AN ANSWER TO A BOOK, Entitled, The State of the PROTESTANTS IN IRELAND Under the Late King James' Government;  
In which, Their Carriage towards him is Justified, and the Absolute Necessity of their endeavouring to be Freed from his Government, and of Submitting to their present Majesties, is Demonstrated.  
London, Printed in the Year 1692.   

TO THE READER.  
READER,  
I Did not intent to have troubled you with any Preface: But this is occasioned by a Pamphlet lately published, called, An Answer to GREAT BRITAIN's JUST COMPLAINT; wherein, pag. 54. there is this Character of the Book I have Answered, which he calls Dr. King's, (whom I have not named, but now may, from the Authority of this Author:) A Book (says he) writ with that known Truth, and Firmness of Reason, that every Page of it is a Demonstration; which hath been often threatened with an Answer: but the long silence of the Party shows Gild and Despair.  
For the long silence; I must tell the Reader, That this Answer was prepared upon the first coming out of Dr. King's Book, (and therefore the Quotations of the Page are according to the first Edition of it in Quarto,) in the later Editions the Doctor has found cause to make some Amendment, which I have taken notice of.  
That this Answer has not before this time appeared in Print, has been occasioned by the severe Watch that is kept over all the Presses, which has made many interruptions, and long delays; considering which, it is more to be wondered at that it has now got through the Briars, than that it has stuck so long.  
This must excuse a Difference you will find in the Paper in some Sheets, and other Eyesores of the Impression, being done at different Times and Places.  
For these I shall be less concerned, if you will pardon one which was occasioned by the Importunity and Fears of some of the Printers, that is, to call People by their usual, though not proper Names, like the Woman of Samaria's de Facto Husband, (Joh. iv. 16.) or as Oliver was called a Protector, and Absalon a King.  
This Answer to Britain's Complaint, recites some of the grossest Mistakes of Dr. King's Book, and, from his Credit, delivers them for most undoubted Truths: As, pag. 54. That the Repeal of the Acts of Settlement was carried on by King James 's own Solicitation; and that he did struggle with his Bishops and Judges to carry it; and after he was duly informed of the Cruelty and Injustice of it, that he still pressed it, and at last got it passed. The notorious Falsehood of which, I have shown from undeniable and good Protestant Vouchers; and more are to be had, if either of these Authors have the hardiness not to submit upon that Point.  
Pamphlet, pag. 55. Every where Protestant Churches were taken from them by Force, and given to Popish Priests, by the Order or Connivance of the late King.  
Which is so far from Truth, that Dr. King himself gives Instances to the contrary, and tells (c. 3. s. 18 n. 11.) how King James did struggle against the Popish Clergy, in behalf of the Protestants, and turned out the Mayor of Wexford for not obeying His Majesty's Orders in Restoring the Protestants Church there, which the Popish Clergy had usurped; and that He appeared most zealous to have the Church Restored; and expressed himself with more passion than was usual upon that occasion.  
And Dr. King cannot name one Protestant Church in Ireland, that was taken from them either by King James' Order or Connivance.  
His Majesty was so very careful in this Point, that even at Dublin, where he kept his Court, neither the Cathedral, nor any Parish-Church in the whole City was taken from the Protestants. The King only took Christ-Church for his own use, which was always reputed as the King's Chapel: And Dr. King himself and others then preached Passive Obedience in their own Pulpits in Dublin to that degree, as to give offence to some of their Protestant Hearers, who thought they stretched it even to Flattery.  
Pamphlet. This was done in those parts of Ireland where the Protestants were very peaceable under King James.  
That is, where they were so under his Power, that they durst not stir, for none else then in that Kingdom were quiet; and even those who lived under King James' Protection were giving Intelligence against him, and betraying him all they could; which Dr. King does not only confess, but justifies it, and was himself one of the Chief; which I have sufficiently shown, and I suppose he will not deny, but reckons it now as his Merit.  
Pamphlet. Those (Protestants) who scaid in Ireland, were oppressed, etc.  
But it is evident that they preserved their Effects, Houses and Improvements, better than those who left the Kingdom; and now live Richer, and have more to show, which they preserved by King James' Clemency, than their Neighbours brought with them from the Countries whither they fled from his Protection.  
Pamphlet. Upon Complaint no Protestant could have Redress.  
I have shown many who had. And I believe Dr. King cannot show one who had not (as far as was in the King's Power to grant it.) And that much more than they deserved at his Hands, by their own Confession at this Day; and many of them do complain that their Grievances have not been so well Redressed since.  
And if King James can be represented by these Men as a Tyrant, and a Bloody Persecutor while he Courted them, and sought by all winning Ways to gain them, (which was certainly the Case while he was among them in Ireland,) it may bring Men into suspense to believe what is told of the French, Hungarian, or of any other Persecution.  
But I will not Anticipate, what you will find in the following Leaves, to which I refer you. Only I think it necessary to acquaint you, That Pag. 8. of this Answer, upon the Head of One Prince interposing between another Prince and his Subjects when he uses them Cruelly, I refer to a Book, which I thought would have been Published as soon as this, and therefore said little to that Point: But now that I see no Hopes of its coming out, give me leave to enlarge a little, and tell Dr. King what advantage the Jacobites make of this Doctrine.  
They say it would justify King Lewis, or any other King to interpose between them and King William. For they pretend that they are much more Cruelly used by King William, than even Dr. King himself says the Protestants were by King James.  
In England they tell us, That their Clergy are Deprived, that they are imprisoned without Law, for no other fault than Reading the Liturgy of the Church of England in their Houses.  
They complain of Double Taxes, Excessive Fines and Bail, and Illegal Imprisonments.  
That in Ireland, besides the Deprivation of the Clergy, all Men and Women who refuse the New Oaths incur a Praemunire.  
That in Scotland, they are Fined, Imprisoned, Massacred (as Glen-coe, etc.) and put to the Torture, against the very Claim of Right (as Nevil Pain, etc.) their Clergy Barbarously Rabbled, and Episcopacy Abolished.  
Though, they say, that the Prince of Orange in his Declaration to Scotland, Dated at the Hague, 10. Octob. 88 Promises to preserve their Church, as then Established among them, From any Alteration: And makes that the chief End and Design of his then intended Expedition.  
Then they tell of the many wicked and illegal Courses, which were taken to overturn the Foundations of Church and State in that Kingdom.  
That when the Meeting of the Estates of Scotland was called by the Prince of Orange's Circular Letters, in March 89. none were sent to several Royal Brughs in the North; which is the most Episcopal, and consequently the most Loyal part of Scotland: And therefore such sent no Representatives.  
That at the first Meeting of the Estates, they refused, when it was moved, to adjourn for eight Days, (as they did in England,) to give time to the Members from the remote parts of the North, to get to Edenbrugh: But did precipitate Matters before they came.  
That the Oaths required by Law to be taken by all the Members of Parliament, or any Judicature, before they can sit or vote there, were, without Law, laid aside: By which means the Anti-Monarchical, and Fanatical Party were let into the House.  
That several, Noblemen, and Gentlemen, who had been Forefaulted for Treason, and so had no Property nor Interest in Scotland, were admitted as Members of this Convention, before their Forfeitures were Rescinded, even by this Convention; and so were made the King's Judges, to pass Sentence of Forefaulture against him, for the Injuries which they pretended he had done to them. And that one of these (viz. the Earl of Argyle) was sent with the tender of the Crown of Scotland to the Prince and Princess of Orange, by Act of Convention, 24 Apr. 89. before his Forefaulture was taken off, which was not done till, 1 Aug. 89. by the 4th Act of the first Session of the first Parliament of William and Mary.  
That by these Means the Fanatical Party in that Convention were the most Numerous: And framed such a Committee of Elections, as for any, or no Cause, turned out any Episcopal Member who came in Competition with one of their own.  
That by their Act 4 July 90. they rescinded all the Forefaultures since the year 1665. and Monmouth by name, and Richard Rumbold an Englishman, who was to have Assassinated King Charles II. at Rye-house, and in public Proclamations in Scotland was taken notice of as the supposed Executioner of King Charles I.  
That within this Act of Grace were included all that were concerned in the public and open Rebellions of Pentland-hills, Bothwell-brig, Monmouth, and Argyle; and the very Assassinates of the Lord Archbishop of St. Andrews (those Furies incarnate!) were all, as many as were alive, enabled to be Members of Parliament, and to pass Sentence of Forefaulture against their King.  
That King William by his additional Instructions to his Commissioner Duke Hamilton, dated the 17th of July 89. empowers him to pass Acts for Rescinding all Foresaultures since 1660.  
But this exceeded the Modesty even of that Parliament! They would not expressly own that no Treason could be committed against K. C 2. or K. J. 2. at the same time that they Deprived and Foresaulted so many on the behalf of K. W.  
That the Fanatical Mob, who had Rabbled the Episcopal Clergy, were Armed, and made the Guard of that Convention, and resolved to sacrifice any who durst oppose their Designs; witness Sir George Mackenzy, that great Ornament of his Nation and Profession, who was forced to fly from their Fury, to save his Life, it being made appear they had laid Plots to murder Him and Others. They tore Episcopal Ministers Gowns off their backs in the streets of Edinburgh where the Convention sat, and attacked the Lord Archbishop of Glasgow there.  
That the Bishops, who are the First of the Three Estates of Parliament, were excluded from sitting in that Parliament, before they were a Parliament, by virtue of Instructions sent from King William to his Commissioner Duke Hamilton, dated 31 May 89. in these words: You are to pass an Act turning the Meeting of Estates into a Parliament; and that the Three Estates are to consist of the Noblemen, Barons, and Burgesses. Accordingly the Meeting of Estates wherein the Bishops sat, was turned into a Parliament, 5 June 89. the Bishops being first excluded; which the Jacobites think a material Objection against the validity of all the Acts of that Parliament, particularly that of 22 July 89. abolishing Prelacy, and the Act 7 June 90. settling Presbyterian Church-Government.  
Whence the Jacobite Episcoparians desire us to take a view of the Methods how their Church was over-turned.  
They first tell us, That the major part of Scotland, and much the greater part of the Nobility and Gentry, are Episcopal; and therefore that Episcopacy would carry it in any fair and free Convention of the Estates in Scotland.  
That several Reasons are given above, why it was not so in the late Convention there.  
That the Presbyterian Managers did instigate and set on their Rabble to fall upon the Episcopal Clergy, and drive them by violence from their Churches; and that the Presbyterian Ministers who had preached in those Parishes by a Toleration from King James, should take possession of them before the Meeting of the Estates, where they would endeavour to excuse the Rabble, and continue the Possession; and likewise make use of this as an Argument, That Episcopacy was contrary to the inclinations of the people.  
That the Rabbling begins in December 88 and to make way for it, a Report was industriously spread abroad (as in England) That some Thousands of Irish were landed in Galloway, and marching forward with Fire and Sword: Upon which, the fanatics took Arms, and fell upon the Episcopal Clergy with a Violence that is hardly credible.  
That they drove them from their Churches, plundered their Houses, assaulted their Persons, pricking some with Bodkins, etc. till they have gone distracted; in which miserable condition a Gentleman told me he met an old Companion of his at the College, an Episcopal Clergyman, who had been thus served by that Rabble.  
That they turned the Wives and Children of the Episcopal Clergy out of their Houses, to shift as they could; upon which many of their Children died, and their Wives miscarried. A Presbyterian (but who abhorred the Brutality of these Proceed) told me, that he was at the Rabbling at Air, and saw an Episcopal Minister's Wife, who had been but three or four days delivered, turned out with her Children into the Streets, and all People shut their Doors upon them, insomuch that this Gentleman, moved with so lamentable a Spectacle, bestirred himself in Compassion to them; and that it was Eleven at Night before he could get a poor  to give them shelter.  
That they used to lead the Ministers about in Triumph, tearing their Gowns, which they called the Rags of the Whore; and burning the Book of Common Prayer wherever they could find it, calling it the Mass in English.  
This was the Western Fanatic Rabble, who began their Work upon Christmas Day, to be witty in their Malice.  
That at Edinburgh itself the Tumult was so high, that the Mob forced the King's Palace, rifted the Chancellor's Lodgings, gutted the Chapel (designed for the Order of the Knights of St. Andrew) carried the King's Picture to the Mercat-Cross, and there publicly stabbed and tore it, with the like Indignities as some ungrateful and brutish Villains expressed, in the rancour of their Hearts, against the King's Statue at Newcastle and Gloucester.  
That upon these violent Disorders, the King being gone from England, and no settled Government in the Nation, the College of Justice at Edinburgh took Arms, and kept Watch and Ward, to secure the Peace of the City, and their Clergy from being Rabbled.  
That then a Proclamation came from the Prince of Orange, commanding all persons to lay down their Arms; That the College of Justice did thereupon lay down their Arms; but the fanatics did not, for they said, that they knew the Order was not intended against them; and they proceeded to greater Insults against the Episcopal Clergy, and fell upon those they had not meddled with before, and a Tumult was raised at Glasgow; and those of the Rabbled Clergy who thought themselves protected by the Prince's Proclamation, and thereupon returned to their Churches and Live, were much more rudely treated than before; and particular Favours were granted to the Town of Glasgow, by 15 Act of 2 Sess. of 1 Parl. of W. and M. for the Zeal of the Community of the said City (who were the principal Rabblers) for the Protestant Religion, as it is expressed in the Act.  
That the Rabbled Clergy made application to the P. of O. for Protection from this Outrage, and sent Dr. Scot, Dean of Glasgow; who, assisted by Dr. Fall, Principal of the College of Glasgow, did represent their deplorable Condition to his Highness; who gave them no other Answer than to refer them to the Meeting of the Estates, which did not assemble till 14 March following.  
That they, suffering unspeakable Hardships and Indignities all that time, from December to March, made the same Request for Protection from the Rabble to the Meeting of Estates then convened. In answer to which,  
That the Meeting of Estates, by their Act 13 Apr. 89. excluded from the Protection of the Goverument all the Ministers who had been Rabbled before that day, and were not then in Possession of their Churches: And being turned into a Parliament, by their Act 7 June 90. declared, That these Rabbled Ministers had Deserted their Churches; and therefore adjudged them to be Vacant, and ordered those Presbyterian Ministers who, without any Law, had taken possession of them when the Incumbents were driven away by the Rabble, to continue their possession, and have Right to the Benefices and Stipends, according to their entry in the Year 89. viz. when the Incumbents were Rabbled. And to this, being an Act of Parliament, the Royal Assent was given.  
That these Ministers Rabbled before 13 Apr. 89. and for that only reason declared to have abdicated by the Parliament, were about 300.  
That the foresaid Act 13. Apr. 89. obliged all that remained to Pray for K. W. and Q. M. as King and Queen of Scotland, and read a Proclamation publicly from their Pulpits against the owning of King James.  
And that they might not have too long time to consider of it, it was to be read, under pain of Deprivation, the next day, viz. 14 Apr. 89. by all the Ministers of Edinburgh, the 21st by all on that side the River Tay, on the 28th by all be-north Tay, which was hardly time to have the Proclamation transmitted to them all. At Edinburgh the Proclamation came not from the Press till late on Saturday night, and it was to be read at Morning-Service next day: so that many of them, it is supposed, had not an hours time to resolve.  
That this severe Act was more severely executed by the Earl of Crawford, than Precedent of the Council, and other Presbyterian Lords; and that near as many were turned out by the Rabble within doors, as the Field-Rabble had done.  
That Matters being thus prepared for total Abolition of Episcopacy, all haste was made to do it: An Act was framed for that purpose, and Instructions were sent to the Commissioner in these words: You are to Touch the Act already passed, Abolishing Episcopacy, as soon as you can; and to Rescind all Acts inconsistent therewith; That the haste required was observed, for these Instructions were signed by King William at Whitehall the 17th of July 89. and the Act was Touched at Edinburgh the 22d of the same month.  
Thus fell Episcopacy in Scotland! Two Months and eleven Days after King William and Queen Mary took upon them the Crown of that Kingdom, which was the eleventh of May 89.  
That those Presbyterian Ministers, who were ejected by Law, Anno 1662. upon the Restoration of Episcopacy, were restored to the Churches they had before, by Act of this Parliament, 25 April 90. without any Provision made for those who were ejected.  
That they did not pretend to that Regard to any who should be Deprived, as the Parliament of England seemed to do, by allowing Twelve of the Clergy who should refuse the Oaths, the Third of their Bishoprics or Live during their Life; and left it to K. W. to apply it to which Twelve of them he thought fit: But that he has applied it to none, lest they should far better than their Deprived Brethren in Scotland.  
That not only those Presbyterian Ministers who were outed by the Bishops, Anno 1662. but even those who had been Deposed and put under Censure as Incendiaries and wicked Men, by their own Presbyterian Synods, Anno 1660, and 1661. without being released from those Censures by any Synod, or Ecclesiastical Authority of their own, were Restored Anno 1690. by Act of Parliament.  
That these, as being most violent, were most esteemed: and one of them, Mr. Hugh Kennedy, was made Moderator of the General Assembly, Anno 1690. while he lay under the Censure of their own Kirk, which was not taken off till the end of that same Assembly. That thus their Church was established by Men thrust out of their Church, as the State by Men Forefaulted by the State.  
That by Act of their Parliament, 7 June 90. Settling Presbyterian Church Government, the whole Church-Government and Authority is placed in the hands of those Presbyterian Ministers outed since the first of January 1661. (who were not then above Fifty or Sixty in number), and such as they should admit, exclusive of all other Presbyters; which was a greater Superiority settled in one Presbyter above another, than that which they Abolished in the Bishops as an insupportable Grievance. And these new-modelled Presbyters, invested with Episcopal Power, in Opposition to Episcopacy, did exercise it with a Tyranny and Lordliness the Bishops had never shown: For, being by a particular Clause in that Act enabled, by themselves, or whom they should appoint, to try and purge out all insufficient, negligent, scandalous and erroneous Ministers, they erected Tribunals in every Presbytery, as arbitrary, but more senseless, than the Inquisition; and did but one good Act, to purge out those Episcopal Presbyters, who complied with their Schism and Usurpation; for which they could never want a pretence, because Ordination or Collation from Prelates was always made one Article in their Visitations, and thought erroneous enough to spew any out of their Churches.  
But as to these Deprived Clergy, I must here take notice of a distinction much used in England to mollify Lay-Deprivations; viz. That the Bishops and Clergy Deprived by Act of Parliament lose not their Character, only are barred by the Secular Power to exercise it in such Districts.  
But Act 35. of Sess. 2. of the first Parliament of William and Mary in Scotland, those Ministers who did not Pray for King William and Queen Mary, and were therefore Deprived, were afterwards prohibited to preach or exercise any part of the Ministerial Function, either in Churches, or elsewhere, upon any pretext whatsoever.  
And in the 38th Act of the same Session, they do as much confound our State-distinction of de Facto and de Jure; which, they say, is cunningly of late spread abroad, to weaken and invalidate the Allegiance sworn to their Majesties; And therefore they order a Certificate to be subscribed by all who take the Oath, declaring K. W. and Q. M. to be King and Queen as well de Jure as de Facto.  
And they say, That in all these things they have dealt more frankly and plainly, if not more honestly and sincerely, than we have done in England.  
They think it more fair and open Dealing, plainly to Foresault the King for Maladministration, than to Abdicate him for flying to save his Life.  
And when he is gone, that he should not take the Right to the Crown along with him, and leave K. W. nothing but a de Facto Possession; which they think a Betraying K. W. to the last Degree, and making him no better than an Usurper.  
They think it the same thing to debar Clergymen from the Exercise of the Ministerial Function, as to leave them no Place to exercise it in.  
And as Charitable to allow nothing to the Deprived, as to name something for them, and put it into Hands where they are sure never to come by it.  
But I know not so well how they'll solve that Contradiction, which seems to be betwixt their Claim of Right, 11 Ap. 89. and their Confession of Faith, Ratified and Established, Act 5. of 2 Sess. 1 Parl. William and Mary. Read over in their Presence, and inserted Verbatim in the Body of the Act.  
The Claim of Right gins in these Words, Whereas King James, being a professed Papist, did assume the Regal Power, etc. And the first of their Claims is in these Words,  
That by the Law of this Kingdom no Papist can be King or Queen of this Realm.  
And yet in the abovesaid Confession of Faith, Chap. 23. It is Decreed and Established as the true Christian Doctrine, in these Words; viz. Infidelity or Difference in Religion doth not make void the Magistrates just and legal Authority, nor free the People from their due Obedience to him.  
But I must not exceed the bounds of a Preface. For if I should only Name all the Hardships and Oppressions, the illegal and arbitrary Proceed of which the Jacobites complain of in Scotland, & say they are ready to make good by undeniable Vouchers, I should swell this beyond the Bulk of Dr. King's Book; and that the Truths of the Proceed in Scotland, would, if possible, outnumber the Falstoods he relates of Ireland.  
But for a fuller Account of these Scots Affairs, I refer you to a small Tract, called, A Letter to a Friend, giving an Account of all the Treatises that have been Published with Relation to the present Persecution against the Church of Scotland. Printed for Jo. Hindmarsh. Among these, as to the State Affairs, be pleased to consult that Tract, called, The late Proceed and Votes of the Parliament of Scotland, contained in an Address delivered to the King  
And for the Affairs of the Church, An Account of the present Persecution of the Church of Scotland, in several Letters. The Case of the present Afflicted Clergy of Scotland. The Historical Relation of the late General Assembly held at Edinburgh. And the Presbyterian Inquisition.  
And there you will find such Cruelties used towards the Loyal and Episcopal Party in Scotland, as were unheard of in Ireland, and by Dr. King's Principles, would justify any Foreign Prince to interpose on their behalf: And if it be true which he lays down as the Foundation, upon which he builds all that he says in his Book; viz. That if a King design to destroy one main Part of his People, in favour if an●ther whom he loves better, he does Abdicate the Government of those whom he designs to destroy, contrary to Justice and the Laws. If this be true, the Episcopal Party in Scotland think it would free them from all Obligation to K. William's Government: But how far it is Applicable to the Protestants in Ireland, to justify their Carriage towards King James will be seen in what follows.  
Suppose, say they, it were true which Dr. King asserts, as it is most false, That K. James while he was in Ireland, did endeavour totally to overthrow the Church Established by Law there, and set up that which was most agreeable to the Inclinations of the major Number of the People in that Kingdom, who are Roman Catholics. The Jacobites ask if this were so, Whether it be not fully vindicated in the 4th Instruction of those which King William sent to his Commissioner in Scotland, dated at Copt-Hall, 31. May, 89. in these Words? You are to pass an Act, Establishing that Church Government which is most agreeable to the Inclinations of the People.  
By which Rule they say, That it was as just to set u● Popery in Ireland, as Presbytery in Scotland: And that the Law was not more against the one in Ireland, than against the other in Scotland. That the Parliament in Ireland was liable to less Exception than that in Scotland●. The one called in the usual Form, by Writs from their Natural King to whom they had Sworn; the other by Circular Letters from a Foreign Prince, to whom they owed no Obedience; who could not, nor did pretend any other Authority over them, or Right to the Crown, besides The Inclinations of the People. Which therefore they say, in return for their Kindness, he has made the Standard for Church Government, as well as the Government of the State.  
That it is only alleged that King James intended to do in Ireland, what he did not do, when it was in his Power, and what King William actually did in Scotland; viz. To overturn the Church then by Law Established. Though King James had truly the Argument of the Inclinations of the People, i. e. of the major Part in Ireland, which was but a Pretence, and falsely Collected in Scotland, from the Fanatic Rabble being let lose, and encouraged to act all outrage upon the Episcopal Clergy.  
That the Argument is carried in Dr. King's Book, and many Pamphlets grafted upon it, that the Church of England ought to expect from K. J. the like Treatment which they pretend the Church of Ireland met with from him, and his Popish Parliament: But yet have no apprehensions from what K. William has done to the Church of Scotland, which he and a Presbyterian Convention have plucked up by the Roots, tho' living peaceably and offending no Man, while K. James and the Popish Parliament left the Church of Ireland Established by Law, when all her Members, to a very small Number, were actually in Arms against him, in as Universal a Rebellion, they say, as ever was heard of in any Nation, wherein there are fewer Exceptions, than of Loyal Irish in 41.  
Many other things the Jacobites do plead, with which I will not detain the Reader; they have made large Apologies for themselves, and Dr. King's Book will afford them M●tter for more.  
I know not if it will be needful to advertise the Reader, That he will meet with several Expressions and Arguments, which I use only ad hominem, following Dr. King's Phrase and Logic; and not to mistake them for my own Sense, or Approbation of his Principles, or Characters which he gives. As pag▪ 33. paragr▪ 5. and elsewhere. And p. 191. where I take notice of his Comparison betwixt King James and the French King, and according to his Representation of them, I ask, Whether any would have King James to be worse than the French King? That is, than that Character with which some take Pains to blacken the French Monarch: But we know now what stress is to be laid upon their Representations, by the many false and malicious Slanders which they have spread abroad, and vouched with as much Confidence, of their own King, and of Matters done within our own Country.  
It is not just to frame an Idea of any Man, by that Represantation of him which is given by his Enemy.  
And yet no King that ever was in the World has had his Praises sung to a greater pitch by the most flattering Poet, than the French King's most bitter Enemies have extalled him, even while they were spitting Venom at him.  
A Prince, says the Mighty Cant. in his last Thanksgiving-Sermon before K. W. and Q. M. 27 Octob. 92. who governs his Affairs by the deepest and the steadiest Councils, and the most refined Wisdom of this World! A Prince Mighty and Powerful in his Preparations for War; Formidable for his vast and welldisciplined Armies, and for his great Naval Force; and who hath brought the Art of War almost to that Perfection, as to be able to Conquer, and do his Business without Fight: A Mystery hardly known to former Ages and Generations! And lastly, that he has an almost-inexhaustible Treasure and Revenue.  
Perhaps he said all this with a Prospect of standing him in stead another day.  
What Roman Caesar's Greatness, or Godlike Power and Wisdom, was ever set out in a higher strain than this? Nay, he makes the French Caesar exceed in the Art of War all former Ages and Generations.  
And for his Civil Government within his own Kingdom, suppressing and effectually curing Duels, Robberies, and other public Vices which were most rooted in France for immemorial Generations, it is the Amazement and envied Pattern of his Neighbor-Nations, and really the greatest and most noble of all his Victories.  
How does every one that comes over tell us, That Travellers may carry Gold open through all France, without danger of any Robbers? But as soon as you set your foot upon Spanish Flanders, you must prepare to fight your way, to be Robbed, or Murdered. And in England we all too well know, that none now are secure, neither on the Highway, nor in their Houses, from Thiefs and Robbers.  
There is one Objection against this Great King, which makes it an Offence to many to hear any thing, though Truth, spoken to his Advantage; and that is, Banishing the Huguenot Ministers, and Dragooning others, to work them into another Religion; which does, and justly, eclipse his Glory, with those who know not the true Grounds and Motives which induced him to Methods so rigid and severe.  
But his very Enemies, who know the Reasons he had for it, do even in this Excuse him, and turn it into an Argument of his wise Foresight and Prudence. They tell you that he was under an invincible Necessity of being rid of these Men, or hazarding such a Revolution as befell King James. That he knew they would endanger him by a Revolt, if he were Invaded by a Protestant Prince: Which are the very Words of the Answer to Great, Britain's Just Complaint, pag. 47. That their Refugees here do generally all own the Principle of Resistance. And that their Ministers marched, last Campaign, before the Army into Dauphine, Preaching to the People as they went the lawfulness of taking Arms against their King. This is a plain Demonstration what the Answer to Britain's Complaint has told us.  
The French King being thus vindicated by his Enemies in that which was most colourably Objected against him, and which, if not done upon the abovesaid Motives, would leave him inexcusable. The Jacobites think themselves for ever obliged to acknowledge with all Gratefulness the Noble and Generous Reception he has given to King James in his Distress, which as no King in Europe was able to have done but Himself; so none but he could have done it in such a manner, with that Greatness, and every Punctilio of Honour; which if all the particulars were repeated, would fill a Volume, and is such an Original as is not to be found in former Ages, and will be Recorded in History, as the most glorious Scene of his Life: And that if he perfect what he has so Heroically undertaken the Jacobites say, he will not find readier Trumpeters of his Glory than the present Complying Divines, late of the Church of England.  
They would in that Day resume their old Themes, with which their Pulpits used to ring, but are now forgotten, of the Persecutions of the Protestants by those Popish Princes, who are now in Confederacy with England against France. They would then tell us of the declared Principle of the House of Austria, not to suffer any Protestants, whom they call Heretics, to live within their Dominions: And pursuant to that, have Erected the Spanish Inquisition, which occasioned the great Revolution in the Netherlands: They wou●d set out likewise, in their Colours, the many Persecutions of the Protestants in Bohemia, Hungary and Transilvania, and the long Persecutions in Piedmont by the Dukes of Sarvoy; and that by this pre●ent Duke. They would then inform us, That all these Perfecutors were more Popish and Big●t, than the French King; and their Persecutions were more causeless, not having such pressing Reason of State, as ru●t which is above told for the French King's dealing with the Hugonots; and yet that their Persecutions were much more grievous. The French King only Banished the Huguenot Ministers: the present Emperor sent to the Galleys all the Protestant Minister's of Hungary, whom he could seize. They would then too preach it aloud who they were who occasioned the Mutyrdom of 400000 Christians in Japan, and now engross that Trade by denying their own Christianity.  
All this, and more, we should hear, if such a turn came, from these Versatile Trimming-Court-Divines: Or wherever they judged it to comply with their Interest.  
Their Carriage in this Revolution, has given greater occasion to the Enemies of the Lord to blaspheme, and turned more Men from the Church of England to the Church of Rome, and even to Atheism, has overturned, ruined, divided and dishonoured our Church more than if that Persecution which some feared▪ or pretended, had fallen upon 'em. How did the very apprehension of it unite the Protestants all over the three Kingdoms▪ and fill their Hearts with greater aversion to Popery? And none believe it would have Eradicated the established Episcopacy in Scotland, not shaken it in England, so much as is now done by the present Schism. No, say the Jacobites, it would have Rooted and Confirmed it, the more the Jesuit Councils should endeavour to destroy it; for, as Dr. King used to say, Persecution never hurts Religion but Rebellion destroys it: And he once thought it would be a glorious Sight (to use his own Phrase) to see a Cart full of Clergy men going to the Stake, for asserting the Principles of their Religion.  
How much more glorious indeed, than to see them Recanting and Preaching down their former Principles, and Proclaiming it out of their own Mouths, that they have been false Teachers all their Days before this Turn; or otherwise that they are so now, to serve a Turn! Thus have they fulfilled upon themselves what Dr. B— t told us in Print Father Peter threatened, but was not able to effect; viz. to make them eat their own Dung.  
It is in the Power of none to ruin the Church of England, While it remains true to its self.  
I have done, when I have desired the Reader not to think that I am insensible of several ill Steps, which were made in the Administration of Affairs under the Government of K. J. Nor do I design to lessen them, or make other Apology for them, than by doing him this Justice to tell what the Jacobites offer to prove, and make it Notorious; viz. That the greatest Blots in his Government were hit by those who made them, with design to ruin him, and now boast it as their Merit, and are Rewarded for it.  
And though Dr King represents him to be of so Tyrannical and Implacable a Temper towards the Protestants; yet that it is now publicly known that the fatal Measures he took, were advised, and often pressed, beyond, and against his Majesty's inclinations and Opinion, by those Protestants, whom his unexampled and even faulty Clemency had not only Pardoned, for all their bitter Virulency in opposing his Succession, but brought them into his most secret Councils, and acted by their Advice.  
This was the Burden of the Charge laid against him in the P. of O's Declaration; viz Employing such Ministers, and acting by their Advice: And though our Law says, That the King can do no wrong, and therefore that his Ministers only are accountable; yet, as Mr. Sam. Johnson has laid it open, that we have lived to see the King only Punished, and those Ministers Rewarded, and still employed: and the many Grievances complained of in their Administration under K. J. are, by the present Discontented, said to be continued and doubled upon us now.  
FIAT JUSTICIA!   

Memorandum, That the Scots Acts of Convention and Parliament above-quoted, are collected and extracted from the Registers and Records of the Meeting of Estates and Parliament there, by the Commissioners then exercising the Office of Clerk-Register, and printed, Cum Privilegio, at Edinburgh, Anno 1690.  
And the Instructions above mentioned, sent from K. W. to Duke Hamilt●n, than his Commissioner there, were printed at London, by K. W's Order, Anno 1689.  
I have but one thing more. Upon reading over these Sheets after they were Printed, I find an Omission, as it may perhaps seem to some, p. 139. where showing Dr. K's familiar way of treating K. J. giving him the Lie, etc. I quote p. 15. of his Book, where he says, that the Representation made by K. J. was false. etc. and p. 211. that K. J's Answer was a piece of deceit and mere collusion, etc. Now, lest any might apprehend that the abovesaid Representation and Answer of K. J. were so gross as to provoke the Doctor to this 〈◊〉 Language, I will here t●ll you what they were, which when I wrote it, I did not think necessary, because, if they were never so bade they could not justify such Billingsgate Treatment of a Crowned Head, especially of his Natural Sovereign, to whom he had sworn Allegiance, and from whom he had received particular Marks of Favour, which I have shown. But the matter was no more than this:  
The Representation Dr K mentions p 15. was a Declaration he names of K. J's, dated 8 May 89. at Dublin, and sent into England, wherein the Doctor quotes these words, viz. That his Protestant Subjects, their Religion, Privileges and Properties, were his especial Care since be came into Ireland. Which was so far from false, as the Doctor decently and gratefully words it, that nothing was more true and apparent, as I think is fully made out in the following Answer, to which I refer the Reader.  
The other passage, p. 211. where he says, That K. J's Answer was a piece of Deceit. &c is thus: Upon a Contest betwixt the Roman Cath●lick and the Protestant Clergy, concerning their Title to some Churches and Chapels, K. J. referred them to the Law. And in the same place Dr. K. tells how violent and positive K. J. was, where he saw any forcible Infraction made by the Roman Catholic Clergy; as at Wexford, which is told above, etc.  
Now, whether referring Men to the Law was such a provoking Answer, as to raise the Doctor's Spleen to bestow the Lie, Deceit, Collusion, and such civil Compliments, upon King JAMES, I leave to the Reader, and release him from this Preface; desiring him, before he begin the Book, to correct with his Pen the under-written Errors of the Press, because some of them do disturb the Sense.   

ERRATA.  
PAg. 2. lin. 34 read Oxoniense. P. 15. l. 17. r. do pretend to prove P. 16. l. 1. r. ours. P. 21. l. 32. deal he might have added that. P 22. l. 9 r. Pupillage P. 25. l. 20 deal And. P. 29. L. 37. r. greater. P. 32. l. 22. r. kill d. P. 33. l. 4. r. greatest. P. 34. l 36. r. in reckoning. P. 51. l. 19 r. from the Sabbath. P. 52. Margin, r. his Principles P. 61. l 5. r. worse. P. 91. l. 8. r. in that same Proclamation P 92. l. 1. r. against Robbers l. 35. r. 89. P. 96. l. 17 r to want. P. 100 l. 9 r. came to Dublin. P. 120. l. 25. r. their Apostasy. P. 128 l. 31: r. Corban. P. 151. l. 11. r. the day after. P 160 l. 10. r. so far. P. 167. l. 6. after other, add, P 171 l. 32. r. in his Penitentials. P. 175. l. 2 r. as of. P. 188. l. 26. r new-made Officers. P. 191. l. 1. r. the Case of. Page 161 and 162. are double paged.  
Appendix. P. 5. l. 1. r. how faithfully. P 28 l. 13, 14. r. 27 March, 1689. P. 58. l. 3. r. Edinburg. 20. Apr. 92. P. 67. l. 17. r. 3d of May. P. 72. l. 19 r. pollute our Altars. P. 76. l. 8. r. at the Boot. Page 35 and 36 are mis●ag'd, and page 48 is printed 42.   

AN ANSWER to a BOOK, Entitled, The State of the Protestants in Ireland under the late King James' Government, etc.  
THIS Book I am about to Answer, does not only undertake to Vindicate those Protestants in Ireland, whose Cause it defends, from the Imputation of Rebellion in this present Revolution; and, as the Groundwork of their justification, to cast the blackest Aspersions upon King James: But, if I can Reason aright, it is calculated for the Dostruction of Mankind, by setting up such Principles as countenance Eternal Rebellions, and afford Pretences for War and Confusion to the end of the World; and makes Settlement and Peace impracticable among Men.  
If this Charge can be made good, (for which I must refer to what follows) than the Pains I have taken must be computed not only as a Just Vindication of K. J. from those Aspersions which are falsely laid upon Him, but as a Service to Mankind, to these Nations in an especial manner, who, of late Ages, have most of all the Nations on the Earth, been subject to Rebellion and Revolution.  
And if that has been chief occasioned by such Principles as are set out in this Book, than the Discovery may be of use to those who are still pursuing of them blindfold; and a Caution to others not to engage, to the Destruction of Soul and Body; or if engaged, to Repent and Return.  
If Learned Men think their Time and Labours well bestowed in rectifying Mistakes in Ancient Histories, merely for the Truth's sake; much more is it incumbent on us to examine into those Matters of Fact by which we guide our present Actions, and for which we shall be accountable at the Day of Judgement; as likewise, that we suffer not Untruths and False Representations to descend to Posterity unreproved, especially of our own Natural Kings, whose Fame and Reputation we are in Conscience obliged to Defend as well as their Persons, so far as is consistent with Truth: and to be silent in such a Case, is bearing False Witness, at least virtually, and slandering the Footsteps of God's Anointed.  
K. James has been loaded with more Calumny by this Author, than in all the scurrilous Pamphlets since the Revolution put together; which is the Reason this Book of his has been so industriously propagated, (it goes now in its Fourth Edition;) and his other Narrative and bitter Invective, called a Thanksgiving-Sermon (of which I shall have occasion to speak) has been spread in all shapes and sizes through the Nation, from a Quarto, to a Twopenny Duodecimo.  
But I will detain you no longer, nor seek to anticipate your Judgement.  
I divide this Book of our Author's into his Principles and Matters of Fact.  

Division of the Book into Principles and Matters of Fact. His Principles hard to be collected. Not set down in Method.  First, For his Principles. It is no easy Matter to know what they are: For though his Book is digested into great exactness of Method, that is not as to his Principles, which he not where sets down in plain and express Terms, but leaves us to collect them from small Hints and Inuendo's, which are scattered immethodically up and down his Book. And this was not done by chance, but he was ashamed all of a sudden to disown his former Principles, nemo repent— It is natural for Men to endeavour not to be thought Changeable and Unconstant, and to hid or gloss it all they can. This we may reasonably suppose to be our Author's Case.  

They are the old Commonwealth Principles.  For the Principles which he exhibits, yet endeavours to conceal, in this Book, are all the old Rotten, Rebel, Commonwealth Principles, which we formerly exploded in De Jure Regni, Rex Lex, and other Fanatical Authors, condemned in the Decretum Oxoni●●se, and the Universal Current of the Divines of the Church of England, by none more than this Author, as you will see hereafter.  
Therefore it is not to be wondered that he lets these Principles of his, which he has so lately embraced, drop from him in a covert way, as if they were not clean, and would foul his Fingers. Yet something he must say to them, to clear his Passage, The Doctrine of Passive Obedience must be removed. To perform which he employs his Introduction, page 1. containing, as he tells us, an Explication of the Doctrine of Passive Obedience, and stating the true Notion and Latitude of it. And yet he does nothing else in it, but to tell us what some People thought of it: He gins, It is granted by some,— and then gives three or four Quotations, without telling his own opinion, otherwise than as you may gather it from his more favourable Representing one side than another. In the Heads of the Discourse he promises much fairer than you find the Performance in the Book. Numb. 1. of the Introduction is, That a King who designs to destroy a People abdicates the Government of them. Which Position does need a great deal of Explication, and stating the true Notion and Latitude of it; because a mistake in it would prove of most destructive consequence. But our Author leaves it all in the Generals, make of it what you can.  
By what I can collect out of him his principle is the same with Bradshau, in his Speech upon the Trial of King Ch. I. viz. That all Power is from the People: That Kings are but their Deputies; and therefore are accountable to the People, and may be deposed by them.  
Against this Dr. Sherlock inveights most bitterly, in his Sermon before the House of Commons last 30th of Jan. 91. page 18. where he reckons it, as one of the most Fatal Evils of such Examples, as that of the day, that it infects men's Minds with lose Notions of Government and Obedience, which are at first invented to justify such Actions, and which People are sooner taught than untaught: As that all Power is radically in the People, and therefore but a Trust, which a Prince must give an Account of, which he may be deprived of, etc. And pag. 23. he says of these Principles, That they have poisoned the very Springs and Fountains of Government, and so deeply tinctured men's Minds, that he prays God we may not still live to see the miserable Effects of it. Thus Dr. Sherlock, even since his Conversion. But you may say, how does it appear that this Author now sets up these Principles? You shall be Judge.  
Pag. 49. he says, That it is ill trusting any one (any King) with such a Power. This is in his c. 3. s. 1. n. 8.  
Again, c. 1. n. 10. p. 11. he expresses himself in these Words, viz. The ancient Government with which he (the King) was entrusted, p. 41. he falls upon those who stopped the Bill of Exclusion with this wholesome Advice, Never to trust Men of King James' Principles and Religion with a Power that may destroy us. Here the King's Power is only what the People please to trust him with. 
Pag. 57  He says, That it is not the King's Money that pays the Soldiers, but the Kingdoms; and thence it will follow, that they are not the King's Soldiers, but the Kingdoms. 
67.  He says, That every Law is certainly a Compact between the King and the People, wherein by a mutual Consent they agree on a Rule by which he is to govern, and according to which they oblige themselves to pay him Obedience: That therefore the People may as lawfully dispense with their Allegiance to the King, 
68  as the King dispense with the Execution of a Law. That the Subjects have no other Security for their Liberties, 
77.  Properties, and Lives, except the Interest they have of choosing their own Representatives in Parliament. Whereby he will exclude by very much the greatest part of the Nation from having any security for their Lives, etc. i. e. all but the Electors of Parliament men; for none other have any Vote in choosing their own Representatives. But the Author makes them amends, by giving every one of them a power to dispense with their Allegiance to the King, when ever they think that the King dispenses with the Execution of any Law. He makes them all Popes, to dispense with Oaths, or any other Duty, when they think it reasonable. And as he gives them Power over their Oaths of Allegiance, so he does over the King's Treasury and Army. It is Their Money, Their Army, and why should not They command them? The King himself acts but by their Commission, and by all Rule and Right, every Man is accountable to him from whom he has his Commission.  
But now our Author is upon the Road, you shall see how he improves, 
He derives the Eccles. Authorily from the People. p. 206.  he stops at nothing. And since he is a granting to the People, they shall have all, even the Ecclesiastical Authority, which is trusted in the Crown, shall be derived from the People, and transferrable by them to whom they think fit. For he makes King James' breach of trust in the Ecclesiastical Authority a provoking temptation to his People to think of transferring it to some other Person. This will gratify the fanatics as well as Commonwealth-men, That even the Ecclesiastical Authority is derived from the People.  

His Interpretation of its not being Lawful upon any Pretence to take Arms against the King, etc. pag. 221. n. 3.  And now to Crown all, He giveth as large and lose an Interpretation of that famous Principle of the Ch. of England, viz. of it's not being Lawful upon any Pretence whatever to take Arms against the King, etc. as Bradshaw, Rutherford, Bellarmin, or Mariana could desire. viz. He says it was only meant, That private Men should not take up the Sword, or resist the King upon any Pretence; that is, says he, upon any Pretence of private Injury, or Wrong done to them in particular.  
Beyond this, none of the Republicans, fanatics, and Jesuits in the World could go. So that this was no very distinguishing Principle of the Church of England, as we used to call it.  
But if you will allow the same Parliament which enacted the abovesaid Principle of Nonresistance to the King, etc. to understand their own Meaning, or think that the declared Sense of the Legislators is the true Sense of the Law, than our Author has widely mistaken his Mark, and misinterpreted this Law. For 12 Car. 2. c. 30. it is declared, That neither the Peers nor Commons, nor both together, nor the People, Collectively nor Representatively, in Parliament or out of Parliament, nor any other Persons whatsoever, have any Coercive Power over the Kings of England.  
Now judge, whether all this is meant only of Private Men? as our Author would make you believe.  
And take Notice, that this is not to be taken as a Grant from that Parliament; It is a Recognition, wherein they declare what was the Law before them: And they vouch, that this Prerogative of the King, to be exempt from all Coercive Power, is by the undoubted and fundamental Laws of this Kingdom. And that neither Lords nor Commons, nor any other Persons, not only now have not, or hereafter shall not have any such Power over the King, but that they never had, or ever aught to have such Power.  
I hope our Author will confess, That this is somewhat a greater Authority, and aught to have greater Weight with us, than his single Opinion, which he has taken up but of late.  
And to confound that Distinction of the Parliament being Coordinate with the King, and making the King but one of the three Estates, which would imply their having something to do with the Sword (which is the Supreme Power of Government) jointly with the King, and therefore in some Cases might restrain him by Force (which was the Pretence in 41.) to obviate all this, the Militia (which is the Sword of England) is by Act of Parliament put in the Hands of the King alone; And it is declared in express Words, 13 Car. 2. That the Sword is solely in the King's Power, and that neither one nor both Houses of Parliament can, or Lawfully may, Raise or Levy any War offensive or defensive against his Majesty, etc.  
The Title of this Section, p. 221. is, King James, and his Party, endeavoured to destroy the Protestant Religion, by misrepresenting the Persons and Principles of Protestants. But it is not in the Power of Jesuit, or any you can imagine, to misrepresent the Protestant Principles more than this Author in this same Section, as you have seen; that is, if you will allow that the Protestants did ever represent them Right before.  
And whereas he Objects, in the forementioned Place, That by it (the abovesaid Principle of Nonresistance) it was never intended to give up the Constitution of the Government, or to part with the Liberties and Privileges of the Kingdom. The Answer is very easy; for by the Judgement of what he calls the Constitution of the Government, viz. King and Parliament, That Principle is the Constitution of the Government, and consequently, they are the Men that break the Constitution of the Government, who Declare or Act against that Principle. And as for the Liberties and Privileges of the Kingdom, no doubt the Wisdom of the Kingdom in Parliament thought their Liberties and Privileges better preserved by that Principle, than by the contrary of letting the People take Arms against the Government,  they thought themselves aggrieved. They had experience of both; and we must believe they considered the Matter very well. And that it ought not to be shaken by the Authority of this Author, who is so young in this Opinion, that he knows not by which handle to take it; at least, he will not let us know. For he tells us not his Scheme of Government, nor pitches upon any of those, which are already set up, by those of his New Party.  

Several Schemes of Government.  Of which some lay the Foundation of all Government upon the Municipal Laws of the Land; so that if a King goes about to break the Laws, he thereby forfeits his Crown, etc.  
Others think, That Laws, which are the Result of Government, cannot be the Foundation of Government: However, that it is not to be alleged in a Country where the Law itself makes it unlawful to Resist the King. Which Dr. Tillotson has materially urged in his Letter to my Lord Russel. See the Appendix, n. 14.  
Others therefore fly higher, to Original Contract, which is supposed to be prior to all Municipal Laws; and on which all Laws must depend.  
But others again think this Plea to be too precarious; and that it cannot be sufficiently proved. And therefore they choose another sort of a way, which they call Abdication. Which some think as perplexed as any of the rest, even in the present Case.  
Lastly, there is a wiser Set, who think it most convenient to be always on the stronger Side; and therefore they cry up Success as a Divine Right. They have only one point of Prudence to observe, not to Turn too soon, lest they mistake Providence.  
Now this Author comes last, and, like a Man a Drowning, he catches at some, or all of these, but holds by none. They are too slippery, and fly from him; it must be part of the one, and part of t'other, that will serve this Hypothesis; and therefore he does wisely not to pitch upon any one. But yet without pitching upon some one, and forsaking all other, sticking close by it, he can never demonstrate the Truth, nor speak consistently with himself. However we must follow him as he pleases to lead us, though he fights in Clouds of Dust, that it is not easy to find him out.  
You have seen his Principles as to Government, which he hides in Generals. But it is plain they are Antii-monarchical, though we cannot tell exactly the Glass to which they belong.  
But what proof he offers for them is in his Introduction, wherein he pretends to prove, That a King who designs to destroy a People, Abdicates the Government of them. Thence c. 2. and 3. his business is to show, That King James had that Design. Ergo—  
But c. 1. he goes a little aside, and undertakes this Subject, viz. That it is Lawful for one Prince to interpose between another Prince and his Subjects, 
The Case of one Prince interposing betwixt another Prince and his Subjects.  when he uses them Cruelly.  
I do not meddle with this Chapter, for two Reasons. First, It is undertaken by another hand. Secondly, My business is with the Duty of Subjects, in which only they are Concerned for whose benefit I write.  
But I will give you this General Notion of it. That by the Arguments he advances, it is Lawful not only for every Prince, but for every Neighbour to inspect into his Neighbour's Family, and to dispossess him of his House, of his Estate, of his Tenants, Servants, Children, of his Wife, when he uses them Cruelly. And this Charitable Interposer shall seize upon them all for himself, on pretence of using them better.  
He gives Examples of several Princes, who have thus interposed 'twixt their Neighbour Kings and their Subjects, and so he might many more; the World is full of such Examples, and of many other Examples, which perhaps this Another won'd be a shamed to justify.  
But suppose that good Kings (who have been so reputed) have done this? What then? May not good Men have their Failings? I do not think that David's Decision 'twixt Ziba and Miphihosheth, would be a good Rule for future Justice. Though our Author has not truly represented all the Instances that he produces, which will be shown. But if they were true, it is no Angument.  
I shall only mind our Author of his own Words, which I will have occasion to mention hereafter; viz. That it is a most Unlawful Thing for any to call in a Foreign Force, or erect a new Government to Redness unjust Laws— And again, That it is Intolerable for the Members of any State, to flee to Foreign Succours out of Pretence, that their own Governors have made Laws against Reason, Conscience, and Justice, and Foolish to allege in their defence, That all Mankind is of one Blood, and bound to help one another.  
I leave our Author to Recant this, or Reconcile it, at his Leisure to this first Chapter of his Book. Which because I do not expressly Undertake. I will pass for this time, and return to his Principles of Subjection to Government, which is my present Task.  

The Author's defence of his Principles.  Let us now come to examine the Defence he makes for these his Principles.  
First, We will consider his Arguments. Secondly, His Quotations and Authorities.  
The Point he is to prove, we will take in his own Words, n. 1. of the Introduction, viz. That a King who designs to destroy his People, Abdicates the Government of them. And here as to his Reasons, or Arguments to prove this, 
From Reason.  he disappoints us. For his whole Introduction (wherein he undertakes the Proof of this) is nothing but Quotations, which we are to examine by themselves. But he tells us not his own Opinion, you shall not fasten upon him.  
He gins. It is granted by some— and I might answer, What is not granted by some? He is afraid at his first setting out. N. 1. he has one Quotation out of Grotius, and another out of Hammord. N. 2. one out of Dr. Hicks, and another out of Faulkner. N. 3. he Quotes the Homilies, and Dr. Hicks again. And then, N. 4. (which is the last) concludes from their Authorities. All which is to be considered, when we come to the second Class I have designed to speak to, that is, his Quotations.  
But for his Reasons he puts us to the pains to gather them by an innuendo, viz. That what he Quotes out of others is his own Opinion.  
Therefore, laying aside his Authorities to their proper Place, we will examine the Reasons which are produced.  
Thus than he sets forth. It is granted by some of the highest Assertors of Passive Obedience, that if a King design to root out a People, or destroy one main part of his Subjects in favour of another whom, he loves better, that they may prevent it even by opposing him with force; and that he is to be judged in such a case to have Abdicated the Government of those whom he designs to destroy, contrary to Justice and the Laws.  
This he does not offer to prove. I suppose he thinks it self-evident. Therefore we will examine it very carefully.  

First Reason, of a King's designing to destroy his whole People.  There are three Things to be considered in it. First, a King designing to root out a People, that is, the whole People; to destroy all the whole Nation whom he Governs. Secondly, his design to destroy a part only of his People. And Thirdly, the point of Abdication, in such a Case.  
For the First. Grotius, as Quoted by our Author, says, that it cannot enter into the heart of a King, who is not mad; for that would be to destroy himself. And History affords no Example of this sort, since the World began. None of these quoted by this Author, p. 13 do reach this Case at all. Neither Nero, Caligula, Domitian, nor Philip the Second of Spain, designed to destroy their whole People; though this Author in that Section would fain insinuate it. But it cannot pass upon any who are in their Senses; some in a Huffing fit might wish, That all the World had but one Neck, that they might strike it off at a blow: Hence our Author would presently conclude as he does, c. 2. s. 1. n. 3. That a Prince may design to destroy his Subjects, i. e. all his Subjects; He might as well draw an Argument from all the vaporing Stuff of Almanzor. And if our Author will insist upon this, every sober Man will think him as mad, as Grotius thought that King who should attempt any such Thing. What hands should the King employ to destroy all his Subjects? But I will give over this point, lest I too should be thought mad to labour such a Case.  

Seond Reason, of a King's designing to destroy a paert of his People.  The Second Point is, The King's design to destroy a part only of his People.  
And the Question naturally rises, What part? Every Man is a part of the People. And there is absolute necessity to have this determined, otherwise no Government can possibly subsist. For if all People, who think themselves oppressed under any Government, have Liberty to rise in Arms against the Government, there would be little Peace in the World.  
Again: If the design of a Government to destroy a Man does dissolve their Authority over that Man, than it would follow, that Men condemned to die, or out lawed, though for Rebellion, were no longer Subjects, nor owed any Duty or Allegiance to the Government, which is contrary to the general Sense of Mankind, and I suppose our Author will not have the Confidence to assert; yet it follows unavoidably from his Principle.  

Third Reason, Invading of Property.  But will nothing less than a Design to take my Life dissolve the Government? Yes; Invading my Property, or doing me the least Injury, by this Author's Principles, does dissolve the Government, and set me at Liberty to take Arms against them: For he that does me a small Injury may do a greater, and he that takes my Goods may take my Life too, etc.  
Thus c. 3. s. 8. n. 2. p. 97. this Author lays it down as a Principle, That where the Government ruins the Property of the Subject, that Government dissolves itself.  
Here we must ask (as in the former Case of destroying a part of the People) How much Ruin of Property is sufficient to dissolve the Government? And he seems to answer it by putting in the word Entirely, viz. where a Government Entirely ruins the Property of the Subject.  
But he will not stick to this: That word was put in only to amuse; for the Property of Subjects can never be Entirely ruined, while one Man has a Groat in the Kingdom.  
May be he will say, That though they have it in their Custody, yet they have no Property to it, if there be a Power in the Government to take it from them. But this will do him as little Service; for at this rate no Subject in the World has, or can have, any Property; because in all Constitutions of Government, there must be a Legislative Power lodged in some hands or other; which is equally arbitrary in all the Species of Government; and all have power of Levying Money from off their Subjects.  
Here some may fancy to make a Distinction, That in Free States, as we call them, the Subjects who consent to the Constitution, do thereby consent to their Raising of Money, etc.  
And if the People be the Original of all Government, their Consent to the Constitution is as much implied in Monarchies.  
Therefore I suppose our Author's meaning must not be as to the Power of the Government, (which, as I said, is Equal in all Governments,) but as to the Administration; viz. If the Government should take my Goods wrongfully, or should lay Designs to take them from me. And in this case, if they take but a Penny, the Design may be carried as to all, and then the Government is dissolved, etc.  
So that the word Entirely, which our Author put in, signifies just nothing at all, in his way of improving the least Injury to infer the greatest.  
And to show you that this is his meaning in this same Section, n. 8. p. 74. he asserts, That the Governments taking away the Charter of Derry unjustly, as he says, was a sufficient Ground for them to take Arms against the Government, which he calls, Doing themselves Justice. But you may think that there was something else in the Case, besides the business of the Charter. No, he says, If there had been no other temptation but this, they were not to be blamed, to withdraw themselves from a Government they durst not trust. And he gives the same Reason I have told above, of improving every thing to the utmost: For, says he, They concluded that a Government that could take away their Charter, their Privileges, might as easily and unavoidably find another nicety to take away what remained, together with their Lives.  

Fourth Reason, Disarming a part of his Subjects.  But farther, not only meddling with our Property shall be Pretence enough to dissolve the Government; but if the Government should offer to disarm those whom they knew, and this Author confesses, to be their mortal Enemies, the Case of my Lord Deputy of Ireland disarming the Protestants there, who, after all their disarming, this Author confesses, p. 111. had Arms enough to make the Papists afraid, and to beat them too. And the Generality of the Protestants in that Kingdom, who were out of the reach of the Government, were then actually in Arms against the Government; yet disarming such of these, as the Government could come at, this Author proves by his usual Climax to be a Design even of Massacre. For had they not reason, says he, p. 115. to believe that they were disarmed purposely that they might be the more easily Robbed or Massacred? And, p. 112. he calls that Disarming, perfect Dragooning, terrible Dragooning.  
Now consider what a Scheme of Government this Author has given us, viz. That if the Government have a Design against our Lives, the Government is dissolved. And if they take a Penny from us, or so much as dispute the Charter of any Town, or presume but to Disarm any of their Subjects, though they be actually in Arms against them, this shall be improved into a Design of Massacre; and then we own no more Obedience to the Government: It is dissolved, etc.  

The Author's Rule of Abdication considered.  I come now to the Third Point, that is, of Abdication; and the only true Notion of it, by all Civilians, is,  
A King's Voluntary Resignation of the Crown to the next Heir.  
But take it in that Sense which by some of late has been put upon it, and it will by no means help this Author's Cause: For I suppose none, even of them, will allow that it is left to every private Person to determine what sort of Withdrawing himself shall be judged an Abdication in the King, so as to Dissolve the Government, and Absolve the Subjects from their Allegiance.  
King Charles the First fled to Scotland, to save his Life from those who pretended to make him A GLORIOUS KING.  
King Charles the Second withdrew himself into foreign Countries for several Years; yet neither of them was ever said to have Abdicated.  
And it was debated strongly in the Convention, Whether King James the Second Withdrawing was an Abdication, or not?  
This shows that they thought the Decision of some Regular Assembly necessary to settle that Point; and that it was not lest to every Man to decide so great a Matter, whereon the Safety of the Nation does depend.  
Therefore this Author's justifying what his Protestants of Ireland did upon the Account of King James' Abdication, will do them no Service, upon that Notion of Abdication, set up by the Convention in England; because they were up in Arms against King James before the Convention in England declared him to have Abdicated, and even before his Withdrawing himself; upon which they pretended to ground their Sentence of Abdication.  
But this Author must not stay for that. He gives every Man Authority to pass Sentence of Deprivation against his Sovereign when he pleases.  
C. 1. n. 8. p 10. he says, By endeavouring to destroy us, he (the King) in that very Act abdicated the Government— and therefore in all Equity we are absolved from Oaths made to him as Governor.  
In that very Act! Nay, even his Design, as you have heard, to take a Penny from us, or to bring a Quo Warranto against a Charter, that is, to take the Benefit of the Law against any of his Subjects, in a Legal manner, shall be a Dissolution of the Government, and Absolution from our Oaths, etc.  

Fifth Reason as to the dissolving Oaths of Allegianee.  Here is very good Learning as to the Nature of Oaths, and Arguments most convincing: He goes on in the same Section, n. 10. p. 11. That King James consenting to Repeal the Oath of Supremacy in Ireland, proved either that be designed to Release us from the Peculiar Obligation arising from them (our Oaths of Allegiance) as too strict, or else that he did not design to depend on our Oaths for our Loyalty, (whoever does will be mistaken, you have given demonstration,) and therefore laid them aside as of no force to oblige us; either of which must proceed from an Intention to destroy the Ancient Government with which he was entrusted.  
Now let us suppose, with this Author, That King James (having seen and experimented the little Security Oaths were to Government, against the Bias of Interest or Inclination) were willing to remove such a Stumbling-block for the future, and that Men should Swear no more: would this absolve the Oaths that were taken before? Again, most know the Objection which the Papists have against our Oath of Allegiance and Supremacy, viz. That it depresses the Pope's Power in Spirituals. Now because K. James Repeals this, our Author would infer, That he meant to Release the Protestants from their Allegiance to himself in Temporals. Does this Author think, That K. James Repealed this Oath because it was too full of Loyalty? or because there was something else in it, which K. James thought was against the Tenets of the Church of Rome? I am ashamed to ask the Question, none are ignorant of the Reason of it.  
Our Author will find this Argument of his Verbatim almost in the Writings of the Cameronian Presbyterians. (I know not if he had it from them, but at least he sees how near he is come to them; for when Men jump in the same Principles, it is likely they will find out the same Arguments.) These Cameronians do prove, That K. Charles II. consenting to Repeal the Covenant did thereby Remit the Subjects Allegiance, by annulling the Bond of it. Vid. The Scotch Presbyterian Eloquence, Printed at London, 1692. p. 49.  
This Covenant was Established by Act of their Parliament as well as General Assembly; and K. Charles II. consented to it, and took it, and swore by his Coronation Oath in Scotland to maintain it; and it swore Faith and Allegiance to him; and therefore this Author would do well to think of a Disparity 'twixt his Argument and that of the Cameronians; 'twixt K. Charles II. consenting to Repeal the Covenant, and K. James II. consenting to Repeal the Oath of Supremacy. Each Oath was to Establish a Supremacy over the Church, the one a Lay-Regal, the other a Lay-Elder, and Presbyterial Supremacy. And the one King might think the one as faulty, as the other thought the other. But that either of these Kings meant to weaken the Allegiance of his Subjects, by taking away these Oaths, the one is as true as the other.  
Our Author has one Argument more, why this Allegiance to K. James did cease; He (K. James) having left none (no Oath of Allegiance) that we know of in this Kingdom, which any Law obliges us to take. And what then? Is there no Allegiance due, where there is no Oath? Our Allegiance is due, by the Law of England, prior to the King's Oath to us, or ouris to him. Oaths in that Case do not create the Duty; they are only in Confirmation of what was our Duty before.  
In the Eastern Monarchies they do not use Coronation Oaths, nor Oaths of Allegiance. And Augustus was so wise (says the Unreasonableness of a new Separation on account of the Oaths, p. 40.) as when they offered him their Oaths, he refused them for this Reason, 
Dio. l. 54.  He considered well, saith Dio, that if they gave their free Consent, they would do what they promised without Swearing; and if they did not, all the Oaths in the World would not make them. Did Augustus for this expect no Allegiance from his Subjects? Or are not the Eastern Monarches pretty Absolute, because the Law in those Nations does not require Oaths? But after all, by the Common Law in England and Ireland, all above 16 are to swear Allegiance to the King, and it may be exacted from them in their Leets. And this is the Reason they gave for imposing the new Oaths in Ireland to King William and Queen Mary, before there was an Act of Parliament for it. And therefore there was as much Law of the Land for swearing of Allegiance to K. James in Ireland, after his Repeal of the Oath of Supremacy, as our Author can pretend there was for swearing to K. William in Ireland, before the new Act imposing the Oaths there. So that our Author is out too in matter of Law.  

