L'ESTRANGE HIS APOLOGY: WITH A Short View, of some Late and Remarkable Transactions, Leading to the happy Settlement of these Nations under the Government of our Lawful and Gracious SOVEREIGN CHARLES the II. whom GOD Preserve.  
By R. L. S.  
Qui aliquid statuit, parte inauditâ alterâ,  
AEquum licèt statuerit, Iniquus est judex.  
LONDON, Printed for Henry Brome, at the Gun in Ivy-Lane, 1660.   

The PREFACE.  
IF it were possible to please all Humours, I would by all fair means endeavour it; for I perceive that Knaves, and Fools have Honester, and Wiser men much at their Mercy. Opinion is the Common people's Idol; they Make it first, and then they Worship it. Nor matters it ●ow Frivolous and Weak the Ground is, so the Report be strong; for Rumour is not always founded upon Truth, and Reason; but like a Pestilence, it Rises from a Vapour; Spreads itself; and One soul Breath, suffices to Defame the clearest Soul in Nature. As it is Vain, to strive against the stream of Popular Affections: so Providence hath rendered it Unnecessary too, by making the mere Conscience of a Noble Action, a large Requital of it. Nor is it Virtue, but Design, or Vanity, that looks beyond its proper self, either for Profit, or Applause. Briefly; the worst that Calumny and Malice, can Throw upon a Private Person, is but a Taste of the same Cup, whereof, our Lord and M●ster, hath Drank a Deep, and Bitter Draught before us. All this considered; our Religion, or Philosophy, serves us to Little purpose, if we Murmur, Shrink, or Transport ourselves, under a Fate so Hard to be Avoided, so Easily Born, and so Glorious to Overcome.  
Let me not be Mistaken; As I think nothing more Ridiculous, than to appear Disturbed, for a Pretence-less, and Malicious Scandal, while it regards only the Voluntary, and Trivial Contrivers of it: So do I think nothing more Reasonable, when such an Error shall have wrought itself into a Credit among Sober Persons, than by an Open, Calm, and Clear Defence, for him that's Injured to Acquit himself. Nor am I Ignorant, what Censure waits upon Discourses of this Quality; nor (to deal Freely) much Concerned:— upon this Principle, that I am Certain not to Disoblige any One Person that I care to Please.  
I reckon that I have to deal with Three sorts of People.  
The First, Consists of such as have no hand at all in my Dishonour: Perhaps, no Knowledge, neither of my Cause, nor Person. These I desire by any means not to bestow their Time, or Mon●y, upon This Pamphlet, as having no share in the Intention of it. If t●ey will needs be Medaling, 'tis their Own fault, not Mine, the mis employment of that Hour they Cast away upon it. It is One weakness, to Write Vain Discourses, and 'tis Another to Read them Beside; My Business is a kind of Privacy, and it is scarce Good Manners, in a Stranger to Harken after it. In sober Earnest, did I but know to whose Ear properly I might Direct the Sense of what I Suffer, I should not have Committed it to Paper. But, as the Case stands, I cannot Avoid it; for nothing but a Public Defence, can wipe off a Public Scandal; and That way too, 'tis but to save One Blot, and set another; Hazarding my Discretion, to secure my Honour. It is with Books, just as it is with Meats, Some are disposed for Luxe, and Gust;— Others for Health; and some again for pure Necessity. I have provided nothing here for Peevish Palates; nor, in Effect, for any other Persons than such as I would make my Friends, and Those I Love to Treat with Liberty, and Plainness. In Fine; he's a Rude Guest, that Pressing to a Table Uninvited, disparages his Entertainment: and he's a Partial judge, that blames Another, for Writing that upon Necessity, which he himself may Read, or let alone, at pleasure.  
The Second sort, is a Mistaken Party: such as have either been Misled, out of an Fasinesse to Credit loose Reports; or by the Current of a Common Vote, Induced to an Assent, to what they could not Contradict, and to take Probabilities for Truths, wanting the means to Discern One, from the Other. These a●e the Only Persons I consider, as properly the Subjects of my Care, and Trouble.— I would not have my Supposed Faults, become Really Theirs. Nor is it less Their Interest, to Know the Truth, than Mine to Tell it. My Reputation lies at stake, Their Justice: and the same Act, that Frees me from a Misfortune, Delivers Them too from an Error. It is to These then that I Dedicate this Demonstration of my Innocence; not doubting but that such as have made this Apology Necessary, will likewise think it Pardonable. To suit the Method of it, to the Obligation: It is the Surest, and the Safest Cure of all Disorders, both of Body, and Mind, to Apply to the Root, and Causes of them: and not by a Direct, and Passionate Opposition, to dash one Weakness against Another. Some people Err out of Facility, and Heedlessness; I shall bestow a Little Counsel upon them: But then there is a Serious Party, that is not moved, but by fair Likelihoods, and Strong Appearances of Reason, and Those I shall endeavour to prevail upon, by Evidences of Fact.  
