A JUSTIFICATION OF THE DIRECTORS OF THE Netherlands East-India Company.  
As it was delivered over unto the High and Mighty Lords the State's General of the United Provinces, the 22d. of July, 1686.  
Upon the Subject and Complaint of Mr. Skelton, Envoy Extraordinary from the King of Great Britain, touching the Affair of Bantam, and other Controversies at Macassar, and on the Coast of Mallabar and at Gamron, in the Gulf of Persia.  
Likewise a JUSTIFICATION in Answer to the several Memorials lately given unto the State's General by the Marquis of Albeville, touching Meslepatam and other Places in the Indies.  
Translated out of Dutch by a good Friend, for the Satisfaction of all such as are Impartial Judges of the Matters now in dispute between the two Companies.  
Printed at LONDON, in the Year 1687.  
LONDON, Printed for Samuel Tidmarsh, near the Royal Exchange, 1688.   

TO THE HIGH and MIGHTY LORDS THE STATE'S GENERAL OF THE UNITED NETHERLANDS.  
High and Mighty Lords,  
IN obedience to your Highness' Letter addressed the 30th. May, 1686. unto the Praesidial Chamber of the East-India Company at Amsterdam, being pleased to command the said Company in Relation to your Highness' Resolution of the same Date, to transmit with the very first an Information unto a certain Memorial presented by Mr. Skelton, Envoy Extraordinary of his Royal Majesty of Great Britain, unto your Highnesses the second of the said Month, touching the Business of Bantam; and moreover containing Complaints of what passed in the East-Indies at Gamron, Mallabar, and Macassar, with demand of Reparation. Hereupon the Regent's (or Directors) of the said Compan● of this Nation, have, with all due Respect, this to say: First, Concerning the first Point, specifying th● Business of Bantam, That although your Puissant Highnesses may very well remember all what hath happened and passed since the Month of May 1683, when firs● those Clamours and heavy Complaints were made by Mr. C●udlie, Extraordinary Envoy, in the Assembly o● your Puissant Highnesses, and thereupon soon after more fully dilated and deduced by Sir John Chardin, both viv●●voce and in Writing. Nevertheless, assuring ourselves that it will not be unacceptable to your Puissant Highnesses, that the said Memorial be again somewhat afresh reiterated, the aforesaid Regent's of the East-India Netherlands Company will, with Permission of your Puissant Highnesses, make a short Recital; First, of what in the beginning was done here in Holland by Conference and Treaties, and also afterwards continued, and further Progress thereof made in England by the Lord Ambassador Citters, according to the Order given him by your Puissant Highnesses; and consequently of the Proceedings held in England by Committees on both sides, and what further was acted in the same; and so come to the Principal Matter, to demonstrate as briefly as possibly may be, how unreasonable, and wholly ungrounded those Complaints are, which in the beginning were so clamorous: and then will fully justify the Government of Batavia in their Managements and Proceedings in those Affairs.  
What concerns the first, Mr. Chudlie, Extraordinary Envoy, by his Memorial of the 25th. of May of the aforesaid Year 1683, complained to your Puissant Highnesses, that the Government of Batavia had in a manner altogether extraordinary outrageously dealt with the English East-India Company, and by main force driven them out of their ancient Place of Residence at Bantam; and that in so strange a manner, that not any one Example (a thing rather to be buried in silence, than related) of the like nature can be produced: And therefore requiring that the said Netherlandish Company should be obliged to draw back their Troops out of Bantam, re-establishing the English there again, and to make Reparation of the Losses by them sustained. But Sir John Chardin beforementioned, who by the foresaid English East-India Company was s●nt hither in Commission, did somewhat mitigate these Complaints, apparently, because they were so horrible Extravagant: And instead of accusing the Government of Batavia, as if they had driven the English out of Bantam, did content himself to say, that it happened through the Suggestion and Counsel of Major St. Martin, who commanded the Netherlandish Troops at Bantam in Chief, and that it was he that disposed the King to put forth the English out of Ban●●●: And although all he affirmed was without any Proof, but only grounded on a Conjecture; yet that which is to be wondered at, is, that he would form a Public Memorial on so slight and weak Grounds.  
And although the Bewinthebbers were at that time infurnished with such Elucidation of Matters as is requisite, not yet having then any of their Ships re●●●ed out of India, and what they knew in the Business, was by Letters only sent in English Ships from England, where the said Letters were held up some 〈◊〉, the Seals broken and opened, and then afterward ●●●nded to the Correspondent of the Netherlandish Company at London; notwithstanding they omitted not, according to the knowledge they had attained, to give your Highness' Informations and Answers to their Complaints. Whereupon your Puissant Highnesses having given an Answer to the said Chudlie and Chardin (unto which the English Company in some passages of their Writing do appeal) soon after with the good liking of your Puissant Highnesses, a Treaty began with the forenamed Chardin and the Netherlandish Company; and the Business was so far advanced, that on both sides a final Agreement was assuredly expected, whereas on a sudden Mr. Chudlie and Sir John Chardin pretending to have Command and Order from their King, to put a stop to the Business, the aforesaid Treaties here was unexpectedly broken off▪ however was with Consent of your Puissant Highnesses, who desired nothing more than to compose and conclude, if possible, this matter in a Friendly way, continued in England; whereunto the Lord Ambassador Citters was furnished with full Order and Power both from your Puissant Highnesses, as also from the Company here: But hereupon the English heightening their Demands, and as appeared afterward even in their Reply, of which shall be spoken hereafter, they avowed to have other Designs, intending to re-establish themselves at Bantam; unto which end in the latter part of the Year 1683, they prepared a great Fleet well manned, to effect the same; but this their Design, as themselves affirm, and complain that they might not put it in Execution, as being hindered by the now deceased King, of happy Memory; Hereupon this Treaty was stopped, and no further Progress made therein, until at length it pleased his said Majesty to make way for the prosecuting of the Agreement prescribed Anno 1674, between his Majesty and this State; to wit, That the Differences should be determined and composed by Committees on both sides, who to that end, according to the aforesaid Convention, were to assemble together at London: The which being also approved by your Puissant Highnesses, there was erected a Tribunal Court, consisting of Eight Committees, Four on each part; before whom, after that the Parties on both sides had divers times appeared about the Praeliminaries and Cases incident, it was thought meet, that all things should be handled in Writing, and the State of the Case so written, to be made by Demand, Answer, Reply, and Duplick (or double Reply) even to a Triplick and Quadruplick: And besides all this, there were delivered up such pieces Probatory, as might serve to fortify and maintain the Case on the one hand, with the Confutation of the same on the other hand; they of the Netherlandish Company also making their Demand against the Demand of the English; and delivering the same over by way of Reconvention or contrary Demand, for the freighting of four Ships, wherewith the Netherlandish Company, upon the earnest Request of the English Company, had accommodated them, amounting to thirteen thousand nine hundred pounds Sterling: Insomuch that the aforesaid Pieces being delivered to the said Committees to do Right therein, the English Commissaries in their Vote declared, that it was their Opinion and Sentence, that instead of all what was demanded by the English East-Indie Company (to wit, not only the recalling of the Netherlandish Troops out of Bantam, and the Territories thereof, but moreover and above, to deliver up the Castle and City of Bantam.) The Netherlandish Company was only bound to re-establish the said English Company in Bantam, so, and in such wise, as was demanded by Monsieur Chardin in the Hague, and to settle all things in state as it was before the War; and the Damages and Reconvention (or contrary Demands) should be reserved.  
But the Committees of this State delivering in their Advice, every one of them in order did understand▪ and declare, that forasmuch as the decision of the Case, which must be judicially determined, did depend upon the Verity of Fact, which the English Company had charged the Netherlandish Company with, and in special that the said English Company were by them driven out of Bantam, of which they could not produce the least Proof; that therefore the said English Company ought to have their Demand and Conclusion made, and taken up against the Netherlandish Company; denied them; and the said English Company to be condemned to satisfy the Netherlandish Company for the Freighting of the four Ships which they demand by reconvention: By which, because of the cessation of Voices, the Case being fallen into the Terms which they were in according to the convention of Agreement of the Year 1673-74, must come into the hands of an Arbitrator or Compromissarius, to the choosing of whom by the aforesaid Agreement, the time of a Mouth was prescribed. But the said Committees for the Decision on both sides, not agreeing; for although the English Company were Plaintiff in Convention, yet the English Commissaries did not propose a Super-Arbitrator: so hereby the whole Case, according to an Act passed and subscribed on both sides, was left in the Hands of his said Majesty and your Highnesses, to be determined by you, according to the Contents of the aforesaid Agreement. And this is the Reason why the said Mr. Skelton, Envoy Extraordinary, made the aforesaid Memorial and Address to your Puissant Highnesses, to do Justice in the Case to the Subjects of England. Whereupon it must needs fall under Examination, whether the Complaints which the English Company have, and still do make, of the Business happened at Bantam, be grounded on such solid Reasons, as to oblige the Netherlandish Company so to Re-settle them at Bantam, as they were before the War; (for more than this was before denied to be due to them, by the English Commissaries themselves) and that with reparation of Damages and Interests, which they pretend to have sustained by the Netherlands Company. Now to make this Case to appear more ●early, forasmuch as since it was first presented to your Puissant Highnesses by Mr. Chudlie Extraordinary Envoy, and afterward more amply pressed by Sir John C●ardin, is now wholly altered, and quite of another Face: As also that the Netherlandish Company hath recovered further Proofs for the confutation of what the English Company did bring in, and maintain; therefore it will be necessary to dive somewhat deeper into the matter.  
The Case is this, Sultan Agon, formerly King of ●●tam, and Father of the present King now reigning, having Resolutions, both in respect of his Age; and other Considerations, to disinvest himself of the Government, and lead a still and private Life, he made over his Kingdom to his Eldest Son, retiring himself to T●●rtiassa, a place of Pleasure, about six Miles from Ba●tam, and seated a Mile from the Sea, there to spend the Residue of his Days, free from Public Affairs. His Son seated on the Throne, and having the Government of the Kingdom in his hands, forthwith s●nt Ambassadors to Batavia (accompanied for the further Splendour, with a Train of about 300 persons) to give notice to the Government there, of his Access to the Crown; and also to Renew their Ancient Alliance: Sending also Ambassadors to England, where they were in such manner received, as that those of the East-India Company, by their Letters to the said King of Bantam in July 1682, written about two Years after the Young King was come unto the Crown, say, That such Honour was given to his Ambassadors, as if they had been sent from the Greatest King or Potentate of the World: Adding in the said Letter, that they did with Joy understand, that God Almighty had brought, and invested him on the Throne of his Kingdom of Sourosoan, that is, the Kingdom of Bantam, with the good Will of his Father.  
And furthermore, His Majesty of Great Britain sent away the said Ambassadors with Presents to the Young King their Master, accompanied with an Honourable Letter to him; all which in the Process is produced, and in which he is styled the Famous and Illustrious Sultan Abdul Cahar Aba Nasar, King and Lord of the said Kingdom of Sourosoan, that is, of Bantam: Adding moreover, That his Majesty received the aforesaid Ambassadors with all due Respect, according to their Character, and with entire Affection, as coming from a Prince, whose Person and Amity his Majesty declared to have in very high Esteem, and unto whom he judged it necessary to send over his Agent or Envoy, furnished with power from his Majesty, and order from the English Company, for to make a stricter League with the King of Bantam; which Testimony and Proffer of Alliance was yet further reiterated in another Letter, writ by the aforesaid English Company from London the 17th. July 1682, also produced in the Process. By all which then it appeareth undeniably unto all that are Impartial, that the present King now ruling, was acknowledged both by the King of Great Britain, and by the English Company, as well in England, as in India, for the Lawful Lord and King of the whole Kingdom of Bantam, and as the Successor of his Father.  
But forasmuch as the present King, in the direction of the Affairs of the Kingdom, did not, as it seems, answer the Expectation of his Father, nor satisfy the Humour of many of his Subjects, there arose a heavy Civil War in the Kingdom, in which the Malcontended intended to cast off the Yoke from their Neck, as they termed it, after they had also drawn the Old King to their Party: who thereupon strengthened himself in Turtiassa (as also the King now reigning did at Bantam.) At length by force of Arms they made themselves Masters of Bantam, and besieged the Young King in his Castle into which he was retired; intending to bereave him both of his Throne and Life, and to set up a Younger Brother in his Place: Whereupon ●●is King, apprehending no other way of Deliverance, is having most of the Great Ones of his Kingdom ●●●ated against him, and the Commonalty also his Enemies, thought it Expedient for him to make known to the General of the Council of the Netherlandish Company at Batavia, his Miserable State, and that he not only was to expect the loss of the Crown, but also a most Cruel Death: The which he signified in most lamentable wise, imploring their Assistance: But they not judging it convenient in a case of such Importance to intrude themselves too unadvisedly, did, before they determined any thing in the least about it, conclude to interpose their Mediation betwixt Father and Son, and to that end to send Ambassadors with Letters tending to that Purpose: But the Father in a most disdainful manner rejecting the same, without vouchsafing to return any Answer at all to the Government of Batavia, or their Committees, the said Government did at last resolve, seeing the Condition of the Son tending to Ruin, as being forsaken almost by all, to assist him against the Rebels, and if possible, to deliver him out of the miserable State into which he was brought; which also they did with such Success, that notwithstanding the strong Opposition of the Enemy, we landed our Forces, raised the Siege of the Castle in which the King was, and set him again upon his Throne; who thereupon, both to demonstrate how greatly he was offended with the English, who had assisted his Enemies, as also to provide for his own Security for the Future, did, without any Instigation of the Netherlandish Company, command them to leave his Country, and to depart elsewhere with their Goods. This then being a True Narration of what passed in these Affairs, these Considerable Things do present themselves to Consideration.  
First, That the Old King having made over his Kingdom to his Eldest Son, he thereby became Lawful King by his Father's Transport, and was acknowledged so to be by the King of Great Britain, and by them of the English East-Indie Company.  
Secondly, That he thereby being Lawful King, his Subjects in taking up Arms against him, were Rebels.  
Thirdly, That according to the Law of Nature and of Nations, it is not only permitted, to be Assistant unto a King that is oppressed by his Subjects, but that such Assistance is approvable, and a Work of Charity and Love.  
Fourthly, That it is contrary to the Rule of Justice, to ascribe the evil Consequences of a Lawful and Worthy Act, unto him that is the Author of the said Act, and no● of the Consequences.  
Fifthly, That it is altogether against Reason, to impute the Chase of the English out of Bantam, unto them of the Government of Batavia, and to their Auxiliary Forces; because it is manifest, that the Departure of the English out of Bantam was not a Necessary, but an Accidental Consequence; the King not causing them to depart because he was Victorious (for he had suffered them to live there from the time he came to the Crown until the War, to wit, during the two years of his Reign) but only because he was certain they had assisted his Rebels, besides many other Suspicions he might justly have taken up against them.  
But against this, they of the English Company do allege, and depose for a real Truth, That they of Batavia had raised and fomented the Quarrels between the Old and the Young King of Bantam.  
That two years before the War began, they had had secret Negotiation with Pangeran Diepa Panerat, one of the Principal Ministers of the Young King, to bring about this their Design.  
That they afterward, having got this King into their Snares, and most perfidiously brought him under their Yoke, forthwith forced him to drive out the English.  
And to make the Ministers of the Netherlandish Company yet the more suspected and stinking to all the World, they undertook in the beginning of the Year 1683, to represent unto the King of Great Britain that the foresaid Major St. Martin, who commanded over the Forces of the Netherlandish Company at Bant●● in chief, had committed very many Enormities against the Factors, People, and the Effects of the English Company at Bantam; so far, that they dispossessed, and drove them out of their place of Residence: But instead that the English Company ought to have proved the Facts which are Essential to the Thing, in case they herein aimed to Triumph, they do not in the whole product which they made in the Process thereof, so much as allege the least appearance, either directly or indirectly, no, not so much as consequentially might serve for the verifying of the Enormities of such Facts.  
And although the Netherlandish Company might stand upon the Negative, which is not necessary, nay, many times possible to be proved, save only indirectly (for no man can in a direct manner prove that which is not) nevertheless to manifest clearly that they of the Government of Batavia are altogether blameless, let us only consider the moral Impossibility of the aforesaid Fact, viz. That the Governors of Batavia should have raised and fomented the Questions and Differences between the Father and the Son; as also the notorious Falsehood of the second Fact, namely, That the said Government should have forced the King to cause the English to depart out of Bantam.  
What concerns the first, It's known to the World, that for a long time there had been no good Intelligence between the Old King, and the Government of Batavia; no, not so much as to the least Correspondence: For the latter finding themselves much affronted and injured, insomuch that at last they took up Arms against each other, the War not ending, until the Son came to the Crown: so that they could not stir up the Son against the Father, much less foment their Quarrel.  
And what Folly would it have been for them of Batavia, to animate the Father to War against the Son, forasmuch as they lived with the Son in Amity, and as Good Neighbours, not having any Reason in the least to complain of his Government and Conduct towards them; whereas on the contrary, if the Father had got the upper hand, they should have been in a far worse Condition, and attracted a new Enemy against themselves.  