Sixth Reason, in answer to the Question, Who shall be Judge?  But the main of the Difficulty is yet behind; and that is, That upon our Author's Scheme of dissolving Oaths and Government, for such Reasons as he thinks fit, he has not told us who shall be Judge of these Forfeitures, or Abdications. This I have urged already, but you have not heard our Author's answer. He says, c. 2. s. 1. n. 2. p. 12. it is commonly Objected, Who shall be Judge? and he resolves it thus. That either the People must be left to judge of the Designs of their Governors— Or else they must be obliged to a blind and absolute Submission, without employing their Understanding in the Case. Thus our Author like a mighty Man! Yet this Sophism is as poor a one as the last about the Oaths. For in the Case we are upon of determining a Cause, 'twixt the Government and the Subjects, when we say, who shall be Judge? The meaning is not, who shall have Power to think in his own Mind? We say, Thoughts are free. And this sort of passing Judgement, or of being a Judge, can no more be taken from any Man than his Power of Thinking.  
But when there is a Contest 'twixt King and People (which is the Case we are upon) the Question, who shall be Judge? is, who has Authority to determine the Cause betwixt them? as a Judge does between two contending Parties. In which Sense, none can be a Judge but he that has a Commission from some who has Power to invest him with that Authority, viz. to judge 'twixt King and People; which none can have but God alone. And to say, that every Man who is not such a Judge as this has not leave to employ his Understanding in the Case, because he has not Power Authoritatively to determine the Case, so as to oblige, and tie up the contending Parties, is what this Author would slily pass upon you undiscovered, but it is too plain to bear an Argument.  
Well then. The Question is concerning an Authoritative Judge, and our Author proceeds. I dare appeal, says he, to all the World, whether it be safer to leave it to the Judgement and Consciences of a whole Kingdom to determine concerning the Designs of their Governor, or to leave it to the Will and Conscience of the King, whether he will destroy them. One of these is unavoidable; and I am assured it is less probable, that the Generality of a Kingdom will concur in a Mistake of this Nature, and less mischievous, if they should mistake, than that a King by Weakness, wicked Councillors, or false Principles, should design to make his People Slaves, subvert the Ancient Government, or destroy one part of his People, whom he hates, in favour of another.  
Thus our Author. And the Case is plausibly laid down, and no doubt would gain the Cry at an Election. But there is another Prospect of this Case, which our Author takes care to conceal; and that is, What if a Cunning and Designing Incendiary makes a Party, and prevails Universally among the People, and persuades them to their own Destruction? Misrepresent their Governor, and Impose upon them, That a Civil War is better, and by this means get them to Destroy and Consume one another?  
Thus did Absalon, thus did Sheba, thus Oliver, and all the prosperons Rebels. There is no other way of moving the People, unless you could bring them all to a fair Vote, which is only Impossible, at least it was never done, and therefore we justly may suppose it never will be. Let us leave these Dispute in the Clouds, and bring this Author to matter of Fact. Are not all Revolutions carried on by making Parties, Combinations of Leading-men, Aspersing your Opposites, using all Arts to Byass the Mob to your side? Did ever any, in such Cases, speak nothing but the honest Truth of the Governor against whom they took Arms? Did they leave it freely and impartially to the Judgement of the People, without any Misrepresentations, or invidious Insinuations? And was it Equal to them, whether the People, upon a fair Hearing, determined against them as Rebels, or for them as Patriots? Can there be a Method for the People to have such a fair Hearing of the Cause, and to determine it Judicially?  
If our Author cannot say that any of these Things has been, or are ever likely to be done, he must acknowledge, That there is infinitely more hazard of Giddy People's being debauched by Insinuating Crafty Men, who seek their own Advantage in it, to entertain Jealousies and Fears of their Governor's Designs, and to over-rate every Hardship and ill Usage they receive from him; than that a King should design to destroy his People, which would be to destroy himself. And if one of these is Unavoidable, as our Author says, It is easy to see where the most danger lies. The one has been our own Case, and is almost every day. The other is Imaginary, without an Instance in the World, in the Extremity our Author puts it; and, at the worst, many degrees preferable to a Civil War, as will be shown.  
Nor will the Number of the People, or Greatness of their Leaders excuse any thing, It makes their Rebellion more Fatal. 
Numb. 16.12.  In the Rebellion of Korah there were 250 Princes of the Assembly, famous in the Congregation, Men of Renown. And, All the Children of Israel— The whole Congregation, 
c. 14. v. 24.  mutinyed against Moses and Aaron, and were choosing another Captain, and returning into Egypt. And Korah gathered all the Congregation against them, 
c. 16. v. 19, 41, 49.  and on the morrow all the Congregation— murmured against 'em. For which God destroyed 14700 by a new Plague.  
Now judge with yourself if such a Governor as Moses could not secure himself from the Power which Ten Leading Men had with the People (for they were no more who caused this Mutiny of the whole Congregation, Num. 14.2▪ viz. Ten of the Twelve Searchers of the Land) what Governor's Virtue, Sufficiency, or Diligence, can secure him? We know how Absalon stole the Hearts of the People from David his Father. And they followed him in the simplicity of their Hearts, says the Text; as many did, at first, in the Rebellion against Charles the Martyr. But I cannot tell if our Author will allow that for an Instance, I know not how far his new Principles have carried him. It is hard to stop in such a Course. Their Repentance is Rare; especially of those who are Converted to it from contrary Principles. And if there be a visible Motive of Interest, it makes their Return still more difficult.  
But to conclude this Point in our Author's Phrase. I dare appeal to all the World, whether it be more dangerous to exempt the King from the Judgement of the People, or to put it in the Power of any Discontented or Ambitious Men to endeavour to disgust the People against the Government, and lead them into a Civil War at their Pleasure? For that is the true state of the Question.  
We know how many Mahomet has persuaded. And by what means False Religions, and Seditious Principles, have spread through the World. No doubt, this Author intended his Book should take among the People. He knew People could be Imposed upon; and never so much as when they are cajoled, and told fine Stories of their Power, Paramount to all Kings and Governors.  
That it is in their hands to pull down one, and set up another, to bind their Kings in Chains, and root up all Governments at their Pleasure, for this Argument of our Author's militates equally against all Sorts of Government. And he may appeal again to all the World, 
The Question, Who shall be Judge? applied to Parliaments, and States.  Whether it be safer to leave it to the Judgements and Consciences of a whole Nation to determine concerning the Designs of their Governors (whether Parliaments or States) or to leave it to the Will and Conscience of the Parliaments or States, whether they will destroy them? And one of these is unavoidable.  
If you say, It is not likely that a Parliament or States should design to destroy the People. That is another Question.  

Compared with Kings.  But pray tell me, Would any Member of the Parliament, of States, lose so much by the Destruction of the Kingdom, as the King? Therefore it is less probable that he should Design its Destruction, than any of them. There may be an Equivalent given to any of them to Betray and Ruin his Country, and there are Examples of it in all Ages.  
Jugurtha Bribed the whole Senate of Rome, even when he was at War with them.  
About 20 Years ago, the French Faction among the Burghers of Amsterdam were able to Out-vote the other. And some believe it is so still.  
How has the alarm of French Pensioners disturbed our Parliaments? But more that of Court Pensioners. Who are Free to give our Money (the sooner we shall have done) but Deaf to Grievances and Miscarriages.  
Was there ever a Parliament, Convention, or Senate, where the major Number was Un bribable? Or was there ever a Bribe offered to a King to Betray or Sell his Country? Deceived he may be, or take wrong Measures; but it is inconceavable he should Design the Ruin of his Country.  
Therefore whoever you make Judge of the King's Designs, must, from a stronger Reason, be Judge of the Designs of Parliaments and States: And this will unhinge all Governments in the World.  
But our Author endeavours to smooth all this by saying in the beginning of this Section, 
Of Fears and Jealousies.  n. 1. p. 12. That Fears and Jealousies, in such a Case, ought not to pass for Arguments, or be brought in Competition with a certain and plain Duty, that is, with Obedience to Lawful Governors. The Arguments therefore brought by Subjects to prove their Governor's design to destroy them, aught to be so plain and evident, that the Consciences of Mankind cannot but see, and be convinced of their Truth; especially the Generality of the Subjects themselves ought to be fully satisfied, and acquiesce in them.  
But all these fine Words leave us just where we were. For every Man is Judge still; and he is Judge when he himself is satisfied, and will acquiesce in the Arguments brought against his Governor.  
And Men that are Deceived do think themselves in the Right, else they were not Deceived. So that the Rule of Government is still left Lose and Precarious; as Uncertain as the Giddy Motions of the Mob, And laid open to all the Attempts of Ambitious and Designing Men.  
Our Author says, That Jealousies and Fears, in such a Case, ought not to pass for Arguments. This needs some Explanation. For what more can there be of a Governor's Design to destroy us (which is the Case in hand) besides a Jealousy and Fear of it? Till the Action be done, we cannot be sure of it; not so sure as our Author requires, viz. we can have no such Security, that aught to be brought in Competition with a certain and plain Duty, that is, with Obedience to Lawful Governors.  
There is hardly an Action in the World, but may be done out of several Designs; and none so much as the Actions of Governors, and Matters of State. And therefore there is nothing so easy as to be Mistaken in these Designs. Especially if these Designs be kept as Secrets of State among Princes themselves.  

French League.  Such was the supposed League which K. James was said to have made with K. Lewis of France to Root out all the Protestants, not only of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, but all the World over.  
This was so Industriously spread abroad, and vouched with such Confidence, that it was given out the P. of Orange had procured the Original signed by both Kings, and would produce it in Parliament.  
This was believed, and clamoured about by Multitudes of silly People.  
But neither the Prince in his Declaration, nor the Convention in their List of maladministrations against K. James did mention the least tittle of this; which would have served more to their purpose than all the rest they had to allege.  
And the might have added, that Lord Sunderland in his Letter (n. 15. Append. quoted in this Author's Book, p 145.) protests he never knew of any; and that French Ships were offered to join with our Fleet, and they were refused.  
Nor has it been heard of since from the mouth of any who pretend to common sense, or the least knowledge of Affairs, till we were Rattled with it out of the Pulpit in this Author's Thanksgiving Sermon before the Lords Justices of Ireland, Nou. 16. 1690.  
A League! (says he) Notorious and Remarkable for its Folly and Falsehood, so contrary to all Sense as well as Faith, that the Great Princes concerned in it, are yet ashamed to own it.  
But he knows better Things, he understands all their Cabals. He tells (page 5. 9 16. of the Sermon) How England, Holland, the Pope, and the Emperor, might be cullyed and wheedled. How the Empire was to be Divided betwixt the Turk and the Germane Princes, and the Dauphin to be King of the Romans, Savoy was to be brought under Pupillage, the Princes of Italy to be Frighted, Bought, or Wheedled, Genoa to be Bombed, England Bought, and Holland Drowned (alas! Poor Holland!) The Queen of Spain designedly made Barren, and the Prince of Wales a Cheat.  
There's a Plot for you!  
And p. 10. he asks K. James, What business had he with an Army?  
But leaving his Politics, let us come with him a little to the Argument.  
He has Established it before, That Jealousies and Fears are not to pass for Arguments against the certain and plain Duty of Obedience to Lawful Governors. But that what is brought against them ought to be so Plain and Evident that the Consciences of Mankind cannot but see and be convinced of its Truth.  
And yet he brings here against K. James such Trash as Grub-street would be ashamed to own; and, if the Sermon were not so common, I should be afraid to Quote, lest it should be thought an Imposition upon this Author. But he has set his Name to it, and Dedicated it to the Lords Justices of Ireland, before whom he Preached it.  
Of all the Instances abovenamed, we are more immediately concerned in that of the Prince of Wales; 
Pr. of Wales.  against whom he gives no other proof but p. 5 of his Sermon, where he says, We are satisfied, i.e. of his being a Cheat.  
If these Gentlemen (for whom, and in whose Name, this Author here speaks) had been so Good, or this Author for them, to have told us what Evidence they had to satisfy themselves in a Point so Important as this?  
Now when all the sensible Men of England are fully satisfied to the contrary, viz. That the Prince of Wales was truly born of the Queen.  
When it is no longer made a doubt of, nor endured to be mentioned at Court or Parliament, The but Questioning of it is a stob at the heart of this Prince, (says the History of the Desert. p. 107.) you need not ask which Prince it is who does not love to hear of it? And who they are who press it to be heard and examined? For which I refer you to n. 16. Append.  
It is likewise well known, that this was but the tail of an old Plot, to say the same of any Son the Duke of York should ever have, of which n. 17. Appendix contains a Proof sufficient: And shows the indefatigable Pains of that Fanatic, Republican, Hogan Mogan Party, to render the Bill of Exclusion effectually serviceable to the End for which it was intended.  
This was thought to have been handsomely covered, when Zuylestein was sent over to congratulate the Birth of the P. of Wales.  
Nay, he was publicly Prayed for as P. of Wales in her Royal Highness Chapel at the Hague, where Dr. Burnet himself did often Officiate.  
To say that they did not believe him to be P. of Wales at that time, is to accuse them of such Atheistical Hypocrisy, making a mock of God in his solemn Worship, as would render them an abhorring to all Flesh.  
To avoid this terrible Charge, you will be forced to acknowledge, That their Highnesses, and Dr. Burnet too, did not then believe the Reports of the Queens False-Belly; for they were spread abroad long before.  
And what Evidence they have got since, besides these same Reports, is what the Nation wants to know, but are not like to be satisfied.  
Nihil Dicit is confessing of Judgement.  
Yet our Author says that he, and the Irish Protestants of his Party, are all satisfied (for those I suppose he means by the We all are satisfied) of the Imposture of the P. of Wales. And, by his Principles here laid down, their Proofs must exceed Jealousies and Fears, and be so plain and evident as the Consciences of Mankind cannot but see, and be convinced of their Truth. And then why should not he Produce them?  
If he says, as I suppose he must, that he once thought it was Evident. So it was for some time thought by the Generality of the People of England, that the 3500 Irish, who were disbanded by K. James before he went away, were about to Massacre all England, and had actually begun the Work, and the whole Nation was terribly alarmed.  
There is nothing so Ridiculous may not be put upon some People as Plain and Evident in some Junctures.  

Earl of Essex.  That the Earl of Essex was assassinated went down greedily with some sort of People, for a while; though People of sense did not then believe it, nor his Lady, as she declared to many noble Relations of his Lordship, and her own.  
But now the Trick is all come out, and how that whole matter was managed. Mr. Hook, than Chaplain to the Duke of Monmouth, and who came over with him from Holland, wrote a Narrative of it at Amsterdam, as himself declared, for a Preparatory to their Undertaking. Another was wrote by Col. Danvers, and another at Amsterdam, and was taken in Col. Danvers' House in London. And they bragged how much Service it did in the West, and stirred up the People against K. James, and to join with the Duke of Monmouth.  
A Committee of Lords was appointed since this Revolution to Rake into that matter again; but after long Sitting, and Examinations, could make nothing of it, and were forced to let it fall, I suppose now for ever.  
Sir Richard Haddock, at present first Commissioner of the Navy, declared before the said Committee, That he saw the Earl of Essex lying in his Blood, and having considered the narrowness of the Place where he lay, and all other Circumstances, he could not have been so Murdered by any but himself.  
Braddon's Trial itself is enough to Detect it to any unprejudiced Reader.  
But that this Author may not be accused for proving of nothing that he says, he has undertaken to make out the Grand League before told; in the aforesaid Sermon, from a Letter of Bishop Maloony's to Bishop Tyrrel, which our Author has printed in the Appendix of his Book.  
There, Page 363. Bishop Maloony is inveighing against K. James' Politics, in trusting too much to the English, and seeking to please them, while he rejected the assistance which the French King offered him. If the King of France, says that Bishop, had not been too Generous, and too Christian a Prince, were it not a sufficient Motive for him to Reject the King in his Disgrace, that upon those rotten Principles Rejected his Alliance. This is that Alliance with France (says our Author in his abovesaid Sermon, p. 5.) which Maloony, the Popish Bishop of Killa loo, in a Letter of his to Bishop Tyrrel, is so very angry that some Trimmers (as he calleth them) obliged King James to disown. These Trimmers were the abovesaid rotten Principles, as that Bishop calls them, of trusting to the English. And these obliged King James to disown such an Alliance with France which he Rejected, and yet found that his People were alarmed with the Report of it, which was designedly spread abroad.  
And what Reason can this Author give why King James should not disown it, since there was no such Thing? And that his Principle of trusting entirely to the English, and letting them know so much, should oblige him to disown an Alliance which he had Rejected, merely out of his Confidence in them? This Bishop Maloony says, And that This fair Politic, as he calls it, hindered him (King James) from making up a Catholic Army that would stick to him, instead of a Protestant one that betrayed him; hindered him also from having any Succour from France offered him. There is none here but knows that Succour was offered him from France against the Prince of Orange, and that he Rejected it. Now who would ever Guess that the abovesaid French League could be proved from hence? From these Words of Bishop Maloony's Letter! which speak the direct contrary. Yet this is all our Author's Proof, and he boasts in it, and cries out, This is the very Source and Fountain of all the present Calamities of Europe, but more particularly of ours. Is not this Magnificent! This is a Hardiness of no common Hero. To bring, without a Blush, the strongest Objection against him, as an Argument for him. What better Proof could have been brought, to show there was no such League, than the Confession of a Popish Bishop, one of their Managers, in a Letter from Paris to his Correspondent, another Popish Bishop who was Secretary of State in Ireland, and which neither of them Designed should ever be seen by Protestants? Would they dissemble, and not speak their Thoughts freely to one another? Would they tell one another that King James had Rejected the French Alliance, if it were not so? Yet these very Words of this Bishop, our Author brings to prove that there was such an Alliance.  
If you say, there is still a Jealcusy of these Things. Our Author has barred that from being any Pretence against the plain and certain Duty of Obedience to Lawful Governors. Yet these our Author names among the Pretences for throwing off our Lawful Governors, as well in this Book, as in his said Thanksgiving Sermon; which I shall have more occasion to mention hereafter.  
I only name this, to show you his way of Arguing; and withal to tell you that they are such Things, of which, he (at that Distance from Affairs, and his Correspondence considered) could have no other Account than from the common News Letters, and Observators, and such small Intelligencers. And yet he would put this upon us (who live nearer the Helm, and know the value of these Coffee-house Papers) as such infallible Proofs, that it is not in our Power not to see, and be convinced of their Truth.  
But this is no new Matter. It is the constant and neverfailing Method in all Rebellions and Commotions of State. They all say their Grievances are apparent and undoubted: And generally the greater the Calumny, the Asseverations are the more positive, to make it be believed. Matchiavil prescribes, fortiter Calumniare, Bespatter confidently; Throw much Dirt, some will stick.  

Of King Ch. 1. and Archbishop Laud's being Papists, etc.  How many in England were made believe that Charles the First, and Bishop Laud, were Papists? How many believe it still? I refer this Author to a Pamphlet printed this Year, called, A Letter from Major General Ludlow to Sir E. S. comparing the Tyranny of the first Four years of King Charles the Martyr, with the Tyranny of the Four years' Reign of the late Abdicated King. And there he will find King Charles made much the greater Tyrant of the two, the greater Invader of our Laws and Liberties, our Properties, our Lives; and that the Case is full as plain and apparent as that against King James. And he has printed two or three Vindications of it since.  
There are many, very many, in England of that Opinion; and so positive in it, that they think all Men mad, or obstinately prejudiced, who offer to deny it; or, in our Author's Words, they think that the Consciences of Mankind cannot but see it, and be convinced of the Truth of it.  
Yet there are many who will not confess it, but think King Charles to have been a good Man, and a Martyr; and that he stood up more for the Laws, and Liberty of the Subject, than his illegal Murderers, or Deposers; who offended more against the Law, and much more apparently by their Rebelling against him, than he did, if all they charged him with had been true. Our Author himself was once of this Opinion.  

Dathan and Abiram their Charge against Moses.  Never any Charge against a Government was averred to be more apparent and undeniable than that of Dathan and Abiram against Moses, (Num. 16.13, 14) where he was accused of Arbitrary Government, and Breach of Promise. It was as plain as the Nose on ones Face, as we use to say, as any Thing we see with our Eyes, that he might as well persuade them to disbelieve their Eyesight, as not think him Guilty. Is it a small Thing that thou hast brought us up out of a Land that floweth with Milk and Honey, to kill us in the Wilderness, except thou make thyself altogether a Prince over us? Moreover, thou hast not brought us into a Land flowing with Milk and Honey, or given us Inheritance of Fields and Vineyards: wilt thou put cut the Eyes of these Men?  
And besides this positive Assurance which they had, they likewise (as our Author) had the Faculty of improving a Breach of Promise, or an Arbitrary Design, into a Design against their very Lives. Because he disappointed them, as they were very sure, in their Inheritance in their Fields and Vineyards, and had a mind to make himself more Arbitrary, altogether a Prince over them, therefore they charged him with a Design to kill them in the Wilderness.  
Now if People could be so imposed upon by the Cunning of designing Men, as to believe the falsest and most notorious Untruths against the best Governor as ever was in the World, what Government can subsist upon our Author's Principles, which give a Latitude to every Man to try his hand upon the soft part of the People? And if he can persuade them into an ill Opinion of their Governors and cry it is certain and notorious, absolves them ipso facto from all Obedience to their Governors, from their Oaths, and all ties of Humane or Divine Law, and so frees their Conscience, which is the chief hold Government has upon Men. And what Evils that can be suffered from Government can be of such destructive Consequence to the People, as these lose Principles, which unsettles them every Minute, and puts it in the Power of every Boutefeu to set the Nation in a Flame at his Pleasure?  

The Author's Distinction of Evil.  N. 3. of his Introduction was designed to obviate this, its Title in the Heads of Discourse is in these Words, The Arguments of Passive Obedience from Reason and Scripture reach only Cases where the Mischief is Particular or Tolerable.  
But this gives us no surer Marks than we had before. For what does he mean by Tolerable? 
Tolerable.  If it be as much as a Man can bear. No Passive-Obedience-man can stretch it higher. Since no Man can bear more than he can.  
Therefore he must mean, what a Man can bear Easily, or till he gins to think the Burden to be Intolerable, that is Hard to be born, and then you may be sure he will not let it grow too heavy for him.  
And no Rebel in the World can desire a greater Latitude than this. For whenever he says he is hurt, or has a mind to bear no more, then no more Passive Obedience.  
Thus much for the Word Tolerable. Now for the other Qualification, 
Universal.  viz. Particular; that is, as he explains it, p. 3. when the Mischief is not Universal.  
Universal, may be either as to its Tendency; that is, where a Mischief done to a particular Person may be a Precedent to have the like done to another, and another, and so till it comes to be Universal. And in this Sense our Author will not allow that any Mischief from a Government can be particular. If the King take one Man's Life or Property from him contrary to Law; this will not be called a particular Case, but the Case of the whole Kingdom. Thus Mr. Hambden contested his Assessment (which was about 20 Shillings) and brought on the whole Case of Ship-money, which embroiled the Reign of King Charles the First. Magdalen-College was not thought a particular Case, and did no small Service against King James 2. In short, all Mischief is done to some Particulars, and Universal is but many Particulars: Therefore what is done to one, may be inferred to the rest; and in this Sense no Mischief can be Particular. Will this Author say, that the Business of Glenco (n. 19 Appendix) was only a particular Mischief?  
On the other hand, if by an universal Mischief, you mean where the Mischief does, not only in its Tendency, but Actually assect the Universal, that is, the whole People. In this Sense, it is not Universal, if any part of the People be Excepted. And then, according to our Author's own Rules, Passive Obedience takes place in all Cases, except where the Government designs the Destruction of the whole People, that is, as Grotius has explained it, where the Governors are all supposed to be mad. Which has been spoke to already.  
But not to take any Advantage of this (for no King, not Nabuchadnezzar, was ever so mad as to design the Destruction of a part of his People; Then the Question will be, Whether it be greater Destruction to the People to run the hazard of this, under the Protection of God, while in Obedience to his Commands, rather than to raise a Civil War to Remedy this?  
And our Author seems to answer this, n. 4. of his Introduction, which bears this Title. A War not always a greater Evil than Suffering.  
Observe here the Modesty, and withal the Cunning of our Author. He calls it a War; which is a general Word, and therefore may lead you off the Question; which is not at all concerning Lawful War, as that may be betwixt Independent Princes, But concerning Subjects Levying War against the King, or the Government, under which they Live; which therefore is called Rebellion. And it is of this only that our Question proceeds, viz. Whether This, or Suffering, be the greatest Evil?  
And our Author says, It is not always a grea●er Evil than Suffering.  
This was Cautious indeed. It is not always so. But what if it be so for the most part? Is it therefore to be Chosen? This, or nothing, is our Author's meaning. He gins this, n. 4. p. 5. thus. If then in some Cases the Mischiefs of submitting— may be worse— than a War— which is begging the Question, and point blank contrary to the Law of the Land, and which this Author has often subscribed, viz. That such a War (of Subjects taking Arms against the King) is not Lawful; upon any Pretence whatsoever. Which if it be true, than our Author's, in some Cases, is but a Deceit. For the Law allows of no such Cases, nor any Pretence whatever, to take Arms against the King.  
One would think it pretty hard for our Author to get over this. 
A Passage out of Faulkner misapplyed.  He attempts it (but faintly,) c. 1. n. 8. p. 10. where he says, That this may not seem a new Doctrine, I would have the Reader observe, that I only transcribe the learned Falconer, etc.  
Why? Who said it was a new Doctrine? Was that the Question? No doubt, many have, and do hold it. In the next place, suppose you do transcribe Falconer, will that excuse you? You will not stand by all that Falconer says in that Book, for you know no Man is more opposite to your now Opinion, if it be your Opinion. Why then do you Quote one part of him, if you will not believe another? For either he must contradict himself (and then his Authority cannot be great either way) or else you lay no value upon his Judgement, while you plainly dispute against his Notion of Passive Obedience, which you cannot deny, and is visible to every one that reads his Book, and I will show you presently when I come to examine his Quotations more at large.  
But our Author has picked up this Sentence out of him. And though all the Words our Author quotes are in Faulkner's Christian Loyalty, l. 2. c. 5. l. 2. n. 19 yet I must charge him with a false Quotation; for he leaves out such Words, as plainly show, that Faulkner does not set this down as his own Opinion, but only to follow upon a Supposition, which he Quotes out of Grotius, but does not say that he approves of it. Grotius thinks, says he, that ultimo Necessitatis presidio, such defence is not to be condemned— And if this be true, says Falconer, it must be upon this Ground, that such Attempts of Ruining, do ipso facto include a disclaiming the Governing of those Persons, as Subjects, and consequently of being their Prince or King; And then the Expressions of our public Declaration and Acknowledgement would still be secured, that it is not Lawful upon any Pretence whatsoever to take Arms against the King.  
Thus Faulkner, as our Author quotes him; and all he says is, that upon the Supposition of a King disclaiming the Government, and consequently, ceasing to be King, then though we do take Arms against him, we do not break the abovesaid Declaration, of not taking Arms against the King, because than he is no King. For a King that disclaims the Government is no longer King; and, says Falconer, if Grotius' Position be true, it must be upon this Ground. But he does not say that Grotius' Supposition is true. On the contrary, in the very next Words, as if it were confuting this Opinion of Grotius, he quotes an Authority against him, which is Bishop Bilson (whom our Author too quotes) for having set down this Opinion of Grotius with what he supposes to be the Ground of it, he immediately subjoins a contrary Authority. But Bishop Bilson, says he, speaking of such Popish Cruelties, adds, That if the Laws of the Land do not permit them to guard their Lives, when they are assaulted with unjust Force against Law, or if they take Arms, as you do, to depose Princes we will never excuse them from Rebellion. Thus Bilson. as Faulkner there quotes him.  
Now judge what reason this Author had to produce this Passage of Faulkner, and how sore the was put to it, when he could find nothing else to say, to bring himself off from that Declaration, which, pursuant to the Law of the Land, he had so solemnly read in the Presence of God, and His Church, in the Time of Divine Service.  

The Evils of Tyranny, and of a Civil War, compared.  But leaving his Quotations to be Examined in their proper Place, Let us go on with him to the Merit of the Cause, to the Reasons he has to offer, why submitting to the Tyranny of our Lawful Governors is a greater Evil, than raising a Civil War in the Nation to prevent it; for that is the Case. And is the Explanation of what he meant above by Tolerable and Universal Evils. N. 3. p. 3. viz That we ought to bear only with Tolerable Evils from our Governors, or when the Mischief is not Universal; or if it be Universal, where it is yet Tolerable, and not so mischievous in the Consequence as a Civil War. Thus our Author.  
And indeed he has given advantage enough against him, in this Comparison, which he advances of the Evils of Tyranny and Rebellion, or a Civil War, as he more gracefully Words it.  
For do but bear with any King, and think nothing Intolerable from him, till he destroy as many as a Civil War,— I will not take the full advantage of the Comparison; Do but stay till he destroys the thousand part as many, or bring such universal Ruin and Devastation to the Kingdom, and I'll undertake there is no Passive-Obedience-man in the World but would conclude him as mad as Nabuchadnezzar, and no more to be obeyed than a Man Raging in a Fever. So vast a Disproportion there is 'twixt the Evils of Tyranny and Rebellion! So much is the Remedy worse than the Disease! The Cruelty of a Tyrant, says one, is like a Clap of Thunder, it strikes with great terror: But a Civil War is like an Inundation, which sweeps down all before it without noise. Thus one Man brought upon the Scaffold by the Arbitrary Command of a Tyrant, makes more noise than Ten thousand killed in the Field in a Civil War. But that does not make the Evil the less, but the greater, while we are made willing to destroy ourselves: And do it more effectually in one day, than the bloodiest Tyrant could find in Heart to do in his whole Reign. All the Men put to death by the Arbitrary Command of Tyrants since the beginning of the World, in all the Kingdoms of the World, will not amount to half the Number of those who perished in the Roman, or the English Civil Wars: Those who have perished within these Three years in Ireland, are many more than all the English Tyrants ever put to death. So much safer are we in God's hands, than in our own! In their hands where God has placed us; and though he often makes them, like the Sun and Sea, scourges for our Sin, yet he has promised to keep their hearts in his hand, and to turn them as seemeth best to him; 
Prov. 21.1.  we have more promise of Safety there, than when we are delivered over to the Beasts of the People, whose madness David compares the Raging of the Sea. 
Psal. 68.30.  In short, the Restraint of Government, is the true Liberty and Freedom of the People; since if they were at Liberty from Government, they would be exposed to one another, which would be the greaten Slavery in the World. The great Mistake is in the foolish Notion we have of Liberty, which generally is thought to consist in being free from the Lash of Government, as Schoolboys from their Master; and proves, in the Consequence only a Liberty to destroy one another.  

This Author's Remedy for Tyranny to kill half the Nation.  And yet to purchase this Liberty, our Author thinks it worth the while to cut the Throats of one half of the Nation. These are his Words; To lose even half the Subjects in a Civil War is more tolerable than the loss of Liberty.  
Here is a terrible Sentence! one half of a Nation cut down at a Blow! we must expect some very good Reason for this. He says, An Age or two will repair the Loss of Subjects— But if Liberty be Lost it is never to be retrieved.  
Now I thought the quite contrary to this had been true. That Men might be Rescued from Prison, but not from Death. That therefore. Liberty might be retrieved, but Lives never. He says, An Age or two will repair the Loss of Lives; that is, other Men will live. But does that Retrieve those that are Lost? He may as well say, That I regain my Liberty, if another Man gets his Liberty. But he says, If Liberty be lost it is never to be retrieved. Why then would he Sacrifice half the Nation to seek to retrieve it? He says, It brings certain and infallible Destruction. And will he contend against Infallible Destruction?  
I would ask, whether he thinks the Irish Protestants did not lose their Liberty under King James? If they did not, His whole Book is false. If they did, Has not K. W. retrieved it? If not, Let him answer his Thansgiving Sermon. But if K. W. has retrieved their lost Liberty, than his Position is false, viz That if Liberty be lost it is never to be retrieved: So far is it from being certain and infallible, as our Author assures us.  
But let us see if we can find out the Reason of this strange Assertion. And you have it not obscurely hinted, in the Words immediately before; viz. And indeed the greatest Mischief of a Civil War, is the Danger of subjecting the State to the Absolute Power of some potent General, as it happened at Rome, Florence, and in England, in the late Civil War.  
This indeed is the Mischief and Danger of a Civil War. Since the same Power that enabled your Deliverer to Rescue you, will enable him also to keep the Power when he has got it. And who will not keep it, when it is in his Power? As Oliver did in the late Civil War of England, and happened in Rome, Florence, etc.  
But now our Author has told us the Disease, he ought to have given us the Remedy, if he knows any. For you cannot take Arms against a Tyrant, but under the Command of some General. And then how do you know but he will prove a Tyrant? It is natural for Men to affect Absoluteness. Who Loves to be Controlled? We must always be under the Power of some or other, and the effect of a Revolution is but Changing the Person; wherein you must run a Hazard; for as one said upon a certain occasion, There is nothing so like as Two Kings. And it is a terrible sort of a Cure, to slaughter half the Nation upon an Experiment, which our Author himself confesses to be very uncertain, or indeed impossible, to have any good Effect, if lost Liberty cannot be retrieved, but the Danger and the Mischief is certain. And our Author does not see a Remedy. It is the common Fate of these Rebellions for Liberty, to be made a Prey to their Deliverers: And then half the People must be destroyed by a new Deliverer, to gain Liberty to the other half. And if they be mistaken in the Man, then half of the remaining half must go: And if they be mistaken again, then half of that half, and so on for ever. This is our Author's Receipt for Liberty. And he says, It is for the Good of the People.  
Of which People? I beseech you, of those that are Killed to gain Liberty for the rest? But how do you compute the Good of the People? Is it not from the Major part? This Author, I have heard, is a good Mathematician, he cannot be mistaken Reckoning.  
Now if half of the People be destroyed, to purchase Liberty to the rest, here is no Good but Hurt done to the People: Because there is greater Hurt done to the one half of the People, than the fancied Good can be to the other. I suppose our Author has not represented himself in his own mind, to be one of that half which was to be Destroyed: But being one of the surviving half, he thinks it best the other half should be Destroyed, to purchase Liberty for those that remain. But if this Experiment be repeated a a second Time, and half of the remaining half be taken off, then there is no Comparison, but this must be for the Hurt of the People. Especially considering that this Principle opens a door to an Eternal Halfing them at this Rate. And we may see it by Experience where this Doctrine obtains, that that Country (I am sorry England should come into the Account) seldom enjoys a longer Respite from the Ruin of one Revolution, than to take breath, feed up, and fatten for another: And what can prevent it, where People are thus Disciplined and Encouraged to Rebellion? And have a neverfailing Pretence given them to Kick  they are Wanton? Nothing but a Miracle can stop them, till Ruin upon Ruin has humbled them, and convinced them by Demonstration of the pernicious Consequence of these lose Principles of Government.  
Plutarch, in the Life of Timoleon, tells, That the Towns in Sicily would not trust him, being lately overrun with Violence and Outrage, and exasperated against all Leaders of Armies, for the sake chief of Calippus an Athenian, and Pharax a Lacedaemonian Captain, and the Mischiefs they had suffered by their Treachery; For both of them having given out that the Design of their coming was to introduce Liberty, and depose Tyrants, they did so Tyrannize themselves, that the Reign of former Oppressors seemed a Golden Age, if compared with the Lordliness and Exaction of these pretended Deliverers, who made the Sicilians reckon them to be far more happy, that did expire in Servitude, than any that had lived to see such a dismal Freedom. Thus Plutarch.  
And Lucan reckoning over the Miseries of the Civil-Wars of Rome, which were all for Liberty, envies the happy Condition of those who live under Absolute Tyrannies. He cries out,  
Faelices Arabes, Medique, Aeaque Tellus  
Quam sub porpetuis tenuerunt fata Tyrannis!  
I could give 1000ds of Instances of the truth of this in all Nations; they are enough to make a History: And if a History were written of the Mischiefs of Liberty, and Public Good, or the Good of the People, that is, what Mischiefs have been wrought in the World under the Pretence of Public Good, the Good of the People, and asserting of their Liberties, I will undertake the Comparison, That more visible Mischief has come to the People, more Destruction of the Public Good, and greater Loss of Libery and Property, by this one Method, than by all other Sins and Wickedness of Mankind put together: And consequently, that there is no Comparison 'twixt the Evils of Tyranny, and of a Civil War for Liberty and the Public Good; and that the Mischief of this Pretence of Public Good is infinitely less Tolerable, and a more universal Ruin to the People, than any Tyranny of Lawful Governors that ever was in the World. It is by many Degrees the Greatest and most Lawless Tyranny of the two; and always brings greater Evils, Confusion, Disorder, Rapine, Violence, Contempt of Laws, and Legal Establishments, more intolerable Mischiefs of all Sorts, than those it pretends to Remedy.  
But of all Pretences for Rebellion, Religion is the most Ridiculous; because a Civil War introduces greater Immorality, loosens the Reins of Discipline, and is more contrary to the Spirit of True Religion than any other Thing in the World. True Religion is not Propagated by the Sword; It is a small still Voice that cannot be heard in War. It is built, like Solomon's Temple, without the Noise of a Hammer; War confounds it, and debauches it. The most Profligate and Licentious Court bears no Proportion in Wickedness to the Lewdness, Blasphemy, and Contempt of all that is Sacred which Reigns and Overflows in Camps. It was an old saving, Nulla fides, Pietasque viris qui Castra sequuntur.  
I desire this Author to make a just Computation betwixt the Godliness of the Protestant Army in Ireland this Revolution, and the common strain of Wickedness which was Practised there before by the People in time of Peace.  
I have been told that this Author did express his just Indignation against the wild and barefaced Debauchery of the Army, from his Pulpit in Dublin, so far as to say, It was come to that pass, that it was a Scandal for any Woman of Reputation to be seen in Company with a Red or a Blue Coat; for which he incurred the heavy Displeasure of the Sparks and Beau's in the Army; who practised all mad Lewdness and Profanity with both hands earnestly, with all their Strength and Power, with the same Zeal and Fervour that they Rushed into the Battle. They thought the one as much their Duty as the other. Dr. Gorge, in his Letter from the Camp, (n. 2. Appendix) tells us, That they thought Religion but Canting, and Debauchery the necessary Character of of Soldiers. And he had good Reason to know, being at that time Secretary to the General.  
But the Case is notorious, all Men know it. The truth is, that Army has Debauched generally all that they have left alive in that Kingdom; and have left the Marks of their Wickedness as deeply imprinted in that Country as of their unbridled Violence, Plunder, Burning, and Destruction of Protestants and Friends as well as Enemies. This War has taught those People Wickedness they never knew before; in comparison, they never knew what Wickedness was before.  
Now let us compute how Religion is served by all this: The Spirit of Atheism is let lose, and has overspread all the Land; It is the Common-place of all our Men of Wit to run down and ridicule the Holy Scriptures, and all Revealed Religion, and this Publicly, in Coffeehouses, every where, without any Restraint or Shame: So far from that, that they Laugh at and Despise all those who pretend to believe the Revelations in the Bible, or that God ever spoke to any Man, or gave them any Law by Moses, or any body else, other than by giving Men Wisdom to invent good Laws, as Solon, Lycurgus, or the like: And no other Account do they make of Moses, or the Prophets, or of Christ.  
I am sorry to say it, that I am a Witness to the truth of this; if it needed any Witness, for it is notorious and universal, but more within these Four years, and more Publicly owned, than since we knew the World.  
In short, we have lost Christianity both as to Faith and Practice. This is the Advantage Religion has gained by our Wars.  
But all is no matter, so we beat down Popery. And yet Popery was never more Tolerated in Ireland than since the Conclusion of our War against Popery, even by the Articles and Agreements of the War. And how freely it is Tolerated in England we all know. Nay, it is taken ill if any call this a Religious War. Are we not Confederate with the most Bigot Popish Princes in Christendom? But we will keep Popery out of England for the time to come.  
If it be by letting in Atheism, or Socinianism, it were better keep the old Popery still. This is the Method to reconcile Men to Popery, when they see you advance in its place Principles more Antichristian than itself, and introduce them by all the Wicked and Profane Practices in the World.  
To my knowledge several have turned Papists, and more are in danger, from the Scandal of this Revolution, the Lewdness of the Army, and base Apostasy of the Clergy, as they call it, have turned their hearts against us, they think we have no Religion. It may seem a Paradox, but it is true, That there have been more Converts to Popery in England these last Four years, than in the Four years before.  
Indeed all that King James was a doing did prove to the Ruin of Popery in England: And if he had been suffered to go on, he had turned all English hearts, for ever, against it: So far were we from the Danger of Popory in his Reign. But now Men's Rage at Popery is abated, by seeing the very wicked Artifices have been used against it: I wish our Methods to keep it out do not bring it in.  
It is a Rule that seldom fails, but never almost in Religion, That Civil War and Rebellion prove in the end to be the Destruction and Undoing of those good Things which are made the Pretences, and for the Preservation of which Men are persuaded to Rebel.  
That is commonly the end of Reformations made by the Sword, especially of Subjects against their Sovereign.  
And it is for such a Reformation as this, that our Author can give up the half of the Nation to the Slaughter. And all the Care he takes, is, An Age or two will repair the Loss of Subjects. Murder will be a small Sin upon this Account. It was counted a Tyrannical Expression in the Prince of Conde, when one told him, That he exposed his Men too much in the Storm of a Town; he replied, There are as many Bastards gotten in Paris last Night, as I shall lose Men to Day. But this was modest, by many Degrees, to the fierce Sentence of this Author. He had not time, in his Fury, to consider the Reason God gives, Gen. 9.6. why shedding of Man's Blood is so Grievous a Sin in his Sight, that he will require it from the Beasts of the Field, much more from his Guilty Brother.  
This Author makes nothing of destroying the Image of God; What is the Matter? Another Age will get more Images. This was spoke like a Divine! But, good Sir, there is something else, which, if you would give me leave, I would presume to mind you of, in your own Profession, which is, The care of Souls.  
Sir, in this Slaughter you make of Bodies, there will some Souls be lost: And an Age or two will not Repair that. I am sorry this did not come into your Consideration. For in this Revolution which you suppose, and in which you are content to Sacrifice half the Nation (you reckon about the Number it cost in your Country, as themselves compute it.) In this Quarrel, Sir, you cannot suppose both Parties to be in the Right. There must be Rebels on one side or other.  
And you used to tell us, That Rebellion was a damning Sin. And is it nothing, in your Account, to send half the Souls of the Nation to Hell! Are these the Bowels of a Spiritual Guide! Good God Whether are we come! Here is no face of Christianity! This is propagating Religion with the Sword, beyond the Principles of Mahomet.  
But will an Age or two cure the Infection of universal Debauchery and Profaneness which this Civil War has spread over the Face of Ireland, and in proportion of Scotland and England, where the Armies have come? Does this Author find it so easy a Task to remove all Lewdness and Profanity where it has once taken root? Or to hinder it to Descend to the next Generation? And it is not only this War, but it has been observed of War in all Ages, that it destroys Men's Principles, takes them off all Foundations of Sobriety, and instills a Dissoluteness of Life, and an Insensibility and Difregard of Religion, and of all Rules of Justice 'twixt Man and Man, most of any Thing in the World: And of all Wars, such universal Corruption of Manners is most fruitful in a Civil War, and sticks longest to our Posterities; leaves Seeds of Animosities, till one Revolution begets another, and entails Blood and Destruction, Hatred, Treachery, Rebellion, and all Wickedness, from Generation to Generation. And no Evils these can Cure, are so Intolerable as these.  
This made some of our Forefathers of so much a contrary Opinion to this Author, as to make it a Proverb, That the worst Peace is more Eligible than the best War: However, from the Consideration above said, of all Pretences, Religion is the most Ridiculous for a Civil War; because a Civil War is more destructive to Religion than any Thing it can Remedy.  
There is another Thing this Author has forgot, while he had his Eyes upon nothing but new Bodies of Men being raised up next Age, and so all the Evils of this to be done away. God has threatened to visit the Sins of the Fathers upon the Children to the third and fourth Generation. His Blood be on us and our Children, (Matth. 27.25.) lies heavy upon the Jews to this Day.  
And, Sir, that Ocean of Blood spilt in one of your Revolutions must lie at some door or other; And an Age or two will not do away the Gild of this. I am afraid the Blood of Charles the Martyr, and all shed in that Rebellion against him, lies still upon these Nations. They cannot Repent, while they maintain the same Principles which raised that Rebellion. They are come to that, that they are not afraid, nor ashamed publicly in Print, and in Coffeehouses, to justify that Civil War, as our Author would call it, against King Charles the First. In this Years Almanacs, sold about the Streets (Partridge's Almanac for the Year 1692.) the 30th. of January is left out, with Good-friday, Ash-wednesday, and other Superstitious Days: And instead of these, he puts into his Chronology some of the black Aspersions cast upon King Charles the First, as the Murder of King James the First, and what he thinks were the Arbitrary Proceed of his Reign, and setting up of Popery. And he reckons as Festivals, the Successes of the Parliament Army against the King; as the Battle at Naseby, Fatal, says he, to the Tories and Papists so he styles the Loyal Party. He tells you of that King's deserting his Parliament (which is as good as Abdication) of his dispensing Judges, etc. and Bishop Laud being Beheaded for Treason against the Nation. That was the style of Treason in these days; and best liked still, set up even by this Author, who give Army, Treasury, and all from the King to the Nation, as before is told. These are small Signs of Repentance. And therefore we have but small hopes, that this Age is yet freed from the Blood spilt the two or three last Ages. In which there is yet a farther Consideration; and that is,  
That Children may not only suffer Temporal Punishments for the Sins of their Fathers: But that Men may really make other men's Sins their own, by Approving and Encouraging them; Nay, but by consenting to them; as St. Paul reckoned himself Guilty of the Murder of St. Stephen, because he only held their Clothes who stoned him. Thou shalt in any wise rebuke thy Neighbour, and not suffer Sin upon him, or, that thou bear not Sin for him, as our Margin reads it. Leu. 19.17. This is every Man's Duty: But especially of the Clergy, who are appointed by God, Watchmen, for this very purpose. And if God will require at their hands the Blood of all the Souls that Perish through their Negligence or Cowardice, in not warning them against their Sin, as we are expressly told, Ezek. 33. What will become of those Clergymen? What will their Judgement be, who lead their Flocks by their Example to Sin? Who justify and maintain their Sin? And employ their Wit and their Learning to find out Distinctions and Salvoes, to keep their Flocks from Returning and Repenting? Who defend or palliate the Wickedness of former Ages, to give Countenance to the Crying Sins of this, That (as our Saviour told the Jews, Matt. 23.35, 36.) all the Blood shed in all former Ages from Abel may come upon this Generation? Surely those Clergy who plead for the Murders and Rebellions of former Times, make themselves more Guilty of that Blood than many of the Ignorant hands that shed it.  
And thus we may not only bring upon ourselves the Blood which we encourage other Men to spill in our own Time, and what has been spilt in former Ages, by our defending it; But we involve ourselves more expressly in the Gild of the Blood that shall be spilt to the end of the World, by the Influence of our Actions, or Writings: Because to encourage and contribute towards the committing of a Sin, is in some sort being the Author of it; at least, it is being Guilty of it in a nearer degree than only approving of it, when it is done.  
These Considerations I earnestly recommend to this Author's second Thoughts; that he may have a view of the vast Sin he has run himself into, if his new Principles do not hold; The Blood that is, has been, or shall be spilt upon this Quarrel to the end of the World. Some conjecture, That the Reason of Dives being so importunate for the Salvation of his Brethren, was not out of Charity to their Souls, which is not supposed to be in damned Spirits; but because his Sufferings increased in Hell to the same proportion that his Example upon Earth encouraged others to Sin, whereby we may suppose his Brethren to have been chief Infected. The Application I make, is, the Danger of transmitting any thing to Posterity in Writing, which may in the least favour any Sin, especially that of Blood, which cries till it be avenged.  
And the greater credit our Author's Book has with some for of People, its infection will be the greater, and he have the more to Answer for. Therefore he ought to be very sure that his Reasons are good, upon which he Pawns the Salvation of his own Soul, and of so many Millions.  
With this Preparation I hope he will look again with an impartial Eye upon these Reasons he has produced, and consider, whether they will bear such a Weight, as he has laid upon them.  
He says, p. 3. n. 3. If we look into History we shall find the best, the happiest, and most prosperous People, most jealous of their Liberty, and while they continue firm in their Resolution of maintaining it against the Enchroachments of their Governors, even with the hazard of their Lives, they have continued Great and Happy.  
This is but saying, instead of proving; and it is absolutely denied: You have seen the Opinion of a Roman and a Greek, Plutarch and Lucan, upon the Case; and many more are to be produced, to show that Rome and other Countries were never so miserable as in their Contests for Liberty against their Governors. Among all of whom there is not a more pregnant and sad Example than that of England.  
Nor will the Fate of Holland be an Exception from this Rule. Reckon first, their many years Civil War, and innumerable Slaughters which their own Histories relate were occasioned by their Contests for Liberty against the Crown of Spain, to which they were then Subjects.  
And they have lived since in almost continual War with all their Neighbours. They have been in daily danger of being swallowed up, as by the Sea, so by France sometimes, and sometimes by Spain; and have been kept up chief as a balance 'twixt contending Princes. It was but in Queen Elizabeth's Reign that they styled themselves the poor distressed States; and it is but a very few Years since we saw France in possession of most of their Towns; and had been of all the rest, if King Charles II. had not interposed, and taken that critical Minute to rescue his Nephew the P. of Orange from that Contempt to which the States had reduced his Family; and they were forced to make him their S●at-holder, as the Condition of saving their Country.  
Therefore we know not well how to compute the Success of this staggering Commonwealth, which is not yet an hundred years old, and owes its Life to the Contention of its Neighbours; and by Foreign Wars secures Peace at home, which lasts no longer than they can have leisure and time to worry one another, and show the natural Effects of Popular Government, which was worthily celebrated in Mobbing the De-Wits, and will show itself again when the●e shall be occasion.  
But notwithstanding of all this, our Author will allege, that they had reason to take Arms, rather than pay these unreasonable Gabels and Taxes which were imposed upon them by their King. To which I will n●w only say, That they have paid much greater Taxes to their Deliverers than to their Kings.  
But they fought for Religion as well as Taxes; and they have got what they fought for, for they pay the greatest Taxes in the World, and they have got all Religions in the World. Their Church is calculated for nothing but the Advancement of Trade, and therefore has no other Authority than the States please to allow; no more than a Company of Tailors, Weavers, or any other Society set up by the State. Their Clergy are only Tools which the State makes use of for the better support of Temporal Government: They may be called a Corporation or Committee of Religion, but do not deserve the name of a Church, who can forfeit their Charter to the State, and are dismissable by them at their pleasure. Erastus rather than Calvin was Moderator of these Assemblies General. I would gladly have our Author's Opinion upon this Point.  
He will perhaps say, That they grow rich, and thrive by these means. No, it is not by these means; but their Situation, Soil, and other Circumstances, forces them to Industry; they must work, starve, or drown: and God has brought them under that happy Necessity, to show the World an Example of the great value and force of Industry, how much it alone can do, without the assistance of any other Virtue. Therefore their Case will not be a Rule to other Nations.  
But our Author says, That at this day— we shall find every Nation Happy and Thriving— according as they have preserved themselves from Slavery. He means Ireland, of which he writes, which at this day has glorious Effects of Happiness and Thriving to show, being reduced to a Wilderness from a Noble and a Plentiful Country, and one half of the Souls in it are Perished, and all Impoverished, upon the Pretence of Preserving themselves from Slavery. He says, All Countries under unlimited Monarchies decay in their Strength and Improvements. By this he means poor France, and the Eastern Monarchies, whence we bring all our Riches. But suppose it were granted, That France has decayed in Strength since its King grew Absolute, and that there were no Riches in the Indies; yet the Subjects of these Absolute Monarches are free from Civil Wars: Rebellions are rare among them; they enjoy Peace, which alone outweighs all the Pleasure of Riches, if Civil War and Dissension go along with them; as Solomon says, 
Eccles. 4.6.  Better is an handful with quietness, than both the hands full with travel and vexation of spirit. Better is a Dinner of Herbs, where Love is, 
Prov. 15.17.  than a stalled Ox, and hatred therewith. Riches are a Blessing; they may be likewise a Curse; 
Luke 12.15.  A man's Life consisteth not in the Abundance of the things which he possesseth. Peace and Quietness are more valuable than Riches; for Riches, without them, afford little satisfaction: and it were better be Poor, than to have Riches to serve only for a ground of Debate; or that Plenty should make us wanton, so as to kick against our Governors, and devour one another: therefore till you can free your Principles of Liberty and Freedom, as you call 'em, from this main Objection of being an Inlet to Civil War and Confusion, even Slavery and Beggary will be preferable to them, in the judgement of wise men, and of all that are not mad and intoxicated with the mere Name and Sound of Liberty, though the Effects of that prove the most absolute and miserable Slavery in the World; who think there is no Liberty but in being free from Government, though they are thereby exposed to the Lawless and Arbitrary Attempts of their Equals and Inferiors: but this they think nothing of, so they may not be under their Lawful Superiors.  
These are occasional Observations of this Author, who would have you believe them without examining. I hasten to give you a further view of his strain of Argumentation.  
You have seen already the bent and force of all his Arguments; viz. That a King who does design to destroy one part of his People, does thereby Abdicate the Government of those whom he designs to destroy. But King James had this Design against the Protestants of Ireland, ergo, he proves that King James had this Design, Chap. 2. whose Title is, 
Seventh Reason. Destroying our Religion.  That King James designed to destroy the Protestant Religion. Now I say this is no Consequence; for he might design to root out the Protestant Religion, but not to destroy the Persons of the Protestants; which is the foundation upon which this Author builds all his Arguments. All Governments set up some Religion as the Established Religion of their Country, and there are none which are in earnest with Religion but would wish all others to be of their Religion: but that therefore they would destroy all who will not be of their Religion, is our Author's Consequence; which if it fail, there is no Argument in his Book.  
England, no doubt, would gladly rid itself of Popery; to which end, it is made Treason to turn Papist; and their Priests are banished upon pain of Death; and the Law debars Papists from Places of Trust, and many Advantages which the other Subjects freely enjoy: But that therefore the Government intends to cut the Throats of all the Papists in England, or those that have now submitted in Ireland, and therefore has Abdicated the Government of them, is the Author's Doctrine, which would be needful for him to explain; for Reason is Reason in England and in Ireland; and whoever should advance such an Argument in England, I'm confident would be looked on by the Government, not only as a very weak and inconsiderable Reasoner, but that he ought to be animadverted as an invidious, seditious, and Treasonable Incendiary, who by this means endeavoured to render the Government odious, and stir up the Subjects to Rebellion.  
The same Argument will justify what Dundee and the Highlanders have done in Scotland against the Present Government: and it will justify the Episcopal Party there, if they should take Arms every day, in opposition to the present Settlement of that Kingdom. By the public printed Accounts of the Persecution and violent Rabbling of the Episcopal Ministers and others of their Principles, they have suffered more from the Presbyterians in Scotland, than even this Author was afraid of from King James in Ireland.  
But not only the Papists in England, and Episcopal Party in Scotland, and the present Papists in Ireland, may justify their taking Arms against the Present Government when they please; but the Irish Papists in 41 might have justified their Rebellion against King Charles I. by this Author's Principles, which do indeed justify all the Rebellions that ever were in the World, or all that can be invented; for none can want some of the Pretences which he allows for Rebellion.  
But especially it gives full Liberty to all Dissenters in Religion to take Arms against the Government; but more plainly if the Government shut them out from Places of Trust and Profit; for such a jealousy of them, may easily be improved into a Design for their Destruction. But if any Penal Laws be made against them, than the Design is apparent; it goes beyond a Design; it is a real Attempt upon them, actually assaulting them, etc.  
But of all things, How could the Irish, who adhered to K. James be made Rebels to K. William before they submitted to him? How could this be do●e by our Author's Principles?  
If you say he had Title to Ireland, by being King of England, because Ireland is but an Appendix to the Crown of England: Answer; But from the beginning it was not so; and the Government of England being dissolved (as you say) by Abdication, and returned back to the supposed Original Contract or first Right of Mankind to erect Government for their own Convenience; of consequence the Tie which England had upon Ireland by Conquest was dissolved, and Ireland left as well as England in their supposed Original Freedom, to choose what Government and Governors they pleased. But all this notwithstanding, this Author's Principles freed them from K. William because of the Presumptions they had to think, that K. William intended to invade their Property, Lives and Religion. He declared that he came to Establish the Protestant Religion. By his Declaration of Grace, 7 July 90, he pardons none, either as to Life or Estate, but only Poor Labourers, Common Soldiers, Country Farmers, Blow men and Cottiers, and such Citizens, Townsmen, Tradesmen, and Artificers, who should return by the 1st of August: and even these were to forfeit all but their personal Chattels, as you will see in the Declaration, N. 6. Appendix. And by the public Resolution of his Judges 21 Nou. 90. (which you will see in the Appendix N. 7.) very few had hopes lest them either of Life or Estate even upon their submitting to King William, and living peaceably under his Government, pursuant to his Declarations: And I am told that thousands of them are outlawed since they submitted to his Protection, notwithstanding of the many fair Promises which were made to them afterward upon several Occasions; particularly, General Ginckle's Proclamation printed at Dublin, 4 Feb. 90. wherein he assures the Irish Papists, in their Majesty's Names, that all of them who w●●●d submit to their Majesty's Government should be protected as to their Religion, Estates and Liberties.  
These following Words, are verbatim the Words of that Proclamation; viz. Their Majesties hereby giving demonstration to the World, that it is not their Design to oppress the Inhabitants of this Nation, either by persecuting them for their Religion, Ruining them in their Estates and Fortunes, or Enslaving them in their Liberty. These are the Words of that Proclamation: which have not hindered the multitude of Out lawries, and other Proceed and Forfeitures against those Irish who submitted to the Government. As to their Religion, they do not complain but that K. William has been very Gracious to them; and they enjoy it in more ample Manner than ever they had it under any Protestant Prince: But as to their Persons, Estates, and Liberties, they cry out heavily of Breach of Public Faith, and Great Oppression.  
If our Author had the improving of these and other their Circumstances, how easily could he argue them into the lawfulness of taking Arms for their Defence? But if the Argument of Glenco were on his side, no doubt, he would summon the Nation to rise as one Man, and would Abdicate all the Governments in the World. It is well for the Government that this Author is not touched by the late Act imposing the Oaths in Ireland; the Refusal of which is no less than Praemunire, which does not only invade your Property, but makes you uncapable of having any Property at all, so much as to the  upon your Back; or ever to breathe the common Air out of a Jail; and none above eighteen years of Age, no not Women of any sort, Maids, Wives, or Widows, are exempted. What Declamations could our Author make upon this! How far would he make this exceed the French Dragooning, or even the Spanish Inquisition! if he had such a Handle against King James!  

Some Instances of the Author's manner of Argumentation.  I have heard from some who are acquainted with this Author, that he is a Man of good Reason. But in this Book, I must say, that his Zeal has transported him, to take that for Reason which is the farthest from it in the World; and which it is impossible he should think to be so, in any other Case.  
C. 3. s. 8. n. 6. p. 102. He tells how Derry shut its Gates against the Earl of Antrim's Regiment: And n. 7. p. 103. he proves they were obliged to do thus by their Foundation; and names the Charter granted by K. James I. One would wonder how the King should grant a Charter to oppose himself. The Author's Reason is, That this Town was founded to be a Shelter and Refuge for Protestants against the Insurrections and Massacres of the Natives.  
The Natives had before that time made frequent Rebellions, and Derry was built as a Security against them; therefore our Author thinks, that if ever it should so happen, that the Protestants should turn Rebels, and the Natives be Loyal, the King's Charter was meant to support the Protestants in their Rebellion! This is too extravagant to need Confutation.  
C. 3. s. 12. n. 16. p. 154. He enlarges upon the Reasons they had in Ireland, as well as in England, to dread Papists in a Parliament; and grounds his Argument from Q. Mary's House of Commons; which was not well thought on for his Purpose; for though that Parliament did overturn the Protestant Religion, and set up Popery in its place; yet the Protestants of England thought it their Duty, for Conscience sake, to suffer Martyrdom under those cruel Laws, rather than to take Arms against their Popish Governors.  
It is a Topick as ill chosen, which he urges in the third Paragraph of n. 18. of the same Section, p. 160. where the Argument he uses to cure the Folly of those Jacobites, who were Attainted in the Act of Attairder in Ireland, and notwithstanding that Provocation continue Jacobites still, is not from Principles either of Honour or Conscience; but that if K. James come again, they were not to hope for Pardon or Preferment. This is supposing them to Act out of no other Consideration but temporal Advantage; which is so great an Imputation, that it ought to have been proved before it was supposed; but as to the Author's Argument it seems to operate point blank contrary to that for which he brings it. For if that Act of Attainder is so worded as that it is not left in K. James' Power to pardon any who are thereby Attainted, as our Author tells us, and consequently that these Attainted Protestant's can have no Security for their Lives, much less of Preferment, under K. James; this would seem to argue that it cannot be Temporal Interest which guides these Men, or else they must be very great Fools indeed!  
C. 3. s. 17. n. 7. He argues that K. J. claimed a Despotic Power over the Church, because (the Bishop being fled) he appointed a Chancellor in the Diocese of Dublin (who this Author confesses went no further than the Probate of Wills) after he had taken away the Oath of Supremacy by an Act of his pretended Parliament.  
The Argument from the taking away of that Oath has been considered already. But I was much surprised to see this Author give such a handle to K. J. to Retort upon K. W. that he and his Pretended Parliaments after abrogating the Oaths of Allegiance, Supremacy, etc. had by their mere Lay-Authority Deprived the English and Irish Bishops and Clergy, and overthrown Episcopacy itself in Scotland. If K. J. had done any thing like this!  
And this Author will not allow the Deprived Bishops to retain so much as the Character or Title. See with what Insolence he speaks, in the same place, of the Lord Bishop of Galloway. He (K J.) appointed (says our Author) one Gordon, who called himself Bishop of Galloway in Scotland, to be Chancellor in the Diocese of Dublin: This Gordon was a very Ignorant Lewd Man, and a professed Papist— Which was notoriously false (if we may believe the Irish Protestant's whowere then in Dublin) for this Bishop was then, and all along, a Professed Protestant; and, as I have heard, a Man of Learning and Parts.  
But if he had been a Papist (whether in Masquerade or otherwise) I would gladly know this Author's Opinion, Whether that would have Unbishoped him?  
Had he been Consecrated in a Flagrant Schism, and by those who took Part with and Communicated with the Schismatics, and consequently were such themselves, there had been Ground indeed to Question the Validity of his Orders, and called him a Pretended Bishop. But this Author is in Justice obliged to show upon what account he laid so Great an Imputation upon the Lord Bishop of Galloway; and to show his own Principles in this most Important Point, upon which he bestows up and down such Loving Glances, but will not speak out.  
You have now seen the Manner and the Strength of this Author's way of Reasoning upon the Subject in hand, of which many more Instances might be given; but I would not detain you.  

This Author's defence of his Principles from Authority. First, from the Scriptures.  We come now to the next Head; that is, his Quotations and Authorities, wherein I will begin with the Scriptures.  
And here I must confess he is very modest, he says no more than that he is Apt to believe that the Reasons given for Nonresistance from Scripture reach only Tolerable Evils. Introduct. n. 3. p 3. but he does not answer, nor so much as name any of Those Texts, which he knows are urged for Non Resistance.  
Only at the end of this n. 3. p. 4. he brings a Comparison betwixt the Command for observation of the Sabbath, and that of Obedience to Governors, and says, there was a Tacit Exception in the Command of the Sabbath for Works of Necessity and Mercy; and therefore infers, that it may be so too in the Command for Obedience to Governors, though the Command be in general Words, without any Exception, expressed. It being as true, says he, That Governors were made for their Kingdoms, as the Sabbath for Man.  
This I freely grant ●im, That Governors were appointed by God for the good of the People; not that the People were created merely for the Pleasure of a King, or a Parliament, or any other Governors.  
But then I must say likewise, from the Reasons which have been partly told above, that it is for the good of the People, not to have that Latitude left them of Rising up in Arms against their Lawful Governors upon any pretence whatsoever: because first, such Pretences will never be wanting, nor malicious and designing Instruments to set them on foot; and secondly, a Civil War is of so much more mischievous Consequence to the People than any Male-Administrator can be, or ever was in any Government.  
Next I say to our Author's Argument for the Sabbath, that there is Exception in the Scripture for Works of Mercy to be done on the Sabbath-day; and our Saviour has expressly determined it, as our Author confesses. Now let our Author produce any Exceptions in Scripture from the general Command of Obedience to Governors, and they will be allowed; otherwise this Instance is nothing to his purpose. There is an Exception likewise as to Marriage, in the Case of Fornication; but what is this to any other Case save that of Fornication? or to any other general Command which has no Exception or Countermand in the Scripture?  
I will have Mercy rather than Sacrifice, says the Scripture: Here is sufficient Authority to prefer Mercy to Sacrifice, and it is an Exception from the general Command of Sacrifice. Let the like be shown as to Government, in any of the Instances which the Author produces, and we have done.  
But let us consider what that Mercy is which the Author would recommend to dissolve Government: He has told us in the same Page, to slaughter even half the Nation in a Civil War for Liberty. This we have examined already; and this is the tacit Exception he would have us suppose in the Command of Obedience to Government as well as in that of the Sabbath.  
That of the Sabbath, is no tacit Exception; for though it be not expressed in the Fourth Commandment, yet it is in other Scriptures. But the Exception our Author would have to be of the Fifth Command is tacit indeed; for there is neither Precept nor any approved Example of it in all the Scripture, but many of both to the contrary; which are so well known and largely treated of in many Books upon that Subject, that I will not take up your time in setting them down here.  

His Precepts disproved from Scripture.  I will only give you some few Examples which may answer to the very Hypothesis our Author sets up; viz. the Supposition of a King designing to destroy one main part of his Subjects, in favour of another whom he loves better, and of submitting only to tolerable Evils, etc. which you have heard already.  