First; In the matter of Counsel; Every man should do well to conform all his Actions to the rules of Conscience, Honour, Prudence, and Convenience, by these means Reconciling (as much as possible) Duty, and Interest. Not to Range over the whole Field of Christian Duties, etc.— I shall confine myself to my Subject, and only in Few Words Observe, how Contrary to all these Obligations, That Humour is (to say no worse) of taking up Evil Reports upon Trust, and Venting them for Truths.  
I do account that Babbling Levity, to Malice but what Chance-medley is to Murder; perhaps no harm Intended, but a man's Killed with Fooling: beside the Breach of Charity, and the Violation of Sociable Justice. This as to Conscience.  
Consider next in point of Honour; how Ignoble 'tis to Wound a man behind his Back; nay in his Sleep; that neither Knows his Enemy, nor Feels the Wound, till he is Lost beyond all possibility of Defence, or Resistance. Can any thing be Meaner, than, for no Provocation Given, and for no Benefit Expected, to ruin an Unknown and (perhaps) Guiltless person, past all power of Reparation?  
Nor is the Humour more Discreet, than Noble. It is a Weakness that Proclaims itself; and Prints a Marque, and Character of Folly upon whoever uses it. Is any man esteemed the Wiser for telling All he Knows; or the Honester for speaking More? In Fine; His Virtues are soon Counted, that spends his time in Reckoning up his Neighbour's Faul●s.  
To come now to the point of Interest: There's nothing more Destructive to all Great, and Beneficial purposes, t●an this same Credulous, and over flowing Vein of Tattling. It speaks a man too Weak for Counsel, or Conduct: too Open, for Friendship: too Impertinent for Society: and Briefly, Good for nothing, but to make either Sport or Anger.  
In the next place I must apply myself to Disabuse the more Composed, and Sober of the Mistaken Party; and that I hope to do effectually, and in despite of Prejudice, and Malice, to prove myself so far from ever complicating to the King's Disservice, (as I am Sneakingly, and Falsely, represented to have done) that on the Contrary, I undertake to make it clear, and put it past Dispute, that it hath been the Constant Business of my Life to do my Duty to his Majesty. Nor will I justify, and Expose my Actions only, but my very Thoughts. That is;— If quite along the whole tract of the Quarrel, my Judgement ever wavered; as to the justice of the ●ause;- or my Affection Cooled;— Nay more; if ever any Interest in Nature diverted me from Prosecuting that Duty, to the neglect of all things under Heaven beside; may that Omission be Eternally Imputed to me. If any man can Contradict me, let him.  
This way of Vindication I have not either Easily, or Suddenly, resolved upon, but having hitherto Subjected all private Injuries, and Passions, to a Superior Principle of Public Duty, I reckon that this Happy Cha●ge h●th set m● now at Liberty, to do my Self Right; and That, without offence to any Ente●fering, and Designing Parties. It is one comfort too, the General Hope we have o● se●ing all those judasses' laid open, that have Betrayed and Sold their Master: but I s●ould be ex●eeding sorry, to find myself in the Black Catalogue.  
I am prepared for twenty Cavils now; and to prevent Another Trouble, I'll Answer some of them beforehand.  
If he be Innocent (says o●e) a l●ttle time would have worn it ou●, without this Bustle. Truly, for That; a little More, wears out my Life; and then again my Patience is worn out already. I cannot think it one jote Reasonable, to wait an Age for what may be done in an Hour; and all the while, stand Begging That, as a Civility, which is my Due upon a score of Justice. Further; the Tedious Expectation blasts the Comfort of my Life, and Cankers all that's Conversable in my Nature. I have an Inward Shame, and Indignation to find myself suspected among worthy Persons, that takes me from the Common Offices, and Benefits of Society. I cannot Visit where I Would, and Ought, without a Blush: and these Forbearances, in many places, are taken to proceed from want of Inclination, or Good Manners; when (God he knows) out of an Honest Tenderness, to Others, I Cross my Self, in what I Passionately Desire. So that betwixt Those whom I would not Trouble; and such as would prove Troublesome to Me, my Conversation's drawn into a very Narrow Compass: and That Retirement suffers Great mistakes.  