And that they should have stirred up the Son against the Father, and encouraged him to War, cannot be imagined by any that are in their right Senses; partly because thereby they could not expect any Profit or Advantage; or if they had, it would have been mixed ●ith an uncertainty as to the Event. And again, the Son would then have endeavoured to have been afore●●d, and the first Aggressor; whereas on the con●●●y, it was the Father, who thereby got so great Advantage over the Son, burning and ruinating the City, and keeping his said Son besieged in his own 〈◊〉: So that, had it not been for the Intervention ●●d Succours of them of Batavia, the Father certain●● would have triumphed over the Son. And put 〈◊〉 case the War had ended according to the intention ●●d advantage of the Son, what more could he have expected thereby, who already sat on the Throne, ●●d could be no greater than he was? Would the Son 〈◊〉 listened to such Counsel, and engaged in a War ●●●inst his Father, whose Interest consisted in Governing his Kingdom in Peace? And doth it not hence ●●llow, that all these Troubles did arise from them 〈◊〉 breathed after nothing more than Change? who 〈◊〉 being able or willing to submit to the Government of the Young King, revolted against him, with ●●●ention to thrust him from his Throne, and to set 〈◊〉 another more suitable to their liking and humour? Which their Design also so far succeeded, that the Young King was brought to the point of losing his Crown and Life.  
Could the Government of Bantam, at the beginning have with any reason imagined, that the Young ●ing should finally have got the upper hand over his Enemies and Rebels? Or that the English should have intermeddled with that War, and would have assisted the Rebels against their own Prince, whom themselves owned as Lawful King (of which hereafter shall be more largely spoken) and he thereupon should have thrust the English out of his Kingdom?  
Would they have stirred up the Son against the Father, after that the Son by so many lamentable Letters had implored their Assistance, and let it come to that Extremity, that in case they had delayed but one day longer, he must have given himself over t● his Rebels, and undergone a cruel Death?  
In case the Rebels (before it was delivered by the Netherlandish Forces) had taken the Castle, and murdered the King, could they have hindered, that either the Old King, or one of his Younger Sons should have obtained the Crown, and so managed the Affair● of his Kingdom, as to take Vengeance of them, tha● had opposed themselves against his Designs?  
And if so be that in cases of such nature, place may be given to Conjectures and Presumptions, is it no●● most probable, that the English themselves have done that very thing, which they falsely impute to the Netherlandish Company?  
They publish for a certain Truth, That the Young King, while the Father as yet governed the Kingdom assassinated their Agent and Commises; and that h● always carried himself as an Enemy to them, wherea● on the contrary, the Government of the Father wa● most Grateful unto them.  
Doth it then seem to be such an ungrounded Presumption, that they (partly to revenge themselves o● that Massacre, of which the King of Great Britain i● his Letter to the now King of Bantam, declareth him● self so sensible) and partly that it was much for thei● Interest, that the Son might be pulled down from th● Throne, and put to death, and that the Father o● another Brother were set up; they should labour to kindle the Fire and foment this War? Especially hereunto concurring, that they were so soon ready to join their Forces to the Assistance of the Father, without which the Father could not have obtained those Advantages, nor the Son be brought to such a Labyrinth.  
Also it will clearly appear, that all the Mischief which is come to the English Company in this business is wholly from the bad Management of Affairs by their own Men and Ministers in Bantam.  
For the King of Great Britain, and the English Company, acknowledge the Young King for the alone King and Sovereign.  
But their Ministers declare him to be an Usurper, and a Rebel of the Father.  
Their Master's endeavour to establish a settled Peace with him.  
They set themselves formally against him as their Enemy.  
Their Master's endeavour to Oblige the Son by all means possible, and send great quantity of all manner of Ammunition of War to him.  
They do not only disoblige him in all things, but even assist his Enemies with the Provision sent to his Assistance.  
Their Masters in their forementioned Letter, pray that God the Creator of Heaven and Earth, would bless and prosper him.  
They endeavour to bereave him of his Throne, and make him the most miserable of men.  
So that having by these Unrighteous Courses brought upon themselves to be driven out of Bantam, they now know not how to excuse the Matter.  
And being disappointed in their Design, as fallen into the Pit they digged for others, they are at their Wits End, and know not what to do; some body must be found out upon whom to lay the Blame, and the next that comes to hand is the Netherlandish Company, Hic mihi turbat aquas.  
But had they sat still, or had (as they would make the World believe) kept themselves Neutral, according to the Will and Footsteps of their Masters; or had they instead of helping the Old, assisted the Young King, these difficulties nor questions had never happened.  
And how can the English, with any show of reason, dispute or call in question the Sovereignty of the Young King; seeing it is a known case, that the sending and admitting of Ambassadors and Agents, together with the making of Treaties and Alliances, are true Tokens of a Sovereign Power; and therefore all such as admit and receive Ambassies, do thereby acknowledge the Sovereignty of them that send the same: which is also further owned by proffers of Alliances and Leagues, which cannot be erected but between Sovereigns.  
Now as to the Second Fact: to wit, That after the Netherlandish Company had got the Young King into their Snares, and perfidiously brought him under their Yoke, they then should have forced him to the Expulsion of the English: This we have before manifested to be a false Fiction; For first, They ought not in a case of so great weight and tendency, to make such odious and malicious Positions, except they had clear and convincing Proofs at hand. There is not any one of the Witnesses, which the English Company have produced, that mentions a Word thereof, or that speaks of Snares into which they of Batavia caused the Young King to fall, or of any Yoke under which, against all fidelity, they had brought him.  
It is true, they produce in the Process one Mr. Wait, speaking of the departure of the English by Order of the King; who relates only of an hard Contest between the said King and Major Sir Martin, before that Order of causing them to depart, could be obtained from him: But being, saith he, altogether under the Power of the Hollanders, he was necessitated thereunto. But besides what might be alleged to weaken this Assertion, he confesseth, That what he witnesseth thereof, is not of his own Knowledge, but that he believeth it to be True upon the Credit of Persons of Worth; which of itself is enough to reject the same: As also it is very observable what on this Subject the foresaid Sir Martin, and others with him, do declare; to wit, That the Contest was not to dispose the King to the Ejection of the English, but to turn away the Wrath and Indignation of the King (which because of their Assistance of his Father and the Rebels, he had taken up against them) and thereby to deliver them from the loss of all their Goods, yea Life itself, as out of Revenge he had determined against them: Which also was so taken and acknowledged by the English Company at Bantam, when by their Agent they returned thanks unto the Ministers of the Netherlandish Company for their Protection. But suppose the King had not been so incensed against them, as hath been said; and that he had not had design at all to be avenged on them, yet the mere consideration of his Security might have moved him to their Ejection, as being assured they assisted his Rebels; and in apprehension, that they, as well versed in Warlike Affairs, might from England, or elsewhere, reinforce themselves with Ships and Soldiers; besides the perilous Neighbourhood of their Warehouse to his Castle, his Father lying round about Bantam with his Army, and keeping it yet for some Months besieged; and he as yet by his Auxiliary Forces having only the Sea open, might, if he were not very circumspect, be again suddenly assaulted; or at least, the English remaining in Bantam, by spying all opportunities, make Discoveries to the Enemies; so as in the way of Providence, it was requisite for him to do what he did.  
If the Letters (brought in the Process) be reviewed, it will appear, whether it be true, as is imputed to them; that they of their own motion did send Succours to the said King; yea so, as thereby (if their most injurious Aspersion were true) to get him into their Clutches: or on the contrary, that it was done at the Great, and Instant Entreaties of the Young King, after that all ways of Reconciliation had in vain been attempted.  
But forasmuch as this Assistance and Succour is thus aversly, and after so odious a manner declaimed, it will be necessary to relate the same somewhat more fully, and more clearly to discover the occasion and progress thereof.  
After the Rulers of Batavia had ripely consulted about the constitution of the Affairs of the Young King, they thought meet, as also hath before been specified, to proffer their Service of Mediation between the Father and the Son: To which end they wrote two Letters in civil and obliging Terms, testifying their Purpose and Affection in a way of Friendship to accommodate, and lay by their questions and differences; and with that Intention sent their Plenipotentiaries with Letters, the one to the Father, and the other to the Son, in a Ship prepared to that End; after that some days before, by way of advance, they had also sent three other Ships: But considering those Plenipotentiaries went unto a place where the Parties on both sides were in Arms, and not being certain whether they might meet with Friends or Enemies; they therefore judged themselves obliged to put them into a posture of Defence, furnishing them with Weapons, in case of necessity, to make Resistance to such, as forgetting the Right of Nations (especially in that confused State of things) and the respect that ought to be given to Public Persons, might possibly attempt to lay hold on, and injure them. And this is that Fleet of Ships and Barks, which in these and other of their Writings, they so much enhance and make a stir about, as sent to Bantam, to land our Troops there.  
Our foresaid Plenipotentiaries having waited some time for an Answer from the Old King, received none: And not knowing what properly the Intention of these men might be as to them, sent a good Troop of men, to inform themselves more exactly of the State of things: But being a little advanced, they met some Europeans, who by an English Man enquired of them, wherefore they came to intermeddle with the differences of the two Kings? Whereupon being answered, That they came as Friends to procure a Peace between the Father and the Son; they soon perceived the Design they had form against them: For forthwith they saw a Great Troop of Men gathered together, making ready some Fireships, and other Vessels fitted for War; making a show, as if they would fall foul with us, who verily were too few in Number, to have thoughts to attempt any thing against so powerful an Enemy, who seemed to come against them: which also they did, and came to the Deed itself, shooting at us: and with their Canons, which were managed by the English, they much endamaged our Ships; whereby they perceived that they not only did not accept of our Mediation, but also that they treated us as Enemies. Upon which they of Batavia soon resolved, by force of Arms, to deliver the young King out of this Misery and the brink of Death; and to this end to send a sufficient power of Ships and Men to his Assistance, which also had that Success, as before is mentioned.  
The Assistance which the English gave to the Old King, whereby the Displeasure and Wrath of the Young King was so kindled against them, even to their Ejection out of his Country, is so notoriously known to the World, that besides the Proofs which the Netherlandish Company have already alleged, they yet further could bring hundreds of convincing Testimonies; but let only the Letters of the Young King, which he sent from his besieged Castle to them of Batavia, be produced, and you shall hear him complaining in these formal Words.  
What Reason hath the English Captain to help to shoot at me, without once laying to heart that he is Resident in my Land and Sea? This is yet worse, that Mr. Bowyer (one of the English Merchants at Bantam) causes my House to be shot at; not once thinking, that I desired the King of England that he might be Captain in the English Lodge. I request of Captain Moor Speelman, that he will warn the English not to come on Shore, to shoot at my House, and assist mine Enemy also with Powder; forasmuch as he hath his Residence in my Land, but not in the Land of Sultan Agon (the Old King) As also to persuade them not to follow mine Enemy, seeing they drink my Water, and dwell in my Land; and that they close no more with Sultan Agon: if Captain Moor have Love for me, let him be pleased forcibly to insinuate this unto the English, that above all things they shoot not at my House, nor betake themselves too Land.  
The which also in a following Letter to the Major St. Martin, he further confirmed.  
Beside, the said King did afterward make often Complaints to the whole World, that the English had given all assistance to his Enemies: Yea one of the English themselves, relates in a certain Book printed at London, in which he gives an Account of what passed at Bantam during the War, and of which he was an Eye-witness, viz. That they of the English Nation had furnished the Old King with most of all the Ammunition he had; and withal, that they used all means possible, to encourage and incense the Javans against the Dutch: And thereupon he concludes, that they (to wit, the English) had no Ground much to rely upon the Friendship of the Netherlanders, in case they once came to set foot on Land: Notwithstanding they are not ashamed to deny all this. Yea, in the Memorial delivered by Mr. Chardin (while he was here) and seconded, and further confirmed by a certain Memorial, which the English Company together with their Demands, delivered over to the Commissaries, who were to decide on both sides: Namely, that the English in all this while, had kept themselves altogether Neutral between the said opposing Parties; and conclude from thence, that the King had not out of his Motion caused them to depart, but through the Instigation of the Major Sir Martin (a thing most notoriously false) as at the beginning they clamoured, and published to the whole World; namely, That we drove them out with Force, after a most barbarous and unheard-of manner.  
So than it appears on both sides, that their Departure was caused by the King's Order, who only hath power of Command in his Country, and whose Command they were bound to obey: But it is denied, and there is Reason to protest against Injury done us, as if we had been the Effecters of the same. Ought not then the English to prove that Fact? Undoubtedly yea. But have they any Proof thereof? Certainly none at all. Can the English satisfy with this, that instead of Proof, they only produce obscure, suspicious Discourses, to which no Credit will be given, save only by such as are pre-occupied, and ready to take whatever may serve to feed and strengthen an anticipated Humour.  
They remonstrate, That in a certain Hearing, which the King of Bantam granted them soon after the obtained Victory, they could not perceive the least Distemper or Indignation; but that indeed there were some hot Words passed between the King, and Sir Martin. But, I pray, is this a Proof to convince as to a Crime, especially of such nature as this? We neither may, nor can rely upon the Gesture and Countenance of any, much less of a King; especially of an Indian Prince, who seeks to keep in his Wrath and Indignation, and to take his best Opportunity to Avenge himself. Is there any one that ever heard that Major Sir Martin instigated the King to chase the English? Is there any thing produced in the least rending thereto? Certainly nothing. On the contrary, the said Sir Martin, as a Man of Honour, a Gentleman of Quality, and surpassing Modesty, Wisdom and Learning, wholly takes off all sinister suspicion, in protesting that the Intercourse with the King was intended to no other end, than to divert and take off the King from the Design he had to destroy all the English: and should he not to do so, have had much more reason, then, as the English Company in their Demand given in against the Netherlandish Company, and more amply in their Reply, do assert; that he some years before had caused the Agent of the English Company to be murdered, together with their Comises; of which they afterwards made such heavy Complaints, yet nothing followed thereupon. Is it then to be wondered at, that he was so greatly incensed because of this their Action, that except he had forcibly been dissuaded by Sir Martin, he had caused them all to be slain? They endeavour also to make the Netherlandish Company, or their Ministers, suspected to have an hand likewise in this Action; but they are necessitated to protest against this outrageous Injury and Calumny. They who at the same time were so highly out of Favour with the Old King, then reigning, would certainly be far from having an hand in so horrible a Murder, by which they could not in any respect be advantaged. If that William Kaef, the Netherlandish Resident at Bantam, when the Old King overthrew and sacked the City, was fain for to escape Massacring, to retire to Batavia, leaving all the Goods and Effects of the Netherlandish Company in their Lodge; which undoubtedly was by some English, though perhaps without the knowledge of their Masters, in part stolen. Should not then the English, had they not in that Fury been protected by the Netherlandish Forces, have been in far greater danger? Would there have been any appearance for any of them, to have escaped with their Lives? And nevertheless according to their Saying, It is the Dutch that caused all these Troubles and Mischiefs to befall them. But the English were not then of that Opinion, nor used such kind of Language, when they came so solemnly to declare their Thankfulness to the Dutch, for their good will and protection they had showed to them.  
But how little the English Company doth agree with itself, and how often they are out and in, in their Writings, doth hereby appear; That in what they have deposed by form of Demand, themselves say, That their Agent and the Council, the day after the raising of the Siege, were with the King in his Castle, to take off, and appease, if possible, the Chagrin and Wrath of the King, so hot against them: and that they then found him by far less incensed, than the Hollanders said he was. Furthermore, in their said Memorial, which they delivered over, together with the foresaid Pretences, and to which by the foresaid Demand they adhere; they say, That the same day they were introduced to the King, who laid before them many Accusations, not so much as permitting them to speak a word for their Defence.  
It followeth then, that whereas they said, when they were brought in before him, they could not in the least perceive in his Posture or Visage any token of Indignation, is a pure Untruth.  
But yet further, to convince the English Company of the Falsehood of what they impute to the Netherlandish Company, and that after so Odious a manner; it is only needful to look over the Answer of the Netherlandish Company, to the Complaints brought in by Mr. Chudley and Sir John Chardin, in May 1683; whereby the same doth testify a superabounding Affection, and perfect Readiness to contribute to all means and ways of Re-establishing of the English Company there, by employing their Credit and Authority with the present King; as also to reconcile the two contending Parties, according to a Medium therein proposed, and so consequently to recall our Troops out of the Kingdom of Bantam.  