1. The Jews in Egypt.  The first Instance I give is that of the Jews in Egypt; they were about the same time under Egypt that Ireland has been under England, that is, 'twixt four and five hundred years: but with this difference, that the English came into Ireland by Conquest, whereas Israel was invited into Egypt by their King: and it was but a due return of Gratitude from him; for Joseph had miraculously saved Egypt from the common Destruction which befell the Nations about, and made it the Granery of the World, and the richest Nation upon the Earth at that time. The Jews were a different People from the Egyptians, as the Irish from the English; of different Manners, Religion, Interest. They did not live mixed with the Egyptians, nor under their Laws, as the Irish do with the English, but had the Land of Goshen assigned them peculiar to themselves. They lived more like an Independent People than the Irish, yet they suffered the greatest Oppression from their King that ever was in the World. His Design to ruin them was apparent, destroying their very Children; and they had given no manner of Cause or Provocation on their side. They durst not offer Sacrifices to the Lord without apparent danger of being stoned to death: so that they were oppressed most Tyrannically in their Religion as well as their Persons, which were condemned to the Brick-kills. They were able to have delivered themselves, 
Exod. 12.37.  being an Army of Six hundred thousand Men, besides Children, and a great mixed Multitude. And though God himself sent Moses to deliver them from that Servitude, yet (it is the peculiar Observation of the whole Convocation of the Church of England, and they say it is not to be omitted but that we take notice of it, That) God would not suffer Moses to carry the Jews out of Egypt till Pharaoh their King gave them leave to departed. Afterwards also, when the Jews being brought into subjection to the Kings of Babylon, did, 
2. In Babylon.  by the Instigation of false Prophets, Rebel against them, they were in that respect condemned by the Prophet Jeremy; and in all their Captivity (which shortly after followed) they lived, by the Direction of the said Prophet, in great subjection and obedience; they prayed not only for their Kings, and their Children, that they might live long and prosper, but likewise for the State of their Government; the good Success whereof they were bound to seek and regard, as well as any other of the Kings most dutiful Subjects, and thus they lived in Babylon, and other Places of that Dominion, till the King gave them leave to departed; notwithstanding in the mean time they endured many Calamities, and were destitute for many Years of the Public Worship and Service of God, which was tied to the Temple, and might not elsewhere be practised or attempted. Thus Bishop Overal's Convocation-Book, c. 28. p. 58.  
These Jews were finally Destroyed, their Temple Burned, 
3. Under the Romans.  and City Razed by the Romans, and those that escaped of them dispersed over the face of the Earth, in Slavery and Servitude, like a cursed Generation; and all this fell upon them, (the same Convocation Book teaches us, c. 33. p. 77.) not only for their obstinacy against Christ and Crucifying of him; but that the immediate and apparent Cause of it was, their obstinate Rebellion against the Emperors of Rome, their then Lawful Governors.  
This History of the Jews from their Servitude in Egypt to their Destruction by the Romans, will, in every Circumstance, more than overbalance the parallel of the Irish Nation under the English.  
You see how God blessed the Jews, protected and delivered them when they submitted to their Lawful Princes, who designed, attempted, and almost effected their Destruction and Extirpation. And on the other hand, with what Fury poured out, he visited their Rebellion against their Lawful Governors, though for the Preservation of their Religion, Liberty, Property, and their very Lives.  

4. Under Ahasuerus.  Who does not know the utter Extirpation and Massacre of the Jewish Nation, not only designed but expressly ordered by Ahasuerus? And that the Jews would not take Arms in their own Defence, till they had the King's Letters and Commission, wherein the King granted the Jews to gather themselves together, and to stand for their Life. Eith 8.11  
And the Glorious Effect of this, for the Advantage of the Jews, every one has read.  

5. The Gibeonites.  I might instance here too the Case of the Gibeonites, whom Saul sought to destroy, after their being 400 Years under the Government of the Jews, or Incorporated into one People with them, as the Irish are with the English in Ireland. And their Case was exactly what the Author puts, viz. of a King's designing to destroy one People under his Government in favour of another, whom he loves better; for the Text tells us, 
1 Sam. 21.22.  That Saul sought to slay the Gibeonites in his zeal to the Children of Israel and Judah, and that he consumed them, and devised against them, 
Ver. 5.  that they should be destroyed, from remaining in any of the Coasts of Israel.  

6. Our Saviur Christ.  But to come down to Christianity; Christ came with a Commission to form a Society called after his own Name, distinct and Independent from all other Societies and Governments in the World. Of different Religion, Manners, and Interest; Living under different Rules and Governors.  

Primitive Christians.  Assoon as they appeared, all Kings and Governors fell upon them to root them off from the face of the Earth, and Persecuted them with all the Violence and Rage that Hell could suggest, and Slaughtered them in Multitudes in most Barbarous and Savage manner.  
Now what were these Christians to do, to preserve themselves? Were they to take Arms against their Governors, who thus apparently sought their Ruin, in favour of other of their Subjects whom they loved better?  
No: They were totally barred from that, and if any so so much as sought to save his Life by such means, he should not only lose it here, but his Soul hereafter. Damnation was preached to those who Resisted their Lawful Governors. Did they judge, with our Author, that their Persecuting Kings had Abdicated the Government of those whom they designed to destroy?  
No; they were taught to own them as God's Representatives, 
Rom. 13.1, 5. 1 Pet. 2.18, 20, 23.  his Deputies, and Ministers, and as such to obey them, with all Reverence, not only for Wrath but also for Conscience sake; and that not only to the Good and Gentle but even those who Persecuted them for Welldoing. And they were to take it patiently without Reviling or Threatening.  
And this was not for want of Power to do otherwise (it is in any Man's Power to Revile and Threaten) but for Conscience sake.  
Their Master was stronger, and commanded more Armies than all their Enemies. And this Author knows very well that Tertullian in his Apology for the Christians told the Emperor, Non Deesset nobis vis Numerorum; that it was not for want of Power, or Numbers, that the Christians did not defend themselves against him, for they filled his Armies, his Cities, his very Court, but that it was from the Principles of their Religion, which would not allow them to take Arms against their Lawful Emperor, though a Persecutor. But I need not mind my Author of this, he has taught it often, and zealously. He knows the History of the Thebean Legion, and a Thousand Examples of this Case that are never to be answered, upon his new Principle, which runs contrary to the History of the Church both under the Law and Gospel, and God's own Determination, in the very Case this Author puts for the most Advantage of his Cause.  
As the Scripture, so our Author named the Homilies; he quotes nothing out of them, it was not best. He says, They press with great force the Inconveniencies of such a War, that is, a Civil War, for Liberty or Religion. 
Our Author's defence of himself from Jovian.  And that the Author of Jovian designed his First Chapter to show, That Resistance would be a greater Mischief than Passive Obedience; and tells us in the Body of the Chapter, That the Inconvenience of Resisting the Sovereign would be of ten times worse consequence than it; which our Author confesses, in the general is true, as it relates to private Injuries, or the Ordinary Maladministration of Government.  
This has been sufficiently Answered in what is said before; but as to the Authorities he quotes, I cannot but observe to you with Admiration, how directly contrary they are to the use for which he has vouched them. That Chapter he citys of Jovian is so far from stinting Nonresistance to relate only to private Injuries, or the ordinary Maladministration of Government, that in the very beginning of that Chapter, after he has told what Sovereignty is, he makes it essential to the Rights of Sovereignty to be free from Resistance, or forcible Repulse, and to be unaccountable: It is Pag. 241. of the Book, where he proves that if it were otherwise, It would make the Subjects Judge over the Sovereign, and in effect destroy Sovereignty, and make the Sovereign inferior to the People; and therefore, says he, pag. 242. to cut off all Pretences of Resistance in the English Government, the Three Estates (as I have proved before) have declared against all defensive as well as offensive War, it being impossible for the Sovereignty to consist with the Liberty of that Pretence. In all Sovereign Governments they must trust their Lives and Liberties with their Sovereign.— The King is bound in Justice and Equity, and for Example sake, to observe his Laws, but if he will lay aside all Conscience, and the Fear of God his only Superior, the Rights of Sovereignty secure the Tyrant as well as the Good King from Resistance.— If he will not act as becomes God's Vicar, if he will obstruct or pervert the Laws and govern Tyrannically, yet still there is left no remedy to his Subjects by the Law, but moral Persuasion; for the Laws Imperial of this Realm have declared him to be an Inconditionate and Independent Sovereign, 
See Sir Orl. Bridgman's Speech, pag. 12, 13, 14.  and exempted him from all Coërtion of Force.— If they will turn Tyrants, neither fearing God, nor the Censures of good Men, they are by the Laws of the English Empire, as free from Punishment, Compulsion, or Resistance as the Caesars were.— He may bear the Sword not for the Defence, but for the Offence and Destruction of his Subjects; but if he do, they have no Authority to Resist him, they cannot without sinful Usurpation oppose their Swords to his.— Grotius condemus all violent Defence, against unjust Force, from public Authority, Contra vim injustissimam, sed Publico-nomine illatam.— If they [Kings] do Wrong, if they Tyrannise it over their Subjects, He [God] will punish them, and turn their hearts, if he sees fit. But their Subjects must not defend themselves by violence against them, they must not take up Defensive Arms against them, because they are in God's stead; for Whosoever Resisteth the Power Resisteth the Ordinance of God, and they that Resist shall receive to themselves Damnation, as it was written by the Apostle in the time of a wicked Tyrant.  
Grotius says, That Reason compels us to confess, that Oppression is to be endured, lest too much Liberty follow upon the contrary: and the Examples of the Ancient Christians teach us, that any Violence is to be endured, which the Supreme Power lays upon us, upon the account of Religion; for they are in a great Error, who think, that the Christians before the time of Constantine abstained from Resistance because they wanted sufficient Strength— If the former (the Doctrine of Nonresistance) make a Land obnoxious now and then to a Tyrant, the latter (the Doctrine of Resistance) would make it perpetually obnoxious to the Rage and Fury of the deluded Rabble, who in Riots, Tumults, and Insurrections (for which they would never want Pretences, were Resistance in any Case allowed) are able to do more mischief in a week than ever any Tyrant did in a year.— The Rage of the worst of Tyrants generally wrecks itself upon particular Persons or Parties of Men; but in a Civil War, which is worse than any Tyranny, all must suffer without distinction— Had our Saviour allowed Subjects, under pretence of defending themselves and their Religion, to Resist their Sovereign, he had come indeed to destroy men's Lives.— Though Tyranny be ill, yet he knew Resistance was worse.— Let them suppose him to be a complicated Tyrant,— to be Pharaoh, Achab, Jerobo●am, and Nabuchadnezzar all in one; nay let the Spirit of Calerius, Maximin, and Maxentius come upon him, yet I'm sure it will cost fewer Lives, and less Desolation, to let him alone, than to resist him; but if it would not, I had rather die a Martyr than a R●bel. I appeal to the late Rebellion, which the Rebels called a Defensive War, to verify this Doctrine; for there was more Blood spilt in it in one Battle, than in all the Tyrannies and Persecutions of the Nation since the Conquest; and in the two Kingdoms there hath been more Christian Blood shed in Rebellions since the Reformation by pretended Undertakers of Defensive War, than throughout the whole Roman Empire, in nine of the first ten Persecutions.— Let us imagine a Popish Prince as biggoted in Religion, and as Sanguinary in his Temper as may be, now Reigning over us, yet he could not likely cause so much Ruin, Bloodshed and Desolation in his whole Reign, as a War between him and his Resisting Subjects would cause in one Year. Wherefore it is plain, That it is the Interest even of the People themselves, that so great a Power should be in the Sovereign, that none should withstand him, or rise up against him; and that nothing can be more pernicious to the Commonwealth in any Government, than that the Subjects should have a Power of taking up Arms to defend their Liberty and Religion.— All these are Dr. Hicks his Words in the same Chapter our Author quotes: and whether they all relate only to private Injuries, and the ordinary Maladministration of Government, as our Author would have you believe, I will not provoke your Patience to say any more towards it, than barely setting down the Words.  
But for the Homilies, it may be more material to know if they make for his purpose, because they are every Word confirmed by Act of Parliament and Convocation, which this Author and all the Clergy have subscribed; and (which is more) Julian Johnson himself, the Patron of Resistance, says, that it is the next best Book to the Bible.  
Let us see therefore, whether what they say relate only to private Injuries, or the ordinary Maladministration of Government.  

From the Homilies.  And first, for the Original of Government, the first Homily against wilful Rebellion tells you, That it cometh neither of Fortune and Chance (as they term it) nor of the Ambition of mortal Men and Women, climbing up on their own accord to Dominion; that there be Kings, Queens, and Princes, and other Governors over Men being their Subjects; but all Kings, Queens, and other Governors are specially appointed by the Ordinance of God.— But to come to our Author's Purpose; The Case is put of Kings that seek to Ruin and Destroy, and Undo their People: and these Scriptures are quoted; When the Wicked do Reign, than Men go to Ruin. A foolish Prince destroyeth the People, and a covetous King undoeth his Subjects. And the Question is put, Whether Subjects may Resist such Princes? Which is ruled absolutely in the Negative with a God forbidden! and many Reasons are given, particularly that Rebellion is the greatest of all Mischiefs, and that the naughtiest and lewdest Subjects are aptest to find Faults, and that it would be unreasonable to let them be Judges; what Princes were Tolerable, and what were Evil and Intolerable. That a Rebel is worse than the worst Prince; and Rebellion worse than the worst Government of the worst Prince that hitherto hath been. That such Lewd Remedies are far worse than any other Maladies and Disorders that can be in the Body of a Commonwealth.  
But to leave no room for a Reply, the Objection is farther urged; What if the Prince be Indiscreet and Evil indeed, and it is also evident to all Men's Eyes that he is so? Neither is this allowed for a Cause of Resistance, but on the contrary, we are admonished to Reflect, That it is our Sins have brought such a King to Rule over us. God (saith the holy Scripture) maketh a wicked Man to Reign for the Sins of the People; 
Job 34.10.  for Subjects to deserve through their Sins to have an evil Prince, and then to Rebel against him, were double and triple Evil, by provoking God more to Plague them. Nay, let us either deserve to have a good Prince, or let us patiently suffer and obey such as we deserve. And that you may not think these were only Moderate and Tolerable Evils, or Private Injuries, or not Universal enough, immediately after the Case is put, of the Christians under Caligula, Claudius, or Nero, and the Jews under Nebuchodonosor, who slew their Kings, Nobles, Parents, Children, and Kinsfolks, burned their Country, Cities, yea Jerusalem itself, and the Holy Temple, and carried the Residue remaining alive Captives with him into Babylon. And then is shown how both Christians and Jews, by the Command of the Apostles and Prophets, were not only barred from Resistance, but were obliged to Pray for these Cruel, Heathen Tyrants, Murderers, and Oppressors of them, and Destroyer's of their Country, with a Confession that their Sins had deserved such Princes to Reign over them.  
Yet all this is not thought so bad nor mischievous to a Country as Resistance, which, as this Homily says, does more mischief than Foreign Enemies would or could do. And the mischief is more Universal, for the Homily says, Such Rebels do not only Rise against their Prince, against their Natural Country, but against all their Countrymen, Women and Children; against Themselves, their Wives, Children and Kinsfolk; and by so wicked an Example against all Christendom, and against whole Mankind, of all manner of People through the wide World.  
The second Homily inlarges upon the Case of Saul and David, and then puts the several Pretences for Rebellion into Questions or Demands, which are all resolved from the Command and Example of David. Viz.  
Shall not we, specially being so good Men as we are, Rise and Rebel against a Prince hated of God, and God's Enemy; and therefore likely not to Prosper either in War or Peace; but to be hurtful and pernicious to the Commonwealth? Shall we not Rise and Rebel against so unkind a Prince, nothing considering or regarding our true, faithful, and painful Service, or the safeguard of our Posterity?— Shall we not Rise and Rebel against our known, mortal, and deadly Enemy, that seeketh our Lives?— Shall we not assemble an Army of such good Fellows as we are, and by hazarding our Lives, and the Lives of such as shall withstand us, and with all hazarding the whole Estate of our Country, Remove so Naughty a Prince?— Are not they, some say, lusty and courageous Captains, valiant Men of Stomach, and good men's Bodies, that do venture by force to kill and depose their King, being a Naughty Prince, and their Mortal Enemy? They may be as Lusty and Courageous as they list, yet, saith Godly David, they can be no Good nor Godly Men that so do— And so having answered all the above Queries in the negative, after his own Example, and the Command of God, at last this Quere is put, What shall we then do to an Evil, to an unkind Prince, and Enemy to us, hated of God, hurtful to the Commonwealth, etc. Lay no violent hand upon him, saith David, but let him live until God appoint, and work his End, either by Natural Death, or in War by Lawful Enemies, not by Traitorous Subjects. Thus would Godly David make answer; and St. Paul, as ye have heard, willeth us also to Pray for such a Prince.  
These are the Rules this Homily sets down concerning Rebelling against Evil Princes, Unkind Princes, Cruel Princes, Princes that be to their Subjects mortal Enemies, Princes that are out of God's favour, and so hurtful, and like to be hurtful, to the Commonwealth.  
And to show that all this is not meant only of Particular Persons, but of the whole Nation; it is thus expressed at the end of this Homily, viz. That the whole Jewish Nation (being otherwise a stubborn People) were to be obedient to the Commandment of a Foreign Heathen Prince, and this doth prove that Christian Rebels, against Christian Princes, are far worse than the stubborn Jews, whom we yet account as the worst of all People— And howsoever they call themselves, or be named of others, yet are they indeed no true Christians but worse than Jews, worse than Heathens, and such as shall never enjoy the Kingdom of Heaven. And the third Homily speaks in these Words; How horrible a Sin against God and Man Rebellion is, cannot possibly be expressed according to the greatness thereof: For he that nameth Rebellion, nameth not a singular, or one only Sin, as is Theft, Robbery, Murder, and such like; but he nameth the whole Puddle and Sink of all Sins, against God and Man, against his Prince, his Country, his Countrymen, his Parents, his Children, his Kinsfolks, his Friends, and against all Men universally; all Sins, I say, against God, and all Men heaped together, nameth he, that nameth Rebellion— And besides the dishononor done by Rebels unto God's holy Name, by their breaking of their Oaths made to their Prince, with the Attestation of God's Name, and calling of his Majesty to Witness.  
And in the fourth Homily having shown the horrible destruction of Corah, Dathan, and Abiram, and others, for their Rebellions and Murmur, Now, says the Homily, if such strange and horrible Plagues did fall upon such Subjects, as did only murmur and speak evil against their Heads; What shall become of those most wicked Imps of the Devil, that do Conspire, Arm themselves, Allemble great Numbers of Armed Rebels, and Led them with them against their Prince and Country, Spoiling and Robbing, Killing and Murdering, all good Subjects that do withstand them, as many as they may prevail against.— Though not only great Multitudes of the Rude and Rascal Commons, but sometime also Men of great Wit, Nobility and Authority, have moved Rebellions against their Lawful Princes.— Though they should pretend sundry Causes, as the Redress of the Commwealth (which Rebellion of all other Mischiefs doth most destroy) or Reformation of Religion, (whereas Rebellion is most against all true Religion) though they have made a great Show of Holy Meaning, by beginning their Rebellion with a Counterfeit Service of God (as did wicked Absalon begin his Rebellion with sacrificing unto God)— Yet neither the Dignity of any Person, nor the Multitude of any People, nor the Weight of any Cause, is sufficient for the which Subjects may move Rebellion against their Princes.— And for so much as the Redress of the Commonwealth hath of old time been the usual feigned Pretence of Rebels, and RELIGION now of late beginneth to be a Colour of Rebellion, let all Godly and Discreet Subjects consider well of both; and first concerning Religion, What a Religion it is that such Men by such Means would restore may easily be judged; even as Good a Religion surely as Rebels be Good Men, and Obedient Subjects, and as Rebellion is a good means of Redress and Reformation, being itself the greatest Deformation of all that may possibly be. But as the Truth of the Gospel of our Saviour Christ being quietly and soberly taught, though it do cost them their Lives that do teach it, is able to maintain the true Religion; so hath a frantic Religion need of such furious Maintainers as is Rebellion, and such Patrons as are Rebels.— Now concerning Pretences of any Redress of the Commonwealth made by Rebels, every Man that hath half an Eye may see how vain they be; Rebellion being, as I have before declared, the grearest Ruin and Destruction of all Commonwealths that may be possible.— Wherefore to conclude, Let all good Subjects, considering how horrible a Sin against God, their Prince, their Country, their Countrymen, against all God's and Man's Laws, Rebellion is; being indeed not one several Sin, but all Sins against God and Man heaped together; considering the mischievous Life and Deeds, and the shameful Ends and Deaths of all Rebels hitherto; and the pitiful undoing of their Wives, Children, and Families, and disinheriting of their Heirs for ever; and, above all things, considering the Eternal Damnation that is prepared for all impenitent Rebels in Hell, with Satan the first Founder of Rebellion, and Grand Captain of all Rebels; Let all good Subjects (I say) considering these Things, avoid and flee all Rebellion as the greatest of all Mischiefs: And, as the fifth Homily ends, knowing these the special Instruments and Ministers of the Devil, to the stirring up of all Rebellions, avoid and flee them, and the Pestilent Suggestions of such Foreign Usurpers, and their Adherents, and embrace all obedience to God, and their Natural Princes, and Sovereigns, etc.  
These are the Words of our Homilies, which have much more to the same purpose. But I am afraid I have transgressed upon your Patience in repeating so much of them: But I was in more than ordinary concern to see our Author so gravely vouch the Homilies on his side, which might pass with those who have not consulted them; therefore forgive my insisting so long upon them, and I will not trouble you to apply all this to his Hypothesis. I should reckon it an Affront to your Understanding to attempt it. Only, I pray, keep this with you, That you know what stress to lay upon this Author's Confident Vouching.  
We are now come to our Author's lesser Quotations, which might be spared; for after examining what he offers from Reason, from Scripture, from the Homilies, and Public Acts of our Church, and from our Acts of Parliament, and the Laws, what Private Writer can have Authority to overbalance all these?  
But, if even those very Authors he quotes either make nothing for him, or make directly against him; then we must suppose, That he thought his Cause very destitute, when he could find no more to say for it. 
From Grotius. — He gins with Grotius, Introduction n. 1. p. 2. these are the Words of his Quotation; This is Grotius' Opinion, says our Author, in his Book De Jure Belli & Pacis, lib. 1. cap. 4. §. 11. where citing Barclay, he says, 
Ait idem Barclaius amitti Regnum si Rex vere hostili animo in totius Populi Exitium feratur, quod concedo; consistere enim simul non possunt voluntas imperandi, & voluntas perdendi: quare qui se hostem Populi totius proficetur, is eo ipso Abdicat Regnum: sed vix videtur hoc accidere posse in Rege mentis compote. Qui uni Populo imperet: quod si plu●i n● P●pulis imperet, accidere potest ut unius Populi in gratiam alterum velit perditum.  If a King be carried with a malicious design to the Destruction of a Whole Nation, he loseth his Kingdom; which I grant, since a Will to Govern and to Destroy cannot consist together; therefore he who professes himself an Enemy to a Whole People, doth, in that very Act, Abdicate his Kingdom: But it seems hardly possible that this should enter into the heart of a King, who is not mad, if he govern only one People; but if he govern many, it may happen, that in favour of one People, he may desire the other were destroyed. This is the Author's Quotation; wherein I find fault, first, with his Translation of Grotius, and leaving out some of his Words on purpose to hid his meaning: and next I will show, that it is nothing to his purpose if it were as he would have it.  
First, The Case which Gratius citys out of Barclay, is, Si Rex vere Hostili animo, If a King really with a hostile Mind, that is, as an open Enemy, in totius Populi exitium feratur, do attempt the Destruction of his whole People.— Now our Author, to bring this Case nearer to his Design, and to pass upon the English Readers, instead of a truly hostile Mind, which is being a perfect Enemy, words it only, the King having Malice in his Mind, a malicious Design; which may be easier pretended, and inferred from a hundred things, than an open, hostile Attempt to cut off a whole Nation, if it be not true; for People's Eyes will undeceive them in that.  
But what would our Author make of this? a King's Design to destroy the whole People? Grotius says, in the above-quoted place, That it is hardly possible to enter into the heart of a King who is not mad And our Author does not so much as pretend it against King James, but only that he designed to destroy the Protestant Interest in Ireland.  
Therefore we must come to the other part of what Grotius says; viz. That if a King Govern many People, it may happen that in favour of one People he may desire the other were destroyed. Thus our Author.— But Grotius gives his Reason in the Words which our Author conceals; viz. Ut Colonias ibi faciat, which governs what he said before; viz. That a King may design to root out a People where he intends to make a Colony: That is, so far as to make room for his Colony, as it is with our Plantations in Ireland and in America, which no Man will stretch farther than to bring the Natives under Subjection, not to destroy them all. And take notice, that these Words Ut Colonias ibi faciat, are all the Words which remain of that Section our Author has quoted; viz. De Jure Belli & Pacis, lib. 1. cap. 4. §. 11. Our Author has repeated every Word of that Section, except these four Words, which do conclude it, and show plainly Grotius' meaning to be quite different from what our Author would have us believe; why otherwise he should be at the pains of Transcribing that Section, and putting it verbatim in his Margin, and omit only the four last Words, he will give us a Reason in his next.  
Besides, Grotius consents to Barclay in that Case of a King's designing to destroy his Whole People, that he, thereby, demits the Government of them; because, as he rightly infers, a Will to Govern and to Destroy cannot consist together: but he does not say that a King may not destroy a part, to preserve another Part; or that if he does, he does thereby Abdicate the Government of those whom he so seeks to destroy. There is no such thing in Grotius, and there is nothing else would have been to this Author's purpose. Remember the Reason of the Thing we were upon before, we are now only upon the Quotations. And Grotius in this Quotation, as set down by our Author, puts the Case not only of a Governor's Design to Destroy his People, but that he Professes himself an Enemy to his whole People: And this is the Act which Grotius says supposes him to be mad, and to abdicate his Kingdom, which will no ways serve our Author's purpose, unless he prove that King James did not only design, but profess himself an Enemy to his People; nor can you make him Abdicate by this Quotation, unless you make him to be mad at the same time.  
But I have said enough as to Grotius; 
From Hammond.  the next Authority he produces is Dr. Hammond, who, this Author says, in his Vindication of Christ's reprehending St. Peter from the Exceptions of Mr. Marshal, approves this Passage of Grotius.  
And so he might, without making any Thing for this Author's purpose, as I have shown; but how does Dr. Hammond approve it? Dr. Hammond says, That Grotius mentions some Cases wherein a King may be Resisted, as in Case a King shall Abdicate his Kingdom, and manifestly Relinquish his Power, than he turns Private Man, and may be dealt with as any other such.  
Dr. Hammond says, That Grotius said so, but does Hammond approve of it? No, not in that place, but he brings it as an Objection of his Adversaries, which they Quoted out of Grotius against him; and he thought it made so little against him, that he said they would find little Joy in it, and other their like Quotations our of Grotius, whom the Doctor in the same place strongly vindicates. And indeed what Joy could Mr. Marshal or the Author find in that Saying of Grotius, to serve their Principle of Resistance? For if a King should voluntarily and manifestly Relinquish his Power, and Abdicate his Kingdom, and becomes thereby a Private Man, and though he may then be Resisted, Will it follow that a King may be Resisted? That would make this sort of Argument. viz. Because a Private Man may be Resisted, therefore a King may be Resisted; and as Dr. Hammond said, I wish our Author Joy of this Quotation.  
But pray tell me, if you can imagine, what it was could possess our Author to appeal to Dr. Hammond? Will he abide by Dr. Hammond's Judgement in this Cause? No, certainly he will not; he writes in flat opposition to him. What then? Did he think to pick up some odd scrap out of him to give credit to his Cause, by naming Dr. Hammond on its side? Whereas every one that reads him must see that he runs diametrically opposite to the Principles for which he is produced. Nay, in the very Paragraph which this Author quotes, Dr. Hammond is vindicating Grorius' Principles for maintaining, That neither Public nor Private Persons may lawfully wage War against them under whose Command they are; and That it was the greatest injury that could be done to the Ancient Christians, to say, That it was want of Strength, not of Inclination that way, that they defended not themselves in time of most certain danger of Death: and much more to the same purpose.  

From Hicks.  The next Man this Author quotes, is as unlucky for his Design. It is Dr. Hicks Dean of Worcester, who wrote Jovian in Answer to Julian the Apostate. He is now one of the Deprived Clergy of this Kingdom, for his constant adhering to his old Passive Obedience. Yet this Author will needs quote him on his side, and would have the Reader believe that he is against Passive Obedience, even in that Book which he wrote purposely in its defence: Some of which you have already heard quoted.  
Well! let him be produced; we will hear what he says in this Cause. First, our Author states the Question, Suppose a King endeavours to destroy his People; by which we must mean the whole People, as already shown out of Grotius; otherwise if this Author would have it meant only of a part of the People, he should tell us what part, and how circumstantiated, that we might know his meaning. But Dolus latet in Generalibus. In which this Author has indeed an excellent faculty; for it is harder to know where to have him, than to confute him.  
But to the Case in hand: Jovian says, That to suppose this, is plainly to suppose the utmost Impossibility. But supposing it, than our Author quotes him again, saying, that in such a Case, his good Subjects would desert him. By which he means no more, as he there explains himself, than not Assisting him in such wicked Designs, which certainly would be the part of a good Subject. But what is this to Deposing, Abdicating, taking Arms against him, and putting another in his place? But he goes on with Jovian, and quotes p. 152. where he says, He should be tempted to pray for the Destruction of such a Prince. What Ground or Reason does Jovian give for this? He says in the Words immediately before, (which our Author forgot to s●● down) that all this was upon the Supposition of such a Prince as Julian, who had sinned against a Series of Divine Miracles, and discovered a Diabolical Malice against Christ, and 〈◊〉 breach of Charity might be supposed upon Scripture Principles to have sinned against the Holy Ghost, and become incapable of Repentance. And upon that Supposition, says Jovian, I should be tempted to pray for his Destruction, as the only means of delivering the Church. Dr. Hicks knew no other way of Deliverance for the Church in the Time of Persecution but what came from God, that is, either God's Converting or Removing the Persecutor who was our Lawful Governor. Now if you will suppose him incapable of Repentance, it is a suppose indeed, which we have no certain means of knowing; but supposing it, as old Gregory probably did in the Case of Julian, then there is no other way but his Destruction; and whether we should Pray, even for that, is a Question which Dr. Hicks does not determine, unless it be in the Negative: He says, he should be Tempted to pray so. Now whether does this Argue that Praying so was a Duty or a Sin? We are said to be Tempted to Sin, not to our Duty. Led us not into Temptation, does not mean, Led us not to our Duty. God tempteth no man, but every Man is tempted when he is drawn away of his own Lusts, 
Jam. 1.13, 14.4.1.  and enticed, as to Curse or Resist his Governors; from which Lusts ●●me Wars and Fightings, says St. James: Therefore Dr. Hicks calling it a Temptation to pray for the Destruction of his Prince, though a Julian, argues that he thought it a Sin; at least, even this Author will not have the Confidence to ●●y, that Dr. Hicks by this Expression was positive in its being our Duty to pray to: But this he was Positive in, viz. That you must do no more than Pray. These are his Words, which follow those this Author has Quoted. I must also declare, says he, that I would do nothing but pray against him. I would draw fourth no Squadrons against him, but such as old Gregory did against Julian, Squadrons of Prayers and Tears. I would Die rather than Resist him, or those that were put in Authority under him.  
Now I would gladly know, What it was which tempted this Author to leave out these Words of Dr. Hicks', which would have abundantly shown his Principle in this Matter, to every the meanest Reader: We must conclude that our Author did not intent it, But to amuse them with the first part to mistake the Doctor, as if he had been for Resistance. But his Practice is such an undeniable Comment upon his Writings, That this Author could not have light upon a way to expose both himself and his Book more effectually than by Quoting Dr. Hicks as one whose Opinion he follows.  

From Faulkner.  The last Quotation he brings is from Faulkner's Christian Loyalty, B. 2. c. 5. n. 19, 20. Let us hear the Words he produces. They are these, viz. But if ever any such strange Case as is supposed should really happen, I confess it would have its great Difficulties. Who ever doubted it? I cannot imagine what he brought this for. I suppose all the meaning was to show, That the Passive-Obedience-Men would not have such Cases to be put. And can you blame them? Disloyal and Seditious Spirits, to stir Men up to Rebellion, do make Cases that never were in the World. And it is next to Impossible that ever they should be; as a King going about to Destroy All his whole People, or Half, or a Quarter of them.  
Who would endure it, if any Man should publish such Cases of the Parliament; as suppose an Act of Parliament were made to Hang every Man at his Door, to Sell the Nation to the French, to Massacre the Whole, or Half, or Quarter of the People. If any Man should raise such Suggestions of the States in Holland, and desire to know what the People were to do in such Cases, I suppose there is no Government but would stop his Mouth, without being at the Pains of satisfying his Curiosity. Yet this Author is very Angry that the Non-Resistance-Men should desire such Cases not to be put. Hear Dr. Faulkner's own Words, which our Author thinks do him so great service. But in truth the Case  ought not at all to be supposed, or taken into Consideration; for there is greater hurt to be feared from the making such Suppositions, than from the Things supposed; since it is much more likely that such Designs should be imagined, and believed to be true, when they are false, (as they were in the unjust Outcries, against our late Gracious Sovereign) than that they should be certainly true. And every Good Man, yea every Reasonable Man, may have as great Confidence that no such Case will really happen, as can be had concerning the future state of any thing in this World. Thus Dr. Faulkner.  
Our Author may perhaps say, That all this is made out in his Book concerning K. James; but that is begging the Question. And this I may say, I am sure without offence, That this Author will never make any Man believe that K. James did design the Extirpation or Massacre either of the whole Protestants in Ireland, or half, or quarter of them. He had them all (except two small Towns) in his mercy for a whole Summer, and did not kill a Man of them; though he believed (and it proved true) that their Hearts were against him, and would Join with his Enemies when ever they could (of which their daily Deserting him, and giving Intelligence to the Enemy was a Demonstration) yet he preserved them from being destroyed, and took pains to hinder those who were ready enough to have done it.  
I will not deny out that he might desire to put the Sword in the hands of those of his own Religion, and to make them the Balance of the Nation, which was natural enough for him to wish; yet I do not Justify it. But that ever he designed to Massacre or Extirpate the Protestants, I confess I cannot believe. And his Carriage in Ireland, by all the Accounts I could have of it, nay take it altogether, even as this Author tells it, is a Demonstration to the contrary. But I am too long upon this Subject.  
Let us return to our Author's Quotation. And here I must tell him, That though Faulkner is against having such Cases put, as abovesaid, yet it is not that an Answer cannot be given; for he gives it out of Bishop Bilson, in the very same Place which our Author Quotes, but he takes care to conceal the Words, which if he had set down, it would have appeared very ridiculous to have said, as he does, that Bishop Bilson seems to allow the Doctrine of Resistance. The Bishop's Words are these as quoted by Falconer, first finding fault with such Cases being put, That they are able, says he, to set Grave and Good Men at their wit's end. But then he adds, yet we stand not on that, and positively determines in these words, which I had occasion partly to Quote before: If the Laws of the Land where they converse, do not permit them to save their Lives, when they are assaulted with unjust force against Law, or if they take Arms, as you do, to depose Princes, we will never excuse them from Rebellion. Thus Bilson. And the very first words of the Chapter which our Author quotes of Falconer, viz. Book 2. c. 5. puts the Case as directly against our Author's Position, as if he had read our Author's Book, and wrote on purpose to confute it.  
There have been some, says he, who grant the unlawfulness of taking Arms against a Sovereign Prince, to be a General Rule for ordinary Circumstances; but yet they pretend there are some Great and Extraordinary Cases in which it must admit of Exceptions: And the proposal of these Cases as they are by them managed is like the Pharisaical Corban, an Engine and Method to make void the Duties of the Fifth Commandment— And then he goes on, and undertakes in this Chap. the defence of that Assertion of Barckley, who proposeth the Question, Nulli nè Casus etc. May there no Cases fall out in which the People by their Authority may take Arms against their King? And his Answer is, Certainly none; so long as he is King, or unless ipso jure Rex esse desinat.  
This is the same he Quoted Dr. Hammond for before. viz. that the Person who was King may be Resisted, when he does voluntarily Relinquish his Power and becomes a private Person, for then indeed ipso jure he of Right ceases to be a King.  
But may be our Author will say that ipso jure and ipso facto ●e ceases to be a King whenever he Designs to destroy a part of his People. I will not repeat what I have said before in Answer to this, as to tell what part of the People is m●a●t? That this is an Eternal pretence for all Restless Spirits, etc.  
But it brings into my mind an Answer a Scots Presbyterian Minister (whose Principles as to Government our Author has but licked up) gave to the Objection in the 23 Chapter of their Confession of Faith upon the Head of the Civil Magistrate. viz. That Infidelity, or Difference in Religion, does not take away a King's Right to his Crown, nor absolve his Subjects from their Allegiance to him. The Minister replied, That is true; for if a King turn Infidel, he does ipso facto cease to be a King: So that our Author was not the Original of this pretty Distinction.  
Faulkner, in the same place, shows our Author's Doctrine to be borrowed from Mariana, Bellermine, and other, Jesuitical Doctors. (Jesuit and Puritan are convertible Terms, in the Point of Loyalty, only that the Jesuit is the Elder Brother) and determins against them, N. 3. That the Agreement of the Whole body of the People, or the Chief and Greater part thereof, can give no sufficient Authority to such an Enterprise, viz. of taking Arms against the King. And with respect to this Kingdom, he quotes our Laws, which declare it Unlawful for the two Houses of Parliament, though Jointly, to take Arms against the King— Faulkner goes on, and proves as directly against our Author, in this same Chapter which our Author quotes on his side, as Words can be framed. But there are none so blind as they that will not see.  
These are all the Quotations he brings to support his new Hypothesis, and how far they serve to his purpose, I leave it to the Reader; and from the whole, I shall only mind our Author of the Instances I have already given him, viz. The Condition of the Jews in Egypt, in Babylon, under Ahasuerus, and the Romans: The Gibeonites under Saul, and the Primitive Christians in their several Persecutions, more especially in the last Decennial Persecution. And then apply this to the Rule he has given us, viz. That Nonresistance does reach only Tolerable Evils, and where the Mischief is not Universal.  
I wou●d be glad likewise to have his Opinion of the Carriag● of the Protestants towards Queen Mary. 
The Protestants unde● Qu. Mary.  He will not say but ●●●ir Circumstances were much more Deplorable than under King James, even at the worst that he does represent him. There Numbers were fewer, and she as much bigoted as King James; married to the King of Spain, overturned our Religion by Law, and set up Fire and Faggot; broke her Promise to the Protestants, who set her upon the Throne in opposition to Queen Jane a Protestant. There was but one Branch of the Royal Family that were near the Crown a Protestant, that was the Princess Elizabeth, and she was declared Illegitimate by Act of Parliament, and to secure the Business was sent to the Tower, in order to have her Head cut off. And after her, the Royal Line run out of Sight among the Papists, so that the Protestants had a very lamentable Prospect. Yet they bore it with an admirable Patience, till God with his own hand wrought their Deliverance, taking away Queen Mary without their Gild or Rebellion, and placing that condemned Princess upon her Sister's Throne, to establish the Protestant Religion in a Legal manner. And these Protestant Martyrs, even at the Stake, declared it Unlawful to take Arms against Queen Mary in defence of their Religion, but exhorted their Fellow Protestant's to Patience and Resignation to the Good Will of God: But by no means to Rebel, for that was Damnation. They did not Plead that their Evil was Intolerable, when they were going into the Fire; or that it was Universal, reaching to their whole Religion in the Kingdom. These were Excuses they were too dull to find out to save their Lives, and their Religion.  
But let us proceed. We have now seen our Author's Principles, and how he has supported them from Reason, and Scripture, and other Authority.— I should now show you how widely these are different from his former Principles; but I will leave that till we have occasion to give an Account of him, together with others of his Brethren.  

The Matters of Fact related by this Author.  We will go now to consider his Matters of Fact.  
Errors in Judgement may befall good Men, but any wilful Mistake in Matters of Fact is passed all Excuse, and is not reconcilable to an honest Intention; especially where we protest, before God, as this Author does, pag 239. That we have not aggravated nor misrepresented any thing against our Adversaries.  
Before I enter upon this Disquisition I desire to obviate an Objection I know will be made, as if I were about wholly to vindicate all that the Lord Tyrconnel and other of K. J's Ministers have done in Ireland, especially before this Revolution began, and which most of any thing brought it on. No, I am far from it: I am sensible that their Carriage in many particulars gave greater occasion to K. J's Enemies, than all the other maladministrations which were charged upon his Government.  
But after K. J. came in Person into Ireland, there was no Act, which could properly be called his, that was not all Mercy and Goodness to the Protestants; and as many of them as do retain the least sense of Gratitude, do acknowledge it: Of which you will see several Instances, in clearing the Matters of Fact which this Author Produces.  
And I must do that Justice, even to the Lord Tyrconnel, that I have heard several Irish Protestants say, That the Objections they had against him were for his Carriage towards them before the beginning of this Revolution; but that afterwards he managed with Moderation and Prudence, and more Favour to the Protestants than they expected: And that he was against repealing the Acts of Settlement.  
I cannot say I have examined into every single Matter of Fact which this Author relates; I could not have the Opportunity: But I am sure I have the most material; and by these you will easily judge of his Sincerity in the rest, which could not all come to my Knowledge. But this I can say, That there is not one I have enquired into, but I have found it false, in whole, or in part, aggravated or misrepresented, so as to alter the whole face of the Story, and give it perfectly another Air and Turn. Insomuch that though many things he says are true, yet he has hardly spoke a true Word, that is, told it truly and nakedly, without a Warp.  

Wh● 〈◊〉 the Aggressors 〈…〉.  But let us come to the Test. I will begin with that Matter of Fact which is of most Importance; that is, who were the Aggressors in Ireland in that miserable Destruction which was brought upon that Kingdom, and begun, Anno 16●8. Because the Aggressor is not only answerable for the Mischief he does to another, but for what h● receives himself.  
And this Author positively avers, c 3. 〈◊〉. 8. n 3. p. 9●. That it was the unanimous Resolution of all the Protestants ●n the Kingdom, (of Ireland) that they would not be the Aggressors, and that they held steadfastly to their Resolution.  
And yet, in the same Sect. n. 9 p. 104. he tells of those who did not keep to that Resolution, and that by way of an Excuse. He pleads in behalf of these Protestants, That the Shutting up of Derry against the Earl of Antrim's Regiment, was all that was done by any Protestant in Ireland in Opposition to the Government, till K. J. deserted England, except what was done at Eneskillen, where they refused to Quarter two Companies sent to them by the Lord Deputy.  
This was modestly worded; for they not only refused to quarter them, but marched out in Arms against them, to the number of 200 Foot and 150 Horse, and drove them away before they came near the Town; as we are told by Mr. Hamilton in his Actions of the Eneskillen-men, p. 3. who was himself one of them, and then present in the Action.  
But what does he mean by saying, That this was all that was done by the Protestants; was not this enough? To seize the King's Forts, to Enlist and Array Soldiers, and march in Arms against the King's Forces? Did our Author reflect what Construction the Law puts upon all this?  
Was this keeping steadfastly to their Resolution of not being the Aggressors? Was this the so deep a Sense of Loyalty, and mighty Veneration to the very Name of Authority, which made them abhor any thing that looked like an Insurrection against the Government, as this Author just before, in the same Sect. n. 2. expresses it? And yet he confesses that this was acting in Opposition to the Government: For he says, That this was all that was done by any Protestant in Opposition to the Government, till K. J. deserted England; and yet, as above, That ALL the Protestants in Ireland held steadfastly to their Resolution of not being the Aggressors.  
But he proposes some Advantage, by adding this Qualification, That this was all done before K. J. deserted England.  
Here he would bring in the Point of Abdication, which he by this supposes did commence upon K. J's going out of England; and thereby he would justify all that was done after that time in Ireland.  

First, He has by this yielded the Cause against himself; for he confesses that Derry and Eneskillen had opposed the Government in Arms before that time; and I will show you by and by many more Instances besides those of Derry and Eneskillen.  
Secondly, This Author will not venture, for these Reasons, to limit K. J's Abdication to his leaving England; for, as I have quoted him before, p. 14. he avers, That K. J. by endeavouring to destroy us, in that very Act did Abdicate.   
I will not repeat what I have said before upon that Point of Abdication; That, even in the Sense this Author and some others take it, it ought to be declared (by their own Principles) in some Convention, Parliament, or Judicial manner, before private Men can lawfully act upon it.  
And the Abdication was not determined in the Convention till February 1688. long before which time the Irish Protestants were in Arms.  
But take it, as this Author here puts it, to refer to the time of K. J's going out of England: His first leaving Whitehall, when he went to Feversham, was the 11th of Dec. 88 but he came back to London, and did not go out of England till Dec. 23. 88  
And it was a good while after, before they knew of it in Ireland. This therefore can be no excuse for what the Protestants in Ireland had done long before.  
But to come home to our Author's Assertion; Was there nothing done by any Protestant in Ireland, in opposition to the Government, till K. J. deserted England, except that of Derry and Eneskillen?  
I am told by persons, who say they were Eye-witnesses, That long before K. J. left England, the Protestants in the North of Ireland were generally all in Arms, appointed themselves Officers; Inlisted Men; Armed and Arrayed them; they Regimented themselves, and had frequent Rendevouzes; they appeared in the Field with Drums beating and Colours flying; they chose Governors of Counties, and appointed Councils and Committees to carry on their Business; they Disarmed the Irish, and such of the Protestants as they suspected not to be Cordial to their Cause: I need not mind you, that all this was not only without any Authority from the King, but that it was not so much as pretended; on the contrary, i● appears by what they did after, and boast of here as their Merit, that all this was intended, at least by many of them, in direct Opposition to the King.  
You cannot imagine, that they could in a moment march out Horse and Foot in good Order, and all Officered, as they did at Eneskillen against those two Companies that were sent to quarter there. It is therefore certain, that sometime before this they had Marshaled themselves, Inlisted their Men, chosen their Officers, etc. which was Treason by the Law, though they had not entered upon Action; and I believe no Man in the World, but our Author, will deny this to be in Opposition to the Government: What Government would not think it so? Therefore the shutting up of Derry Gates against the E of Antrim's Regiment, and Eneskillen refusing to quarter two Companies sent to them by the Lord Deputy, was not all that was done by any Protestant in Ireland, in opposition to the Government, till K. J. deserted England, as our Author words it. Their former Preparations in order to that Resistance they then made, was as much Treason in the eye of the Law, though not so great Treason, as the Resistance itself.  
But when did they begin to make these Preparations? We are told in one of the Accounts, Printed by the Irish Protestants, entitled, A faithful History of the Northern Affairs of Ireland, from the late K. James ' s Accession to the Crown, to the Siege of London-Derry; by a Person who bore a great share in th●se Transactions.  
We are told in this Account, p. 7. That they began to Arm, and to engage themselves in Associations, about Sept. 88 (before those written Associations which were afterwards published.) In the Prosecution of which Affair, the Lord B. in the Counties of Armagh and Monaghan, and Sir A. R. in Down and Antrim appeared most forward. This was when the report grew hot of the P. of O's designed Expedition into England; they then, as that Author says, p. 6. did presume too far upon the Opinion of their own strength, and finding the Affairs of England run successfully on the Protestants side, rashly fancied themselves able enough to attempt their Deliverance. I am the rather inclined to believe him, not only because he says, that himself bore a great share in those Transactions, but I find him so far from being a Friend to K. James, or writing on his side, that he dips his Pen in Gall against him, and represents him even with Virulence; and he writes on purpose to vindicate their Proceed in the North, of which himself, he says, bore a great share, and therefore not likely to speak with any Design to Prejudice their Cause; and he tells us quite contrary to our present Author; That the Protestants in the North of Ireland began very early, two Months before the P. of O. Landed here, and were from that time gathering strength, Arming, Marshalling and Training their Men to the Discipline of War, and the use of their Arms (in which I am told they were very diligent) till at length they were able to make that first opposition which our Author speaks of at Derry and Eneskillen.  
This was before the P. of O. came into England, and I find a little after, viz. about the end of Novemb. 88 When the happy tidings of the P. of O. Landing had reached our Ears in Ireland (says Mr. J. Boyse, in his Vindication of Mr. Osborn in reference to the Affairs of the North of Ireland, (p. 11.) Mr. Osborn was entrusted by his Brethren the Nonconformist Ministers, and other Gentlemen of Note and Interest in the Province of Ulster, to get some Gentleman or other sent over from Dublin to the Prince, with these following Instructions, signed by those two whose names are subscribed in the name of the rest.  

1. That in our Name you congratulate the arrival of the P. of O. into England, and his success hitherto in so glorious an undertaking to deliver these Nations from Popery and Slavery.  
2. That you Represent the Dangers and Fears of the Protestants in Ireland, and particularly in the Province of Ulster, and humbly beseech him to take some speedy and effectual care for their Preservation and Relief.  
3. That you Represent our readiness to serve him and his Interest in Prosecution of so glorious a Design, as far as we have access.   
Subscribed 