He's a Vain Fellow (cries another) and Loves to hear himself Prate:— A wit— (with a wry mouth) &c.— Why Soberly; I had rather be T●at, than a Fool: and Either of them, than a Knave; Let me but quit myself of the Last, and I'll never Dispute the other Two. The Question is not Wit, but Honesty: and the same thing might be as well applied to him that pleads to save his Life.  
Indeed, my Scribbling gives a shrewd Offence; but alas, the People Bark at Strangers, l●ke Whelps; for Company; although they nev●r Saw▪ or Read, either the Person, or the Thing they Blame. To justify myself in this Particular; (my Conscience bears me witness) I have not Published any one Paper, but with a prime Relation to a Common good. As my Intent was Fair, so I demand, where the Effect was other of what I did? Have I Lashed any Person, whom This Convention has not Stigmatised; or Branded any Party that might be Useful to the King's Design? What is't I have Proposed, or Counsel d, in Contradiction either to Honesty, or Reason? (No matter for the Knack of wording it)  
Nay more, had but my Zeal been managed by a Person of Answerable Abilities, as to That very point of writing, I know not any thing could have brought more Advantage t● the Business. First; it was Necessary to Imprint Honest Notions in the People: upon whose aid depended the Decision of the Controversy. Their Inclinations being Reasoned, and Encouraged into Resolves: the next point is how to direct the Seasonable Execution of them. Let any man now show me, by what other means than by the Press, 'twas possible to Engage so many P●rsons, with so much Probability of good, and with so Little Hazzard of the Contrary; Especially, at a time, when 6 Persons could not m●et, without as many Spies upon their Actions.  
I do expect a Thousand pretty Epithets; as Formal, Self-conceited, Rash, etc.— but those I look upon only as Loose Grains, to make the rest Weight. The Grand Discovery is still behind.  
This Person (cries a third) cannot believe himself so much in Danger of an Ill Opinion, as of being quite forgotten; and drives an Interest, in the little sto●y of his G●oles, and Pamphlets, under pretence of a Necessity in Order to his Honour. To This; I shall not stick to own, I wish it were so; and that his Majesty would judge in Favour of an Unprofitable Servant, that hath but done his Duty.— At Last; What if it were my Business to put In among the Crowd of Pretenders? But truly, my Ambition seeks only that Allowance of my Actions, which I Deserve, not a Reward, beyond the Merit of them.  
When I first heard my s●lf suspected for an Instrument of Cromwell's: his Pensioner; and a Betrayer of his Sacred majesty's Party, and Designs; I c●uld not choose but Smile, and almost Thank the Author of that Calumny, that (in a man so Full of Faults) had fixed a Charge There, where 'twas Impossible I should b● Guilty; (nay, or Repute● so) he might as well have called me Whore, as Traitor▪ But when I came to find that divers of my nearest Friends were Cautioned; and with what Monstrous Secrecy Designs we●e Carried, ●or Fear of Me; (even those Designs, that were t●e Common Talk of He●b women, and Porters) I began then to Look about me; and in Conclusion some ●. or 3. Women, a ●idler, and a Haberdasher, I discovered. Upon further Enquiry I found that this Intelligence was as Current about the King, as Here; and that many Eminent Persons were possess d wi●h the same Opinion. It was not then a Season, to bring myself upon the S●age, when by Struggling, I should only have done a Publ●que wrong, and yet my Self no Right▪ Wherefore I respited that Purpose, in Hope, and Expectation of that Freedom, which (by God's Blessing) we at this day enjoy. Nay, even at this Instant; were I not Absolutely satisfis d, both from all Hands, and Arguments, that, in the Worl●, I have no other way to help myself▪ but This; I would not go this way to w●rk. I detest any thing of my own writing, upon the second View; or were my Vanity of that Complexion, I should not Entertain it, by Publishing so many Slubbered, Hasty Copies as I have here reprinted; and which (Heaven knows it) I intended only ●or the Plain, Honest business of disposing the Common-People to their Obedience. What Good they Did, I cann●t tell; I'm sure, they Meant no Hurt; Nor did they tend to any thing, but what the People Did, at Last. I do but show what I was doing Then, when I was Charged for Doing iii. I'll not Excuse the Phrase, or Conduct of them; but they w●re done with Infinite goodwill, and That discharges me. (To make the medley less Intolerable, I have Inserted some Cohae ennes of Story, and so Reduced all into an Orderly Relation.)  