Now it can easily be conceived, they would not have done all this, in case that by their means that war had been raised, or that they had had an hand in the chase of the English, or had caused the same; much less, if it had been true, as is maliciously imputed to them, that for many years since, they had plotted for to draw, and by that means, to engross the whole Pepper-Trade unto themselves; and that, as they affirm, to the inestimable Damage of the English Company, of which shall be further spoken hereafter. And seeing then it is a false Fiction, that the Dutch Company should have driven the English out of Bantam, although perhaps it might have been (which nevertheless was never directly nor indirectly attempted) that by suggestion they might have somewhat contributed thereunto: yet hereby also their pretended Action of Damage and Reparation doth fall of itself.  
But that of which also they have made an hideous Cry and Tintamar, by an express Complaint in their foresaid Memorial, which in May 1683 they presented to your Puissant Highnesses, and which they more fully dilated afterward; is, first, That the day after the deliverance of the King, one James de Roy, Lieutenant to the Company of Major Sir Martin, should have taken down the Flag named the Banner of St. George, planted upon the House of one Captain John Fisher: that the said Fisher thereupon making haste to his House, found the said de Roy with a part of the Flag in his Hand, having torn the rest, and given it to the Soldiers to make Scarves of.  
Again, the said Soldiers had drunk out part of the Drinking-Wares, and taken away the Remainder, together with his House-hold-Stuff; and withal evilly entreated him, and placed some Blackmoors in his House.  
Thirdly, that five days after the departure of the English from Bantam, our Soldiers came into the House of the English Company, and had sent some Moors (of their Servants) to fetch off the Pavilion that was displayed on their Lodge.  
Now suppose all this to be a true Story, and might thereupon give credit at the Deposition of one Man only, to wit, the foresaid Capt. Fisher, and that also in his own Case; for further Witnesses are not brought for Proof of this Fact: Yet it is considerable, the Actor hereof was in Service of the King, and not, as is very abusively said, the Lieutenant of Major Sir Martin, and consequently the Soldiers were Bantamers. And it is worthy of Observation, forasmuch as this Jaques de Roy is so often brought upon the Stage, that he is a Person, who somewhile before the War, was retired from Batavia to Bantam, for to shun his Creditors, whom the young King took into his Service; who had in, and during the War, signalised himself by special Services; wherefore also he was highly esteemed by the said King, though himself were a Man of little worth.  
Again, although the foresaid first Flag (for there is mention made of two) might have been the Banner of St. George, yet could it not bring any respect to a private House, and thereby to be freed from the Disorders that in time of War are incident, more than to any other House. And what concerns the Banner, and use made thereof, is that a thing to make so much Disturbance, that a Captain of the King should with his Soldiers take down from a private House the English Flag, after that the King and the whole Nation looked on him as an Enemy of his Person and of the State?  
What concerns the Second part, although the Relation thereof might perhaps be according to Truth, which nevertheless is doubted of, and cannot be proved, it doth not touch the Dutch Company, yea though it had been done by their Men, but must be imputed to the Disorders in War.  
As to the third point, if the recital thereof be according to Truth, and that they sent some of their Black Servants to take down the Banner, which notwithstanding is nothing but a Report and Recital of some Chinese; this doth nothing to the Charging of the Netherlandish Company: the said Chineses might be demanded, how they came to know those Moors were Servants of the Dutch Soldiers, and not of the King, as is much more probable; seeing it should be an unusual thing, at least unheard of among us, that simple Soldiers should have Moores to their Servants. But, posito, that the Dutch Soldiers might have been Executors of the King's Order therein; the Kings Right is incontestable, and he might take away the Pavilion of the English, after that he had banished them out of his Country: Yea, though the Soldiers had done it without the Order of the King, which is not likely, yet had it been nothing else than a Military Insolence, which also must be ascribed to the Disorders of War, where the Laws of Modesty and Decency are seldom regarded; and therefore, without Injustice, cannot be imputed to them, who in the time of the War at Bantam, did represent the Government of Batavia, who never were behindhand in that respect which they owe to Crowned Heads. But what need is it to have recourse to Conjectures, whereas by a certain produced Deposition it is apparent, that it was the King himself who commanded the Flag to be taken down from the English Lodge. And what is said of the Dutch Flags, which after the Victory were planted upon the Castle, and in other parts of the City, deserves no Answer; since it is a known thing, that we never pretended any territorial Right in Bantam, much less put the same in execution; but however the said Flags served to no other purpose, than to make it known to the Dutch Troops, who after the raising of the Siege, were posted in the principal places of the City, according to the usual practice every where on like occasions. The Flag upon the Castle was set up by order of the King, to show honour to the Dutch, however placed under the Flag of the King.  
Besides they of the English Company complain, That the day after the raising of the Siege, the Dutch Resident Kaeff, with a Troop of Soldiers, and some Masons, came into the English Lodge, and ordered the English Agent forthwith to take away the Galleries, and to nail up the Window: And that thereupon a Dutch Renegade, who was in his Company, began presently to threaten him, That if the English did not, he himself would do it: which also, as they say, he really did.  
This seemeth to be an outrageous act done to the English; but if we look into the nature of the thing, it will be found to be a mere trifle, which they ought to be ashamed to urge in this manner.  
The History is this: Because the Dutch Company would not be troublesome to any, they chose their own Lodge at Bantam for their Magazine of Arms, and other provisions. Now the Wall of their said Lodge touching part of the English Companies dwellinghouse, and in that same Wall they formerly had had no other opening beside a Casement; somewhile after, the English, by permission of the Old King, who let slip no opportunity to affront and molest them, made great wide windows to open and shut, and besides that, a Gallery also, which hanging four or five foot over the ground of the Hollanders Lodge, gave the English opportunity to hear and see all whatever the Dutch did. The young King considering that our said Lodge, in time of War, was like to be the great Magazine, thought it requisite to prevent such dangerous consequences as might be occasioned by overtures, being over a place of the House, where the Powder and other Ammunitions of War did lie, and out or through which Windows or overtures in the Wall, the English at all times might come upon that place at their pleasure; and knowing the English would not seal up those Windows, nor suffer the Galleries to be taken away, he thereupon sent his servants with a Dutch Renegado, to cause it to be done; and it may perhaps be true, That the Resident Kaeff was at that time present, forasmnch as it was done in the said lodge of the Dutch Company, where, according to his Office, he was to take care of the Magazine.  
What evil can herein be imputed to the Company? and what accusation can the English frame from this? A thing, which way soever they take it, was carried on by the Authority of the King, and according to their saying, executed by a Renegado; the very naming of whom, shows, that he was not in Service nor under the Oath of the Netherlandish Company.  
And what besides this they lay to the charge of the Dutch Company is, first, that they should have taken from the English their Horses, and some other things, and have constrained them to take out the Powder that was in their Ships and to bring it ashore.  
Secondly, That what they, at the command of the King to depart, in all haste had laden in their boats to bring aboard their Ships, in which neither the people of the Country, nor the Soldiers did any ways hinder them; but passing by the English Chaloups which kept the watch at Sea, they were by them arrested, under pretence, they had order to suffer nothing to be carried aboard the English Ships, and in case they persisted to do it, they should be shot at, by which they should have been necessitated to return to Land with their Boats.  
Thirdly, That they complaining of such violence to Major Sir Martin, he in a jesting way should answer, that all was done by order from the King, whereas no Man on Land, Soldier, or others, had a hand in those Violences, but all was done by our Soldiers only.  
Fourthly, That the chief of the French requiting of the King restitution of four Chests with Silver which was taken from him, the King should answer in the presence of the Dutch Commissary, that he knew nothing thereof; and that he would do no injury neither to them, nor to the English, Danes, or other Strangers trafficking in his Country; and in case any wrong had been done unto him, since the Hollanders had set foot on Land, that he must require reparation from the Dutch Commissary, or the General at Batavia.  
Fifthly, That at the last instance made, to cause the English to quit Bantam, being, as they say, the day before their departure, our Soldiers came into the English Lodge, robbed the Chambers, and took away all they found there; whereupon the people of the Country (so far were they from doing them the least wrong) permitted them to Seal up their Magazine, and undertook to keep it safe for them.  
What concerns the first point, forasmuch as they do not only not say, much less prove, that our men should have taken the Horses and other goods from the English, nor that they should have constrained them to fetch their Powder out of their Ships, therefore the Netherlandish Company will pass that by as a thing which doth not concern them, and of which they are wholly discharged by the often forementioned Memorial annexed to the demand or pretence which the English Company deposed and delivered in, and to which they do refer themselves; in which is expressly said, that Pagoran Diepa Panerat, one of the principal Ministers of the young King, or rather the first Minister of State, had done the same, although they put it in such general and Ambiguous expressions, in all appearance, as if they would lay it to the charge of our Men: Only what concerns the Powder, the Dutch Company doth say, that in case it were true, that the English were fain, by the order of the King, to unlade the same, and bring it to Land; that it was done, not because the King stood in need of it, for he was abundantly furnished by them of Batavia; but only to prevent that they might not deliver the same to his Enemies; and besides, it cannot be ill taken, that the King in that confused state of things, would oppose and hinder the English from going so often to and fro to their Ships.  
Concerning the second point, namely, that we should have hindered the English from departing out of Bantam, and also to have stopped their Boats, hath not the least appearance of truth in it; forasmuch as themselves confess, that we assisted them with our Boats and Chaloups to carry their Goods and Wares aboard their Ships, when none of the people of the Country, or their Boats could be obtained to be serviceable to them therein; so little acceptance they had with that Nation: And how can this hang together, That we should have procured their departure from the King, and then when they were ready to depart, to hinder it? Yea, the English disagree in the very Position laid down about it; for their foresaid Memorial, to which by their demand they refer themselves, dictates not that their men were stopped at Sea by our Barks that kept watch, but that it was done by the watch of the Netherlandish Company on Land, at the mouth of the Haven; to wit, as having order to suffer nothing to be carried from Land to the English Ships.  
The complaints which thereupon they should have made to Major Sir Martin, comprehended in the third point, as if he had in a kind of mockage answered them, That all was done by order of the King; What doth this make to the thing? For put the case the said Major (which notwithstanding is not granted) might say, not in way of mockage, but in earnest, that it was to be imputed to the order of the King, which goes farther, if those orders had been executed by our Soldiers; although that also is denied, and of which the English do produce no proofs; yet could it not any ways prejudice the Dutch Company, as not being bound to be responsible for the Orders of the King.  
Touching the King's Answer to the Chief of the French his complaint, and that the King remitted him as to that matter to Batavia, of which is spoken in the fourth point, although it should be all true, which notwithstanding is not proved, it might be that the King did it in such a manner to free himself from the trouble of those complaints, as well knowing that one of his Ministers had seized on the said Chests with Silver, which however it be, neither concerns the English, nor obligeth the Dutch Company to be answerable for the same.  
But to demonstrate yet more fully how far the English Company, in all their pretences, do err from the truth, they say, as may be se●n, in the proposal of the first point, That the people of the Country, to wit, of Bantam, the day before they, viz. the English were caused to remove, did indeed come into their Lodge, but without doing of them the least Injury; and yet they say in their foresaid Memorial annexed to their Demand, that at the same time they took away all their Provision (driving the English out of the Chambers (except one named Wait) and took possession thereof; but a little after the Dutch Soldiers came, who further made spoil, and carried away all they found there: But this cannot be; because the English had, a day before their departure, carried away for Batavia, in the Ships of the Dutch Company, all their moveables, to the very lest thing of any worth (their departure, as themselves say, being the 12th of April) and so nothing could be found: And besides, all the time of their inhabiting of Batavia, which d●red more than a year, they never brought in any complaints, by a List or other way, showing what the Dutch Soldiers had robbed them of; but on the contrary, they came and rendered their thanks to the Government there, for all the assistance had been done unto them, without the least mention of wrong received; which had they done, the Government there might forthwith have caused enquiry to be made, and if it had been true, procured satisfaction; but letting that occasion slip, and being negligent therein, and then to bring in their Complaints here, and that without any proof, the Dutch say is a thing altogether unreasonable.  
As hath before been alleged, the English Company from the beginning hath pretended re-establishment at Bantam from the Dutch Company, and to which in their Demand, or Memorial of their Pretences, delivered over to the Commissaries of both sides, they remain persisting, with request, that the same may in the first place, before all other things, be debated and determined, taking for their foundation, that that re-establishment had already been accorded and agreed to by your Puissant Highness', and by the Netherlandish Company.  
But now not yet content with that, they pretend by their foresaid Demand, besides the recalling of the Dutch Troops, the delivering over the Castle of Bantam in its entire, for to put into it a strong Garrison, pretending, that otherwise they would not be willing to settle themselves again there; yea, they require that the whole City be delivered up, and put into the hands of His Majesty of Great Britain.  
What concerns the first, It is true indeed that the English Company did pretend all this; but it is evident, that the Dutch Company hath as little right to this, as to give over the whole City with the Castle, according to their further pretence: We who have only a simple residence, without participation of any Authority, which doth wholly reside in the person of the King, it is for us a moral impossibility to dispose of that which Privative doth belong to the King, and so to re-establish the English there against his will, without intrusion into his Right, and violating his Authority: For although the Dutch Company have their Troops in Bantam, which serve the King for a Garrison to defend his City, yet that affords them no Territorial Right, nor the least power to bring in again those whom he hath banished from thence.  
And as they cannot by force of Arms oblige the King to take in again the English, and re-settle them in Bantam without usurping upon the Right of Nations, and deservedly to incur the Disaffection and Hatred of all the Princes and Potentates of Indie; so can they with as little ground do it by threatenings, without Injury to their Fidelity; which must be the stay of the Credit of the said Company among the Indian People; who otherwise would not rely upon their Word, nor enter into Alliances and Combinations with them.  
But they of the English Company aver, that herein not only consists their Interest, but they have also the Promise of your Puissant Highnesses; they only requiring the Execution of the same.  
As to their Interest, the Dutch Company will easily grant, that the foresaid Re-establishment might be for their Advantage, (although they, as hath before been said, declare, that except they have a Garrison and the Castle for their Security, they would not reside there) so also undoubtedly it would be for their Interest, if the Dutch Company did admit them into those Countries, where we have our Spices, and which we possess by Propriety, with Seclusion of all others: And so also it would be for the Interest of this State, and the Inhabitants thereof, that the English would permit them the Navigation and Trade in the Barbadoss, Caribes, New-England, the Virginies, and many other Countries they possess in America; where they will not suffer us, nor other Nations of Europe so much as to pass their Seas. But the Question in this case is not the Convenience or the Interest, but the Right. If that the English Company could groundedly maintain, that the Dutch Company is bound to re-settle them there, and prove it by clear and convincing Reasons that they had driven them out of Bantam, the business were at an End.  
But to come to their Second ground, viz. The Promise of your Puissant Highnesses, and of the Dutch Company, which was made to them Anno 1683, that they should be resettled there. To this we have before said, and do now again answer, that those Proffers do serve for an undeniable Proof, that the Dutch Company sought nothing more than to continue with the English Company in an intimate Friendship and Confidence, which by that Accident at Bantam did seem in some measure to be interrupted; and that they would rather decline the Advantages which by such excessive Expenses they had acquired there, than to remain continually in Contention and Quarrel with the English Company: And hereby the Dutch Company obliterate those Aspersions and Calumnies imputed to them; as if in all appearance they for their own Interest, and wilfully, had incited and fomented the Differences, and War that followed thereupon between the Father and the Son; and had two years before form that Design by corresponding with Pang●ran Dupa Nag●ra; and so contrived the Banishing of the English out of Bantam. For if all this had been true, they should very badly have managed their Business, after that all was thus succeeded, and they with such excessive Charges attained what they aimed at, they should then without any pressing necessity, have made so little account of it; and that for the mere Pleasure of them, who for all the Pretences, and justification of their Complaints made, had nothing to sh●w in way of Proof. Indeed had the English Company at that time rested satisfied, the Dutch Company should have been obliged to perform the same, how prejudicial soever it might afterward have been to them. But forasmuch as the English Company was then pleased wholly to reject and break off those Transactions, whereas we so desirously longed that they might be brought to a good End in England; and for which, it is said, the Lord Ambassador Citters was fully authorised, all the time that Business of Bantam was in the Terms, as they were, during the Negotiations and Treaty with Mr. Chudlie and Sir John Chardin in the Hague, and which the English Company also caused to be broken off. Whereupon it falls now to be enquired into, Whether the Dutch Company, since the case of things be wholly changed and of another nature, be still obliged to the same?  
