doth it not hence follow, that all these troubles did arise from them who breathed after nothing more than change? Who not being able or willing to submit to the Government of the young King, revolted against him, with intention to thrust him from his Throne, and to set up another more suitable to their liking and humour? Which their design also so far succeeded, that the young King was brought to the point of losing his Grown and Life.  
Can the Government of Bantam at the beginning have with any reason imagined, that the young King should finally have got the upperhand over his Enemies and Rebels? or that the English should have intermeddled with that War, and would have assisted the Rebels against their own Prince, whom themselves owned as lawful King (of which hereafter shall be more largely spoken) and he thereupon should have thrust the English out of his Kingdom?  
Would they have stirred up the Son against the Father, after that the Son by so many lamentable Letters had implored their assistance, and let it come to that extremity, that in case they had delayed but one day longer, he must have given himself over to his Rebels, and undergon a cruel death?  
In case the Rebels (before it was delivered by the Netherlandish forces) had taken the Castle, and murdered the King, could they have hindered, that either the old King or one of his younger Sons should have obtained the Crown, and so managed the affairs of his Kingdom, as to take vengeance of them, that had opposed themselves against his designs.  
And if so be in cases of such nature place may be given to conjectures and presumptions, is it not most probable, that the English themselves have done that very thing, which they falsely impute to the Netherlandish Company?  
They Publish for a certain Truth, that the young King, while the Father as yet governed the Kingdom, assassinated their Agent and Commises, and that he always carried himself as an Enemy to them, whereas on the contrary the Government of the Father was most grateful unto them.  
Doth it then seem to be such an ungrounded presumption, that they (partly to revenge themselves of that Massacre, of which the King of Great Britain in his Letter to the now King of Bantam declareth himself so sensible) and partly that it was much for their Interest, that the Son might be pulled down from the Throne and put to death, and that the Father or another Brother were set up; they should labour to kindle the fire and foment this War? Especially hereunto concurring that they were so soon ready to join their forces to the assistance of the Father, without which the Father could not have obtained those advantages, nor the Son been brought to such a Labyrinth.  
Also it will clearly appear, that all the mischief which is come to the English Company in this businest, is wholly from the bad management of affairs by their own Men and Ministers in Bantam?  
For the King of Great Britain and the English Company acknowledge the young King for the alone King and Sovereign.  
But their Ministers declare him to be an Usurper and a Rebel of the Father.  
Their Master's endeavour to establish a settled peace with him.  
They set themselves formally against him as their Enemy.  
Their Master's Endeavour to oblige the Son by all means possible, and send great quantity of all manner of Ammunition of War to him.  
They do not only disoblige him in all things, but even assist his Enemies with the provision sent to his assistance.  
Their Masters in their  Letter, pray that God the Creator of Heaven and Earth, would bless and prosper him.  
They endeavour to bereave him of his Throne, and make him the most miserable of men.  
So that having by these unrighteouss courses brought upon themselves to be driven out of Bantam, they now known not how to excuse the matter.  
And being disappointed in their design, as fallen into the pit they digged for others, they are at their wits End and know not what to do, some body must be found out upon whom to lay the blame, and the next that comes to hand is the Netherlandish Company, Hic mihi turbat aquas.  
But had they sat still, or had (as they would make the world believe) kept themselves neutral, according to the will and footsteps of their Masters, or had they in stead of helping the Old, assisted the young King, these difficulties nor questions had never happened.  
And how can the English with any show of reason dispute or call in question the Sovereignty of the young King, seeing it is a known case, that the sending and admitting of Ambassadors and Agents, together with the making of Treaties and Alliances, are true tokens of a Sovereign power, and therefore all such as admit and receive Ambassies, do thereby acknowledge the Soverainity of them that send the same, which is also further owned by proffers of Alliances and Leagues, which cannot be erected but between Sovereigns.  
Now as to the second Fact; to wit, that after the Netherlandish Company had got the young into their snares and perfidiously brought him under their yoke, they then should have forced him to the expulsion of the English, This we have before manifested to be a false fiction: For first they ought not in a case of so great weight and tendency make such odious and malicious positions, except they had clear and convincing proofs at hand: There is not any one of the Witnesses, which the English Company have produced, that mentions a word thereof, or that speaks of snares into which they of Batavia caused the young King to fall, or of any yoke under which, against all fidelity, they had brought him.  
It is true, they produce in the Process one Mr. Wait, speaking of the departure of the English by order of the King, who relates only of an hard contest between the said King and Major Sr. Martin, before that order of causing them to departed, could be obtained from him; but being, saith he, altogether under the power of the Hollanders, he was necessitated thereunto, but besides what might be alleged to weaken this assertion, he confesseth, that what he witnesseth thereof is not of his own knowledge, but that he believeth it to be true upon the credit of persons of worth, which of itself is enough to reject the same, as also it is very observable what on this subject the foresaid Sr. Martin and others with him do declare: to wit, that the Contest was not to dispose the King to the ejection of the English, but to turn away the wrath and indignation of the King (which because of their assistance of his Father and the Rebels, he had taken up against them) and thereby to deliver them from the loss of all their Goods yea life itself, as out of revenge he had determined against them, which also was so taken and acknowledged by the English Compagny at Bantam, when by their Agent they returned thanks unto the Ministers of the Netherlandish Company for their protexion. But suppose the King had not been so incensed against them, as hath been said, and that he had not had design at all to be avenged on them, yet the mere consideration of his security might have moved him to their ejection, as being assured they assisted his Rebels, and in apprehension, that they as well versed in warkely affairs might from England or Elsewhere reinforce themselves with ships and Soldiers, besides the Perilous neighbourhood of their warehouse to his Castle, his Father laying round about Bantam with his army, and keeping it yet for some months besieged, and he as yet by his auxiliary forces having only the sea open, might if he were not very circumspect, be again suddenly assaulted, or at least, the English remaining in Bantam by spying all opportunities, make discoveries to the enemies, so as in way of providence it was requisite for him to do what he did.  
If the Letters, (brought in the Process) be reviewed, it will appear, whither it be true, as is imputed to them, that they of their own motion did send succours to the said King, yea so as thereby (if their most injurious aspersion were true) to get him into their Klutches or on the contrary, that is was done at the Great and instant entreaties of the young King, after that all ways of reconciliation had in vain been attempted.  
But forasmuch as this assistance and succour is thus averslie and after so odious a manner declaimed, it will be necessaire to relate the same somewhat more fully, and more clearly to discover the occasion and progress thereof.  
After the Rulers of Batavia had ripely consulted about the constitution of the affairs of the young King, they thought meet, as also hath before been specified; to proffer their service of Mediation, between the Father and the Son, to which end they wrote two Letters in civil and obliging terms, testifying their purpose and affection in a way of friendship to accommodate and lay by their questions and differences, and with that Intention sent their plenipotentiaries with Letters, the one to the Father, and the other to the Son in a Ship prepared to that end, after that some days before by way of advance they had also sent three other Ships, but considering those Plenipotentiaries went unto a place where the parties on both sides were in arms, and not being certain whither they might meet with friends or enemies, they therefore judged themselves obliged to put them into a posture of defence, furnishing them with weapons in case of necessity to make resistance to sueh, as forgetting the right of nations (especially in that confused state of things) and the respect that ought to be given to public Persons, might possibly attempt to lay hold on and injury them, and this is that fleet of Ships and Barcks which in these and other of their writings they so much enhance and make a stir about, as sent to Bantam to land our Troops there.  
Our forefayd plenipotentiaries having waited some time for an answer from the old King, received none, and not knowing what properly the intention of these men might as be to them, sent a good troop of men, to inform themselves more exactly of the State of things: but being a little advanced, they met some Europeans, who by an English Man enquired of them, wherefore they came to intermeddle with the differences of the two Kings? whereupon being answered, that they came as friends to procure a peace between the Father and the Son, they soon perceyved the design they had form against them, for forthwith they saw a great troop of men gathered together, making ready some fire Ships and other vessels fitted for war, making a show as if they would fall foul with us, who verily were to few in number to have thoughts to attempt any thing against so powerful an enemy, who seemed to come against them, which also they did and came to the deed itself, shooting at us, and with their Canons, which were Managed by the English, they much endamaged our Ships, whereby they perceived, that they not only, did not accept of our Mediation, but also that they treated us as enemies: upon which they of Baravia soon resolved by force of arms to deliver the young King out of this Misery and the brink of death, and to this end to send a suffitient power of Ships and Men to this assistance, which also had that success, as before is mentioned.  
The assistance which the English gave to the old King, whereby the displeasure and wrath of the young King was so kindled against them, even to their ejection out of his country, is so notoriously known to the world, that besides the proofs which the Netherlandish Company have already alleged, they yet further could bring hundreds of convincing testimonies, but let only the letters of the young King which he sent from his besieged castle to them of Batavia be produced, and you shall hear him complaining in these formal words.  
What reason hath the English Captain to help to shoot at me, without once laying to hart that he is resident in my Land and Zea, this is yet worse that Mr. Boyer (one of the English Merchants at Bantam) causes my house to be shot at, not once thinking, that I desired the King of England that he might be Captain in the English Lodge: Irequest of Captain Moor Speelman, that he will warn the English not to come on shore, to shoot at my house, and assist mine enemy also with powder, forasmuch as he hath his residence in my Land, but not in the Land of Sultan Agon (the old King) as also to persuade them not to follow mine enemy, seeing they drink my water and dwell in my Land, and that they close no more with Sultan Agon; if Captain Moor have love for me, let him be pleased forceably to Insinuate this unto the English, that above all things they shoot not at my house, nor betake themselves too Land.  
The which also in a following Letter to the Major St. Martin he further confirmed.  
Beside the said King did afterward make often Complaints to the whole World, that the English had given all assistance to his enemies: yea one of the English themselves, relates in a certain book printed at London, in which he gives an account of what passed at Bantam during the war, and of which he was eyewitness, viz. that they of the English nation had furnished the old King with most of all the Ammunition he had, and withal, that they used all means possible to encourage and incense the Javans against the Dutch: and thereupon he concludes, that they (to with the English) had no ground much to rely upon the friendship of the Netherlanders, in case they once came to set foot on land: Notwithstanding they are not ashamed to deny all this, yea in the Memorial delivered by Mr. Chardin (while he was here) and seconded and further confirmed by a certain Memorial, which the English Companine, together with their demands, delivered over to the Commissaries, who were to decide on both sides, namely, that the English in all this while, had kept themselves altogether neutral between the said opposing parties, and conclude from thence, that the King had not out of his motion caused them to departed, but thro' the Instigation of the Major St. Martin (a thing most notorious false) as at the beginning they clamoured and published to the whole world, namely that we drove them out with force, after a most barbarous and unheard of manner.  
So than it appears on both sides that their departure was caused by the King's order, who only hath power of Command in his country, and whose command they were bound to obey: But it is denied, and there is reason to protest against Injury done us, as if we had been the effecters of the same. Ought not then the English to prove that fact? undoubtedly yea; but have they any proof thereof? certainly none at al. Can the English Satisfy with this, that in stead of proof they only produce obscure, suspicious discourses to which no credit will be given▪ save only by such as are praeoccupied, and ready to take, whatever may serve to feed and strengthen an anticipated humour.  
They remonstrate, that in a certain hearing, which the King of Bantam granted them soon after the obtained Victory; they could not perceive the least distemper, or Indignation, but that indeed there were some hot words passed between the King and Sr. Martin: But, I pray, is this a proof to convince as to a crime, especially of such nature as this? We neither may nor can rely upon the gesture and countenance of any, muchless of a King, especially of an Indian Prince, who seeks to keep in his wrath and indignation, and to take his best opportunity to avenge himself: Is there any one that ever heard that Major Sr. Martin instigated the King to chase the English? Is there any thing produced in the least tending thereto? Certainly nothing: on the contrary the said Sr. Martin as a Man of honour, a Gentleman of quality, and surpassing modesty, wisdom and learning, wholly takes of all sinister suspicion, in protesting that the intercourse with the King was intended to no other end, then to divert and take of the King from the design he had to destroy all the English, and should he not to do so, have had much more reason, then, as the English Company in their Demand given in against the Netherlandish Company, and more amply in their Reply do assert, that he some years before had caused the Agent of the English Company to be murdered, together with their Comises, of which they afterwards made such heavy complaints, yet nothing followed thereupon: Is it then to be wondered at, that he was so greatly incensed because of this their action, that except he had forceably been dissuaded by Sr. Martin, he had caused them all to be slain? They endeavour also to make the Netherlandish Company or their Ministers suspected to have an hand, likewise in this Action, but they are necessitated to protest against this outrageous injury and Calumny, They who at the same time were so highly out of favour with the old King then reigning, would certainly be far from having an hand in so horrible a Murder, by which they could not in any respect be advantaged: If that William Kaef the Netherlandish Resident at Bantam, when the Old King overthrew and saccaged the City, was fain for to escape massacring, to retire to Batavia leaving all the Goods and Effects of the Netherlandish company in their Lodge, which undoubtedly was by some English, though perhaps without the knowledge of their Masters in part stolen: should not then the English, had they not in that fury been protected by the Netherlandish forces, have been in far greater danger? Would there have been any appearance for any of them to have escaped with their lives? And nevertheless according to their saying, It is the Dutch that caused all these Troubles and Mischiefs to befall them. But the English were not then of that opinion, nor used such kind of Language, when they came so solemnly to declare their thankfulness to the Dutch, for their good will and protection they had showed to them.  
But how little the English Company doth agree with itself, and how often they are out and in in their writings, doth hereby appear, that in what they have deposed by form of demand, themselves say, that their Agent and the Council the day after the raising of the Siege, were with the King in his Castle, to take of and appease, if possible, the Chagrin and wrath of the King so hot against them, and that they then found him by far less incensed than the Hollanders said he was: Farthermore in their said Memorial, which they delivered over, together with the foresaid pretences, and to which by the foresaid Demand they adhere, they say, that the same day they were introduced to the King, who laid before them many accusations, not so much as permitting them to speak a word for their defence.  
It followeth then, that whereas they said, when they were brought in before him, they could not in the least perceive in his posture or visage any token of indignation, is a pure untruth.  
But yet further to convince the English Company of the falsehood of what they impute to the Netherlandish Company, and that after so odious a manner, it is only needful to look over the Answer of the Netherlandish Company to the complaints brought in by Mr. Chudley and Sr. John Chardin, in May 1682. whereby the same doth testify a superabounding affection and perfect readiness to contribute to all means and ways of reestablishing of the English Company there, by employing their Credit and Authority with the present King, as also to reconcile the two contending parties, according to a Medium therein proposed, and so consequently to recall our Troops out of the Kingdom of Bantam.  
Now it can easily be conceived, they would not have done all this, in case that by their means that Warr had been raised, or that they had had an hand in the chase of the English, or had caused the same, muchless if it had been true, as is maliciously imputed to them, that for many years since they had plotted, for to draw, and by that means to engross the whole Pepper-Trade unto themselves, and that as they affirm, to the inestimable damage of the English company, of which shall be further spoken hereafter. And seeing then it is a false Fiction, that the Dutch Company should have driven the English out of Bantam, although perhaps it might have been (which nevertheless was never directly nor indirectly attempted) that by suggestion they might have somewhat contributed thereunto; yet hereby also their pretended action of damage and reparation doth fall of itself.  