When I have Begged Their Pardon, whom my Misfortunes may h●ve led into a Mistake; and ●iven them, Mine, to whose Mistakes I owe the sum of my Misfortunes; I shall bestow my judgement too upon that Spiteful Race of People, that are so Bountiful to me; whose Study, Pride, and Pleasure 'tis, by Scandal, and Detraction, to Sink all Others down to the s●me Base, and Sordid Level with Themselves. They think the Blotting of Another, makes them Fair: and either to Discourse the Ills they Know, or to Calumniate the Goodness which they Envy, is all the virtue they pretend to. Nor is this Impious Vanity Contracted Now, as Formerly; by bearing a Loose, Careless Hand, upon a Hot, and Dangerous Distemper; but, I assure you, 'tis a Sober Excellence, that must be Formed, and Perfected, by Industry, and Education. 'Tis Laboured with such Care, and Pains, as we should study Virtue, and here s the Ri●e, and Process of it.  
So soon as my Young-Master writes One and Twenty, he Learns to Swear, and Drink;— The several Sorts of Wines;— and Price of Whores;— The Names of all th● Famous Bawds and Vintner's;— Takes his Small Poet to him, and his Humble Cousin;— gets his Admission-Clap, and There's his Entrance. For his First Month; he's but a kind of Property, in Public; a Mute, at Best. His business being only to Observe,— Hearken,— Admire, and to do Reason. Then Home he goes, and Co●ns the Tavern-mode, and Discipline; as his first Lesson, He plants himself before the Glass, and tries how This Oath, or That Whiff, becomes him▪— the Supernaculum;— then makes the Face that scared the Drawer;— and a Million of the Sweetest Things beside, that can be thought on. By this Time, the Gay Novice, is pretty well Un-shackled, from those Severe, and Troublesome Restraints of Piety, and Reason, which his Grave Tutor, or his goo● Old Mother put upon him. His next Step is into a Club of Wits, (Falsely so Called) or Hectors, ●nd There the man offers at Characters, and Quarrels: Mistaking, for the most part, Scommes, and Blasphemy, for Wit, as well as Rudeness, and Pot-metal, for true Valour▪ Then; Woe be to the Church, the Women, and the Hackny-Coachman; Nay, the poor Coachman, with his broken Head, Scapes best of the three.  
The Eternal Verity, itself, is made a Fable; Religion but a Scarecrow;— (the Dark Impression of a Superstitious Melancholy) Nor does the wretch content himself to Abandon Heaven, unless he does Invade it too; and in the Throne of Providence itself, set up the Empire, and Divinity of Fortune. How great an Honour is it to be Lash d by that Lewd Tongue, that thus Affronts his Maker! and 'tis Observable, that a Notorious Slanderer, is very rarely seen without a spice of Atheism. The Ladies next must take their Tu●n; in a Lampon perhaps, or some such thing: (that most Un-christian, and Unmanly mixture of Wicked, and of Brutish Folly) 'Tis but a Catalogue of their Names, no mat●er for the knowledge of their Humours, or their Persons, and the thing's done. These Impious Liberties, that give a Horror to all Serious person's, are but their Spo●t that practice them: but then they make us some part of an Amends, in their more ●erious Humou●s; which are not less Diverting, and Ridiculous.  
IS it not better than Ten thousand Plays, to see a Formal piece of Animated Pageantry, take the Tables End, and the Great Chair, and there Declare, and Constitute himself the Supreme Arbitrator of all Causes. (This thing you may Imagine now is Chairman to a Committee for Scandals) An ●ld Ape, Dressed in a Considering-Cap, is not so Grave, and Senseless, as this Fellow. There's the Severity of Cato in his Face; but in his Head not Brain enough to qualify a Parish Clerk. When he has called for Pipes;— The ●other Drawer;— and then, for the same Racy-wine that He, and my Lord (such a Thing) sent for Last Night; Out comes the Spruce Tobacco-Box, with the King's Picture at it, which he Wears, and Kisses, not so much out of Kindness, and Devotion, as for a Hint, and Introduction, to his Politics, now at hand.  