It is evident, that at that time the State of the Affairs of Bantam was not known, namely, Whether the War between the Father and the Son were yet remaining, or ended: If it were determined, whether by an Accommodation, or by the Sword: If by the Sword, who of the two, the Father, or Son, remained Conqueror, and thereby became Master of the Kingdom. During which uncertainty, it cannot be judged Imprudency, that the Netherlandish Fast-Indie Company (by whose Forces the Son was delivered from his inevitable Ruin, and by whom he further was to be assisted, so as not to fall under the oppression of his Rebellious Subjects) should interpose their Credit and Authority by the said King, for the settling of the English in Bantam, if he were Conqueror, and with condition the English should yield no further Assistance to the Father: and in case the Father were Victor, that then the English should employ all their Credit by the Father, that the Dutch Company might enjoy a good Neighbourhood with them: And these Proffers of the Dutch Company, while things stood thus at an uncertainty, were the more excusable by the King of Bantam, because they endeavoured thereby to prevent the Succours which the English Company pretended to send the Father; and also because at that time it was not yet known, how far the English had made themselves irreconcilable to him.  
During this uncertainty of things, the Dutch Company made these Proffers; yea Sir John Chardin himself projected an Accommodation between both the Companies, in which mention was made of the withdrawing of the Dutch Troops out of Bantam, and what each Company should be obliged unto in those occasional Accidents, as are thereby specified. But as it pleased the said Mr. Chudlie and Sir John Chardin very unexpectedly to break off those Treaties, which already were so far advanced, and they also of the English Company on their part did reject the Proffers, which not only your Puissant Highnesses in their foresaid Answer to the Memorial of Sir John Chardin, had made; but those also which the Ambassador Citters afterwards did make, in the name, and upon the account of the Netherlandish Company, after that the foresaid Sir John Chardin was returned into England, and the English began again to bring in new Demands, after they had very disdainfully rejected the former; hereupon the Netherlandish Company judged, that they stood no longer bound to theirs, especially, when as some while after, by tidings on both sides in Letters from the Indies, it was signified, that the War at Bantam was ended to the advantage of the young King, who reobtained the Kingdom as possessor, had taken the Father Prisoner, and subdued his Rebels; so that consequently the Netherlandish Company had now no longer any ground nor pretext, either to treat with the English about their resetling in Bantam, as being Territorium plane alienum, much less to promise the same, and the rather, because the now reigning King having considered the Conspiracies of the English with his Father and rebellious Subjects, hath declared them his pernicious Enemies.  
Seeing then, from all what hath been said, it clearly appeareth, that the English Company did rather choose to expect the uncertain Lot of War, than to agree with the Dutch Company, while it was time, about their Settlement; it is therefore reasonable that they now acquiesce, and leave the Netherlandish Company unmolested, as to their re-establishment.  
It followeth therefore, that it is wholly besides the purpose, at present, to make use, or apply to their advantage the foresaid answer of your Puissant Highnesses to the foresaid Memorial, after they had rejected the foresaid Proffer, and had determined not only to re-establish themselves by force of Arms, but wholly to become the Masters of Bantam, and to that end to set out a formidable Power of Ships and Men at Sea, though their Enterprise, as they themselves depose in their foresaid reply, was stopped by his Majesty of happy Memory, and not suffered to put forth to Sea: now this was the reason that they having form and being busy about this design, that the Charges thereof might not be fruitless, did not only reject the Proffers aforesaid of the Dutch Company, but made such Excessive Extravagant Demands, as the delivering up of the whole City of Bantam with the Castle, although they well knew that it neither would nor could be accepted of us; or in case they were accepted, that then they had attained to what they aimed.  
So long then as the state of things was at an uncertainty, and it might be in doubt who of the twain, Father or Son, should have the upperhand, though the Son seemed by far more likely to prevail; nevertheless the Netherlands Company judged, that in such a Constitution of things, it could not be ill taken, that they entered with the English Company into a Treaty, how they might after the best way procure a Peace between the two Kings, by interposing their Credit and Service of Love, and obtain the re-establishment of the English Company: but all this being rejected by the English with disdain; and that Uncertainty which then was, being brought to a Certainty, so as the whole business is become of quite another nature; that the Netherlandish Company should yet be bound to perform, what they in the uncertain state of things did show themselves willing unto, the Netherlandish Company apprehendeth, that it in justice cannot be required. For first, thereby, besides other considerations, they should certainly be made losers of the Sum of Six times hundred thousand Ryxdollers, which the King of Bantam by evening Accounts is found indebted to the Dutch Company, and of which a Contract is made with him in particular, in which he grants to their Company the Traffic in his Kingdom, so long and until he shall come to be in a condition to repay the same to the Dutch Company: But that which besides this, deserves to be reflected upon▪ is, That the King of Bantam hearing a rumour that the English Company persisted in their pretence of resettlement in Bantam, with the calling back of our Troops thence, wrote to the Government of Batavia (even after he had surmounted all difficulties) that in case they should consent therein, and withdraw our Militia from thence, he should not be able to continue master in the work, but be necessitated to retire to B●tavia, in hope protection should not there be refused him; and thereupon besought in all humility, that they would at no hand forsake, and reduce him to such extremities, but perform their word given him by solemn Contract. And how should the Netherland●●sh Company be officious to their readmission, seeing the English Company in their writings do so scandalously decipher him, as namely, that he hath with the approbation of all the world, acted against the English Na●●●n as an Enemy so unthankful, so barbarous, with such antipathy from their Blood, without any the least reason or ●●●vocation: that his Majesty of Great Britain without 〈…〉 ry to his honour, may not rest till he have secured himself 〈◊〉 that City and whole Kingdom, until he have got reparati 〈…〉; and that the sooner, because he is, according to their ●●ying, however he bear the title of King, nothing else but a ●●●fect Slave of Batavia, and a Servant to their will and 〈…〉 sure. High words indeed: also it is a wonderful Dilemma of the English Company, to wit, if the Old King of Bantam have any right to Bantam, and the dependencies thereof, than the conclusion is most so 〈…〉, that the same is devolved upon the deceased King 〈◊〉 Great Britain, of happy Memory: And if the right 〈…〉 pertains to the young King, as the Hollanders affirm, ●●en he hath acted, by the approbation of the whole World, against the Subjects of his said Majesty as an Enemy, and according to what they have deciphered ●im.  
Concerning the first member of this Dilemma, being it is evident, that the Old King of Bantam ha●ing given over his Kingdom to his Eldest Son the pre●ent inheritor thereof, he now cannot afterward give 〈◊〉 to another: the conclusion that follows hence is directly against the English Company. What concerns the second part of the Dilemma, if it be the young King to whom this right doth belong, and that it be true, that he had acted against the English as an Enemy ungrateful, barbarous, and with antipathy to their blood, without the least provocation, as indeed may be drawn, but nevertheless not to justify the Demand of the English Compny against them of Holland; neither can any thing therefrom be concluded against the present King of Bantam, in case he hath justly, as he affirmeth, testified his displeasure against the English: but in the mean while we cannot let pass, without taking notice, that while they are pleased to heap up reproaches upon the young King, than they say, he had acted against the Subjects of his Majesty as an enemy, ungrateful, barbarous, with an Antipathy of their Blood, without the least provocation; further, that he is unworthy of alliance with them; but when the business is to load the Dutch, and make them the Authors of their expulsion out of Bantam, than they alter their strain, and say, that they could not so much as observe neither in the words or gesture of the King, the least thing manifesting any displeasure against the English, or that he had a design to make them depart out of his Country.  
Here they name the present King a Slave of the Netherlandish Company; and in their Reply they say, That the Old King, when he sat on his Throne, would willingly have been a Slave of the King of England, and thereof would have made his triumph.  
In their Reply they give the mentioned King the name of a pavure Idiot, a vile person, une Chetive Creature, etc. And in their Letter they wrote to him in March, 1683. they style him a wise King, to whom they say, they will send a person with the Title of Envoy or Extraordinary Ambassador, with full power to conclude an ever-during League and Alliance with him.  
The same Title the King of Great Britain giveth him in his forementioned Letter, styling him a Wise and Righteous Prince.  
On the contrary, the English Company in their ●●iplick, call him a Murderer, and Contemner of the public Faith.  
And how odiously the English Company in their aforesaid Letter (annexing also, what they wrote to ●angoran Diepa Penerat, Chief Minister of State) have deciphered the Netherlandish Company, and in what ●●eem we were already with them, even before the ●ar of Bantam was kindled, the Dutch Company will 〈◊〉 to the judgement of the Reader.  
It hath already been mentioned, that the English Company in their foresaid Demand did pretend, be●●des the calling back of the Dutch Troops, the delivery also of the whole City and Castle of Bantam, or 〈◊〉, as they said, they would not make their residence 〈◊〉 again.  
But besides that, the English Commissaries, who 〈◊〉 to decide the differences, did, as hath been said, ●●dge, that this their demand, as altogether un●●unded and unreasonable, aught to be denied: So 〈◊〉 is a thing that doth sufficiently refute itself.  
For before the War of Bantam, the English Company had nothing there but a Lodge and simple Residence, without the least Territorial Right: The King 〈◊〉 he had triumphed over his Enemies, knowing ●that they had afforded all manner of assistance to ●●em, and not being at rest, as fearing their future miscarriage, and especially in this juncture of time, while he was yet surrounded of Enemies, causes ●●em to dislodge: Hereupon now the English Company comes and demands the delivery of the whole City and Castle, having had nothing there, but as hath been said, a Lodge for Commerce; and this they will have from the Netherlandish Company, who have no ●ight at all to dispose thereof, except they chase away the King that now is, out of Bantam, for to put it into the hands of the English; and except they could make it out, and to be agreeable to justice, that the Dutch Company should threaten the present King to abandon and deliver him over to the Will and Mercy of his Enemies, by removing of their Troops out of his City, whereas we are bound by Contract to maintain and protect him, should now falter in our word, and falsify our trust, a thing which may nor aught to be required of us.  
But it is said, that the Dutch Companies intent in this, is to monopolise all the Trade of Pepper, and get it to themselves wholly; and to this they add▪ That seeing the Netherlandish Company having besides the Trade of Cloves, Nutmegs, Mace and Cinnamon, all this would make them able to maintain a Fleet to withstand the mightiest King in Europe.  
But besides that, there are so many other great Countries in the Indies, where Pepper may be had, and to which the English Company have access as well as the Dutch, and that it is impossible the Netherlandish Company should get them all under their power and command; It ought to be called to mind, that when we were in treaty here with Sir John Chardin, that we proffered the Pepper-trade in Common to the English Company, and that by the Contract which should be made with the King, the half should be allotted them; of which an Article was at that time made, and presented in Writing, but by the said Sir John Chardin rejected: So far was it from the Dutch Companies intention to design the same, as it's maliciously laid to their charge; and not only as to the Pepper-trade, but they add also in their Triplick▪ That the aim of the Dutch Company by this their Residence at Bantam, was, besides the Pepper, to engross to their inestimable profit, the Linnen-Trade also: Whereas on the contrary, the Dutch Company in their foresaid Proposals to Sir John Chardin, beside the Pepper, did admit them to the half of all other Wares, including the Linen, which they also refused; and notwithstanding in their said Reply they further say, That all the endeavour of the Dutch Company was, whether by right or wrong, to keep things in the state to which they had brought them.  
The English Company had first set in their Demand they gave in, That by our residence at Bantam we had made the Pepper-Trade more difficult to them; but in their forenamed Reply they say, that we made way to Monopolise the whole: so far may men be blinded by passion.  
To what the English Company do further depose in their foresaid Demand, viz. That those in pay, of the Dutch Company, had upon the Coast of Mallabar assaulted their Men, given fire on them, and this also to deprive them of the remainder of the Trade in Pepper they as yet had there. The Dutch could have wished, they had more clearly declared themselves as to the place where, the aforesaid Coast lying along the Sea the space of an Hundred Miles; as also to the year and time when, together to what Ship or Bark, and upon what occasion: As on their part the Netherlandish Company is ready to show after what manner they dealt with our men upon the West Coast of Sumatra, to wit, the English Frigate.... in September 1683. being upon the Coast before Air Bangi, and sending out his Chaloup with about Forty Armed Soldiers, against our men sitting in a Boat, shooting once and again with Bullets: As the Ships, the Society, the Precedent, the Eagle, and Berckly-Castle, who at their return homeward from Bantam, Cormandel and Bengale, in July and the following months of the year 1681. overwintering at the Island Mauritius, committed no small insolences and mischiefs, especially they of the Precedent, and Eagle, robbing and carrying away all what they found, notwithstanding all the complaints and protestations made by the people of the Dutch Company, of which we have authentic evidences in hand to show.  
We pass by, That the English for so many years have made it their constant work to debauch our men at Bengale, on the Coast of Cormandel, at Bantam, and elsewhere, to draw them out of our Service, to serve them on their Ships homeward (being weakly manned) against the protestations made from time to time, as is to be shown by evidences in hands of the Netherlandish Company. That the English Company is intended, as themselves have divulged, to set down and build a Fortress on Priamang, seated on the West Coast of Sumatra, (a Country under the Command of the Dutch Company, and where they have a Fort lying) which by the first Letters that come, we expect to hear that it is already effected, they having sent to that end, divers Ships, with Men, Materials, and Warlike furniture: The mischief that hence will ensue, may easily be guessed at.  
It is a thing inconceivable, how they dare publish to the World, that the Dutch Company by a contract made with them of Macassar, November Anno 1667, and as they say, Printed at Batavia, by which the English Nation was secluded from Commerce in that Country; and of which, after the expiration of Eighteen years, they make complaints in their Writings: Whereas since that time, two solemn Treaties have been made betwixt England and this State, beside the forenamed agreement of the year 1674-75, by which all pretences and actions whatsoever, which might have been against each other, were nullified as if they never had been; and although this should not be urged, the Dutch Company is ready to justify what they did, by holding forth to the World their right in making such kind of Contracts. But what in this case falls into special consideration, is, that the aforesaid Contracts, made by the Netherlandish Company, was during the War with England, or before the peace concluded, Anno 1667. was, or could be known in the Indies, or at Macasser.  
So than although all were true what is published in a certain Writing, and by Mr. Skelton Envoy Extraordinary, annexed to the foresaid Memorial, presented to your Puissant Highnesses, That we had violently seized on the Factors of the English Company, carried them away Prisoners to Batavia, and then spoiled their Houses (although the Company, upon their Faith and Credit, are ignorant hereof) what could this any way help the English? or why should they thus exclaim about it? Hath not England about this very time taken by Force New-Netherland from our W●st-Indie Company? and can the Dutch West-Indie Company frame an Action or Pretence hereon? Without doubt, No.  
The English Company finding themselves destitute of necessary Proofs to make good the Matter of Fact they charge the Dutch Company with, which nevertheless can only serve as the Foundation of what they urge: as also being convinced of the unanswerable Confutation made by the Dutch Company, with most evident demonstration of the ungroundedness of the Assertions of the English Company; they betake themselves in their Reply to Reproaches, calumniating the Dutch Company in the conduct of their Affairs, after so odious a manner, and in such extravagant terms, as must needs make all men astonished, how people of Honour and Understanding should so forget themselves; yea, so far, as that the English Commissaries themselves, in the Conference with the Commissaries who on our side were to decide the business, were constrained to abhor and manifest their discontent thereof. And although the Dutch wanted no matter to convince the English Company of their intolerable Injury, and to disabuse the World of so many untruths falsly●imputed to them; yet they judged it better to abstain, and with a modest silence to pass it by, than enter into further Contest, and make the Rupture of the Friendship (which is so necessary between both the Companies) yet greater, and the Wound incurable.  
The Demand the Dutch Company made by reconvention, consisted herein, That they at the earnest request of the English Company had lent or accommodated them with four Vessels, for the transport of their Persons, Merchandizes and Effects from Bantam to Batavia, under promise by Writing, to pay the Dutch Company for the Fraight: These Ships they kept some Months, making use of them instead of Magazines, and for preservation of their Wares and Effects, to the great Prejudice of the Dutch Company, who stood in very great need of them, in respect of their Traffic; but could not get them again what Means and Insinuations soever they used, till some Months after.  
The foresaid Ships were, 