But that of which also, they have made an hideous cry and tintamar, by an express complaint in their foresaid Memorial, which in May 1683. they presented to your Puiss. Highnesses, and which they more fully dilated afterward, is first, that the day after the deliverance of the King, one James de Roy, Lieutenant of the Company of Major St. Martin, should have taken down the Flag named the Banner of St. George, planted upon the House of one Captain John Fisher, that the said Fisher thereupon making haste to his House found the said de Roy with a part of the Flag in his hand, having torn the rest, and given it to his Soldiers to make Scarves of.  
Again the said Soldiers had drunk out part of the Drinking-wares, and taken away the remainder together with his householdstuff, and withal evilly entreated him, and placed some black Moors in his house.  
Thirdly, that five days after the departure of the English from Bantam, our Soldiers came into the House of the English Company, and had sent some Moors (of their Servants) to fetch of the Pavilion that was displayed on their Lodge.  
Now suppose all this to be a true story, and might thereupon give credit at the deposition of one man only, to wit, the foresaid Captain Fisher, and that also in his own case, for further Witnesses are not brought for proof of this Fact, yet it is considerable the Actor hierof was in service of the King, and not as is very abusively said, the Lieutenant of Major Sr. Martin, and consequently the Soldiers were Bantamers: and it is worthy of observation, forasmuch as this Jaques de Roy is so ofsen brought upon the Stage, that he is a person, who somewhile before the War, was retired from Batavia to Bantam, for to shun his Creditors, whom the young King took into his service, who had in and during the War signalised himself by special services, wherefore also he was highly esteemed by the said King, though himself were a man of little worth.  
Again, although the foresaid first Flag (for there is mention made of two) might have been the Banner of St. Gerge, yet could it not bring any respect to a private House, and thereby to be freed from the disorders that in time of War are incident, more than to any other House, & what concerns the Banner & use made thereof, is that a thing to cause so much disturbance, that a Captain of the King should with his Soldiers take down from a private House the English Flag, after that the King and the whole Nation looked on him as an Enemy of his Person and of the State?  
What concerns the second part, although the relation thereof might perhaps be according to truth, which nevertheless is doubted of, and cannot be proved, it doth not touch the Dutch Company, yea though it had been done by their Men: but must be imputed to the disorders in War.  
As to the third point, if the recital thereof be according to truth, and that they sent some of their black Servants to take down the Banner, which notwithstanding is nothing but a report and recital of some Chinese, this doth nothing to the charging of the Netherlandish Company, the said Chineses might be demanded, how they came to know those Moors were Servants of the Dutch Soldiers and not of the King, as is much more probable, seeing it should be an unusual thing, at least unheard of among us, that simple Soldiers should have Moores to their Servants: but posito that the Dutch Soldiers might have been Executors of the King's Order therein: the Kings Right is incontestable, and he might take away the Pavilion of the English, after that he had banished them out of his Country, yea though the Soldiers had done it without the Order of the King, which is not likely, yet had it been nothing else then a Military Insolence, which also must be ascribed to the disorders of War, where the Laws of Modesty and Deceneie are seldom regarded, and therefore without injustice cannot be imputed to them, who in the time of the War at Bantam did represent the Government of Batavia, who never were behind hand, in that respect which they owe to Crowned Heads; but what need is it to have recours to conjectures, whereas by a certain produced deposition it is apparent, that it was the King himself who commanded the Flag to be taken down from the English Lodge: and what is said of the Dutch Flags which after the Victory were planted upon the Castle and in other parts of the City, deserves no Answer, since its a known thing that we never pretended any territorial Right in Bantam, muchless put the same in execution: but however the said Flags served to no other purpose, then to make it known to the Dutch Troops, who after the raising of the Siege, were posted in the principal places of the City according to the usual practice every where in like occasions. The Flag upon the Castle was set up by order of the King to show honour to the Dutch, however placed under the Flag of the King.  
Besides they of the English Company complain, that the day after the raising of the siege, the Dutch Resident Kaeff with a Troop of Soldiers and some Masons came into the English Lodge, and ordered the English Agent forthwith to take away the galleries, and to nail up the Window: And that thereupon a Dutch Renegade, who was in his Company, began presently to threaten him, that if the English did not, he himself would do it, which also, as they say, he really did.  
This seemeth to be an outrageous act done to the English: but if we look into the nature of the thing, it will be found to be a mere trifel, which they ought to be ashamed to urge in this manner:  
The History is this: Because the Dutch Company would not be troublesome to any, they chose their own Lodge at Bantam for their Magasin of Arms, and other provisions. Now the Wall of their said Lodge touching part of the English Compagnies dwelling House, and in that said Wall they formerly had had no other opening beside a casement: Somewhile after the English by permission of the Old King, who let slip no opportunity to affront & molest them, made great wide windows, to open and shut, and besides that a Gallirie also which hangging four or five foot over the ground of the Hollanders Lodge, gave the English opportunity to hear and see all what ever the Dutch did: The young King considering that our said Lodge in time of War, was like to be the great Magasin, thought it requisite to prevent such dangerous consequences as might be occasioned by overtures, being over a place of the House, where the Powder and other Ammonitions of War did lay, and out or through which windows or overtures in the wall, the English at all times might come upon that place, at their pleasure: and knowing the English would not seal up those Windows, nor suffer the Galliries to be taken away, he thereupon sent his servants with a Dutch Renegado, to cause it to be done; and it may perhaps be true, that the Resident Kaeff was at that time present, forasmuch as it was done in the said Lodge of the Dutch Company, where according to his Office he was to take care of the Magasin.  
What evil can herein be imputed to the company, and what accusation can the English frame from this? A thing which way so ever they take it, was carried on by the authority of the King, and according to their saying executed by a Renegado, the very naming of whom shows, that he was not in service nor under the Oath of the Netherlandish Company.  
And what besides this they lay to the Charge of the duteh Company, is, first that they should have taken from the English their horses, and some other things, and have eonstrayned them to take out the Powder that was in their Ships and to bring it a shore.  
Secondly, that what they, at the command of the King to departed, in all haste had laden in their boats to bring aboard their Ships, in which neither the people of the Country, nor the Soldiers did any ways hinder them, but passing by the English Chalops which kept the watch at sea, they were by them arrested, under pretence, they had order to suffer nothing to be carried aboard the English Ships, and in case they persisted to do it they should be shot at, by which they should have been necessitated to return to Land with their Boats.  
Thirdly that they complaining of such violence to Major St. Martin, he in a jesting way should answer, that all was done by order from the King, whereas no man on Land, Soldier or others had a hand in those Violences, but all was done by our Soldiers only.  
fourth, that the Chief of the French requiring of the King restitution of four Chists with Silver which was taken from him, the King should answer in the presence of the Dutch Commissary, that he knew nothing thereof, and that he would do no injury neither to them, nor to the English, Danes, or other Strangers trafficking in his Country, and in case any wrong had been done unto him, since the Hollanders had set foot on Land, that he must require reparation from the Duth Commissary, or the General at Batavia.  
Fiftly, that at the last instance made, to cause the English to quit Bantam, being, as they say, the day before their departure, our Soldiers came into the English Lodge, rob the Chambers, and took away all they found there; whereupon the people of the country (so far were they from doing them the least wrong) permitted them to seal up their Magasin and undertook to keep it safe for them.  
What Concerns the first point, sorasmuch as they do not only not say, much less prove, that our men should have taken the horses and and other goods from the English, nor that they should have constrained them to fetch their powder out their Ships, therefore the Netherlandish Company will pass that by, as a thing which doth not concern them, and of which they are wholly discharged by the often forementioned Memorial annexed to the demand or pretence which the English Company deposed and delivered in, and to which they do refer themselves, in which is expressly said, that Pagoran Diepa Panerat, one of the principal Ministers of the young King, or rather the first Minister of State, had done the same, although they put it in such General and ambiguous expressions, in all appearance, as if they would lay it to the Charge of our Men: Only what concerns the Powder, the Dutch company doth say, that in case it were true, that the English were fain by the order of the King to unlade the same and bring it to Land, that it was done not because the King stood in need of it, for he was abundantly furnished by them of Batavia, but only to prevent that they might not deliver the same to his enemies, and besides it cannot be ill taken, that the King in that confused state of things, would oppose and hinder the English from going so often too and fro to their Ships.  
Concerning the second point, namely that we should have hindered the English from departing out of Bantam, and also to have stopped their boats, hath not the least appearance of truth in it, forasmuch as themselves confess, that we assisted them with our Boats and Chalops to carry their goods and wares a board their Ships, when none of the people of the country, or their Boats could be obtained to be serviceable to them therein, so little acceptance they had with that Nation, and how can this hang together, that we should have procured their departure from the King, and then when they were ready to departed, to hinder it, yea the English disagree in the very position laid down about it, for their foresaid Memorial, to which by their demand, they refer themselves, dictates not that their men were stopped at Sea by our Barks that kept watch, but that it was done by the watch of the Netherlandish Company on Land at the mouth of the haven, to wit, as having order to suffer nothing to be carried from Land to the English Ships.  
The complaints which thereupon they should have made to Major St. Martin comprehended in the third point, as if he had in a kind of mockage, answered them, that all was done by order of the King, what doth this make to the thing? for put the case the said Major (which not withstanding is not granted) might say, not in way of Mockage, but in earnest, that it was to be imputed to the order of the King, which goes farther, if those orders had been executed by our Soldiers, although that also is denied, and of which the English do produce no proofs, yet could it not any ways prejudice the Dutch Company as not being bound to be responsable for the Orders of the King.  
Touching the King's answer to the Chief of the French his complaint, and that the King remitted him as to that matter to Batavia, of which is spoken in the forth point, although it should be all true, which notwithstanding is not proeved, it might be that the King did it in such a manner to free himself from the trouble of those complaints, as well knowing that one of his Ministers had ceased on the said Chefts with silver, which however it be, neither concerns the English, nor obligeth the Dutch Company to be answerable for the same.  
But to demonstrate yet more fully how far the English Company in all their pretences do aberre from the truth, they say, as may be seen, in the proposal of the first point, that the people of the Country, to wit, of Bantam, the day before they, viz. the English were caused to remove, did indeed come into their Lodge, but without doing of them the least Injury, and yet they say in their foresaid Memorial annexed to their Demand, that at the same time they took away all their provision driving the English out of the Chambers (except one named, Wait) and took possession thereof; but a little after the Dutch Soldiers came who further made spoil, and carried away all they found there: But this can not be: because the English had a day before their departure carried away for Batavia in the Ships of the Dutch Company all their Movables, to the very lest thing of any worth (their departure, as themselves say, being the 12. of April) and so nothing could be found: and besides all the time of their inhabiting of Batavia. which dured more than a year, they never brought in any complaints, by a List or other way showing, what the Dutch Soldiers had robbed them of, but on the contrary they came and rendered their thancks to the Government there, for all the assistance had been done unto them, without the least mention of wrong received: which had they done, the Government there might forthwith have caused enquiry to be made, and if it had been true, procured satisfaction; but letting that occasion slip, and being negligent therein, and then to bring in their Complaints higher, and that without any proof, the Dutch say is a thing altogether unreasonable.  
As hath before been alleged, the English Compagny from the beginning hath pretended reestablishment at Bantam from the Dutch Company, and to which in their Demand or Memorial of their pretences delivered over to the Commissaries of both sides, they remain persisting, with request that the same may in the first place before all other things be debated and determined, taking for their foundation, that that reestablishment had already been accorded and agreed to by you Pu. Highnesses and by the Netherlandish Company.  
But now not yet content with that, they praetend by their foresaid Demand besides the recalling of the Dutch Troops, the delivering over the Castle of Bantam in its entire, for to put into it a strong Garrison, pretending that otherwise they would not be willing to settle themselves again there, yea they require that the whole City be delivered up, and put into the hands of his Majesty of Great Britain.  
What concerns the first, it is true indeed that the English Company did pretend all this, but it is evident, that the Dutch Company hath as little right to this, as to give over the whole City with the Castle, according to their further pretence: We who have only a simple residence, without participation of any Authority, which doth wholly reside in the person of the King, it is for us a moral impossibility to dispose of that which Privative doth belong to the King, and so to re-establish the English there against his will without intrusion into his right, and violating his Authority: for although the Dutch Company hath their Troops in Bantam which serve the King for a Garrison to defend his City, yet that affords them no Territorial right, nor the least power to bring in again those whom he hath banished from thence.  
And as they cannot by force of Arms oblige the King to take in again the English, and resettle them in Bantam without usurping upon the Right of Nations, and deservedly to incur the disaffection and hatred of all the Princes and Potentates of Indie, so can they with as little ground do it by threaten, without injury to their fidelity, which must be the stay of the credit of the said Company among the Indian People, who otherwise would not rely upon their word, nor enter into Alliances, ●nd combinations with them.  
But they of the English Company aver, that herein not only consists their interest, but they have also the promise of your Pui. Highnesses, they only requiring the Execution of the same.  
As to their Interest the Dutch Company will easily grant, that the foresaid reestablishment might be for their advantage (although they, as hath before been said, declare that except they have a Garrison, and the Castle for their security they would not reside there) so also undoubtedly it would be for their interest, if the Dutch Company did admit them into those Countries, where we have our spices, and which we possess by propriety, with seclusion of all others: and so also it would be for the interest of this State and the Inhabitants thereof, that the English would permit them the Navigation and trade in the Barbados, Caribes, New-England, the Virgins, and many other Countries they possess in America, where they will not suffer us, nor other Nations of Europe so much as to pass their Seas. But the Question in this case is not, the convenience or Interest but the Right. If that the English Company could groundedlie maintain, that the Dutch Company is bound to resettle them there, and prove it by clear and convincing reasons that they had driven them out of Bantam, the business were at an end.  
But to come to their second ground, viz. the promise of your Pui. Highnesses, and of the Dutch Company, which was made to them Anno 1683▪ that they should be resettled there: To this we have before said, and do now again answer, that those Proffers do serve for an undeniable proof, that the Dutch Company sought nothing more than to continue with the English Company in an intimate Friendship and Confidence, which by that accident at Bantam did seem in some measure to be interrupted, and that they would rather decline the advantages which by such excessive expenses they had acquired there, then to remain continually in contention and quarrel with the English Company: and hereby the Dutch Company oblitterate those aspensions and calumnies imputed unto them, as if in all appearance they for their own Interest and wilfully had incited and fomented the Differences, and war that followed thereupon, between the Father and the Son, and had two years before form that design by corresponding with Pangoran Diepa Nagara, and so contrived the banishing of the English out of Bantam: For if all this had been true, they should very badly have managed their business, after that all was thus succeeded, and they with such excessive charges attained what they aimed at, they should then without any pressing necessity have made so little account of it, and that for the mere pleasure of them, who for all the pretences, and justification of their complaints made, had nothing to show in way of proof: Indeed had the English Company, at that time rested satisfied, the Dutch Company should have been obliged to perform the same, how praejudiciable soever it might afterward have been to them: But forasmuch as the English Company was then pleased wholly to reject and break of those transactions, whereas we so desirously longed that they might be brought to a good end in England, and for which, as is said, the Lord Ambassador Citters was fully authorised, all the time that business of Bantam was in the terms, as they were, during the Negotiations, and treaty with Mr. Chudly and Sr. John Chardin in the Hague, and which the English Company also caused to be broken of: whereupon it falls now to be enquired into, whither the Dutch Company, since the case of things be wholly changed and of an other nature, be still obliged to the same.  