ARCHIBALD HAMILTON.  
ALEXANDER OSBORNE.    
Accordingly on Dec the 8th. they sent over a Gentleman, now in Town (says the Book) who in pursuance of these Instructions delivered in a memorial enlarging on these heads (for they begged no particular favour for a Party) to the then P. of O. the Originals of both which Papers are in my hands, says Mr. Boyse, whose Words these are.  
Now I must inform you that the Nonconformists are much the most numerous Party of the Protestants in Ulster, which is that is called the North of Ireland; some Parishes have not ten, not six that come to Church. While the Presbyterian Meetings are crowded with thousands covering all the Fields; this is ordinary in the County of Antrim especially, which is the most populous of Scots, of any in Ulster, (who are generally Presbyterians in that Country) in other of the Northern Counties the Episcopal Protestants bear a greater Proportion; some more, some less: But upon the whole, as I have it from those that live upon the Place, they are not One to Fifty, nor so much, but they would speak within Compass.  
From hence we may conclude, That the abovesaid Address to the P. of O. may be said to be the Address of the Protestants of Ulster, especially considering that none of the others did Descent from it, I suppose many Joined in it, for the Contest then was, who should be most forward in showing their Affection to the Cause; and who could first meet his Highness, thought they had most title to his favour.  
And this our Author knows was before King James deserted England; and I suppose he will not have the hardiness to say, That this was nothing done in opposition to the Government.  
I will give one Instance more. We have heard, and this Author could not but know, of the great Alarm of an intended Massacre of the Protestants in Ireland upon the Ninth day of Decemb. 1688. The whole of this arose from a Letter said to be found in Cumber-street, which was carried to the Earl of M. discovering the said Massacre intended: The foolish but artificial Alarm of the few Disbanded Irish cutting all our Throats in England did not fly more Incredibly, to be in all Parts of England on the self same Night, than this of the Letter found at Cumber flew through Ireland, and wrought Prodigious Effects upon a People fitted for such an Impression. When this News arrived in Dublin (as the faithful History before quoted tells us, pag. 8.) It so alarmed the City, that above 5000 Protestants appeared in Arms, that same night; and many Hundred Families embarked from all Parts in such confusion, that they left every thing but their Lives behind them, and yet all this, as this Historian says, he is very well assured was only a contrivance devised, as the readiest means to engage the E. of M. (who till then was deaf to all arguments for entering into their Association) and to animate a dejected People, who of themselves were backward to all Arguments of that nature. Thus the Historian and that Letter did attain its desired end, for not only the said E. of M. did hearty engage, and after took upon him to be General of the Association in the North, but the generality of the People, as if all set on fire at one, How to their Arms as readily as they could be commanded, so that the whole North of Ireland appeared on the sudden all in one Blaze, all in Arms, all Marching up and down, and all in confusion, as themselves give the Account.  
It was this made Derry shut their Gates, and was the occasion of all the confusion that followed. The Man they first pitched upon for their General was the E. of Granard, who was upon all accounts more competent for that Employment than any amongst the Associators. Pursuant to this Resolution, Mr. Hamilton of Tollimore went to Dublin, to Represent to his Lordship the number and posture of the Protestants in the North, and to invite his Lordship to put himself upon the Head of their Troops. But that Noble Lord would not suffer himself to be persuaded by the seeming Advantages of appearing so early, and in so considerable a Post for the P. of O. wherein he might by all humane reckoning, have turned the Balance of that Kingdom; For he wisely considered, that though the Protestants in the North were numerous and armed, and of Resolution and Courage to excess, yet they were Undiciplined, all Volunteers, and consequently not Party for a formed Army; he told Mr. Hamilton, that he did not know what it was to command a Rabble. But besides, that he had lived Loyal all his Life, and would not departed from it in his old age; and he was resolved, That no Man should write Rebel upon his Grave-stone, this was his very expression, and he pursued it, for he not only refused to Command the Associators in the North, but persuaded them to leave off their mad Enterprise, told them they would be ruined, as it came to pass, and Signed several Proclamations, declaring them Rebels, and summoning them to lay down their Arms.  
Now this Alarm of the intended Massacre, and Mr▪ Hamilton's Invitation to the E of Granard to Command the Army of the Northern Association, was in the beginning of December 88 about the 6th. or 7th. and therefore before K. James left England, and before the shutting up of Derry against the E. of Antrims Regiment, and before Eneskillen refused to quarter the two Companies sent to them by the Lord Deputy, which was the 16th. of December 88 as you will see in Hamiltons' actions of the Eneskillen Men, p. 3.  
So much has the Author's Information failed him, when he avers, without any hesitation, That the shutting up of Derry Gates, and this of Eneskillen, as avovesaid, was all that was done by any Protestant in Ireland, in opposition to the Government, till King James deserted England.  
Though, as I have shown before, it would not have served much to the use for which our Author brought it, if it had been done after the King went away, or any time before the Convention declared his Recess to be an Abdication, etc.  
But now here is a more material Thing coming; and that is, The Descent of King James' Army into the North of Ireland in March 1688.  
Our Author would make us believe, That it was wholly Causeless, as to any Provocation given by the Protestants, but that it was only a Design of my Lord Tyrconnel's, to involve the Kingdom in Blood, and that therefore he made all the haste he could to send down that Army, and that no Persuasions would prevail upon him to defer fending it till the King should come, lest there should be any Terms proposed or accepted by the People in the North, and so that Country escape being Plundered and Undone.  
This is in his num. 10. § 8. of ch. 3. p. 106 which has this Title in the Heads of his Discover, viz. Lord Tyrconnel hastened to run them into Blood before King James' Coming. In the num. before, p. 104, 105. he tells us, there was no Provocation, or not Sufficient, given for the Descent of that Army; and here, p. 106. what was the true Cause of it. We will Examine both.  
For the first, he asserts, p. 105. They (the Protestants) were not so much as summoned by him (the Lord Deputy.) This shows the unreasonable haste and precipitancy of the Lord Deputy, To send an Army, and enter into Blood, without so much as summoning the offending Party. But our Author goes on, Nor did they (the Protestants) enter into any act of Hostility, or Association, or offend any till assaulted. But finding that continual Robberies and Plunderings were committed by such as the Lord Deputy— had entrusted with Arms and Employments— The Gentlemen in the North, to prevent their own Ruin, entered into Associations, to defend themselves from these Robbers; their Associations did really reach no farther than this; nor did they Attempt any thing upon the Armed Robbers, except in their own Defence, when Invaded and Assaulted by them: Insomuch that I could never hear of one act of Hostility committed wherein they were not on the Defensive— This was all the Reason the Lord Deputy and Council had to call them Rebels, and to charge them in their Proclamation, dated March the 7th. 1688 with actual Rebellion, and with Killing and Murdering several of his Majesty's Subjects, and with Pillaging and Plundering the Country; whereas it was notorious they never killed any whom they did not find actually Robbing— And for Plundering, it is no less notorious that they Preserved the whole Country within their Associations from being Pillaged, when all the rest of Ireland was Destroyed And their great Care of themselves and their Country was the Crime which truly provoked the Lord Deputy, and made him except from pardon Twelve of the principal Estated Men in the North, when he sent down Lieut. General Hamilton with an Army, which he tells us in the same Proclamation would inevitably occasion the total Ruin and Destruction of the North.  
This is his Charge, and in his own Words. In Answer to which I will not take Advantage of his misquoting this Proclamation, which we may suppose, for that Reason, he forgot to Print among the very many Papers of far less Consequence which fill up his Appendix. But we have it Printed in one of the late Irish Protestant Pamphlets, called, An Apology for the Protestants of Ireland, etc. and I have annexed it to this, that you may see it; the Author calls the excepted Persons, Twelve, whereas in the Proclamation there are but Ten. I lay no great stress upon that difference of Number, it will not enhance the matter much: But it shows, that the Author has not been so exact in his Vouchers as he ought. Of which, or something worse, it is a much greater Proof, that in reciting the Causes which that Proclamation names for the Descent of that Army, he does not keep to the Words of the Proclamation, which instances Particulars this Author could not deny; as Breaking of Prisons, Discharging of Prisoners— Seizing upon his Majesty's Arms and Ammunition, Imprisoning several of his Majesty's Army, Disarming and Dismounting them, etc. But the Author wisely avoids naming any of these, lest he should be obliged to disprove them; only says in general, as you have heard, That the Proclamation charges them with Rebellion, Killing, Plundering, etc.  
Which he manfully denies every Word of it. Therefore let us fairly Examine what I have before Quoted our of him. And that we may fix his lose and artificial way of Dealing in Generals, sliding unperceivably from one Matter to another, and huddliug many Things together to distract the Reader, I will reduce his Charge to these Heads First, That before the Descent of the Army, with whom came the Proclamation dated the 7th. of March. 1688. the Lord Deputy did not so much as summon the Associators in Ulster. Secondly, I will Examine who those great Robbers were in the North, who Plundered the Protestants there. And thirdly, We will see whether the Northern Associators gave no other Provocation to the Government than to defend themselves against these Robbers.  
For the First, We are furnished with a Confutation of him, from the very Proclamation he Quotes, viz. That of the 7th. of March 1688. which mentions a former Proclamation, requiring the Associators to disperse, and promising them Pardon. There was one of this Nature, (I know not if there were any more) dated the 25th. of January 1688. which was signed by several Protestants of the Council, as the Earl of Granard, Lord Chief Justice Keting, etc.  
Besides this, Mr. Osborn was sent down to the North, by my Lord Deputy before the March of the Army, to use all Persuasions to them to lay down their Arms, to tell them the very Day the Army would March, and he kept it. That though Ten were excepted in the Proclamation, yet he would insist but upon Three; and if it should appear that they took up Arms merely for Self-preservation, than he would Pardon even the said three Persons also. That he demanded no more of them than to deliver up their Arms and serviceable Horses, as you may see in Mr Osborn's Letter to the Lord Mazereene of the 9th. of March, 1688. which I have taken out of the abovesaid Apology for the Protestants in Ireland, and affixed to this n. 3.  
Add to this the offers which my Lord Deputy sent to the Gentlemen in the North by Sir Robert colvil, viz. That if his Countrymen would continue Quiet in their respective Habitations, they should be only Charged with the Encumbrance of two Regiments. This is told in the Faithful History, p. 10. and this was long before the March of that Army to the North. I have heard of several other Messages, and even Arts, that my Lord Tyrconnel used to Quiet the Disturbances in the North, of which he was, at the beginning, very Apprehensive, and used his utmost Endeavours to appease them, as all the Accounts the Irish Protestants have Printed here do with one Consent declare: And I have heard some of them say, That they dreaded nothing so much as that Tyrconnel durst not send an Army against them, and that the Irish would submit without any Opposition, and so they would get no Forfeitures, so much they overvalued, and their Enemies feared the strength of the North, though both lived to see themselves mistaken.  
Let this suffice as to the first Point, viz. That my Lord Tyrconnel did not forget to summon the North, before he sent down the Army against them in March, 1688. If repeated Proclamations and Messages may be called Summons.  
As to the second, of the great Robbers in the North. We do not speak now of the common Robberies of High-way-men. That has always been, and will be in all Countries, more or less; but of such Armed Bands of Robbers as forced the whole North to Arm and Regiment themselves, and enter into Associations and Confederacies, and a formal War to defend themselves against these Robbers, who, he says, were Men entrusted by the Lord Deputy with Arms and Employments; so not common Robbers. And by the Account of all that came from the North, this was so far from being true, that the Irish there were in mortal Fear of the Protestants, and commonly durst not sleep in their Houses, but lay abroad in the Fields lest they should fall upon them: No Irish were suffered to live in the Country who did not take out Protections from such of the Protestant Gentry as were allowed by the Associators to grant such Protections: Nor durst they Travel from their own Houses without Passes, The Protestants made them contribute equally, at least, with themselves in all their new Levies, and forced them to work upon their new Fortifications, at their Pleasure, which they did without grudging, and any thing to please those who were absolutely their Masters, and in whose hands they reckoned their Lives to lie every moment; and many Insults and Threaten they bore from the Commonality of the Protestants, who made full use of their finding themselves at Liberty from all Government, and to domineer over those who were entirely at their mercy: The Faithful History, p. 9 says, Amidst those Convulsions (Robberies in other Parts) the North only remained undisturbed.  
Our Author himself, in what I have already quoted, says plainly, That the Protestants kept the whole Country within their Associations from being Pillaged. Where then were these great Robberies he speaks of? He may say, In other Parts of Ireland. But that is not our present subject, but only the Condition of the North. And the Author places the Scene there, when he says, That they (the Gentlemen in the North) did not attempt any thing upon these Armed Robbers, except in their own defence, when Invaded and Assaulted by them, nor killed any but whom they found actually Robbing. So that all this must be in the North, where many Witnesses attest, and the Author himself confesses, there was no such thing. But p 100 he endeavours to prove it from Judge Keating's Letter; the Passage is, p. 349. where the Judge says, In this Juncture of Affairs, the Thiefs and Robbers are become numerous, etc.  
First, When was this? The Letter is dated the 29th. of Dec. 1688. This, as has been shown, was after the Associations in the North, and their being actually in Arms. And indeed when the Reins of Government were taken off the Necks of the People, there was nothing but Robbing and Depredations on all hands, which was the natural effect of it. But Judge Keating does not say it was the Irish robbed the English, nor the English the Irish, for indeed they robbed one another where they were able, and stood in equal fear, as he tells you, of one another; just as the Parts of the Country were planted, that is, as the Irish or the British were most numerous, or in best posture for War. And he says plainly, p. 348. That the Protestants far exceeded them (the Irish) in the Northern Parts, and were extraordinarily well Armed and Horsed. So that in the North the Irish stood in fear of the Protestants, and therefore they were not the Robbers there.  
But our Author draws several Observables, p. 100 from this Letter. 'Tis observable, says he, in this Letter, First, That the Lord Deputy owns— So he makes this Letter the Act of the Lord Deputy; because, as he says before, it was written by my Lord Deputies command, and perused by him. This he only asserts, and we have proof what stress is to be laid upon that; besides, he raises a mean Character of his Friend Judge Keating, to think that he should write Lies for the Lord Deputy's command: If he did not, than it was not the Irish Army, but the Cottiers and Idlers who were the Robbers. For so his Letter says; And this, says our Author, sufficiently shows the Falsehood of the Allegation whereby the Papists would excuse themselves, as if they had not begun to Rob, till the Protestant Associations were set on foot, whereas those were sometime after this Letter, and occasioned by the Robberies mentioned in it.  
This is contradicted by every Irish Protestant, and all their Narratives, as has been shown; but nothing abates the Author's Talon of Asserting boldly. Whence in another Observable upon this Letter, he would have it believed that the Papists were in no fear from the Protestants: Which is not only against Matter of Fact, and fully attested, But it is against common Sense, or even Possibility. Whoever knows the Temper of both Sorts of these Men could never think it possible, That where the Protestants were many more in Number, and all up in Arms, chief pretended to be in odium to the Irish Papists, whom they called Bloody Dogs, Inhuman Murderers, Cutthroats, etc. and Remember 41. which was the usual Salutation they gave them, Who will think those Irish were not afraid? Yet our Author will by no means allow it, for he has said it.  
Now we are come to the third Point, viz. Whether the Northern Associators gave no other Provocation to the Government, than to defend themselves against those Robbers? And this need no longer be insisted on, having shown, That there were no such Robbers.  
But I pray the Author to resolve, If the beginning of their Associating in Sept. 1688. and their actual Address to the P. of O. in Nou. following, was only to save themselves from Robbers? From being Robbed by those poor Irish whom they had panting under their Feet, in as much Subjection as ever a Hawk had a Lark? He says, The Associators never attempted any thing even upon the Armed Robbers, except when they were Invaded and Assaulted by them.  
This was modest indeed! But were the Inhabitants of Eneskillen Invaded or Assaulted by the two Companies, against whom they march● out in Arms four Miles before they came near the Town? Or was Derry Assaulted by my Lord of Antrim's Regiment before they Fired their Cannon from the Walls against them?  
But I have some further Questions to ask, from what I have learned out of the Irish Protestants Narratives, and from some of themselves; our Author says, It is notorious, that the Protestants (he means before the Descent of King James' Army into the North in March 1688. for that is it we are speaking of) never killed any whom they did not find actually Robbing. But I must tell our Author, that it is much more notoriously known, and granted by all the Irish Protestants, nemine contradicente, That upon the 11th. of Feb. 1688. there were some of Colonel Cormock O Neil's Troop of Dragoons killed by the Protestant Forces at Tuam upon Loughneagh: the Quarrel you may see in the Faithful History, p. 26. viz. They endeavoured that way to escape the Associators, and get to their Quarters. But the Associate Troops were too wagonful, pur●●ed them, killed some, and having given them a to●● Defeat, dispersed that Troop of O Neil's (he was the● 〈◊〉 ●o●● Protestant) and built a small Fort at the Pas● 〈◊〉 G●r●son'd it with Sixty Men. This mightily enraged the Lord Deputy, That the Associators should not be content to stand upon the Defensive, but to be the first that should enter into Blood in a Hostile manner; of which there were several other Instances, Capt. Poe was killed, as he was a Foraging, by the Garrison of Newrie.  
Eut to return to the Story of Colonel Cormock O Neil; He having frequent Notices sent him from Friends of his about Moyrah where lived Sir Arthur Rawden (generally then known by the Name of The Cock of the North, because of his Boldness and great Forwardness in carrying on the Association) that Sir Arthur intended to seize him in his House, and make him Prisoner, he, for his Security, retired to Carrickfergus, where part of his Regiment of Foot was Quartered, leaving his Lady at his House near Borogh-shane, with the Chaplain of his Regiment Maurice Dunkin Clark, Vicar of Glanarme in the County of Antrim, within eight Miles of Brogh-shane; thinking that a Protestant Clergyman, and well known to all that Country, would be a Protection to his Lady, and the House, she being a Roman Catholic, but the Colonel at that time a professed Protestant: She hearing that the Confederate Associators had fallen upon her Husband's Troop of Dragoons at Tuam upon Logh Neagh, on Mund. 11. Febr. 88 grew apprehensive of danger to herself, and on Tuesday the 12th. she went to Mr. White's House in Borogh-shane, a Presbyterian Minister, who did protect her, not without some difficulty, from a Regiment of the Confederates under the Command of Mr. Adare (than made a Colonel by the P. of O. and since a Knight by K. W.) assisted by Lieutenant Mitchelburn since made a Colonel. These marched through Borogh-shane to the Siege of Carrickfergus (of which presently) upon Ash-wednesday, 13 Febr. 1688. a notorious Day which they did thus Solemnize!) and would needs Rifle this Lady, because she was a Roman-Catholick, and her Husband a Colonel in Carrickfergus, which they were going to Besiege. Mr. Dunkin, thinking he might have some Interest among them, at least for his Character, endeavoured to persuade them from such a brutal Action; but they looked upon him as an Enemy, because he was in the King's Service, and they not only Robbed him, and besides what was his own, took from him a Silver Bowl belonging to the Colonel, but stripped him, and his Man, and one Arthur Dobbing, a Gentleman attending upon the Lady; and would have broke into the House to have Robbed her, if not worse, had not Mr. White violently interposed, and had that Credit with them, to preserve the Lady, who was half dead with fear, and could hardly be led into her Coach: But Mr. White went with her himself, till he brought her near Shanes-Castle, the House of the Lady Marchioness of Antrim, to whom Mrs. O Neil fled for Protection, and where she had a great fit of Sickness, occasioned by these Frights. The Associators having let her thus Escape, thought fit to Plunder her House, which they did effectually, leaving nothing they could find belonging to the Colonel, or to her.  
Was this Lady, was Mr. Dunkin, were the Servants of the Colonel's House, or his Stock, Goods, and Furniture, actually Assaulting and Robbing these Associators?  
Had they read the Comminations of that Day in the Service of the Church, they might have found what Thanks they deserved at God's hands; and what Blessings these Nations were to expect for what Things they were a doing that Day. The Anniversary of which Day was Celebrated with the Sacrifice of Glenco in Scotland, 13 Febr. 1692.  
But to Return to our History. The Associators did proceed, and resolved to Besiege Carrickfergus, of which you have a pleasant Account in the Faithful History, p. 27. to 31. They first ordered such Provisions us were designed for that Place to be intercepted, and amongst others Colonel Edmunston, by command from the Grand Council of the Association, seized on a Boat laden with Provision, at Broad Island; which was intended for my Lord Antrim's private Family. They do not pretend they sound this Boat a Robbing, or that it Invaded or Assaulted them. In short, they actually Besieged Carrickfergus about the 20 Febr. 1688 it is true they did not take it. The Misfortunes of that Siege I leave to the Chronicle. But it is not to be doubted they had prevailed, if they had had either Cannon, Mortar, or Scaling Ladder; for the Men upon command Marched up, and Fired their Muskets against the Walls; and after they were Saluted by the Cannon from the Castle, they went back again. The truth is, They thought to have Surprised it, but it would not do.  
Therefore on the 21st February 1688. they consulted how to come off with Honour, and entered into Articles, not to Surrender the Town, but to Raise the Siege: And these Articles were made to consist with the Reputation of the Confederate Generals of the Association. One was, That Colonel Cormock O Neil should Disband his Regiment (which was not in his Power to do.) Another, That the Earl of Antrim should be Permitted to take such and such Provisions into Carrickfergus; and Permitted to send such Letters to Dublin, as he should show to the Earl of Mount-Alexander, and other of the Confederate Nobility and Gentry. This was Great! It was taking something more upon them than merely to Defend themselves from Robbers, when actually Assaulted by them, which our Author says, was all they did.  
But it not being likely that these Articles should be kept, therefore (as a Salvo for the future Breach of them) it was put in the eighth Article, That these Articles should continue in force whilst no more Popish Forces were Sent into, or Raised in the Province of Ulster.  
The Confederate Associators would not be stinted from Raising what Forces they pleased: But they would Limit the King, that he should Raise no more. This was not very likely to hold. And therefore these Articles were not long lived. But they served to grace the Retreat of the Confederate Army from before Carrickfergus.  
The same unfortunate Stars prevented their several Designs upon the Garrisons of Newry and Charlimont. So that though they often attempted, nothing succeeded with them, except my Lord Blaynie's surprising a Troop of Dragoons at Ardmagh, whom they disarmed, took their Horses from them, and made the Officers Prisoners. Did they find these Men actually Robbing whom they surprised in their Beds, or cureless in their Guard-house?  
They were not so lucky in their Design upon Sir Thomas Newcomen's Regiment at Lisburn, though several of the Officers of the Regiment were upon the Plot, as Captain Leighton, Captain Brimingham, Lieutenant Barnes, Lieutenant Tubman, etc.  
And though, as the Faithful History tells you, pag. 12. Gaptain Leighton engaged to disarm the whole Garrison, with the Assistance only of as many Men as might serve to bring off their Arms, and that Sir Arthur R. was advanced with 500 Men within five Miles of the Town to make good the Attempt, yet it miscarried; the Plot was discovered, and Sir Thomas marched away his Regiment; only those Officers who had engaged to betray the Guard, and deliver the Arms, thought fit to stay behind, and run the Fate of the Association.  
Take notice here that this was one of the two Regiments which by my Lord Tyrconnel's Engagement were to be the Quota of the North, to free them from all fear, or a possibility of their being either Assassinated or Plundered by the Army among them; who, by this means, were so few, as to be perfectly in the Power of the Country, and Sir Thomas, who commanded one of them, was a Protestant. The other Regiment was my Lord Antrim's, and both these (as the Faithful History tells, p. 11.) happened at this time to be Garrisoned in Lisburn, Belfast, Carickfergus, and other adjacent Places. When upon a solemn Debate by a Committee of such as had Subscribed the Association it was concluded, that both these Regiments should be disarmed, and the Castle of Carrickfergus secured, in which were Arms for two Regiments more.  
Upon the strength of this Attempt they purposed to have opposed Tyrconnel upon equal Terms; and by putting a Garrison into the Newry, they hoped to have stopped that Pass, and thereby to have secured the two Counties of Down and Antrim for the Protestant Interest.  
These are the Words of the History. And let our Author judge if this was only Acting upon the Defensive, never Attempting any thing but in their own Defence, when Invaded and Assaulted by Robbers. Which he asserts as a notorious Truth.  
At a Place called Killough in the County of Down, The Associators seized some Barrels of Gunpowder, which the Lord Deputy was sending to Londonderry.  
Long before this, Sir Gerard Irwin a Protestant, whose Estate lies near Eneskillen, carrying Arms, by order of the Government, to some of the King's Forces in the North, was set upon, in the County of Cavan, by Gentlemen of the Association, all the Arms were taken from him, and made use of to Arm their own Men. They did not find him actually Robbing, nor did he Invade or Assault them. All these things our Author has to Answer.  
And many more Instances might be given: They tell me that hardly a Day passed in the North, without something of this Nature. The Prison at Cavan was broken open by the Associators, and the Prisoners set at Liberty. The like was done in other Northern Counties; for aught I know in all. Of this the Lord Deputy complains in that same Parliament which our Author quotes of the 7th of March 88 Our Author should have considered, whether these Prisoners or their Creditors were actually Robbing and Assaulting these Associators, or whether this was no Offence against the Government, at their own hand, and without Law, to release Debtors, Felons, Thiefs, and Murderers? and how he will bring this about to be merely Acting on the Defensive. As likewise their ordering the Collectors of the Revenue (most of whom, if not all, in the North, joined with them) to bring in to them the King's Money (after the Example of their Friends in England) being for their Majesty's Service. But their Reign was so short, that I think their Accounts amounted to no great matter.  
But to make an end of this Head, viz. Whether the Northern Associators gave no other Provocation to the Government before the Descent of the Army in March 88 than to defend themselves against Robbers? Before this Army came down, they had received Commissions from the Prince of Orange, even before he was declared King in England; for his Commissions bore date before that time, viz. Feb. 5.88. as you will see by one of the subaltern Commissions which was shown to me, the Copy of which I have annexed numb. 18. These Commissions were brought over by Captain Leighton, whom the Associators sent to the Prince, to manage their Business, and procure thess Commissions, which I am told his Highness was very unwilling to grant, thinking it rash and unseasonable; but was overpowered by their Importunity. In short, they not only acted by these Commissions, but proclaimed the Prince for their King, before the Descent of that Army. This you will allow to be somewhat of a higher nature than bare Self-defence against Robbers. And now judge, whether, as our Author says, this, (viz. Defending themselves against R●●●●●) was all the reason the Lord Deputy and Council had to call them Rebels, etc. and to send that Army to Reduce them. Yet this Author, from p. 111. to 117. inveighs bitterly against the Government's disarming the Protestants in Dublin 24 Feb. 88 and again by King James' Proclamation dated 20 July 89. and makes this no less a Tyranny than the French Dragooning, and a plain Design to rob them of all their Estates and Property, and put them to a Massacre.  
But because he must foresee how horribly ridiculous, even to madness, it would appear to make all these Declamations for disarming one's Enemies, which none but Fools would neglect, he brings himself off thus. C. 3. s. 8. n. 20. p. 116. It may perhaps be imagined (says he) by those who are Strangers to our Affairs, that we had abused our Arms to oppress or wrong our Neighbours, or to oppose the King, and therefore deserved to lose them. But it is observable, that it doth not appear that any one Protestant in Ireland, before this disarming, had used his Arms to injure any Roman Catholic, nor did they hurt any that was not either actually Robbing them of their Goods, or Assaulting their Persons; no not in the North, where they refused to give up their Arms; they kept even there on the Defensive, and offended no Man but when first assaulted: so that there was not the least Reason or Colour to disarm us. Thus our Author; and a great deal more to the same purpose.  
You have heard what the Protestants did before the first Disarming, 24 Feb. 89. But the second, which was 20 July 89. was in the very heat of the War 'twixt King James and the Northern Associators: Kirk was come from England, and Riding with his Ships in Lough Foil, for the relief of Derry. This Disarming was but ten days before Lieutenant-General Mack Carty was defeated, and himself taken Prisoner at Eneskillen, and but eleven days before the Relief of Derry, which was the first of August, and the other the last of July 8●. and a Month after, Schomberg landed with the whole English Army. Yet all this notwithstanding, our Author is very sure, that not one Protestant in Ireland, before this Disarming, no not in the North, had opposed King James; so that there was not the least Reason or Colour to Disarm them. This Author knows very well, that long before this the People of Derry took out their Pardon for shutting their Gates against the Earl of Antrim's Regiment; which was a confession of some sort of Gild. Though none could imagine he had ever been informed of these things. It is true he was in Dublin at that time, and so might not know, if you can think that possible. But he has been since in the North, where his Friends and Relations live, and is now in a great Post there, even in Derry, and was a considerable while before he wrote this Book: and if his Intelligence can be so bad, where he pretends, it is capable of knowing most, we may justly suspect him in other matters, and where he assumes to pass Judgement upon the Arcana of all the States of Europe, as if he had been of the Cabinet Council to all the Governments in Christendom. He tells you, p. 9 where King Charles the Second mistook his Measures; and if he had taken the Author's Advice, would, in all probability, have humbled that French Monarch to the advantage of all Europe. And p. 14 and 15. he reads the same Politics to France, Savoy, the Emperor, etc. and tells them their true Interest, and what may ruin their Countries. But this is so familiar with him, and you will meet with it so often, that I will not trouble you with Quotations; you may trace him by the Observator. Thus much for what he asserts n. 9 p. 105. viz. That there was no Provocation given by the Protestants in the North for the Lord Deputy to send down an Army against them in March 1688.  
All this concerns the North, where this Author then was not; but to show that the Protestants even in Dublin, where the Author was, were not idle, he tells, p. 97. and 98. of a Plot they had; no less than to seize the Lord Deputy himself, with the Castle of Dublin, where the Stores of Arms and Ammunition lay. And this he takes pains to demonstrate to have been very feasible, and discovers plainly a regret, and disdain at their Loyalty who hindered it: He in a witty Sarcasm lays the blame upon that mighty Veneration to the very Name of Authority, in which the Protestants had been educated; and particularly he says, Lord Mountjoy laboured to prevent this Plot as if he himself had been to perish in it. That was for his Pains, he needed not to have been so fierce.  
But though their not agreeing among themselves, and their being yet tender and unacquainted with Rebellion, and therefore started at the first Sin, like fearful Sinners; though they had not got rid of the Slavish Nonresistance Doctrine, (I believe our Author himself was not quite got off it then) yet they had made such Progress at that very Beginning, that none discovered this Plot; and it may be we should not have known it at this distance, if our Author had not obliged us with the Discovery; for I never heard of it before; and he tells us that this was long before K. James deserted England. It was when he sent Commissioners to treat with the Prince of Orange: But I think, under favour, that our Author did not do well to make this public, because it does justify the Suspicion which the Government had of the Protestants there from the beginning.  
But this Author has sometimes a strange faculty of Forgetfulness; for in the very next Words, after telling of this Plot of the Protestants in Dublin, and how prevented, p. 98. he says. The truth is, it was an unanimous Resolution of all the Protestants in the Kingdom, that they would not be the Aggressors; and they held steadfastly to their Resolution, as you have heard.  
The matter is, in every Paragraph he is too intent to carry the Point he is upon to the utmost, lest it should lose by his telling; therefore sometimes he may slip as to the exactness of Truth: This is the reason he so often seems to contradict himself, and builds that up in one place which he throws down in another. Who would not think he had been in earnest. p. 226. where telling how Julian the Apostate put off the Primitive Christians Petitions for Justice, by telling them, their Master advised them to be patiented, and pronounced them blessed when persecuted. And we, says this Author, did exactly follow this Advice, though given in raillery, and did not make the least step to right ourselves by Force, till God's Providence appeared signally for these Kingdoms, in raising them up a Deliverer; and putting the Crown on their Majesty's Heads. Thus our Author. This was to let People think, if they pleased, that the Protestants in Ireland did not make the least step to right themselves by Force against King James till the Coronation of K. W. and Q. M. But if that will not pass, than our Author saves himself by saying, he did not mean that, but till God raised them up a Deliverer. And when was that? I suppose as soon as they knew of the P. of Orange's Design to come and help them: and that was as soon as King James himself does charge them with it. This Author means, they would not take Arms, till they thought to do some good with them: But why did he join these two Terms of the Prince's first Design and his Coronation, so close together, with the Copulative And, as if he had been speaking of the self same Action? It was to give you leave to take it for the same, it you did not mind it. But all this while, where is this suffering Persecution, which this Author says, they did so exactly follow? He means, they suffered while they could not help it.  
But let us go on to some more of his Matters of Fact.  

Of Lord Tyrconnel's haste to run the Nation into Blood.  The next Paragraph, c. 3. §. 8. n. 10. p. 106. he says, That the War was wholly imputable to my Lord Tyrconnel, who could not be prevailed with to defer sending the Army to the North till King James should come, who was then soon expected, but that he hasted to make the Parties irreconcilable, by engaging them in Blood, and by letting lose the Army to Spoil and Plunder. That my Lord Tyrconnel stood in fear of the North, instead of provoking it, I have shown, and is to be more at large seen in the above Quoted Narratives.  
But in the next place, as to letting lose his Army to Spoil and Plunder.  

The Protestants in Ireland worse treated by K. William's Army than by K. James'.  I am sorry we have it to say that they treated the Protestants in the North, after all the above said Provocations, with much greater Humanity (whether then put on, or natural, I will not dispute) than their Fellow-Protestants used them when Scomberg went over about the end of August, 1689. who (as I am informed by undeniable Vonchers) committed ten times more Devastations and Barbarities upon the Protestants in a Month than the Irish did from March to August; when all the North, except the Towns of Derry and Enneskillen, were absolutely in their Power.  
I suppose you will admit Dr. Gorge as a good Evidence in this Case, who was at that time Secretary to the General Sch●mberg, and therefore had best reason to know. Besides in 〈◊〉 Letter directed to Colonel Hamilton (which I have inserted 〈◊〉 2. Appendix.) he appeals to him (whose Estate lies in that Country) and it was notorious to all the Protestants there. In this Letter, the Dr. tells, how it was Resolved to treat the Irish Protestants of Ulster rather as Enemies than Friends,— that the Goods and Stocks of the Protestant Inhabitants once seized by the Enemy were Forfeited and ought not to be Restored, but given as encouragement to the Soldiers— that their (the Protestants) Oaths and Complaints were neither to be Believed nor Redressed, that so an easier and safer approach might be made to invade the little left them by the Irish— That free Quartering was the least Retaliation that Protestants could give, for being Restored to their former Estates— If you add to these, the Pressing of Horses at pleasure, Quartering at pleasure, Robbing and Plundering at pleasure, Denying the People Bread, or Seed of their own Corn, though the General by his public Proclamation requires both, and some Openly and Publicly contemning and scorning the said Proclamation, whereby Multitudes of Families are already reduced for want of Bread, and left only to Beg, and Steal, or Starve. These being the Practices, and these the Principles, and both as well known to you as to me, it cannot be wondered that the oppressed Protestants here should report us worse than the Irish.  
May be you may think that these poor Protestants had provoked the Army some way. No, says the Dr. To me it seems most strange, but yet it is true, that notwithstanding all the Violence, Oppression and Wrong, done by these (the Enneskillen and Derry Forces) and other of our Army on the Impoverished, Oppressed, and Plundered Protestant Inhabitants of this Province (Ulster) and the little Encouragement and great Discouragements they have had from us, yet you know what I esteem as a great Presage of future Good, they continue and remain as Firm and Faithful to us, as the Irish Papists against us. How frequently do we hear them tell us, That though we continue to Injure them, Rob and Destroy them, yet they must Trust in us, and be True and Faithful to us? etc.  
These are the Words of the Doctor's Letter, and I suppose will be thought but an over good Retortion of this Author's Objection, viz. of the Spoil and Plunder committed by King James' Army. Whose Discipline and good Government the Dr. in that same Letter does commend exceedingly above that of King William's Army.  
And now as to the other Point, viz. My Lord Tyrconnel's haste in sending that Army into the North, I suppose our Author intends this for Politics: and upon that head (without meddling with the Goodness or Badness of the Cause) I think my Lord Tyrconnel was rather too slow, to suffer the Protestants in the North to be Arming, Inlisting, Associating, against the Government, actually Assaulting the King's Forts and Garrisons, Disarming his Soldiers, and killing some of them; at last, publicly renouncing the King, and proclaiming a Foreign Prince for their King, and acting in his Name, and by his Commission; and all this was a doing, and visibly carrying on from September to March, which truly in Politics was rather too long to suffer it to run. And if that Army had not gone down when it did against the Associators in the North; it would never have been able to reduce them as it did: which appears by the Defence a few of them made afterwards at Derry and Eniskillen. And therefore I do not see any ground to blame my Lord Tyrconnel for sending that Army so soon, considering that he thought it a good Cause in which he was engaged. But especially considering that our Author himself calls him a Fool for not dealing more briskly with the North in time. He laughs at the Lord Deputy for leaving Derry so ill guarded, as that they were able to seize it; It proceeded (says this Author, c. 3 ●. 8. n. 6. p. 103.) from his (the Lord Deputies) own Ignorance or Negligence, who had left that Garrison, the only one of any considerable Strength in Ulster, where most Protestant's lived, without one Soldier to guard it. This is the Thanks be got for giving them that Opportunity which they had, and they cry out upon him as a bloody-minded Man because he would not give them longer time, then above three Months after their first seizing of Derry; for it was so long before he sent the Army against them. It was the 7th or 8th of December 88 that the Protestants seized Derry the first time, and the Irish Army did not come to Drommore in the North till the 14th of March following, though all that time the Protestants were improving their Opportunity, and every day committing Insults upon that small part of the Army (only two Regiments) which was Quartered among them: But, as our Author says in the same Page, the Lord Deputy bethought himself too late of his Error, but could never retrieve it.  
Mr. Boyse's Narrative, p. 13. says, That my Lord Tyrconnel deferred the sending down his Army twenty days after it had been first resolved on in Council.  
I have another Account which confirms all this; viz. The Earl of Granard upon his leaving Dublin, about the beginning of Feb. 88 to go to Castle Forbes, desired a Person who went with him as far as Chappelisard, to pretend some Business with my Lord Deputy, on purpose to find out whether he designed to send the Army against the North; and that Person went to the Lord Deputy that same day, and asked him why he would suffer a Rabble in the North to affront the Government; seeing a few of the Army would disperse them, the Lord Deputy adswered, That he was unwilling to engage in Blood, hoping they would of themselves reflect and come to a better temper. But that now since General 
* This was a Son of the Lord Massereen's, whose Soldiers assaulted the King's Forces at Tuam.  Scevington had made the first Rupture by falling upon and killing some of the Soldiers at Tuam he would send with what Expedition he could to Quash the Rebellion, and let them blame themselves for the Consequence. This I have from that Person himself; and yet the Army did not go to the North till the 11th. or 12th. of the March following.  
But this Author says (as above c. 3. § 8. n. 10.) that if he had delayed a little longer till King James had come, then in all Probability, if King James himself appeared amongst them, and offered them Terms, they would have complied with him at least so far as to submit Quietly to his Government.  
If the Author thinks this, I confess, he is the first Protestant of Ireland that ever I found of that Opinion.  
And the issue did pretty well prove it: For after, when the Associators were beaten, at Drumore, at Colerain, at Clady, and driven into Derry and Enneskillen, and when King James appeared amongst them, and offered them what Terms they pleased, they value themselves upon refusing all Terms, and holding out: But may be this Author thinks, That if they had beaten King James' Army, they would have been better disposed to have received Terms from him.  
But, pray, 
The Author's Character of K. J.  how does all this agree with the Character which this Author raises of K. J. in this Book? Wherein he represents him as a faithless, merciless, and bigoted Tyrant, who designed to destroy all the Protestants, and went as far in it as he could, and employed Persons most inclined and fitted to do it; and that no Trust was to be given to his Word, or to his Oath, etc.  
And yet this is the Man, whom in all probability, this Author says, the Protestants in Ireland would have submitted to, if he had but appeared amongst them, and offered them Terms.  
But I must tell the Author, That as to K. J. in his own Person, there is another Man has given his Character, who had more reason to know him than this Author, and is at least as good a Judge; that is the Lord Danby, (styled at present Lord Marquis of Carmarthen) who in the Speech he made to the Gentlemen assembled in Yorkshire, 
Lord Danby's Character of K. J.  in the Infancy of this Revolution, represented K. J. to them under as fair a Character as could be given of a great Prince and a good Man; and that no Nation in the World would be happier in a King, if he were but rescued from the evil Counsel of the Priests and Jesuits, etc. And I never heard any about his Person say, but that he was a very good natured Man. Even his Enemies charge his Miscarriages to his Zeal for Religion: A very singular fault in these Times!  
And even as to his Carriage in Ireland, 
K. J. opp●●● th● Act of Attainder, 〈◊〉 Repeal of 〈◊〉 Acts of Settlement▪  I have heard not a few of the Protestants confess, That they owed their Preservation and Safety, next under God, chief to the Clemency of K. J. who restrained, all he could, the Insolence and Outrage of their Enemies; of which I can give you some remarkable Instances, and good Vouchers. I appeal to the E. of Granard, whether Duke Powis did not give him Thanks from K. J. for the Opposition he made in the House of Lords to the passing the Act of Attainder, 
He encouraged the Protestant Lords ●o sp●●● against it 〈◊〉 Pa●lia●●●.  and the Act for Repeal of the Acts of Settlement; and desired that he and the other Protestant Lords should use their Endeavours to obstruct them. To which, the Lord Granard answered, That they were too few to effect that; but if the King would not have them pass, his way was to engage some of the Roman Catholic Lords to stop them. To which the Duke replied, with an Oath, That the King durst not let them know that he had a mind to have them stopped. And yet this Author, c. 2. s. 5. n. 3. p. 23. would have us believe That the Duke used his Interest with the King to put a stop to them, but was not able to do it. I farther appeal to that noble Lord the E. of Granard, whether the same day that the News of the driving the Protestants before the Walls of Derry come to Dublin, as his Lordship was going to the Parliament House, he did not meet K. J. who asked him where he was going? His Lordship answered, to enter his Protestation against the Repeal of the Acts of Settlement: Upon which K. J. told him, That he was fallen into the hands of a People who rammed that and many other things down his Throat. His Lordship took that occasion to tell his Majesty of the driving before Derry. The King told him that he was grieved for it; That he had sent immediate Orders to discharge it; and that none but a barbarous Moscovite (so he styled General Rosen, who commanded that driving, who thereby it seems was bred or born in Moscovy,) could have thought of so cruel a Contrivance.  
Let me add to this Testimony of my Lord Granard's what I had from the Mouth of a Scots Clergyman, who being in King James' Army the 26th of June, 1690. (the Thursday before the Boyne) asked Major-General Maxwell, a Roman Catholic, how K. J. came to pass the Act of Attainder, and the Repeal of the Acts of Settlement, being at that time so visibly against his Interest? The General replied, Sir, if you did but know the Circumstances the King is under, and the Hardships these Men (the Irish) put upon him, you would bemoan him with Tears, instead of blaming him. But what would you have him to do? All his other Subjects have deserted him; this is the only Body of Men he has to appear for him; he is in their hands, and he must please them. Yet this Author affirms confidently, c. 3. s. 12. n. 20. p. 163. That K. J. of his own accord was the first who motioned the Repealing of the Acts of Settlement, in his Speech at the opening of the Parliament in Dublin. But the Author has not annexed that Speech in his long Appendix, where many other Papers of greater Bulk, less Consequence, and much harder to be procured, are inserted at large: But no doubt he had a Reason for it; therefore I have annexed it to this, No. 1. and there you will see not a Word of what this Author avers, but rather the contrary, viz. That the King did not desire a Repeal of the Acts of Settlement, but only a Relief to such as had been injured by those Acts, which may happen in the justest Acts in the World, especially of the Settlement of a whole Nation, after such a Rebellion and terrible Revolution as that of 41. And K. J. there desires no farther for them, than may be consistent with Reason, Justice, and the public Good of his People. All the Words of his Speech, which relate to the Acts of Settlement, are these, I shall also most readily consent to the making such good and wholesome Laws as may be for the general Good of the Nation, the Improvement of Trade, and the Relieving such as have been injured by the late Acts of Settlement, as far forth as may be consistent with Reason, Justice, and the Public Good of my People. These are his Words; and if our Author had set them down, he would have thought it a hard Task to have found fault with them. I never heard any Protestant say but that there were many hard Cases, and even unjust, in the Acts of Settlement: But they excuse it, by saying that it is impossible to be otherwise in so general and great a Settlement, where so many thousands are concerned; and that it is better to bear with that, than to unsettle a Nation, which may have worse Consequences, and fall into the like Mistakes again and again. And this seems to be King James' Sense of that Matter all along. But will any say that such as shall appear to be injured ought not to be redressed, if a way can be found agreeable to Reason, Justice, and Public Good? This would be to plead expressly against Reason and Justice, and likewise against the Public Good. I am told that King James' meaning was, to have a Sum of Money raised for such as had been injured by the Acts of Settlement; but by no means to encroach upon the Acts: And what Fault could our Author have found with this? unless he thinks that Justice ought not to be done to the Irish, or not to be executed against Protestants; which may be the Reason why in all his Rail at the cruel Act of Attainder, he has forgot to give one Reason why Rebels should not be attainted, or why these Irish Protestants should not have been so dealt with, supposing them to be Rebels, as K. J. and that Parliament did certainly suppose. But was it not very cruel to attaint so many? To this they will reply, was it not as cruel, and more criminal, that so many should be Rebels? But this is said only for Arguments sake; for it is most certain that K. J. did not propose, nor was inclined, either to this Act of Attainder, or to the Repeal of the Acts of Settlement, as this Author slanderously reports of him; but with exceeding ill luck as to his Vouchers, of which he gives another Instance, c. 3. s. 12. n. 2. p. 145. where he says it is certain Chief Justice Nugent and Baron Rice succeeded in their Design, when they came over to England, in Spring, 88 to concert the methods of Repealing the Acts of Settlement. Whereas all here upon the place know that K. J. did then positively refuse to consent to it; which my Lord Sunderland does witness in his Letter of the 23 of March, 89. and says that the King was resolved not to think of that year, and perhaps never. And yet this Author confidently quotes that very Letter in this same place, as a Voucher on his side; but he has not put it in his Appendix: Therefore I have annexed it to this, No. 15.  
I will give you a farther Proof of K. James' Zeal to preserve the Acts of Settlement. It is well known that the Address of the Lord Chief Justice Keating, in behalf of the Purchasers under the Acts of Settlement and Explanation, and the Lord Bishop of Meath's Speech, set down at large in this Author's Appendix, were subsequent to several Conferences K. J. had with several of the Members of the House of Commons; and with a Committee of that House, in Presence of the Lord Chief Justice Nugent, Lord Chief Baron Rice, Judge Daily, and Attorney-General Neagle, and others of the Privy Council; where K J. plainly laid before them the Unreasonableness of their Proceed; That it was not proper to enter upon so great a matter as the destroying the said Acts, in time of War, when all Parties could not be heard; and some of the Roman Catholic Judges declared, not only to the King, but to the said Committee, and to several of both Houses of Parliament and of the Privy Council, That it was unjust to break the Acts, and destroy Purchasers, Widows, Orphans, Merchants, and all Traders, on pretence to relieve Widows and Orphans. And one of the Roman Catholic Judges did reduce this into Writing, and shown it to the Lord Chief Justice Keating, who had a Copy of it, as appears under his hand; and that the Lord Bishop of Meath had the Perusal of it, and, as I am credibly informed, had a Copy of it. All which was before the said Address and Speech; and though shotter, is as full for the Preservation of the Settlement, as the said Address and Speech. And it appears plainly by what Duke Powis said from the King to the Earl of Granard, etc. that K. J. did encourage the Protestant Lords of Parliament to oppose the Repeal of the Acts of Sertlement; and therefore their appearing in this matter ought by no means to be made an Objection against K. J. but in truth is an Argument of the pains he took to oppose the Repeal; and it would be a Scandal to doubt but that these Protestant Lords meant it at that time sincerely for King James' Service; which is farther demonstrable from the Loyal zeal which carried the Lord Bishop of Meath so far, as to desire leave from K. J. to attend upon his Majesty to the Boyne, to assist him against his Enemies. But Achish excused David with Commendations of his Fidelity. (1 Sam. 29.) His Lordship was likewise one of the Lords Spiritual mentioned in the Address of the Parliament of Ireland to K. J. on the 10th of May, 89. which was Printed with K. James' Speech, and is here annexed, No. 1. In this Address they abhor the unnatural Usurpation of the Prince of Orange, and the Treason of those who joined with him in England and Ireland; and profess to K. J. with Tongue and Heart, That they will ever assert his Rights to his Crown with their Lives and Fortunes, against the said Usurper and his Adherents, and all other Rebels and Traitors whatsoever.  
These are the Words of the Address, as you may see in the Appendix. Now whether the Trotestant Bishops (for no other sat in that Parliament) did enter their Protestation against this Address which was made in their Names, or whether they did not give their Votes to it, themselves know best: If they say that they durst not show their dissent to it, for fear of the Irish, who would have called it Treason in them; I will not argue now how just an Argument Fear is to justify public Lying, Perjury, and Treachery: But if Fear had so great an impression upon themselves, how could they, at the same time, have so little consideration for K. James' Circumstances, as to lay such a load upon him for passing the Acts of Attainder, and repeal of the Acts of Settlement, when they saw him struggle with all his might against it, and that the Irish had so little compassion for him, (not to name Loyalty,) that they threatened to lay down their Arms and leave him to his Enemies, if he did not then immediately pass these Acts; and yet they knew that it was highly prejudicial to his Service, and consequently, if they had thought aright, to their own Interest. But they were violent, found the King was in their Power, and made their Advantage of it, to the best of their Understandings.  
It is a Melancholy Story (if true) which Sir Theobald Butler, Solicitor General to K. J. in Ireland, tells of the D. of Tyrconnel's sending him to K. J. with a Letter about passing some Lands for the said Duke; he employing Sir Theob. in his Business, gave him the Letter open to read, which Sir Theob. says he found worded in terms so Insolent and Imposing, as would be unbecoming for one Gentleman to offer to another. Sir Theob. says he could not but represent to the Duke the strange surprise he was in at his treating the King at such a rate, and desired to be excused from being the Messenger to give such a Letter into the King's Hands. The Duke smiled upon him, and told him he knew how to deal with the King at that time, that he must have his Business done; and for Theobald's scruple, he sealed the Letter, and told him, now the King cannot suppose you know the Contents, only carry it to him as from me. Sir Theob. did so, and, says he observed the King narrowly as he read it, and that His Majesty did show great Commotion, that he changed Colours, and Sighed often, yet ordered Tyrconnel's Request; or Demand rather, to be granted. Thus says Sir Theobald. Many particulars of the like Insolence of these Irish to K. James might be shown, but I would not detain the Reader; what I have said is abundantly sufficient to show how far it was from his own Inclinations, either to suffer or do such things as were thus violently put upon him by the Irish in his Extremity.  
Yet nothing of all this, it seems, has weighed any thing with these Irish Protestants, at least with this Author, to have any milder Thoughts of K. J. or to confess to the World, what they very well know, viz. That King James opposed the Passing of the Act of Attainder, and Repeal of the Acts of Settlement, all that he could, and made use of the Protestants (who now accuse him) to help him in it: And this Truth is so apparent, that it forces itself sometimes out of their Mouths who endeavour to conceal it. This Author, c 3. s. 9 n. 12 p. 150. says, That K. J. made use of them (the Protestant Bishops) to moderate by way of Counterpoise the madness of his own Party; and yet, at another time, all the madness of that Party must be charged upon the King: And K. J. (as this Author in the Heads of his Discourse, c 3. s. 12. n. 20. division 2. undertakes to prove) would not hear the Protestants at the Bar against the Repeal. In his Book where he comes to prove this, he only says that the Protestants were denied to be heard at the Bar of the Lords House, and an Order made that nothing should be offered in their Favour. First, This is only his saying, he produces no such Order, nor any Vouchers. Secondly, If the Lords made such an Order, What is that to the King? They did many Things against His Will, as I have shown the Repeal itself to be; and this Author knows it, yet he charges all upon K. J. himself. Well! God forgive this Author, he has written every Word with the Spirit of Malice against his much injured Sovereign, to whom he had sworn, who fell by other men's Faults rather than His own; and being down, all press upon Him, and try who can wound Him deepest; even those who Flattered Him, Addressed to Him, and were obliged by Him when in Power.  

This Author was guilty of Treason against K. J. when under His Protoction and Favor.  Nay, I have been told, That the Author owes it to King James' Mercy, that he now lives to thank him for his Goodness. Was not be accused for holding Correspondence, and giving Intelligence to the Rebels (as they were then called) both in England and the North of Ireland? And was it not true? Did he not give frequent Intelligence to Schomberg by one Sherman, and keep constant Correspondence with Mr. Tollet and others in London? He knows this would have been called Treason in those days, and a bloody-minded Tyrant would have found another Remedy for it than a short Imprisonment.  
And you may see, by the vast number of Papers which he kept, and Entries of all that past to K. J's Disadvantage, that he all along intended him the Kindness he has now paid. I suppose he will not deny it. He makes no Secret of it, but plainly justifies it, c. 3. s. 20. n. 6. p. 224. Nor can any reasonable man (say she) blame those amongst us who desired or assisted in this Deliverance, and to their utmost power laboured to procure it.  
One would reasonably ask upon this, How it came to pass that so very few Protestants lost their Lives in Ireland under K. J. being so universally involved in Treason against him. Our Author in answer to this, c. 3. s. 3. p. 179. (but it is falsely paged, it ought to be p. 187.) among other Reasons, giveth this for one, That they (the Protestants) were so true to one another. Which this Author repeated, and further explained, soon after the Revolution there, in a Letter to an Irish Protestant Bishop then in London; wherein he said, That though it was in almost every Protestants Power to hang the rest, yet, they were so true to one another they did not discover it. This shows how generally they were guilty of Treason against K. J.  
Add to this what I have been told by Protestants then in Dublin, That K. J. had once so good an Opinion of this Author, that he had him frequently in private, and trusted him in his Affairs, till at last he found him out; and his old Friend the Lord Chief-Justice Herbert was so far mistaken in him, that he vouched for him at the Council-Table with so much zeal, as to say, That he was as Loyal a Man as any sat at that Board; which did retrieve this Author from some Inconveniencies that then lay upon him, and continued him some time longer in the King's good Opinion.  
There is another Passage very surprising. I know a Person to whom this Author wrote about Sept. 88 when the News was hot of the Prince of Orange's intended Descent into England; and before the Depositions concerning the P. of Wales were published; and this Author did in his Letter mightily bemoan that there was no care taken to make some proof of his Birth, to stop the Stories were every where spread about it, without any Answer to them, which made some give the more Credit to them. If, said this Author, any thing of this sort were done to satisfy rational Men of the Birth of the Prince, I am confident the Church of England would once more (as in the Bill of Exclusion) venture to oppose the Current of the Nation, and stand by the Truth. Accordingly, when all this was done by the Depositions which were published in October, 88 we heard of no more Objections from this Author, as to the P. of W. and suppose he was satisfied; of which no Man could doubt, with any tolerable Charity for a Man of this Author's Character, considering that till the Battle of the Boyne he did acknowledge this same P. of W. as P. of W. in his solemn Addresses to God, in the face of the People: Nay, even after the Boyne, a Gentleman told me that this Author did mightily complain to him, That the Parliament in England had neither proved the Imposture of the Prince of Wales, nor the French League, with which the Nations had been so alarmed; and that it was imposing upon the Nation, to think to make them swallow these things without Proof. And yet, all this notwithstanding, in his Thanksgiving Sermon, 16 Novemb. 90. for the. Victory of the Boyne, etc. he speaks of that League with as much Assurance as if he had transacted it himself, and makes it the chief head of his Declamations against K. J. and the great Reason for our Abdicating of him; a Taste of which I have given you before: And of the P. of W. he says in the same Sermon, p. 16. That it was not so much as a well contrived Cheat. And, p. 5. We all are satisfied, says he, that this (Popish Contrivance) was the only Womb that conceived a P. of W. for us, and gave him a Birth. He tells us not what new Light he had got in these Particulars; but you ought to suppose that he was very well assured of them, before he brought them into the Pulpit; and yet being so well assured) as this Author himself perhaps, if not, others of his Brethren will tell you now) That he, with the rest of the Dublin Clergy, prayed daily for this ill contrived Cheat, 
The gross Hypocrisy of the Irish Clergy, in Praying for K James and the Prince of Wales.  as P. of W. and for his Father too, That God would give him Victory over all his Enemies, when that was the thing they least wished, and confess that they laboured all they could against it: Good God what Apprehension, what Thought had these Men of their public Prayers; bantring God Almighty, and mocking him to his Face, who heard their Words, and saw their Hearts! Is not Atheism a smaller Sin than this, since it is better to have no God, than to set up one, to laugh at him! I am not able to spare them in this.  
Before the Association in the North of Ireland, Septemb. 88 they prayed for K. J. The beginning of March following, they proclaimed the P. of O. King, and prayed for him. The 14th day King James' Army broke their Forces at Drommore, in the North of Ireland, and reduced all but Derry and Eneskillen.  
Then they prayed again for K. J. That God would strengthen him to vanquish and overcome all his Enemies. August following, Schomberg went over with an English Army. Then, as far as his Quarters reached, they returned to pray the same Prayer for K. William; the rest of the Protestants still praying for Victory to K. J. and for the P. of W. and yet now they tell us, That all that while, they all meant the same thing; four times in one Year Praying forward and backward, point blank contradictory to one another: And one would believe that they never thought of it, or considered whether it was a Fault or not: For, as if there had been no such thing, they tell K. W. in their Address to him, No. 26. Appendix. We do not doubt, say they, but God will hear the Prayers of His Church, and Crown your Majesty's Arms with Success, etc. And so they go on most Loyally to make him a Present of their Prayers; and assure his Majesty, That, with the most hearty Importunity, they would pray for him. This, I suppose, was put in, that he might not think they would pray for him, as they did for K. J. that is, Hypocritically, and against their own Heart, to that Degree, that the Bishop of Meath, in his Speech, at the head, and in the name of the Dublin Clergy, (No. 8. Append.) takes pains to clear himself and them to K. W. from having been so much as Trimmers towards K. J. while he was there among them; that is, they were his inveterate Enemies, [This was about a Week after this Bishop offered his Service to K. J. to attend upon him to the Boyne.] and their Praying for him all that time was only matter of Form, to please him: It was at once both innocent and necessary, [to keep to the Bishop's Words] and fit to be observed to a Power that was able to Crush us far worse than it did. Who would stick out for a little praying? God knew their Heart, that they did not mean a Word of what they said, even while they received the Sacrament, where they prayed for K. J. at the very Altar, as they do now for K. W. and in the Collect after the Ten Commandments, they did acknowledge before God, That K. J. was His Minister, and had His Authority; and prayed for His Grace faithfully to serve, honour, and humbly obey King James, in God and for God▪ according to his Blessed Word and Ordinance; and yet at that time they thought him not God's Minister, nor to have His Authority; were not resolved, nor thought it their Duty to serve or obey him, nay, not so much as to Trimm on his side. They thought him not their lawful King, but that K. W. was their King, and had God's Authority; and that they were obliged to obey K. W. in God, and for God, according to God's Blessed Word and Ordinance, whom yet in their Address to K. J. they call an unnatural Usurper. Was there ever such broad hardened Affronting God to his Face? What did these Divines, or others, think, when they received the Sacrament with such a Lie in their Mouths? It makes one's Hair stand on end!  
O God, look not upon this, forgive the Iniquity of our holy things!  
Will this Method persuade Men to have Regard to your Prayers, or your Principles?  
But nothing of all this touches upon our Author; he is still very confident, p. 238. That they were not guilty of any servile or mean Compliances, or, as the Bishop of Meath words it, of no Compliances, but such as were at once both innocent and necessary.  
What will our Adversaries say to this Excuse? Was it both innocent and necessary in them to abhor and detest K. W. (whom they thought their only true and lawful King) as an unnatural Usurper, and all those as Rebels and Traitors, who took his part; and to plight their Faith, and promise their Allegiance, as they do in the abovesaid Address of Parliament, with one Voice, Tongue and Heart, to K. J. whom they thought to be no longer their King, but to have Abdicated? And yet they did thus endeavour to persuade him into an entire Confidence and Dependence upon their Loyalty to him; making him a Tender of their Lives and Fortunes, against the said Usurper the P. of O. and his Adherents, and all other Rebels and Traitors whatsoever.  
If these were not servile or mean Compliances, I desire the Author to tell us what can be so? Most solemn and Parliamentary Lying upon Record, in the Face of the World, and to all Posterities! Perjury, Dissimulation and Treachery to the last Degree; persuading that Prince to trust them, whom they at the same time were resolved to destroy! And that no humane Eye should discover them, they carried on their Hypocrisy, even to pray solemnly to God every day in their Churches, for Victory to K. J. when now they all tell us, that in their hearts they wished it to K. W. If to deceive Men, was neither servile nor mean, was it both innocent and necessary thus to mock God?  
Was there not (may Papists say) just Grounds for what this Author tells of K. J. c. 3. s. 20. n. 4. p. 222. That he gave Advice to the Earl of Salisbury's Brothers, to beware of the Company of Protestants; but above all, says this Author, he forbade them conversing with the Bishops and Clergymen; for, said he, they are all false to me, and will pervert you to Disloyalty and Treason. This the Author calls loading the Protestants with the most odious Calumnies and Misrepresentations. But suppose K. J. or any of his Friends, should ask this Author, whether one Word of it was false? Will he say that they were true to K. J. or did pray sincerely for him what they daily repeated in their Common Prayers? And consequently that they gave no manner of Ground, but were perfectly innocent of the Charge with which this Author says the Papists loaded them, viz That they had no Religion at all; that they only pretended to it, but were Atheists and Traitors in their Hearts?  
It is true indeed they treated K. J. with all imaginable Demonstrations of Loyalty and Affection (but how sincere themselves will tell you now) wherever he came the Bishops and Clergy were the first to make their Court. He Landed on Tuesday the 12th of March 1689, at Kinsale, next Morning the Vicar, Mr. Thoms, went to the Fort to kiss His Majesty's Hand, being introduced by the Lord Bishop of Chester, as he tells in his Journal; and, says he, on Thursday the 14th of March, we came to Cork, and lodged at the Bishop's Palace, and I brought the Bishop and the Clergy to the King, who received them very kindly. Friday the 15th I went with the Bishop of Cork to the King's Levee, and tarried at Court till I saw the Rebels of Bandon at His Feet, and the Minister in an Elegant Speech begging their Pardon, which he granted them. And the Bishop of Cork constantly attended at the King's Levee, while His Majesty stayed there. Friday the 22d of March, K. J. came to Kilkenny, where the Bishop and Clergy were introduced by the Bishop of Chester to kiss His Majesty's Hand, who received them very graciously. Sunday the 24th the King came to Dublin. Monday the 25th (1689) Primate boil, Archbishop of Ardmagh, advised the Bishop of Chester to accept of the Bishopric of Cloghor then void: which was owning K. J. to have had at that time full right to confer it, and consequently to be Rightful King. But that was fully and absolutely owned, in ample form, on Wednesday the 27th of March, 1689, by the Bishop of Meath, and Proctor of the University, in the Name, and at the Head of the Body of the Clergy, and University. The Bishop printed his Speech, and is inserted, No. 8 Append. But the Proctor, though commanded by the King to print his Speech, modestly declined it, he was more cautious, and considered, that it was framed only for that Juncture, and is very well satisfied that we have it not now to print with the Bishop's. Tuesday the 2d of April, 1689, K. J. told the Bishop of Chester that complaint was made to him, that the Clergy of Dublin did not readily pray for the Prince of Wales  
Upon which Notice the Dublin-Clergy met, and consulted, and though they did not believe the reality of the Prince of Wales, yet they resolved the King should not have that Pretence against them, they would trust themselves in the Hand of God rather than Man, presume Deliberately to act the Hypocrite with God, and pray against their Consciences, rather than displease the King. But enough of this before.  
There is another thing: Not one of these complying Irish Protestant's but will freely acknowledge, That if K. W. or any other King should turn Papist, and do all that K. J. has done, they would and ought to serve him as they did K. J. They cannot otherwise justify their Carriage towards K. J. The consideration of this made the Parliament in England abolish that Declaration, viz. That it is not lawful, upon any pretence whatsoever, to take Arms against the King, etc.  
But this, by some neglect, is left still upon the Irish Protestant Clergy, under the Penalty of forfeiting their Live. And as many as have come into any Live since this Revolution, have read the said Declaration publicly in time of Divine Service; and are to continue so to do, and declare that they will do it, till some Parliament take it away. This will be called as gross a mocking of God, as their former praying for K. J. that is, whether they believe, or do not belive that Declaration. If they believe it, they condemn themselves in taking Arms against K. J. If they do not belive it, they make it visible to all the World, That there is no Tie or Obligation, Civil or Sacred, can touch their Consciences, when they so Solemnly, while they are Officiating in the Divine Service, and offering up to God the Prayers of their Flocks, dare, at that very time, and with the same Breath, declare before God, and the People, that they do believe it, when they do not belive it, and the People know that they do not believe it: For they make no Secret of it, will tell every one that asks them; nay they stay not to be asked, they Preach against it, and Dispute against it, and Instruct their Congregations against it, and would call any one a Jacobite and a Papist who durst own it, and hunt him to the next Goal. And, yet to save their Live, they continue still to subscribe this hated Declaration before their Ordinaries, and take Certificates under their Hands and Seals, that they have done it (as they are obliged by the Act) and publicly and openly Read the same upon the Lord's Day, in their Parish Churches where they Officiate, in the presence of the Congregation there Assembled, in the time of Divine Service, etc.  
They Read it in the Desk, and Preach against it in the Pulpit, and when they come out of Church rail at the Parliament that Imposed it, and say, That it was soon after the Restauration, Anno 1660. when People were Drunk with Loyalty, after being wearied with the direful Effects of Rebellion under all its specious Pretences; and thought they could never run far enough from it, till they run to the quite contrary Extreme, and advanced Prerogative to the utmost.  
And they Wonder, and Curse the hard Fate, that this Declaration was not taken out of the way in Ireland as well as in England, and wish it were done. But in the mean time they will lose nothing by it, they can swallow— and it will swallow them, if they do not Repent. God grant them Grace to do it: And that the Shame of this their Sin may Convent, and not Harden them.  
But this Charge is general: Our Author is only involved in it with many others. Let us return to what is more Particular as to himself, which I think I am obliged to give you an Account of, (only so far as relates to the present Business,) because it ought to weigh with you in the Credit you are to give of what he says, where he brings no other Reason than his own Averring.  

This Author was formerly a zealous Man for Passive Obedience, even in the beginning 〈◊〉 this Revolution.  Know then, that (according to certain Information I have had) that no Man was, or could be a higher Assertor of Passive Obedience, than this Author has been all his life, even at the beginning of this Revolution; that he told a Person of Honour, from whose Mouth I have it, That if the P. of O. came over for the Crown, or should accept of it, he prayed God might blast all his Designs. That there was no way to preserve the Honour of our Religion, but by adhering unalterably to our Loyalty. That it would be a glorious Sight to see a Cart full of Clergymen going to the Stake for Passive Obedience, as the Primitive Christians did. That it would prove the Support and Glory of our Religion, but that a Rebellion would ruin and disgrace it. He said if it were no more than that Declaration which he had Subscribed, of It's not being lawful upon any pretence whatsoever to take Arms against the King, etc. he would die a Hundred Deaths rather than do it. At a Meeting of the Clergy of Dublin, in the beginning of this Revolution in 88 to consider what Measures they were to take; he declared, That their taking Arms in the North of Ireland, at that time, was Rank Rebellion, if there could be any Rebellion; particularly Derry shutting their Gates against the King's Forces sent thither: And when one there present did affirm, That the Subjects might take Arms in Defence of their Laws, etc. This Author did violently oppose it, even in relation to Derry, and urged that the Bishop of Derry (Hopkins) who was then there, did protest against their shutting out the King's Forces, and refused to join with those who did it; for which, and other Reasons, this Author then gave, he was against any Bodies going to the North, or joining with them, as being a joining in Rebellion.  
About the Year 86. or 87. After his going from Wexford Waters to several of the Bishops of Munster, he wrote a Letter to a Person of undoubted Credit, giving an Account of what happened in his Journey, and of the Substance of what he Discoursed with the Bishops of Waterford, Cork, and Cloyne; he wrote, That, among other things, he advised them (as the only way to prevent the Dangers that were imminent) to a steaddiness in their Loyalty and Religion, and that he asserted, that if the King and our Temporal Governors should enact unjust Laws, that the Subject has no Remedy but Patience, against whom we allow no other Weapons but Prayers and Tears; and that it was a most unlawful thing for any to call in a Foreign Force, or erect a New Government to redress unjust Laws: And adds, That it is a sad thing that it is not observed that Rebellions in the State, and Schism in the Church arise from this one Principle; to wit, That Subjects may in some Cases resist, or separate from their Lawful Governors set over them by God: Whereas the Principle of Non Resistance is a steady Principle of Loyalty, and it will be found no easier Matter to shake either the Church or State, that is settled on it. And he repeats it again, That it is intolerable for the Members of any State to flee to Foreign Succours, out of Pretence, that their own Governors have made Laws against Reason, Conscience and Justice; and foolish to allege in their Defence, That all Mankind is of one Blood, and bound to help one another. [Which now he has made his great Argument in this Book, Chap. 1. Sect. 5]  
What is above-written, I have from the Person to whom he wrote it, and more to the same purpose; and if he desire it, his Letters shall be produced.  
The same Person told me that about the beginning of this Revolution he was in Company with the Author, and another Gentleman (I think it was Dr. Dun) who blamed the preaching of Passive Obedience so high, as the cause of what had befallen us; whom this Author smartly reproved, and vindicated the Doctrine of Passive Obedience to the height.  
But that Zeal and Courage has left him with his Principles, or while he counterfeits his Principles, [there is a difference of assurance in defending some Causes] which makes him now shun all those who knew his former Principles, and have not changed as well as himself: He refused to see, all the time he was in London last August and September, a Deprived Bishop, with whom he was as intimate as any Man, and had contracted a great Friendship: and when he was minded of it to see his Old Friend, he would not, said they should fall into Heats. And beginning of this last October 1692, being in Oxford, on his Road to Ireland, Mr. Hudson of Universitycollege was with this Author in the Schools-Quadrangle, at the very time Mr. Dodwell his admired Acquaintance was going up to the Library, and Mr. Hudson ask whether he should call after him, our Author forbade him, saying, He knew Mr. Dodwell would be angry with him. If he thought that Mr. Dodwell was in an Error, he ought to have endeavoured to convince him. No, he knew that Mr. Dodwell stood upon the same Ground where he left him: and that it was he himself had Prevaricated, and forsaken his first Love, and therefore was ashamed to meet with the Man who knew his Principles so well before, and who had stuck close to them in the Day of Trial. The very sight of such a Man is an upbraiding of their Cowardice and Unconstancy who have deserted their Principles, and raises Gild in their Faces which their Eyes would discover, though they were hardened against a Blush.  — Heu quantum mutatus ab illo! 
From the well reputed and deserving Dr. K. who honoured and admired, and loved Mr. Dodwell, above most Men, would have gone far to see him, and was proud of corresponding with him! and now shuns his sight, as Guilty Sinners would the Face of Heaven! O, if this Author had retained his Integrity, how much greater would he have appeared in the Friendship, Esteem, and Fellow-Suffering of this Great Man, then in his Guilty Purple? But Deserters must show their Zeal, and discover their own Shame.  
Behold now how he starts, and quotes it as a full Proof of King James' Arbitrary Designs, That it was Enacted in their Act of Recognition in Ireland, That the Decision, in all Cases of a misused Authority by a Lawful Hereditary King, must be left to the sole judgement of God. Indeed, I was amazed to see him quote this as so strange a thing, which is over and over to be found in the Acts both of England and Scotland and Ireland; as if he had not only forsaken, but quite forgot what he had formerly taught. He has got new Principles and a new Language, p. 182. (it ought to be 190. for it is false Printed,) he says K. J. was ungrateful to the Irish Protestant Clergy: This is very familiar; but what was the King's Ingratitude? Because, if they had been disloyal in Monmouth or Argile's Rebellion, they might have made an Insurrection, etc.  
So that this Author thinks the King is in their Debt for not Rebelling. And I suppose this is all the way that they brought him to the Throne, as this Author says in the same place.  
It seems these Irish Clergy have been mighty Men, and we have not known it. But he says that by their Zeal for King James, they lost the Affections of their People. This is a Scandal, I verily believe, upon the Irish Protestants: They were, I hope, better Men; I have known some of them, and this Author ought to know them better. I have not heard that any of the Irish Protestants took Offence at that Passage which this Author Printed in the Preface to a Sermon of the Lord Bishop of Kilmore's, preached in the Author's Church of St. Warborrough's in Dublin, in March, 1684. the first year of King James' Reign: It was entitled St. Paul's Confession of Faith: There, in a Letter of this Author's to the Lord Bishop, which is Printed in the Preface, he avers positively in these words, viz. It is impossible for any one of our Communion to be disloyal without renouncing his Religion.  
This past better with the Irish Protestants, 
Dr. Till. Extent of Loyalty in his Serm. 2 Apr. 80 before K. C. 2.  than that Super-Loyal Strain of our famous Dr. Tillotson (which he Preached before the King at Whitehall, Apr. 2. 1680. upon Josh. 24.15. did please the Church of England- men here, other than those who took the Court for the Standard of their Religion. The Passage is, Pag. 11. & Sect. 2. of the Sermon; where the Doctor, in profound Adoration of the Royal Authority, and the Legal Establishment of a Nation, makes it unlawful to preach against the established Religion of a Nation, (though it be false) unless we could justify our Commission by Miracles, as the Apostles did. All, says he, that Persons of a different Religion can in such a Case reasonably pretend to, is to enjoy the private Liberty and Exercise of their own Conscience and Religion; for which they ought to be very thankful, [because, by the way it is impossible for any Government to hinder any Man from the private Exercise of his own Conscience and Religion,] and to forbear the open making of Proselytes to their own Religion, (though they be never so sure that they are in the right,) till they have an extraordinary Commission from God to that purpose.  
Now, because some do think That that extraordinary Commission, Matt. 28.19, 20 Go teach all Nations— belongs to the Successors of the Apostles to the end of the World, to which time Christ there promises to assist this Commission of his, and to be with those who preach it, therefore the Dr. bars that Pretence in what is said above; for he not only requires That such Men should be extraordinarily Commissioned, as the Apostles and first Publishers of the Gospel were, but that they be able to sustifie that Commission by Miracles, as they did. This indeed does effectually secure any People from being disturbed with the hearing of the Christian, or  other Religion, but that wherein they were bred, till a new Age of Miracles shall arise.  
If our Author had gone to this length of Passive Obedience, I should not wonder that some Irish Protestants had been offended; for it did not relish with us here, notwithstanding the good Dr. was at the pains to print it twice for our Information. 
And 5 Nou. 78. before the H. of Com.  And that he had two Years before Instructed the Honourable House of Commons, in the same flight of Loyal Principles, in his Sermon preached before them, 5 Nou. 1687. upon Luke 9.55, 56. Where, in the second Head of his Discourse, p. 17. he speaks Of an evil Spirit in the World, which not only contrary to Christianity, but the common Principles of Natural Religion, which by Falsehood and Perfidiousness, by Secret Plots and Conspiracies, or by open Sedition and Rebellion— by Deposing and Killing of Kings— by the ruin of their Country, and betraying it into the hands of Foreigners— by all the wicked Ways imaginable, doth invite Men to promote and advance their Religion. But when Religion, says he, p. 19 once comes to supplant Moral Righteousness— to lie for the Truth, and to kill Men for God's sake; when it seems to no other purpose, but to be a Bond of Conspiracy, to inflame the Tempers of Men to a greater fierceness, and to set a keener edge upon their Spirits— then surely it loses its Nature, and ceases to be Religion.  
For let any Man say worse of Atheism and Infidelity if he can. And for God's sake, What is Religion good for, but to reform the Manners and Dispositions of Men, to restrain humane Nature from Falshood and Treachery, from Sedition and Rebellion!  
It is true indeed that the Christian Religion is the most conducive to promote Temporal Peace, and good Government of any thing in the World: But we have been taught (and I hope it is true) that it has much more Spiritual and greater Ends than these; viz. Eternal Happiness in the clear Vision of God, and Enjoyment of him for ever And therefore that it is good for something else than Temporal Quiet among Men, which it does not always procure; nor is it always a Blessing, unless when accompanied with Truth; Peace and Security in our Sins is the greatest Curse. And therefore a Religion which happens to disturb the outward Peace of this World, may not be worse than Infidelity or no Religion, as the Dr. supposes; for, Let any Man say worse of Atheism and Infidelity if he can, says the Dr. with great Courage! But, good Sir, if you would give me leave, Does not Atheism and Infidelity lead to Hell and Damnation? And that is a little worse, I humbly conceive, than any Embroilments in this World, that were ever caused for Religion, even that of Joshua among the Canaanites; which, by all the Arguments in this Sermon, was an attempt contrary to the Nature of true Religion, and must have biased all who look no farther than Temporal Quiet against Joshua's Religion, and to embrace rather that of the Canaanites, who acted only on the Defensive But I will not be so unjust to this learned Dr. as to conceal the Strength of his Argument. That Hell is worse than Temporal Disturbance, does indeed carry the Vogue among unthinking People; and consequently they do suppose, contrary to the Dr. that Atheism and Infidelity are worse than the Disturbance of our Quiet here. But he has taken pains to instruct them in his Sermon Preached before the Queen, 7 March 90. upon Matt 25.46. and Printed By their Majesty's special Command; That all God's Threaten of Hell may be only in Terrorem, to Frighten Men; but that there is no Necessity nor Certainty that Hell will be Eternal, as is threatened, or that there will be any Hell at all: But a less threat than that of Eternal Punishment, he says, is not sufficient to deter Men from Sin: And therefore that God did wisely to threaten it: But the Dr. (to prevent God from Deceiving of Mankind) has told this great Secret. Has God said ye shall surely die? But the Dr. says, Ye shall not surely die. Taste of my Knowledge, and it will open your Eyes. For, as he goes on in that Sermon on the 5th. of Novemb. abovesaid.  
Better it were there were not Revealed Religion, 
Both these Serm. are Pr. anew in the Year 91. in the 3d. Vol. of Dr. Till. Sermons.  and that humane Nature were left to the Conduct of its own Principles and Inclinations— than to be acted by a Religion that— is continually supplanting Government, and undermining the Welfare of Mankind: Such a Religion as teaches Men to propagate and advance itself by Means, so evidently contrary to the very Nature and End of all Religion. And, p. 21. The Doctrine of the Lawfulness of Deposing of Kings, and Subverting Government— is as bad, or worse than Infidelity, and no Religion. How much better Teachers of Religion were the Old Heathen Philosophers? In all whose Books and Writings, there is not one Principle to be found of Treachery or Rebellion.  
But blessed be God, says Dr. Burnet, in his Sermon upon Rom. 13. v. 5. p. 36. Our Church hates and condemns this Doctrine from what Hand soever it come, and hath established the Rights and Authority of Princes on sure and unalterable Foundations; enjoining an entire Obedience to all the lawful Commands of Authority, and an absolute Submission to that supreme Power which God hath put in our Sovereign's hands. This Doctrine we justly glory in; and if any that had their Educations in our Church, have turned Renegadoes from this, they prove no less Enemies to the Church herself, than to the Civil Authority: So that this Apostasy leaves no Blame on our Church.  
If you think the Titles of Renegado and Apostate, to be too plain Dealing, I cannot help it; they are the Doctors own Words; and, no doubt, proceeded from a godly Zeal and Indignation, against such base Deserters of these Principles of Loialty, which are taught by the Church of England, in her Homilies, Canons, Articles, and Authentic Records.  
As did likewise that pious Ejaculation of our Author, c. 2. s 7. n. 2. p. 29. That he is a very dishonest man that dissembles, or altars his Opinion, without any other visible motive besides Gain or Preferment— And that their living so long in the profession of the Protestant Religion (he is speaking of Converts to Popery and you may apply it to the Converts from Passive Obedience to the Doctrine of Resistance and Commonwealth Principles,) if they did not believe it, was to all honest men an Argument of so great Hypocrisy, that the person guilty of it, one would think, should not have been trusted by any that valued either Truth or Honesty; but if this Declaration (viz: of their new Opinion) was only feigned, as I am apt to believe it was in many, than their Conversion was on Effect of Covetousness or Ambition, and an Act of Hypocrisy, to be ababhorred by all good men. However, to persuade the World that they were real, they were very mischievous to Protestants in general, (to those whose Principles they had forsaken,) especeally to those that had been kind to them whilst in an inferior condition. And it was observable of these Converts, That they, immediately on their Reconcilement, made themselves signal by some eminently wicked Act. Thus our Author: And he says, p. 31. The truth is, they were people that made no distinction between Right and Wrong, but as they served their Interest.  
It would perhaps be thought malicious, if I should retort every word of this upon our Author, in relation to his present Conversion from his former Principles of Loyalty and Passive Obedience And if his present Principles be not true, he has hanseled his Conversion by an Act much more eminently wicked beyond all Comparison, by the writing of this Book, than what he observes of Converts to Popery in Ireland. What Proportion is ' there twixt tossing a Butcher in a Blanket, which he tells, p. 29. or two or three small Murders in the heat of Blood, and breaking a Cryer's head, which is set out, p. 30 as the first Fruits of these Papists Conversion; what Proportion do these bear to a Bishop's deliberate giving up of half the Nation at a time to the Slaughter, and Hallowing it in all past and to all suture Generations? This I have enlarged upon already. Again, if his Matters of Fact be false, or but in the least aggravated or misrepresented, how eminently wicked will this first remarkable Act of our Author's Conversion appear, when he takes God to Witness, and protests before him (p. 239) that he has neither aggravated, nor misrepresented?  
But before I take leave of this Author, with the rest of his Brethren, the Dublin Clergy who remained there, and complemented, as it proved, K. J. with full assurance of their adhering unalterably to their Church of England Loyalty (who durst doubt it?) even with Relation to K. J. after he was declared Abdicate, and a new King (even K. W. himself) set upon the Throne, and claiming the Allegiance of his Subjects in Dublin, and the rest of Ireland; even then, did the Right Reverend the Lord Bishop of Meath, at the Head, and in the Name, of their Dublin Clergy, with some others, as many as could get thither out of the Country, again affirm their Allegiance to K. J. in most express Terms, and all the Rhetoric he could invent to persuade K. James, into an entire Confidence of their adhering to him as their Rightful King, and that it was pursuant to the Principles of the Church of England so to do: Which Speech we had here printed two Years ago, together with another of the same Bishop to K. W. when he came to Ireland, in the Name of the same Clergy, and I have annexed them to this, with the Answers of both Kings. No. 8. Appendix.  
Now before we part with these Gentlemen, I would earnestly desire them to answer me (with the same Sincerity with which they addressed to one or both of these Kings) Whether it King James had succeeded at the Boyne, and been then reestablished in England, they would have put that Comment upon their Speech to him which they did afterwards in their Speech to K. W? And whether if any Man should have charged them for meaning it with that Reserve, they would not have called it a base Calumny, and sworn to the contrary, if K J. had required it, at least if an Act of Parliament had been made to have Deprived them if they did not?  
I ask again, Whether they would have confessed, as now they do, that they did not mean sincerely in what they Prayed for K. James, viz. That God would give him strength to vanquish and overcome all his Enemies?  
Nay farther, Whether they would not have boasted of their Loyalty, and sincere Intentions towards King James, and reproached those of Disaffection to Him, who had forsaken Him, and of quitting the true Principles of the Church of England? and that they were ready to suffer not only much more than they did, but even Death itself, without Threatening, or Reviling, much less Resisting the Lord's Anointed, according to the Command of Scripture, the Practice of Christ, and his Apostles, and the Primitive Christians, and the express Doctrine of our Homilies, etc.  
All these good Words we should have had from them● no doubt, these only had been the Men of Principles, Firmness, Courage, nay even of Christianity!  
But they are detected God would not suffer such masked Hypocrisy to deceive the World. It is told, Luke 2.35. as one of the Effects of Christ's coming into the World, That the Thoughts of many hearts should be revealed.  