Europa, big 600 Last.  
New Middleborow, big 500 Last.  
Delf●haven, 450 Last.  
●TWout, 100 Last.    
The Fraight of which amounted to the Sum of 13900 l. Sterling.  
It remains that we speak a word or two of what happened before Gamron in the Gulf of Persia, over which also the English Company make their Complaints: First, In a certain Article in their Triplick, and afterward by that Writing which the foresaid Mr. Skelton Extraordinary Envoy, annexed to the foresaid Memorial by him presented the... of May last to your Puissant Highnesses, of which mention was made in the beginning. This Article contains, first, Complaints against the Conduct of the Fleet which lately the Dutch Company had in the Gulf of Persia, with which they intended, as they say, to shut, or lock up all the Havens of that great Kingdom.  
And the said Memorial did further make like Complaints, That the foresaid Fleet conducted by Reynier Kasembroot, with violence should have hindered John Goldsborough, Master of an English Companies Ship called the Merchant of Bengale, from unlading the said Ship with Boats, thereby detaining and disturbing him in all their Traffic and Business: But after Examination, this Complaint will be found as groundless as any of the other.  
The case is this, That the Netherlandish Company time out of mind, having a Comptoir or Lodge, together with their Traffic at Gamron, and other places in the Kingdom of Persia, by virtue of an Agreement made with the King, and of Privileges granted unto them; the Persians in many points set themselves in opposition against them, offering them many outrageous and unjust dealings: and forasmuch as no Reparation or Redress in the least could be obtained by any Requests made, although accompanied with extraordinary and costly Presents, at last it burst forth into Deeds, for to repair the Injury done. And this is the Fleet of Ships which the Dutch Company for this End had in the foresaid Gulf, with which they took from the Persians the Island Kismus, with the Castle in the said Gulf, not far distant from Ormus or Gamron, not for to keep, for it could not have been serviceable to us, but with intolerable Charge; only it was done to induce and necessitate the Persians to condescend to Reason, which it also effected; whereupon the Netherlandish Company restored the Island and the Castle to the Persians again.  
What then concerns the first Complaint, That with that Fleet the Netherlandish Company sought to shut up all the Havens in Persia, the Netherlandish Company is necessitated to say, that it is very strange to them, that they should so wrongfully and maliciously misconstrue the good Intention of the Netherlandish Company.  
Hath the Dutch Company with that Fleet of Ships done them the least wrong or hindrance, as to what concerns their coming or departing in or from the said Havens? Yea, even during the time that the Netherlandish Company lay with the whole Fleet before Gamron, Have not the English sailed in and out as they pleased? They cannot but say, Yea.  
What Reason had they then to judge so maliciously of their Design?  
But in the foresaid Triplick it is said, That the Netherlandish Company intended indeed to set on foot and effect it, in case the English had not by hap appeared there with a greater Number of Ships, not to be hindered or forced by the Netherlanders.  
But before they were arrived there with any number of Ships together, did not the foresaid Fleet, and the said Kasembroot let their single Ships go in and out freely and unmolested, yea even their Boats and Chalops; and with them also their Ship Williamson laden with Goods freighted for and belonging to the Persians? Surely they cannot deny it.  
And what concerns this great number of Ships, which they say they afterward had there, if compared with the number, especially the greatness of the Netherlandish Ships, all mounted, man'd, and in gallant Equipage for War, they were strong enough, had they had order, to have kept them out of Gamron.  
The Netherlandish Fleet lay a Year and some Months before Gamron, and the English were but a small time with their foresaid number of Ships there; whereas before and after there came other, yea single Ships, to and fro, and yet according to their own confession no stop or hindrance was done to any of them, save only to the Ship called the Merchant of Bengale before mentioned, and of which shall be further spoken by and by.  
From whence then is it evinced, that the Dutch Company had such a design, or what proofs do they bring to justify what they depose in their foresaid Reply? Not one only word.  
But to say how the case stands, the Netherlandish Company undertakes to show, that the said Kasembroo●, commanding the said Fleet in Chief in the Gulf of Persia, did all the time of his abode there, by express order and command, forbid, that no let or hindrance should in the least be offered to the English Ships in their Navigation and Traffic in that Kingdom.  
And that the Dutch Companies management might be rendered the more suspected and odious, they conclude thus in their Triplick, These are the means which the Dutch Company useth, for to get great advantages upon the Indian Princes, yea have thereby constrained that great and mighty King of Persia himself to subscribe such Articles as they would, that he might have his Havens again open and free.  
But besides, that the Netherlandish Company hath not by all those excessive charges, Covenanted or acquired any greater privileges or advantages than they always formerly have had in the Kingdom, except only a discharge from taking yearly a quantity of Silk at a certain price, (at least so far as concerns the last) according to the advice which the Dutch Company lately received concerning the same.  
And in case the great Princes of the Indies, and the King of Persia himself were so easily to be forced by such a Fleet as the Dutch Company had there, we have reason to demand why the English Company did not make use of that occasion, namely when they had present such a Fleet as they boast of before Gamron, for to recover of the Persians payment of the Toll or Cu●●om of Ormus or Gamron, which they say was so truly due unto them, but unjustly detained by the Persians, at least as to the greater part thereof, and which in the year 1654. they demanded, as to the half thereof, amounting to many hundred thousand 〈◊〉 of the Netherlandish Company, to wit, of the Goods which the said Dutch Company until that time had brought and Negotiated there, but was then by Committees on both parts denied to be due to them, and they remitted to the Persians themselves, where they so often importuned them by their Complaints; yea, even to the threatening of them; but nevertheless could never obtain any satisfaction: Would they not in all that time wherein these pretences have since increased to such vast Sums, if it had been to be acquired with such facility, have used these ways and 〈◊〉? Undoubtedly yea.  
And thereby we may well judge, what was the Constitution of that Fleet they had there, and of which they made such high boasts.  
But in case they should yet attempt the same, could the Netherlandish Company, although much prejudiced thereby in their Traffic, as undoubted would so be, could they thereupon lay any action to the charge of the English Company, and make pretences upon them?  
Surely the Dutch Company would wish, yea, entreat in a friendly way, that if such a thing should be, our Ships might have the like usage, as the Dutch Company did show to the English.  
As to the second Complaint, namely the hindrance occasioned to the Ship the Merchant of Bengale in her Unlading, by detaining and disturbing them in their Traffic and Undertake.  
Thus stands the case: The Dutch Company, as hath been said, having War with the Persians, or being as they say, In Statu Belli, and lying with their Fleet before Gamron, there came tidings from Land, that there was an intent to Board our Fleet by Fireships, and so cause us to leave the Road; whereupon we resolved to seize on all the Persian Boats we could get, and make them fast behind our Ships: the foresaid English Ship lying in the midst of our Fleet, and making preparation to unlade in Persian Boats, the said Kasembroot desired them to be pleased to desist, and not to make use of Persian Boats, especially they being accustomed to take in their Loding in the night time to be very early at Land to unlade, we offering them all the Boats of our Ships to assist them, that we might be certain, that they under the cloak of coming to the foresaid Ship, with their Fireships, and ●assing by our Watch, might not before we were aware, fall upon us; but they of the foresaid Ship rejecting ou● proffer, there came among our Fleet a Persian Boat, man'd with ten or twelve Persian Rowers, and one English Mariner, having by him two Cases with Rose-water, which the said Kasembroot caused to be brought into his Ship; the English Interpreter presently thereupon making his Complaint, the former proffer of our Boats was renewed, and at his going away, bid to take with him the two Cases of Rose-water, which he refusing, they were put into his Boat, and so he departed.  
This being the true History, we demand, What herein was done amiss by the Dutch Company, to cause the English to make such clamorous complaints about it? Or whether if any hindrance came thereby to the English (for damage they had none) they brought it not upon their own heads?  
The Goods they accuse us to have taken out of the Persian Boat (which nevertheless they themselves confess were again restored, and put into the Boat where the English Interpreter was) they aggravate, for to make them, in all appearance, to seem of great importance, were only the foresaid two Cases of Rose-water.  
In the contra-Protest, the aforesaid Kasembroot hath made against the Protest of the English (and to which they appeal) the whole carriage of the business is nakedly and clearly made to appear, for which reason they also thought good, as the said Extraordinary Envoy annexed the said Protest of the English to his foresaid Memorial, here withal also to deliver over this contra-Protest.  
Thereby more plainly to show, first, the Proffer we made of our Boats for their service to unload their said Ship, partly to take away the hindrance they complained of, and on the other hand to prevent the mischief, which by the going to and fro of the Enemy's Boats, (which they might have pretended to be done only in the Name, and by the Order of the English) could have befallen our Fleet.  
Again, That the Goods taken out of the Persian Boat, but again restored, were nothing but the said Cases of Rose-water.  
And thirdly, That the English, during our dissension with the Persians, did all what they could to incense them against us by Calumnies and Falsehoods; which also did remarkably retard and set back our Business at Court, to the great loss and detriment of the Dutch Company.  
Especially by the Promises they made the Persians with six Ships to chase us from the Road of Gamron, and out of the Fort of Kismus, whenas nevertheless our said Fleet consisted of nine Ships, and of which the Dutch Company expects due Information at the return of our Fleet.  
And hereby the Directors of the Netherlandish Company hope they have satisfied the desire of your Puissant Highnesses, having manifested on the one hand the Notorious Ungroundedness of all the Complaints brought in by the English; and on the other hand, the Integrity of the Netherlandish Company in these Matters: And that thereby your Puissant Highnesses will the more be incited to appear for the Dutch Company in so Righteous a Cause; and to protect them against all, and every one, that shall endeavour for this any ways to molest or injure them, which by these Presents we most humbly request: Having judged that the Importance of the Cause, and the multiplicity of Enormous Acts wherewith the Netherlandish Company is loaden; and that we might refute all these things in a due manner, as also give your Puissant Highnesses a Grounded Information, did require this our large Exhibition of things, and which in all Humility we beg, may not be unacceptable to your Puissant Highnesses.  
Was subscribed, P. VANDAM.   