Well, well— (says he; Points to't and Pauses)— had but This man followed my Advice at Wo●'ster, he'd done his Business: but we must never look for any Good, so long as such, and such, are of his Counsel▪ (and then 'tis Ten to One, he Names you Six of his Majesty s Best Friends, and Subjects) This is his Queve to the King's Health; He Drinks, Lights his Tobacco; and Then, betwixt the Pipe, and Bottle drops his Oracles. This man is Wise;— That, Valiant;— a Third, Honest; according as the goodly Inspirations of Smoke, and Tipple shall move the Courteous Pledger. He tells you Stories of 3. Troops of Horse; 5. Companies of Foot, that he had Tampered;— how much that Design stood him in; and by what Miracle he Scaped Discovery. (he might have added, of a Thing Invisible) You cannot mention One Unlucky Circumstance, either in Order to the War, or in the Menage, and Persuance of it, but he Pretends to tell you upon what Principle of State it Failed:— what Towns were Sold, for how Much, and by Whom; who Betrayed all, at Naseby, etc.— Nor can the World persuade him, that ever any man Fought, that was not Killed. Ask his Opinion of the Roman Catholics, he's able to produce you Sixteen Jesuits, in Red-Coats, and Blew-Aprons, that are Employed to blow the Coal; and he knows further, where Lambert took his Orders. We're all Betrayed he cries: why he●e's L'estrange:— that to my Knowledge, has received 7●0 〈◊〉 of the Protector's Money at a Clap— W●ll— 〈…〉  
Next to the Pleasure of this cunning man 〈…〉 the Contemplation of his Auditory; who 〈…〉 sit Gaping, as if they took him for a Tooth-Drawer; secretly praying God to Assist their Memories, that they may Tell the same Tale, the Same way, where they come next. (and here's the Original of Fame) A man would think these Fopperies too G●oss to Gai● a Credit; yet being Vented with a Traveller's▪ Authority, and Falling among Persons that only have a General Notice of such Men and Actions, without the Knowledge of Particulars; they seldom Dye in the Telling. One may suppose, that 'tis now Sleeping-time; when full of Drink, and Kindness, the Company disperses to their Quarters. 'Tis no Ill Scene that follows next, betwixt this Serious Trifle, and the Good Wench his Land-Lady, that never fails, at his First Knock, and Any Hour, to let him In. The Greeting still begins;— by what strange Providence he Scaped some Dreadful Danger.— (the Watch perhaps, or the Horse-Guard)— How many Spies the Protector, or the Counsel has upon him:— what Paquets from him to his Majesty, ●ave been Intercepted: and then, how High they'll Hang him, if they Catch him. This Mollifies; Especially, attended with a Maud'len-Salutation. That over; he betakes himself to his Philosophy, and Courage; Unbuttons;— Strikes his hand upon his Breast;— Sets Her down by him;— Fills his Pipe, and tells his Story;— What he'll do for her when ●is Majesty comes In;— What He told the King, and what the King told Him: and in the end, Talks himself out of a Waking, into a Real Dream. These People are rare Company, in Paper; I cannot Leave the Subject, or at the Least, before I do, I'll take a view, what Ground this Vast Pretence, and Vanity is Built upon.  
What Hazards have these People under-gone, or what Services done, beyond the Loss of Leather, with Riding Post, to carry the first News of other People's Actions; and at the Last, Spoiling the Tale in the Telling? If they can but attain that point of Honour, to get themselves suspected by some Prick-eared Drawer;— Provoke an Information that they are Dangerous Persons;— and then walk by Owl-light, as if they were so;— Concern themselves in Proclamation for Banishment of Cavaliers, etc.— Talk Big, a Day after the Fair;— Kill a man when his Head's off; and after that the King's Proclaimed, Defy the Rump:— These are the Desperate Adventures, and Meritorious services, which Entitle these Gentlemen to a Precedence in the Honour of the Cause, before all Others. No matter for the Chase, if they can but strike in at the Quarry; and by a shameless Impudence, Blast, and Supplant, the Honest Modesty of those, that have worn out their Lives and Fortunes in the Quarrel. These are the Frank Disposers of Rewa●d and Punishment. Nay, there are Some, that deem an Act of Oblivion, as n●edfull in the Case of Services, as Injuries: But These and Those, I shall leave to the certain Fate of their Vain ●olly●s, (Discredit, and Contempt) Their judgement d●es not weigh a Feather in the Balance, against a Noble Thought. My care is only, not to Lose the Wiser, and the Worthier sort; and for ●hese Reasons, I persuade myself I shall not.  
Those that Have Suffered, will not be severe in their own Case, and pass a Censure even up●n themselves, in Blaming Me. T●ose tha● h●ve Nev●● Suffered, do no● kn●w how soon they May; and ●ommo● Prudence will secure me The●e. Upon This Confidence, I shall Proc●e●, Only Pr●mising; that what I Publs shrew ●ow ●or my Own Sake and to ●he Worl●; was Writte● f●● a Pu●l qu● End, and Fash oned to th● Humour of the ●eo●le.   