It is evident that at that time the State of the affairs of Bantam was not known, namely, whither the war between the Father and the Son were yet remaining, or ended; if it were determined, whither by an accommodation or by the Sword: If by the Sword, who of the two, the Father, or Son, remained Conqueror, and thereby become master of the Kingdom: During which uncertainty, it can not be judged imprudency, that the Netherlandish East-Indie Company (by whose forces the Son was delivered from his inevitable ruin, and by whom he further was to be assisted, so as not to fall under the oppression of his rebellious Subjects) should interpose their credit and authority by the said King for the settling of the English in Bantam, if he were Conqueror, and with condition the English should yield no further assistance to the Father: and in case the Father were Victor, that then the English should employ all their credit by the Father, that the Dutch Company might enjoy a good Neighbourhood with them: and these Proffers of the Dutch Company, while things stood thus at an uncertainty, were the more excusable by the King of Bantam, because they endeavoured thereby to prevent the succours which the English Company pretended to send the Father, and also because at that time it was not yet known, how far the English had made themselves irreconcilable to him.  
During this uncertainty of things, the Dutch Company made these Proffers, ye● Sr. John Chardin himself projected an accommodation between both the Companies, in which mention was made of the withdrawing of the Dutch Troops out of Bantam, and what each Company should be obliged unto in those occasional accidents, as are thereby specified: But as it pleased the said Mr. Chudly and Sr. John Chardin very unexspectedly to break of those treatises, which already were so far advanced, and they also of the English Company on their part did reject the Proffers, which not only your Puis: Highnesses in their foresaid Answer to the Memorial of Sr. John Chardin, had made: But those also, which the Ambassador Citters afterwatds did make, in the name and upon the account of the Netherlandish Company, after that the foresaid Sr. John Chardin was returned into England, and the English began again to bring in new Demands, after they had very disdaingfully rejected the former, hereupon the Netherlandish Company judged, that they stood no longer bound to theirs, especially when as somewhile after by tidings on both sides in Letters from the Indies it was signified, that the War at Bantam was ended to the advantage of the young King, who reobtained the Kingdom as possessor, had taken the Father prisoner and subdued his Rebels, so that consequently the Netherlandish Company had now no longer any ground nor pretext, either to treat with the English about their resetling in Bantam, as being, Territorium plane alienum, muchless to promise the same, and the rather because the now reigning King having considered the conspiracies of the English with his Father and rebellious Subjects, hath declared them his pernicious Enemies.  
Seeing then from all what hath been said, it clearly appeareth, that the English Company did rather choose to expect the uncertain Lot of War, then to agree with the Dutch Company, while it was time, about their Setlement, it is therefore reasonable that they now acquiesce, and leave the Netherlandish Company unmolested, as to their reestablishment.  
It followeth therefore, that it is wholly besides the purpose, at present to make use, or apply to their advantage the foresaid answer of your Pu: Highnesses to the foresaid Memorial, after they had rejected the foresaid Proffer, and had determined not only to re-establish themselves by force of Arms, but wholly to become the Masters of Bantam, and to that end to set out a formidable Power of ships and Men at sea, though their Entreprize, as they themselves depose in their foresaid reply, was stopped by his Majesty of happy Memory, & not suffered to put forth to sea: now this was the reason that they having form & being busy about this design, that the Charges thereof might not be fruitless, did not only reject the Proffers a foresaid, of the Dutch Company, but made such Excessive Extravagant demands, as the delivering up of the whole City of Bantam with the Castle, although they well knew that it neither would nor could be accepted of us, or in case they were accepted, that then they had attained to what they aimed.  
So long then as the State of things was at an uncertainty, and it might be in doubt who of the twain father or son should have the upperhand, though the son seemed by far more likely to prevail, nevertheless the Netherlands Company judged, that in such a Constitution of things, it could not be il taken that they entered with the English Company into a treatic, how they might after the best way procure a peace between the two Kings, by interposing their credit and service of love, & obtain the reestablishment of the English Company; but all this being rejected by the English with disdaing, and that uncertainty which then was, being brought to a Certainty, so as the whole business is become of quite another Nature, that the Netherlandish Company should yet be bound to perform, what they in the uncertain state of things did show themselves willing unto, the Netherlandish Company apprehendeth, that it in justice cannot be required. For first thereby, besides other considerations, they should certainly be made loser's of the sum of six times hundred thousand Ryxdallers, which the King of Bantam by evening acounts is found indebted to the Dutch Company, and of which a Contract is made with him in particular, in which he grants to their Company the Traffic in his Kingdom, so long and until, he shall come to be in a condition to repay the same to the Dutch Company: But that which besides this deserves to be reflected upon, is, that the King of Bantam hearing a rumour that the English Company persisted in their pretence of resettlement in Bantam, with the calling back of our Troops thence, wrote to the Government of Batavia (even after he had surmounted all difficulties) that in case they should consent therein, and withdraw our Militia from thence, he should not be able to continue master in the work, but be necessitated to retire to Batavia, in hope protection should not there be refused him, and thereupon besought in all humility, that they would at no hand forsake, and reduce him to such extremities, but perform their word given him by solemn Contract. And how should the Netherlandish Company be officious to their readmission, seeing the English Company in their writings do so scandalously decipher him, as namely, that he hath with the approbation of all the world acted against the English Nation as an Enemy, so unthanckful, so barbarous, with such antipathy from their Blood, without any the least reason or provocation: that his Majesty of Great Britain without injury to his honour, may not rest till he have secured himself of that City and whole Kingdom, until he have got reparation, and that the sooner, because he is, according to their saying, however he bear the title of King nothing else but a perfect Slave of Batavia, and a Servant to their will and pleasure. High words indeed: also it is a wonderful Dilemma of the English Company, to wit, if the Old King of Bantam have any right to Bantam, and the dependencies thereof, than the conclusion is most solid, that the same is devolved upon the deceased King of Great Britain, of happy Memory: And if the right appertains to the young King, as the Hollanders affirm, than he hath acted by the approbation of the whole World, against the Subjects of his said Maj. as an enemy, & according to what they have deciphred him.  
Concerning the first member of this Dilemma, being it is evident, that the Old King of Bantam having given over his Kingdom to his Eldest Son the present inheritor thereof, he now cannot afterward give it to another: the conclusion that follows hence is directly against the English Company. What concerns the second part of the Dilemma, if it be the young King to whom this right doth belong, and and that it be true, that he had acted against the English as an enemy ungrateful, barbarous, and with antipathy to their blood, without the least provocation, as indeed may be drawn, but nevertheless not to justify the Demand of the English Company against them of Holland, neither can any thing therefrom be concluded against the present King of Bantam, in case he hath justly, as he affirmeth, testified his displeasure against the English: But in the mean while we cannot let pass, without taking notice that while they are pleased to heap up reproaches upon the young King, than they say; he had acted against the Subjects of his Majesty as an enemy, ungrateful, barbarous, with an Antipathy of their Blood, without the least provocation, further, that he is unworthy of alliance with them; but when the business is, to load the Dutch, and make them the Authors of their expulsion out of Bantam, than they altar their strain, and say, that they could not so much as observe neither in the words or gesture of the King the least thing manifesting any displeasure against the English, or that he had a design to make them departed out of his Connirie.  
Here, they name the present King a Slave of the Netherlandish Company, and in their Reply they say, that the Old King, when he sat on his Throne, would willingly have been a Slave of the King of England, and thereof would have made his triumph.  
In their Reply they give the mentioned King the name of a pavure Idiot, a vile person, une Chetive Creature, etc. And in their letter they wrote to him in March 1683. they still him a wise King, to whom they say, they will send a person with the Title of Envoy or Extraordinary Ambassador, with full power to conclude an everduring League and Alliance with him.  
The same Title the King of Great Britain giveth him in his fore mentioned Letter, styling him a wise and righteous Prince.  
On the contraire, the English Company in their Triplick, call him a Murderer, and Contemner of the public faith.  
And how odiously the English Company in their foresaid Letter (annexing also, what they wrote to Pangoran Diepa Penerat, Chief Minister of State) have deciphred the Netherlandish Company, and in what esteem we were already with them, even before the War of Bantam was kindled, the Dutch Company will refer to the judgement of the Reader.  
It hath already been mentioned, that the English Company in their foresaid Demand did pretend, besides the calling back of the Dutch Troops, the delivery also of the whole City and Castle of Bantam, or else as they said they would not make their residence there again.  
But besides that the English Commissaries, who were to decide the differences, did as hath been said, Judge, that this their demand, as altogether ungrounded and unreasonable, aught to be denied, so it is a thing that doth sufficiently refute itself.  
For before the War of Bantam the English Company had nothing there but a Lodge and simple Residence, without the least Territorial right: The King after he had triumphed over his Enemies, knowing that they had afforded all manner of assistance to them, and not being at rest as fearing their future miscarriage, and especially in this juncture of time, while he was yet surroundred of Enemies, causes them to dislodge: Hereupon now the English Company comes and demands the delivery of the whole City and Castle, having had nothing there, but as hath been said, a Lodge for Commerce, and this they will have from the Netherlandish Company, who have no right at all to dispose thereof, except they chase away the King that now is, out of Bantam, for to put it into the hands of the English, and except they could make it out, and to be agreeable to justice, that the Dutch Company should threaten the present King to abandon and deliver him over to the will and mercy of his Enemies, by remouving of their Troops out of his City, whereas we are bound by Contract to maintain and protect him, should now falter in our word, and falsely our trust, a thing which may nor aught to be required of us.  
But it is said, that the Dutch Companies intent in this, is to monopolise all the trade of Pepper, and get it to themselves wholly, and to this they add, that seeing the Netherlandish Company having besides the trade of Cloves, Nutmegs, Mace and cinnamon, all this would make them able to maintain a fleet to withstand the mightiest King in Europe.  
But besides that there are so many other great countries in the Indies, where Pepper may be had, and to which the English Company have acces as well as the Dutch, and that it is impossible, the Netherlandish Company should get them all under their power & command, it ought to be called to mind, that when we were in treaty here with Sr. John Chardin, that we proffered the Pepper-trade in Common to the English Company, and that by the Contract which should be made with the King the half should be allotted them, of which an article was at that time made, and presented in writing, but by the said Sr. John Chardin rejected, so far was it from the Dutch Companies intention to design the same, as it's maliciously laid to their charge, and not only as to the Pepper-trade, but they add also in their Triplick, that the aim of the Dutch Company by this their Residence at Bantam, was besides the Pepper to engross, to their inestimable profit, the Linnen-Trade also: Whereas on the contrary the Dutch Company in their foresaid proposals to Sr. John Chardin, beside the Pepper did admit them to the half of all other Wares, including the Linen, which they also refused, and notwithstanding in their said Reply they further say, that all the endeavour of the Dutch Company was whether by right or wrong to keep things in the state to which they had brought them.  
The English Company had first set in their Demand they gave in, that by our residence at Bantam we had made the Pepper-Trade more difficult to them, but in their forenamed Reply they say, that we made way to Monopolise the whole, so far may men be blinded by passion.  
To what the English Company do further depose in their foresaid Demand, viz. that those in pay, of the Dutch Company, had upon the coast of Mallabar assaulted their Men, given fire on them, and this also to deprive them of the remainder of the Trade in Pepper they as yet had there: The Dutch could have wished, they had more clearly declared themselves as to the place where, the foresaid Coast laying alongst the Sea the space of an hundred miles, as also to the year and time when, together to what Ship or Bark and upon what occasion: as on their part the Netherlandish Company is ready the show after what manner they dealt with our Men upon the West Coast of Sumatra, to wit the English Fregat.... in September 1683 being upon the Coast before Air Bangi, and sending out his Chaloup with about forty armed Soldiers against our men sitting in a Boat, shooting once and again with Bullets: As the Ships the Society, the President, the Eagel and Bercklie Castle, who at their return homeward from Bantam, Cormandel and Bengale, in july and the following Months of the year 1681. overwintering at the Island Mauritius, committed no small insolences and mischiefs, especially they of the President, and Eagel, robbing and carrying away all what they found, notwithstanding all the complaints and protestations made by the people of the Dutch Company, of which we have authentic evidences in hand to show.  
We pass by, that the English for so many years have made it their constant work, to debauch our men at Bengale, on the Coast of Cormandel, at Bantam, and elsewhere, to draw them out of our service, to serve them on their Ships homeward, (being weakly manned) against the protestations made from time to time, as is to be shown by evidences in hands of the Netherlandish Company: That the English Company is intended, as themselves have divulged, to set down and build a Fortress on Priamang, seated on the West Coast of Sumatra (a country under the command of the Dutch Company, and where they have a Fort lying) which by the first Letters that come, we expect to hear that it is already effected, they having sent to that end divers Ships, with Men, Materials, and warlike furniture: the mischief that hence will ensue, may easily be guessed at.  
It is a thing inconceivable, how they dare publish to the world, that the Dutch Company by a contract made with them of Macasser November Anno 1667, and as they say, printed at Batavia, by which the English Nation was secluded from Commerce in that Country, and of which after the expiration of eighteen years, they make complaints in their writings: whereas since that time two solemn Treatises have been made betwixt England and this State, beside the forenamed agreement of the year 167●, by which all pretences and actions whatsoever, which might have been against each other, were nullifyed as if they never had been, and although this should not be urged, the Dutch company is ready to justify what they did, by holding forth to the world their right in making such kind of Contracts: But what in this case falls into special consideration, is, that the foresaid Contracts made by the Netherlandish Company, was during the War with England, or before the peace concluded anno 1667. was, or could be known in the Indies, or at Macassar.  
So than although all were true what is published in a certain writing, and by Mr. Skelton, Envoy Extraordinary, annexed to the foresaid Memorial, presented to your Puis. Highnesses, that we had violently seized on the Factors of the English Company, carried them away prisonners to Batavia, and then spoiled their Houses (although the Company, upon their Faith and Credit, are ignorant hereof) what could this any way help the English, or why should they thus exclaim about it? Hath not England about this very time taken by force New-Netherland from our West-Indie Company, & can the Dutch West-Indie Company frame an action or pretence hereon? Without doubt, No.  
The English Company finding themselves destitute of necessary proofs to make good the matter of Fact, they charge the Dutch Company with, which nevertheless can only serve as the foundation of what they urge, as also being convinced of the unanswerable confutation made by the Dutch Company, with most evident demonstration of the ungroundedness of the assertions of the English Company, they betake themselves in their Reply to reproaches, calumniating the Dutch Company in the conduct of their affairs after so odious a manner, and in such extravagant terms, as must needs make all men astonished, how people of honour and understanding should so forget themselves, yea so far as that the English Commissaries themselves in the conference with the Commissaries who on our side were, to decide the business, were constrained to abhor and manifest their discontent thereof: And although the Dutch wanted no matter to convince the English Company of their intolerable injury, and to disabuse the World of so many untruths falsely imputed to them, yet they judged it better to abstain and with a modest silence to pass it by, then enter into further contest, and make the rapture of the Friendship (which is so necessary between both the Companies) yet greater, and the wound incurable.  
The Demand the Dutch Company made by reconvention, consisted herein, that they at the earnest request of the English Company had lent or accommodated them with four Vessels, for the transport of their persons, merchandises and effects from Bantam to Batavia, under promise by writing to pay the Dutch Company for the freight, these Ships they kept some months, making use of them in stead of Magasins, and for preservation of their wares and effects, to the great prejudice of the Dutch Company, who stood in very great need of them, in respect of their traffic, but could not get them again what means and insinuations soever they used, till some months after.  

The foresaid Ships were,  
Europa, big 600. last.  
New Middleborow, big 500 last.  
Delfshaven, 450. last.  
it Wout, 100 last.   
The freight of which amounted to the sum of 13900. L. starl.  