Contra Protest to the ungrounded Aggrievances of the English Residents DANIEL EDWARDS and FRANCIS SNAPE, both in Service of the Honourable English Company here in Persia.  
Gentlemen;  
WE received Yesternight the Protest you sent, and greatly wonder at the Aggrievances you make about 〈◊〉 Persian Bark passing throng our Fleet, and for some time detained by us; which you affirm to have hired for to unlade the Merchandises of the Ship called the Merchant of Bengale: To which we answer, That it cannot be unknown to you, that we have more than a Year secured this Road and Gulf with eight or nine Ships; and notwithstanding that our Commissioners for the compounding of the Differences, are at present at the Court of Persia, yet our men some few days ago have in a most Hostile manner been driven from Land, our Flag taken down, and we, as is noised by them of Gamron, threatened to be assaulted here in the Road by a Number of Barks, manned with Persian Militia; so that Nature teacheth us to be upon our watch: And we thereupon thought it necessary to seize all the Persian Boats, yet without the least thought of doing any Let or Hindrance to you; as yourselves know, that in the unlading of the Ship Williamson was not done; although the said Ship, both going and coming, was freighted with Persian Goods: But on the contrary, the Day before Yesterday, when we stopped the Persian Bark, which would have passed our Fleet, we proffered your Truchman David all our own Boats for to help the said Ship to unlade, both because we would not hinder them in their Affairs, as also to secure our own Ships from the threatened Mischiefs, (which by the swerving of the Enemy's Boats, pretending to come in the Name, and by the Order of the English) might have befallen us. But it seemeth, you were rather prone thus unjustly to accuse us, that we should have detained your Goods (which were only the two Cases of Rose-water) than to embrace the kind Proffer of our Boats. The said David your Truchman took the two Cases into the Scute wherein he came from Land, at the same time the Bark came on Board of us, and himself carried them away with him. And forasmuch as it seemeth to be your wont manner, by intricate and practised Insertions to render things obscure; this your ungrounded Accusations are not strange unto us, as having since this Expedition, with much Patience born all the Calumnious Reproaches wherewith you have a long time sought to make us odious to the Persian Nation, to retard our Agreement with them: Especially promising them, to make us, with six of your Ships, to retire out of this Road, and out of Kismus: Of all which we have sufficient Proofs to show, and withal to make it appear, we had not given you the least Reason or Provocation thereto. All which hath been to the apparent Damage of our Company: And besides this, ye seek also to constrain us, to let our Enemy's Barks to pass and repass our Fleet. Wherefore in the Name of the Netherlandish East-Indie Company, we do Protest we are Innocent of all the Blood, Slaughter, Losses and Inconveniences which shall result from thence, on the one or other Hand. Given in our Ship the Blaw-Hulck, laying in the Road before Gamron.  
Was Signed, 