An ADVERTISEMENT.  
I Am here to Advertise, that as at first I entered upon This Pamphlet with great Unwillingness; so I have now at Last, rather chosen to break the Account, and Order of it, by Leaving out 34. Pages of what I Intended, than Overcharge the Reader by Filling up of this Ensuing Vacancy. It is too much already, of what is Necessary; and That which I had prepared for this Place, not being of so Absolute Necessity to my present Purpose, I shall refer to a more proper Opportunity, and Leisure.   

L'ESTRANGE HIS APOLOGY, etc.  
TO begin with the Beginning of the War, and of my Story. My Judgement led me to the King's ●a●ty, and That I Served, without any other Aim, or Benefit, than the Discharge of my Duty. In 1644. I was Betrayed by a Brace of Villains▪ by name, Lem in, and Haggar) upon a Treaty to surprise Linn Regis. The former of these had been at Oxford, and there Solicited, and obtained the Promise of a Command at Sea; and Both of them were bound up under an O●th of Secrecy, and Fidelity, as Rank as words could m●ke it. Being seized; and his majesty's Commission found about me: I was Hurried away, first to Linn; Thence to London; and There transmitted to the City-Court-Martial for my Trial. (where Two Prime men were a Saleman, and an Ostler) In this Extremity, nothing was left unsaid, that might Infame me: and with so strong a Confidence too, that the best Friends I had, were staggered at it.  
The Commission was Decried for Counterfeit; The Design, Rash, and Foolish:— The Instrument, as much;— The Menage, worse; There were two tha● Affirmed, that I Betrayed all, with the Formalities, How, and upon What Conditions. I was at last brought to the Bar; and Charged, First as a Spy; then as a Traitor, with all the Circumstances of Rudeness, and Severity Imaginable. Upon that Hearing, the Court Inclining to acquit me, It was proposed, and Carried, under pretence of Favour to me, that Judgement might be deferred, and two days longer Respite given me for the advantage of my Defence. In this Interim, they had packed a Committee, and then Condemned me as Traitor; Many persons Contributing to this Vote, that never heard one Syllable of my Trial. My Sentence being passed, I threw a Breviate of my Case among them, with these very Words; That Since they would not Hear my Defence, they might Read it; That was it. A young Redheaded Fellow, burned it. I was then cast into Newgate; whence I dispatched forthwith a Petitionary Appeal to the Lords; and Narratives of the Proceedings to the Principal of Both Houses▪ At This Time I received a Friendly Visit, from Mr. Th●rowgood, and Mr. Arrowsmith, (then of the Synod) with an Assurance, that they would do their utmost to Preserve me, if I would but Petition to be Banished, and Take the Covenant, without which, there was no Possibility to Save me. My Answer was, (with a Respect to their Civility) to this effect: That if I could be so great a Knave, as soberly to Contradict my Conscience, in order to the Saving of my Life; I was not yet so great a Fool, as to be Hanged, with my Confession about my Neck. The time appointed for my Execution, being the Thursday following, The Lords Ordered my Reprieve, commanding MILLS, (the judge-advocate) to bring in my Charge, upon Wednesday. He appeared accordingly, but with an Excuse, that he wanted Time to Prepare it; however upon Friday it should be Ready. It was then Providentially Demanded; whether they meant to Hang me First, and then Charge me; and if they Intended to execute me in the Interim? He told them, Yes; For the Commons had passed an Order that no Reprieve should stand good, without the Consent of Both Houses. Hereupon, they desired a Conference; but the Commons had Voted also, That no Private Business should be Moved in Ten days. This notwithstanding; with great Difficulty, it was Debated, and my Reprieve confirmed, for 14. days: and after That, Prolonged, in Order to a further Hearing. In this Condition of Expectance, I lay almost 4. years, a Prisoner; and only an Order betwixt me, and the Gallows. I am the more Particular in This, because I have so many Honourable Witnesses, to prove the Truth of every Syllable I say: and yet in this Extremity, I had as much to do to Preserve my Credit among my Pretending, Friends, as to Defend my Life against the M●lice of my Professed Enemies.  