It remains that we speak a word or two of what happened before Gamron in the Gulf of Persia, over which also the English Company make their complaints, first, in a certain Article in their Triplick, and afterward by that writing which the foresaid Mr. Skelton Extraordinary Envoy, annexed to the foresaid Memorial by him presented the.. of May last to your Puis. Highnesses, of which mention was made in the beginning: This Article contains first complaints against the conduct of the Fleet, which lately the Dutch Company had in the Gulf of Persia with which they intended, as they say, to shut or lock up all the Havens of that great Kingdom.  
And the said Memorial did further make like complaints that the foresaid Fleet conducted by Reynier Kasembroot, with violence should have hindered John Goldsborough Master of an English Companies Ship called the Merchant of Bengale, from onlading the said Ship with Boats, thereby detaintng and disturbing him in all their traffic and business: but after examination this complaint will be found as groundless, as any of the other.  
The case is this, that the Netherlandish Company time out of mind, having a Comptoir or Lodge, together with their Traffic at Gamron, and other places in the Kingdom of Persia, by virtue of an agreement made with the King, and of Privileges granted unto them, the Persians in many points set themselves in opposition against them, offering them many outrageous and unjust deal, and forasmuch as no reparation or redress in the least could be obtained by any requests made, although accompanied with extraordinary and costly presents, at last it burst forth into deeds, for to repair the injury done, and this is the Fleet of Ships, which the Dutch Company for this end had in the foresaid Gulf, with which they took from the Persians the Jland Kismus with the Castle in the said Gulf, not far distant from Ormus or Gamron, not for to keep, for it could not have been serviceable to us, but with intolerable charge, only it was done to induce and necessitate the Persians to condescend to reason, which it also effected, whereupon the Netherlandish Company restored the I land and the Castle to the Persians again.  
What then concerns the first complaint, that with that Fleet the Netherlandish Company sought to shut up all the Havens in Persia, the Netherlandish Company is necessitated to say, that it is very strange to them, that they should so wrongfully and maliciously misconstrue the good intention of the Netherlandish Company.  
Hath the Dutch Company with that Fleet of Ships done them the least wrong or hindrance, as to what concerns their coming or departing in or from the said Havens? yea even during the time that the Netherlandish Company lay with the whole Fleet before Gamron? Have not the English sailed in and out, as they pleased? They cannot but say, yea.  
What reason had they then to judge so maliciously of their design.  
But in the foresaid Triplick it is said, that the Netherlandish Company intended indeed to set on foot and effect it, in case the English had not by hap appeared there with a greater number of Ships, not to be hindered or forced by the Netherlanders.  
But before they were arrived there with any number of Ships together, did not the foresaid Fleet and the said Kasembroot let their single Ships go in and out freely and unmolested, yea even their Boats and Chalops: and with them also their Ship Williamson laden with Goods fraited for and belonging to the Persians? Surely they cannot deny it.  
And what concerns this great number of Ships, which they say they afterward had there, if compared with the number, especially the greatness of the Netherlandish Ships, all mounted, manned, and in gallant equipage for War, they were strong enuff, had they had order, to have kept them out of Gamron.  
The Netherlandish Fleet lay a year and some months before Gamron, and the English were but a small time with their foresaid number of Ships there, whereas before and after there came other, yea single Ships, to and fro, and yet according to their own confession no stop or hindrance was done to any of them, save only to the Ship called the Merchant of Bengale before mentioned, and of which shall be further spoken by and by.  
From whence then is it evinced, that the Dutch Company had such a design, or what proofs do they bring, to justify what they depose in their foresaid Reply? Not one only word.  
But to say how the case stands, the Netherlandish Company undertakes to show, that the said Kasembroot, commanding the said Fleet in Chief in the Gulf of Persia, did all the time of his abode there, by express order and command, forbidden, that no let or hindrance should in the least be offered to the English Ships in their navigation and traffic in that Kingdom.  
And, that the Dutch Companies management might be rendered the more suspected and odious, they conclude thus in their Triplick, these are the means which the Dutch Company useth, for to get great advantages upon the Indian Princes, yea have thereby constrained that great and mighty King of Persia himself to subscribe such Articles, as they would, that he might have his Havens again open and free.  
But besides that the Netherlandish Company hath not, by all those excessive charges, covenanted or acquired any greater privileges or advantages than they always formerly have had in the Kingdom, except only a discharge from taking yearly a quantity of Silk at a certain price, (at least so far as concerns the last) according to the advice, which the Dutch Company lately received concerning the same.  
And in case the great Princes of the Indies, and the King of Persia himself were so easily to be forced by such a Fleet as the Dutch Company had there, we have reason to demand, why the English Company did not make use of that occasion, namely when they had present such a Fleet as they boast of before Gamron, for to recover of the Persians payment of the Tol or Custom of Ormus or Gamron, which they say was so truly due unto them, but unjustly detained by the Persians, at least as to the greater part thereof, and which in the year 1654. they demanded, as to the half thereof, amounting to many hundred thousand gilders, of the Netherlandish Company, to wit, of the Goods which the said Dutch Company until that time had brought and negotiated there, but was then by Committees on both parts denied to be due to them, and they remitted to the Persians themselves, where they so often importuned them by their complaints, yea even to the threatening of them, but neverthless could never obtain any satisfaction: would they not in all that time, wherein these pretences have since increased to such vast sums, if it had been to be acquired with such facility, have used these ways and means? Undoubtedly yea.  
And thereby we may well judge, what was the Constitution of that Fleet they had there, and of which they made such high boasts.  
But in case they should yet attempt the same, could the Netherlandish Company, although much prejudiced thereby in their Traffic, as undoubted would so be, could they thereupon lay any action to the charge of the English Company, and make pretences upon them?  
Surely the Dutch Company would wish, yea, entreat in a friendly way, that if such a thing should be, our Ships might have the like usage, as the Dutch Company did show to the English.  
As to the second complaint, namely the hindrance occasioned to the Ship the Merchant of Bengale in her unloding, by detaining and disturbing them in their Traffic and undertake.  
Thus stands the case: The Dutch Company, as hath been said, having War with the Persians, or being as they say, in statu belli, and laying with their Fleet before Gamron, there came tiding from Land, that there was an intent to board our Fleet by fire Ships, and so cause us to leave the road; whereupon we resolved to cease on all the Persian Boats we could get, and make them fast behind our Ships: the foresaid English Ship laying in the midst of our Fleet, and making preparation to unload in Persian Boats, the said Kasembroot desired them to be pleased to desist, and not to make use of Persian Boats, especially they being accustomed to take in their loding in the night time to be very early at land to unload, we offering them all the Boats of our Ships to assist them, that we might be certain, that they under the cloak of coming to the foresaid Ship, with their Fireships, and passing by our watch, might not before we were ware, fall upon us; but they of the foresaid Ship rejecting our proffer, there came among our Fleet a Persian Boat, manned with ten or twelve Persian Rowers and one English Mariner, having by him two cases with Rosewater, which the said Kasembroot caused to be brought into his Ship: the English Interpreter presently thereupon making his complaint, the former proffer of our Boats was renieuwed, and at his going away bid to take with him the two cases of Rosewater, which he refusing, they were put into his Boat, and so he departed.  
This being the true history, we demand, what herein was done amiss by the Dutch Company, to cause the English to make such clamorous complaints about it? Or whither if any hindrance came thereby to the English (for damage they had none) they brought it not upon their own heads?  
The goods they accuse us to have taken out of the Persian boat (which nevertheless they themselves confess were again restored, and put into the boat where the English interpreter was) They aggravate, for to make them, in all apearance, to seem of great importance; were only the foresaid two Cases of Rosewater.  
In the Contra-Protest, the foresaid Kasembroot hath made against the Protest of the English (and to which they appeal) the whole carriage of the business is nakedly and clearly made to appear, for which reason they also thought good, as the said Extraordinary Envoy annexed the said Protest of the English to his foresaid Memorial, here withal also to deliver over this Contra-Protest.  
Thereby more plainly to show: first, the Proffer we made of our boats for their service to unload their said ship, partly to take away the hindrance they Complained of, and on the other hand to prevent the mischief, which by the going to and fro of the enemy's boats, (which they might have pretended to be done only in the name and by the order of the English) could have befallen our fleet.  
Again, that the goods taken out the Persian Boat, but again restored, were nothing but the said Cases of Rosewater.  
And thirdly, that the English, during our dissension with the Persians, did all what they could to incense them against us by Calumnies and falsehoods, which also did remarkably retard and set back our Business at Court, to the great loss and detriment of the Dutch Company.  
Especially by the promises they made the Persians with six ships to chase us from the Road of Gamron, and out of the Fort of Kismus, whenas nevertheless our said fleet consisted of nine ships, and of which the Dutch Company expects due information at the return of our fleet.  
And hereby the directors of the Netherlandish Company hope they have Satisfied the desire of your Puissant Highnesses, having manifested on the one hand the Notorious ungroundedness of all the Complaints brought in by the English, and on the otherhand the integrity of the Netherlandish Company in these matters: and that thereby your Puissant Highnesses will the more be incited, to appear for the Dutch Company in so righteous a cause, and to Protect them against all and Every one, that shall endeavour for this any ways to molest or injury them, which by these presents we most humbly request; having judged that the importance of the Cause, and the multiplicity of enormous acts where with the Netherlandish Company is Loaden, and that we might refute all these things in a due manner, as also give pour Puissant Highnesses a Grounded information, did require this our Large Exhibition of things, and which in all humility we beg may not be unacceptable to your Puissant Highnesses.  
Was subscribed:, P. VAN DAM.  

Contra Protest to the ungrounded aggrievances of the English Residents DANIEL EDWARDS and FRANCIS SNAPE, both in service of the Honourable English Company here in Persia.  
Gentlemen,  
WE received yesternight the Protest you sent, and greatly wonder at the aggrierances you make about a Persian bark passing through our fleet, and for some time detained by us, which you affirm to have hired for to unlade the Merchandises, of the ship called the Merchant of Bengale, to which we answer, that it can not be unknown to you that we have more than a year secured this Road and Gulf with eight or nine ships, and notwithstanding that our Commissioners for the compounding of the differences are at present at the court of Persia, yet our men some few days ago have in a most hostile manner been driven from land, our flag taken down, and we as is noised by them of Gamron, threatened to be assaulted here in the Road by a number of barcks, manned with Persian Militia, so that nature treacheth us to be upon our watch, and we thereupon thought it necessary to seize all the Persian boats, yet without the least thought of doing any let or hindrance to you, as yourselves know that in the unlading of the ship Williamson was not done, although the said ship both going and coming was freighted with Persian goods, but on the contrary the day before yesterday, when we stopped the Persian Barq, which would have passed our fleet, we proffered your Truchman David all our own boats for to help the said ship to unlade, both because we would not hinder them in their affairs, as also to secure our own ships from the threatened mischiefs, (which by the swarving of the Enemy's boats, pretending to come in the name and by the order of the English) might have befallen us. But it seemeth, you were rather prone thus unjustly to accuse us, that we should have detained your goods (which were only the two cases of Rosewater) then to embrace the kind proffer of our Boats: The said, David your Truchman took the two Cases into the scute wherein he came from land, at the same time the the bark came aboard to us, and himself carried them away with him: And for as much as it seemeth to be your wont manner, by intricate and practised insertions to render things obscure, this your ungrounded accusations are not strange unto us, as having since this expedition, with much patience born all the calumnious reproaches, wherewith you have a long time sought to make us odious to the Persian Nation to retard our agreement with them, Especially promising them, to make us, with six of your ships, to retire out of this Road, and out of Kismus, of all which we have suffitient proofs to show, and withal to make it appear, we had not given you the least reason or provocation thereto: All which hath been to the apparent damage of our Company, and besides this ye seek also to constrain us to let our Enemy's barcks to pass and repas our fleet: Wherefore in the name of the Netherlandish East-Indie Company we do Protest we are innocent of all the blood, slaughter, losses and inconveniences which shall result from thence, on the one or other hand: Given in our ship, the Blaw-Hulck laying in the Road before Gamron.  
Was signed, R: Kasembroot. W: Licochton. I: V: Ackersdijck, and W: van Bullestraten.   

Contra-Protest against John Golds-bourough, Master of the Ship called the Bengale Merchant.  
THe first of June Old stile was delivered unto us, by them thereunto appointed, your Protest, which having considered, we do find in it many things are mistaken, and by you pressed contrary to truth, and therefore judge it unnecessary, to give any answer thereunto, then what was done by our Insinuaion and Protest delivered over the thirteenth and fourteenth of May N. S. to the English Residents Daniel Edwards and Francis Snape, of which herewith a Copy is inserted, and wherein the true state of things is fully contained, and to which therefore we refer ourselves: however we profess to be blameless, that you by missailing to shore came to touch ground once & again with your Ship, as not being to be imputed to us, but your own unadvisedness: Besides we did never forbid or withstand, that any Barcks should come to you to fetch Ballast, and is therefore the fault of the Persians, to whom the loss of time you say, to have been hindered by it, is also to be imputed and not to us, and withal would let you know, we are not such unqualifyed persons as you are pleased to term us, which rather may be imputed to you, as sufficiently appears by your unreasonable Protest, and therefore are not any whit troubled, in case any dispute do arise thereabout between you and our Company, to be able, as having justice and truth on our side, to answer what hath been done: Wherefore we Protest in the name and on behalf of the Netherlandish East-Indie Company, against you, John Golds-borough, Master of the Ship called the Bengale Merchant, and against all other, whoever they be or whom it may concern, that we are blameless, and not bound to make satisfaction of your ungrounded pretences, or what any one may unjustly lay to our charge. Given in our Ship the Blaw Bulk, laying in the Road before Gamron the 19 June 1685. S. N.  
There stood underneath and was signed Reynier Kasembroot, and Wouter van Bullestraten, In the Margin, Delivered by us underwritten, And was signed, Andries van der Linden, and Jacob Stuyt.   

EXTRACT out the Register of the Resolutions of the High and Mighty Lords the State's General of the United Provinces.  
Thursday the 18. Julie, 1686.  
IT being deliberated by Resumption upon the Memorial delivered up by the Directors of the East-Indie Company of these Countries the 22. of June passed unto their Puissant Highnesses, containing the consequents, and for satisfaction to their Puiss. Highness' Resolution of the 31. May past their Information upon the Memorial of Mr. Skelton Envoy Extraordinary of his Royal Majesty of Great Britain to this State, deliured up the second of the said Month to their Puiss. Highnesses, touching the affairs of Bantam, it is understood and found meet by these, to request and give Commission to the Lords van Else and the other Deputies of their Puissant Highnesses for Outlandish affairs, to signify to Mr. Skelton Envoy Extraordinary, that the differences concerning what hath passed at Bantam in the year 1682. being arisen to the State they are now fallen to his said Majesty and their Puiss Highnesses, They are prepared and ready to tread into a Conference and treaty thereof, with the said Mr. Skelton, so he be authorised thereto in behalf of his Majesty, or else with them, whom his said Majesty shall be pleased to authorize thereto, and in that Conference and Treaty to show, that their Puiss. Highness' have no other meaning and intention, then to preserve and cultivate with his said Majesty and Subjects an entire amity, and that they pretend not to do any wrong unto his Majesty's Subjects. Hereunder stood, Agreeth, with the foresaid Register, Was subscribed  
H. FAGEL.   

EXTRACT Out of the Register of the Resolutions of the High and Mighty Lords the State's General of the United Provinces.  
Twesday 1. July 1687.  
Was read at the Assembly the Memorial of the Marquis of Albiville, Extraordinary Envoy of his Majesty of Great Britain, requiring reparation for what passed at Bantam, according to what is here inserted word for word.  