R. Kasembroot.  
W. Licochton.  
J. V. Ackersdijk, and  
W. van Bullestraten.     

Contra Protest against John Goldsborough, Master of the Ship called the Bengale Merchant.  
THE first of June Old Style was delivered unto us by them hereunto appointed, your Protest; which having considered, we do find in it many things are mistaken, and by you pressed contrary to Truth; and therefore judge it unnecessary, to give any Answer thereunto, than what was done by our Insinuation and Protest delivered over the thirteenth and fourteenth of May N. S. to the English Residents Daniel Edwards and Francis Snape, of which herewith a Copy is inserted, and wherein the True State of things is fully contained, and to which therefore we refer ourselves. However we profess to be blameless, that you by missailing to Shoar, came to touch ground once and again with your Ship, as not being to be imputed to us, but your own unadvisedness. Besides, we did never forbid or withstand, that any Barks should come to you to fetch Ballast; and is therefore the fault of the Persians', to whom the loss of time, you say, to have been hindered by it, is also to be imputed, and not to us: And withal would let you know, we are not such unqualified Persons, as you are pleased to term us, which rather may be imputed to you, as sufficiently appears by your unreasonable Protest; and therefore are not any whit troubled, in case any Dispute do arise thereabout between you and our Company, to be able, as having Justice and Truth ●n our side, to Answer what hath been done. Wherefore we Protest in the Name and on behalf of the Netherlandish East-Indie Company, against you John Goldsborough, Master of the Ship called the Bengale Merchant, and against all other, whoever they be, ●r whom it may concern, that we are blameless, and not b●und to make satisfaction of your ungrounded Pretences, or ●hat any one may unjustly lay to our Charge.  
Given in our Ship the Blaw-Hulck, lying in the Road before Gamron, the 19th. June 1685. S. N. There stood underneath, and was Signed, 

Reinier Kasembroot, and  
Wouter van Bullestraten.   In the Margin, Delivered by us underwritten, And was Signed, 

Andries van der Linden, and  
Jacob Stuyt.     

EXTRACT out of the Register of the Resolutions of the High and Mighty Lords the State's General of the United Provinces. Thursday the 18 July, 1686.  
IT being deliberated by Resumption upon the Memorial delivered up by the Directors of the East-Indie Company of these Countries the 22. of June past, unto their Puissant Highnesses, containing the consequents, and for satisfaction to their Puissant Highness' Resolution of the 31. May, past their Information, upon the Memorial of Mr. Skelton Envoy Extraordinary of his Royal Majesty of Great Britain, to this State, delivered up the second of the said Month to their Puissant Highnesses, touching the affairs of Bantam, it is understood and found meet by these, to request and give Commission to the Lords van Else and the other Deputies of their Puissant Highnesses for Outlandish Affairs, to signify to Mr. Skelton Envoy Extraordinary, that the differences concerning what hath passed at Bantam in the year 1682, being arisen to the state they are now fallen to his said Majesty and their Puissant Highnesses, they are prepared and ready to tread into a Conference and Treaty thereof, with the said Mr. Skelton, so he be authorised thereto in behalf of his Majesty; or else with them whom his said Majesty shall be pleased to authorize thereto; and in that Conference and Treaty to show, that their Puissant Highnesses have no other meaning and intention, than to preserve and cultivate with his said Majesty and Subjects, an entire Amity, and that they pretend not to do any wrong unto his Majesty's Subjects.  
Hereunder stood, Agreeth with the foresaid Register, Was subscribed H. FAGEL.   

EXTRACT out of the Register of the Resolutions of the High and Mighty Lords the State's General of the United Provinces. Tuesday 1. July, 1687.  
Was read at the Assembly the Memorial of the Marquis of Albiville, Extraordinary Envoy of his Majesty of Great Britain, requiring reparation for what passed at Bantam, according to what is here inserted word for word.  

High and Mighty Lords,  
AS there is nothing which may contribute more efficaciously to the maintenance and establishment of Leagues and Alliances made between Kings and States, than a just and prompt reparation of the Wrong, Injuries and Loss●s, which the Subjects of one receive from the other.  
Therefore the Marquis of Albiville, Envoy Extraordinary of the King of Great Britain, findeth himself commanded by the Order of the King his Master to put your Highnesses in remembrance of the most considerable losses, enormous Injuries, and the Honour of his Subjects most sensibly wounded by the surreptitious, ungodly, and insupportable proceedings of the East Indie Company of this State at Bantam, and to require without further delay an entire Satisfaction proportionable to the Enormity of the attempt, and to the Losses which the Subjects of his said Majesty have suffered.  
Given at the Hague the 30. June, in the year 1687. Signed, The Marquis of Albiville.   
Which being deliberated upon, it is found good, and understood, That a Copy of the foresaid Memorial shall be put into the hands of the Lords Everwyn and other their Puissant Highness' Deputies for the affairs of the East Indie Comprny, to visit and examine the Commissioners of the Directors of the said Company thereof to hear, as also to take the Considerations and most wise Advice of his Highness the Prince of Orange, and to make report of the whole to the Assembly here, and that forthwith an Extract of this their Puissant Highness' Resolution, and a Copy of the foresaid Memorial shall be sent to the Directors of the said East Indie Company of the Praesidial Chamber at Amsterdam, and therewith written to them, that against this day fortnight, which shall be the 15, of the present Month, they send hither some Commissioners well instructed upon the foresaid subject, that so the next day early in the morning the said business may be taken in hand.  
Was Paragraphed B. van Scheltinga. Lower stood, Agreeth with the foresaid Register. Was signed, H. Fagel.   

EXTRACT out of the Register of the Resolutions of the High and Mighty Lords the State's General of the United Netherlands. Wednesday 23 July, 1687.  
WAS heard the report of the Lords Verbolt and other their Puissant Highness' Deputies for Outlandish affairs, having in order, and to satisfying of their Resolution, as commissionated the 1. of this present, visited and examined the Memorial of the Marquis of Albiville, Envoy Extraordinary of his Majesty of Great Britain to this State, by which he requireth reparation for what is passed at Bantam, more largely mentioned in the said Memorial, and in the brief notes of this present: upon which having deliberated, is found good and understood, that to the said Marquis of Albiville for answer to the said Memorial shall be insinuated, that their Puissant Highnesses by their Resolution 18. July of the year past 1686. have declared to Mr. Skelton, as than his Majesty's Envoy Extraordinary to this State, that the differences about what passed at Bantam in June 1682. being arisen to the State that they were devolved to his said Majesty and their puissant Highnesses, they are prepared and ready to enter into a Conference and Treaty thereabout with the forementioned Mr. Skelton, if that he on the part of his Majesty be authorised thereunto, or otherwise with such as his said Majesty should be pleased to authorize; and in that Conference and Treaty, to show, That their Puissant Highnesses have no other meaning nor intention, than to maintain and cultivate with the said Majesty and his Subjects an entire Amity, and that they do not pretend to do any wrong to his Majesty's Subjects; and that therefore their Puissant Highnesses could not have expected otherwise, from the justice of His Majesty, but that the said Conference should have been set on foot, and some person thereunto authorised: and now as yet they adhere to renew the foresaid declaration, and say, that they still are ready to enter into Conference and Treaty about the foresaid Differences with the said Marquis of Albiville, in case he on the part of his Majesty be authorised thereto, or otherwise with such as his Majesty shall be pleased to authorize, and in those Conferences and Treaties to show, that they have no other meaning nor intention, than to preserve and cultivate with his Majesty and Subjects an entire Friendship, and pretend not to do, or suffer any wrong be done unto His Majesty's Subjects, and therefore they cannot conceive or apprehend what the foresaid Memorial, and the terms in which it is couched, would have, or signify; And an Extract of this their Puissant Highness' Resolution shall by the Agent Sproussen be delivered into the hands of the Marquis of Albeville, to serve for his Information, thereof to make use, so and where it shall be thought fit; and also an Extract of this their Puissant Highness' Resolution shall be sent to the Lord Citters, their Puissant Highness' Ambassador at the Court of His Majesty the King of Great Britain, to be subservient unto his Information.  
Was paragraphed, Underneath stood, acordeth with the aforesaid Register, Sighned, 

Francis Verbolt▪  
H. FAGEL.     

EXTRACT out of the Register of the Resolutions of the High and Mighty Lords, the State's General of the United Netherlands. Friday the 1. Augusti, 1687.  
WAS read at the Assembly the Memorial of the Marquis of Albiville, Envoy Extraordinary of His Majesty of Great Britain to this State, together with an Appendix containing Complaints against the East-Indie Company, of these Countries, as to what should have been attempted at Metocapatans' and at Baktancapas, according to the said Memorial, and the Appendix inserted hereby, from word to word,  
Fiat insertio:  
Whereupon being deliberated was found good, and understood that a Copy of the aforesaid Memorial and Appendix shall be sent to the Directors of the East-Indie Gompany of the Praesidial Chamber of Amsterdam, for to address an information thereupon to their Puissant Highnesses, and nevertheless also a Copy and Appendix thereof shall be delivered into the hands of the Lords Verbolt, and other their Puissant Highness' Deputies for outlandish affairs, to revise, examine and make report of the whole here at the Assembly:  
Was Paragraphed, John Ʋander Bergh, ut, Underneath stood, Agreeth with the aforesaid Register, Was signed H. FAGEL.   

Memorial of the Marquis of Albiville Exhibited the 1st. of August, 1687.  
High and Mighty Lords,  
THE Marquis of Albiville, Envoy Extraordinary of the King of Great Britain, hath received new orders from the King his Master, to signify to your Lordships the continuance of new injustices and violences offered by your Company of the East-Indies at Mechapatans' and Batancapas, as they shall see by the adjoined writing containing the Particulars thereof.  
And as his Majesty findeth himself informed of the Answer of your Highnesses the 23d of the Month past, unto the preceding Memorial of his abovesaid Envoy, is willing to believe that these things have been committed without your knowledge; so likewise he doth not doubt but they are of ill savour, and disapproved by your Highnesses, and that he cannot but expect from your justice and friendship the reparation of these infractions, and the damages which the Subjects of His Majesty have suffered in these quarters; His Majesty will willingly also be persuaded by the assurances which the said Memorial giveth him, that your Highnesses will not neglect to send precise and effectual Orders, to the end, 〈◊〉 for the future the like attempt be no more used: 〈…〉 means to maintain a good intelligence betwixt 〈◊〉 Majesty and this Commonwealth; to which, His Majesty 〈◊〉 part shall not fail to contribute always, what in reason may be desired of him.  
Given at the Hague this 〈◊〉 August, 1687. Signed, Marquis of ALBIVILLE.   