The Behaviour of the Clergy in taking the Oaths.  This has been remarkably fulfilled in this Revolution; but especially in the Clergy. There never was so sudden and so shameful a Turn of Men professing Religion; and the manner of doing it so impolitic, as to make it evident they took the Oaths with at least a doubting and scrupalous Conscience, (the Sentence of which they may read Rom. 14.23.) for they did not take them freely, but haggled, and kept off, some to the last day, roaring against them all the while, and then coming about all at once, with new coined Distinctions and Declarations, point blank contrary to the declared Sense of the Imposers. They differed among themselves; every one had a particular Salvo for his own Conscience. Some pretend they keep to Passive Obedience still; others, that they were never for it. It is a severe Jest that the Common People have got up against the Clergy, That there was but one thing formerly which the Parliament could not do, that is, to make a Man a Woman: But now there is another, that is, to make an Oath which the Clergy will not take.  
In short, they have shown such Unwillingness, such poor pitiful mean Arts, to shift, to compound, to accommodate this Oath to their Interests, that K. W. has no reason to trust them nor their Oaths. They will find a Distinction to leave him, if ever they can make their Account by it. But no doubt he understands them.  

Of the Deprived Clergy.  I will not enter upon the Case of the Deprived Clergy; only say this, That their Firmness to what the People think to have been the uncontroverted Doctrine of the Church of England, that is Passive Obedience, has kept many Men from rank Atheism, and believing all Religion to be really no more than Priestcraft, and a mere Cheat: while they see Divines turn for a piece of Bread, and damn that to day, which they enjoined yesterday upon pain of Damnation. But on the other hand, when they find so many, and the greatest of them, part with all they have in the World, Honours, Estates, and ready, as they have given good Reason to believe, to lay down their very Lives in adhering to those Principles which they have preached; this forces People to reflect that these Men are in earnest with Religion, and that there may be such a thing. For the greatest Danger to which we are now exposed, by this Defect of so many of our Clergy, is not only Popery or Phanaticism, whose Principles they have embraced, but a contempt of all Religion, which is now spread over the Land, in a manner unheard of in former Ages. The Lord avert this sad Omen! and grant us Repentance to prevent his Judgements, for Christ Jesus sake.  
This is a sad Subject, to look upon the Nakedness and Reproach of so many who were once Members of that Renowned Church of England! Let us turn our Eyes to some less afflicting Prospect.  

Roman Catholic Loyalty.  Among these melancholy Discoveries we have made of the Failings of our Friends, let us not forget those of our Opposites of the Church of Rome, lest they glory in our Downfall.  
I go not abroad, nor meddle with the Confederacy of Pope Innocent XI. the Emperor, King of Spain, and other Roman Catholic Princes, to set up a Protestant Prince against a Roman Catholic King, who has no other Crime laid to his Charge, by our Author's own Confession, than what he calls the natural Effects of Popery: And for this, Thousands of Armed Papists came to dispossess him!  
It is said, That Religion was not the only Quarrel, and we easily believe it. It has the least share in our Quarrels, though it is always made the Pretence. It would have been made the Pretence and Loialty in abundance, as with the Dublin Clergy, so with the Irish Papists, if they had prevailed; and it would have been hard to disprove them. 
Particularly of the Irish.  But now they too are detected.  
I speak not of all. I ●e●●e not to ma●e any National Re●●●●ion; no doubt there are many ●onest and gallant 〈◊〉 that 〈◊〉 other Nations; and they have shown it, 〈…〉 always will show in. But I am looking upon the 〈◊〉 of ●●●y others of them in this Revolution, 〈…〉 that there was more of Interest 〈◊〉 their Designs, than pure Principles of Loialty.  
Wi●n●ss their forcing K. J. to call a Parliament, when it was so very unseasonable, in the midst of his short time of Action, and threatening to lay down their Arms and desert him, if he would not pass the Bills of Attainder, and Repeal of the Acts of Settlement; Their hindering him so many times to go to Scotland, which was then visibly his Interest, and suffering none they could help, English or Scots, though Roman Catholics, to be employed; even forcing some of his Ministers from him, whom they supposed no Friends to their Interest: Insomuch that the King complained to a Scots Gentleman, who was pressing him to mind his Affairs in Scotland, What can I do? You see I am left alone, I have none to do any thing for me. But above all, some of them moving to him for leave to cut off the Protestants, which he returned with Indignation and Amazement, saying, What, Gentlemen, are you for another Forty-One? Which so galled them, that they ever after looked upon him with a jealous Eye, and thought him, though a Roman Catholic, too much an Englishman to carry on their Business. And I am told by persons come from thence, That the generality of the Irish Papists do at this day lay all their Misfortunes upon K. J. because he would not follow their Measures, and was so inclinable to favour the Protestants.  
Lastly, their Surrender, or Selling of Limerick (as some say, but I know nothing of it) but this is certain, that they were well able to have held out till the French Succours could have come: And some of these Irish have since been rewarded by K. W. and have found their Account in the Articles granted them, and made no scruple to take the Oath of Allegiance to K. W. and Q. M. which is agreed to in the Articles of Limerick, and now taken generally by the Irish Papists all over Ireland, by direction of their Clergy. But these Irish for got that it was chief upon their Account, by showing favour to them, that K. J. brought upon himself all his Misfortunes. Putting them into Power, and displacing Protestants to make room for them, made more noise, and raised K. J. more Enemies, than all the other maladministrations charged upon his Government put together.  
But when some of them saw that he could no longer secure them their own Estates, or give them those of the Protestants, they gave over His Cause, and found no difficulty to swear to another Prince, though a Protestant, and possessed of K. J's Crown.  
It was not much better they served his Father; first brought him under Calumny for pretended Kindnesses to them and their Religion; counterfeited Commissions under his Name, (which Sir Phelim O Neal confessed at his Death) and endeavoured to cast the Odium of their Rebellion and Massacre upon Him: And after, when they made a show to return to their Loyalty, they disappointed him of the Succours they had agreed to send him against the Rebels in England, joined with the Pope's Nuncio against him, and invited over a Foreign Prince, the Duke of Lorraine, to Rule over them.  
I have heard some of the Irish attribute their ill Success in the Rebellion of 41. to the barbarous Massacres by which they began it, and their unfaithful dealing with K. Charles I. And some of the soberest among them now do make the Reflection, That their ill Usage of K. James II. when he came among them, (sacrificing his Interest to the carrying on of their own Designs) did justly deserve that Judgement which fell upon them in the Issue of that War.  
We have done with their Loyalty; at least their Mouths are stopped against the Defection of so many of the Church of England.  

Of the Roman Catholics of England.  And I think the Roman Catholics of England too are not to insult: For though the Oaths be not come to them, and therefore we cannot say certainly whether they will Swear or not, yet there lies this against them, viz. in their public Chapels here in London, they pray for K. W. and Q. M. which some of their Communion told me.  
I hear that all the Protestant Nonjurors say, There is the same Argument against praying as swearing: And of all their number, none did allow himself to pray but Dr. Sherlock alone, who, as he tells in the Preface to his Recantation, stood single among the Nonswearing Clergy upon this account; and you see he did not stay with them. But the same Principle that led him to pray, brought him to swear too, rather than stick out. Therefore let not these Roman Catholics be highminded, because others have fallen, but rather fear lest having gone already Dr. Sherlock's length of Praying, they may come to Swear like him, if they should be pinched as he was: Nay, I have heard several of them argue for the Lawfulness of it, only they would keep from it as long as they could. I say not that this does conclude upon others who do not so; but it may make them more modest in rejoicing over our Fall.  

Nonjurors of the Church of England.  Upon the whole, I must say, That there are none have cleverly stuck to the Principles they professed, but the Nonjurors of the Church of England: For, as they professed them all along, in the same sense they have stuck to them now; and have given that demonstration of their being in earnest, that they are content to lose all, rather than deviate from them.  
And this is one Discovery, among the rest, that this Revolution has made: It has discovered the inflexible Loyalty of these Men, whom neither personal Injuries, nor Attempts upon their Religion, Liberty or Property, can move from that Duty to the King which they think a Principle of their Religion; and this is a high Vindication of their Religion, and a Recommendation of it. But now we are upon the Discovery, let us not forget to do Justice to all. We cannot forget the Rise and Source of our Disease, whence all these Evils we now feel and foresee, have come upon us; and that is our wicked Presbyterian Rebellion against K. C. 1. which banished his Children into Popish Countries; God thereby fulfilling a just Judgement upon these Unchristian Rebels, 
Presbyterian Loyal●y.  permitting his Son to suck in the Principles of Roman Catholic Religion, of which these Hypocrites, against their own Consciences, accused his Father, and on that pretence instigated his deluded Subjects to Rebel against him: Therefore it is plainly the Presbyterians we have to thank for K. J's being a Roman Catholic, and all the ill Consequences which depend upon it.  
God often in his Alwise Providence suffers Rebellion to bring on those same Evils, for prevention of which we chose to Rebel; as the Jews crucified Christ, lest the Romans should come; 
Joh. 11.48.  and his Death brought the Romans, who did take away their Place and Nation.  
This had been an Application more befitting a Divine, and to have warned us of those Sins which have provoked God to send his Judgements amongst us, rather than to by't the Stone, not minding the Hand that threw it; to lay all upon K. J. if it had been true. But to tell downright Untruths of him, or to misrepresent the Truth to appear other than really it is, which is likewise Lying, and perhaps the more wicked of the two, being harder to be discovered, and so more apt to impose upon unwary and unthinking People. This is direct Diabolical, the Office and the Denomination of the Adversary and false Accuser.  

Popish Principles which are embraced.  It had been a more proper and serviceable Undertaking of this Author, to justify himself and others of his complexion from this Imputation, and several other things formerly railed at against Popery; as, the Deposing Doctrine, Dispensing with Oaths, Jesuitical Equivocations, and Mental Reservations, Not keeping Faith with Heretics, etc. where we own we must have kept the same Promises made to another; and all this, or any other Falsity or Immorality, to be allowed for the Good of the Church.  
If to preserve the Protestant Religion, will excuse us to dispense with God's Commands, as much as we say the Papists have done to preserve their Church, we must expect that the Protestant Religion will grow as hateful to all good Men, as the Church of Rome is to the most Bigoted against it; or the Jewish Doctrine of Corban, which dispenses with the fifth Commandment upon the same Pretences, viz. for the Good of the Church, to enrich the Treasury of the Temple; or the Fanatic Confession of Faith, That Dominion is founded in Grace.  
But all these have the Advantage of our Church of England Clergy. The Jews had the Tradition of their Elders to plead, and the Church of Rome have their Great Council of Lateran for the Deposing Doctrine, the Council of Constance for Violating Faith to Heretics, etc. and they have their Traditions too for the Benefit of the Church; and the Presbyterian has his Solemn League and Covenant.  
But the Church of England Clergy are destitute of all these Helps: There is nothing of these, but the direct contrary, in all her Articles, Homilies, Canons, Rubrics, or any Constitutions of her Church.  

The Church of England Vindicated.  And the Metropolitan of all England, with a Quorum of Bishops, and several hundreds of the Inferior Clergy, have adhered to the Doctrine of their Church, and suffered themselves to be Deprived, rather than act or teach contrary to it. Therefore this cannot be called a Defection of the Church of England, but only of particular Persons, who have done it in opposition to their Superiors in the Church as well as in the State; and let them answer for it; but let the Reputation of the Church be preserved: It has already received both a Testimony and a Vindication from the Mouth of K. J. himself, who (as some present have told) when an Irish Lord at Dublin, attending upon His Majesty at Supper, began to reproach the Church of England for her Apostasy from her former Principles of Loyalty, etc. The King replied, They are the Church of England, who have kept to the Principles of the Church of England. The Lord made Answer, But, Sir, how few are they in comparison with the rest? The King said, They are more than Christ had to begin Christianity with.  
And all Rightful Kings of England have this Security from the Members of the Church of England more, than from either Popish or Presbyterian Dissenters, That when either of these two last-named take Arms against the King for the Propagation of their Religion, they act pursuant both to the Principles and Practice of their Churches: but no true Church-of-England man can take Arms against the King, in Defence of his Religion, Liberty, Property, or any pretence whatsoever, without at the same time renouncing the Principles of his Church, or, in Dr. Burnet's words, turning Renegado and Apostate from it, and from the constant Practices of its true Professors to this present Age. And though God has sifted Her, and discovered Her unsound Members, most of whom were fanatics grafted contrary to Nature, yet we may perceive by the Remnant He has left, that it will end in rendering her more Pure and Glorious, after she has passed the Refiner's Fire.  
These Considerations have taken me a little out of the Road (if it be out of the Road) of the present Business: I will return to the Author.  
We have seen his Sincerity in the Original Matter of Fact, and Mother of all the rest, viz. Who were the Aggressors in the late miserable Revolution of Ireland, for they were answerable for all that followed.  

Matter● of Fact set down by this Author at random.  But there are many other Particulars, besides those to which I have spoken, wherein the Author shows great variety of prevarication: And though he pretends to so great exactness, which any one would believe by his Method, yet it is visible that he set down things at random, merely for want of pains to examine them.  
C. 3. S. 12. at the end, p. 165. he pretends to compute what the Estates of all the Jacobites in England and Scotland are worth. But this may pass more innocently than where it reflects upon any particular Persons Reputation; in these Cases, it is not only uncharitable, but unjust, to say any thing at a venture. If we know not the thing to be true, we are to err on the charitable side, and not mention what may reflect upon another: but if we do, we must be sure to set down our Vouchers, so as to leave no umbrage to suspect the Truth. This our Author, I am afraid, has not so punctually observed through all this Book, particularly in the Characters which he takes upon him to give of so many persons. C. 3. S. 3. he accuses the Judges, particularly the Lord Chief Justice Nugent, ibid. n 5. p. 61. of downright Bribery, That he went sharer in Causes before him, and not only appeared for them on the Bench, but also secretly encouraged and fomented them.  
I have heard others say, who are no Admirers of that Judge, That they are confident this is a rank Slander and Calumny; and that no such thing can be proved against him. However, an Accusation of so heinous a Nature ought not to have been exhibited, especially in Print, without some Proofs along with it.  
This Nugent, says the Author, was pitched on by K. J. to judge whether the Outlawries against his Father and his Fellow Rebels should be reversed. Now I am assured, That his Father, viz. the Earl of Westmeath was not Outlawed; which if so, this is such another careless Mistake as this Author makes, ibid. n. 3. pag. 60. where he calls Felix O Neil (a Master of Chancery in King James' time) Son of Turlogh O Neil the great Rebel in 41, and Massacrer of the Protestants. That Turlogh O Neil was Brother to the Famous Sir Phelom O Neil, and was not Father to this Felix O Neil.  
I have been told by Men of Ireland, That this Felix O Neil's Father's Name was Phelom; and that he was so far from being a bloody Masacrer in 41. that he was civil to the Protestants in those times, particularly to 〈…〉 Guilliam, Father to Meredith Guilliam, now a Major in K. W's Army, whom he obliged by his civil Usage of him, when he was Prisoner with the Irish; and the same Guilliam's Relations do still acknowledge it.  
But as to the Reversing of these Outlawries, this Author has not done right to K. J. For upon the Representation made to his Majesty by the Earl of Clarendon, than Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, of the ill Consequences of the Reversal of these Outlawries, particularly the Jealousy it gave of encroaching upon the Acts of Settlement, (which you will see more at large in King James' Letter of the Third of May, 86. to the Earl of Clarendon, and his Lordship's proceed thereupon, which are hereunto annexed, No. 20) His Majesty did not press that matter any farther; and so there was a stop put to these Reversals, during the Government of my Lord Clarendon in Ireland, and for any thing I can hear, afterwards, till this Revolution. So that this seems rather an Imposition upon the K. (as there were many) by my Lord Tyrconnel and those of his Party, than a thing that sprung immediately from the King's own Breast, or that he pitched upon Judge Nugent, on purpose to carry it on violently, as this Author sets it out in his Guesses at Random, and would have it pass for some mighty Matter.  
To this Class will justly belong what I have before mentioned of this Author's bold and positive Politics upon foreign Princes and States, and likewise of the P. of W. Fr. League, etc. which he had from the same Intelligence, and avers with the same Assurance.  

By Innendoes, wherein his groundless and unjust Reflection upon the E. of Clarendon.  He has likewise an Art of making many things pass by Innendo's, whose Falsehood would have appeared if they had been plainly related. For Example, c. 3 s. 12. p. 144. telling of the assurances sent over by King James to Ireland by the Earl of Clarendon Lord Lieutenant, and Sir Charles Porter Lord Chancellor, he says, These Declarations gained belief from the credulous Protestants, especially that made by Sir Charles; who behaving himself with Courage and Integrity in his Office, went a great way to persuade them; which being the Ground of their being persuaded by him, more especially than by my Lord Clarendon, plainly insinuates as if my Lord Clarendon had not behaved himself with Courage and Integrity in his Office there.  
This Author is the first Irish Protestant I have heard give my Lord Clarendon an ill word as to his Government in Ireland. On the contrary, they all speak exceeding things of him, particularly of his Zeal and Pains for Supporting the Protestant Interest in that Kingdom; which gained their hearts to as great a degree, if not more than most Chief Governors had ever been there; they never parted with any Chief Governor with so much regret: and, as I have been told, none courted him more when he was there, than this Author, who was admitted one of his Excellency's Chaplains; but now thinks fit that should be forgotten, at least kept for a more seasonable Juncture  
But C 2. S. 4 n. 1. p. 19 he has an Inuendo of a higher Nature than this: It imports no less than that the Protestants of Ireland conquering the Irish there, gives them a Title to Ireland independent on the Crown of England. He places the Scene indeed in another Reign; but the Application is too obvious to be mistaken.  
I suppose none will deny but K. C. 2. at his Restauration in the year 1660. to the Crown of England, had thereby a good Title to Ireland: But this Author plainly insinuates as if the English Rebels who Conquered Ireland, as he calls it, under Oliver, had thereby gained a Right to it for themselves; and therefore makes it not a Duty, but a mere Act of Generosity in them, to call home K. C. 2. and says, That they bestowed Ireland upon him, etc. These are his words, viz.  
The Conquerors (viz. Oliver's Army) joined in bringing home K. C. 2. and generously gave up themselves, together with the Kingdom of Ireland, without Articles or Conditions, into his hands. Where observe, They had a Right to have kept him out, and not to have admitted him without such Articles and Conditions as they thought fit; And our Author does not seem to approve of their receiving him without such Articles; as he does not the King's restoring the Conquered, under certain Qualifications, to a part of the forfeited Lands. King's are in a good condition, when all their Actions are thus to be Arraigned by every one who can take the Boldness to call them to an Accou●●, and Publish their Censure of Majesty to the World. The same Language is now in many of their mouths, as to the present Reduction of Ireland, and they grudge the Articles of Limerick and Galloway, etc. not considering, that there is no Government, but by the necessity of their Affairs may be forced sometimes to take Measures which may alarm some sort of People; and if, for this, People have liberty to attack the Government in every Coffee-house and Cabal, what Peace can be lasting? tho' they should do it by such discreet Inuendoes as this Author. King's now indeed are upon their good Behaviour! as this Author of late loyally expressed it on the Thirtieth of January in Christ-Church Dublin, applying it to that Day, to show the glorious Change of his Principles.  
But for a Noble stroke, both for speaking at Random, for Inuendo's, and for weight of Argument, see C. 3. S. 12. n. 21. p. 165. It is thus styled in the Heads of Discourse: Protestants lost more in Ireland, than all that favour K. I 's Cause in England are worth. In the Section itself he adds Scotland too. This is a Discovery the Parliament would thank him for, at least Mr. Fuller. I dare not ask this Author by what means he came to know more than King and Parliament, or any in England pretend to, to find out all the Jacobites in England and Scotland, and the value of their Estates: Well, it must pass by Inuendo, and that cannot be disproven. But he inuendo's in the Jacobites Thoughts too, as well as their Estates. And I suppose, says he, it would put them (the Jacobites) out of conceit with Him (K. J.) or any other King (there he handsomely brings in K. W. and shows the Opinion, as he believes, of the Williamites, at least you may conclude it is his own) that should take away but one half of their Estates from them. There the Government has the stint of his Obedience.  
But has not this Author's Intelligence brought him the News yet of the Deprivation of the Archbishop of Canterbury, and other English Bishops and Clergy, with a greater Number in Scotland, who have lost the whole of their Estates, and it is believed would lay down their Lives too for what they think to be their Duty to their King: And there are many Lay-Jacobites as resolute even as they. Did this Author never hear that Mr. Ashton suffered Death, and would not own this to be a Fault? And that the Bishops of Chichester and Worcester asserted it upon their Deathbeds; and that they would have gone to the Stake, rather than have forsaken their Passive Obedience, or taken the present Oaths. How is it possible that a Man so well read as the Author, in the Primitive Persecutions, should think losing but half ones Estate so mighty a Matter, in asserting the Principles of our Religion?  
But these things we can better hear, than where he would impose upon us such Incredible Stories as would not pass at a Country Wake. 
Incredible Matters of Fact.  Such is that, c. 2. s. 8. n. 4. p. 33. where he gives us such an Idea of the Wild Irish, as he that said he had seen some of them so tame that they would eat Meat out of his hand. He says that it seemed an unreasonable Hardship to those of them who were Landlords, That they should be called to an account for killing or robbing their Tenants, or ravishing their Daughters. I confess this so startled me, from an Author of his Gravity, and living in that Country, that it put me upon the Curiosity of enquiring of some Gentlemen of that Country, who told me it was just as true as their having Hair upon their Teeth. That there were ill Men among them, and Murders and Rapes have been committed, as in other places; but that they were so savage and ignorant, at this time of day, as not to expect to be called to an account for such horrible Crimes, is an Assertion that astonishes every body that hears of it. If he means that in the time of this War, such Crimes went unpunished, others have the same to say; Witness Dr. Gorge's Letter. But the Author's Topick in this place is not of the time of the War, but of the manner of these People before; so that it is an egregious Imposition upon our English Understandings, to think to pass this upon us.  
It is almost as strange as this, what he tells, c. 3. s. 11. n. 8. p. 138. That Colonel Luttrel, Governor of Dublin, condemned Mr. Piercy, a Merchant, to be hanged, for saying (very calmly) That he was not willing to part with his Goods, if he could help it: And as strange that Mr. Piercy should escape, because the Governor could not find any of the Provoes.  
If you can hardly believe that Mr. Piercy should be condemned for speaking such innocent words, and that very calmly, you will be no Proselyte to this Author, who as confidently, and with as little Voucher, that is, none at all, tells in the same place, That Mr. Bell, a Protestant Merchant, was confined to close Prison, and no body allowed to speak to him, for— I would have the Reader guess the Crime, less, if it could be, than that of Mr. Piercy.— It was without any Crime so much as alleged against him, says our Author. We say, It is easy to find a Stick to beat a Dog. Were the Protestants so Loyal to K. J. or the Irish so dull, that they could make no pretence of a Fault when they imprisoned so considerable a Merchant, and under such severe Confinement as to allow none to speak to him?  
There is suspicion in the very look of this Story; there must be something else in it: Reader, then, take the truth of it thus; This Bell was not only permitted, but encouraged by K. J. to pursue his Trade, had Passports and Safeguards granted him, and particular Favours, and had several Returns from France, whereby he feathered his Wing so well, that he grew Richer than ever before. I have heard some say that he got to the value of 10000 l. while K. J. was in Ireland; and to express his sense of the Favours▪ he had received from K. J. and his Officers, in Sept. 90. after K. W. had risen from before Limerick, he made a Treat for Buno Talbot Esq a Roman Catholic, one of the Commissioners of the Revenue in Ireland to K. J. at the Duke's Head in Damas-street, Dublin, in acknowledgement of K. J's Grace, and Mr. Talbot's with others of K. J's Officers Kindness, and many Civilities to him, which he abundantly testified before several Protestants then in the Company; from some of whom I have this. Yet this Author says, ibid. That K. J. would not suffer the Protestants to Trade; and when they brought any Goods from France, they were seized, and put into the hands of Papists, to be disposed of by them, and the right Owners not suffered so much as to oblige a Friend with a little Salt, or a Roundlet of Brandy. Thus Mr. Bell was served, says our Author; and that the only reason of his Imprisonment was, that he might think no more of Trading. But this Author being so well acquainted with Mr. Bell, and one of his Cabal and Directors in Dublin, must be supposed to know something of his Imprisonment, as well as of his Trading; He might have told us the whole Truth, if he had pleased; which was, That Mr. Bell being thus encouraged and entrusted by K. J. made use of it to betray him all that was in his power. In order to which, he proposed to His Majesty a method of sending what Dispatches he thought fit into Scotland; which was, to grant Bell a Licence to send a Ship with Goods thither; and he having Friends and Correspondents there, it would pass unsuspected: and he would undertake to convey any Messenger safe His Majesty should send, and had contrived a private place in his Ship for Papers, etc. if a Search should be made. The King trusting to the Integrity of the Man, gave him the Licence he desired, and sent one Mr. Strauchan in his Ship, with Dispatches to several of His Friends. Mr. Bell having thus succeeded in his virtuous Design, wrote immediately to his Correspondent in Glasgow, to whom the Goods were consigned, acquainting him with Mr. Strauchan's coming from K. J. and what part of the Vessel the Papers were hid in, and desired him to send this Account to the Council; which accordingly he did, and sent in Mr. Bell's Letter, which was read publicly at the Council-board; upon which, Mr. Strauchan was apprehended, and all his Papers seized, and the Persons to whom He and They were addressed were committed, as the Countess of Erroll, etc. And it was upon Advice of this Treachery from Scotland, that Bell was committed: and K. J. after his Tyrannical manner, would not suffer him to be Prosecuted, but forgave him this piece of Honesty and Zeal for the Protestant Religion.— Some call this, Mercy to a fault.  
Our Author having so faithfully related this Passage, you must likewise take his word for what he tells c. 3. s. 1. n. 6. That Sir Charles Murray was clapped up a Prisoner by K. J. in the Fort of Kinsale, because he professed himself a Protestant (which he always was, and K. J. knew it) where he lay without being able to learn any Reason for his Confinement, from the 12th of March 1688. till toward the end of the following Summer— though be could never learn either his Crime or his Accuser. Thus our Author.  
But not only Sir Charles (who is still in K. J's Service) but almost every body there, knew the reason of his Confinement, for it was public, viz. That Sir Charles being aboard the French Admiral coming into Ireland, spoke several disrespectful and reflecting things of the French King; of which the French Admiral acquainted the Count d'Avaux the French Ambassador, who made a complaint of it in his Master's Name to K. J. who could do no less than commit Sir Charles upon it.  
But neither of these Stories is so incredible as that Plot, p. 139. to Starve one half of the Protestants, and Hang the other. Which this Author takes a great deal of pains to prove was the Design; and that it was really attempted, by the refusing to sell Bread to the Protestants, and taking what they had from them: Whereas Dr. Gorge tells (in his Letter) of the great Care and Kindness which K. J. showed to the Protestants, particularly in Dublin, (which the Author makes the Scene of this Starving Tragedy) where, as the Doctor's Family told him, among other Instances of Justice done the Protestants while they were in Dublin, that two Irish Soldiers were Hanged before a Protestant Baker's door for stealing two Loaves not worth a shilling: They hung 48 hours, of which several Protestants now in London were Eye-witnesses. This did not look like a Design to starve the Protestants, to let them have Bakers of their own, and protect them so. As unlikely is it, that they designed to Hang the other Half of the Protestants, when in all that time these Protestants were in their Power, viz. in Summer 89. they did not Hang one of them, though some of them deserved it by the Law then, as this Author and Mr. Bell— can witness.  
But what need both Hanging and Starving? Why, there were some of these Protestants would not starve. The Author tells, c. 3. p. 13. n. 4. p. 174. That the Irish Generals kept some of them whom they drove before Derry, without Meat or Drink for a whole Week. And Hang that Protestant won't strave in a Week.— But it seems King James had no mind to try the Experiment, for he sent immediate Orders to discharge those Protestants; and themselves confess that Lieutenant General Hamilton, (who was much against that Driving, but Rosen Commanded) ordered Meal and other Provisions to be distributed amongst them. I know not the Extent of Irish Abstinence, but with us in England a Weeks Fasting will not easily be belived.  
It is as incredible that (as our Author says, c. 3. s. 5. n. 2. p. 79.) There was not one Corporation (in Ireland) found to have forfeited by a Legal Trial: That all the Corporations in the Kingdom were dissolved without the least Reason or pretence of Abuse of Privilege, or Forfeiture.  
Will any one believe, That Lawyers (and some of them this Author acknowledges to understand their Profession) would bring a Quo Warranto against a Charter, and not so much as pretend any Abuse of Privilege, or Forfeiture? I beseech you, what was it they did pretend? Was it that they had not forfeited? Was that the Reason they gave for bringing a Quo Warranto? But the Author says, they did not so much as pretend any Reason. He may say what he pleases.  
I do not question, but there might be many Abuses in the manner of bringing those Quo Warrantoes, and of managing them. But that there should not be so much as a pretence of Forfeiture against any one, and yet all be forfeited in a Form of Law, and pleading in a Court, must pass at best, for that way of representing things in this Book to excess, at random, no matter so it be ill enough.  
I have heard good Lawyers say, That few Charters of Corporations could stand against a Quo Warranto, if they were throughly examined: So far is it from a possibility of believing that all the Charters of Ireland could defend themselves from any breach or abuse of Privilege.  

Contradictors matter of Fact.  Though these and many other of his Relations are very incredible, yet that is not so bad as contradictory: Into which Excess he often runs himself, in his Zeal to pursue his Adversary even to the Gates of Hell, as the Saying is.  

Especially with relation to K. J.  The first Example I will show of this, shall be in his manner of treating King James' Person, which surely ought to be with Civility and good Manners from this Author, for the Relation he bears to those who are now on the Throne.  

Whom he does not treat with common delacy, giving him the Lie, etc.  But, these notwithstanding, our Author thinks fit flatly to give him the Lie, c. 2. s. 2. n. 1. p. 15. The Representation, says he, made by him, (K. J.) was no less False, than his Promises were unsincere. He says of K. J's Answer, c. 3. s. 18. p. 211. n. 6. That the whole was a piece of Deceit, a mere Collusion— But this was the Justice we looks for, and constantly met with from him.  
He might have learned more Breeding from what he relates of King James, c. 3. s. 11. p. 141. n. 13. That the next day after the Boyne, speaking of the P. of Orange, he called him a merciful Prince. This, if true, shown a great Command of Passion and Resentment; for none could be under greater and fresher Provocations.  
But leaving these Matters of Form, you shall see this Author's Passion transporting him to that degree that he forgets himself, even to a Contradiction: When he is inveighing against the Irish, he makes them force K. J. to all the ill he did; and then K. J. is a good natured and a merciful Man, and seeks to save the Protestants from the Cruelty of the Irish. But when a Section comes, wherein K. J. is to be loaded, than he is fifteen times worse than the Irish; then the Irish oppose his wicked Designs, and he cannot bring them to his pitch of Wickedness.  
You would think this impossible to befall any Author of common Consideration, but you shall be judge, c. 4. n. 1. p. 225. He owns K. J's natural Compassion and merciful Disposition, c. 3. s. 1. p. 49. n. 8. He tells you of his good Nature, his natural Clemency; and perhaps, says he, if He (K. J.) alone had been to have had the disposal of them (our Lives and Liberties) and would have followed his natural inclinations, we should not so much have feared to have trusted him; but whilst he had such Ministers about him,— etc.  
Here the fault is in the Ministers, who would not suffer the King to follow his natural inclinations and Clemency. But, c. 3. s. 12. n 15. he says, When it was left to K. J. entirely what hopes could any Protestant have? And c. 2. s. 8. n. 5. p. 67. he tells, How the Irish opposed K. J's Arbitrary Proceed to that degree, that he is said to have fallen into so violent a Passion, that his Nose fell a bleeding. And c. 3. s. 12. n. 17. d. 6. p. 159. he severely rates the Attorney-General Neagle, for withstanding his Dispensing Power. And c. 2. s. 5. n. 3: p. 23. he says, Duke Powis used his Interest with the King to put a stop to them (the Acts of Attainder, and Repeal of the Acts of Settlement) but was not able to do it. How false this is, I have shown from the Testimony of my Lord Granard and others: But this is not the matter now; I am not now upon disproving what he says, only to show the Contradiction of what he avers. Now he puts the blame upon the King himself, and makes him worse than his Ministers: yet c. 3. s. 13. p. 169. he turns about again, and says, They (the Protestants) knew, that if the King did not interpose, neither Juries nor Witnesses would be wanting to destroy them. Now the Protestant Security is in K. J. to save them from the Irish. C. 3. s. 18. n. 11. this Author shows, How K. J. appeared most zealously for the Protestants, and turned out the Mayor of Wexford for not Restoring the Church of Wexford to the Protestants, according to His Majesty's Order. And c. 3. s. 13. n. 3. p. 168. he tells, How the King carefully examined and redressed the deceit of the Friars, and said in great anger, That for aught he saw the Protestants were wronged, and misrepresented unto him. Yet in the same page he makes K. J. a Monster of Cruelty: He says, the very Irish Judges, Nugent himself, whom this Author makes the worst of them all, were for acquitting Mr. Browne for making his escape from those who came to plunder him: But after he (Judge Nugent) had discoursed His Majesty, he proceeded vigorously against the Gentleman, and procured him to be found Guilty, by a Partial Jury, and notwithstanding the Tears and Petitions of Mrs. Browne his Wife, with 5 or 6 Children, begging her Husband's Life at his feet, reinforced with all the Friends and Interest she could make. Yet he represents K. J. to be proof against all this, and to have Mr. Browne Hanged, Drawn, and Quartered. This awakened (says he) all the Protestants in Ireland; They suspected that Judge Nugent would act the same Part in Ireland, that Chief Justice Jefferies had done in England; and they knew that if the King did not interpose, neither Juries nor Witnesses would be wanting to destroy them.  
If ever there was such a Consequence as this K J. inclines the Judges to pack partial Juries, and yet He was all the Security against Judges packing such Juries. He says, p. 170. That it was supposed that he (Judge Nugent) was encouraged to do it (viz. to Hang Brown) by K. J. himself.  

The Case of Mr. Brown and Sir Tho. Southwell.  But now as to this Crime of Browne (how easy it is to palliate matters!) this Author says it was only for making his escape from those who came to plunder him. But the Story is thus, as the Irish Protestants here do tell it: The Earl of Inchiquin and Captain Henry boil, with the generality of the Protestant Gentlemen in the Province of Munster, having entered into an Association in Decemb. 88 (as the Protestants in Ulster and Connaught had done) they resolved to seize upon Cork and Bandon, as the places of greatest Strength and Consequence in the Province. Their Design took effect at Bandon, which joined with them: But the Lord Deputy having notice of their Proceed, sent Major-General Mac-Carty (now Lord Mount-Cassell) to observe them; He pretending to keep fair with them, they attempted bringing him over to declare for the P. of Orange, and some of them had hopes of it: but he proved too cunning for them, prevented their seizing of Cork, and when Captain Henry boil, upon that disappointment, fortified his House, Castle-Martyr, he besieged him there. Upon this Sir Tho. Southwell in the County of Limerick, and several other Protestant Gentlemen, marched with the greatest Force they could make to raise the Siege; in their march they seized on all the Papists Horses; and this Mr. Browne, who was then one of them, took the Horses of Neagle of Moyallow, who was then High-Seriff of the County of Cork, and a Man was killed in the Fray; and all this our Author calls only making his escape from those who came to plunder him. But to tell out my Story: Sir T. Southwell and his Company hearing upon their March, that Castle Martyr was surrendered, he endeavoured to make his way to Sligo, to join the Lord Kingston and other Associators in Connaught, who were all in Arms, and as this Author tells, p. 170. he and 200 of his Men were taken by a small Party of K. J's Dragoons: (not much to the Glory of their Courage) And this Author says, p. 171. That they were overpersuaded to plead Guilty, though they had not been guilty of any Overt Act that could be construed Treason. What this Author means by Overt Acts, or what by Treason, he will tell us in the next, and likewise give us some probable Reason why K. J. should Reprieve and afterwards Pardon Sir Thomas Southwell, and all the rest who were engaged in that business, and have such a particular Malice only at Browne, whom he knew as little as any of the rest. Otherwise he must give us leave to suspend a little our belief of his Narrative in this matter; particularly that K. J. should influence either Judge or Jury to take away Mr. Brown's Life, and that he should be inexorable in Mr. Brown's Case alone, and yet so very merciful to all the rest, is a Contradiction to believe, if his Case or Circumstances did in no ways differ from theirs.  
But it is no wonder that this Author cannot keep himself from Contradictions through the whole Series of his Book, when the very Titles, the Heads of his Discourse, are contradictory one to another; which one would think an ordinary Care might have avoided. C. 2. s. 8. n 10. the Title is, That K. J's Desire to be absolute induced him to change his Religion: And yet, c. 3. s. 1. n. 5. the Title is, Zeal for his Religion made him act against his Interest, to that Degree, (says this Author, in his Prosecution of this, c. 3. s. 1. n. 5. p. 46.) that the Protestants could not but conclude that K. J. was so intent upon destroying them, that, so he compassed that Design, he cared not if he enslaved himself and the Kingdoms. P. 45. That he had a settled Resolution not to mind any Interest which came in Competition with his grand Design of advancing Popery and the Slavery of the Nations. To effect which, it is manifest he was content to be a Vassal to France. Thus the Author. Here are Contradictions upon Contradictions; That K. J. should be content to be a Vassal, that he might be Absolute! If you say, that must be understood only of his other Grand Design, viz. advancing Popery, which had the Ascendant even over his Interest, or his desire of being Absolute. This will contradict the other Head of Discourse, which gives the desire of Absoluteness in him the Ascendant over his Religion, as being the Groundwork and Motive which induced him to change his Religion. And yet, page 10. of his Thanksgiving-Sermon, Perhaps, says he, K. J. chief desired an Absolute Authority over his Subjects, that he might compel them into the bosom of his Church.  
And it does not appear a less Contradiction than any of these, that a King should change the Principles of the Church of England [as then taught] for those of Rome, out of a desire to be the more Absolute. The Church of Rome (4 Coun. Lat C. 3, etc.) gives Power to the Popes to Depose Kings, and they have shown many Examples of it. On the other hand, the Church of England, when K. J. forsook her Communion, damned this Deposing Doctrine, and the Practice of it, and valued themselves upon the Principle of Nonresistance to their King, upon any Pretence whatsoever, as their distinguishing Character, and an essential part of their Religion; and they had never varied from it, nor was it thought by any, or themselves, that ever they would.  
I am sure if they were not in earnest with it then, they can give no demonstration now that they can be in earnest with any thing: and it is in every body's mouth, That K. J's trusting too much to their Passive Obedience hastened his Ruin; which could not be, if he had not thought this to have been their Principle. Now for a King of this Opinion to quit this Church, and go to that Church which teaches the Deposing Doctrine— to do this out of a desire of Absoluteness, is such a Contradiction as this Author would have seen at another time.  
C. 3. s. 12. n. 15. p. 153. he makes K. J. most absolute in the Parliament in Ireland; That this Parliament openly professed itself a Slave to the King's Will, and that he was looked upon as a Man factiously and rebelliously inclined, that would dare to move any thing after any Favourite in the House had affirmed that it was contrary to the King's Pleasure. Accordingly, the Author instances several particulars of K. J's Absoluteness in this Parliament; particularly, That upon his signifying his dissatisfaction to the Repeal of poinding's Act, the Parliament let it fall, with several other Acts, tho' the Irish had talked much, and earnestly desired the Repeal of poinding's Act, it being the greatest sign and means of their Subjection to England.  
Yet, p. 37. you have the Irish dispute his Orders, and and stand on the Laws, and they would not suffer him to dispense with their Act of Attainder, etc.— And yet p. 18. They pished at the Laws as Trifles, and declared they liked no Government but that of France; that they would make the King as Absolute here, as that King was there. P. 31. The Temper and Genius of these Men were at Enmity to the Laws, and fitted for Slavery.— They promoted and Absolute and Despotic Power in the King.— They were fit Instruments to sacrifice the Laws and Religion of the Kingdom to the Will of their Sovereign. P. 40. They neither knew, nor feared, nor cared for the Laws. P. 82. The Members of Parliament would not stick to sacrifice the Liberties and Laws of the Kingdom to the King's Will. P. 153. They devolved the Power of Making and Repealing Laws on the King's Pleasure. P. 24 It was impossible the Grand Signior should have fitted himself better with Instruments for promoting an Arbitrary Government, than he (K. J.) did. P. 31. No body can deny but they were well chosen for the Work for which he designed them.  
Yet this Author could not think they were so very well chosen, when he makes them stand up for the Laws, and struggle with the King against Arbitrary Power, till they made his Nose burst out a bleeding for vexation, as you have heard before.  
Now, would you believe that this K. J. who was so highly bend to be Absolute and Arbitrary, would be content to be a Vassal to France? Yet this Author asserts it so positively, p. 45. as to say that it is manifest.  
And p. 183. That he took care to put it out of his own Power to help the Protestants. Qui occidere quemquam nolit, posse velit. It is not natural for an Arbitrary Man to desire any thing to be out of his Power, much less would he take care to put it out of his own Power. If he did, it must proceed out of an inveterate malice to the Protestants; yet they all think His being there was their Preservation; that he hindered the Irish not only from Massacres, but from Burning or Plundering Dublin, and the whole Country when they left it, and many other Outrages: And our Author, when he is upon painting out the Barbarity of the Irish, does frequently confess it, and insist upon it; and as frequently deny it, when his Spleen rises against K. J.  
He cries out, c. 3. s. 13. n. 3. d. 4. p. 172. And when men were thus slaughtered with his (K. J's) approbation.— This is a very heavy Charge; and what was the reason of it? Because, says he, they were killed with K. J's Protections in their Pockets.  
I am afraid there is no Case where we could come upon the Comparison betwixt the Protestant and the Irish Army in Ireland, 
Of K. J. keeping his Protections.  with more disadvantage to the Protestants, than that of keeping their Protections, or punishing the Breaches of them.  
In this I appeal to Secretary Gorge's Letter; in which he gives a remarkable Instance of K. J's both granting Protections to the Protestants, and making it good to them, notwithstanding the greatest provocations; viz. Secretary Gorge's Wife and Family were not only Protected and Preserved by K. J. in Dublin, while he was in so considerable a Post against K. J. as to be Secretary to the General Schomberg, then at the Head of an Army in Ireland to drive K. J. out thence; but upon their application to K. J. he gave them leave and his Pass port to go to the Secretary to Schomberg's Army. And thus by K. J's Clemency he had his Wife and Family restored safe to him, at the same time that he was endeavouring to dispossess K. J. of all he had in the World.  
The Secretary, in his Letter, aggravates the Breach of Protections, and want of Discipline in Schomberg's Army, by showing how regularly King James governed his Army, and not only threatened severe Penalties upon the Breach of his Proclamations and Protections, but duly exacted them.  
The respective Penalties enjoined in the said Proclamation, (says the Secretary, viz. K. J's Proclamation against plundering and other Irregularities) are severely and impartially executed on the respective Offenders. My Family tells me that the Week before they left Dublin, there were two private Soldiers publicly executed before a Protestant Baker's Door, for stealing two Loaves not worth a Shilling: And a Fortnight before, a Lieutenant and Ensign were publicly executed at a place, where, on pretence of the King's Service, they pressed a Horse going with Provision to Dublin Market: Two others were condemned, and expected daily to be executed for the like Offence. These severe Examples, confirming the Penalties of these public Declarations, contribute so much to the Quiet of the Country, that were it not for the Country Raparees and Tories, theirs, 'tis thought, would be much qui●ter than ours.  
The truth is, too many of the English, as well as Dan●s and French, are highly oppressive to this poor Country; whereas our Enemies have reduced themselves to that Order, that they exercise Violence upon none, but the Proprieties of such as they know to be absent, or as they Phrase it, in Rebellion against them, whose Stock, Goods, and Estates, are seized, and set by the Civil Government, and the Proceed applied for and towards the Charge of the War.  
These are the Words of the Secretary's Letter; where you see it was K. William's Army that destroyed, and K. James' that protected the Country. And as many Protestants as stayed at home, and trusted themselves to King James' Protection, preserved their Goods and Improvements, and live now plentifully; while those that fled from him lost what they had, and smart now severely under these Necessities, which their Neighbours escaped, who either would not, or could not fly from the Mercy of their Natural Sovereign.  
The Secretary says here, That they seized the Estates of the Absentees. But I must add to this, That where any Application was made in behalf of Absentees, and any tolerable Reason given for their not returning, there was not only no advantage taken of their not coming in within the time limited in K. J's several Proclamations to that purpose, but they had Time, sine Die, given them, come when they could; and in the mean time their Goods were preserved, and though seized by the Sheriffs for the King's use, being forfeited by the Laws there, the King commanded the Sheriffs to deliver the Goods into the hands of such Friends of the Absentees, as made Application for them: And where, the Irish Sheriffs refused or delayed to deliver such Goods, they were severely punished, and forced to do it, or others put in their places that would: For you cannot imagine but it went mightily against the Grain with them, to be forced to restore the Goods of those who, as they supposed, were in actual Rebellion, and their declared Enemies, and which they expected (and they thought reasonably) as a Reward for their Services: For who would not take the Spoil of their Enemies? The Irish understood it, as if the King still had an Eye towards his Protestant Subjects, and preferred their Interest, though in Rebellion against him, before that of the Irish, though at that time serving him; or as Dr. Gorge words it better, That King James considered the Protestants who were in Arms against him, rather as deluded Subjects than as obstinate Rebels.  
The Irish Protestants, who stayed in Ireland while King James was there, will attest the Truth of what I have said. I appeal to Thomas Pottinger Esq who was then Sovereign of Belfast, the greatest Town of Trade in the North of Ireland, whether upon his Application to King James, his Majesty did not give him Protection after Protection for Belfast and the Country about? And whether such Protections were not made good to them by King James' Officers? and where any of the Irish offered to transgress against the said Protections, they were not severely punished, upon the first Application to the King or those commanding under him?  
This is likewise attested by Colonel John Hill, present Governor of Fort-William at Innerlochy in Scotland, but living at that time in Belfast, in his Letter from Belfast to the Sovereign of Belfast, then in Dublin, (inserted No. 25. Appendix) and which Letter he desires the Sovereign to show to none, and therefore spoke his mind in it, and not to flatter the Government. There he tells how well Grievances were redressed, and King James' Army kept to strict Discipline.  
I demand further, Whether the said Mr. Pottinger did not, upon his application to King James, obtain leave for the Merchants of Belfast, and of the Country about, to return from Scotland, and other places whither they had fled, even after the time limited by His Majesty's Proclamation for their Return? And whether, upon a second application to His Majesty, and representing that there was an Embargo on the Scots side, King James did not grant them time to return, without stinting them to any day, while any reasonable Excuse could be made for their delay?  
And whether he (the said Mr. Pottinger) did not send Notice of this to the Belfast Merchants, and others then in Scotland? And though few or none of them came over till after Schomberg landed in Ireland with the English Army in August 89; yet whether their Goods were not preserved for them all that time by King James' Order, still expecting their Return? And whether they did not accordingly find their Goods at their Return? Nay, ever when Schomberg landed, and King James was obliged to remove from that Country, and leave it to the Enemy, Whether he did not give special Directions to Major-General Maxwell, then Commanding in Belfast, not to suffer any of the Goods of the Protestants to be plundered, nor any of the Country to be burnt upon their leaving it? And whether these Commands of His Majesty were not punctually observed, not only at Belfast, but at Lisburn, hilsborough, and all that Country, and even at Dundalk itself, which King James left in good Order for Schomberg to encamp in, and make his Frontier his first Campagne?  
Neither will Mr. Pottinger deny, That Mr. Thomas Crocker, Merchant of Yoghall in the Province of Munster in Ireland, and several other Merchants of Yoghall, Cork, and other places of that Province, did complain to him, That their Friends which stayed behind in Ireland while King James was there, did make no application in their behalf to King James (whether out of negligence or stubbornness); which if it had been done, they did not doubt but they would have had their Goods preserved for them, as they had at Belfast, and other places in the North of Ireland, indeed in all places which desired it.  
And I likewise desire Mr. Pottinger to tell whether the several Protections he obtained for these parts of the Country about Belfast, were not given gratis, without any Fees? And whether there was any Conditions, so much as an Oath, required of those who returned, and took the benefit of His Majesty's Grace? And though their taking the Oath of Fidelity to King James was named in one of the Protections granted to Belfast, and the Country about, (here inserted, n. 23. Appendix.) yet, whether, upon Mr. Pottinger's representing to my Lord Melfort, That the Oath might perhaps startle some, and hinder their Return, his Lordship did not allow Mr. Pottinger, and the other Magistrates, not to require the said Oaths? And whether accordingly the Retinning Protestants and others were not received into Protection, without any Oath at all required from them?  
King James had tried the Security of Oaths before: They are certain Snares, and a very uncertain Security.  
Mr. Pottinger can likewise give Attestation to the Truth of what Secretary Gorge has told in his Letter, of King James' not only keeping his Protections to the Protestants in Ireland, but of the extraordinary kindness he upon all Occasions expressed to the English: How several English Ships which came into Belfast, (some from the Indies, who knew not of the War, others by stress of Wether, or other Causes) and were seized by the Irish, were always Released by King James, were suffered to unload, and to load again, and pursue their Voyage to England. Mr. Pottinger can tell the Ships, their Burden, and their Master's Names. Nay, King James did not only release particular Ships upon their application, but gave general Orders to Major-General Maxwell, and others Commanding on the Seacoasts in the North, (and we suppose the like in other places) That no English Ship should be disturbed which came thither.  
Many more Instances might be given; but these are sufficient to demonstrate that King James did not only freely grant and inviolably keep his Protections to the Protestants in Ireland, but extended it likewise to as many of the English as came under his Power, though against their Will.  
The French Fleet which carried King James into Ireland took some English Merchantmen while His Majesty was on board; and some of the Masters were brought before King James; who, expecting nothing but Death, fell down upon their knees begging their Lives; which brought Tears into the King's Eyes, and he not only restored them their Ships with all their Effects, but ordered two Frigates to attend them, and see them safe through all the French Fleet.  
Dr. Gorge has told you of some severe Examples made in Dublin, to show King James' positive Resolution to protect the Protestants; and Mr. Pottinger (whom I have quoted as to the North) can tell how Lieutenant-General Hamilton, when he marched into Lisburn after the Break of Drommore, was so far from taking the Plunder of the Country, that he caused a Soldier to be shot in the Streets of Lisburn, for taking a Silver Spoon from one Mrs. Ellis, th●●●● Mrs. Ellis and many more of the Protestant Inhabitants did beg his Life.  
The 15th of March 88 the day before the Break of Drommore, when the Protestants were generally fled, and the Irish thought the Plunder was their own, the Lieutenant-General, upon Mr. Pottinger's Representation, sent immediately his Protection to Belfast, which preserved it from 400 Men of the Garrison of Carrickfergus (which is but 8 mile's distance) who were on their march to have Plundered Belfast; but they obeyed the Protection.  
The 23d the Lieutenant-General gave Mr. Pottinger another Protection for Town and Country. The 3d of June following, Mr. Pottinger had that Protection from King James, which I have inserted n. 23. Appendix; and it was punctually observed, till the day that Schomberg landed there with the English Army in August 1689. Then Schomberg issued Proclamations of Protection and Encouragement to the Irish who should return to their Habitations, and follow their Labour; which many accepted, and great part of the Country was thereby planted, some in as full manner as before the Revolution. But notwithstanding, the Protestant Army fell upon them, and soon wasted the whole Country: And when the Irish ●eld out their Protections, they tore them, and bid them wipe their— with them; and none were punished for this Breach of Protection: For when I have asked some of their Officers the Reason of th●●, all the Answer they gave 〈◊〉 was, That where they had not Pay, they could not 〈◊〉 their Army under Discipline. I 〈◊〉 no● di●●●●re the Vryday of this Answer; but the Matter of 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 ●●●●le. And if any should lay all this upon ●●ng ●●●liam, and say it was with his Approbation, it would be construed a malicious and ill-grounded Accusation.  

The Massacre of the Laird of Glencoe, with others of his Clan.  Or suppose some lewd Jacobite (for there is no Stop in Wickedness,) should charge upon King William the Dewitting of the Mac-Donalds of Glencoe, after they had submitted to his Government, and lived under his Protection; only because the Blood-hound-Officers, who commanded that inhuman Massacre in cold Blood, pretended the King's Commission, and are not punished for it? As you will see by the Copy of the Orders, and the Account of that Massacre from a good hand; but in short, only in a Letter to a Friend, which I have inserted, No. 19 and must serve till a Relation more at full shall be published.  
Now who could have the ill Nature to believe King William capable of granting such an Order to cut men's Throats, at dead of the Night, in their Beds, who had submitted to his Government, come under his Protection, and sworn to him! What though the Murderers are not punished; there is a good time coming to see these Ruffains of Officers (who could give or obey such Orders) duly animadverted: Who, under pretence of Royal Authority, Butchered in one night (viz. the 12th of February last, or 13th at Five in the Morning) Eight and thirty Persons; and had done so to all the rest of that Sept, to the Number of several Hundreds, had not a violent Storm, which happened that night, retarded the March of another Party of Four hundred, who were ordered to fall in at the other end of the Glen; by which Providence so many of them made their Escape. And though some of these were killed with Protections from King William's Officers in their Pockets, as you will see in the Account , and all of them living under his Protection, yet I am confident this Author will not say that it were just or reasonable to charge this Breach of Protections upon King William's Account.  
As unjust is it which this Author in this same place (viz. c. 3. s. 13. n. 4. p. 172. charges upon King James, in relation to the Protestants in the County of Down; Who (as he avers) had not only their Goods taken from them, but likewise their Wives and Daughters were Ravished by the Soldiers. And yet (says he) these Protestants proceeded no further than to complain of it to the Chief Officers, and to demand Redress from them The Answer they had was, That these Robbers and Ravishers had no Authority from the King for what they did; and therefore they advised the Complainants' to fall on them, and oppose them, if they made any further Attempts on the Country. The poor People were satisfied with the Answer, and were resolved to do as they were directed; and accordingly fell upon the next Party of Soldiers they found Plundering and committing Outrages on the Countrypeople, and killed some of them. This, instead of being approved, as they were made to believe it would be, was counted a Rebellion: and immediately Major-General Bohan was sent among them with a Party, who Massacred about five or six Hundred Men of them, in cold Blood, for several days together. Many of those who were killed were Poor, Old, Impotent People: Many were killed at their Work, and while they were busy about their own Affairs, and suspected no such matter. King James was so far from resenting the Barbarous Usage of these poor People, that he railed on this occasion against Protestants in general, representing them as False and Perfidious; For, said he, many were killed with my Protections in their Pockets: Not considering the Reflection was on his own Party, against whom, his Protection, as appeared by his own Confession, was no Security.  
These are the Authors own words. And I must beg the Readers patience to examine this Story to the bottom, that he may see this Author's Art and his Integrity. And I will set down nothing but what the Protestants in that Country know to be true, and will, if occasion be, depose.  
This then is the Story in brief. After the Defeat of the Protestant Associate Forces at Drummore, the 14th of March, 1688. Lieutenant-General Hamilton, willing to protect the Protestants, as well as others, who would live quietly; and having granted his Protection to Belfast and other places, as before is told, and keeping his Soldiers under strict Discipline; yet found the Country molested with Irish Rapperees, or Half-pike men, as they called them; whom when his repeated Orders and Proclamations could not reclaim, and Soldiers were not in all places at hand to defend the Country from them, and the Country were afraid to fall upon them without Order, left it might be construed a Taking Arms against the King; the Lieutenant-General, for the greater Security of the Country, gave Orders to the Country to seize any such Rapperees, who had no Commission, and to commit them to the next Goal; and if they made Resistance, to kill them.  
And this the Author mistakes (I know not if wilfully) for a Liberty to fall upon the Soldiers of the King's Army. As if the General would not take the Punishment of these into his own hands, but leave it to the Discretion of the Country People, who he knew hated both him and his Soldiers, to knock his Soldiers on the head, if they pleased to say that they wronged them.  
This Author, n. 25. of his Appendix, sets down such an Order as this, given by the Marquis d'Alb●ville, Principal Secretary of State to King James, January 2. 1689. directed to the Commissioners of Oyer and Terminer; where, among other Instructions, this is the seventh, viz. That you order all Men to fall upon Public Robbers, who have no regard of their Duty towards GOD, their King or Country, destitute of all sense of Humanity; and consider them but as Wild Beasts, who live upon Prey and Rapine.  
How justly our Author infers from such Order as these a Liberty to the Common People to fall upon the Army, or any Numbers of them they could Master, I 〈◊〉 the Judgement of the Reader.  
And yet I have heard many Irish Protestants, who live in the County of Down, and near it, say, That they have not heard of any Rapes upon the Protestant Women there, as this Author speaks, even by the Rapparees; for that Country being thick planted with Protestants, the Rapparees durst not be too bold. Which you will easily believe, when you find what Opposition they were able to give, even to the King's Army.  
But to go on with the Story:  
There was one Henry Hunter, a Servant to Sir George Atchison in the County of Ardmagh, in the North of Ireland, who was made a Captain by the Associators. Their Forces being beaten and dispersed at Drommore the 14th of March, 1688. this Hunter was taken Prisoner near Antrim; from whence he made his Escape about the middle of April following, and came into the Barony of Ardes in the County of Down, where they had all taken Protections from King James, and lived Peaceably; there being but one Company quartered in that whole Barony, (which is almost wholly Scots Protestant's) viz. Captain Con Macgennis his Company.  
Hunter coming thither, got a great Rabble of these poor People to follow him; and about the 15th of April, 1689. they had a Scuffle with this Company of Captain Macgennis, and what other Irish came to their Assistance at Kinnin-Burne, two Miles from New-Town. Hunter's Rabble routed them, stripped and wounded many, I know not if any killed; but he drove them out of that Barony.  
This occasioned Lieutenant-Colonel Mark Talbot to march from Carrickfergus, with about an hundred Musqueteers, the 15th of April to Belfast, and the 16th to Newtown; But finding the Matter over, and, some say, fearing the Scots, who were in great Numbers, and rolling about, he returned the 17th to Carrickfergus.  
This Commotion gave great Disturbance to the Country, People leaving their Ploughs, and flying to Arms, the Wiser sort dreading the Consequence of this wild Uproar, after they had taken Protection from the King.  
Sir Robert Maxwell then living in the Castle of Killileagh in the said County of Down, and near the Barony of Ardes, where this Insurrection began, sent one John Stuart, an Apothecary in the Town of Down, with a Letter to Captain Patrick Savage (a Captain in the Regiment of the Lord Iveagh) to invite him to bring his Company to quarter in the Town of Killileagh, for their Security from the Rabble in this Confusion. Accordingly Captain Savage came, and finding these People increase after Hunter, and fearing he might be surprised, quartering with his Men in the open Town, he desired Sir Robert to permit him to keep his Guard in the Gatehouse, or Stables of the Castle. Sir Robert was not willing, but took two days to consider of it; and in these two days he sent one Gawen Irwin twice to Hunter, to bring him thither; who accordingly came with his Rabble, seized Captain Savage and his Lieurenant in their Quarters, fell upon the Guard, killed three Men, and wounded six or seven. Captain Savage complained that Sir Robert had betrayed him; and Mr. Clulo, Episcopal Minister of the place, did resent the Barbarity of the Action, and apprehending some further mischief to Captain Savage, took him to his own House, where, though a Prisoner, he had greater Accommodation and Safety. The Lord Iveagh wrote to Sir Robert Maxwell to send him his Captain and Lieutenant whom he kept Prisoners. This Letter Hunter took upon him, and Sir Robert permitted him to answer; and the Answer was, That he would fight his Lordship; and accordingly marched out against my Lord, with what part of his Lordship's Regiment he had near Killileagh, and other Countrypeople of the Irish who joined him.  
The Lord Iveagh retired; but endeavoured to make a Stand at Ceyle-bridge, near the Town of Down. Hunter forced his Passage, and drove my Lord and his Men over the Strand of Dundrum, into the upper and Mountainous parts of the County, for which his Lordship's Regiment was broke by King James. Hunter entered Down Triumphant, and used those Pretetestants who would not join with him, as ill as the Irish; committed great Disorders and Irregularities in that Country, and Governed Arbitrarily during his short Reign.  
For now the Insurrection was come to that Head, that it was fit for the Government to take notice of it. Major-General Buchan (whom this Author calls Bohan) was commanded against Hunter; he took with him Detachements out of the Duke of Tyrconnel's Regiment of Foot, the Earl of Antrim's Regiment of Foot, Colonel Cormock O Neil's Regiment of Foot, and a Troop of Horse of the Lord Galm●y's Regiment, and Colonel Cormock O Neil's Troop of Dragoons, which he had with his Regiment of Foot, and Captain Fitz Gerald's Troop of Dragoons. These Forces were then at Carrickfergus, Antrim, and Lisburn. The Major-General marched with the Horse and Dragoons, and left the Foot to follow with what Dispatch they could, who marched in one day, viz. the 30th of April 1689. from Lisburn to Killileagh, which is sixteen long Irish Miles; they joined the General about Five at Night, who being then within two Miles of the Enemy, marched directly upon them.  
Being come within sight of them, he sent a Trumpet to them, desiring their Leader, or some of the Chief of them, to speak with him; not doubting but upon the gracious Offers he was impowered by His Majesty to make to them, he would have been able to bring back these deluded People to their Duty, without shedding of Blood on either side.  
But they fired upon the Trumpeter, and refused all Parley; so they engaged. Hunter was beaten, and fled, and his Party dispersed.  
I cannot learn the exact Number of Hunter's Army, or of the Slain. Some say he had three or four Thousand Men. Others not above four Hundred, which may be reconciled, some computing the whole Rabble which followed him; others only those that charged in form against Buchan, but not those upon the Hills, and at greater distance.  
Some who pretend to have viewed the Field, and helped to bury the Dead, say there were but sixty One of Hunter's Men killed; and others say a great many more.  
However, that makes nothing to our present Dispute. How many were killed in Battle is not the Question. But our Author says, That Major-General Buchan Massacred five or six Hundred, in cold Blood, for several Days together.  
The contrary of which appears, from these two Matters of Fact, known to all the Country.  