High and Mighty Lords,  
AS there is nothing which may contribute more efficaciously to the maintenance and estabishment of Leagues and Alliances made between Kings and States, than a Just and and prompt reparation of the Wrong, Injuries and Losses, which the Subjects of one receive from the other.  
Therefore the Marquis of Albiville, Envoy Extraordinary of the King of Great Britain, findeth himself commanded by the Order of the King his Master to put your Highnesses in remembrance of the most considerable losses, enormous Injuries, and the Honour of his Subjects most sensibly wounded by the surreptitious, ungodly and insupportable proceeding of the East-Indie Company of this State at Bantam, and to require without further delay an entire Satisfaction proportionable to the Enormity of the attempt, and to the Losses which the Subjects of his said Majesty have suffered. Given at the Hague the 30. June in the year 1687.  
Signed, The Marquis of Albiville.  
Which being deliberated upon, it is found good and understood, that a Copy of the foresaid Memorial shall be put into the hands of the Lords Everwyn and other their Puiss. Highness' Deputies for the affairs of the East-Indie Company, to visit and examine the Commissioners of the Directors of the said Company thereof to hear, as also to take the Considerations and most wise Advise of his Highness the Prince of Orange, and to make report of the whole to the Assembly here, and that forthwith an Extract of this their Puiss. Highness' Resolution, and a Cope of the foresaid Memorial shall be sent to the Directors of the said East-Indie Company of the Praesidial Chamber at Amsterdam, and therewith written to them, that against this day fortnight, which shall be the 15. of the present Month, they send hither some Commissioners well instructed upon the foresaid subject, that so the next d●● early in the morning the said business may be taken in hand.  
Was paragraphed B. van Schelting●. Lower stood, Agreeth with the foresaid Register. Was signed, H. Fa●●●   

EXTRACT out of the Register of the Resolutions of the High and Mighty Lords the State's General of the United netherlands.  
Weddensday 23. July 168●.  
WAs heard the report or the Lord's Verbolt bolt and other their Puiss. Highness' Deputies for Outlandish affairs, having in order and to satisfying of their Resolution, as commissionated the 1. of this present, visited and examined the Memorial of the Marquis of Albiville Envoy Extraordinary of his Majesty of Great Britain to this State, by which he requireth reparation for what is passed at Bantam, more largely mentioned in the said Memorial and in the Brief notes of this present: upon which having deliberated, is found good and understood, that to the said Marquis of Albeville for answer to the said Memorial shall be insinuated, that their Puiss. Highnesses by their Resolution 18. July of the year past 1686. have declared to Mr. Skelton, as than his Majesty's Envoy Extraordinary to this State, that the differences about what passed at Bantam in Juin 1682, being arisen to the State that they were devolved to his said Majesty and their Puiss. Highnesses, they are prepared and ready to enter into a Conference and treaty thereabout with the fore mentioned Mr. Skelton, if that he on the part of his Majesty be authorised thereunto, or otherwise with such as his said Majesty should be pleased to authorize, and in that Conference and Treaty to show that their Puiss. Highness' have no other meaning nor intention, then to maintain and cultivate with the said Majesty and his Subjects an entire amity, and that they do not pretend to do any wrong to his Majesty's Subjects; and that therefore their Puiss. Highness' could not have expected otherwise, from the justice of His Majesty, but that the said Conference should have been set on foot, and some person thereunto authorised: and now as yet they adhere to reniew the foresaid declaration, and say, that they still are ready to enter into Conference and treaty about the foresaid Differences with the said Marquis of Albiville, in case he on the part of his Majesty be authorised thereto, or otherwise with such, as his Majesty shall be pleased to authorize, & in those Conferences and Treatises to show, that they have no other meaning nor intention then to preserve and cultivate with his Majesty and Subjects an entire Friendship, and pretend not to do or suffer any wrong be done unto His Majesty's Subjects, and therefore they cannot conceive or apprehend what the foresaid Memorial, and the terms in which it is couched, would have, or signify; And an Extract of this their Puiss. Highness' Resolution shall by the Agent Sproussen be delivered into the hands or the Marquis of Albiville, to serve for his Information, thereof to make use so and where it shall be thought fit; and also an Extract of this their Puiss. Highness' Resolution shall be sent to the Lord Citters, their Puiss. Highness' Ambassador at the Court of His Majesty the King of Great Britain, to be subservient unto his Information.  
Was paragraphed, Francis Verbelt. Underneath stood, Accords with the foresaid Register, Signed, H. FAGEL   

EXTRACT out of the Register of the Resolutions of the High and Mighty Lords the State's General of the United Netherlands.  
Friday the 1. Augusti 1687.  
WAs read at the Assembly the Memorial of the Marquis of Albiville Envoy Extraordinary of his Majesty of Great Britain to this state, together with an Appendix Containing complaints against the East-Indie Company of these countries, as to what should have been attempted at Metocapatans' and at Baktancapas according to the said Memorial, and the appendix inserted here by, from word to word,  
Fiat insertio:  
Whereupon being deliberated was found good and understond that a Copy of the foresaid Memorial and appendix shall be sent to the Directors of the East-Indie Company of the Prasidial Chamber of Amsterdam, for to address an information thereupon to their Puissant Highnesses, and nevertheless also a Copy and appendix thereof shall delivered into the hands of the Lords Verbolt and other their Puissant Highness' Deputies for outlandish affairs, to revise, Examine and make report of the whole here at the Assembly:  
Was paragraphed, John vander Bergh, ut, Underneah stood, agreeth with the foresaid Register, Was signed H. FAGEL   

Memorial of the Marquis of Albiville Exhibited the 1. August 1687.  
High and Mighty Lords,  
THe Marquis of Abbiville Envoy Extraordinary of the King of Great Britain hath received niew orders from the King his Master, to signify to your Lordships the continuance of nieu injustices and violences offered by your Company of the East-Indies at Mechapatans' and Batancapas, as they shall see by the adjoined writing containing the Particulars thereof.  
And as his Majesty findeth himselft informed of the answer of your Highnesses the 23 of the month passed unto the preceding Memorial of his above said Envoy, is willing to believe that these things have been committed without your knowledge, so like wise he doth not Doubt, but they are of ill savour and disapproved by your Highnesses, and that he cannot but expect from your justice and friendship the reparation of these infractions, and the damages which the Subjects of his Majesty have suffered in these quarters, His Majesty will willingly also be persuaded by the asseurances which the said Memorial giveth him that your Highness will not neglect to send precise and Effectual orders, to the end that for the future the like attempt, be no more used: as the fairest means to maintain a good intelligence betwixt His Majesty and this Commonwealth, to which his Majesty, on his part shall not fail to contribute always, what in reason may be desired of him. Given at the Hague this 1. August 1687.  
Signed, Marquis of ALBIVILLE.   

APPENDIX.  
THe English East-Indie Company in a Request they presented to his Majesty of Great Britain 29. June 1687. say, they have had advise by divers Ships niewly arrived, of the injuries and violences the Hollanders have exercised against the English on the Coast of Cormandel, under pretext of having war with the King of Golcondach.  
That they made themselves master of Metchalapatam, after the same manner they ceased Bantam.  
That they had prohibited the English eight weeks ago to Traffic there any more, although, they have had their residence and Magasin there eighty or ninety years together, and that the Magasin was built by the Company, and that they bought the very ground upon which it was erected, as may be seen in the writing of the Governor and the Dutch Counsel at Pollicats.  
That the Hollanders in time of peace did by main force Assault the Fort the English had built at Batancapas, seated on the West-Coast of Sumatra, to secure themselves the better of the Traffic in Pepper; that in contempt they broke and tore in pieces the Pavilion of his British Majesty where is was set up.  
That they there pillaged the English.  
And because it is apparent, the design of the Hollanders is to appropriate to themselves by violence, injustice and oppression the whole Trade of the East-Indies, The said Company hopeth that his Majesty with the first will apply such remedies, as may prevent the continual invasions of the Hollanders.  
A Letter of the Holland Company from Pollicat, written the 13. August 1686. St. N. to Mr. William Gifford, President of the English Company, and to his Counsel at the Fort St. George.  
It contains in substance, that the said Hollandish Company hath been evil treated, some years since, beyond the Coast of Cormandel, as also the North Coast from Onixa, unto Metchopotam, by the Ministers of State, and the Governors of the King of Gulcondach.  
That they often required justice, but to no purpose, and for to revenge themselves of these injuries, they had seized Metchopotem 16. July. That for a mark of the Friendship they desire to maintain with the English Company, they permit them, to embarck in their own Ships out of their Magasins at Metchepotam the effects the English had there, as also to take out in Barcks all the Provisions and all the Merchandises which shall come in their Ships to Metchopotam for to put them into their Magasins, yet upon condition that they shall carry none out of the City of Metchopotam, to sell them to Merchants, or to the Subjects of the King of Gulcondagh, until the said Company shall have satisfactions.  
The sooner to obtain this satisfaction they had resolved not only to hold the mean while the said City in possession, but also to prevent that the English should not suffer any damage during these troubles, they though it fit to advertise them to bring into their Magasins the effects they had in the Country, and that within the space of 6. or 8. weeks, reckoning from the time the Company had seized the said City.  
That they will also have, that the English Company advertise theirs of all what they shall cause to be brought in, to the end that by the good order they shall hold, the inconveniences may be prevented, which otherwise might befall the English.  
Answer of Mr. William Gifford President, and of the Council of the English Company, dated.... 1686. written to the Holland's Company at Pollicat. It being in substance: That the English Company are not ignorant of the design the Dutch Company now hath in making themselves Masters in Metchapotam.  
That they could wish that the ruinating of the English Commerce were not the main end, the Hollanders now a long time had practised these tricks: Particularly at Bantam and since at Chimatra, but that the Hollanders were as yet to be responsable unto them.  
That they have remarqued that the Hollanders in all their Treaties they make with the Indian Kings and Princes, have endeavoured to exclude their Company from Traffic in their Countries and Ports.  
That this design is now discovered and resented in Europe, that their presumption is to great to imposer Laws to the English in such a manner, that now, since they are possessors of Metchapotam they will have the English to comport themselves as to their commerce there, according to their pleasurre: But the English are not obliged to follow their order, That the House and the ground upon which their Magasin is built is an heritage acquired by their own money.  
That upon these grounds they counsel them to act with discretion and agreeing to justice.  
That they in the mean while will continue to traffic as formerly, and counsel the Hollanders not to interrupt them, lest they should attract sad consequences contrary to their interest.  
A Letter of Mr. Samuel Pots written to Mr. Clement du Jardin, and to the Council.  

Indraponna the 23. Sept. 1686.  
It contains first a Relation of the state of some of the affairs of the English Company.  
Mr. Pots remits them to a certain Paper of 26. July to be informed of the cause of his voyage to Batancapas, and why he took with him so much of the Companies effects.  
He gives reasons, why he did not wait for orders or command, before he undertook the voyage, that it was, because the two Sons of the Emperor and the Mandarins, had extremely pressed him to hasten the voyage, as much as could be, lest the Hollanders being advertised of the design of the English, should settle themselves there before, and so the English be frustrated of their enterprise.  
He departed, as he saith, from Indraponna 16. July, taking with him forty men Domestics and Soldiers, going with them to Pagason, to meet there the two Sons of the Emperor Manuncabbo, who waited them to go together to Batancapas, being in all 2000 there to settle the English. That after 5 day's voyage they arrived with the Emperor and the two Princes: and that the Emperor had bid the English to settle themselves there.  
That three days before they arrived the Hollanders had settled and fortified themselves there upon a Rock on the other side of the river, notwithstanding that the Emperor and the Mandarins had commanded them to retire, telling them that he had given the Country to the King of Great Britain to set the English Company there; and that he had never given permission to the Dutch to reside there.  
That the same day of his arriving at Batancapas the Hollanders had sent him a Protest, counselling him to take good heed of the Malayans, because they complained that the English had wronged them by settling at Bancola and at Indraponna, places which, they said, had formerly been given unto them.  
That at the end of two days he sent them another Protest.  
That the day after his arriving, the Emperor and his two sons arrived, and themselves planted the Pavilion of the King of England.  
That the Hollanders had fortified themselves, as much as they could.  
That during the 3 first weeks there was no opposition of the one or other part, although the English did often press the malayans to fall upon the English.  
That the Hollanders seeing that after all their persuasions, the malayans would do nothing, forced them to retire further up into the Country, about three miles towards the North, with design (as the Emperor and his men believed) to waste the Country, the Houses, and especially the City of Batancapas.  
That to prevent this desolation the Emperor and his two Sons had drawn back their forces, except 60. or 70. malayans, whom they left there for to cover the works.  
That after the retreat of these Troops the the Hollanders in Batancapas the day after being the 23. August on a Friday and on the Sunday had shot with their greatest Canons at the people as they came to the Market in hope to make them afraid, and no more to supply the English, or to bring them any more provisions.  
That a Canon-bullet with two points striking a tree near the palisado of the English Fort, burst asunder in two pieces.  
That the day after they had dispatched Mr. Samuel Worly to the Hollanders to know of them the reason wherefore they had shot at the Magasin of the English and their men, and to tell their commander they would send a piece of the Bullet of the King of England, and inform him of the affront they had done to his Subjects, but the Commander not being then present Mr. Worly had done the message to another Gentleman that had the command in the absence of the other, the said Officer should have answered that he much wondered they should make such a work of one or two Camon shot, and pointing with his finger to divers Pieces not far off from him, should have said, behold there a great many, which shall be shot of, and not failing of his word, the same afternoon 21. August he made two shot more, after the same manner as before.  
That the malayans being affrighted, the greater part which remained with the English, deserted them.  
That the Hollanders being advertised hereof, embarked in their Chalops the malayans with a number of Dutch Soldiers.  
That they fired continally their great Guns while they were in their Barqs, and at length having set foot on land, they with fury assaulted the small number of malayans, which were for the English, set on fire their palisado, and having put to flight the said malayans, they fell upon the English which were at the Entrance of the palisado.  
That a certain man named Mackolon, an Officer of the Hollanders, told him, that except he sought to escape, the malayans would kill him.  
That not fearing their threats, the Hollandders had commanded the malayans to assault the English, but the malayans testifying their dislike by refusing to do it, the Ensign-bearer set himself in the front, forced an entrance into the Fort, being followed of some malayans and about 40. Hollanders.  
That these Troops were no sooner passed the Pallissado, but they said to them and the other English, that if ever they entered more into the Fort, they might expect nothing else, but to be fallen upon.  
That at the very same instant the Dutch Soldiers and the malayans began to plunder, carrying away all they thought was of any worth, and gave it into the hands of their Commanders, and while they were thus pillaging, the Dutch Soldiers in contempt, brake and tore in pieces the Flag of the King of England, which was set up there.  
That after all these Violences the foresaid Officer by order of the Commander, prayed him to retire on the side of the Hollanders, promising in the name of the Commander, they would restore the Merchandise, Effects, Silverwork, Canon and all what might appertain to the English, and what should be found in the hands of the malayans.  
That he thereupon going to the Commander named Mackabon: he instead of performing what was promised, answered him, he could do nothing in it, and that what the malayans had taken, was justly acquired, and they could not be constrained to render the same: however as for the Canon he would endeavour they might be restored.  
But coming again to him, after he had ordered men and a boat to take in the Canon, there came some of his men and said, that in case we would have the Canon, the malayans pretended to have 500 dollars for them.  