MY first Step out of Prison, was into Kent, and There, (God knows it) had my Soul depended upon a strict Account for every Thought, and Moment; I could not have employed more Care, and Zeal, in the Performance of my Duty, than I did: Yet in the very height of our Success, being grown to a Considerable Body, even out of Nothing, It was Suggested that L'estrange was False: But That Opinion was soon Quieted, by a Discriminating Oath to the Commissioners at Rochester, which made those very Persons that had privately aspersed Me, to withdraw; and divers of them afterward appeared openly against us. Upon the Dissolution of the Party, I Crossed the Sea; and There I found the main Miscarriage of the Business Cast upon Me; but still by Those that Ruined it Themselves. After a Six Month's trial, by Word of mouth, and Letter, to Rectify Mistakes, I found myself at length obliged to a more public way of doing it, and then▪ I Printed a Formal Series▪ and Relation of the Story; under the Title of my Vindication. Thi● Discourse proved as Effectual as I wished it; For, insisting only upon matter of Fact, with every Circumstance of Pe●sons, Time, and Place, Material to my Purpose, there remained no Pretence for Contradiction; and yet I made it my great Care, as well to Disperse Copies, as to provoke a Reply, if any Syllable of what I said would bea● it. The Sum of all amounts to This. I gave a due Account of all Employments which the Country put upon me, nor co●ld I reasonably be charged as Causal to any Miscarriages, when there happened none, while I had any Interest in the Business. At last, upon the Conjunction of the County-Forces, finding some Dangerous, and Unseasonable disagreements, even among themselves; besides some Scruples started against Strangers, I thought it the best Service I could do them, to render that Command I had, to the Commissioners, and leave Them to Respond, both for the Conduct, and the Issue of the Rest. Nor having done This, did I quit my Duty; but after the loss of Maidstone, I moved the Committee at Canterbury, (although in vain) to give another P●sh for't. From Thence, I went to Sandwich, where finding the Town in a Tumult, and Abandoned; The Sea Be●ore me, and the Enemy Behind me, I took a Boat, and with much Difficulty, Escaped.  
So much for KENT.  
I Continued beyond Sea, from 1648. till the Army dissolved the R●mp in 1653. and then Returning, after 2 or 3. Months daily Attendance, I was Examined by a Committee of the Counsel, and in the End discharged from that Attendance, upon 2000l. Bail, to Appear at any time within 12. Months, upon Summons.  
After that Bond given, I challenge the World to say, where ever I exchanged Syllable either with the Protector, or his Secretary: or that ever I Communicated, Directly, or Indirectly, with any man of the Party, upon Public Business. Nay more: Let any man prove that I did ever disown my First Judgement:— That ever I took any Engagement:— That I ever held any Particular Converse with any person of Differing Principles:— or, in Fine:— Let it appear that ever I either declined any Rational means of serving my Prince, my self, or Diverted others from it; Nay if I am not able to Evidence the contrary; and that I have steadily, and Positively employed all the Faculties, and Interests I had in the World, in his behalf, I am content to suffer, as if I had been the Murderer of his Father.  
During the Rule of Cromwell, there was small Encouragement, to Form any Design, unless upon his Person. For Betwixt divers Renegado- Royalists, and Mercenary Malcontents of his own Party, it was scarce possible to Act without Discovery: beside, that he was Quick and Cruel. (Two great Advantages over a slavish People) His Death in 1658. opened the way most certainly to a Change, but That which entered upon it, in 1659. was of all others (I think) the Lest expected.  
Several of the Old Members finding the Council of Officers at a Stand, (having Cast off their new Protector) Solicited the Army to Invite their Return to a Discharge of their Trust as before Apr. 20. 1653. This was done, May 6 1659. and the next Day, (as if these Worthies had but held their Breath, from 53, to 59) they Blurted out a Declaration against Kingship, & House of Peers. This Insolence gave a fair Plea, and Opportunity to the People; and they disposed themselves to a general Rising in August following: but the Issue of all depending upon the City of London, where the Militia was placed in Ill Hands; much good was not to be expected. Sir Henry Vane had Listed privately as many Separatists as he Pleased, and the City stood in more danger of that secret Faction, than of any visible Power that appeared to over-awe it. The Citizens were generally Hearty in the Business; and with the Allowance of several of them, (Lambert being upon his March toward Sir George Booth) I caused to be ●rinted this ensuing Declaration under the Title of  

The DECLARATION of the CITY, to the Men at Westminster.  