First, That the Major-General was very Merciful, even on the Day of Battle.  
Secondly, That he marched off his Men early next Morning, and so did not stay to Massacre, for several Days together.   
As to the First. He stopped Execution as soon as the Enemy were broke, and out of Danger of Rallying: And tho' several Shot were made against him out of the Castle of Killileagh, as he was in pursuit of the Enemy, part of Colonel Mark Talbot's Wigg was shot off by a Bullet from the Castle. Yet when he reduced that Castle (which he did the same Night) he not only gave Quarters for their Lives, but would not suffer his Men to take any Plunder. There Major Colaghan shot one of his Men for putting his Hand to a Protestant, after Order given that they should neither be Killed, nor Plundered.  
Nay farther, The Major-General was so careful, lest the Soldiers, so exasperated, should do prejudice to the Protestants in the Town, that, though the Foot had Marched sixteen Miles that Day, and fought in the Evening, without any time to refresh themselves, and many of them actually Fainting with the Toil; yet he would not suffer them to come into the Town, but drew them up upon an adjacent Hill, where he kept them all Night; and early next Morning Marched them back to New Town (a Town belonging to Sir Robert Colvil) into which he would not suffer them to enter, for the same fear of their doing any prejudice to the Protestants (who wholly inhabit that Town.) He only took a Guard of Horse, and some Officers with himself into the Town to refresh themselves, where not one Protestant was hurt or touched: There he dismissed all the Prisoners he had taken at the Fight of Killileagh, requiring no other Conditions of them, but an OATH not to bear ARMS again in Opposition to King James (which we know how well they kept, the first Opportunity they had to break it.) And tho' these Prisoners, as well as those that were killed, had then King James' Protections in their Pocket (of which King James did very justly Complain, though this Author Wonders at it;) yet the General did not require them to take out New Protections, but said the Old should be as Effectual to them as before their Insurrection; and they were made good to them to the Day that Schomberg Landed.  
The General here sent home the Foot to their Quarters; and went himself with some Horse to Port a Ferry in the Ardes, where he took one Thomas Hunter Prisoner. And having settled that Part of the Country returned.  
As the Irish Forces Marched over Belfast Bridge, going to their Quarters, their Officers stopped them, and searched to see if any of them had taken any Plunder in that Expedition: And what they found caused it to be delivered to Mr. Pottinger, then Sovereign of the Town, to be put up in the Town-House, in order to be restored to the Owners, as they should be known, which was accordingly done.  
And the Officers would not permit the Soldiers to make the least halt in the Town, for fear of Disorders, but Marched them strait through to their Quarters at Carrickfergus. In which they were so strict, that Major Colaghan broke a Soldier's Head for taking a Glass of Ale at a Door as he Marched by. Only the Regiment Quartered at Antrim, stayed at Belfast that Night, not being able to march so fa●●, but committed not the least Disorder.  
Had the Protestant Officers of King William's Army been as careful of their Fellow Protestant's in that Country, Ireland had not been that Wilderness and Desolation, which we see it this Day.  
It is just and commendable to give our Enemies their due, and not to conceal or lessen what they do worthily, because they are our Enemies.  
Many of the Irish Officers were kind to the Protestants, not only in making good their Protections to them, but even where they had not Protections, and were perfectly at their Mercy.  
I could give many Instances which I have heard from the Mouths of Protestant Gentlemen and Ladies, who remained in Ireland while King James was there, of the great Civility of several of the Irish Officers to them.  
When the general Rout was given to the Protestants in the North of Ireland, at Drommore, upon the first Descent of King James' Army, on the 14th of March, 1688. and all were flying to the Sea as fast as they could, several Protestants sell into the Enemy's hand at Donaghadee, a Seaport in the County of Down, where they sought Opportunity of Shipping, to have fled out of the Kingdom.  
Among these was Mrs. Hawkins, Wife to John Hawkins Esq of Raffer-Island in the County of Down, one of the most zealous and active of any in the North for the Association; in which Cause he was a Colonel, and had his Commission from the Prince of Orange, (as all the rest had) before he was made a King. He was among the first Associators, and made himself Secretary to the Association, carried on at Moyrah by the Lord Blayney, Sir Arthur Rawden, etc.  
All the Declarations of this Association were Signed Per Order. John Hawkins. This was before the Establishment of the Council of Five, or more General Association in the County of Down, the Seventh of January, 1688. who sent an Address to the Prince of Orange, dated at Hilsborough the 19th of January, 1688. which his Highness answered by his Letter from St. James', dated the Tenth of February, 1688. and sent by Captain Leighton, with his Commissions to them for Colonels, Captains, and Subalterns.  
But this is a Digression: It is only to show you that no man was more obnoxious to the Irish, and to the Government, than this Mr. Hawkins; in so much that he was one of the Ten excepted from Pardon in the Proclamation , of the Seventh of March, 1688.  
This Gentleman's Lady, being taken, among many others, making her Escape, at Donoghadee, instead of being Plundered, was civilly treated, and suffered to go off to Sea, not only herself, but with all her Goods, Furniture, etc. and when she offered her Coach as a Present to Major Colaghon, he refused it, and did not take the Worth of a Penny from her.  
I could give you many more Instances which I have heard. But we must not make too great Digressions: I am afraid of being tedious.  
Let us Return to our Author's bloody Massacre of the Protestants in the County of Down, by Major-General Buchan, which was the Subject from whence we have been carried thus far.  
It was one of this Author's unfortunate days, that he light upon Major-General Buchan to make the Masacrer in cold Blood, etc. For all that know that Gentleman, know him to be a Soldier, and incapable of any such Brutality. It is so far from it, that the common Voice of all the Irish Protestants does proclaim how much they own to Lieutenant-General Hamilton, to this Major-General Buchan, and to Major-General Maxwell, for their great Care, and even Generosity to the Protestants in Ulster; though what they did, (even that of Major-General Maxwel's preserving Belfast and all the Country, when Schomberg Landed) was, as themselves own, by King James' express Order.  
But he must have no share of the Thanks, even by those Protestants, who extol his Officers for nothing but duly executing his Orders.  
The Irish were as much offended on the other hand against these Three, Scots Generals, for their Partiality, as they called it, to their own Countrymen, tho' in Rebellion; because they restrained the Irish, by King James' particular Order, from using any Violence towards the Protestants.  
And the Protestants did loudly curse Hunter for the Mischief he had brought upon them; but laid no blame upon Major-General Buchan or his Army. On the contrary they do to this day acknowledge, That they were dealt with much more favourably than they could have expected, considering the Provocations they had given.  
It will be needless to make Application of all these Passages in the County of Down, to that Representation which this Author gives of them.  
The thing shows itself; and I have resolved to forbear all angry Words: Reason, not Passion, gives a true Conviction, and the severest Reproof to all Falsehood and Insincerity.  
Let the Reader judge from what has been said, whether these Protestants in the County of Down proceeded no farther (as this Author confidently avers) than to complain to the Officers of King James' Army, and to demand Redress of their Grievances from them? And whether they were Massacred in cold Blood, without Resistance, suspecting no such matter, etc.  
And let us go on to another Instance this Author produces against King James.  
Pag. 176. he Charges King James with breach of Articles, to the Gentlemen in the Fort of Culmore, who were disamed, and stripped, etc.  
I have spoke with some Gentlemen, who were then in that Fort, upon its Surrender, who say; that this is absolutely false; for that they were used with Humanity by K. J. and that he preserved the Articles to that Degree, as to give the Chief of them his Pass to go for England, when it was desired pursuant to the Articles  
So wicked, as well as ignorant, is that Assertion of this Authors, p. 178. That amongst all the Articles into which K. J. or his Officers entered, they never kept any to the Protestants.  
How often have I heard the Irish Protestants here speak with Honour and Commendation of Sarsfield's punctual observation of his Articles, when he took Sligo? and several other instances. And I have heard the most Zealous among them for this Government complain much, that the Articles made with Carrickfergus by Schomberg, were not as punctually observed. But they laid the fault upon the Soldiers, who were their Conduct, who before they were a Mile from the Town, saw the Country people plunder and strip them; and some say, the Soldiers too put to their hand: But however there were none punished for this. And the Irish do grievously complain, That Major Mac-Swiney, and several other Officers of the Garrison of Carrickfergus were kept prisoners contrary to the Capitulations signed by Mareshal Schomberg himself.  
And that the sick and wounded Officers and Soldiers in Drogheda, who, upon its Surrender after the Boyn, were, by the Capitulations, to be taken care of, and sent with passes to their own Army, as they recovered their Health, were not only neglected, and might have starved, but for the Charity of some poor people of their own Nation, who sold their Beds and  to Relieve them, but were kept as prisoners after they Recovered, contrary to the Capitulations.  
And that upon the Surrender of Cork, the Irish Army, tho' Prisoners of War, were, by the Conditions, to be well used, notwithstanding of which, they say, that the General narrowly escaped being Murdered by the Inhabitants, and had no Justice done him, nor any Satisfaction, upon his Complaint to the English General. That several of the Earl of Clankerty's Servants were forced from him, to serve Major General—  
And that the Garrison, after laying down their Arms, were Stripped, and Marched to a Marshy wet ground, where they were kept with Guards four or five days, and not being Sustained, were forced through Hunger, to Eat dead Horses that lay about them, and several of them Died for Want.. That when they were Removed thence, they were so crowded in Jails, Houses, and Churches, that they could not all lie down at once, and had nothing but the bare Floor to lie on, where, for want of Sustenance, and lying in their own Excrements, with dead Carcases, lying whole Weeks in the same place with them, caused such infection, that they Died in great Numbers Daily.  
And that the Roman Catholic Inhabitants, tho' promised Safety and Protection, had their Goods Seized, and themselves Stripped, and turned out of Town soon after.  
That in December 1690. one Captain Lawder, of Colonel Hales' Regiment, being ordered, with a Lieutenant, Ensigne, and Fifty men to Guard about Two Hundred of the Cork Prisoners to clonmel, as they fainted on the way, through the 'bovesaid bad Usage, Shot them, to the number of Sixteen, between Cork and Clonmell: That Major General Dorington, did demand Justice against this Officer, from General Ginckle: But that Lawder has a Pardon for the Murder, and is still continued in his Post.  
That after being entire Masters of Athlone, they Killed, in cold Blood, an Hundred men in the Castle, and little Out-Work on the River.  
And at Aghram, above Two Thousand who threw down their Arms, and asked Quarter, after the English were absolutely Masters of the Field: and that several, who had Quarters given them, were after Killed in cold Blood, in which Number were the Lord Galway, and Colonel Charles Moor. And this is no Secret, the Major of Monsieur Epingham's Dragoons owned to Major General Dorington, That the Lord Galway was Killed after Quarter, and the Battle over. More Vouchers might be produced, if needful.  
They say further, that those who survived, found no Treatment like Prisoners of War, tho' General Ginckle engaged his Word and Honour for it, to Major General Dorington, in the Presonce of the Prince de Wertenberg, Mounsieur Marquis de la Forest, and other general Officers: And owned the good Usage their Prisoners had at Limerick, and other of King James' Garrisons, and promised that his Prisoners should be as well Treated by K. W. And these promises he reiterated three days after one another, to Major General Dorington, after the Battle of Aghram.  
The Breach of this public Faith to the ordinary and meaner sort, these Irish say is Notorious to all that live in that Country, and will not be Denied by the Protestants themselves: But what is more extrarodinary, That these general Officers, and others, who are now in the Tower, are Metamorphosed from Prisoners of War, to Prisoners of State, and Committed for High Treason; which they say, General Ginckle himself did acknowledge to the said Prisoners at the Tower, to be contrary to his Promise, and that he endeavoured to do them all the Service he could, but not with the Success he desired. By which these Gentlemen say, they have Discovered what will be very New, and Surprising to old Soldiers, and Men of Honour, viz. That Princes are not obliged to make good their General's Promises, tho' such Promises do not Exceed the Customs of War, and (hitherto) Law of Nations.  
Add to this the sending many Hundreds of these poor Irish Prisoners at a time into Lambay (a waste Desert Island in the Sea near Dublin) where their Allowance, they say, for four Days, might, without Excess, be Eat at a Meal, and being thus out of the reach of their Friends, who could not come at them, to give them any Charity, they Died there miserably in heaps. They Complain too, that a great many poor Men were forced from their Families, to swell up the Number of Prisoners, who were reported to be Sold to the Jew, who Furnished K. W.'s Army with Bread: But the vast Number of poor harmless Natives, who were daily Killed up and down the Fields, as they were following their Labour, or taken out of their Beds and Hanged, or Shot immediately for Rapparees; is a most Terrible Scandel to the Government, which the Protestants themselves do Loudly Attest; and many of the Country Gentlemen, as likewise several Officers, even of K. W.'s Army, who had more Bowels or Justice than the rest, did Abhor to see what small Evidence, or even Presumption was thought sufficient to Condemn men for Rapparees, and what sport they made to Hang up poor Irish Pnople by Dozen, almost without pains to Examine them; they hardly thought them Humane Kind! And since the Peace, have first Robbed them, tho' under the Capitulations of Limerick, and then suffered them to Starve in Ditches, and Eat dead Horses in the Highway, which I have been told by many Protestant Gentlemen, who have seen it, and extremely Lamented it, to see Men Divested of common Mercy or Compassion.  
Lastly, The Irish do Complain of Breach of public Faith to those who Submitted to the Government upon K. W.'s repeated Declarations, notwithstanding of which, they are Outlawed, and Prosecuted, (see the Resolution of the Judges at Dublin, Numb. 7. Appendix.)  
And that by Disarming of Gentlemen, contrary to the Articles of Limerick, taking away their Fowling Guns, as well as Riding Arms, both Swords and pistols, with such Difficulties, and Conditions required to make their Right of being Included in the Capitulations appear, and their open grudging and repining, to make good one Article, saying openly, That they will have them Reversed in Parliament: Besides, the Country Militia falling upon, and Robbing the poor Irish, who came out of Limerick, and the rest of K. James' Quarters, and by many other Indications they have made it known, what Security is to be expected from their Protections; and whether K. James' or K. William's Protections were best observed. The Truth is, there are none of the Protestants that belong to the North of Ireland, that I have met with, but do confess, That the Irish, while among them in Summer 89. kept their Protections better to the Protestants, than the Protestants have kept theirs to them since.  
Nay, one, who was of considerable Post there at that time, told me in these words: The Truth is, said he, it was in the Power of their Gentlemen and Officers to make their Protections be observed; but that is not in our Power: For our Country Folks will not be restrained from falling upon the Irish. Doctor George's Letter in the Appendix vouches this.  
But to come to an end of this Head, of this Author's manner of Representing K. J. he says, cap. 3. §. 18. n. 11. p. 213. That K. J. appeared most zealous to have the Church of Wexford, (which had been seized by the Popish Clergy) Restored to the Protestants, and expressed himself with more passion than was usual, that he would be obeyed, and turned out the Major of Wexford for not Restoring the Church when commanded: Notwithstanding, our Author tells, that the Clergy would not obey him. Here the King has wicked Ministers, but Himself is Good and Kind to the Protestants.  
But cap. 3. §. 6. n. 1. p. 82. he is so mad against them, That for the Advancement of Popery, He designed the Ruin of Trade in all his Kingdoms. But p. 83. n. 2. Whatever be said of the general Design, it is certain (says the Author) K. James Reigned the Trade of Ireland in prosecution of his purpose of Destroying the Protestants there.  
Now comes a Mystery, for p. 87. n. 8. he says, That K. James went a great way in destroying the Trade of the roman-catholics also; and left the most considerable Roman-Catholick Traders in Ireland, without Estates or Credit to follow their Trade, or Answer their Correspondents abroad.  
Why? What is the matter now? These were the Citizens chief of galway, who had purchased Estates under the Acts of Settlement.  
This seems as if he had gone upon a principle of Justice, to Ruin their own most Considerable Traders, wherever they thought their Title unjust.  
But if they made not Justice their Rule, which our Author supposes, then, Why might they not have Excepted their own Merchants, and Purchasers by particular Provisoes, or given them Reprizals out of the Protestant Forfeited Estates?  
But I stay not with this. K James, says our Author, 
Of K. James letting the English Fleet Decay.  p. 82. purposely let the Ships of England Decay and Rot, that the French might grow great at Sea, and Destroy the Trade of the English. Here is a piece of politics of our Authors Refining: What was the Design of this? To humble his Subjects! says the Author. This was a deep plot! But would not this Humble himself too? Yes, as I told you before, our Author says, p. 45. It was manifest that he was content to be a Vassal to France.  
A delicate Receipt to make himself Great and Arbitrary! If we consider the Condition, says the Au-p. 82. in which their present Majesties found the English Fleet, the thing will not want probability. This was a perilous Argument. Suppose many Ships had been Lost and Decayed, might it not be by misfortunes or neglect? There came a Lift to the Parliament last year, of above Thirty Men of War, Lost, and Eight disabled, by several misfortunes, since the present Revolution, annexed, n. 12. Appendix; will any say this was done on purpose to let the Dutch, for example, grow great at Sea, And destroy the Trade of the English? What would such a Malicious Observator deserve? And above One Thousand Merchant Men have been taken by the French, the Loss several Millions, during the present War: As appears in the Petition of some of the Merchants of London, presented to Queen Mary herself, and after to her in Council by some of the said Merchants last October, 92. with several other Grievances, and Impositions upon them by the Government, to the Ruin of their Trade, as Pressing their Seamen out of their Ships, obliging them to give Bonds, to go to such Ports, and no other, Embargoes, etc.  
Since the Fleet have come in this Winter 92. there were printed Lists, which were sent to the Admiralty-Office, and to the several Captains, with the Names of the Men who have Deserted their Majesty's Service (as the Lists speak) out of the several Men of War which came in. That printed Sheet which I saw, was filled with the Deserters of two Ships only, viz. The Royal William, and the St. Andrew. I took the pains to Reckon over the men's Names, and there were Deserters from the Royal William, two hundred ninety one, and from the St. Andrew, three hundred forty nine men; both make six hundred and forty.  
Now our Author's Logic would infer, First, What Numbers may we suppose have Deserted, and how many would Desert, if they had opportunity, out of the whole Fleet? Secondly, That these men are not paid, are very ill used, or otherwise Disaffected to the Government. Thirdly, That K. W. did this on purpose, for the abovesaid Reason, etc. What Stop can there be to Malice and Invention? This Author has not produced so plausible Reasons even as these for K. J.'s Design to Destroy the English Fleet; yet he Avers it positively, and Builds upon it.  
But after all, Does our Author know very well, how K. J. left the Fleet? or how he minded the Trade of the Nation? we live here where we have reason to know better than this Author in Ireland. And we know, that among all K. J.'s Faults, this was never reckoned one. No King of England ever minded the Affairs of the Fleet, and the Encouragement of Trade, so much as King James; witness the noble Storehouses he built at Chattam, and other Ports, such as England never saw the like: Nor were the Magazines and Stores ever better provided, than when K. James left them, for which I refer you and this Author to the Worthy Mr. Pepy's, Secretary to the Admiralty, his Momoires touching the Royal Navy, printed here in the Year 1690. Of which I have put a short Abstract in the Appendix, n. 11. for their benefit who have not his book: As likewise Sir Peter Petts Speech, and the Seamens Address to King J. By all which it will appear how perfectly groundless this Accusation of our Authors is against King James. I remember it was stuffed into some News Letters, about that time, (for a certain Reason) and our Author sends it over to us, now as a great Discovery. He says, some body told him so, but he tells not who they were: But he has eased his Spleen, and Discovered his poor Intelligence, That his Reader may duly Weigh and Consider, upon what solid and sure Grounds he sets down all his Matters of Fact, and Consequently what Regard is to be paid to them.  
This Author had shown himself a better Politician, and Historian, if he had Turned this Charge against King James, as I have heard several, and in good earnest, urge it as a thing of the most dangerous Consequence to the Liberties of England, and was with some men not the least Objection against King James' Reign, viz. That he was so good a Husband of his money, that he was able to spare such vast sums to the Navy, and many other Works for the public; yet not Impose or Demand any Supply from his Subjects, who grew Rich in Trade, beyond the Example of former Reigns: And they saw it visibly proceed from his great Care and Application to Maritine Affairs, beyond any of his Predecessors. This, say these Politicians, would have made him over popular; and put him out of the power of Parliaments, for he would have wanted no money; and by showing his people, that his Greatness made them Live without Taxes (which their many years' Experience had told them always did attend the Return of Parliaments) It would have been a Dangerous Temptation to them to have wished him Absolute, while it kept them Rich, and Free from Taxes. And, had not Popery been in the case, he might have bid fairer for Arbitrariness in this method, than by that this Author has found out, of letting the English Fleet decay, on purpose that he might become a Vassal to France.  
Since I wrote this, I met, in the Third Edition of this Author's Book, c. 3. §. 6. n. 1. p. 93 a Nota Bene in the Margin, in these words, viz. N. B. The Author living in another Kingdom, and not knowing how much had been expended on the English Navy, towards the end of King James' Reign, was led into this Inference by hearing that the then Prince of Orange found no Opposition at Sea, when he came for England. But the preceding Discourses of King James, and his Friends in Ireland are exactly Related, and might purposely be Designed, to encourage the Irish Nation into the Facility of Invading England, nothing being, at that time, more universally talked of, or resolved by them.  
Thus the N. B. And let us Mark it well: It is a Recantation of what he had said of K. James' letting the English Fleet Decay, etc.  
By this he would induce his Reader to Believe, That this was the only Erratum of his whole Book, and that he was ready to own it, as soon as Convinced: Whereby he settles a good Opinion of his own Integrity, and Ingenuity: And at the same time, Confirms the Truth of all the other Matters of Fact, in his Book; because it is to be supposed, That if he could have found any other Mistakes in his Book, he would have Rectified them, as well as this.  
Which if it be true, we must have more N. B.'s in his next Edition, after his seeing this Answer, or otherwise he must Confute the Matters of Fact I have set down; upon which I do promise to Confess and Amend my Errors, as freely as I expect the like from him.  
He gives, for his Excuse, his Living in another Kingdom. This, Good Sir, will invalidat, not only Great Part, and the most Beavish of your Book, but of your Famous Thanksgiving Sermon, , where you play your Politics upon the most private Intrigues of most of the States and Princes in Europe, and tell which Prince is to be Wheedled, which Frighted, which brought under Pupillage, what Queen to be made Burren, what Country to be Bombed, what Bought, what Sold, and what Drowned! And you were farther from all these than from England, and these Designs were harder to be known, than the public Condition of our own Fleet, which any one may know that pleases, the Lists of them being commonly Printed.  
In the next place, Since, as you now Confess, you did not know the State of the Navy, when K. James left it; How come you to be so positive in it in your Book? Must not we believe, by this instance, That you are capable of Asserting very positively, what you know very little of?  
But this being a Falsehood so notoriously known in England, you thought, by Confessing that, to Lull them Asleep to inquire no farther into what was done in Ireland.  
Your very Confession argues your Gild, and shows it came not from a clear Conversion of your Conscience: For you do it by halves, and unwillingly. You are loath to Allow K. James any Credit, or as little as you can, in his Care of the Navy. First, You do not call it his Act, only you say, that you knew not Of the Money had been expended on the English Navy, towards the end of K. James' Reign. This might have been expended by Parliament, and little of the Credit come to K. James. Whereas in Sir Peter Petts Speech, n. 10. Apendix, and other Vouchers, you will see, That K. James expended Mill●ons, out of his own Pocket, upon the Navy. Then you say in the Latter End of K. James' Regin, Innuendo, as if he had not minded the Navy from the Beginning of his Reign. The contrary to which, you will see in the short Abstract of Mr. Pepies Account of the Navy, n. 11. Appendix. And no doubt, your Informer could have told you this, as well as the rest, if you had had a mind to be informed.  
But the Reason you give of your former Mistake, is beyond all this. You say, You were led into this Inference (viz. Of K. James' letting the English Fleet Decay, on purpose to Rheum the Trade of England, that the French might grow Great at Sea) by hearing that the then Prince of Orange found no Opposition at Sea, when he came for England.  
Can there be no other, Reason why the Prince of Orange found no Opposition at Sea, but K. James' purposely letting the Ships of England Decay, & c?  
What if the Prince of Orange miss the English Fleet? which was the Case: He found no Opposition at Salisbury neither. Our Author might hence as well infer, that K. James purposely let all the Pikes and Guns in England Rot and Rust, & c!  
Are these Inferences fit for a Bishop, upon his serious Repentance for his public Breach of the Ninth Command, and Slandering the Footsteps of GOD's Ancinted! And yet, in the same Breath, continuing to do it still again, in Malice, that grows Ridiculous with its Rage: For in the next words, after his Confessing his Mistake, he would have you believe, that K. James did own this Lie against himself.  
But the preceding Discourses of K. James— (says the Author) are exactly Related. What were these Discourses? You have it told in his Book, in the same place where his Recantation is, viz. c. 3. §. 6. n. 1. Where he tells How many Roman Catholics, who pretended to know his. (K. James') mind, confidently affirmed, That he purposely let the Ships of England Decay and R●t, that the French might grow Great at Sea, and Destroy the Trade of the English— And (says the Author) the King himself could not sometimes forbear words to the same purpose.  
Now, this the Author, even in Penitentials, Affirms to be Exactly Related. And, no doubt, he must think his stock of Credit very great, that, upon his bare Word, we should believe so very improbable a Story, as that K. James should himself tell so great a Lie against himself, to render himself the most Odious to England, that could possibly be Contrived: All the Aspersions, which his Enemies cast upon Him, put together, would not Blacken him so much, in the Eyes of Englishmen, as such a Design to Ruin their Trade, on purpose to let the French get it.  
And indeed it must raise a very strange Idea of him to all People in the World; that a King could have so much ill Nature, so much Treachery, as to Ruin and Betray his own People, who were then very kind to him, on purpose to bring them into the Power of their Enemies; and that he should be transported with such an implacable Malice against them, as to be content to Ruin himself, to be Revenged on them, to make himself a Vassal to France, that they might become French Slaves: Which our Author says is Evident, as I have before Quoted him.  
And that a King should be so fond of this Character, as to Invent Lies against himself, on purpose to have it believed!  
And to harden the Hearts of all Englishmen against Him, at the same time that He was Courting them; and as Dr. Gorges' Letter tells us, spoke the kindest Things of them, upon all Occasions, and as this Author, in several places of this Book, that He Reckoned much upon His Friends in England!  
And (c. 3. near the end of §. 13.) that the Irish Papists Refrained from Massacring the Protestants in Ireland, lest It should shock many of their Friends in England and Scotland, from whom they expected Great Matters. And that K. James depended on some Protestants in England, for Succour and Assistance, rather more than on the Roman Catholics, etc.  
Judge then how probable it is that K. James should Report such things of himself, as He knew must Disgust all these, and indeed all Honest Men?  
But the Author finds a Reason for it. It was, says he, in his lose Recantation, to encourage the Irish Nation into the Facility of Invading England.  
And was there no other way to do it, but for King James to tell so Scandalous a Lie of himself? And which my Lord Tyrconnel, and many others of the Irish Nobility and Gentry, besides all the English knew to be false?  
The chief Encouragement they had to come to England, was what our Author tells, the Friends they supposed they had especially the Protestants, in England and Scotland.  
To whom this Account of King James, especially from his own Mouth, would have been a strange sort of a Recommendation.  
But if that thing in which K. James was most to be admired, and took greatest Pains, and which was most Visible. (viz. his care of the Navy) can by this Author's Art, be thus turned into the Greatest, and most Invidious Objection against him, what fair Representation of K. James can be expected from such an Observator as as this? Or what Credit to any thing he has said? Who would have you believe him, because he takes God to Witness of his Sincere Representing K. James and his Party in this Book: And even where he must Cenfess his Error, Reputes, as you have seen.  
But we have been too long upon this. Pray God this Author's Repentance for this pretended Repentance and all other his Sins may be more sincere and hearty before he Dye. And particularly that God may give him Grace to Repent Sincerely, and Confess Honestly all the Errors, Wilful, or Malicious Representations in this Book of his, with which I now proceed.  
C. 3. §. 12. p. 148. n. 6. He Reflects upon K. Jame's Sincerity, who in his Answer to the Petition of the Lords for a Parliament in England, presented 17. Nou. 88 gave it as one Reason why he could not Comply, because it was Impossible, whilst part of the Kingdom was in the Enemy's Hands to have a Free Parliament. Thus he; and to make you believe him very exact, he qutoes the Kings Answer in the Margin, But on purpose leaves out those Words, which would show the Inference he makes from it to be very Inconsequential: his Inference is, That the same Impossibility lay on him (K. James) against holding a Parliament in Ireland.  
The King's Words quoted in his Margin are these, How is it possible a Parliament should be Free, in all its Circumstances, whilst an Enemy is in the Kingdom? There are but a very few Words more in that Answer, which are these. And can make a Return of near a Hundred Voices. These this Author leaves out. Was it for the length do you think? No, it would have quite Ruined his Plot, of making a Parallel 'twixt the Reasons for K. James' holding a Parliament in England 17. Nou. 88 and in Ireland, May 89. viz. That there was an Enemy in the Kingdom, which is indeed no reason, and none of the Reason the King gave. But such an Enemy as can make a Return of near a Hundred Voices, would indeed hinder the Freedom of a Parliament, in all its Circumstances. Now let us see how many Voices the Enemy could Return in Ireland, not one but of two Burroughs, that is Derry and Enneskillen, all the other Burroughs, and all the Counties in the Kingdom were in the King's Hands. Now let our Author Judge of his Parallel, and of his Ingenuity, in Misquoting the King's Answer. For he that does not tell the whole Truth that is Material, is a False-witness. He says p. 152. Several Corporations had no Representatives, because they were in the Enemy's Hands. And yet the whole Number is but two as abovesaid. But he thought the Word several would carry more in the Reading.  
Add to this the difference there is 'twixt a Foreign Enemy, being in the Country, and the Insurrection of the Subjects. A Subject that Rebels, and will not Obey the King's Summons to Attend him in Parliament, is a different Case from his being under a Foreign Power, that will not let him come. In the first Case, he has forfeited his Right to Sat in Parliament; and there is no reason that there should not be a Parliament, because he will not come. But in the other Case, it cannot be a Free and Full Parliament, where so many Members are under a Foreign Power. But our Author has protested before GOD, That he has not Aggravated nor Misrepresented any Thing, and therefore we must suppose, That it was only to Save himself the pains of Writing, or his Reader of viewing these eight words, which he leaves out in the Kings Answer to the Lords; 〈◊〉 of the four Words ut Colonies ibi faciat, which he forgot in his Quotation out of Grotius, of which I made mention before; Tho' it is plain that both these Ommissions do quite alter the Sense of the Words our Author quotes, against that Interpretation which he would put upon them. And therefore it must be confessed that they were very Materially, and if I were not awed by this Authors serious appeal to God, I should have said Designedly omitted by this Author, to Misrepresent the Sense of both these Quotations, and for an Aggravation against K. James: But for the present I shall only say this, That where this Author seems most Exact, and sets his Quotations, as you would think, Verbatim in the Mangent, that you might suspect nothing, as he does in these two Quotations of Grotius and K. James' Answer to the Lords, there you are chief to suspect, and you must stand upon your Guard.  
C. 1. n. 6. He brings another Quotation out of Grotius, de Jure, etc. l. 2. c. 25. n. 8. to show, That Thou Subjects might not take Arms Lawfully, even in the extremest necessity— it would not follow from thence, that others might not take Arms in their behalf. I know no Nobody that says it would follow from thence. But as to his Quotation; Grotius says in the very same place: That this pretence of Helping others, has, in all Ages, been made use of, to colour their Designs, who intent to Invade their Neighbours Right, 
Scimus quidem ex Veterib. Novisque Historiis alieni Cupiditatem hos sibi quaerere obtentus, sed non ideo statim Jus esse desinit si quid a malis Usurpatur: Navigant & Piretae, ferro utuntur & Latrones.  and that mere Possession does not give Right; for that there are Pirates and Robbers who get things by Force.  
All this the Author has wisely left out of his Quotation, it would have spoiled the Design for which he brought it. But I cannot imagine to what end he sets down another Quotation out of the same Book. Lib. 2. c. 20. §. 40. Where he tells us, That it is so much more Honourable to Avenge the Injuries done to another, than ourselves, by how much there is less Danger, that the sense of another's Pain should make us exceed in exacting such Revenge, than of our own, or Byass our judgement. By this Rule, he that Avenges the Injuries done to another, must have no By-Ends of his own, no Profit or Advantage accrue to himself by such Revenge, else it may Bias his Judgement, and make him Exceed in his Revenge, viz. Instead of reducing his Neighbour to Reason, to Seize upon all he has for himself. How far this is Conducing to the End for which the Author produced it, I leave to himself to consider.  
But I will make an end of this unsavoury Subject, raking up the Absurdities and Contradictons into which a Man's Malice does betray him. I will give but one Instance more upon this Head. You have heard before now positively he asserted that the Irish were the Aggressons in the late Revolution, that not one Protestant Acted any thing in opposition to the Government, but only defending themselves against Robbers, nor Acted against these Robbers till actually. Assaulted by them, etc. as you have it p. 105. Yet c. 3. §. 13. p. 178. (as it is printed, for it is wrong paged, it ought to be p. 186.) n. 4. He forgets this, and gives several Reasons, why the Irish papists Were not the Aggressors, as, That they lay under the strictest Obligations not to begin Acts of Cruelty, from the Odium, and Ill Success their Murders in Forty One had. That the Protestants were extremely Cautious; not to give the least offence, That it would hurt K. James' Interest in England, etc.  
The Matter is, he was here Answering the Objection: That very few Protestants l●st their Lives in Ireland under K. J. This he Grants to be true, and it was a severe Objection. For to represent a Man as the most Bigoted, and Merciless Tyrant, that designed no less than the Total Extirpation of one main part of his people (upon which Supposition this Author Grounds his whole Book) and then, when he has Subdued these Subjects of his, and Reduced them by Arms, after what to be sure, he thought Rebellion in them, and their Proclaiming another for their King, and some part of them still standing out in Arms against him; and those under his Power Betraying him all they could, a●d deserting him every day, which gave him just Grounds to believe, that they would all, as they did, join with the P. of Orange when he Landed.  
These were the Greatest Provocations can be supposed, and the Fairest Occasion given to such a Cruel Tyrant to wreck his Malice upon those whom he designed to Destroy; And yet after Representing a Man to be such a Bloody Monster, to find that he Kills none of these People, would make any Body suspect he had not been sairly Represented; and that he did not really design any such thing as the Destruction of these People, at least not altogether so fully as the French King resolved the voiding the Edict of Nants. which this Author avers p. 19 I say, who would believe that K. James did as fully determine our Ruin, (as our Author there Words it) since he not only refused to do it, when it was in his Power, and he Apprehended so great Danger from them, but took Pains and used his utmost Authority to keep back others from doing it, who were ready and zealous to have done it, and thought it their Interest to do it? Therefore in this Distress our Author was obliged to find out some other Reasons for this, besides K. Jame's Clemency: And a Man of less Ingenuity than his could make a shift to find Reasons for any thing; There is no Subject upon which something may not be said Pro and C●n, and so here our Author contrives Reasons for this Clemency of K. James, which may not spoil that Bloody Character he had given of him, and he turns it upon Policy, Interest, not to Provoke England, etc. not foreseeing that the same Interest must remain while ever he was King of England, and so secure the Protestants in Ireland, and disappoint this Authors whole Book. And likewise he was under a Necessity of Contradicting what he had said before, of making the Irish the Assailants and Murderers, etc. because he is now forced to give Reasons why they were not so. You know who should have good Memories, and it is very difficult when a Cause has several and Contrary Aspects. It runs a Man some times to bespatter that side which he means to Defend  
As truly I think has happened in the present Case: For if the most Malicious Jacobite had gone about to expose the present Government under the Name of K. James, 
This Author Wounds the Present Government in the Person of K. James and the Papists.  he could not have done it more effectually than it is done in this Book. For Example, when England found the old Oath of Supremacy inconsistent with the Present Settlement, they wisely abrogated it, and made a new one.  
But Ireland could not do this, wanting a Parliament; And in the Acts of Parliament in Ireland, as in England, there is a Penalty upon the refusal of this Oath, which the then Civil and Military Officers in Ireland avoided, by ordering it so, That that Oath should not be tendered to them, as it was not at first to the Military, nor to all the Civil Officers.  
Now see how our Author exposes this Practice in the Person of the Papists. c. 2. p. 38. §. 9 He tells of an Horrible Artifice the Papists had to avoid the Oath enjoined on all Officers Civil and Military by Act. 28. Hen. 8. c. 13. and 2. Eliza. c. 1. viz. The Oath was never tendered to their new Officers, and Consequently, said they, they never refused it, neither are they liable to the Penalties of the Act. This was plainly against the design of the Statute, a playing with the Words of it, and shown us that Laws are Insufficient to secure us against such Jesuitical Prevarications.  
Thus our Author, not Considering that the same Jesuitical Prevarications must, by his Rule, be Charged not only upon the Irish Protestants, as abovesaid, but upon the Roman Catholics in K. William's Army, (who are many more in England, than K. James had in his Army here) and before the Alteration of the Oaths here by Act of Parliament; they must either have this same excuse for avoiding these Oaths, or have none at all, p. 114. He says the Protestants in Ireland chose rather to lie in Jail, than take some new invented Oath that was put to them without any Law to enjoin it. Why would not this Author tell us what Oath this was? I am told that there was no new Oath Imposed upon the Protestants in Ireland by K. James, and it is not very likely, where, as you have heard from the Sovereign of Belfast, and other Vouchers before Named, K. James did not trouble the Protestants even with the Oaths enjoined by Law.  
But I have been told that in Cork, Limerick, and other▪ Garrisons, upon the Sea Coast, where there were many Protestants, the Officers, without any Order from K. James, thought it reasonable to take that Security of these Protestants (when they drew their Men out of these Garrisons into the Field, and when they were Alaramed with the English Fleet) that these Protestants would not Join with their Enemies, but be true to K. J. And I am told likewise that none of these Protestants did refuse it. But if they did, as this Author says, could they take it ill to be secured in Prison, who, when the Enemy was hourly expected, refused to promise not to Join with them, or betray the Garrison to them? Secondly, this is an ill Reason for what the Author told us before, viz. That K. James had not the least Reason to suspect or Disarm the Protestants; and therefore this Author calls it perfect Dragooning of them; as bad as was done in France.  
But this Author tells his own Reason why they would rather lie in Jail than take this Oath, viz. Because there was not any Law to enjoin it. and they thought this a Violation of the Law; and therefore that they ought to Suffer any hardship rather than Comply with it. For if you break one Law, you may break all, etc.  
Now this is perfect Wounding the present Government, and Condemning what the Protestants in Ireland, even this Author himself has done viz. Taking an Oath of Fidelity to K. William and Q. Mary without any Law to enjoin it. That is, before this late Act of Parliament for abrogating the Old Oaths of Allegiance, and Imposing the new Oaths in Ireland.  
But here I must not be mistaken, for I am not of our Author's Opinion, that there was no Law to enjoin these Oaths. I have shown before, That, by the Common Law, there is an Oath of Allegiance, may be required from the Subjects, which, for greater Satisfaction, I have set down in the Appendix, n. 13. as it was Taken to K. J. in Ireland by these Protestants, With some Authorities out of the Common Law, to Justify the Legality of it. But our Author, either knew not this, or was willing not to remember it; and would rather Wound the present Government, than miss such a Blow, and Reflection upon the Government of K. J. whether this was done in the full sincerity of his Heart, without Aggravation, or Misrepresenting against K. J. he has taken GOD to witness, and there we must leave it.  
The 26. Septemb. 90. There Issued three Proclamations from the Lords Justices of Ireland (which I have hereunto Annexed) one Banishing the Wives, Children, and Families of all in Rebellion against their Majesties, or Killed in that Rebellion, and of all Absentees, out of all places under their Majesty's Obedience, upon pain of being treated as Spies and Enemies; And all Sheriffs, Justices of the Peace, etc. and all the Militia were Commanded to search for them, and Seize them; and they were to be Transmitted from Sherriff to Sherriff, which was Executed accordingly, and Great Multitudes, especially of Women and Children, were by this means sent into the Enemy's Quarters, which hastened that Famine was afterwards among them.  
Another of these Proclamations Banished all Papists whatsoever, Ten Miles from the River Shannon, or any of their Majesty's Frontier Garrisons, on the same penalty.  
The Third forbids Sheltering, or Entertaining any Irish Papist whatsoever, but such as they know to be under their Majesties: Obedience, or of Corresponding with them, upon pain of High-Treason.  
And I have been told that there were many Proclamations of this Sort in that Kingdom, some forbidding them coming within so many Miles of any of Their Majesty's Garrisons, which were then very many; others Confining them to their Parishes and Cities; and not to stir above five Miles from their Dwelling Houses, etc.  
There were two Proclamations issued by K. W. and Q. Mary of the 17. June 90. Commanding all Papists, and Reputed Papists, forthwith to Departed from the Cities of London and Westminster, and from within ten Miles of the same. The second, for the Confinement of Popish Recusants, within five Miles of their Respective Dwellings. I will not trouble you with the Transcribing of these, for you have them in the London Gazzet, Numb. 2568.  
And such things are necessary in times of War. But our Author takes upon him to Condemn all this as a Breach of the Liberty of the Subjects, etc. p. 95. where he inveighs against a Proclamation of K. J.'s, Dated 26. July 89. which Confined all Protestants to their Parishes and Cities, as a very great Encroachment upon their Liberty, and a mighty inconvenience to their Affairs. [That was wisely Observed]! And this is one of his Articles against K. J. which will lie equally against every King in the World, in time of War.  
Of the like sort is that p. 121. n. 6. That the Irish took Free Quarters p. 132. n. 3. Assessing the Protestants for maintaining their Militia, p. 178. n. 5. making the penalty of their Proclamations for bringing in Arms, etc. to be Death, p. 209. turning the Protestant Churches into Lodging places; defacing and burning what ever was Combustible in them, p. 162. when the Soldiers got into Houses, under pretence of Garrisoning them, they sometimes burnt them, and always spoiled the Improvements. In every of which particulars, the Protestant Army, by many Degrees, outdid that of K. J. if any Credit is to be given to the Irish Protestants themselves. And K. William, by his Proclamation, Dated at Chapelisard, 31. July 90. for the Papists to bring in their Arms, makes the penalty, To be treated As Traitors and Rebels, and abandoned to the discretion of his Soldiers, which you may see at large, n. 6. Appendix.  
I do not Argue against this as too severe: There may be reason for severe threatening; for after all, the King may extend his Mercy as he thinks fit.  
And this Author does not Allege, that any Protestant in Ireland was put to Death by K. James for nor bringing in his Arms: Nor will he say, that they did all bring in their Arms: But confesses, as you have heard above, that they kept so many as were sufficient to have fought the Irish, and to have beat them too. And sure some of these might have been found out if K. James had sought that Occasion to take away their lives. And this Author's Naming none of the Protestants, who were put to Death upon this Account, is first a Demonstration that there was none so put to Death▪ for this Author would have heard of it, and would not have missed telling it. And secondly, it is a great Vindication of K. James' Clemency, that he did not take this Advantage against them.  
But the use I have to make of it, upon the Head I am now treating, is, that this Author Wounds the present Government in the Person of K. James; For how could he more effectually Expose, and Arraign K. Williams' Proclamation, making the Penalty of not bringing in Arms to be Death; than by making it one of the Instances of K. James' Tyranny and Illegal Oppression, that he Issued a Proclamation, making the Penalty of not bringing in Arms to be Death? How could this Author have Exposed K. William more? Or shown his own partiality in this History of his, while he Condemns that in one, which he Justifys in another? Was there no Favour or Affection to a Party in this? He takes GOD to Witness there was not, of which we shall come to Discourse presently. But now we go on with the Subject in hand, viz. The Reflections this Author Casts upon the present Government, in his manner of Representing the Carriage of K. James towards the Protestants in Ireland. What he says, p. 130. n. 4. of the Protestants being forced to take out Protections, and pay for them, and then having them recalled, and paying for new ones in some other Method, looks perfectly like Lampooning the present Government in Ireland, Who have forced all the Irish to take Protections, and pay so much for them, and then Recall them, and put it into other Hands to Grant new Protections, over and over again: In March 1690/1. All Protections were Recalled, except those Granted by the General, and all required to take new Protections from the going Judges of Assize, at ●2 Pence a piece; and I have heard that in one County viz. of Meath there were ten or twelve Thousand Protections given by the Judges. So that this was a Comfortable Circuit!  
The reason for the often altering these Protections was given because they said that many Irish were killed with these Protections in their pockets, which argued the greatest Treachery in them, and that they took these Protections only to impose upon the Government.  
But nor Author vindicates them in all this, at least clears them from our Objecting it to them, while he tells us, p. 172. That K. J. railed, on this occasion, against Protestants in general, representing them as false and perfidious; For, said he, many were killed with my Protections in their pockets; not Considering (O●r Author gets on) the Reflection was on his own Party, against whom his Protection, as appeared by his own Confession, was no Security. And when Men were thus Slaughtered with his Approbation, notwithstanding his Protections in their pockets, it was but reasonable for such as survived to think of some other way of Protecting their Lives.  
Thus our Author, and infers that they were killed with the King's Approbation, who were killed with h●s Protections in their pockets. This I have spoke to already. And the Consequence he draws from it, would Justify the Irish, who Survive to seek some other way of Protecting their Lives, than the present Government. Thus excellently does our Author argue!  
Now Imagine he had such a Story as Glencoe to tell of any of King James', Officers in Ireland, how easily could he, by his Art, make it Reflect upon the King himself, and absolve all those High-landers from their Allegiance, and give them leave to Protect their Lives another way? O what Declamations we should have had of the Bloody Irish, Cutthroats, Massacrers, &c▪ And what use would he have made of their giving it under their Hands, that what they did was by the King's Express Command, and none Punished for it! He would never have given K. James Liberty to Deny it, or make any Defence, but would have Represented to the Three Kingdoms what they were to Expect from him, who could give such Orders, exceeding in in Cruel Barbarity the Wild Irish, or Tartars. He would have made more of this, than of all the Stories he has Collected in his Book, if they were all true.  
But his Zeal must be Commended. p. 206. n. 8. where he reckons, as a means of Destroying the Protestant Religion, the Debauchery and universal Corruption of Manners that then prevailed. Take his own Words. p. 207. The Perjuries in the Courts, the Robberies in the Country, the Lewd Practices in the Stews, the Oaths, ●lasphemys, and Curses, in the Arms and Streets, etc.  
And these indeed are a means to Destroy, not only the Protestant, but any Christian Religion. I cannot wish (as I hear one did) that the Irish Army were more Guilty of this than the Protestant Army. But that these are Increased, beyond former Examples, in the Protestant Army, all of them that retain the least sense of Religion, do bemoan with Regret; but I have mentioned this already. I am sure it can be no good Religion, which is promoted by these Means, or suffers them, to secure any Interest whatsoever. God does not need our Virtue, much less our Vices to help him to Govern the World. And he will not be served by the Breach of his Commands. Can we expect (says Dr. Gorge in his Letter) Sodom to destroy Babylon, or Debauchery to destroy Popery? Our Enemy (says he) Fights with the Principle of a Mistaken Conscience against us, we against the Conviction of our Principles against them.  
I might enlarge upon this Subject. But to return to our Author. He speaks with Just Indignation. p. 173. against General Rosen's Stratagem of bringing the Protestants in that Country before the Walls of Derry, and to threaten to Destroy them all, if the City would not receive them, which would have brought a Famine into the Town, and forced them to Surrender. I need not take pains against the Barbarity of this design: For K. James expressed his Just Resentment of it, and Countermanded it upon the first notice. And in his Circular Letters to the Governors of Towns, and Officers Commanding in chief in the North, to whom these Orders of Rosens had come, he Commands them by no means to obey these Barbarous Orders of Rosen's: And accordingly Rosen's Orders for the Driving were not Executed in most places in the North. This I have from the Officers to whom these Orders were sent; and from several Protestants who have seen them, and can produce them.  
But our Author discovers his skill in War, when he says that he never met with any thing like it in History; nor do I believe, says he, it was ever Practised by any Nation, unless the French have used it in their late Wars. Many instances might be given him of as Barbarous Exploits in War, particularly, that of Reducing places by Famine. But to speak Impartially, Is not Starving a County, or a Province, as Barbarous as Starving a City? And was not Crowding all the Irish Men, Women, and Children over the River Shannon done on purpose to reduce them to Famine? And it had its effect, and many of them Died, and Women Miscarried, and many were Starved in that Driving over the Shannon, insomuch that some of the Protestant Officers, who were employed on that Expedition, expressed the greatest Regret, to see such Lamentable Spectacles, and were ashamed of their Commissions. And those who were thus Driven, had King William's Protections in their pockets.  
In exposing these things, our Author should take care not to Wound the Government, through the Sides of the Irish. But his Zeal carried him too far, where, in the Heads of his Discourse, he makes this one, That when the Bishop of Meath applied to King James, concerning this Driving, King James, he says, excused Rosen: And when you turn to the Book, to see this made out, p. 174. All you find, is, that King James told the Bishop, That he had sent Orders to stopped it, and if he (Rosen) had been his own Subject, he would have called him to Account for it. This is a strange way of excusing him! But it shows how sharp-sighted this Author is in finding Faults. You may be sure, by this, that none have escaped him. Nor can he spare them, even where it plainly Reflects upon the present Government, which he pretends to Compliment.  
But this is only by Innuendos. Tho' he has brought it so near, as to make the Application very easy.  

This Author Renders the King's Preregative Hateful to the People: and Inclines them to a Common Wealth.  This is more pardonable than his plain and express proclaiming War against K. William and Q. Mary. That is, Sounding an Alarm to the Nation, to beware of them, and watch them narrowly, as their greatest Enemies.  
He says p. 4. That Certain and Infallible Destruction will be brought to England, as it was to Rome, and in a Great measure to Florence, if ever the Prerogative do swallow up the Liberties and Privileges of the Subject, p. 77. That their choosing their own Representatives, is the only Barrier they have against The Encroachments of their Governor, p. 57 That it is the Kingdom's money that pays the Soldiers, p. 85. That Abuses in the Kingdom proceeded from the Long Disuse of Parliaments, p. 133. n. 6. He would Limit that Prerogative of the Crown, of Coining Money, and by his Quotation in the Margin, would take it quite away, giving the King no power To change his Money, nor impair, nor inhanse, nor make any Money, but of Silver, without the Assent of the Lords, and all the Commons. Yet he cannot forget to have heard of Leather Money Coined in England, and pasteboard in Holland.  
Here he discovers what he would be at, To Depress the Prerogative, even to a Commonwealth. And this, or Arbitrary Monarchy, must be the Consequence of dividing the Interest of King and People, and setting them up to Fight against one another, to Watch and Guard against one another, as the Greatest Enemies, that if one prevail, the other must be destroyed. A Kingdom divided— Mat. 12.25.  
This is not altogether so pleasant a prospect as the Passive-Obedience-Men afford us, while they represent the Prerogative as the greatest Safeguard of the Rights and Privileges of the People. And therefore to be Loved by the People, and kept Great, and Inviolable, as their Greatest Security and Glory.  

The Author's Conclusion & Protestation of his Sincerity.  It is now time to come to a Conclusion. If I have not tired you, I am sure I have myself. I will therefore Close this Discourse with a small Reflection upon this Author's Conclusion. p. 239. Wherein he protests before God, That he has not Aggravated, or misrepresented the Proceed against us, out of Favour or Affection to a Party, etc.  
By this he would seem as equal to the Irish, as to the English, to the Papist, as to the Protestant. For which I must Refer you to what has been already said.  
But if this had been his Principle, why would he lay such Loads upon a Popish King, for choosing to trust Papists in his Army, and even to prefer them to the Protestants? Is it not the same reason, as for a Protestant Prince to desire a Protestant Army? And if, in such a Case, you could not sinned persons so Qualified as you desire, would you not take the best you could get, and give them time and opportunities farther to Accomplish themselves? This Author knows very well, this was King James' Case with the Irish. That there was not a Gentleman among them, but was employed. My Lord Chief Justice Keating, in his Letter to Sir John Temple, 29. Decemb. 88 says. The Roman Catholic Nob●●●●y and Gentry of the Kingdom, are universally concerned in the present Army, and in that which is to be raised, p. 351. of this Author's Book. But he (King James) was forced to take in the Scum likewise, to make up an Army. Yet this Author makes it one of the Heads of his Discourse, p. 25. The insufficiency of the persons Employed by King James: And Improves that to an Argumnnt for his Abdication.  
I am very sensible of the many ill Steps were made in K. James' Government, and above all, of the Mischievous Consequence of the Lord Tyrconnel's Administration; which, the most of any one thing, brought on the Misfortunes of his Master.  
But when, by what means soever, things were brought to that pass, that K. James was deserted by England, and the Protestants in Ireland, no Man, in his Senses, can blame him, for making use of the Irish, nor my Lord Tyrconnel for Arming, Inlisting, Arraying them &c. In doing whereof (considering the great Trust reposed in him) no man of Honour, or Moral Honesty can truly blame him. Says my Lord Chief Justice Keating, as inserted by this Author. p. 349. And this Author knows very well that Lord Chief Justice Keating, was a firm Protestant, and a Man of Sense.  
And this Author does Confess. p. 101. n. 5. That these new made 〈◊〉 were set on Foot, partly on the first Noise of the P. of Orange's descent, and partly in the beginning of Decem. 88  
Now at this time to hinder K. James to raise an Army of Irish to assist him is the Argument our Author had undertaken, and for which he blackens K. James to the utmost. He says, p. 166. That without any Necessity at all, he (K. James) threw himself upon these People, he Encouraged them, he Armed them, gave Commissions, even to those that had been Torys, etc. Some such perhaps he might Employ, (I have known a High-way-Man an Officer in the Army in K. Charles II. time, and no Notice taken of it) but it was because he could get no better, as is said above. But to say he had no Necessity at all to raise these Men, cannot have common Sense in it, unless this Author thinks, that at that time the Protestants of Ireland, would have Fought for K. James against the P. of Orange, and so that he had no need of the Irish. If that be our Author's meaning, I hope he will Explain himself. And likewise, whether he does not a little Aggravate the Case (which he protest before GOD he does not) when he assures us. p. 15. That K. James did Prosecute the same, if not worse Methods towards the Protestants in Ireland, than the K. of France did with the Hugonots in his Dominions.  
Why? Was there any Dragooning in Ireland, such as we have heard of in France? Yes: Our Author tells us. C. 3. §. 8. n. 15. p. 112. This was perfect Dragooning to the Protestants— Terrible Dragooning! Pray what was this? It must raise a Dismal Apprehension in the Reader, some Exquisite Torture! Protestant Bridles! or something like Amboina! Parturiunt Montes.— The whole matter was Disarming the Protestants in Dublin. 24. Feb. 88 But what Occasion was there for this Disarming? What Reason had the Government to be Apprehensive of these Protestants? All the Protestants Generally in Ulster, Connoght, and Munster, in all Ireland (except Dublin, and other Parts of Linster, whom the. Lord Deputy kept in Awe, with what Forces he had) were then actually in Arms in Opposition to the Government, and had entered into Associations to carry on their War.  
But may be these Protestants in Dublin were more Loyal than the other Protestants of Ireland. What Reason had the Lord Deputy to Suppose that?  
But this Author tells us in the same Section. p. 97. That they had a Plot to Seize my Lord Deputy himself, and the Castle of Dublin, with the Stores, Ammunition, etc.  
But when was this? It was, says the Author, when the News came that K. James had sent Commissioners to Treat with the P. of Orange. This was very early. And what if the ●r●nce had Accepted of a Treaty? How did they know but the King and Prince might have Agreed? But they were resolved to Anticipate all this: And not to wait even the Prince's Commands. They were for Supererogation, and to show Zeal Extraordinary.  
But after all, if their Numbers were not Considerable in Proportion to the King's Army, or if they were not well Armed, the Government might have over looked their Rashness, and let them alone. In Answer to this, our Author tells in the same Place; That they (K. james's Army) were but a Handful to the Protestants, there being Men and Arms Enough in Dublin alone, to have dealt with them. And p. 111. That they (the Protestants) had Arms enough to make the Papists Afraid, and to beat them too, if they had had a little Assistance and Encouragement of Authority to Attempt it. And they knew how to Supply the want of Authority another way.  
Now let any one Judge in the point of Reason. Is there a Man in his Senses, that had to do with these People, in the Circumstances they, and the rest of the Protestants of Ireland stood, but would have Disarmed them if he could?  
And for our Author to Equal this to the French Dragooning, is betraying of his Cause: It is rendering the whole Suspected. To Aggravate things beyond the Truth, does not make them more, but nothing at all. What Notion does this give us of the French Persecution? Had that King as much to say against the Hugonots as K. James had against the Protestants in Ireland? Did the French King use them no Worse than K. James did these Protestants? Our Author says, as above, that K. James used worse Methods, towards the Protestants of Ireland, than the King of France did with the Hugonots. If so Mounsieur Claud has mightily Misinformed us in his Account of the Persecution of the Hugonots in France.  
And since our Author will have this Comparison, because he could not think of another would Render K. James so Odious, I have a Curiosity to know his Opinion, as to the Cause of these Hugonots, viz. Whether their King's breaking the Edict of Nants, and using them as he did, was Sufficient to absolve them from their Allegiance, and to set up a King of their own Religion, wherever they could find him? I doubt not, but this Author will Answer in the Affirmative; and that it was nothing but want of Power kept them from Abdicating that King, who they thought had Abdicated the Government of them, by his ill usage of them: And this will be a better Plea for the French King, to Rid himself of these sort of People, than any I have yet heard offered for him.  
But in this Comparison 'twixt King James, and the French King, our Author makes King James the more wicked Man of the Two, using worse Method with his Protestants, as you have heard. And in his Character of the French King, he gives him the Advantage over King James, with an Innuendo-reflection upon King James in this same place, p. 14. He reports the French King to be a Merciful Man in his own Nature, and certainly, says he, a mighty Zealot for his Honour. As if King James were not so, indeed he was far from it, as this Author represents him.  
You see to what a Height this Author's Zeal has carried him, when he will give so fair a Character, even of the French King, that he may thereby blacken K. J. the more.  
And upon this Head, I hope no Man will take it ill, at least to do Right to K. James, Would any Body desire him to be worse than the French King!  
Therefore give me leave to say, (and in this I believe I shall have the Major part on my side) That if the Hugonots in France, had Invited a Foreign Huguenot Prince to enter France with an Army, had joined with him, and Proclaimed him for their King; and Forced K. Lewis to Fly out of France; and afterward recovering part of his own, he should reduce the Hugonots in Brettaigne, for example, and they, when they were come again under the Power of their Old Master, should show all the Signs of Disloyalty, and Disaffection to him, Deserting him every day, to their new Huguenot King, and giving an Account to him of the same disposition in them, that could not make their Escape from K. Lewis; and K. L. to know all this, and that those that stayed, gave all the Intelligence they could to his Enemies, and did all the Mischief they could to him their Natural King, under whose Protection they then Lived: And those of them that were able in Brettaigne to hold out in open Arms against him, keeping two Towns in the same Province he had Reduced, where they Fortified themselves, and Declared for their Huguenot King, and to Rescue those Hugonots that were under King Lewis—  
I say, if this had been the Case 'twixt K. Lewis and the Hugonots, I believe I shall have the Major part of England of my Opinion, That King Lewis would have dealt otherwise with them, than King James did with the Protestants in Ireland. And perhaps, had any King in Christendom, but K. James, had them in his Power (as he had for a whole Summer) he would not have left them in a Capacity to have Driven him out of the Kingdom, as they did: And he was Morally assured they would do so, when it was in his Power to have prevented them.  
But rather than Destroy them, he put it in their Power to Destroy him; which they did without the least sense of all his Goodness to them, which they Disdained to own, but pursued him as a Tyrant. Secretary Gorge Assures us, in his Large Letter, that the Irish Protestants were more Active against King James, and were more dreaded by the Irish, than any other of K. William's Army.  
If K. James were as great a stranger to us, as Caesar or Pompey, and the Scene were placed as far off as those Times, yet who would not have a Zeal to Vindicate the Truth! who would not be moved to see a King, who suffered himself to be visibly Ruined by his unprovocable Clemency to Obstinate Rebels, represented by them, for so doing, as the Bloodiest Tyrant in the World! To see this Author's Book Transport Men so far, without examining, as that the Principal Secretary of State should Licence a Pamphlet, called, The Pretences of the French Invasion Examined, which 〈◊〉 14. lays the stress of our Objections against King James, upon his Cruelty to the Loyal Irish Protestants, while he was among them in Ireland; His (King James') Carriage in Ireland (says the Pamphlet) to the Loyal Protestants writ this (viz. His implacable hatred to the Protestants) in Capital Letters, and it must be supposed they have Drunk deep of Lethe, who can forget all this. Thus positively does the Pamphleteer aver, upon the Credit of our Author. And therefore it is Incumbent upon our Author, to produce some Catalogue of these Protestants in Ireland, who remained Loyal to King James while he was there (except those few who were in his Army, whom our Author, or our Phamphleteer cannot mean, because they reckon these among the number of the Persecutors, and by some thought worse of than the Papists, for Assisting the Papists against the Protestants) we desire a List of these Loyal Protestants in Ireland, who suffered any thing from King James, while he was there. Can this Author find so many as their were Righteous Men in Sodom?  
But this is much more certain, that King James' Mercy to the Disloyal Protestants in Ireland, put them in a Capacity to help to Drive him out of the Kingdom for his pains.  
Does this Author really believe, That King Lewis would have used them as kindly as King James did, while he knew they were Plotting, and would Join against him?  
I Appeal to this Author, Whether he would have thought himself so Secure in King Lewis' hands, if he had been betraying his Councils, and giving Intelligence to his Enemies, as he was, under these Circumstances, in King James' Power?  
But our Author never fails to make a round Character. That King James should not be so Good a Man as King Lewis, is not so great a Matter. But now our Author's hand is in, you shall see him carry King James' Character to be full as Inhuman as that of the Great Turk himself. You have it ●nd of c. 3. §. 20. n. 7. p. 224. The Usage we met with, being (says the Author) full as Inhuman, as any thing they (the Christians under the Slavery of the Turk) suffer.  
Who would not expect from this Representation, to hear of Protestants Gassooted in Ireland, Arbitrarily thrown over Precipices, Drowned, Tore in Pieces, Flayed Alive, Staking upon the Highway, Mutes and Bowstrings! And to take GOD to Witness, That this is not Aggravating nor Misrepresenting! The Address of the Lord Mayor, aldermans, etc. of Dublin to King William, Printed here Anno. 1690. and Annexed in the Appendix, n. 21. Saith, that the Sufferings of the Protestants there under King James, Did infinitely surpass an Egyptian servitude. This is as far as words can go. This is making King James worse than the Devil himself, for the Devil does not Infinitely exceed Pharaoh in Wickedness.  
They were resolved to outdo the Clergy-Addess of their own City, spoke by the Bishop of Meath: For there he Modestly Confesses to K. William that K. James was able to Crush the Protestants far Worse than he did; But Secretary Gorge in his Letter before quoted, speaks out, and tells in plain English what the Bishop so Gently Minced. The King (King James) is much avers (says the Doctor) to all Severity (to the Protestants) yet clearly sees he can make no Impression of Loyalty on them. Notwithstanding (as the same Letter tells us) He often gave Command to his Officers, That in their Engagements with the English, they should be Treated as mistaken Subjects, and not as obstinate Rebels. Yet these were his bitterest Enemies, as you have seen. And themselves are forced to Confess, that he used them with less Severity than he might, or than they deserved at his hands. And after all this, to hear them complain of Egyptian Servitude, and cry out upon him as a Tyrant, infinitely surpassing Pharaoh, the Turk, or the French King (whom some are made to believe is the Worst of the three) is Ridiculous and Wicked; it is supposing us all to be Naturals, to think to pass such Stuff upon us; and this is the most effectual Method to Betray the Cause he pretends to Defend.  
This is Bending a Bow till it breaks, to heap up Calumnys, and Aggravate them till you make the whole Incredible. And the Consequence is not only Dis-believing what Pieces of Truths may be told in this Book of our Authors; But, if Protestants do own and Countenance it as a True Narrative of the Affairs of Ireland in this Revolution, it may bring into Question their true Relations of the Horrible and Bloody Massacre of 41. Mounsieur Clauds Account of the French Persecution: And whatever is Written by Protestants.  
It is indeed a discredit to Mankind, to all History, and will not fail to bring Dis-reputation to whatever Party makes use of it, whether Protestant or Papist, How has the Legends broken and Ruined the Veracity of the Roman Church!  
No Cause is long served by deceit: It will one time or other be Discovered. Downright Honesty is the best Policy! Let us not be afraid to confess our own Faults, nor desire to Enlarge those of our Enemy's. Humanum est Errare: And no doubt there are Errors on both sides. But to persist in our Error, and to defend it is the Devil's part. Therefore in the Name of GOD, let Truth prevail: And let all the People say Amen.   