Seeing then too appearently that in this and in all other things the English were merely deluded, he embarked his Soldiers and men that were left, and returned to Indrapanna the 25. August.   

High and Mighty Lords,  
WE have received your Puis: Highness' Letter and therewith your Resolution of the first of this present, with an insertion of the Memorial presented to your Puiss: Highnesses, with an annex by the Marquis of Albiville Envoy Extraordinary of his Royal Majesty of Great Britain, which said Memorial containeth Complaints against the transactions and do of the Ministers of the Netherlandish Company at Maslapatnam upon the Coast of Cormandel and at Batancapas upon the West-coast of Sumatra, with their Request of reparation, concerning which your Puiss: Highnesses require information by us. We may not omit, High and Mighty Lords, to propose, with all dutiful respect to your Puiss. Highnesses, that forasmuch as the said Appendix, is in effect the contents of such Letters, which the English Company, as they pretend, have lately received out of the Indies, divers particulars are rehearsed in what manner the things they complain of were there transacted, of which we, by reason our Ships are not yet arrived, though expected every hour, cannot have perfect knowledge, may it therefore please your Puiss: Highnesses not to construe it amiss, that we defer the same a while; however we say aforehand, that the said complaints, as they are proposed in the said Memorial, are of two parts.  
First, against the conduct of our people, in their actings at Maslupatnam: And secondly upon the West-Coast of Sumatra, with the wrong done to the English at both places.  
As to the first, we apprehend, that by the information we ●●d the last year out of India, and by another hand, (setting aside what we are yet expecting) we want no matter fully to justify the transactions of our people there, and to demonstrate the ungroundedness of the foresaid complaints.  
And what concerns the second, namely that by force we should have hindered them, that they could nor might settle themselves in the Country of the Prince of Indraponna, nor build Forts where they pleased, whereas that Prince, according to what they affirm, had made over that Country to them, although we can not directly discover the perfect state and constitution of that business, until the Ships, which we daily expect be arrived, nevertheless we are able by the information which we had the last year concerning it, to affirm from the contents of those Letters, that the English by reason of the unhealthfultness of that country, and the mortality it brought upon their men, with other difficulties, were intended yea did actually prepare do departed thence, so that we thought to have mentioned nothing more, nor troubled your Puis: Highnesses with that business, but have passed it by in silence, but seeing out the foregoing Appendix we find it otherwise, we shall nor may not neglect to produce with the first opportunity unto your Puis: Highness: our just complaints, and withal to show the injuries, losses and intrusions of the English upon the propriety and right, which we (as to the West-coast) for a very long time have had and acquired, and which we yet have the actual possession and enjoyment of, and can prove that they continually have sought to debauch, and draw from us these Princes, who in acknowledgement of the benefits and services they received from us, and among many other, that we had delivered them at our exceediing charge and expenses out of the hands of their enemies under whose yoke they were brought, and moreover at whose Request, we have by solemn Contracts taken upon us, and promised to defend them against all and every one who should offer to do any injury or violence unto them and for which they have declared us for their Sonverains, and in especial also that forementioned Prince of Indraponna, in whose Country they have built a Fort, endeavouring forceably to thrust us out of our possession, by depriving us of the enjoyment we had: And yet they themselves confess that our people on the West-Coast have potested against the injuries they did to them, while they sought to settle themselves at Boucoulo and Indroponna, countries and places, as the real truth is, belonging to us, of which the Contracts are in our hands time out of mind, and yet they cannot deny, that their people have set themselves against us by building of Forts to keep us out, yea they complain that we by raising a Fort have injuried and prevented them, and yet this is all the damage and wrong, according to their own saying we have done them. If indeed the English could make it out and maintain, that they have a right, to come into a country of which the sovereignty is made over to us, beside other engagements we have there, though as they say, by consent of the said Prince (although that is not by us owned as true) to build Forts thereby to draw the Commerce into their hands, with the secluding of us, to whom the right is only belonging, and yet we not have just cause, by raising a Fort to prevent them: or that hereby they should have a main action against us: certainly this must needs come from another law then hitherto hath been known to the world. They accuse us that we by privative Contracts have sought every where to keep them from trading, and yet they make their appeal to such like Contracts, which themselves have made there. The English Company shows that they wilfully continue in their custom to make always complaints how impertinent or ungrounded soever, thereby to preoccupy the world, yea to make an impression even in the inhabitants of this State itself, as if we sought nothing else, but made it our whole business to oppose and be thwarting of the English, as amongst other their complaints, this also may apparently be seen in the business of Bantam, which occasioned such commotion and klatter almost in all places, and concerning which the information stated by this Chamber above a year ago, and presented to your Puis: Highness' hath clearly manifested, what is to be judged of the carriage and conduct of the Netherlandish Company in that matter, which in the first was so odiously set forth. But forasmuch as it is our intention after the arrival of our Ships, whose return from the Indies, we daily expect, more amply, by the permission of your Puiss: Highnesses to treat of these and other things, when we shall have further light by the evidences we expect in those Ships, and to show the injuries offered us; we will herewith conclude, praying, etc.  
Beneath stood, High and Mighty Lords, Your most humble Servants, The Directors of the East-Indie Company of the Chamber of Amsterdam, and from thence, In the Margin, In Amsterdam 7. Aug: 1687.    
FINIS.   

ERRATA.  
Pag. 24. lin. 14. after young, ad King.  
Pag. 82. six lines from the end, for Cope read Copy.   

To the High and Mighty Lords, The STATE'S GENERAL of the United Netherlands.  
High and Mighry Lords:  
THe Chamber of the East-Indie Company of Amsterdam, hath after the Assembling of the Seventien representing the said Company, and brought your puissant Highness' Letter, with the annexed Resolution, both being of the first of August now past, containing an Insertion of the Memorial of the Marquis of Albiville, Envoy Extraordinary of his Royal Majesty of Great Britain, presented unto your Puis: Highnesses, with an Annex; the said Memorial containing complaints against the doing and transactions of the Ministers of our Company at Maslupatnam, on the Coast of Cormandel, and at Batancapas, upon the West-Coast of Sumatra, with demand of reparation for the Infractions and damages, which the Subjects of his said Roya●● Majesty should have suffered at both those places: and concerning which your Puiss: Highnesses were pleased to command us to bring in our Information: and by reason the said Chamber could at that time give only a provisional Answer, dated the 7. of August, because the Ships by which we expected our Letters of Advice from the Indies, concerning these Affairs, were not as yet arrived. The last whereof, to which we were then necessitated to refer ourselves, being by God's good providence some days since safely come unto us, and that thereby we now are in a capacity to inform your Puiss: Highnesses more punctually, we will with permission further say, that we find the foresaid complaints to be twofold: First, over the evil proceeding and conduct of our men at Maslupatnam, and secondly at Batancapas, where we, as they say, continually have exercised injustice and violence against them.  
What concerns the first, it will be necessary to dive somewhat more groundedly into that business, viz. After the Netherlandish Company had sustained and born many injuries, damages, and violences by the King of Golconda, who was misled by his Chief Ministers, till at last the whole Traffic of the said Company in all the Northern Factories and Lodges was forbidden, and it was commanded to all the Regent's and Officer's, to deprive all the Factories and Minister ●hereof of all means of livelihood, and fu●●●er that no wever nor handicrafts men should thenceforward deliver any thing of what they had underhand unto them, all which was directly contrary to the Octroy and Patents granted unto the said Company. That at last we judged it reasonable to have recourse to force and constraint, hoping thereby if possible to bring the King to better and more moderate thoughts, but before we would enter upon it, we though it best in an orderly way, to make our intent known to the King, who is judged by all to be a Prince of a good nature, and always hath shown himself affectioned to the Netherlandish Company, and the rather because the Government of Batavia, were fully assured that these Infractions and Troubles were occasioned to our Company only by the evilaffection and ill will of Madolena and Achena, the two Chief Ministers of that Kingdom, who had so remarkably injured the said Company, and invented a way to incite their King against us, without any right information how the case stood betwixt him and us, which said Ministers a while after by reason of inward commotions occasioned by their ill management of Affairs came to a most miserable End. However the said Government of Batavia, to the end aforementioned sent a Commissary with full Commission and Power to treat with the King, and if it might be to compose all things in a way of amity: But our Commissary was so unsuccessful, that the King either could or would not assent to what we judged to be right and equal, in so much that to acquire the foresaid reparation and satisfaction, we were necessitated by force of Arms, to assure and make ourselves Master of Maslupatnam, in hope thereby to induce the King the sooner to listen to an accommodation, which also the 16. of July 1686. was effected without blood shed, and the King's Militia was caused to departed, whereupon we fortified the City against any invasion which might happen. And because the English Company had a Factory and a Lodge there for their Commerce and Traffic, we by Letters in August following, let them or their Ministers know, that however we had the Power and possession of the City in our hands, our intention was not in the least to hinder or incommodate their Traffic, and that they might consequentially dispose of, and lad their goods they had or could make ready in their Ships, together with all their Provision and Merchandises, which might by Sea be brought unto them, and take it into their Lodge, only that they should not dispose of them to the Subjects of that King, nor after the expiration of six or eight weeks suffer any goods more to be brought to them out of the Country.  
This being thus passed, and we perceiving that the Enemy began to stir, and to cast up works to besiege us, and gather an Army thereby to deprive us of our water and other means of Livelihood, we sent out our men against them, and with success raised the King's forces by driving them out of their Tents: and forasmuch as the Enemy had threatened and intended to burn the City, which was all built of Combustible matter, thereupon the English, with divers others of the Inhabitants for fear of being consumed by fire, retired upward into the Country, but the King soon after resolving to come to a treaty of accommodation with us, which also was at length effected, by the promising reparation of our Damages, and that for the future they should no more deal thus unjustly with us, but suffer us to enjoy free trading as formerly; all which being agreed unto, we withdrew our Militia out the City, and gave it up again into the hands of the King.  
This being the true state of the matter, hereupon the English Company makes complaints by an Annex, to which the Memorial of the Marquis of Albiville hath relation, over Injuries and Violences offered them at Maslupatnam, under the pretext of a War, which the Netherlandish Company had undertaken against the King of Golconda: but they say they are well acquainted with such Tricks and Designs. And that we made ourselves Masters of Maslupatnam, after the same manner we before haddon of Bantam, to no other end then thereby to ruinated and deprive the English of their Traffic.  
That we had played such pranks to often, especially at Bantam, and afterward at Sumatra, however they doubted not but we should be responsable for the same.  
That we forbade them after the Expiration of eight weeks to trade any more at Maslupatnam, notwithstanding they there have had their place of Residence and Magasin above eighty or ninety years together, and had built the same at their expenses upon ground bought with their own money.  
That in all the Treaties we have made with the Kings and Princes of those Countries, we always endeavoured to exclude their Company from the Trade and Havens of those places, thereby wholly to annihilate their Commerce, but that notwithstanding the foresaid Insinuation they did intent to keep up their trading at Maslupatnam.  
Truly here is a wonderful kind of Language, and by it may be perceived, how easy it is to Misconstrue a sincere and upright intention, and wrest it to a bad sense.  
The questions then naturally flowing from hence are these, viz.  
First, Whether our Company did undertake this War out of an evil intention and desire, under that pretext to offer injury and violence to the English.  
Secondly, Whether it be true, that our Design was to make ourselves Masters of Maslupatnam, after the same manner as we had done of Bantam, and with no other end and intention than thereby to effect the ruin of the Commerce of the English.  
Thirdly, Whether it be true, that we had forbade them their Traffic at Maslupatnam, after the expiring of eight weeks.  
Fourthly, Whether it then were, or yet is in the power of the Netherlandish Company to enter into such Leagues and Contracts with the Princes of those Countries, by which other Nations should be secluded from trading in any of the Wares or Fruits growing in those Countries.  
What concerns the first, it is known to all, that the East Indie Company of these Lands, is the only erected Company of Commerce for to enjoy by and thro' an honest trading in Countries so far remote from us, the profits which we hoped might thence ensue.  
But forasmuch as we found by sad experience, that we should have to do with Nations which were not to be too much trusted, and had evilly entreated many of our Traders, yea, murdered some of them, which before an Octroy was granted, had negotiated with them, it seemed good to the States of our Country, to prevent such mischiefs, to qualify and Authorize by a granted Octroy to this Company, to procure reparation by all such means as should be judged most convenient by them, with further Authority to make Leagues and Contracts with the Princes and Potentates of those Nations, and to erect and build Forts and Castles as might serve for their security.  
These Wars than were not to be undertaken, but only in case of urgent necessity, after all ways of Accommodation and condescension had in vain been attempted.  
It is a thing that speaks of itself, that between Marchandising and War there is no agreement, and that Merchants can no wise have any interest thereby, and the Company therefore had precise Orders to shun it as much as possibly might be.  
So that it is most absurd to suppose the Company should have engaged in that War against the King of Golconda, so potent a Prince, and only out of a jollity of spirit, A War which we knew aforehand, that besides the cessation of Traffic, would draw after it such charges and losses, without any expectation (save only hopes of reparation and damages sustained) the very lest profit imaginable, muchless, that our main aim should have been to incommodate the English, or eause other Damage to accrue to them. Certainly the said Netherlandish Company ought not to be looked upon so void of all sense as to cast themselves upon such heavy charges and troubles by a War, the issue of which is uncertain, and that only to incommodate and cause some loss to a third party, whereas the charges and hindrance to their own Commerce would be of more importance an hundred fold, than the Damage of that third party could amount to.  
And besides what hath the Netherlandish Company further and more insisted upon or obtained, than the continuance of their former Commerce, according as it was granted unto them by Octroy, or, as they call it in those countries', by Firman?  
Have they made any Contracts with the King to the prejudice or damage of the English Company? Not in the least: What agreement or comparison than is there between this business and Bantam? In Bantam the Netherlandish Company was Auxiliary to Succour an oppressed King, whose condition and state was brought to the very point of utter ruin, and who in this desperate juncture implored our Auxiliary Forces against his Rebels, and by whose means he was delivered from that oppression.  
For which the King granted, or rather, we bargained and required nothing else, but the Trade in his City and Country, with Seclusion of all other, not to continue always, but only so long till the promise made of reimboursing the charges we had been at in affording our help to him, and which by mutual consent was summed up, should be performed.  
This also may serve to demonstrate the Moderation of the Netherlandish Company, in regard of the interest of the English Company. True the Troops of the Netherlandish Company are still in Bantam; but hath not the King power to this? May he not retain them in his City for his service and the security of his Person and State, and without whom he could not, as he declareth, subsist or be secure among his Subjects, especially those that had been up in Rebellion against him, of whom he was not much beloved, and also the Old King his Father, being yet alive.  
By this also an Answer is sufficiently made unto the second Point, with this Addition only, that it is very ridiculous to think, that the Dutch Company should have intended by this War against Golconda; to plot the overthrow and ruin of the English Companies Commerce (which notwithstanding they maliciously lay to our charge) as by the event also hath clearly appeared.  
And because, as before hath been said, we foresaw that the Erecting of the Netherlandish Company in the Indies, could not be maintained without force of Arms, therefore, as has been said, the States did in a special manner authorize them thereto.  
Whereupon the English Company perceiving they were deprived of such a power, did in imitation, of what the States had granted to us, also procure an Octroy or Charter from the King now reigning, of which till that time they were unprovided, and by reason of which, were fain to suffer those injuries and Violences patiently, which now the one and then another of the Princes, Potentates, and Nations molested them with, and still must have suffered, had they not by special Authority been empowered to an offensive War in such case as might fall out. And therefore as soon as they had obtained that Charter, they by virtue thereof took up Arms against the Great  in Bengale, and as is thought also in Suratte.  