APPENDIX.  
THE English East-Indie Company in a Request they presented to His Majesty of Great Britain, June 29. 1687. say, they have had advice by divers Ships newly arrived, of the injuries and violences the Hollanders have exercised against the English on the Coast of Cormandel, under pretext of having war with the King of Golcondach.  
That they made themselves Master of Metchalapatam, after the same manner they seized Bantam.  
That they had prohibited the English eight weeks ago to Traffic there any more, although they have had their residence and Magazine there Eighty or Ninety years together, and that the Magazine was built by the Company, and that they bought the very ground upon which it was erected, as may be seen in the writing of the Governor and the Dutch Council at Pollicats.  
That the Hollanders in time of peace did by main force Assault the Fort the English had built at Batancapas, seated on the West-Coast of Sumatra, to secure themselves the better of the Traffic in Pepper; that in contempt they broke and tore in pieces the Pavilion of his British Majesty where it was set up.  
That they there pillaged the English.  
And because it is apparent, the design of the Hollanders is to appropriate to themselves by violence, injustice, and oppression, the whole Trade of the East-Indies, The sa●●l Company hopeth that His Majesty, with the first, will apply such remedies, as may prevent the continual invasions of the Hollanders.  
A Letter of the Holland Company from Pollicat, written August 13. 1686. S. N. to Mr. William Gifford, President. of the English Company, and to his Council at the Fort St. George.  
It contains in substance, That the said Hollandish Company hath been evil treated some Years since, beyond the Coast of Cormandel; as also the North Coast from Onixa unto Metchopotam, by the Ministers of State, and the Governors of the King of Gulcondach.  
That they often required Justice, but to no purpose: And for to revenge themselves of these Injuries, they had seized Metchopotam the 16th. of July. That for a Mark of the Friendship they desire to maintain with the English Company, they permit them to embark in their own Ships, out of their Magazines at Metchepotam the Effects the English had there; ●s also to take out in Barks all the Provisions, and all the Merchandizes which shall come in their Ships to Metchopotam, for to put them into their Magazines; yet upon condition, that they shall carry none out of the City of Metchopotam, to sell them to Merchants, or to the Subjects of the King of Gulcondach, until the said Company shall have Satisfaction.  
The sooner to obtain this Satisfaction, they had resolved not only to hold the mean while the said City in possession, but also to prevent that the English should not suffer any Damage during these Troubles; they thought it fit to advertise them, to bring into their Magazines the Effects they had in the Country; and that within the space of six or eight Weeks, reckoning from the time the Company had seized the said City.  
That they will also have that the English Company advertise Theirs, of all what they shall cause to be brought in; to the end, that by the good Order they shall hold, the Inconveniences may be prevented, which otherwise might befall the English.  
Answer of Mr. William Gifford Precedent, and of the Council of the English Company, dated..... 1686. written to the Holland's Company at Pollicat. It being in substance, That the English Company are not Ignorant of the Design the Dutch Company now hath in making themselves Masters in Metchapotam.  
That they could wish that the ruinating of the English Commerce, were not the main End, the Hollanders now a long time had practised these Tricks: Particularly at Bantam, and since at Chimatra; but that the Hollanders were as yet to be responsible unto them.  
That they have remarked that the Hollanders in all their Treaties they make with the Indian Kings and Princes, have endeavoured to exclude their Company from Traffic in their Countries and Ports.  
That this Design is now discovered and resented in Europe; that their Presumption is too great to impose Laws to the English in such a manner; that now, since they are Possessors of Metchapotam, they will have the English to comport themselves, as to their Commerce there, according to their Pleasure: But the English are not obliged to follow their Order: That the House and the Ground upon which their Magazine is built, is an Heritage acquired by their own Money.  
That upon these Grounds they counsel them to act with Discretion, and agreeing to Justice.  
That they in the mean while will continue to traffic as formerly, and counsel the Hollanders not to interrupt them, left they should attract sad Consequences contrary to their Interest.  
A Letter of Mr. Samuel Pots, written to Mr. Clement du Chardin, and to the Council. Indrapanno, the 23d. Sept. 1686.  
It contains, First, A Relation of the state of some of the Affairs of the English Company.  
Mr. Pots remits them to a certain Paper of the 26th. of July. to be informed of the Cause of his Voyage to Batacapas; and why he took with him so much of the Companies Effects.  
He giveth Reason's why he did not wait for Orders or Command, before he undertook the Voyage: That it was, because the two Sons of the Emperor, and the Mandarins, had extremely pressed him to hast●n the Voyage as much as could be, lest the Hollanders being advertised of the Design of the English, should settle themselves there before, and so the English be frustrated of their Enterprise.  
He departed, as he saith, from Indraponna the 16th. of July; taking with him forty men, Domestics and Soldiers, going with them to Pagason, to meet there the two Sons of the Emperor Manuncabbo, who waited them to go together to Batancapas, being in all 2000, there to settle the English. That after five days Voyage they arrived wi●h the Emperor and the two Princes; and that the Emperor had bid the English to settle themselves there.  
That three days before they arrived, the Hollanders had settled and fortified themselves there upon a Rock on the other side of the River, notwithstanding that the Emperor and the Mandarins had commanded them to retire; telling them, That he had given the Country to the King of Great Britain, to settle the English Company there; and that he had never given Permission to the Dutch to Reside there.  
That the same day of his arriving at Batancapas, the Hollanders had sent him a Protest; counselling him to take good heed of the Malayans, because they complained that the English had wronged them by settling at Bancola and at Indraponna; places which, they said, had formerly been given unto them.  
That at the end of two days, he sent them another Protest.  
That the day after his arriving, the Emperor and his two Sons arrived; and themselves planted the Pavilion of the King of England.  
That the Hollanders had fortified themselves as much as they could.  
That during the three first weeks there was no opposition on the one or other part, although the English did often press the malayans to fall upon the English.  
That the Hollanders, seeing that after all their Persuasions, the malayans would do nothing; forced them to retire further up into the Country, about three Miles towards the North; with design (as the Emperor and his men believed) to waste the Country, the Houses, and especially the City of Batancapas.  
That to prevent this Desolation, the Emperor and his two Sons had drawn back their Forces, except 60 or 70 Mallayans, whom they left there for to cover their Works.  
That after the Retreat of these Troops, the Hollanders in Batancapas, the day after, being the 23d. of August, on a Friday, and on the Sunday, had shot with their greatest Cannons at the People as they came to the Market, in hope to make them afraid, and no more to supply the English, or to bring them any more Provisions.  
That a Cannon-bullet with two Points, striking a Tree near the Palisado of the English Fort, burst asunder in two Pieces.  
That the day after they had dispatched Mr. Samuel Worly to the Hollanders, to know of them the Reason wherefore they had shot at the Magazine of the English, and their Men; and to tell their Commander they would send a piece of the Bullet to the King of England, and inform him of the Affront they had done to his Subjects: But the Commander not being then present, Mr. Worly had done the Message to another Gentleman that had the Command in the absence's of the other; the said Officer should have anvered, That he much wondered they should make 〈◊〉 a work of one or two Canonshot; and pointing with his Finger to divers Pieces not far off from him, should have said, Behold there a great many core, which shall be shot off: And not failing of his Word, the same afternoon 21 August, he made two not more, after the same manner as before.  
That the malayans being affrighted, the greater part which remained with the English deserted them.  
That the Hollanders being advertised hereof, embarked in their Chalops the malayans, with a number of Dutch Soldiers.  
That they fired continually their Great Guns while they were in their Barks; and at length having set ●oot on Land, they with Fury assaulted the small number of malayans, which were for the English; set on ●re their palisado; and having put to flight the said malayans, they fell upon the English which were at the Entrance of the palisado.  
That a certain man named Mackolon, an Officer of the Hollanders, told him, That except he sought to escape, the malayans would kill him.  
That not fearing their Threats, the Hollanders had commanded the malayans to assault the English; but the malayans testifying their dislike by refusing to do it, the Ensign-bearer set himself in the Front, forced an entrance into the Fort; being followed of some malayans, and about forty Hollanders.  
That these Troops were no sooner passed the palisado, but they said to them and the other English, That if ever they entered more into the Fort, they might expect nothing else but to be fallen upon.  
That at the very same instant the Dutch Soldiers and the malayans began to plunder, carrying away all they thought was of any worth, and gave it into the Hands of their Commanders: And while they were thus pillaging, the Dutch Soldiers in contempt, brake and tore in pieces the Flag of the King of England, which was set up there.  
That after all these Violences, the foresaid Officer, by Order of the Commander, prayed him to retire on the side of the Hollanders; promising in the name of the Commander, they would restore the Merchandise, Effects, Silverwork, Cannon, and all what might appertain to the English, and what should be found in the Hands of the M●llayans.  
That he thereupon going to the Commander named M●ckabon, he instead of performing what was promised, answered him, He could do nothing in it; and that what the malayans had taken, was justly acquired, and they could not be constrained to render the same: However, as for the Cannon, he would endeavour they might be restored.  
But coming again to him, after he had ordered men and a Boat to take in the Cannon, there came some of his men and said, That in case we would have the Cannon, the Mallyans pretended to have 500 Dollars for them.  
Seeing then too apparently, that in this and in all other things the English were merely deluded, he embarked his Soldiers and Men that were left, and returned to Indrapanna the 25. of August.  
High and Mighty Lords,  
WE have received your Puissant Highness' Letter, and therewith your Resolution of the first of this present, with an insertion of the Memorial presented to your Puissant Highnesses, with an Annex by the Marquis of Albiville, Envoy Extraordinary of his Royal Majesty of Great Britain; which said Memorial containeth Complaints against the transactions and doings of the Ministers of the Netherlandish Company at Maslapatam upon the Coast of Cormandel, and at Batancapas upon the West Coast of Sumatra, with their Request of Reparation; concerning which, your Puissant Highnesses require information by us. We may not omit, High and Mighty Lords, to propose, with all dutiful respect to your Puissant Highnesses, That forasmuch as the said Appendix is in effect the Contents of such Letters which the English Company, as they pretend, have lately received out of the Indies, divers particulars are rehearsed in what manner the things they complain of were there transacted, of which we, by reason our Ships are not yet arrived, though expected every hour, cannot have perfect knowledge: May it therefore please your Puissant Highnesses not to construe it amiss, that we defer the same a while; however we say aforehand, that the said Complaints, as they are proposed in the said Memorial, are of two parts.  
First, Against the conduct of our people, in their actings at Maslapatnam: And secondly, upon the West-Coast of Sumatra, with the wrong done to the English at both places.  
As to the first, we apprehend, that by the information we had the last yeart out of India, and by another hand, (setting aside what we are yet expecting) we want no matter fully to justify the transactions of our people there, and to demonstrate the ungroundedness of the foresaid Complaints.  
And what concerns the second, namely, That by force we should have hindered them, that they could, nor might settle themselves in the Country of the Prince of Indrapanna, nor build Forts where they pleased; whereas that Prince, according to what they affirm, had made over that Country to them, although we cannot directly discover the perfect state and constitution of that business, until the Ships, which we daily expect be arrived; nevertheless, we are able, by the information we had the last year concerning it, to affirm from the contents of those Letters, That the English, by reason of the unhealthfulness of that Country, and the mortality it brought upon their men, with other difficulties, were intended, yea, did actually prepare to depart thence, so that we thought to have mentioned nothing more, nor troubled your Puissant Highnesses with that business, but have passed it by in silence; but seeing out the foregoing Appendix we find it otherwise, we shall nor may not neglect to produce with the first opportunity unto your Puissant Highnesses our just complaints, and withal to show the injuries, losses and intrusions of the English upon the propriety and right, which we (as to the West-coast) for a very long time have had and acquired, and which we yet have the actual possession and enjoyment of, and can prove, that they continually have sought to debauch, and draw from us these Princes, who, in acknowledgement of the benefits and services they received from us, and amongst many other, that we had delivered them, at our exceeding Charge and Expenses, out of the hands of their Enemies under whose yoke they were brought; and moreover, at whose Request we have by solemn Contracts taken upon us, and promised to defend them against all and every one who should offer to do any injury or violence unto them; and for which they have declared us for their Sovereigns, and in especial also that forementioned Prince of Indraponna, in whose Country they have built a Fort, endeavouring forcibly to thrust us out of our possession, by depriving us of the enjoyment we had: And yet they themselves confess that our people on the West-Coast have protested against the injuries they did to them, while they sought to settle themselves at Boucoulo and Indraponna, Countries and places, as the real truth is, belonging to us, of which the Contracts are in our hands time out of mind; and yet they cannot deny, that their people have set themselves against us by building of Forts to keep us out; yea, they complain, that we, by raising a Fort, have injured and prevented them, and yet this is all the damage and wrong, according to their own saying, we have done them. If, indeed, the English could make it out, and maintain that they have a right to come into a Country, of which the Sovereignty is made over to us, beside other engagements we have there, though as they say, by consent of the said Prince (although that is not by us owned as true) to build Forts thereby to draw the Commerce into their hands, with the secluding of us, to whom the right is only belonging, and yet we not have just cause, by raising a Fort to prevent them; or that hereby they should have a main Action against us: Certainly this must needs come from another Law than hitherto hath been known to the World. They accuse us, that we, by privative Contracts, have sought every where to keep them from Trading, and yet they make their Appeal to such like Contracts which themselves have made there. The English Company shows, that they wilfully continue in their custom, to make always complaints, how impertinent or ungrounded soever, thereby to preoccupy the World, yea, to make an impression even in the Inhabitants of this State itself, as if we sought nothing else, but made it our whole business to oppose and be thwarting of the English, as amongst other their complaints, this also may apparently be seen in the business of Bantam, which occasioned such commotion and clatter almost in all places, and concerning which, the Information stated by this Chamber above a year ago, and presented to your Puissant Highnesses, hath clearly manifested what is to be judged of the carriage and conduct of the Netherlandish Company in that matter, which in the first was so odiously set forth. But forasmuch as it is our intention, after the arrival of our Ships, whose return from the Indies we daily expect, more amply, by the permission of your Puissant Highnesses, to treat of these and other things, when we shall have further light by the evidences we expect in those Ships, and to show the injuries offered us; we will herewith conclude, praying, etc.  
Beneath stood, High and Mighty Lords, Your most humble Servants, The Directors of the East-Indie Company of the Chamber of Amsterdam, and from thence, In the Margin, In Amsterdam, 7. Aug. 1687.  
FINIS.