An Appendix.  

Numb. 1.  

King James' Speech to both Houses of Parliament in Ireland, Published by his Majesty's Order, May 10. 1689.  
My Lords and Gentlemen,  
THE exemplary Loyalty which this Nation expressed to Me, at a time when others of my Subjects so Undutifully behaved themselves to Me, or so basely betrayed Me; and your seconding my Deputy as you did, in his bold and resolute asserting my Right, and preserving this Kingdom for Me, and putting it in a posture of Defence, made Me resolve to come to you, and to venture my Life with you, in the Defence of your Liberty, and my Right; and to my great Satisfaction I have not only found you ready and willing to serve Me, but that your Courage has equalled your Zeal. I have always been for Liberty of Conscience, and against Invading any Man's Property; having still in my Mind the saying of Holy Writ, Do as you would be done by; for that is the Law and the Prophets. It was this Liberty of Conscience I gave, which my Enemies both abroad and at home dreaded, especially when they saw that I was resolved to have it established by Law in all my Dominions, and made them set themselves up against Me, though for different Reasons; seeing that if I had once settled it, my People in the Opinion of the one would have been too Happy, and I in the Opinion of the other too Great. This Argument was made use of to persuade their own People to join with them, and too many of my own Subjects to use Me as they have done; but nothing shall ever persuade Me to change my Mind, as to that: And wheresoever I am Master, I design, God willing, to establish it by Law; and to have no other Test or Distinction, but that of Loyalty. I expect your Concurrence in so Christian a Work, and in making effectual Laws against Profaneness and Debauchery. I shall also most readily consent to the making such good and wholesome Laws as may be for the general Good of the Nation, the Improvement of Trade, and the Relieving such as have been injured by the late Acts of Settlement, as far forth as may be consistent with Reason, Justice, and the public Good of my People. And as I shall do my part to make you happy and rich; so I make no doubt of your Assistence by enabling Me to oppose the unjust Designs of my Enemies, and to make this Nation flourish. And to encourage you the more to it, you know with how great Generosity and Kindness the Most Christian King gave a secure Retreat to the Queen, my Son, and myself, when we were forced out of England, and came to seek Protection and Safety in his Dominions; how he embraced my Interest, and gave such Supplies of all forts, as enabled Me to come to you, which without his obliging Assistence I could not have done: This he did at a time when he had so many and so considerable Enemies to deal with; and you see still continues to do. I shall conclude as I began, and assure you, I am as sensible as you can desire Me, of the signal Loyalty you have expressed to Me, and shall make it my chief Study, as it always has been, to make you and all my Subjects happy.   

The Parliament of Ireland's Address to the King.  
Most Gracious Sovereign,  
WE Your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal Subjects, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons in Parliament assembled, being highly sensible of the great Honour and Happiness we enjoy by Your Royal presence amongst us, do most humbly and hearty thank Your sacred Majesty for vouchsafing to come into this your Kingdom of Ireland; and for your Grace and Goodness to Your Subjects in calling this Parliament, and for Your Majesty's Tender and Princely Affection expressed to all your loving Subjects, in your Majesty's gracious Speech at the opening of this Session; which we most humbly beseech your Majesty may be forthwith printed and published. And we farther crave leave, humbly to represent to your Majesty our Abhorrence and Detestation of the late Treasons and Defections of many of Your Majesty's Subjects in this and Your other Kingdoms; and the unnatural Usurpation of the Prince of Orange, against the Laws of God and Man; professing with our Voice, Tongue, and Heart, That we will ever be ready to assert and vindicate Your Majesty's Rights to Your Imperial Crown with our Lives and Fortunes, against the said Usurper and his Adherents, and all other Rebels and Traitors whatsoever.  
Ordered the 10th of May, 1689. by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons in Parliament assembled, that this Address be printed. B. Polewheele, Dep. Cl. Parl.    

Numb. 2.  

Dr. Gorge, Secretary to General Schomberg in Ireland, his Letter, dated April (or May) 1690. to Colonel James Hamilton, in London, to be communicated to the Lady Viscountess Ranelagh, the Lord Massereen, and others.  
Honoured Sir,  
THe Fire, saith the Royal Prophet, kindled in my Breast, and I spoke with my Tongue: Perhaps some Sparks of that Fire so inflamed my Zeal to the public Good of this Country, that I have not only spoke with my Tongue, but wrote with my Pen those Truths which I know have redounded more to my particular Prejudice, than to the public Service. He that follows Truth too near, saith a wise man, may lose his Teeth; and a wiser than he tells us, that he who professeth some Truths, may thereby lose his Life; yet in the same Period tells us, that he shall be no loser thereby; the Satisfaction and Contentment which constantly attends Integrity, being much sweeter than the Advantage of Temporal Security. Liberavi Animam meam, and if this make me vile, I am content to be more vile: I know God hath put Enmity between the Seed of the Woman, and the Seed of the Serpent; and I as well know, that it is as vain for Man's Prudence to attempt to unite what God hath divided, as it is sinful to divide what he hath united. I speak not a little to my satisfaction, what you know to be true, That our Adversaries, who are more God's than ours, want neither Power nor Malice to crush us; such is the Goodness of God, that they dare not own their Hatred; but are content not only to make me fall from my present Station, soft and easy; but are willing to make my Remove an Advantage to me; little thinking, that taking me off from being Secretary to the General, and making me Secretary of State, necessitates one of my Principles to be the more prejudicial to theirs: You know that notwithstanding all their public and private Opposition, They are come up to many of our Principles, and we still continue our Distance to theirs; which for the better memory I shall enumerate in the following Method, the better to obtain your Belief in other particulars, which I shall here subjoin.  
You know that I ever asserted, that those Principles and Practices which God blessed with Success in the former Irish War, were most like to have the same success in this, which I told you were as followeth:  

1. Though the Irish Papists had then, as appears by the excellent Preface to the Act of Settlement, made that Rebellion the most horrid and universal, as ever befell this Kingdom; and that nothing but the final Extirpation of the British Persons, Laws, Religion, and Government was designed and endeavoured by that War: Yet the than English Government thought not fit to tread in their Steps, but still declined making the War either National or Religious; and did declare, and, as you know, made their Declaration good at the end of the War, That those of the Irish Papists as could prove their constant good Affection to the English Interest, as many than did, were as secure in their Properties, as any of the British Nation or Religion; and by this means so divided their Interest, that Sir Ch. Cootes Northern Army was most of it composed of Irish Papists, who fought faithfully and successfully against their Countrymen, and many yet living know faithfully the White Knight of Kerry and others as Eminent as he, served General Cromwell.  
2. By public Proclamation in those times, they protected Papists and well as Protestants, who would live peaceably under their Government, from any violence to be done them by the Soldiers; two private Soldiers being publicly executed in the face of the whole Army, for stealing two Hens from an Irishman not worth six pence, for violating the Proclamation, the first day General Cromwell made his advance from Dublin towards Droghedagh.  
3. They forbidden, under the like penalty of death without mercy, any contempt or violation of the Lord General's public Orders and Proclamations,  
4. They prohibited all free quartering on the Country, or any Soldiers quartering without Billets from the Constable, and would not suffer any Soldier to quarter himself.  
5. They likewise under severe penalties forbidden private Soldiers straggling from their Colours without Passes, and ordered both Civil and Military Magistrates to apprehend such stragglers, to send them to their Colours, then to be punished according to their respective merits.  
6. They gave great Encouragement to Papists as well as Protestants, who would give Hostages for their fidelity, and join with them.  
7. They severely punished all open Debauchery and Impiety, and would frequently affirm, that good Conduct was more usually blessed with success, than courage of Armies.  
8. Though they protected, as aforesaid, Papists as well as Protestants, from the Soldiers violence, yet they left both to be Fined, Imprisoned, or Sequestered by the Civil Magistrates, according to their respective merits.  
9 Both Officers and Soldiers were required to be aiding and assisting to put in execution all Orders or Directions of the Civil Magistrate, especially such as referred to the well management of the public Revenue.  
10. They laboured all they could to lessen the Charge of England, and to increase the public Revenue of Ireland.  
11. On assurance of punctual performance, they contented themselves with four days pay in a week, and placed the other three days to be paid out of forfeited Lands.   
Lastly, By this Abatement of their Pay, and leaving Rebel's Goods, Stock, and Lands, and the public Revenue to be improved by the Civil Magistrate, and making the Soldiers duly pay for their quarters, they soon raised in this Kingdom a Revenue, which bore a moiety of the charge of the War.  
I might enumerate many other particulars, which having been the subject matter of my Discourse with yourself, and some late Letters I have wrote to Major Wildman, I intentionally decline. You know how often and how early we pressed the necessity of restoring a Civil Government in this Province, and how often and openly we declared that the ruin of the Country must be the prejudice, and endanger the ruin of the Army; and that there could be found no hands so cheap and easy to be got, or any that would be more hearty and faithful than the Protestants of this Country, who having their particular Interests seconded by Natural and Religious motives, must be more zealous in carrying on this War, than any foreign or mercenary Soldiers, as is evident by what has been done by the  and Eneskillen Soldiers, who are and were made up of the meanest and lowest People of this and the neighbouring Provinces. You cannot forget who offered, and that at their own charge on our first landing here, to block up Charlemont, and to raise Regiments to secure the Northern Garrisons, that the established Army, might have the more leisure to attend the motions of the public Enemy; and I presume you cannot but as well remember, who ridiculed, scorned, and contemned all motions of that kind, and who affirmed, and that openly, that the Protestants of this Province, ought rather to be treated as Enemies than Friends, and that the best of them had either basely complied with K. J. and his Party, or cowardly left and deserted their Country; that the Goods and Stocks of the Protestant inhabitants, once seized by the Enemy, were forfeited, and ought not to be restored, but given as encouragement to the Soldiers; that all Papists ought to be plundered, and none protected; that the restoration of Civil Government was a diminution of the power of the General and the Army, and that all the Protestants, inhabitants of this Province were false to the present Government, and ought not to be trusted with places of Trust or Power; that as their Persons were not to be trusted, so their Oaths and Complaints were neither to be believed nor redressed; that so an easier and a safer approach might be made to invade the little left them by the Irish.  
That all endeavours of the settlement of a public Revenue were designs to oppress the Army; that free quartering was the least retaliation that Protestants could give for being restored to their former Estates; that Religion is but Canting, and Debauchery the necessary Character of Soldiers. If to these you add the Pressing of Horses at pleasure, Quartering at pleasure, Robbing and Plundering at pleasure, denying the People Bread or Seed of their own Corn, though the General by his public Proclamation requires both, and some openly and publicly contemning and scorning the said Proclamation; whereby multitudes of Families are already reduced to want of Bread, and left only to beg, or steal, or starve. These being the Practices, and these the Principles, and both as well known to you as to me; can it be wondered that the oppressed Protestants here should report us worse than the Irish, or can it be wondered that God should pursue us with his dreadful Judgements who have so provoked him with our daring sins? Or can we rationally expect God should fight for us, while we thus fight against him? We may as well expect Grapes from Thorns and Figs from Thistles, as success to a Protestant Cause from such hands. Can we expect Sodom to destroy Babylon, or Debauchery to destroy Popery? Our Enemy fights with the Principle of a mistaken Conscience against us, we against the conviction of our own Principles against them. What I have learned of the Enemy's Principles and Practices since I left you, I shall here inform you, and reduce what I have to say to these two general heads.  

1. The frequent Discourse of their King.  
2. His public Declarations and Proclamations for the well government of his Army.   
1. As to his private Discourse.  

1. He expresseth great Zeal and passionate Affection to his English Subjects, in so much that both French and Irish often say of him, as he did of K. David, That he loves his Enemies and hates his Friends.  
2. He is heard often to desire his Officers, That in their Engagement with the English, they should be treated as mistaken Subjects, and not as obstinate Rebels.  
3. He is heard often to declare, That since he rightly understood Christianity, he ever asserted Christian Liberty, as well in his past Prosperity, as his present Adversity.  
4. That all Persuasions in matters of Religion, Who have most Charity and least of Severity, are most agreeable to Christianity.  
5. He is often heard to complain, That he ever observed, an aptitude and propensity in Persons of Power to persecute such as differ from them.  
6. That this natural aptitude to persecute, aught to be restrained by wholesome and effectual Laws.  
7. That this persecuting Spirit influencing the greater number of all Persuasions, especially Persons in Power, is the only cause of his Majesty's present Sufferings.  
8. He is passionately kind to all Deserters, and cheerfully receives and soon prefers them.  
9 He pretending his Sufferings to be thus on the account of Conscience, seems not to doubt, but God will find some unexpected means, for his Restauration, in 1690. as he did in 1660.  
10. He is heard frequently to declare against the Dragooning Persecution of France, and the barbarous and inhuman Murders committed on the Protestants of this Kingdom in the year 1641. as passionately, and perhaps as sincerely as the Scribes and Pharisees did against their forefathers for persecuting the Prophets. To these I think fit to add the particulars of his Majesty's public Declarations, which are ordered to be read once every two months in the head of every Troop and Company in his whole Army, and to be fixed up in all the Boroughs and Market-Towns in this Kingdom. 

1. His Majesty is pleased earnestly to recommend the performance of public and private Duties to God, to all under his command, and particularly recommends to the Roman Catholics of his Army frequent Confessions, and strict observation of Sundays and holidays.  
2. He publicly declares what subsistence he allows to every Horse, Dragoon, and every private Soldier in his Army, and what is reserved in the Pay-Master's hands for the Accoutrements and the Hospital.  
3. He avoids and forbids as unnessary, the charge of all Agents, and commands the Majors of every Regiment to do that work, and to save the charge.  
4. He strictly requires the private Soldier out of the said Subsistence duly and truly to pay his Quarters.  
5. In case they shall want their Subsistence, they are then required every week to give their respective Landlords a Note under their hands, which shall be received by the Receiver General, as so much Money out of any Branch of His Majesty's Revenue.  
6. His Majesty forbids all straggling of private Soldiers from their Garrisons without their Officers Pass; and requires all Officers, either Military or Civil, to apprehend such Soldiers having no Pass, and to send them to their Colours, to receive punishment according to their demerits.  
7. His Majesty by the same Proclamation, forbids all Plundering on any pretence whatsoever, under pain of death without Mercy.  
8. He requires both Officers and Soldiers under the pain of his high Displeasure to demean and behave themselves civilly and respectfully in their respective Quarters; and to assist and not obstruct the Civil Magistrates in the execution of theirr espective Trusts, especially the Officers concerned in and about His Majesty's Revenue.  
9 He forbids all Officers and Soldiers to quarter themselves on any of His Majesty's Subjects, without having a Billet or Ticket under the hand of the Constable or other Civil Officer of the Place.  
10. He strictly forbids Pressing any Countreyman's Horse on any pretence whatsoever, without having His Majesty, his Captain General, his Lord Lieutenant, or Deputy-Lieutenant's Licence for his so doing; and then allows them to Press the said Horse but one days Journey, and to see that the Horse be returned as well as when received; and particularly forbids the Pressing any Horse belonging to any Plough.  
11. His Majesty in the same Proclamation, enjoins severe penalties on all forestallers or obstructers of Provision going to either Camp or Market.     
Lastly, The respective penalties enjoined in the said Proclamation, are severely and impartially executed on the respective Offenders. My Family tells me, that the week before they left Dublin, there were two private Soldiers executed before a Protestant Baker's door, for stealing two Loaves not worth a Shilling. And a fortnight before, a Lieutenant and Ensign were publicly executed at a place, where on pretence of the King's Service, they Pressed a Horse going with Provisions to Dublin Market; two others were condemned and expected daily to be executed for the like offence: These severe examples confirming the penalties of these public Declarations, contribute so much to the quiet of the Country, that were it not for the Country Raparees and Tories, theirs, 'tis thought, would be much quieter than ours. Some of our Foreigners are very uneasy to us; had not the prudence of a discreet Major prevented it, last Sunday was seven night had been a bloody day between some of the Danish Foot and Coll. Langston's Regiment of Horse. The truth is, too many of the English, as well as Danes and French, are highly oppressive to the poor Country; whereas our Enemy have reduced themselves to that order, that they exercise violence on none, but the Proprieties of such as they know to be absent, or, as they prase it, in Rebellion against them, whose Stock, Goods, and Estates are seized, and set by the Civil Government, and the proceed applied for and towards the charge of the War. And for their better direction in their seizures, it's reported and believed, that they have Copies of the particulars of the Protestants losses, given in to the Committee of the late House of Commons at Westminster.  
The Enemies great work is to secure Dublin this Summer, they fearing an Attack before they could get Forage for their Horse; and willing to hasten that supply, they long since ordered all the Deer in the Parks of the Phoenix and Raffernham to be destroyed, and  to be removed from Dublin to get the more earlier Grass for their Horse; of which by many Letters to Major Wildman, I gave that early notice, that I fear we may pay too dear for the delay; they have seized all the Arms and serviceable Horses they can find within their reach, the Irish having their Religion and National Principle supported on the pretence of Law, and the Presence of the King; and all so openly owned by France, makes them more united and unanimously resolved than in any of their former Wars. Their Doctrine of Passive Obedience and Liberty of Conscience gives them too great help of Protestant hands; we have not a known Papist with us, they have hundreds of deluded Protestants with them. I am credibly told, that they have a small Boat which they send weekly to Wales to fupply them with News from England; they spare for no charge to get Spies and Intelligence from our Quarters; they report they have daily Deserters, and could have more, did they not presume they may be more serviceable to them by continuing with us. They openly declare, that our Army consists most of their Deserters, and that it was success made them leave them, and that the same motive will bring them back again. They told the number and the time of the Danes landing, and foretell that we shall soon repent their coming among us; they report that laying aside the Protestant hands of this Country, and the other  Principles, were Arrows taken out of their Quivers; they tell us, that our King cannot be here till June, and that they shall be ready a month sooner to receive him. They report his Army to be Thirty Thousand, with vast stores of Arms and Ammunition and Provision; the  and Eneskillen Forces with the recruits of this Country, are more dreadful to them than all our Foreign Forces. They are resolved on a defensive War, and in case they have their promised supplies, they seem not to doubt but to keep Dublin this Summer; their great difficulty is what to do with the great number of Protestants among them; they have many Proposals under consideration, but as yet they come to no resolution. The King is much averse to all Severity, yet clearly sees he can make no impression of Loyalty on them. The Enemy (as my Wife and Family which have got leave lately to come to me from Dublin tell me) report, with more confidence than, I hope, truth, that we have many Monks in our Army, many Sandwitches in our Fleet, and many Shaf●sburys in our Council; and that they laid those variety of Engines both in England, Scotland, and Ireland, that they seem not to doubt but that they shall have as many Invitations for their return to England in 1690. as they had in 1660. and that this Summer they shall be able to get Eighty Thousand Men into the Field, and find Money for their constant Pay.  
Being so united as they are, and carrying on the War with so great concurrence of their Church, and having France for an additional support, I do no ways wonder but that they may have as many Men; but how to procure them constant Pay, was somewhat my trouble to know. By their Establishment I find, besides Accoutrements and Hospital, that the Pay of a Foot Soldier is but 4 d. a Trooper as much over as a Dragoon is short of 12 d. per diem, so that Seventy Thousand Foot will amount to 456000, l, per annum, and Ten Thousand Horse at 12 d. per diem, amounts to above 182000 l. making in the whole 638000, l. and if one fourth more is added for General Officers, Train of Artillery, Contingencies, etc. the whole amounts to 797000 l. How this sum may be raised out of only three Provinces of this Country, seems to be the great doubt. By comparing several Accounts I have received from Spies, I find the heads of their Revenue to be as followeth: 

1. I find the late Parliament of Ireland granted their King a subsidy of 20000 l. per mensem, charged on Stock and Lands.  
2. The Enemy finding us possessed of one Province since the passing the Act, and finding much of the other three Provinces made waste by their Order, and that by the frequent returns of their Brass and Pewter Money, a great inland Trade is increased, they have by public Proclamation ordered 20000 l. more to be assessed on the Trading part of the Nation, according to their respective Trades, both which are presumed cannot yield less than 30000 l. per mensem de claro, which is per annum 360000 l.  
3. They have bought on the King's Account all the Wool at 6s. per Stone, Tallow at 15 l. per Tun, Beef Tallow, Hides, etc. which they intent to send for France to buy Arms and Ammunition, etc. which they esteem may be worth at least 200000 l. the Wool Licence at 4 d. per Stone to transport it only for England, was usually worth to the chief Governors 4 or 5000 l. per annum.  
4. It is reported they have agreed with persons who are obliged to Coin them this year 150000 l. Brass and Pewter Money.  
5. The Rent of Church Lands and Absentees Estates besides their Goods and Stocks, are estimated at least to be 150000 l. per annum, the truth of this will appear by the aforesaid Books given in to the Committee of Parliament.  
6. The King's standing Revenue of Rents, Hearths, Custom-Excise, and casual Revenue cannot be less than a 150000 l. more.    
Memorandum, That all the aforesaid particulars amount to 860000 l. out of which deduced the 797000 l. there will remain 73000 l. besides what helps may be given him by France, etc. and the addition that may be made by their Coining Brass and Pewter Money above the aforesaid contract, which Brass and Pewter Coin being not fit to be kept, quickens returns and increaseth their Trade. By all which it appears, that the Enemy cannot want currant Coin to support the War: But had we Ships of War lying by in their Harbour to prevent their Exportations, and were Dublin sesured, their Trade and Revenue would soon be lessened. But if they are suffered to Export their vast quantity of Goods they have now stored up in their Ports, it may not only give a farther increase to their Revenue, but occasion a longer continuance of the War, especially having made the establishment of their Army so low, and the currant value of their Brass Coin so high. Their Brass and Pewter Coin is of equal weight with our Silver Coin, which being usually bought for 12 d. per pound, is of equal value with our Silver which is 3 l. per pound, and their establishment being a moiety short of ours, 'tis demonstrable, that six Penny worth of their Brass or Pewter Money shall pay double as many Soldiers as 3 l. of our Silver Coin. What advantage this Money gives their Trade, what case in the pay of the Army and supplying them with Provision, is very demonstrable; yet 'tis as strange as true, that notwithstanding they are better Paid, better Disciplined than our Army, yet hitherto we may set up an Ebenezar, and say that God hath hitherto sought for us, and that by the seeming worse Discipline, worse Mounted, and worse of our whole Army; I mean by our Eneskillen and London-dery Forces, whose Moral and Religious Principles you know are little better, but generally worse than theirs, they having constantly beat their most choice and detached Parties, with a confused and disordered Rabble, when they were not half the number of their Enemies; and have struck them with that terror, that 'tis believed, notwithstanding their great Number and Provision for their support, the Enemy intends this Summer only a defensive War, and to fight only by Detachments: But that which to me seems most strange, yet is true, that notwithstanding all the Violence, Oppression and Wrong done by these and other of our Army on the Impoverished, Oppressed and Plundered Protestant Inhabitants of this Province, and the little encouragement and great discouragement they have had from us, yet you know, what I esteem as a great presage of future good, they continue and remain as firm and faithful to us, as the Irish Papists against us. How frequently do we hear them tell us, that though we continue to injure them, rob and destroy them, yet they must trust in us, and be true and faithful to us!  
We have just now Intelligence of the arrival of the French Succours, and vast stores of Arms and Provisions. Oh, Sir! Where's our Fleet? Did they want early notice of their approach? What Lethargy attends them, and what Judgement us, that the Irish have had as secure passage from Dublin to France, Scotland and England, as if we had not one Man of War to hinder them, or secure us? If the French Fleet carry off as vast quantities of our Native Goods as they have brought in their Foreign Succours, Ichabod may be wrote on our future proceed, it being believed by some, and confidently reported by others lately come from Dublin, that they were apprehending the chief Protestants in and about that City, to transport and make them Prisoners and Slaves of France.  
Let me know the receipt of this Voluminous Letter, and the use you make of it. You may pardon the tediousness of this Letter, which, if an offence, is not like to be hastily repeated.  
Your True Friend And Faithful Servant, Rob. Gorge.    

Numb. 3.  

Mr. Osborne's Letter to my Lord Massereen.  
Loghbrickland, March 9 1688. My Lord,  
ON the 6th Instant I was introduced by my Lord Granard, into my Lord Deputy's Presence in the Castle of Dublin, I have his Pass to come and go through and back from Ulster; and though I have not his Excellency's direct Commission, yet I will assure you I am at least permitted by the Lord Deputy, to acquaint the Chief and others of those of the Ulster Association, with his Discourse to me, which was to the effect following: to wit,  
First, That his Excellency doth not delight in the Blood and Devastation of the said Province; but however, highly resents their taking, and continuing in Arms; the affronts done by them to his Majesty's Government thereby, and by some Indignities done to the late Proclamation of Clemency, Issued and Dated—  
Secondly, Notwithstanding whereof, is willing to receive the said Province into Protection, provided they immediately deliver up to his Army, for his Majesty's use, their Arms and serviceable Horses; and provided they deliver up to his Excellency these three Persons, viz.— if they remain in the Kingdom, and may be had.  
Thirdly, And for farther manifestation of his design to prevent Blood, is willing to grant safe Conduct even to the said three Persons or any other of their Party, to and from his Excellency, and to and from Lieutenant General Hamilton, Commander of part of his Army hereafter mentioned, if they intent any peaceable and reasonable Treaty: But withal will not upon the said account or any other, stop the march of the said part of his Army, no not for one hour; and if it shall appear in such Treaty, that they took up Arms merely for Self-preservation, than he will Pardon even the said three Persons also, but is hopeless that any such thing can be made appear, seeing that many of them have already accepted and received Commissions from the Prince of Orange, and display his Colours in the field, as his Excellency is credibly informed.  
Fourthly, If these terms be not immediately agreed to, he will with a part of his Army fight them, which part he intends shall be at Newry on Monday the 11th of this Instant, which will from thence march to Belfast, and from thence to Colrain, and , as his Excellency intends; and that the Country Irish not of the Army, Men, Women, and Boys, now all Armed with Half-Pikes and Bionets; in the Counties of Cavan, Monaghan, Tyrone, , etc. will upon the approach of the said part of the Army, and resistance thereto made, immediately enter upon a Massacre of the British in the said Counties; which force and violence of the Rabble, his Excellency saith he cannot restrain; and fears that it may be greater than in 1641. These are the heads of what I can offer to you from his Excellency's own Mouth, but I intent to be at Hills-Borrough to night, and there to stay for this night, where, if you think fit, I shall freely discourse with you all the particulars; whereof I hope, you will give immediate notice to all chief concerned in your County, and Neighbourhood, for gaining of time. I have sent this Express that your Lordship may give advertisement by Express to all such as your Lordship thinks convenient. I shall add no farther till I have the honour to see your Lordship.  
Your Lordship's Obedient Servant, Allex. Osborne.    

Numb. 4.  

By the Lords Justices of Ireland, a PROCLAMATION.  
Sidney, Tho. Coningsby,  
WHereas the Rebels in Conaught and Munster, notwithstanding his Majesty's gracious Declaration of Mercy towards them; and the many Victories and Successes their Majesty's Forces have obtained against them, do nevertheless continue obstinate in their Rebellious courses, being encouraged thereunto by the Intelligence and Assistance they daily receive from those parts in this Kingdom under their Majesty's Obedience, and in order thereunto great numbers of them daily flock over into the Quarters of their Majesty's Forces, and are there received, sheltered, and entertained by several disaffected People, who pretending Submission to their Majesty's Authority, and receiving Support and Protection under it, do nevertheless privately and perfidiously give their utmost Assistance to their Majesty's Enemies: For the prevention therefore of the like mischiefs for the future, We do hereby strictly charge and command all their Majesty's Subjects in this Kingdom, That on any pretence whatsoever they do not presume to shelter, harbour, or entertain any of their Majesty's Enemies or Rebels, or any other Irish Papist whatsoever, but such as they know to be under their Majesty's Obedience, under the penalty of being prosecuted as Rebels and Traitors, and of suffering the utmost Severities of the Law. And We do also strictly charge and command all their Majesty's good Subjects, that they do not hold any manner of Correspondence whatsoever with any of their Majesty's Enemies or Rebels, upon pain of High Treason, and as they will answer the contrary at their utmost Peril.  
Given at their Majesty's Castle of Dublin, the 26th day of September, 1690. in the second year of their Majesty's Reign. John Davis.   

By the Lords Justices of Ireland, a PROCLAMATION.  
Sidney, Tho. Coningsby,  
WHereas the Wives, Children, and Families of several persons in this Kingdom, who have been killed in actual Rebellion against their Majesties, or are now adhering to the Enemies in their Quarters, or are fled from the usual places of their Abode, continue in that part of this Kingdom which is obedient to their Majesty's Government, and as we are certainly informed, give constant Intelligence to, and hold Correspondence with their Majesties said Enemies: These are strictly to Will and Command the Wives, Children, and Servants of all such Persons forthwith to withdraw themselves out of all Places under their Majesty's Obedience, upon Pain to be proceeded against as Spies and Enemies; and all High Sheriffs, with the Assistance of the Justices of Peace, and Officers of their Majesty's Militia, are hereby commanded to make immediate Search for such Persons in their several Counties, and to apprehend their Persons, and to conduct them to the next adjacent County to the River Shannon, where they are to give notice to the Sheriff of such next County, of the Time and Place where they will be; at which Time and Place they are to deliver such Persons as aforesaid by Indenture to the said next Sheriff, who is forthwith to receive, and in like manner to convey them to the Sheriff of the next County, towards the said River, and so from Sheriff to Sheriff, until they are removed from all Places under their Majesty's Obedience. And We hereby command all Mayors, Sheriffs, Justices of the Peace, and other Magistrates whatsoever, that they see this our Proclamation executed with Care, Speed, and Diligence; desiring all their Majesty's military Officers to be assisting therein. And farther we require the said Mayors, Sheriffs, and other Officers as aforesaid, that they take care that such of the said Persons (as are not able to provide for themselves) be furnished with necessary Provision for their maintenance, as they pass through the several Counties, and that they receive no Injury, but be permitted to carry with them so much of their Goods and Chattels as shall be necessary for their Subsistence in their Journey.  
Given at their Majesty's Castle of Dublin, the 26th day of September 1690. in the second year of their Majesty's reign. John Davis.   

By the Lords Justices of Ireland, a PROCLAMATION.  
Sidney, Tho. Coningsby.  
Whereas we are daily informed of the constant Correspondence, Commerce and Intercourse, that is between the Rebels and several Papists pretending to live under their Majesty's Protection, whose Habitations are adjoining to the Rebels, whereby they receive not only Assistance, but constant Intelligence of all matters transacted within that part of this Kingdom under their Majesty's Obedience: For remedy whereof, We think fit hereby to Order, that no Papist whatsoever shall, from or after the Fourteenth day of October next ensuing, inhabit or dwell within ten miles of any of their Majesty's Frontier Garrisons, nor within ten miles of the River Shanon, but that all such Papists shall forthwith, with their Families remove to some other parts of this Kingdom, under their Majesty's Obedience, great part thereof being now waste. And We hereby command all Sheriffs, Justices of the Peace, Mayor, and all other Civil Officers whatsoever, and We desire all Officers and others of their Majesty's Army, to be aiding and assisting to convey all such Papists, with their Families, Goods, and Stock, to such other place, within their Majesty's Obedience, as they shall think fit to remove unto; and We hereby declare, that as soon as the War shall be ended, they may again return to their former Habitations. And as We shall take care that all such Papists, that shall in compliance with this our Proclamation remove, shall be civilly treated as other their Majesty's Subjects, and have the Countenance and Protection of the Government, whilst they behave themselves as becometh. So We hereby declare, that all such Papists, that from and after the fourteenth day of October next shall presume to dwell, or shall at any time afterwards be found within ten miles of any of their Majesty's Frontier Garrisons as aforesaid, or within ten miles of the River Shannon, that they and every of them shall be looked upon as Spies, and persons corresponding with their Majesty's Enemies. And shall be prosecuted accordingly.  
Given at their Majesty's Castle of Dublin. 26th of September, 1690. in the second year of their Majesty's Reign. John Davis.    

Numb. 5.  

By the Lord Deputy and Council, A PROCLAMATION.  
Tyrconnel,  
FOrasmuch as several persons in the Province of Ulster and Town of Sligo in this His Majesty's Kingdom, have entered into several Associations, containing no less offence than High Treason; and thereupon form themselves into several Parties, dividing and Marshalling themselves into several Regiments, Troops and Companies, marching well Armed up and down the Country, to the great terror of the King's Liege People, in manifest breach of the Law and of the Peace of this Realm: And having resolved within Ourselves to prevent the effusion of blood, as long as it was possible, by using all peaceable means to reduce the said Malefactors to their Obedience, have of late issued out a Proclamation, setting forth the said disorders, requiring all the said Parties to disperse, and repair to their several Habitations and Callings, assuring every of them of His Majesty's Pardon and Protection. And whereas We see the said Offenders, instead of complying with our said Proclamation, still do persist in their wickedness, by continuing in actual Rebellion, breaking of Prisons, and discharging of Prisoners secured by due course of Law, for Robberies, Felonies, and other heinous Crimes; by seizing upon His Majesty's Arms and Ammunion, imprisoning several of His Majesty's Army, disarming and dismounting them; killing and murdering several of His Majesty's Subjects, pillaging and plundering the Country, and daily committing several other acts of Hostility; and finding no other way to suppress the said Rebellion, We the Lord Deputy have caused a Party of His Majesty's Army, under the Command of Lieutenant General Rich. Hamilton, to march into the Province of Ulster to reduce the Rebels there by force of Arms, the consequence whereof cannot but be very fatal to that Country, and the Inhabitants thereof, and will inevitably occasion the total Ruin and Destruction of that part of His Majesty's Kingdom: The consideration whereof hath given Us great disquiet and trouble of mind; that a Country well planted and inhabited, should now by the insolency and traitorous wickedness of its own Inhabitants, be brought to ruin and desolation, which we are still willing to prevent, if any spark of Grace be yet remaining in the Hearts of those Conspirators; hereby declaring, notwithstanding the many affronts by them put upon His Majesty's Government, notwithstanding the several Acts of Hostility by them hitherto Committed, that if they will now submit and become dutiful Subjects, His Majesty's Mercy shall be extended to them, excepting the persons hereafter excepted; and in order thereunto, We the Lord Deputy and Council, do strictly charge and command all such persons in Arms in Ulster or the Town of Sligo, forthwith to lay down their Arms, and that the principal persons among them now in the North, do forthwith repair to Lieutenant General Richard Hamilton, and deliver up to him their Arms and serviceable Horses, and to give him Hostages as an assurance of their future Loyalty and Obedience to His Majesty, and that all their adherents do deliver up their Arms and serviceable Horses to such person or persons as he the said Lieutenant General Richard Hamilton shall appoint to receive them. And We do also farther charge and command all the principal persons of other Commotions and Insurrections in Sligo, to repair forthwith either to Us the Lord Deputy, or to Colonel Mac Donnald, at the Boil, and deliver up their Arms and serviceable Horses, and to give Hostages as security for their future peaceable deportment; and their adherents to lay down their Arms, to be delivered up together with their serviceable Horses to the said Colonel Mac Donnald. We the Lord Deputy hereby giving safe conduct to such of them as will submit according to this Our Proclamation. And we do hereby farther declare, That such of the said persons as shall give obedience to these our Commands, except the persons hereafter excepted, shall have His Majesty's Protection and Pardon for all past offences relating to the said Commotions and Insurrections; but in case they shall be so unhappy as to persist in their wicked designs and treasonable practices, We the Lord Deputy do hereby command all His Majesty's Forces to fall upon them wherever they meet them, and to treat them as Rebels and Traitors to His Majesty; yet to the end the innocent may not suffer for the Crimes of the nocent, and that the committals of inhuman acts may be prevented, We do hereby strictly charge and command His Majesty's Army now upon their march to the North, and all other his Majesty's Forces, that they, or either of them, do not presume to use any violence to Women, Children, aged or decrepit Men, Labourers, Ploughmen, tilers of the ground, or to any other who in these Commotions demean themselves inoffensively, without joining with the Rebels, or aiding or assisting them in their traitorous actings and behaviours. But in regard Hugh Earl of Mount-Alexander, John Lord Viscount of Mazareen, Robert Lord Baron of Kingston, Clothworthy Schevington, Esq Son to the Lord Viscount Mazareen, Sir Robert colvil, Sir Arthur Rawden, Sir John Magil, John Hawkins, Robert Sanderson, and Francis Hamilton, Son to Sir Charles Hamilton, have been the principal actors in the said Rebellion, and the persons who advised and fomented the same, and inveigled others to be involved therein: We think fit to except them out of this Proclamation, as persons not deserving his Majesty's mercy or favour.  
Given at the Council-Chamber of Dublin, March 7. 1688. 

A. Fytton. C.  
Granard.  
Limrick.  
Bellew.  
Will. Talbot.  
Tho. Neucomen.  
Rich. Hamilton.  
Fran. Plouden.      

Numb. 6.  

The Declaration of William and Mary, King and Queen of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland. To all the People of this our Kingdom of Ireland, whom it may concern.  
William R.  
AS it hath pleased Almighty God to bless our Arms in this Kingdom with a late Victory over our Enemies at the Boyn, and with the possession of our Capital City of Dublin, and with a general dispersion of all that did oppose us: We are now in so happy a prospect of our Affairs, and of extinguishing the Rebellion of this Kingdom; that we hold it reasonable to think of Mercy, and to have Compassion upon those whom we judge to have been seduced. Wherefore we do hereby declare, we shall take into our Royal protection all poor Labourers, common Soldiers, Country Farmers, Plowmen, and Cottiers whatsoever; As also all Citizens, Townsmen, Tradesmen, and Artificers, who either remained at home, or having fled from their dwelling, shall by the first day of August next, repair to their usual places of Abode; surrendering up what Arms they have, to such Justices of the Peace as are, or shall be appointed by us, not only to receive the same, but also to Register the appearance of such of the said persons as shall come and submit unto our Authority. For our Royal intention is, and we do hereby declare, That we will not only pardon all those poor seduced people, as to their Lives and Liberties, who shall come in by the time aforesaid, for all Violences they have done or committed by the command of their Leaders, during the War: But we do also promise to secure them in their Goods, their Stocks of , and all their Chattels personal whatsoever; willing and requiring them to come in, and where they were Tenants, there to preserve the Harvest of Grass and Corn for the supply of the Winter. But forasmuch as many of them had a legal Right to the Tenancy of several Lands; some holden from Protestants, and some held from Popish Proprietors who have been concerned in the Rebellion against us: Our will and pleasure is, That all those Tenants who held from our good Protestant Subjects, do pay their Rents to their respective Landlords; and that the Tenants of all those, who have been concerned in the present Rebellion against us, do keep their Rent in their hands, until they have notice from the Commissioners of our Revenue unto whom they are to account for the same. And as we do hereby strictly forbid all Violence, Rapine, and molestation to any who shall thus come in, and remain Obedient to us; so for those of this or any other Rank or Quality, who are already in our Quarters, and within our Power, and Obedient to us; We do hereby charge and require, that they be not disquieted in any sort, without our particular command. For the desperate Leaders of the present Rebellion, who have violated those Laws, by which this Kingdom is united and inseparably annexed to the Imperial Crown of England; who have called in the French, who have Authorised all Violences and Depredations against the Protestants, and who rejected the Gracious Pardon we offered them in our Proclamation of the twenty second of February, 1688. As we are now by God's great favour in condition to make them sensible of their Errors; so are we resolved to leave them to the event of War, unless by great and manifest Demonstrations we shall be convinced they deserve our Mercy, which we shall never refuse to those who are truly Penitent.  
Given at our Royal Camp at Finglas near Dublin, the seventh of July, 1690. In the second year of our Reign.   

A PROCLAMATION by the King and Queens most Excellent Majesties.  
William R.  
ALthough it be notoriously known, that the Papists of this Kingdom, of all ranks and degrees, were lately furnished with Fire-Arms, Swords, Bagonets, Skeins, Pikes, Half-Pikes, Scytheses, and other Arms offensive and defensive; as also with great quantities of Gun powder. And although we did, by our Royal Declaration of the seventh Instant, extend and hold forth our Mercy and Compassion, to all Citizens, Townsmen, Tradesmen, Artificers, poor Labourers, coommon Soldiers, Country Farmers, Ploughmen, and Cottiers; and assured them not only of Pardon, as to their Lives and Liberties, for all violences done by them by the command of their Leaders during the War, but also security in their Goods, Stocks of Cattle, and Chattels personal; and that those of any other Rank or Quality, within our Quarters; and obedient to Us, should not be disquieted in any sort, without our particular Command. And nothing more was expected on their Parts, but either to continue in, or return to their respective Dwellings, and to give up their Arms, and follow their several Trades and Callings. But although several Persons have laid hold on our said Declaration, and are received into our royal Protection, yet few of them have hitherto brought in their Arms, and most of those brought in are broken and unserviceable, which we cannot but look upon as a very high Contempt, and done out of a wicked Design, on any opportunity to join with our Enemies and Rebels. To the end therefore that all Persons may be left without Excuse, and by obedience to our Commands may prevent the fatal Consequences of their Neglect and Contempt, We do hereby strictly charge and require all Person and Persons of the Popish Religion, within this our Kingdom of Ireland, who are or reside within our Quarters, or any part of our said Kingdom reduced to our Obedience, that they, and every of them, do within ten days after public Proclamation hereof in the City, or Shire-town of that County wherein they respectively dwell or reside, surrender and deliver all the Fire-arms, Swords, Bagonets, Skeins, Half-pikes, and other arms offensive or defensive; as also all the Gunpowder which they lately had in their own Custody, or in the Custody of any other for their Use, to the next Mayor, chief Magistrate, Sheriff, or Justice of the Peace in the City, Town or County wherein they respectively dwell or inhabit; who are hereby required to register the same, and to return a perfect List of such Arms and Ammunition as they shall receive by virtue hereof, to us, or the chief Governor or Governors of our said Kingdom of Ireland for the time being; as also to lodge the said Arms and Ammunition in our nearest safe Garrison to the place where they shall be received. And we do hereby farther declare, that if the aforesaid persons of the popish Religion do not, by the time aforesaid, deliver their Arms, Gunpowder, and Ammunition as aforesaid, but shall neglect or refuse so to do, we shall look upon all such persons as Contemners of our royal Authority, and as persons designing the Disturbance of our Government of this Kingdom, and as Traitors and Rebels, and will accordingly abandon them to the Discretion of our Soldiers, or they shall be committed to Gaol without Bail or Mainprize. And we do hereby strictly charge and command all the Protestants of this Kingdom, that they do not keep or conceal any Arms or Ammunition belonging to any Papists; but that they be forthwith delivered to the Magistrates and Officers aforesaid, hereby appointed to receive the same, as they will answer the contrary at their peril. And we also hereby charge and require all Mayors, chief Magistrates of Towns, Sheriffs, and Justices of the Peace, and all the Officers of our Army and Militia, to search, seize upon, and secure all sorts of Arms and Ammunition, belonging unto or in the Possession of any Papist in this Kingdom; and that they also apprehend and seize upon all and every person and persons, who shall after the time limited hereby, and contrary to the Intent hereof, keep or conceal any Arms or Ammunition, and return their Names, with a brief account of their Offence, to the Commissioners of our great Seal, that they may be proceeded against for the same; and that they send such Arms and Ammunition as they shall so seize, unto our next Garrison or Magazine of Stores.  
Given at our Court at Chapelisard this 31st day of July, 1690. in the second Year of our Reign.    

Numb. 7.  

Queries proposed by the Grand Jury of the City of Dublin to the Judges, and resolved by them, Novemb. 21. 1690.  
1. WHether popish Freeholders (who raised and maintained Soldiers in their Houses for their Sons, or others,) that submitted to their Majesty's Declaration, took Protections, and did not violate the same, aught to be indicted for their former abetting of the Rebellion, or not?  
Yes.  
2. Whether popish Farmers, who took Commissions, and raised Men, but received no Arms, and were not in service, and submitted on the Declaration, and took Protection, and did not since violate, aught to be indicted, or not?  
Yes, if they have Chattels real, else not.  
3. Whether common Soldiers, or other poor Cottiers, now amongst the Rebels, no way entitled to any Estate in Lands, are by Court intended to be indicted, or not?  
Not at present.  
4. Whether an old Proprietor, that entered into Possession by virtue of the late Acts, aught to be indicted, or not?  
Yes.  
5. Whether popish Widows, who were such before the present Rebellion, and do still continue Widows, and have Jointures, and that have abetted the Rebellion, in maintaining Soldiers in their Houses for their Children, who took Commissions, and acted thereby in this Rebellion, aught to be indicted for Treason, or not?  
Yes.  
6. Whether popish Freeholders, Electors of Parliament Men, who signed Indentures of their Elections to the Sheriffs, and have committed no other Crimes, aught to be indicted of High Treason, for abetting of the Rebellion, or not?  
Yes.  
7. Whether Protestants who accidentally and undesignedly happened to meet at the place in their County, when the Papists were electing Parliament Men to the late pretended Parliament; and that after such Election (for fear of Death or other Punishment) subscribed Indentures of such Election, aught to be indicted, or not?  
No.  
8. Whether Farmers, who took Commissions, and acted thereby, were at the Siege of Derry, were afterwards disbanded banded, that submitted upon their Majesty's Declaration, and never since acted any thing against the Government, aught to be indicted for the said former Crimes, or not?  
Yes, if they have Chattels real.  
9 Whether persons who were Officers, and others in Rebellion, who deserted, and came over from the Rebels to their Majesty's Obedience, and continue obedient under the protection of the Government, aught to be indicted, or not?  
Yes.    

Numb. 8.  

Two Speeches by the Bishop of Meath; one to King James, when the Clergy waited on his Majesty at Dublin Castle, in March 168●● the other to K. William, at his Camp nigh Dublin, July 7. 1690.  

The Speech to King James.  
May it please your most Sacred Majesty.  
We the Clergy of this your Majesty's City of Dublin, and as many of the rural Clergy as the Distraction of the Times would permit, are come to congratulate your Majesty's Arrival, and to assure your Majesty of their Resolution to continue firm to that Loyalty which the Principles of our Church oblige us to, which in pursuance to those Principles we have hitherto practised. We come, may it please your Majesty, to implore the Honour of Kissing your Majesty's Hand, and your gracious Protection for our Persons, Churches, and Religion, and a Liberty to represent our just Grievances, as occasion shall offer: And we shall ever pray, etc.   

His Majesty's ANSWER.  
THE Distraction of the Times, I cannot but be sorry for; and for the Principles of the Church of England I am very well acquainted with them, nor can I doubt the Loyalty of any Man that acts in pursuance to them; and who do so, need not doubt my Protection for their Religion, Persons, and Properties, in as ample a manner as ever they enjoyed them. And for your Grievances let me know them myself, and I will Redress them.   

The SPEECH to King William.  
May it please your Majesty,  
WE are some of the Remains of the Clergy that have ventured to stay behind our Brethren in Perilous Times, and under great Discouragements, for the Discharge of our Duty to God and the People. Two of us are Bishops, who, together with Five more in the Kingdom, thought ourselves obliged to continue here, to preserve the Succession of the Clergy, by the Ordination of Priests and Deacons, and the Seminary of the Church by Confirmation. The rest of our Members are the Clergy of this City, and the Rural Clergy. The former of these have stayed upon their Charge, under great Wants and Discouragements, having not only been deprived of all their Maintenance, but exposed to daily Dangers, in and for the Discharge of their Duties: And the latter are Persons driven from their Cures, and forced to seek Relief and Sanctuary in this City.  
We may possibly be censured by those, who understand not the Grounds and Reasons of our continuance in this Kingdom, as Trimmers, or Favourers of Popery: From the first we are able to acquit ourselves, having been guilty of no Compliances, but such as were the effects of Prudence and Self-preservation, such as were the effects of Prudence and Self-preservation, such as were at once both innocent and necessary, and fit to be observed to a Power, that was able to crush us far worse than it did: And we are so far from being guilty of the latter, that we humbly conceive, That we could not more effectually oppose the growth and inundation of Popery, than by keeping up the public Assemblies, by sticking to our Flocks, and preventing their Seduction by the Romish Emissaries.  
We do not come to crave your Majesty's Protection for our Persons, our Churches, our Religion, or our Properties, which have been all in some measure invaded. Our Persons have been imprisoned, our Churches taken from us, our Properties destroyed by a late Act of Parliament that took away our Tithes; and the free exercise of our Religion for some time interrupted. A Request of this Nature might perhaps look like a distrust of your Majesty's care of us, and seem to contradict the Glorious design of your coming into this Kingdom. We have sensible that the generous End of your Majesty's Presence is to Rescue us from the Oppressions and Tyranny of Popery; and are well assured, that the same Paternal Affection, that moved your Majesty to pity our distress, will still protect us now we are delivered.  
We come rather to bless God, as the Author of our Deliverance, and Your Majesty as the Happy Instrument raised up by his Providence for the effecting it; to express our Gratitude and Duty to Your Majesty, who has a double Title to our Services, not only as our King, but as our Gracious Benefactor and Deliverer: To pray for the Success of your Majesty's Forces, for the Consummation of that Good Work that you have with so much Personal Hazard undertaken, that you may carry your Victorious Arms in to other Countries, where the Cries, and the Groans, and the Oppressions of the Afflicted Protestants, are as great as they have been here: That God would be an Helmet of Salvation to you in the day of Battle, and deal with you as he did with Nabuchadnezzar, when he promised him the Kingdom of Egypt for his hard Service against Tyrus: May he likewise recompense your hard Labour in this Kingdom, with the Addition of another that is far more valuable: And may you prove as Happy and Successful an Instrument in the succouring of others, as you have been of the poor Afflicted People of this Kingdom.   

His ANSWER.  
I Am come hither to deliver you from the Tyranny of Popery and Slavery, to protect the Protestant Religion, and restore you to your Liberties and Properties; and you may depend upon it.     

Numb. 9  

To the King's most Excellent Majesty, the Humble Address of your Loyal and Obedient Subjects, the Inhabitants of Wapping, Shadwel, Ratcliff, and Limehouse, and others therein concerned.  
Most Dread and most Gracious Sovereign:  
AS those of us who profess ourselves Sons of the Church of England, do here, as in Duty bound, return our most humble and hearty thanks to your Sacred Majesty for the repeated assurance you have in your Royal Declaration of Indulgence given to all your Subjects of that Church, in protecting and maintaining them in the free exercise of their Religion; so others of us, who for Nonconformity to that Church felt so much of the severity of the Penal Laws, do return such our thanks to your Majesty for our being eased from the same by such your Declaration: Nor can we (without great Ingratitude to Heaven and to your Majesty,) forbear to take notice of your particular Tenderness expressed to us in our common Concern, on the fourteenth of October last; and when the hearts of so many of us were transported with joy, upon our hearing those Gracious Words from your Royal Lips; namely, That what was for the good of your People, was for your good. We therefore beg your Majesty's leave, in the sight of all the World, to present you with our most Cordial and Solemn assurances, that as your Majesty hath been a Witness of the Loyalty and Fidelity of some of us, who served the Crown at Sea in the last Reign, when you so much exposed the safety of your Royal Person for the Honour and defence of the Realm, that we and all of us who are Mariners, shall be as ready to venture our Lives in any such Employment whensoever your Majesty shall call us to it, as any could then be: And that all of us, of what different Persuasion in Religion soever we may be, shall yet most firmly agree in the discharge of the Duty of our natural Allegiance to your Majesty; and like true Englishmen think no Dangers too great for us to encounter with, in the most faithful Service of your Majesty, either by Sea or Land.    

Numb. 10.  

Sir Peter Pett's Speech to his Majesty at Whitehall on the 25th of May 1688. after the most Honourable the Lord Marquis of Powis had read the Address of the Inhabitants of Wapping, Shadwel, Ratcliff, Limehouse, etc. Together with His Sacred Majesty's most Gracious Expressions thereupon relating to the Seamen.  
THe Ld. Marquis of Powis having represented to his Majesty the Merits of the Petition, of many Inhabitants in Wapping, Shadwell, Ratcliff, and Limehouse (in which places the greatest part of the Seamen, and Naval Manufacturers of England is supposed to dwell) and having pleased at the request of some of those Inhabitants to read their Address to his Majesty, (the which Address was signed by some, who had been Captains in the King's Men of War, and by many now Masters and Commanders, Boat-Swains, Carpenters, and Gunners, and many hundreds of other Mariners in Merchant Ships, in Subscriptions filling five large Skins of Parchment;) Sir Peter Pett, after his Lordship's reading of the said Address, made this following Speech to his Majesty.  
May it please Your Majesty,  
I Finding that your Majesty is now going to Council, shall not presume to detain your Majesty long from the Grandia Regni that there attend you, but shall only beg your Majesty's leave that I may acquaint those Gentlemen here who are Seamen, with some particulars of your late vast Expenses of your Time and Treasure upon your Navy Royal, and of your Majesty's extraordinary Care in preserving the Walls of your Kingdom (the which your Ships and your Seamen have always been reputed to be) to the end that they may acquaint their Neighbours therewith.  
It is known, Sir, that as for the Seamen, your Majesty never paid them with Tickets, and that you have paid the greatest part of your Brother's Debts to them, and also to the Ship wright's; and that the Seamen have been by your Majesty punctually paid, as the Ships they belong to came home and were unrigged; and that the Workmen in the Yards are quarterly paid as soon as their Wages become due; and that the Chest at Chatham, out of which the maimed Soldiers have been still provided for, has been plentifully supplied by your Majesty out of your Own Purse, to the value of about 20000 l. the Revenue of that Chest, by the Collections from the Seamen, having been so very inconsiderable, that it did not near support the Charge.  
And I account, that since the last Parliament your Majesty has laid out great Sums of Money in rebuilding and repairing the Thirty Sail, and the rest of the Navy, and that to the value of 350000 l.  
The Charge of your Majesty's having since your Parliament built six new Men of War, will appear but comparatively inconsiderable, when it shall be thought of, how your Majesty has since built new Storehouses at Portsmouth and Chatham, wherein Cables are sorted and lie at length, and all manner of Sea Stores for Boat-Swains and Carpenters laid distinct for the respective Ships to which the same belong; as also their Rigging distinctly laid apart, which things were never done in England before; and by means whereof, your Ships may be Equipt for Sea in less than a quarter of the time that they were formerly. In the building of those Storehouses, and furnishing them with vast quantities of Stores, and all bought by your Majesty with ready money, and at the best hand, I account your Majesty hath expended Millions of Pounds Sterling.  
The Gazettes that have in part made Publication of your Majesty's vast Charge in buying with ready money Masts, Timber, Hemp, Sail-Cloth, and all other Naval Stores, have necessarily awakened the thoughts of your Subjects to reflect with a high Veneration on your Majesty's having so freely employed for the public use those Supplies that were so freely afforded you in Parliament, (and without such strict Clauses of appropriating them to particular uses, as were in the last Reign,) and with joy to look on the glorious Super-structure that your Reign hath hereby built on that great Foundation of the happiness of any Kingdom, namely, an entire mutual Confidence between Prince and People.  
There is another thing occurs to my Observation; namely, That since your Parliament your Majesty hath allowed for the yearly Charge of the Navy about 400000 l. which is much more than was allowed for that use in his late Majesty's Reign.  
These are great things, Sir, and your Seamen cannot but be sensible, of the Honour and Happiness you have taken care of for them, and how by your rebuilding your Capital Ships, you have prepared floating Palaces for them to inhabit and serve you in.  
Sir, The Hearts of your Seamen having in them so great a constant stock of the natural heat of Loyalty, it is not to be wondered at, that this Noble Lord could by his Breath so easily occasion that flame of Zeal for your Majesty's Service, that has appeared in their Address; his Lordship having likewise acquainted them with the tender regard your Majesty had to their welfare and preservation, and to their being eased from all Grievances.  
To conclude, Sir, The things that I have before referred to, are such as must naturally make great impressions, not only on your Seamen, but on all English Patriots, and incline your Subjects of all Religionary Persuasions, when they shall consider how Indulgent and Provident a Father of their Country God hath set over them, to think of those words, That he hath not dealt so with every Nation. And when they shall consider those great Effects of your Royal Care, for the securing the Being of the Kingdom, and England's being a Kingdom for ever, to apply to yourself and to England, the great Landatory Expression addressed to King Solomon; namely, Because God loved Israel for ever, therefore made he you King.   

His Majesty was then Graciously pleased to say,  
Gentlemen,  
I Thank you for your Address, and I doubt not but when I shall think fit to call a Parliament, you will make it your business to choose such good Men as shall correspond with the effect of your Address; I assure you, I never questioned the Loyalty of my Seamen. I have myself been an Eye Witness of both your Courage and your Loyalty, when I was your Admiral: And, Gentlemen, I am your Admiral still, and my Seamen may depend upon it, that they shall always be well provided for and duly paid, and be carefully protected and encouraged by me, as much as the Seamen ever were by any of My Predecessors: Though some of My Neighbours give out, and would have it believed, that I have not the Hearts of My Seamen, yet I have found the contrary; for when I have occasion to fit out any Ships, I do not find that I am in the least want of Men; and whenever my Affairs may require the fitting out My whole Fleet, I do not in the least doubt, but that I shall find My Seamen ready to serve Me.    

Numb. 11.  

An Abstract of Mr. Pepy's Memoirs of the Royal Navy.  
IN April 1679, the Ships of War actually in Pay, were 76. whereof one First Rate, three Second Rates, 
P. 6.  fifteen Third Rates, thirty Fourth Rates, twelve Fifth Rates, seven Sixth Rates, eight Fireships.  
Thirty Capital Ships more were then in building, 
P. 8.  whereof eleven then Launched  
In May 1679. the Admiralty was put into the Hands of Commissioners, which Commission expired in May 1684. 
P. 10.  when the Navy was found to be in a most lamentable condition, as is demonstrated p. 16.  
Little was, or could be done in the remainder of that year, in the latter end of which King Charles the Second died; 
P. 22.  upon whose death King James applied himself to the redress of the Navy, 
P. 30.  and deputed 400000 l. a year to that purpose, choosing new Commissioners to manage the whole. 
P. 116.  Forbidding the Commanders of his Ships to carry Passengers, or transport Bullion, to the neglect of his service, and impairing his Ships, and for that reason giving them an allowance extraordinary for their Tables. 
P. 120.   
In October 1688. The Fleet at Sea consisted of twelve Third Rates, 
P. 132.  twenty eight Fourth Rates, two Fifth Rates, five Sixth Rates, and twenty Fireships, all the other Ships of War, except three, being either actually repaired, or under repair.  
Eight Months Sea-stores were left with them in Magazine for every Ship repaired, 
P. 139.  with the like in Materials, and money for the whole remainder.  
Stores left for the Ships at Sea to the value of 280000 l. in Hemp, 
P. 142.  Pitch, Tar, Rosin, Canvas, Oil, and Wood, 100000 l. more.  
When the King took the care of the Navy into His Own Hands, 
P. 157.  the gross of the Ships were out of repair, and the best of them ready to sink in the Harbour.  
The Conclusion, 
P. 214.  That it was a strenuous Conjunction of Integrity, Knowledge, and Experience, Vigour of Application and Assiduity, Strictness and Discipline, and Method, (and that Conjunction alone) that within half the time, and less than half the Charge, that it cost the Crown in the exposing the Navy, had (at the very Instant of its unfortunate Lord's withdrawing himself from it) raised the Navy of England from its lowest State of Impotence, to the most advanced step towards a lasting and solid Prosperity, that (all circumstances considered) this Nation had ever seen it at.    

Novemb. 13. 1691.  
Numb. 12.  

A LIST of SHIPS, That have been Lost or Damaged since the Year 1688.  
Rate. Ships Names. Tuns. Captains. Time when. Place where. Manner how lost & taken. 2 Coronation 1427 Charles Skelton 3 Sept. 1691 Ramhead Overset. 2 Victory 1029 — 27 Feb. 90 Woolwich Cast on Survey not fit to be repaired. 3 Ann 1039 John Terrell 6 July 90 3 Miles W. of Rye Burnt in Fight. 3 Bredah 1018 Matth. Tenant 12 Oct. 90 Cork Blown up. 3 Dreadnought 735 Rob. Wilmott 16 Oct. 90 6 Leag. SSW. N. Forlds Foundered. 3 Henrietta 763 John Nevil 25 Dec. 89 Plymouth Cast away. 3 Harwich 993 Hen. Robinson 4 Sept. 91 Plymouth Cast away. 3 Exeter 1070 George Meese 12 Sept. 91 Plymouth Blown up. 3 Pend●nnes 1036 Geo. Churchill 28 Oct. 89 Kentesknock Cast away. 4 Centurion 531 Bar. Beaumond 25 Dec. 89 Plymouth Cast away. 4 St. David 638 John Greydon 11 Nou. 89 Portsmouth Sunk, weighed, and made a Hulk. 4 Portsmouth 466 George St. Lo 9 Aug. 89 at Sea Taken by the French. 4 Marry Rose 556 John Bounty 12 July 91 at Sea Taken by the French. 4 Sedgmore 663 David Lloyd 3 Jan. 88 S. Marg. Bayn Cast away. 5 Constant Warwick 379 James Moody 12 July 91 at Sea Taken by the French. 5 Dartmouth 265 Edw. Pottinger 8 Nou. 90 Isle of Mull Cast away. 5 Heldenburgh 227 Alben Howell 17 Dec. 88 Back Isle of Wight Cast away. 5 Lively Prize 250 W. Tichburne Oct. 89 at Sea Retaken by the French.  Fireships. Charles and Henry 120 W. Stone 29 Nou. 89 Plymouth Cast away.  Alexander 150 Tho. Jennings 21 June 89 at Sea Burnt by accident.  Eliz. and Sarah 100 — 28 Oct. 90 Sherenesse Sunk for securing the graving place.  Hopewell 253 Tho. Warren 3 June 90 Downs Burnt.  Emanuel 170 — 25 Feb. 89 Portsmouth Delivered to the Prize-Officers to be sold.  John of Dublin 90 — — Portsmouth   Samson 240 — 27 Oct. 89 Sherenesse Sunk for the graving pl.  Bomb-vessel. Fire-Drake. 202 John Votear 12 Nou. 89 at Sea Taken by the French. 6 Dragon Sloop 57 Fred. Weyman 12 Jan. 89 Isle of Thanet Cast away. 6 Drake 151 Thomas Spragg — 90 Jamaica Cast on Survey. 6 Blade of Wheat 150 — 25 Dec. 89 Plymouth Cast away. 6 Supply — Geo. Cross — — Delivered to her Owners. 6 Dumbarton 191 Simon Row — 90 Virginia Cast on Survey. 6 Deptford Catch 79 Tho. Berry 26 Aug. 89 Virginia Cast away. 6 King's-Fisher Catch 61 Rob. Audley 23 Mar. 89 at Sea Taken by the French. 6 Talbot 91 Ch. Staggens 19 July 91 at Sea Taken by the French.  Hulk. Stadthouse 440 — 28 Oct. 90 Shereness Sunk for securing the graving place.  Stephen 716 — — Woolwich Broke up.  

SHIPS that have been Damaged by running on Shoar.  Rate. Ships Names. Tuns. Captains. Time and Place. 2 Vanguard 1397 Richard Carter the 10th of September, 1691. on the Goodwin Sands. 3 Northumberland 1048 Andrew Cotton  Royal Oak 1107 George Bing  Elizabeth 1097 Henry Priestman  Warspight 892 Stafford Fairborne 3d of Septemb. 1691. at the Hamose at Plymouth.  Hope 1048 Peter Pritchard  Eagle 1065 John Leake  Sterling Castle 1059 Benj. watter's.  
Note, That this List extends only to the 13th of November, 1691. There is a large List of Men of War lost since that time, besides above Two Thousand Merchantmen.    

Numb. 13.  

The Oath of Allegiance given to the Protestants in Cork, Limerick, and some other Garrisons, by the Officers, when King James drew out the Soldiers from these Garrisons into the Field.  
YOU shall Swear that from this Day forward you shall be true and faithful to our Sovereign Lord King James and his Heirs, and Truth and Faith shall bear of Life and Member, and Terrene Honour; and you shall neither know nor hear of any Ill or Damage intended unto him, that you shall not defend, so help you Almighty God.  
7 E. 2. tit. Avowric 211. 4 E. 3. fol. 42. 13 E. 3. and in Britton. 5 E. 1. c. 29.    