And might not now the Dutch Company with as good ground and reason affirm, that the English Company hath undertaken this War, thereby to incommodate, endamage and interrupt us in our Trading, which is very considerable in those Countries.  
And in case we should make complaints against them, would they desist, or be persuaded to make no further Progress in their Affairs? Undoubtly they would not. Or if we should hereupon become troublesome to them, might they not justly help themselves with the known Rule, that he who useth his own Right, doth hurt no man thereby. Yet thus Self-love and Interest doth blind the Eyes of men.  
We only wish and desire, that in such cases of their War, which they wage, our Dutch Company may be treated, and have the same measure as the English Company hath had, all the while the Dutch Company made War with the King of Persia and Golconda.  
The third Point, so as it is couched and laid down in the Annex of the Memorial of the Marquis of Albiville, is altogether abusive and untrue, to wit, That we had forbidden them after the expiring of eight weeks to negotiate there any more.  
True, we understood it fit, and so forbade them that after the expiration of eight weeks, they should bring no more Wares which they might have bespoken, from the Country into the City, for if they would, they had opportunities enough to bring in all they had during this time.  
But here the quesion may be: Whether in this we have not done amiss and contrary to Right of Nations?  
First, by Sea we hindered them not, but out of our own goodwill, although we had a Squadron of Ships before the City, permitted them freely to traffic; yea they might during the space of these eight weeks, cause all what they had in the Country to be brought unto them. Now in stead that they ought to have taken and owned this as a great Civility condescension and benefit to them, this they make a point or Article of their complaint and accusation, but with as little ground, as in all the rest.  
It is well known, that when the French, English, Spaniard, Portugises and others, make Conquests of any Countries or Places beyond Europe, they then forbidden Navigation and Traffic unto all Strangers in the said placcs.  
Yea so far that some of them, if they only spy at Sea a strange ship though at some distance, seemingly approaching their Countries, they board, take and confiscate them.  
In conformity and according to this practice the Netherlandish Company, after they were become masters of Maslupatnam, might have forbidden the Navigation and all Commerce unto the English Company.  
For although the Netherlandish Company made use and took possession of the City, to no other End, then only to bring the King of Golconda the sooner to reasonable terms; yet they could not be certain, whether it should have such success as they expected, or how long it might be before it were effected.  
And in the mean while, why might they not order themselves according to the Rule of other Nations, and especially that which the English themselves beyond Europe do practise; yea which the English Company doth do in the East-Indies also, as shall more largely by and by be dilated.  
How then can it be ill taken or imputed an Injury done by the Dutch Company, that they only required, that the English Company, after the expiration of eight weeks, should let no more Wares of the Country, to be brought into the City, or to hold correspondence with the Enemies of the Netherlandish Company.  
For if all what was carried out, and brought in into the City, should have been at the pleasure of the English Company, while the Enemy lay posted with his Army round about the same, it would certainly have been of too dangerous a consequence to the Netherlandish Company.  
They might therefore during the time the City was in their power, in matters of such a nature, order and dispose of things, as they judged most convenient.  
Neither can any justly interpret this in an evil sense, although it had been done here in Europe: Namely to forbid that in a City surrounded and besieged by Land, nothing be brought in and out, and that thro' the Army of the Enemy, who undoubtedly neither could nor would permit the same.  
But put the case that it might in some respect be controverted and disputed (which certainly in reason can not be imagined) yet than it ought to be enquired into, whether by that Letter or Insinuation any damage did accrue unto them.  
For, as before hath been said, the English did of their own accord retire out of Maslupatnam, leaving the City for fear of being burnt by fire.  
And again, they do not say, that any stop or hindrance was done to them in their Commerce: for on the contrary in their Answer unto the Insinuation (as may be seen in the foresaid Annex to the Memorial of the Marquis of Albiville) they affirm that they would continue their Traffic as before.  
Thirdly, the English had divers other Lodges more, by, or not far from Maslupatnam, where they could without any molest drive their trade ●yea Madraspamen itself, and the Fort St. George, which was their own Place and Fortress, being also in the said Kingdom of Golconda, and where they have their Capital or chief House of trading, lying also near thereunto.  
And forasmuch as they could there receive Wares out of that Kingdom as well as out of Maslupatnam, hence it manifestly appeareth that the suspicion which the English Company would blot us with, as if we had remarkablie injured them in their Traffic in the Kingdom of Golconda, is altogether ungrounded and frivolous.  
The following fourth Point, concerning the making of Contracts Privative (or by way of Seclusion) with divers Princes in the East-Indies, about some kind of Wares and Fruits growing in their Countries, shall be spoken to hereafter, upon the subject treating of the West Coast of Sumatra.  
Coming then to the second Capital point, to wit, the Infraction and damages our men should have done to the D●tch at Batancapas, lying on the West-Coast of Sumatra, we will with the permission of your Puiss. Highnesses, first a little speak of the commodiousness and conveniences of those Countries, and then come to the Matter itself.  
It is thus, the foresaid Coast is divided into divers Regions and Jurisdictions, of which Boncoulo, Sillebaer, and from thence to the South, far beyond the straits of Sunda, do belong to the King of Bantam, and again from Boncoule Northwards unto Sinckal, are under the Command of the Netherlandish Company. The Prince and People of these Countries were in part subjected to the Netherlndish Company, for and in acknowledgement of the Benefits they had received from us, being to our vast expenses and trouble, freed from oppression, and having our promise to take them into our protection.  
And partly by the War these mutinous and unfaithful people waged against us, for thereby being subdued and brought under our power, they were forced not only to acknowledge that Soverainity we had, but also by Contract to oblige themselves to deliver unto us at a certain rate all the Pepper and other commodities their Countries yielded with excluding of all other Nations, not only Indians, but Europians also.  
And what concerns Boncoulo, it is true the English some years past, came with their Forces, and possessed themsclves thereof, under pretext that the Old King of Bantam had during the Civil Wars (in which he was taken Prisoner) granted to them free Trading, and Habitation at Sillebaer, but were driven out of the last place by the forces of the King that now reigneth in Bantam, they retired to Boucoulo, and built a Fortress there, where they yet keep their abode, and from thence did transport and wrest out of our hands a very considerable part of Pepper, we say, wrested, forasmuch as it was by Contract with Bantam made over to us, whereby although they have intruded into what belonged to us, to our great detriment; yet we will pass that by, as not being ignorant that such manner of Contracts and Obligations made with Princes in whose Countries, where we have only Lodges or Factories, do give us no full right actually to hinder other Nations for to buy and transport their Commodities, but must leave it to the disposal of him that is Lord and Master of those Countries.  
But that we should be constrained to suffer other Nations to come and Traffic in the Countries where, besides such Contracts, we have and exercise Superiority, and permit them also for the security of their Commerce to build Forts there, is a thing that none who are of a sound and sedate Judgement, would so much as imagine; and yet this is the question that here must be agitated.  
For the English as hath been said, did not only not content themselves to settle at Boucoulo, the Territory of Bantam, and build a Fortress there, but did advance even to Indraporina, took post, and erected a Fort there also, and this they did, notwithstanding the Protestations and friendly Informations of the Netherlandish Company against it, as infringing their right, in a Country in subjection for many years unto the Dutch Company, and where they, besides the Contracts made with the People, do exercise all Acts of Sovereignty, and of which they have the Agreements and Contracts, lying by them to show. Now this is it, for which the Dutch Company doth judge they have reason so greatly to complain, of which by and by we shall more fully speak.  
Of the same nature is that of Batancapas, of which in special mention is made in the foresaid Memorial and Annex, lying between Indraporina and Sullida, near about three or four Miles from the last place mentioned, properly appertaining to this Company, where they of the English Company do themselves pretend, that by or over against our Fort aforesaid, they also erected one, but were prevented by us, and over which prevention they make heavy complaints in their said Annex, but without any ground at all, as shall appear by what followeth.  
The History, according as things were transacted, is this: After that Sapoele Boahandslaers, unto whom Batancapas also was belonging, being a perfidious and mutinous people, had divers times before, and now again of late lift up themselves against the Netherlandish Company breaking the fidelity they had sworn, and the Contracts they had made with them; yet the Dutch Company upon their submission, and laying down their Arms in March 1686. did again receive them into favour, making a stricter Contract with them, and that for the future they would, according to promise, remain in their fidelity, Obedience and Submission to the Netherlandish Company, and henceforward respect and obey the Governor at Badang, being the chief place of the said Company on the said West-coast, without ever declining, upon pain of being declared Enemies, and brought under the everlasting wrath of God over them and their posterity; and besides with this condition, that all the Gold, Pepper and other Wares their Countries yielded, or which were brought thither, should only be and remain for the Netherlandish Company, they paying the ordinary price for them, as by the foresaid Contract in the keeping of the Dutch Company is more at large to be seen, which was agreed on 15. March 1686. being many Months before the English Company, according their own confession, came to Batancapas. And no sooner were they come thither but endeavoured to misled the people of Batancapas, and to draw them from their Fidelity and Obedience; but well knowing what kind of People they were and how little to be trusted, they erected a Fortress in their Land, but were by the Netherlandish Company, according to their own saying, prevented by building a Fort there also.  
While things were in this state, it happened that some of the Nadias' that were fallen of with their men, did in the presence of six English, as Enemies, set upon us in the foresaid Post, and drive our men a Canon-shot out of the Fort among the Inhabitants, by which, as was reported, four of the foresaid Inlanders were slain: but as in such times and cases of that nature, all are not alike mutinous and of the same mind, thereupon they who remained faithful, went out against them that were fallen off, to drive them from thence, and made themselves Masters of the English Fort, and except it had been for our intervention, they would have murdered all the English in their retreat: but whatever they left behind, as they desired by their Letter, was as much as possibly could be, not only restored to them, but what is more, at their Request we provided them all manner of provisions of meat and drink, etc. for which also in their Letters dated the 22. and 26. August 1686. they were very thankful unto us, as we can show by them, in the last of which Letters one of their men wrote, that he was come there, to wit to Batancapas, with order to see whether (Note this well) he could have the Canon pieces, which the Malayers in the Assault had found in the Fort, to be restored to him; but seeing that they demanded too much money for them, he would go back to Indraponra, and make report thereof to the Commander in Chief: In which it is worthy of observation, that in the foresaid Annex, belonging to the forementioned Memorial of the Marquis of Albiville, they say, that the same day they came to Bantam, our Ministers sent them a Protest, and withal counselled them to beware of the Malayers, with a Complaint (these are their own words) of the Injury the English did to us, namely, in that they came to settle themselves at Batancapas, and at Indraponra also, places both appertaining to the Dutch Company, and that two days after our men had sent another Protest.  
The case then standing thus actually as is said, the question will be, from which of the two Companies, the English or the Dutch, the Action doth arise, and which of the two hath cause to complain?  
In case the Netherlandish Company had according to their expectation, received in their Ships, that last arrived out of the East-Indies, all the particulars and Informations belonging to this matter, they would not have failed to make their just complaints to your Puiss: Highnesses in a Methodical way; but forasmuch as the Letters of the Government of Batavia specify, that they must first wait for the Arriral of their Ships from the West-Coast, the Netherlandish Company must defer the same, to a fit opportunity.  
However by what is already said, it doth sufficiently appear by what force, violence and intrusion those of the English Company have acted against us, both at Indraponra, as also at Batancapas and elsewhere, and that consequently, we have abundant reason to require reparation and Satisfaction of them.  
That which the English Company allegeth against this, so as it is contained in their Annex to the foresaid Memorial of the Marquis of Albeville, consists in this.  
First, the Emperor of Maniarbohaer should have conferred and settled that Country upon them, and had to this End sent up two of his Sons to establish the English there.  
Secondly, that they by virtue thereof having built a Fort there, we in a time of peace had by violence assaulted them, and this only for the securing of our Traffic in Pepper.  
Thirdly, That we had disdainfully trampled upon and torn the Pavilion of the King of England.  
Fourthly, That out of the Fort we had shot at the Inhabitants of Batancapas, and at them that brought their Wares to Market.  
And lastly, that our men had robbed and taken away all the Merchandises, Effects, Silverwork, Canon, and whatever they had there.  
What concerns the first point, it is manifest, that the Netherlandish Company for many years hath had and still hath the Dominion in and over the Countries where Batancapas is seated.  
That this Authority and Dominion is now again lately in March 1686. conferred upon them with most advantageous conditions, and are thereby settled in the peaceable enjoyment thereof: So that they had not any lawful Right to install and deliver up that Country into the hands of the English.  
For as to the forementioned Emperor, whom the English stile the Emperor of Manicabo, it is true that up or in the midst of the Country of Sumatra, which are Lands of Manicabo, a certain Prince or Emperor doth reign.  
But that the Prince ever came into the lower part of this Country, and as they pretend, established the English there, shall while the world stands, never be proved by them.  
For it is certain, that that Emperor never hath been in those lower Countries, also in former times those Lower Countries were subjected to the usurped Authority of that Queen Seehini, whose yoke long ago they have cast off, and given over themselves unto the Dominion of the Dutch Company, who have taken upon them to protect and defend them against all Opposers whatsoever.  
However, according to our late Letters, it is true that there appeared in these Lower Countries two young Lords, styling themselves Princes, who also by some were acknowledged for such, but cried down and rejected by others as Counterfeits.  
But suppose they had been true and Lawful Princes, yea the very Sons of the Emperor, which can never be proved, yet what right and Authority could they have to establish the English there, muchless to make over the Country unto them, or what appearance of Truth can be imagined, they should have done the same?  
It is certain never any of the English Company have been up in those Highlands with the Emperor; no not any of Netherlandish Company themselves, notwithstanding they have lived more than forty years upon the Nether-Coast.  
That those Princes should have Order and Power from their Father to do this, is not so much as affirmed, muchless proved by the English Company itself.  
And although it could be proved, yet it must come under examination, whether that Power and Authority could be stretched so far or not.  
Yea be it how it will, it is enough for the Netherlandish Company, that we according to the confession of the English themselves, not only were there before them, but also that three days before their arrival, we had fortified ourselves, yea as they say, upon a Rock.  
Add to this, and which indeed is wholly deciding in the subject case, that in the very Letter the English produce and annexed to the Memorial of the Marquis of Albiville, and to which he refers himself, it is said, that those so named Princes did declare, that in case the Hollanders should establish themselves at Batancapas before the English, that then the English should be frustrated thereof. Words very remarkable from such, by whom the English pretend to have obtained their right, especially it being so fallen out as they said.  
If notwithstanding the Emperor of Manicabo might pretend any right to those Lands, and declare that we did keep them in our possession unlawfully, which we suppose shall never be; yet than it would be a question to be decided betwixt the Emperor and us, and not with the English.  
The second point is also without any ground of truth, to wit, that our men should have taken that Fort by violence from them, the English themselves affirm in a certain Letter, annexed to the foresaid Memorial, that our men did divers times incite the Malbayers, and urged them to fall upon the English.  
Moreover that one Mechelen, whom in their foresaid Annex they name Muchalon, Commander in Chief of our Men there should have said to the English, and warned them to save themselves, otherwise the Maleyers would fall upon and kill them.  
But that the English not regarding those threats, at the last our men should have commanded the Maleyers to fall upon them indeed.  
Of which if they should be required, to bring in their proof it would be far to seek, but on the contrary, it is a certain evidence that our men did endeavour their preservation.  
Hoewever we deny not, that our Maleyers, that is, such of them as remained on our side, fell upon the other, which rebelled against us, and took in the Fort they yet held in their possession.  