Numb. 14.  

A Letter written to my Lord Russel in Newgate, July 20. 1683.  
My Lord,  
I Was hearty glad to see your Lordship this Morning in that calm and devout Temper at the Receiving of the Blessed Sacrament; but Peace of Mind, unless it be well-grounded, will avail little: And because transient Discourse many times hath little effect, for want of time to weigh and consider it; therefore in tender compassion of your Lordship's case, and from all the good Will that one Man can bear to another, I do humbly offer to your Lordship's deliberate thoughts these following Considerations, concerning the points of Resistance, if our Religion and Rights should be invaded, as your Lordship puts the Case; concerning which I understand by Dr. B. that your Lordship had once received satisfaction, and am sorry to find a Change.  
First, That the Christian Religion doth plainly forbid the Resistance of Authority.  
Secondly, That though our Religion be established by Law, (which your Lordship urges as a Difference between our Case and that of the Primitive Christians,) yet in the same Law which establishes our Religion it is declared, That it is not Lawful upon any Pretence whatsoever to take up Arms, etc. Besides that, there is a particular Law, declaring the Power of the Militia to be solely in the King: And that ties the Hands of Subjects, though the Law of Nature, and the General Rules of Scripture had left us at liberty; which I be-believe they do not, because the Government and Peace of Humane Society could not well subsist upon these Terms.  
Thirdly, Your Lordship's Opinion is contrary to the declared Doctrine of all Protestant Churches; and though some particular Persons have taught otherwise; yet they have been contradicted herein, and condemned for it by the generality of Protestants. And I beg your Lordship to consider how it will agree with an avowed asserting of the Protestant Religion, to go contrary to the General Doctrine of Protestants. My end in this is to convince your Lordship that you are in a very great and dangerous mistake, and being so convinced, that which before was a Sin of Ignorance, will appear of much more heinous Nature, as in Truth it is, and call for a very particular and deep repentance; which if your Lordship sincerely exercise upon the sight of your Error, by a penitent acknowledgement of it to God and Men, you will not only obtain forgiveness of God, but prevent a mighty Scandal to the Reformed Religion. I am very loath to give your Lordship any disquiet in the distress you are in, which I commiserate from my Heart; but am much more concerned, that you do not leave the World in a delusion, and false Peace, to the hindrance of your Eternal Happiness.  
I hearty pray for you, and beseech your Ldship to believe that I am, with the greatest sincerity and compassion in the World,  
My Lord, Your Lordship's most faithful and afflicted Servant, J. Tillotson. Printed for R. Baldwin, 1683.    

Numb. 15.  

The Earl of Sunderland's LETTER to a Friend in London. Plainly discovering the Designs of the Romish Party, and others, for the subverting of the Protestant Religion, and the Laws of the Kingdom.  
Licenced and Entered; March 23. 1689.  
TO comply with what you desire, I will explain some things which we talked of before I left England. I have been in a Station of great Noise, without Power or Advantage whilst I was in it, and to my Ruin now I am out of it. I know I cannot justify myself by saying, though it is true, that I thought to have prevented much mischief; for when I found that I could not, I ought to have quitted the service. Neither is it an Excuse that I have got none of those things which usually engage men in public Affairs; my Quality is still the same it ever was, and my Estate much worse, even ruined, though I was born to a very considerable one, which I am ashamed to have spoiled, though not so much as if I had increased it by indirect means. But to go on to what you expect: The pretence to a Dispensing Power being not only the first thing which was much disliked since the Death of the late King, but the foundation of all the rest, I ought to begin with that, which I had so little to do with, that I never heard it spoken of till the time of Monmouth's Rebellion, that the King told some of the Council, of which I was one, that he was resolved to give Employments to Roman Catholics, it being fit that all Persons should serve who could be useful, and on whom he might depend. I think every body advised him against it, but with little effect, as was soon seen: That Party was so pleased with what the King had done, that they persuaded him to mention it in his Speech at the next meeting of the Parliament, which he did, after many Debates whether it was proper or not; in all which I opposed it, as is known to very considerable Persons, some of which were of another opinion; for I thought it would engage the King too far, and it did give such Offence to the Parliament, that it was thought necessary to prorogue it. After which the King fell immediately to the supporting the Dispensing Power, the most Chimerical Thing that was ever thought of, and must be so, till the Government here is as absolute as in Turkey, all Power being included in that one. This is the sense I ever had of it, and when I heard Lawyers defend it, I never changed my Opinion or Language: However it went on, most of the Judges being for it, and was the chief Business of the State, till it was looked on as settled. Then the Ecclesiastical Court was set up, in which there being so many considerable Men of several kinds, I could have but a small part; and that after Lawyers had told the King it was legal, and nothing like the High Commission Court, I can most truly say, and it is well known, that for a good while I defended Magdalen College, purely by Care and Industry, and have hundreds of times begged of the King never to grant Mandates, or to change any thing in the regular course of Ecclesiastical Affairs, which he often thought reasonable, and then by perpetual importunities was prevailed upon against his own Sense, which was the very Case of Magdalen College, as of some others.  
These things which I endeavoured, though without Success, drew upon me the Anger and ill Will of many about the King. The next thing to be tried, was to take off the Penal Laws and the Tests, so many having promised their Concurrence towards it, that his Majesty thought it feasible; but he soon found it was not to be done by that Parliament, which made all the Catholics desire it might be dissolved, which I was so much against, that they complained of me to the King, as a Man who ruined all his Designs by opposing the only thing could carry him on, Liberty of Conscience being the Foundation on which he was to build. That it was first offered at by the Lord Clifford, who by it had done the work, even in the late King's Time, if it had not been for his Weakness, and the Weakness of his Ministers: Yet I hindered the Dissolution several Weeks, by telling the King, that the Parliament in Being would do every thing he could desire, but the taking off the Penal Laws and the Tests, or the allowing his Dispensing Power; and that any other Parliament, tho' such a one could be had as was proposed, would probably never repeal those Laws; and if they did, they would certainly never do any thing for the support of the Government, whatever Exigency it might be in. At that time the King of Spain was sick, upon which I said often to the King, that if he should die, it would be impossible for his Majesty to preserve the Peace of Christendom; that a War must be expected▪ and such a one as would chief concern England; that if the present Parliament continued, he might be sure of all the Help and Service he could wish; but in case he dissolved it, he must give over all thoughts of foreign Affairs, for no other would ever assist him, but on such terms as would ruin the Monarchy; so that from abroad, or at home, he would be destroyed, if the Parliament were broken, and any Accident should happen, of which there were many, to make the Aid of his People necessary to him. This and much more I said to him several times privately, and in the hearing of others; but being overpowered, the Parliament was broke, the Closeting went on, and a new one was to be chosen. Who was to get by Closeting I need not say; but it was certainly not I, nor any of my Friends: many of them suffered, who I would fain have saved: And yet I must confess with Grief, that when the King was resolved, and there was no remedy, I did not quit as I ought to have done; but served on in order to the calling another Parliament. In the midst of all the preparations for it, and whilst the Corporations were regulating, the King thought fit to order his Declarations to be read in all Churches, of which I most solemnly protest I never heard one word, till the King directed it in Council: That drew on the Petition of my Lord the Arch Bp. of Canterbury, and the other Lords the Bishops, and the Prosecution, which I was so openly against, that by arguing continually, to show the Injustice and Imprudence of it, I brought the Fury of the Roman Catholics upon me to such a degree, and so unanimously, that I was just sinking; and I wish I had then sunk: But whatever I did foolishly to preserve myself, I continued still to be the object of their Hatred, and I resolved to serve the Public as well as I could, which I am sure most of the considerable Protestants then at Court can testify, and so can one very eminent Man in the Country, whom I would have persuaded to come into business, which he might have done, to have helped me to resist the Violence of those in power; but he despaired of being able to do any good, and therefore would not engage. Some time after came the first News of the Prince's Designs, which were not then looked on as they have proved, no body foreseeing the Miracles he has done by his wonderful Prudence, Conduct, and Courage; for the greatest thing which has been undertaken these thousand years, or perhaps ever, could not be effected without Virtues hardly to be imagined till seen nearer hand. Upon the first thoughts of his coming I laid hold of the opportunity to press the King to do several things which I would have had done sooner, the chief of which were to restore Magdalen College, and all other Ecclesiastical Preferments, which had been diverted from what they were intended for, to take off my Lord Bp. of London's Suspension, to put the Counties into the same hands they were in some time before, to annul the Ecclesiastical Court, and to restore entirely all the Corporations of England: These things were done effectually, by the help of some about the King, and it was then thought I had destroyed myself by enraging again the whole Roman Catholic party to such a height as had not been seen; they dispersed Libels of me every day, told the King that I betrayed him, that I ruined him by persuading him to make such shameful Condescensions; but most of all by hindering the securing the chief of the disaffected Nobility and Gentry, which was proposed as a certain way to break all the Prince's Measures; and by advising his Majesty to call a free Parliament, and to depend upon that, rather than upon foreign Assistence. It is true I did give him those Counsels which were called weak, to the last moment he suffered me in his Service; then I was accused of holding a Correspondence with the Prince, and it was every where said amongst them, that no better could be expected from a Man so allied to Duke Hamilton and the Marquis of Halifax. After this Accusations of High Treason were brought against me, which, with some other reasons relating to affairs abroad, drew the King's displeasure upon me, so as to turn me out of all without any Consideration; and yet I thought I escaped well, expecting nothing less than the loss of my Head, as my Lord Middleton can tell, and I believe none about the Court thought otherwise; nor had it been otherwise, if my Disgrace had been deferred a day longer: All things being prepared for it, I was put out the 27th of October, the Roman Catholics having been two Months working the King up to it without intermission, besides the several Attacks they had made upon me before, and the unusual assistence they obtained to do what they thought so necessary for the carrying on their Affairs, of which they never had greater hope than at that time, as may be remembered by any who were then at London. But you desired that I would say something to you of Ireland, which I will do in very few words, but exactly true.  
My Lord Tyrconnel has been so absolute there, that I never had the Credit to make an Ensign, or keep one in, nor to preserve some of my Friends, for whom I was much concerned, from the least Oppression and Injustice, though I endeavoured it to the utmost of my power; but yet with care and diligence, being upon the place, and he absent, I diverted the calling a Parliament there, which was designed to alter the Acts of Settlement. Chief Justice Nugent and Baron Rice were sent over with a draught of an Act for that purpose, furnished with all the pressing Arguments could be thought on to persuade the King, and I was offered forty thousand pound for my Concurrence, which I told the King, and shown him at the same time the injustice of what was proposed to him, and the prejudice it would be to that Country, with so good Success, that he resolved not to think of it that year, and perhaps never. This I was helped in by some Friends, particularly my Lord Godolphin, who knows it to be true, and so do the Judges before named, and several others.  
I cannot omit saying something of France, there having been so much talk of a League between the two Kings. I do protest I never knew of any; and if there were such a thing, it was carried on by other sort of men last Summer. Indeed French Ships were offered to join with our Fleet, and they were refused: Since the noise of the Prince's Design more Ships were offered, and it was agreed how they should be commanded; if ever desired. I opposed to death the accepting of them, as well as any Assistence of Men, and can say most truly, that I was the principal means of hindering both, by the help of some Lords, with whom consulted every day, and they with me, to prevent what we thought would be of great Prejudice, if not ruinous to the Nation. If the Report is true, of Men, Ships, and Money, intended lately for England out of France, it was agreed upon since I was out of Business, or without my knowledge; if it had been otherwise, I believe no Body thinks my Disgrace would have happened. My greatest misfortune has been to be thought the Promoter of those things I opposed and detested, whilst some I could name have been the Inventors and Contrivers of what they have had the art to lay upon others; and I was often foolishly willing to bear what my Master would have done, though I used all possible Endeavours against it. I lie under many other Misfortunes and Afflictions extreme heavy; but I hope they have brought me to reflect on the occasion of them, the lose, negligent, and unthinking Life I have hitherto led, having been perpetually hurried away from all good Thoughts by Pleasure, Idleness, the Vanity of the Court, or by Business: I hope, I say, that I shall overcome all the Disorders my former Life had brought upon me, and that I shall spend the remaining part of it in begging of Almighty God that he will please either to put an end to my Sufferings, or to give me strength to bear them, one of which he will certainly grant to such as rely on him, which I hope I do, with the submission that becomes a good Christian. I would enlarge on this Subject, but that I fear you might think something else to be the reason of it, besides a true sense of my Faults, and that obliges me to restrain myself at present. I believe you will repent in having engaged me to give you this Account, but I cannot the doing what you desire of me.    

Numb. 16.  

To the Right Honourable the Lords, and to the Gentlemen convened at Westminster.  
IT's not unknown to your Lordships, etc. what singular Reports have been published in Print, as well as otherwise, concerning the Birth of the Prince of Wales; importing, That the Kingdom had not a fair and usual Assurance of his being born of the Queen: For notwithstanding there was an extraordinary Council called, Octob. 22. 1688. before whom above forty Persons of Honour, and others in close Attendance about the Queen, appeared and testified upon Oath their Knowledge concerning the Birth of the Prince of Wales; deposing to such Circumstances before, at, and after the Birth of the said Prince, as they knew or conceived material to such an Enquiry; as by the Depositions printed and enroled in the Court of Chancery appears more at large. Yet it so happened: (for Reasons not proper to be here inserted,) that this Expedient fell short of giving a general Satisfaction, People still continuing (or at least pretending to be) divided in their Judgements about this Matter: And since your Lordships, etc. upon Application, are pleased to condescend to Business, though of an inferior nature; it's therefore humbly conceived, that a farther Examination into the Birth of the said Prince of Wales will not be unacceptable to your Lordships, etc. especially if your Lordships, etc. shall please to consider the following Reasons.  

1. The Prince of Orange, Octob. 10. 1688. has avowed himself dissatisfied about the Birth of the Prince of Wales to that Degree, that his Highness has declared, The want of sufficient Evidence in this point one principal Motive of his Expedition into England; and likewise engaged himself to refer the Enquiry into this Affair, and of all things relating to it, to the Hearing of a Parliament. Decl. p. 12, 13.  
2. The King, in his Majesty's Letter to the Convention, dated at St. Germains, Jan. 1688. conjures the Lords, and the Gentlemen then met, to make a thorough Examination into the Birth of the Prince of Wales. Now since both Parties are so pressing to have this Matter debated, by a public Trial; since their Honour and Inclinations are so far engaged for the clearing this Point, it's humbly hoped your Lordships, etc. after almost two years' delay, may not think it improper to have it undertaken.  
3. It's presumed your Lordships, etc. are not unacquainted how deeply the Deponents to this Affair have been censured, both in Pamphlets and common Discourse; as if they were Confederates to an Imposture of the most flagitious and provoking nature, and contrived to impose an Heir upon these Kingdoms; a Masterpiece of Wickedness which as in their Souls they abhor, so they think it their great Misfortune to lie under the Scandal of so heavy an Imputation: And therefore it's the humble Desire of several of the said Deponents, (not doubting of the Concurrence of the rest,) that the Case may be re examined, and the Witnesses summoned, before your Lordships, etc. that so they may either have opportunity to rescue their Honour and Reputation. (which they value above all worldly Blessings) from those Calumnies which are cast upon them; or, upon Conviction of Insincerity, may undergo the Penalties due to so vile and unexempled a Perjury. And that your Lordships, etc. may be the more inclinable to hear them in Vindication of themselves, several of the said Deponents do promise, That their next Testimony shall be, if possible, more plain, particular, and comprehensive than the former; and that they have several Things to offer to your Lordships, etc. not unworthy of your Lordships, etc. Knowledge, which before were judged unnecessary, and omitted out of Modesty and Reserve.  
4. For a farther Motive, your Lordships, etc. may please to take notice, That Circumstances of Time are now such, that it cannot with the least pretence of Reason be supposed that the Deponents are either bribed or overawed into a partial Testimony, in savour of the Prince of Wales, as was before objected against them by the Protestant Memorial, and the Full Answer to the Depositions, etc. Besides, as your Lordships. etc. know, the present Posture of Affairs will afford all imaginable Encouragement for Freedom of Questions, for confronting the Deponents, and producing Counter-Evidences, (if there is any such;) so that the whole Matter may be laid open, and cleared, to the satisfaction of all Persons concerned therein.  
5. With all due Submission to your Lordship's Judgements, it's humbly conceived, That Dispatch and Expedition in this Case is a very valuable Circumstance: For by this means your Lordships, etc. will prevent those Inconveniencies which may happen from Accidents, and Mortality. For notwithstanding the Evidence is enroled in Chancery, and may be inspected at any time hereafter; yet if the number of the Deponents should be lessened, your Lordships, &c. cannot enter upon the Merits of the Cause with the same Advantage, nor receive that Satisfaction viva Voce which may be now had: Besides, there is reason to apprehend it will be too late to except against the Testimony of the Deponents after their Decease; so that if there have been any unfair Dealing, the Opportunity of Discovering it will be in danger of being lost.   
Lastly, Your Lordships, etc. may please to consider, Whether in case the Depositions are neither disproved, nor the Prince of Wales owned, the Consequence of such a Procedure may not prove unfortunate? For since in strictness of Law there is no greater Proof required for the Legitimacy of a King's Son, than for that of an inferior Subject, it's to be feared some ill-disposed and litigious Persons will take occasion from hence to question the Birth of private Persons, which possibly they will be apt to say is seldom so well attested as that of the Prince of Wales. Which malicious Reflections, how far they may tend to the creating Disputes, entangling Property, and the dishonour of Families, as your Lordships, etc. are the best Judges, so your Quality and Fortunes make it more particularly your Lordship's Interest to prevent.  
There remains no more to trouble your Lordships, etc. with, excepting this humble Request, That provided your Lordships, etc. shall think it proper to wave making any farther Enquiry into this Affair, an Expedient may be found out to cover the Deponents from the Aspersion of False Witness; and that the Nation may have leave to believe your Lordships, etc. are fully satisfied with their former Evidence.  
Octob. 1690.   

A true Copy of Part of that Paper which Mr. Ashton left in a Friend's Hands: Together with the Letter in which he sent it enclosed.  
[The Paper gins with the Speech already published, immediately after which he adds,]  
THus much is contained in the Paper that I design to leave with the Sheriff.  
But being suddenly to give up my Accounts to the Searcher of all Hearts, I think it a duty incumbent upon me to impart some things farther, which neither the Interest nor Iniquity of these Times will, I conclude, willingly bear the publication of, and therefore not fit to be inserted in the Sheriff's Paper.  
Some time after the Prince of Orange's Arrival here, when it was expected, that, pursuant to his own Declaration, and the King's Letter to the Convention, an exact Search and Enquiry would have been made into the Birth of the Prince of Wales, there was a Scheme drawn up of that whole Matter, and of the Proofs that were then (and are still) ready to be produced, to prove his Royal Highness' Legitimacy; but no public Examination being ever had, and the Violence of the Times, as well as Interest of the present Government, not permitting any private Person to move in it, those Papers have ever since lain by: But it being now thought advisable by some, to have them printed and published, and (as at first they were designed) addressed at their next Meeting to the Lords and Commons, entreating them to inquire into that weighty Affair, and call forth, examine, and protect for who else dares to appear) the many Witnesses to the several particulars therein offered to be legally proved, etc.  
I was ordered to carry those Papers to the King my Master, for his View, that his Leave and Approbation might go along with the Desires of his good Subjects here; and they being taken with me, with some other Papers of Accounts, etc. in a small Trunk, amongst my Linen, and other private things of my own, and not in the Packet, (my Ld. Preston being altogether a stranger to the whole Proceeding,) by this means fell into the hands of our present Governors; who though they wisely waved the producing them as Evidence at my Trial, yet have I just reason to believe my greatest Crimes were contained in them; and I do therefore conclude and hope, that I only am designed to be sacrificed, who only knew of them: Nor am I surprised at it, since nothing, I think, can be more prejudicial to some Persons present Interest, than the exposing of those Papers to the Public, which will set that pretended Mystery of Darkness in so clear a Light, that all Mankind must be convinced of his Highness' being born of the Queen, and of their Wickedness who have maliciously and designedly asserted that innocent Prince to be an Impostor. The Love and Compassion that I have for my native Country, as well as Charity obliges me humbly to implore Almighty God to be merciful to it, and not to charge this great Sin to the public Account, and that we may not farther provoke his Justice by our wilfully continuing in Error and mistake, I beseech him to put it into the Hearts of the Lords, etc. at their next Meeting, to examine into that whole Matter, and (if before that time this be published) to inquire after, call for, and, if possible, retrieve those Papers that were taken with me; whereby the Obstinate will most certainly be convinced, the Ignorant informed, the Doubtful confirmed, the Eyes of all opened, and a sacred, most important Truth made apparent to the whole World.—  
John Ashton.   

[This Paper, etc. came enclosed to me from Mr. Ashton, before his Execution, in the following Letter.]  
Sir,  
KNowing your Friendship and Fidelity, to your, and yours only, as unto safe and secure (though distant) Hands, I recommend the enclosed Papers. What chief relates to myself, being the first part. I design to leave with the Sheriff; nor shall I be anxious about his disposal of it: But the following paragraphs, that concern the Prince of Wales, and— I beg you to preserve as Jewels, and publish them, either part, or all, (chief that about the Prince,) whenever time or occasion seems to require. And as to the fitness of either, you may be pleased to consult A. B.'s Advice; I doubt not but sooner or later they will all be useful: and that you may the more value them, I do most solemnly protest, I have been as careful in what I have asserted for truth, as if I were now at God's dreadful Tribunal, where I expect suddenly to appear, and by his Mercy hope to hear that ravishing Sound, Come, ye blessed, etc.  
What relates to Mr. eliot, though I design to declare as much to some, who at his Trial may give it in Evidence, yet I thought it just to leave a Record of his Innocency under my Hand.  
I have nothing to add, but to request your Prayers, That God of his infinite Mercy would support and strengthen me in my last Moment's, and take to himself,  
Sir, Yours, John Ashton. Newgate, Jan. 27▪ 1690.   

N. B. That Mr. Ashton, the next day after this Letter, viz. Jan. 28. 1691. in his Speech at the Place of Execution, delivered to the Sheriff, did declare that he knew the Prince of Wales to be the Queen's Son, from unanswerable and undoubted Proofs; which being made so public in print, I think needless here to insert.    

Numb. 17.  

Some Passages taken out of two Observators, published in August, 1682.  

Monday, Aug. 21.  Whigg 
Pray tell me truly; Is the Duchess of York delivered of a Daughter? I ask ye, because I have heard strange Stories about that Business. I have had Five to One offered me, That her Royal Highness was not with Child.  Tory. 
Right: And if it had pleased God to have given the Duke a Son, the Duchess had Not been with Child; for That was the Knack on't, to prepare the People beforehand, by one Imposture, for the entertaining of another. There has not been any false Rumour distributed through the Nation with more Industry than This; and in case of an Issue Male, they'd even have Black boxed it off with a Pillow, and an Imposture; and an Eavesdropper or two perhaps in a Closet, or through a Keyhole, would have made the whole History as currant as Gospel.   

Wednesday, Aug. 23.  Whigg. 
The Truth is, 'twas a great Disappointment, and has atterly spoiled the Wit of a Health to Blew-cap. [Care's] Courant, Aug. 18. 1682.  Tory. 
Prethee●teu Deputy Care, [the Faction's journeyman,] That this is no Disappointment at all: For we are of a Religion that does not so much as wish for any thing, but with a Resignation to the Divine Providence. And then it's not the Wits but the Honesty of the Health that we value ourselves upon; which methinks sounds as well from the Mouth of a Christian, and a Subject, toward every Branch of the Royal Family, as your way of Quaffing their Damnation and Confusion. And the Conceit is not spoiled neither; for our Hopes and Prayers are just the same they were before, and so are your Fears and Apprehensions. And let me tell ye farther, Whigg; the secret Counsels of Almighty God in the ordering and disposing of Princes and Empires, are not a Subject for Drollery and Sport. There's a Health spoiled, ye cry; but I say, there's a Shame spoiled: For if it had pleased God to give his Royal Highness the Blessing of a Son, as it proved a Daughter, you were prepared to make a Perkin of him. To what end did you take so much pains else, by your Instruments and Intelligences, to hammer it into the People's Heads, that the Duchess of York was Not with Child; and so in case of a Son to represent him as an Impostu●●▪ Whereas you have now taken off the Masquoe, in confessing the Daughter.  Whigg. 
Half these words might have served, methinks.  Tony. 
How you and I differ upon the point! For to my thinking there's not half enough said yet. I would have the Impression of this Cheat link so far into the Heads and Hearts of all Honest Men, as never to be either defaced or forgotten; for we must expect that the same Shame shall at any time hereafter be Trumpt up again, upon the like Occasion.     

Numb. 18.  

A Commission from the Prince of Orange, Feb. 5. 1688.  
WIlliam Henry, by the Grace of God, Prince of Orange, etc. To— Esq Greeting. We reposing especial Trust and Confidence in your Fidelity, Courage, and Good Conduct, do by these presents constitute and appoint you to be Captain-Lieutenant of that Company in the Regiment of Foot, commanded by— whereof he himself is Captain. You are therefore carefully and diligently to discharge the Duty of Captain-Lieutenant, by exercising and well disciplining both the inferior Officers and Soldiers of that Company. And we do hereby command them to obey you as their Captain-Lieutenant, and you to observe and follow such Orders and Directions from time to time, as you shall receive from your Colonel, or any other your superior Officer, according to the Rules and Discipline of War, in pursuance of the Trust we hereby repose in you.  
Given at St. James' the 5th day of February, 1688. By his Highness' Command, 

W. Prince d' Orange.  
Will. Gippson.      

Numb. 19  

A Letter from a Gentleman in Scotland to his Friend at London, who desired a particular account of the Business of Glenco.  
SIR,  
THE Account you desired of that strange and surprising Massacre of Glenco, take as follows.  
Mac-jan Mac-donald, Laird of Glenco, a Branch of the Mackdonalds, one of the greatest Clans (or Tribes) in the North of Scotland, came with the most considerable Men of his Clan to Colonel Hill, Governor of Fort-William at Inverlochy, some few days before the expiring of the time for receiving the Indemnity appointed by Proclamation, which, as I take it, was the 1st of January last, entreating he would administer to him the Oaths which the foresaid Proclamation required to be taken; that so submitting himself to the Government, he might have its Protection. The Colonel received him with all Expressions of Kindness; nevertheless shifted the administering the Oaths to him, alleging, that by the Proclamation it did not belong to him, but to the Sheriffs, Bailives of Regalities, and Magistrates of burgh's, to administer them. Mac-jan complaining that by this Disappointment he might be wronged, the time being now near the expiring, and the Wether so extreme, and the ways so very bad, that it was not possible for him so soon to reach any Sheriff, etc. got from Colonel Hill, under his Hand, his Protection; and withal he was assured, that no Orders from the Government against him should be put in Execution, until he were first advertised, and had time allowed him to apply himself to King or Council for his own Safety. But the better to make all sure, (though this might have seemed Security enough for that time,) with all dispatch imaginable he posted to Inverary, the chief Town of Argileshire, there he found Sir Colin Camphell of Ardkinlis, Sheriff of that Shire, and craved of him the benefit of the Indemnity, according to the Proclamation, he being willing to perform all the Conditions required. Sir Colin at first scrupled to admit him to the Oaths, the time which the Proclamation did appoint being elapsed by one day, alleging it would be of no use to him then to take them: But Mac-jan represented that it was not his fault, he having come in time enough to Colonel Hill, not doubting but he could have administered the Oaths to him, and that upon his refusal he had made such haste to Inverary, that he might have come in time enough, had not the extremity of the Wether hindered him; and even as it was, he was but one day after the time appointed, and that would be very unbecoming the Government to take advantage of a Man's coming late by one day, especially when he had done his utmost to have come in time. Upon this, and his threatening to protest against the Sheriff for the severity of this Usage, he administered to him and his Attendants the Oaths, Mac-jan depending upon the Indemnity granted to those who should take them; and having so done, he went home, and lived quietly and peaceably under the Government, till the day of his Death.  
In January last a Party of the Earl of Argile's Regiment came to that Country, the design of their coming was then suspected to be to take course with those who should stand out, and not submit, and take the Oaths. The Garrison of Inverlochy being thronged, and Glenco being commodious for quartering, as being near that Garrison, those Soldiers were sent thither to quarter; they pretended they came to exact Arrears of Cess and Hearth-money, (a Tax never known in Scotland, until laid on by the Parliament 1690. after the Parliament of England had eased themselves of it;) e'er they entered Glenco that Laird, or his Sons, came out to meet them, and asked them if they came as Friends, or as Enemies: The Officers answered, as Friends; and gave their Parol of Honour that they would neither do him nor his Concerns any Harm; upon which he welcomed them, promising them the best Entertainment the place could afford. This he really performed, as all the Soldiers confess. He and they lived together in mutual Kindness and Friendship fifteen days, or thereabout; so far was he from fearing any hurt from them. And the very last day of his Life he spent in keeping Company with the Commander of that Party, Capt. campbel of Glenlyon, playing at Cards with him till 6 or 7 at night, and at their parting mutual Protestations of Kindness were renewed. Some time that very day, but whether before or after their parting, I know not, Capt. Campbel had these Orders sent him from Major Duncanson, a Copy whereof I here send you.  
Ballacholis, Febr. 12. 1692. Sir,  
YOU are hereby ordered to fall upon the Rebels the Mac donald's of Glenco, and put all to the Sword under seventy. You are to have especial Care, that the old Fox and his Sons do upon no account escape your Hands; you are to secure all the Avenues, that no man escape: This you are to put in execution at 5 a Clock in the Morning precisely, and by that time, or very shortly after it, I'll strive to be at you with a stronger Party; if I do not come to you at 5, you are not to tarry for me, but to fall on. This is by the King's special Command, for the Good and Safety of the Country, that these Miscreants may be cut off, Root and Branch. See that this be put in execution without Feud or Favour, else you may expect to be treated as not true to the King or Government, nor a Man fit to carry Commission in the King's Service. Expecting you will not fail in the fulfilling hereof, as you love yourself, I subscribe these with my Hand,  
Robert Duncanson.  
For their Majesty's Service, to Captain Robert campbel of Glenlyon.  
Duncanson had received Orders from Lieutenant Colonel Hamilton, which were as follows.  
Ballacholis, Febr. 12. 1692. Sir,  
PER Second to the Commander in Chief, and my colonel's Orders to me, for putting in execution the Service commanded against the Rebels in Glenco, wherein you, with the Party of the Earl of Argyle 's Regiment under your Command are to be concerned: You are therefore forthwith to order your Affairs so, as that the several Posts already assigned you, be by you and your several Detachments fallen in Action with, precisely by 5 a Clock to morrow morning, being Saturday; at which time I will endeavour the same with those appointed for this Regiment for the other places. It will be most necessary you secure those Avenues on the South side, that the old Fox, nor none of his Cubs get away. The orders are that none be spared, from 70, of the Sword, nor the Government troubled with Prisoners. This is all, until I see you. From  
Your humble Servant, James Hamilton.  
Please to order a Guard to secure the Ferry, and the Boats there; and the Boats must be all on this side the Ferry, after your Men are over.  
For their Majesty's Service, for Major Robert Duncanson, of the Earl of Argyle 's Regiment.  
The Soldiers being disposed five or three in a House, according to the number of the Family they were to assassinate, had their order given them secretly. They had been all received as Friends by those poor People, who intending no Evil themselves, little suspected that their Guests were designed to be their Murderers. At 5 a Clock in the morning they began their bloody Work, surprised and butchered 38 persons, who had kindly received them under their roofs. Mac jan himself was murdered, and is much bemoaned; he was a stately well favoured Man, and of good Courage and Sense: As also the Laird of Archintrikin, a Gentleman of more than ordinary Judgement and Understanding, who had submitted to the Government, and had Colonel Hill's Protection in his pocket, which he had got three Months before. I cannot without horror represent how that a Boy about eight Years of Age was murdered; he seeing what was done to others in the House with him, in a terrible Fright run out of the House, and espying Capt. campbel, grasped him about the Legs, crying for Mercy, and offering to be his Servant all his Life. I am informed Capt. campbel inclined to spare him, but one Drummond, an Officer, barbarously run his Dagger through him, whereof he died immediately. The rehearsal of several particulars and circumstances of this tragical Story, makes it appear most doleful, as that Mac-jan was killed as he was drawing on his Breeches, standing before his Bed, and giving orders to his Servants for the good Entertainment of those who murdered him; while he was speaking the words, he was shot through the Head, and fell dead in his Lady's Arms, who through the grief of this, and other bad usages she met with, died the next day. It is not to be omitted, that most of those poor People were killed when they were asleep, and none was allowed to pray to God for Mercy. Providence ordered it so, that that Night was most boisterous; so as a party of 400 Men, who should have come to the other end of the Glen, and begun the like Work there at the same hour, (intending that the poor Inhabitants should be enclosed, and none of them escape,) could not march that length, until it was nine a Clock, and this afforded to many an happy opportunity of escaping, and none were killed but those in whose Houses campbel of Glenlyon's Men were quartered, otherwise all the Males under 70 Years of Age, to the number of 200, had been cut off, for that was the order; and it might have easily been executed, especially considering that the Inhabitants had no Arms at that time; for upon the first hearing that the Soldiers were coming to the Glen, they had conveyed them all out of the way: For though they relied on the Promises which were made them for their Safety; yet they thought it not improbable that they might be disarmed. I know not whether to impute it to difficulty of distinguishing the difference of a few Years, or to the Fury of the Soldiers, who being once glutted with Blood, stand at nothing, that even some above seventy years of Age were destroyed. They set all the Houses on Fire, drove off all the  to the Garrison of Inverlochy, viz. 900 Cows, 200 Horses, and a great many Sheep and Goats, and there they were divided among the Officers. And how dismal may you imagine the Case of the poor Women and Children was then! It was lamentable, past Expression; their Husbands, and Fathers, and nearest Relations were forced to flee for their Lives; they themselves almost stripped, and nothing left them, and their Houses being burnt, and not one House nearer than six miles; and to get thither they were to pass over Mountains, and wreaths of Snow, in a vehement Storm, wherein the greatest part of them perished through Hunger and Cold. It fills me with Horror to think of poor stripped Children, and Women, some with Child, and some giving Suck, wrestling against a Storm in Mountains, and heaps of Snow, and at length to be overcome, and give over, and fall down, and die miserably. You see in Hamilton's Order to Duncanson, there's a special Caution, that the old Fox, nor none of his Cubs should escape; and in Duncanson's Order to Captain campbel of Glenlyon, that the old Fox, nor none of his Sons escape; but notwithstanding all this wicked Caution, it pleased God that the two young Gentlemen Mac jan's Sons escaped: For it happened that the younger of these Gentlemen trusted little to the fair Promises of campbel, and had a more watchful Eye over him than his Father or Brother, who suffered themselves by his reiterated Oaths to be deluded into a Belief of his Integrity: He having a strong Impression on his Spirit, that some mischievous Design was hidden under Campbell's specious Pretences, it made him, after the rest were in Bed, remain in a retired Corner, where he had an advantageous prospect into their Guard. About midnight perceiving several Soldiers to enter it, this increased his Jealousy; so he went and communicated his Fears to his Brother, who could not for a long time be persuaded there was any bad Design against them, and asserted, that what he had seen was not a doubling of their Guards in order to any ill design, but that being in a strange place, and at a distance from the Garrison, they were to send out Sentinels far from the Guard, and because of the Extremity of the Wether relieved them often, and that the Men he saw could be no more but these. Yet he persisting to say, that they were not so secure, but that it was fit to acquaint their Father with what he had seen, he prevailed with his Brother to rise, and go with him to his Father, who lay in a room contiguous to that they were in. Though what the younger Son alleged made no great Impression on his Father, yet he allowed his Sons to try what they could discover. They well knowing all skulking places there, went and hid themselves near to a Centinel's Post, where instead of one they discovered eight or ten Men; this made them more inquisitive, so they crept as near as they could without being discovered, so near that they could hear one say to his Fellows, that he liked not this Work, and that had he known of it he would have been very unwilling to have come there▪ but that none, except their Commanders, knew of it till within a quarter of an hour. The Soldier added, that he was willing to fight against the Men of the Glen, but it was base to murder them. But to all this it was answered, All the blame be on such as gave the Orders; we are free, being bound to obey our Officers. Upon hearing of these words the young Gentlemen retired as quickly and quietly as they could towards the House, to inform their Father of what they had heard; but as they came nigh to it they perceived it surrounded, and heard Guns discharged, and People shrieking; whereupon, being unarmed, and totally unable to rescue their Father, they preserved their own Lives in hopes yet to serve their King and Country, and see Justice done upon those Hellhound, treacherous Murderers, the Shame of their Country, and Disgrace of Mankind.  
I must not forget to tell you, that there were two of these Officers who had given their Paroll of Honour to Mac-jan, who refused to be concerned in that brutal Tragedy, for which they were sent Prisoners to Glascow, where if they remain not still, I am sure they were some Weeks ago.  
Thus, Sir, in obedience to your Commands I have sent you such account as I could get of that monstrous and most inhuman Massacre of the Laird of Glenco, and others of his Clan. You desire some Proofs for the Truth of the Story●s for you say there are many in England who cannot believe such a thing could be done, and public Justice not executed upon the Russians: For they take it for granted, that no such Order could be given by the Government; and you say they will never believe it without a downright Demonstration. Sir, As to the Government I will not meddle with it, or whether these Officers who murdered Glenco, had such Orders as they pretended from the Government; the Government knows that best, and how to vindicate their own Honour, and punish the Murderers who pretended their Authority, and still stand upon it. But as to the Matter of Fact of the Murder of Glenco, you may depend upon it, as certain and undeniable: It would be thought as strange a thing in Scotland for any Man to doubt of it, as of the Death of my Lord Dundee, or with you that the Duke of Monmouth lost his Head. But to Put you out of all doubt, you will e'er long have my Ld. Argyles Regiment witty you in London, and there you may speak with Glenlyon himself, with Drummond, and the rest of the Actors in that dismal Tragedy; and on my Life there is never a one of them will deny it to you; for they know that it is notoriously known all over Scotland, and it is an admiration to us that there should be any one in England who makes the least doubt of it. Nay, Glenlyon is so far from denying it, that he brags of it, and justifies the Action publicly: He said in the Royal Coffee-house in Edinburgh, that he would do it again; nay, that he would stab any Man in Scotland, or in England, without ask the cause, if the King gave him orders, and that it was every good Subject's duty so to go; and I am credibly informed, that Glenlyon and the rest of them have addressed themselves to the Council for a Reward for their good Service, in destroying Glenco pursuant to their Orders.  
There is enough of this mournful Subject: If what I have said satisfy you not, you may have what Proof, and in what manner ye please to ask it.  
Sir, Your humble Servant.   

N. B. That the Gentleman to whom this Letter was sent, did, on Thursday June 30. 1692. when the Ld. Argyles Regiment was quartered at Branford, go thither, and had this Story of the Massacre of Glenco from the very Men were the Actors in it: Glenlyon and Drummond were both there. The Highlander who told him the Story, expressing the Gild which was visible in Glenlyon, said, Glenco hangs about Glenlyon Night and Day, and you may see him in his Face. I am told likewise that Sr. John Lawder refused to accept of the Place of Ld. Advocate of Scotland, unless he might have liberty to prosecute Glenlyon, and the rest of the Murderers of Glenco, which not being granted, James Stuart (who was forfeited for Treason by K. C. 2. and since Knighted by K. W.) has now the Place.    

Numb. 20.  

King James' Letter, May 3. 1686. for Reversing two Outlawries, with the Earl of Clarendon's Proceeding thereupon.  
Signed James Rex.  
RIght Trusty, and Right Well beloved Cousin and Counsellor, We greet you well. Whereas Our Right Trusty and Well beloved Cousins, Jennico Viscount Gormanstowne, and James Viscount Ikerin, have by their humble Petition represented unto Us, that their Ancestors were indicted and outlawed in the Rebellion in that Our Kingdom, begun in or about the Year 1641. and have humbly prayed Us that they might be admitted to sue out Writs of Error for reversing the said Outlawries, and the Attainders thereupon; We have thought fit, upon Consideration of the Matter, to gratify them in their humble Requests: And accordingly Our Will and Pleasure is, and We do hereby direct and require you upon receipt of these our Letters, forthwith to give orders to our Chancellor of that our Kingdom, to grant unto the said Viscount Gormanstowne, and Viscount Ikerin, Writs of Error in order to Reverse the said Outlawries and Attainders, and also to direct our Attorney General of our said Kingdom for the time being, to admit them to have Copies of the said several Indictments and Outlawries; and to require our Judges of our Court of King's Bench there, and our said Attorney, to admit them the said Viscount Gormanstowne, and Viscount Ikerin, to reverse the said Outlawries, upon Errors appearing in the Records of the same, and the Attainders thereupon, any Law, Stature, Custom, or Order to the contrary notwithstanding: And for so doing this shall be as well unto you, as unto all other our Officers and Ministers there whom it may concern, a sufficient Warrant: And so we bid you hearty farewell.  
Given at Our Court at Whitehall, the third day of May 1686. in the second Year of our Reign, By His Majesty's Command, Sunderland, P. Entered at the Signet-Office the 20th of May, 1686. John Gauntlett.  
To Our Right Trusty, and Right Well beloved Cousin and Counsellor, Henry Earl of Clarendon, Our Lieutenent General, and general Governor of Our Kingdom of Ireland, and to Our chief Governor there for the time being.   

The Lord Lieutenant's Order to the Attorney and Solicitor General, touching the Reversion of the Outlawries.  
Clarendon,  
WE send you herewith a Copy of his Majesty's Letters unto Us, in behalf of the Right Honourable Jennico Viscount Gormanstowne, and James Viscount Ikerin, bearing date the 3d of May last, concerning their Ancestors being indicted and outlawed in the Year 1641. and we refer it unto you, calling to your Assistance the rest of his Majesty's Counsel, learned in the Laws of this Kingdom, to consider the Matter, and report to Us what is fit to be done therein for the relief of the Petitioners.  
Given at his Majesty's Castle of Dublin, the 12th day of June, 1686. Paul Rycaut.  
To Our Trusty and well beloved his Majesty's Attorney and Solicitor general of this Kingdom.   

The Attorney and Solicitor General, and the King's Counsel at Law, their Report touching the Outlawries.  
May it please your Excellency,  
IN obedience to your Excellency's Order, bearing date the 12th day of this Instant June, we have considered of his Majesty's Letters thereunto annexed, in favour of the Right Honourable Jennico Ld. Viscount Gormanstowne, and James Ld. Viscount Ikerin, concerning the Reversion of the Outlawries against their Ancestors; and having advised with the rest of his Majesty's Counsel at Law in this Kingdom, we humbly offer to your Excellency's Consideration, That some time after his late Majesty's happy Restauration we find several Applications were made for the allowing of Writs of Error to be issued, in order to the Reversion of Outlawries in High Treason, and Attainders upon Account of the late Rebellion; which being referred to his Majesty's then Judges in this Kingdom, there were several Debates than had before them, whether such Outlawries could be reversed, by reason of the Statute made in the 27th Year of Queen Elizabeth in this Kingdom, for the Attainder of James Eustace late Viscount Baltinglass, and others therein mentioned, who had been lawfully and by due course of Law outlawed, and attained of Treason; and the Statute confirms those Outlawries and Attainders which were passed, any Error, Insufficiency, or other Defect in form or Matter in them to the contrary notwithstanding, and farther enacts for the time to come, that every offender thereafter, being lawfully convict of Treason by Verdict or Process of Outlawry, according to the due course of the Common Laws or Statutes of this Realm, should forfeit all his Lands of any Estate of Inheritance; and that every such Attainder, according to the course of the common Laws and Statutes of this Realm, should be of the same force as if it had been by Act of Parliament; and by reason also that since the making of that Statute they did not find that any Outlawry or Attainder for Treason in this Kingdom had been reversed by Writ of Error, especially after the death of the Party outlawed, and his Lands granted from the Crown to others. Whereupon the said Judges having then heard Counsel on both sides, did not come to any Resolution, or was any thing farther done upon those Applications. We do therefore offer to your Excellency's Consideration, that many of his Majesty's Subjects in England, and in this Kingdom, have at this time in their Possession the Lands of divers old Proprietors, who in the Year 1641. and after, were outlawed for Treason; which Lands have been granted to them by Letters Patents upon the late Settlement of this Kingdom; some of whose Titles may be weakened or prejudiced, as we humbly conceive, by the Reversal of such Outlawries; and some parts of these two Lords Estates are now (as appears by the Petition of Captain Daniel Gahan, Sir William Petty, and Samuel Green Esq which your Excellency hath referred unto us,) in their possessions, who hold the same by Letters Patents from his Majesty, and have thereupon humbly Petitioned your Excellency to take their Case into your Excellency's Consideration. That as to such Lands as these two Lords, or the Heirs of such other persons who have been so outlawed are in possession of, or have been restored unto by virtue of the late Acts of Settlement, they are not, as we conceive, disabled, or any ways hindered by such Outlawries from enjoying the same. Neither do we conceive that there would be any Inconvenience in restoring these two noble Lords, who do well deserve his Majesty's Grace and Favour, to their Blood and Honours, with a Proviso that they should not thereby be entitled to any Lands out of their Possession, which have been granted by Letters Patents to others, as might be done by Act of Parliament; but upon the reversal of any Outlawries by Writs of Error, there can be no restriction in the Judgement, which must by Law be general; that they shall be restored to whatsoever they lost by reason of such Outlawries. But whether upon the whole Matter your Excellency will think fit to issue such Warrants forthwith, in order to the reversal of the said Outlawries, as by his Majesty's said Letters are directed, on behalf the said Lords Viscounts Gormanstowne and Ikerin, or will forbear the same till his Majesty's Pleasure herein shall be farther known, is humbly submitted to your Excellency's Consideration.  
June 29. 1686. 

William Domvile.  
Jo. Temple.     

The Extract of my Ld. Clarendon's Letter to the E. of Sunderland, July 6. 1686. of so much as relates to the Matter of the Outlawries.  
My Lord,  
AS soon as I had the King's Letters permitting the Lords Gormanstowne and Ikerin to reverse the Outlawries of their Ancestors, I acquainted my Lord Chancellor and Mr. Attorney therewith: But the Noise of this matter was come before the Letter; for some time before Caveats were entered against the granting any such Writs of Reversal by three Persons, who by virtue of the Acts of Settlement are in Possession of some Lands, the ancient propriety of those Lords. I referred the Matter to Mr. Attorney, and Mr. Solicitor, (for I could do no less,) requiring them to call to their Assistence the rest of the King's learned Counsel, several of whom are Roman Catholics, and to report their opinions to me; which they have done; and I herewith transmit their Report to your Lordship, which I beseech you to lay before his Majesty; it is a thing of very great Consequence, and deserves the most serious Consideration.—    

Numb. 21.  

King James his Speech to the Lord Mayor, etc. upon his quitting of Dublin, soon after the Action at the Boyne, the 2d of July, 1690.  
Gentlemen,  
I Find all things at present run against Me. In England I had an Army consisting of Men stout and brave enough, which would have fought; but they proved false, and deserted me: Here I had an Army that was loyal enough, but that they wanted true Courage to stand by me at the critical Minute.  
Gentlemen, I am now a second time necessitated to provide for my own Safety; and seeing I am now no longer able to to protect you, and the rest of my good Subjects, the Inhabitants of this City, I advise you all to make the best terms you can for yourselves, and likewise for my menial Servants, in regard that I shall now have no occasion to keep such a Court as I have done. I desire you all to be kind to the Protestant Inhabitants, and not to injure them or this City; for though I at present quit it, yet I do not quit my Interest in it.    

Numb. 22.  

To the King's most Excellent Majesty, the humble Address of the Lord Mayor, aldermans, and Sheriffs of the City and Liberty of Dublin, in behalf of themselves, and others the Protestant Freemen and Inhabitants thereof.  
THus long, great Sir, our unparallelled late Deliverance, wrought by the hand of God, the first Mover, the principal Author of all our Good, hath hitherto most justly employed all the Faculties of our Souls in the profound Contemplation of his mysterious and unbounded Providence, receiving from us the slender Reward, but necessary Sacrifice of our hearty Praise and Thanks; but now to you, great Sir, the next recollected Thought with equal Justice does belong: To you therefore, dread Sir, the Second Cause, our Faith's Defender, the wonderful Restorer of our captived Liberties; in greatest Humility, but with unlimited Zeal, and joyful Hearts, full of sincere Affection, we yield our utmost and unfeigned Thanks, the only thing valuable which our Enemies left us wherewithal to Sacrifice, and of which their Malice could not rob us. We cannot but with Horror stand amazed, when we recount our never to be forgotten Sufferings, our frequent causeless Imprisonments, the Plundering our Goods, the Confiscation of our Estates, the innumerable Oppressions, the illegal Exactions, the tyrannous Hatred of our Persons; and, in a word, the unchristian behaviour in all the Actions of our Enemies infinitely surpassing an Egyptian Servitude, when Baal's Priests contented not themselves with their Idolatry alone to p●o4●igate our Altars, but in prosecution of their profane and ungodly Malice, contrived the leading us captive to our Churches, and each Ancestor's Tomb became our respective Couches; than it proved literally true that our Liberties were offered a Romish Sacrifice on our own Altars. Thus far Almighty God permitted them: Then it was that our Enemies grew ripe for divine Vengeance; than it was that you, mighty Sir, stepped in, and by your own victorious Arm, to the hazard of your Royal Person, rescued us from the hands of our Enemies; then, and not till then, did Arbitrary Power, Popery, and Slavery, (terms almost convertible,) receive their period. Wherefore to you, dread Sir, our only King, our Lives, Liberties, Goods and Estates, we humbly offer, and at your Royal Feet, great Sir, we come prepared ready to lay them down for the defence of your Majesty's Royal Person, for the suppression of Popery, for the maintenance of the Protestant Religion, and the support of your Majesty's undoubted Right to these your Kingdoms and Dominions. In testimony whereof we have caused the common Seal of the said City to be hereunto affixed, this Ninth day of July, in the Second Year of your Majesty's Reign.    

Numb. 23.  

His Majesty's Protection to the Inhabitants of Belfast, June 3. 1689.  
James R.  
WHereas several Merchants, and other our Subjects, late Inhabitants of our Town of Belfast, have quitted their respective Homes, either by the Instigation of Persons ill affected to us, or out of fear, and taking up of Arms, or seduced by sly and false Insinuations from the Duty and natural Allegiance they own Us, by means whereof they are very much impoverished in their Fortunes, and they and their whole Families reduced to great Wants in strange places, to the Depopulation of our said Town, and lessening of Trade and Commerce therein. Now forasmuch as we have received Information that the said Persons are by woeful Experience convinced, that they have been thus misled and frighted from their Duty by Persons for the most part desperate in their Fortunes, or disaffected unto Us and our Government, and that they do hearty repent of their having been so imposed upon, and do resolve to return again to their Habitations, Trade and Commerce, so as they may receive our Assurance of Pardon for the time past, and Protection for the time to come: And We being willing and resolved to reclaim our Subjects by Mercy, and to show that We rather delight to forgive than punish, do hereby promise to give a full, general, and free Pardon and Indemnity for the Crime of High Treason, to all such Person or Persons as have for the space of twelve months' last passed inhabited Our said Town of Belfast, and shall within the space of forty days return to their Dwellings and Habitations there; as also full Pardon and Indemnity of all Pains and Forfeitures which the said parties, or any of them might have incurred, or be subject or liable to upon account of having committed the said Crime of High Treason, and that the said persons, and every of them may peaceably and quietly enjoy their Estates, Houses, Stocks, Goods, Chattels, Lands, Tenements, and Hereditaments, within the said Town of Belfalst, or elsewhere, they upon their arrival severally taking the usual Oath of Allegiance and Fidelity to Us, before the Sovereign, or other chief Magistrate for the time being of our said Town of Belfast. And of this Our Will and Pleasure, thus signified in behalf of Our said Subjects, late Inhabitants of Belfast. We hereby will and require all our Officers, both Civil and Military, to take notice; and that they presume not to imprison, indict, or molest any person or persons, either in their Persons, or Goods, who upon this our Indulgence can claim the benefit of this our free Grace and Favour.  
Given at our Court at Dublin Castle, the third day of June, 1689. and in the Fifth Year of our Reign. By his Majesty's Command, Melfort.   

Memorandum, That the Oath of Fidelity mentioned in this Protection was not exacted, as it is told in this Narrative; but the Protestants were received into Protection without any Oath at all required from them.    

Numb. 24.  

The Lord Melfort's Letter to Mr. Pottinger, Sovereign of Belfast, July 9 1689.  
Dublin Castle, July 9 1689. Sir,  
IN Answer to yours of the 3d Instant, I can only tell you that the necessary Orders are given for the Subsistence of the Garrison in that place, without being a Burden to the People: That for such of the Inhabitants as have been deluded or frighted to quit their Dwellings in that Town, and fly into Scotland, where there appears any moral impossibility of complying with the King's gracious Intentions to them, without any Act of their own, and that they have not taken part with any in Rebellion against his Majesty, the King will not stint his Mercy to any narrow time; his Inclination leading him rather to reclaim his People by indulgent than severe or rigid Courses. I have ordered the Names of such as were Inhabitants there, and entitled to the Benefit of the King's Promise of Pardon, to be brought me, in order to be struck out of the List of Persons to be attainted. I am,  
Sir, Your humble Servant, Melfort.  
For his Majesty's special Service, to Thomas Pottinger, Esq Sovereign of Belfast, at Belfast.    

Numb. 25.  

Coll. Hill's Letter to Mr. Pottinger, Sovereign of Belfast, May 1689.  
Sir,  
I Did not intent that Business of the Sheriff should have been carried so far; for it will draw all the O Neals upon my back and yours; and if he should be sent for, it may be a trouble to some to go up against him, and will breed ill Blood in his Friends: And since Coll. Maxwell hath so well redressed Matters already, it will be needless; and no other order is needful more than a Letter to him, owning his Care in this matter, and desiring the continuance thereof; but by all means, if you can, stop his being sent for, otherwise it may meet you and me one time or other to our Prejudice, by him or his Friends. Here are six Companies of Coll. Cormuck O Neal 's Regiment quartered here, and a Troop of Dragoons in Malone, and the Fall; but they are kept to strict Discipline. You will, I doubt not, take care to make you and me easy in this matter of the Sheriff. Show no body this Letter, but you may the other. I am  
Your affectionate Servant, J. H.  
For Mr. Thomas Pottinger, Sovereign of Belfast, at his Lodging at the Boot near St. Marry Abbey in Dublin.    

Numb. 26.  

To the Kings most Excellent Majesty, the humble Address of the Clergy of the Church of Ireland now in Ulster.  
June 1690. Great Sir,  
We your Majesty's loyal Subjects, out of the deepest Sense of the Blessing of this day, with most joyful Hearts congratulate your Majesty's safe Landing in this Kingdom: And as we must always praise God for the Wonders he hath already wrought by your Majesty's Hand; so we cannot but admire and applaud your remarkable Zeal for the Protestant Religion, and the Peace of these Kingdoms. We own all imaginable Thanks to God, and Acknowledgement to your Majesty, for the Calm and Safety we have enjoyed by the Success of your Arms, under the happy and wise management of his Grace the Duke of Schonberg: And we do not doubt but God will hear the Prayers of his Church, and crown your Majesty's Arms with such Success and Victory, that these happy beginnings of our Joy may terminate in a full Establishment of our Religion, and our Peace, and with lasting Honours to your Majesty. May Heaven bless and preserve your Majesty in such Glorious Undertake, give Strength and Prosperity to such generous Designs, that all your Enemies may flee before you, that your Subjects may rejoice in your easy Victory, and that all the World may admire and honour you. Give us leave, great Sir, after the most humble and grateful manner, to offer ourselves to your Majesty, and to give all assurance of a steady Loyalty and Duty to your Majesty, of our Resolution to promote and advance your Service and Interest to the utmost of our Power; and that we will always, with the most hearty Importunity, pray that Heaven may protect your Royal Person from all Dangers, that we may long enjoy the Blessings of your Government and Victories: And that after a long and peaceful Reign here, God may change your Laurels into a Crown of Glory.    
FINIS.   

THE INDEX.  

Page 2. THE Division of this Answer into the Principles and Matters of Fact of the Author.  
First for his Principles.  
They are hard to be Collected, because they are not clearly asserted, nor set down in any Method.  
His Principles are the old Exploded Common wealth and Rebellious Principles, which he endeavours to conceal.  
Page 4. He derives the Ecclesiastical Authority from the People.  
Page 5. His Interpretation of that Law which declares it not to be Lawful upon any pretence to take Arms against the King, etc.  
Page 7. The several Schemes of Government which are set up.  
Page 8. The Case of one Prince Interposing betwixt another Prince and his Subjects.  
Page 9 This Author's Defence of his Principles from Reason.  
Page 10. I. Reason of a King designing to destroy his whole People.  
Ibid. II. A part of his People.  
Page 11. III. Invading their Property.  
Page 12. iv To disarm them.  
Page 13. The Author's Rule for Abdication considered.  
Page 14. V Of Dissolving Oaths of Allegiance.  
Page 16. VI The Question, Who shall be judge?  
Page 19 Applied to Parliaments and States.  
Page 20. Compared with Kings.  
Page 20. Of Jealousies and Fears.  
Page 21. Instances in the French League.  
Page 22. Prince of Wales.  
Page 24. Earl of Essex.  
Page 26. King Charles I. Bishop Laud.  
Page 27. Moses.  
Page 28. Of Evils not Tolerable.  
Page 28. Of Evils not Universal.  
Page 30. A Passage our Author quotes out of Falconer, and misapplies.  
Page 31. The Evils of Tyranny compared.  
Page 31. The Evils of Civil War compared.  
Page 33. Our Author's Remedy for Tyranny, to kill half the Nation.  
Page 36. Religion the worst pretence for Rebellion  
Page 45. VII. A King designing to destroy our Religion.  
Page 48. Some Instances of our Author's manner of Argumentation.  
Page 50. This Author's defence of his Principles from Authority. From Scriptures.  
Page 52. Disproved from Scripture. 1. The Jews in Egypt.  
Page 53. 2. In Babylon: 3. Under the Romans.  
Page 54. 4. Under Ahasuerus. 5. The Gibeonites. 6. Our Saviour Christ. Primitive Christians.  
Page 55. From Jovian.  
Page 58. From Homilies.  
Page 63. From Grotius.  
Page 65. From Hammond.  
Page 66. From Hicks.  
Page 68 From Faulkner.  
Page 71. The Protestants under Q. Mary.  
Page 72. Matters of Fact of our Author. The principal Matter of Fact.  
Page 73. Viz. Who were the Aggressors in the Revolution in Ireland, 1688. shown in many notorious and undeniable Instances.  
Page 95. Of Lord Tyrconnel's haste to run the Nation into Blood.  
Ibid. The Protestants in Ireland worse treated by K. W's Army than by K. J's.  
Page 99 Character of K. J. from This Author,  
Page 99 Character of K. J. from Lord Danby▪  
Ibid. 99 K. J. opposed the Act of Attainder, and the Repeal of the Acts of Settlement.  
Ibid. He encouraged the Protestant Lords to speak against them in Parliament.  
Page 105. This Author Guilty of Treason against K. J. while under his Protection and Favour.  
Page 108. The gross Hypocrisy of the Irish Protestant Clergy, in praying for K. J. and the P. of W.  
Page 113. This Author formerly a zealous Man for Passive Obedience, even in the beginning of this Revolution.  
Page 117. Dr. Tillotson's Extent of Loyalty in his Sermon, 2 Apr. 80. before K. Charles II.  
Page 118. And 5 Nou. 78. before the House of Commons.  
Page 123. The behaviour of the Clergy in taking the Oaths.  
Ibid. Of the Deprived Clergy.  
Page 124. Roman Catholic Loyalty. Particularly of the Irish.  
Page 126. Of the Roman Catholics of England.  
Page 127. Nonjurors of the Church of England.  
Ibid. Presbyterian Loyalty.  
Page 128. Popish Principles which are embraced.  
Page 129. Church of England vindicated.  
Page 130. Matters of Fact set down by this Author at Random.  
Page 132. By Inuendo's, wherein his groundless and unjust Reflection upon the E. of Clarendon.  
Page 134. Incredible Matters of Fact, wherein is told the Story of Mr. Bell.  
Page 139. Contradictory Matters of Fact. Especially with Relation to King James, whom he does not treat with common Decency, giving him the Lie, etc.  
Page 141. The Case of Mr. Brown and Sir Thomas Southwell.  
Page 145. Of K. J. keeping his Protections.  
Page 152. The Massacre of the Laird of Glen-coe, with others of his Clan.  
Page 153. An abominable Misrepresentation of this Author, in relation to the Protestants in the County of Down.  
Page 161. The breach of Articles charged upon K. J. upon the Surrender of the Fort of Culmore, refuted.  
Retorted in the Notorious Breach of the Articles upon the Surrender of Carick fergus, and of Drogheda.  
Page 162. Of Cork and Limerick, and the cruel Usage of the Prisoners.  
Page 166. Of K. J's letting the English Fleet decay, with the Author's Recantation considered.  
Page 173. The Insincerity of this Author in Quoting K. J's Answer to the Petition of some Lords for a Parliament, 17 Novemb. 88  
Page 175. And in some Quotations out of Grotius.  
Page 176. He confesses that the Irish Papists were not the Aggressors in the late Revolution; and gives Reasons why they were not so.  
Page 178. This Author wounds the present Government in the Person of King James and the Papists.  
Page 186. He renders the King's Prerogative hateful to the People, and inclines them to a Commonwealth.  
Page 187. The Author's Conclusion, and Protestation of his Sincerity.  
Page 189. In representing King James to be worse than the French King.  
Page 194. Or the Great Turk; and, according to the Dublin Address, than Pharaoh, or the Devil.   

APPENDIX.  
Numb. 1. King James' Speech to both Houses of Parliament in Ireland, 10 May, 1689. with their Address to his Majesty.  
Numb. 2. Dr. Gorge, Secretary to General Schomberg in Ireland, his long Letter Apr. or May, 90. relating to the Affairs then in Ireland.  
Numb. 3. Mr. Osborn's Letter to Lard Massareen, 9 Mar. 88  
Numb. 4. Three Proclamations in Ireland, 26 Sept. 90.  
Numb. 5. Proclamation, 7 March 88 of the Lord Deputy of Ireland and Council.  
Numb. 6. King William's Declaration in Ireland, 7th of July 90: and Proclamation 31 July 90.  
Numb. 7. Resolution of the Judges of Ireland to the Queries of the Grand-Jury of Dublin 21 Novemb. 90.  
Numb. 8. Two Speeches of the Lord Bishop of Meath; one to King James, the other to King William.  
Numb. 9 The Seaman's Address to King James.  
Numb. 10. Sir Peter Pett's Speech to King James.  
Numb. 11. A short Abstract of Mr. Pepy's Account of the Navy.  
Numb. 12. A List of the Ships that have been lost, or damaged since the Year 1688. to the 13th of Nou. 1691.  
Numb. 13. The Oath of Allegiance given by the Irish Officers to the Protestants in Cork; Limerick, and some of their Garrisons when K. J. drew out the Soldiers from these Garrisons into the Field.  
Numb. 14. Dr Tillotson's Letter to the Lord Russel.  
Numb. 15. Earl of Sunderland's Letter 23 March 89.  
Numb. 16. Reasons tendered to the Parliament, Octob. 90. to examine into the Birth of the Prince of Wales, with Mr. Ashton's Paper.  
Numb. 17. Some Passages taken out of two Observators, of August, 1682.  
Numb. 18. A Commission from the Prince of Orange.  
Numb. 19 A short Account of the Bloody Massacre of the Laird of Glencce, and others of his Clan in Scotland, the 13th of Feb. 1692.  
Numb. 20. K. James' Letter 3 May 86. for Reversing two Outlawries, with the Earl of Clarendon's Proceed thereupon▪  
Numb. 21. King James' Speech to the Lord Mayor, etc. upon his quitting of Dublin, soon after the Action at the Boyne, July 2. 1690.  
Numb. 22 The Address of the Lord Mayor, etc. of Dublin, to K W. 9 July, 1690  
Numb. 23. K. J's Protection to the inhabitants of Belfast, 3 June, 1689.  
Numb. 24. Lord Melfort's Letter to Mr. Pottinger, Sovereign of Belfast, 9 July, 1689.  
Numb. 25. Colonel Hill's Letter to Mr. Pottinger, Sovereign of Belfast, May, 1689.  
Numb. 26. The Address of the Protestant Clergy of Ulster to King William when he landed in Ireland, June 1690.   
The End of the INDEX.