It is worthy of Observation that the English themselves confefs, that not so much as a man of them was killed in that action, because we prevented our Maleyers, with all our might hindering them from doing it; but suppose it to be true, though it be not so, that our own men had taken the fort from the English, what can be justly said against it? might we not drive them out of a Fort, which in despite of us they erected in a Country that belonged to us? and that right over against the Fortress we had made there before, and after that by two Protests we had warned them not to do it, but would not at all listen to us.  
So that as instead that the English take this up a matter of Complaint and accusation against the Netherlandish Company, they ought to have been thankful to them for their kind and mild dealing with them; yea so far as to deliver them from eminent danger of death and ruin.  
As one Samuel Bats, who at that time commanded the English, together with John Becton in their Letters have truly acknowledged.  
And in case one of our Soldiers did, as they affirm in disdaing tear in pieces the Pavilion of the King of England, although it is not true, for according to the Letters thence received, the English themselved pulled down their Flag, which surely is more likely to be true, because they apprehending the great danger they were in, would not let the Flag come into hands of their Enemies. But suppose it were done by an English Soldier, what blame can be imputed to the Netherlandish Company in this?  
Why did the English expose the Flag of their King in such manner, in the Territory and Country appertaining to another? Is it not a thing known, that a strange Flag is not respected in any place whatsoever?  
That our men, according to the contents of the fourth point, should have shot out of the Fort with their Canon, is true: But it was done, not before, but after that the Rebellious Maleyers had assaulted us as Enemies.  
And put the case they had not done it, yet are we not for this responsable to the English Company.  
Was it not free for our men to deal with them that had revolted and became Rebels, as they thought meet? Surely if we had dealt more rigorously and in an hostile manner with them, they had sufficiently deserved the same.  
The spoiling of their goods they make mention of in the fourth point, the Netherlandish Company denies to have been done by their men. If it was done by the Maleyers, as in such occasions is ordinary, and therefore our State is not responsable for that, besides whatever we had preserved of theirs, was restored unto them again, as apperars by the forementioned Letter, in which the English complain, not that our men had taken their Canon, but acknowledge it was done by the Maleyers, and that it was yet in their possession.  
If then the Maleyers could take and carry away the Canon, how much easier was it for them to carry away other things? So that hereby is a clear and unanswerable proof, that our people did not intermeddle with that business, muchless that they should be guilty of the spoil made.  
And besides all this, the foresaid Bats in the forementioned Letters only desireth, that we would endeavour to get into our hands, and send him his Books and Writings, as also two men that were run away with one Moor, together what provision of meat and drink they had left, without in the least mentioning any other thing, as well knowing it was not remaining in our, but in the hands of Maleyers: neither is it to be imagined to have been of any great importance, for in such a place, where the inevitable danger was foreseen daily by them, and where they had their Chalops and Boats, lying near their very walls to put in whatsoever was of any worth, it is not easily to be believed, they left any thing behind them, they made any great esteem of, but only what they willingly would part with: and also whatever the Dutch Company could save, or get out of the hands of he Maleyers, was restored unto them.  
And can these men be heard, or any belief given to what was robbed and taken from them was delivered into the hands of the Commander in Chief of the Dutch Company, as they affirmatively depose in the Anaex of the Memorial of the Marquis of Albiville, whereas in the Indies they not only mentioned not a word thereof, but on the contrary by their Letters they declared their thanckfulness to that Commander in Chief, for the great Love and Friendship he had showed him.  
Add to this, that when the foresaid Bats wort, that he had received the goods, he sent for in his foregoing Letters, that if there had been any thing more in our hands, would he not have desired that it might also had have been conveyed to him? undoubtedly he would.  
And yet they are not ashamed to allege such frivolous things and fictions, if so be they might but by any means make our case odious to the world.  
For it seemeth the English Company seeks to make it their Custom, by Complaints how ungrounded and futil soever they are to preoccupy, and thereby to get an advantage to the prejudice of the Dutch Company: but we doubt but they shall fall short of their aim as in this, as they have in the business of Bantam.  
This is that which the English Company in the Memorial they delivered up do make the ground of their Complaints, affirming that the design of the Netherlandish Company was nothing else then by injustice, violence and oppression to engross into their hands the whole Commerce in the East-Indies, and that, as they add, by continuance. But that they hope His Majesty of Great Britain will timely provide such remedies whereby such continual Intrusions, Invasions and engrossings of the Netherlandish Company may be prevented.  
But we would willingly know of the English Company whence they gather and can make good such Inferences, that they of the Netherlandish Company have ever endeavoured the same: Except they have recourse to such like conclusions, as they have already produced, the ungroundedness whereof, we have nakedly and clearly demonstrated.  
Besides it is well known that the Countries in the Indies and in Africa are so great and numerous, the districts almost infinite, that it would be a great presumption, yea folly once to imagine it, not to speak of the absolute impossibility to effect the same.  
'Tis true (and herewith also shall be spoken in Answer to the fourth point, which we reserved to this place) that the Netherlandish Company hath with a few unconsiderable Potentates or Princes made Contracts over a Privative or Seclusive Traffic of some kind Wares which their Countries did yield. But if the English Company should maintain this to be an unlawful thing, they must condemn their own doing, and so as it were pronounce Sentence against what themselves have done in former times; and of which many examples may be alleged: Now if the English Company hath made such contracts, sometimes without, and sometimes together with us, when we were in a nearer League Anno 1619. and some years following, as may be seen and will appear in the Public Testimonies Writings lying by us.  
And when the English Company had such Contracts with us together, then according to their sentiment, it was lawful and good. But now the Netherlandish Company doth the same without them, as having no communion or fellowship in the least with them in the Indies, it is condemned and exclaimed against by them, as being unreasonable: Ought they not to call to memory, that in former times the English Merchants had the whole Traffic of the Caveyaer which Rusland or Muscovia did yield.  
And to come yet closer to them, have they not made in the Indies, and yet daily seek to make such Contracts, especially on the Coast of Malabaer?  
That the Netherlandish Company hath erected here and there some Forts for the security of their Trade, and also to make the People of those Countries to stand to the Contracts made with them, cannot be imputed a Crime to the Netherlandish Company, or the English Company must confess themselves guilty of the said crime, for they also have made Forts for the same end at Boucoulo and Indraponra, and moreover endeavoured to do the like at Batancapas, with what face then can the English Company blame us in this? and lay it as a great evil to our charge, whereas they themselves at Priaman (being on the West-Coast of Sumatra, a Country under the subjection of the Netherlandish Company, and where they had a Fortress) not only intended, but even actually took in hand to settle themselves, yea also according to the Octroy or Charter granted them by the King now reigning, as to other things, so in special to build a Royal Fortress, fortified with 40 great Pieces of Canon, Magasins, Wharves for Shipping, and all other Houses and Buildings, there to erect a Court of Justice and Admiralty, and henceforward there to regulate and govern themselves after the same manner, that the Netherlandish Company (these are their very terms) are wont to do in their places, commanding them that in the Building of that great and Royal Fort, they should well provide for the security of their men, not only against the mutinous People of Sumatra, but also (which is not to be passed by without a Nota bene) against their outlandish Enemies, the Hollanders.  
For however that design of theirs was not effected, because the English coming there with their Ships, found that the Netherlandish Company themselves had a Fort there, so that had they gone forward, they saw it must be by falling upon us in a hostile way, and drive us from thence, which in appearance they dared not, yet to attempt: may we not hereupon justly demand, whether if they of the English Company having attained to their desired intent, as to that City would not have kept it alone to themselves, and whether they would have suffered us to trade together with them there? For then the Fortress built at such excessive charges in that City would have been of no use or benefit, but a burden only.  
But in case they now had near Priaman by force of Arms compelled some of those Princes thereabout, or that any of them had of their own free will submitted to the English Company, (for there are divers Princes and People's, who have every one apart their Jurisdictions and Command, and for many years since submitted themselves to us) if I say, they should by force of Arms overcome any of the said Princes, or if any of them should willingly, and of their own accord submit to the said Engglish Company, and make privative or seclusive Contracts with them, though perhaps they had not built any Forts in the Country, and that the Netherlandish Company would thereupon intrude themselves, and deprive the English of their interest, by building a Fortress, to hinder them from enjoying the Fruits and Benefits of the Contracts made with those Nations: might not in such a case the English justly have opposed us, yea driven us away by force? undoubtly they might.  
If then it deserve to be judged injustice, violence and oppression in us, by lawful means to seek in one and the other Country out of or beyond Europe, to get and appropriate to ourselves the Trade thereof: Then we know not, how possibly the English can be judged blameless, considering what they have done in Carolina, Virginia, New-England, Jamaica, and elsewhere, Countries of that vast extent, that all what the Netherlandish Company doth possess in East-Indies, is not to be compared thereunto.  
And in case it be lawful to be done there, why then may it not be done by the Dutch Company in the East-Indies? except that it can be demonstrated, that the Rights of the West-Indies and the East-Indies are not of the same nature.  
But to remain only within the bounds of the East-Indies. The Netherlandish Company would fain know, upon what account Sillebaer, Boncoulo, Indraponra, etc. were taken and possessed by the English? to what end they erected Forts there? especially if their design at Priaman had succeeded, was it not to draw and appropriate unto them the Commerce of Pepper, as much as they could? They endeavoured to make and fortify Priaman in such a manner, for so their Orders runs, that they might be in a posture to withstand the Hollanders, whom they term, their Enemies.  
If then the Netherlandish Company, be thus looked upon by them, it is no wonder, their Ministers and Servants in the Indies labour to do us all the spite, mischief and injury they possibly can.  
Whereas on the contrary our men, according to the Letters which from time to time we receive thence, endeavour nothing more, then to please and condescend to them in all things, according to the order which our States do continually give unto us: hereby also, were it possible, to free your Puiss: Highnesses from further Complaints and Molestations, with which your Puiss: Highnesses are so often disturbed by the English: but the greater condescension we have used and laboured to show unto them, what advantages and quiet soever we endeavoured to procure, what affronts soever we passed by, all is but labour lost, and the successive Letters we receive from the Indies testify, is as Oil cast into the fire, and only makes them the more audacious and fierce against us.  
And had we at the first at Indraponra, stoutly opposed and hindered them from settling themselves there, to which we had an indisputable Right, they would not have ventured to have undertaken, what they did at Batancapas, and the troubles thereon ensuing would have been prevented, our condescension and indulgence being the only occasion they abused thereunto.  
If at any time infraction or injustice hath been committed, they must have recourse to what happened in the business on the West-Coast, of which the Netherlandish Company hopes after some time to make full discovery to your Puiss: Highnesses.  
However this is underniable that our Men now lately at Bengale did the English a signal service, for when they were in a great extremity, and the Moors had deprived them of all means of Livelihood, then by our mediation and intervention the business was brought to a cessation of all acts of hostility for a time: so far was it from our intent to plot, or cause any harm to come to them, for if it had been so, never fairer opportunity was put into the hands of any, then in that business of Bengale, wherein the English, besides the loss of Hundreds of their men, would have sustained irreparable damage in their Estates and occasions.  
At Batavia we took them into us, without in the least being obliged thereto, there we harboured them a long time, we permitted their Ships coming in and going out, to enjoy all manner of necessaries and refreshments, notwithstanding all the continual nastinesses and pilfrings of their men; yea those very Ships which came from the West-Coast in that miserable and desolate condition, and where they had dealt so inhumanely with our men, as hath been related, yet we provided them not only with whatever they needed, but also let them them repair, and new build them again upon our Wharves.  
In case the Subjects of our Stase should come to request such a thing of them in the Caribes, Barbados, Virgina, Jamaica, or other places, they not only would not have admitted, but rather seized and confiscated them. The same usage also in likelihood, we might expect from them at Madraspatnam, or their Fort S. Georg, where as hath be said, they have settled themselves on the Coast of Cormandel, or at least would send us packing away from thence.  
Their Ship the Royal James coming in Sept. 1686. from England, and arriving at Priaman, with the loss of about 40. Mariners and 30. Soldiers, together with all their Chief Officers unto the very last Sergeant they had, in expectation to have found there a Royal factory, but in stead thereof meeting with our Men, and departing from thence, at their earnest request, we furnished them with all manner of refreshments, they pleading that because the season was well past they intended to sail to Padang in Bengale, but in stead thereof, they stiered their course to Indraponra, where they knew there was nothing to be found for them, save men, ammonition and such like necessaries for War, with which they provided themselves the better to maintain the place against us.  
Their Ship the Herbert, being arrived before Batavia, some of their men came into the City with Pocket Pistols, and picked a quarrel in their Lodging in the night, and making use of their Pistols, they were by the assistance of the People and Magistrates Servants disarmed, their Pistols by force taken away, otherwise it had undoubtedly cost much Blood, and so these impudent men were chased out of the City.  
And besides some other Ships, the 1. of December of the last yea, there arrived at Cochin, a City belonging to the Netherlandish Company on the Coast of Mallabaer, a certain English Fregat (named Madras, and the Captain John Wallis, coming from Cormandel, being bound for Suratta, who after he got fresh Victuals and Water, and was without being taken notice of, come aboard, he entreprised in the night time with a boat propped with men to enter a certain Moor's Ship, who some days before as come from Suratta into that Road, he throughly searched the same, while that 15. Musquetiers with their Cocks bent lay in readiness near unto them, and required the Tandel or Boatsman (the Master then being on Land at Coehin) to show him his Passport, who affirming that he had it not, took him along with him out of his Ship, and having brought him a board his own, with much threatening commanded him to fetch his Pass from Land, but when the said Boatsman was returned from Land, he saw that the foresaid Englishman was departed, after he thus used violence in the Road, where all aught to be in the greatest security.  
Again, on the fourth of the said month there arrived at Cochin for the same end an English Schip called Carolus Secundus, mounted with 60 Guns and about threehundred men, Mariners and Soldiers, having near 50 dead and 80 sick persons after he was come from England the foregoing May: and notwithstanding it was remonstrated, and complaints made to the Captain Jonathan Andrews of the injury and violence he did to our Company, yet he was not ashamed to pretend a right to visit a Moors Ship in our Road, come hither from Suratta, upon the pretext that in the said Moor's Ship there were English Fugitives, however he was at last persuaded to desist.  
Now in case one or more Ships of the Netherlandish Company should undertake in the Rhode of Madraspatnam, a City as hath been said, belonging to the English East-Indies Company, to visit, search and deal with them after the same manner the English have done in our Rhodes, what horrid Exclamations would they not make throughout Europe about it? What pretences of injuries, affronts and damages would they not divulge? And yet this is the very thing they dare to enterprise in our Rhodes and Rivers.  
They complain of Infraction, Wrong, Injustice offered them: But if ever any wrong or injustice hath been done, it is apparently to be seen in this, and in a matter of such tenderness and consequence.  
We pass by in silence, that the English have endeavoured, and yet continue daily to debauch and entice our men by money to desert us and enter into their service, witness what they do at Bengale, upon the Coast of Cormandel, Suratta, and elsewhere, neither have we ever been able to make them to desist from these their continued practices for so many years successively, by all the Protestations and Complaints made and delivered up unto them: And in case we feared not to be overtroublesom to your Puiss. Highnesses in the rehearsal of many other matters and transactions, whereby the greatest wrong and injustice imaginable hath been offered us: The Netherlandish Company could more amply enlarge and extend these things. But with the permission of your Puiss: Highnesses we shall reserve the same to another opportunity.  
P. VAN DAM. Delivered the 4. Octob. 1687.