GENTLEMEN,  
WE have waited for the good you have promised us; with a ridiculous Patience: but we find you Men of the Original, and to be read backward. We are for the Religion of the Heart, not That of the Nose; and for the Law of the Land, not that of the Sword; we are likewise for the Charter of the City, and for the Liberties of Freeborn Englishmen; with which we are resolved to Stand and Fall. It is high time for us to look to ourselves, when we are coming under a Guard of your Choosing, and when we have only this Choice left us, whether we will Adventure to destroy You to Day, or be sure to be destroyed ourselves to Morrow. That's the short of the Case; for, a Massacre is not only the Design, but the Profession of the Party you have Armed against us; 'tis their very Exchange-talk at noon day▪ But the work will be either too hot, or too heavy: for my Masters, we are determined to suffer these affronts no longer, we are now come to understand one another, The Ruin of the Nation is Your Interest, the Peace and Preservation of it, Ours, and the mischief of it is; your destruction is as Easie, as 'tis Necessary: for every Creature which either Love's God, or his Country, Hates You. You have not so few as 200000 Enemies in This Town, to dispute the Quarrel with some half a dozen of you; not to multiply words, your Practices are such as a Generous Nature cannot Brook, and your Power so despicable, that a Coward needs not Fear it. You have made the City but a Cage of Broken Merchants; Tradesmen are ready to Perish for want of Business; and their Families for want of Bread; nor have the Poor any other Employment than to Curse you. Those few amongst you that have any thing, are but Covered with the Spoils of the Nation, and out of the Scum of the People you have composed your inconsiderable Rest. Well Gentlemen play your own Cards yourselves, we'll play Ours: you'll have no Singl● Person in the State, we'll have none neither in the City; at least, we'll have no White-Hall-Major; we will neither extend our Privileges an Inch, nor abate an Hair of them. And in the matter of Bloodshed, so let Heaven prosper Us, as we shall proceed tenderly: But if there be no other way left us than violence whereby to preserve ourselves in our Just Rights, what Power soever shall presume to Invade the Privilege of a Citizen, shall find 20000 Brave Fellows in the Head on't.  
This we do Unanimously Remonstrate to You, and to the World to be our Firm, and Final Resolution.   
THis Dispute Lasted not Long; and Lambert's return put an End to any further thoughts of stirring in the City, for that Bou●.  
The next Opportunity of Moving, was upon the Dispatch of the Army into the North to oppose General Monck: The Government being then Lodged in a Committee of 23 Officers of the Army: which gross Usurpation, together with the New Militia which they had Imposed upon the City, (Nou. 11.) put the Citizens upon an Absolute Necessity of Endeavour to Free themselves: To which end, they resolved to Petition the Common Counsel, for their Assistance towards the obtaining of a Free-Parliament, according to the Ancient Constitution of the N●tion. A Petition was accordingly Drawn, Subscribed, and Presented; but by reason of some pretended Informality in the Address, it was laid aside. This Repulse made the Petitioners more Eag●r than they would have been; especially finding themselves Betrayed by divers of those Persons to whom they had committed the Care of their Protection.  
Upon Monday, Dec. 5. Horse and Foot were dispatched into the ●ity, by Violence to hinder the Re-enforcement of the Petition, where they behaved themselves with an Insolence, and Barbarism, not to be expressed. In thi● Action, had the Magistracy been but half so careful to Vindicate the Honour of the City, as they were to save the Enemies of it, not a soul of them had scaped.  
After some 5 or 6 Day's expectation what this Affront would produce; I thought it not amiss, if I could use some means to Quicken them; and thereupon I Printed a Paper Entitled, 

The Engagement and Remonstrance of the City of London. DECEMBER 12. 1659.  
Although, as Citizens, we are reduced to a Necessity of Violence; and as Christians, obliged to the Exercise of it; Unless we will rather prostitute our Lives and Liberties, Fortunes and Reputations; Nay, our very Souls and Altars, to the Lusts of a Barbarous and sacrilegious Enemy: We have yet so great a tenderness for Christian blood, as to leave unattempted no means of probability to save it. This is it which hath prevailed with us to Declare, First, to the World, what we Propose, and Resolve, ●re we proceed to further Extremities: and to satisfy the Public, as well in the Reasons of our Undertake, as to Iust●fie our selves, in the Menage and Event of them.  
We find, in the Midst of us, the House of Prayer converted into a Den of Thiefs: Our Counsels Affronted by Armed Troops, our Fellow-citizens knocked on the head, l●ke Dogs, at their own doors, for not so much as Barking: Nay, 'tis become Death, now, to desire to Live; and Adjudged Treason, but to Claim the benefit of the Law against it. Witness those Infamous Murders committed, but Monday last, upon our unarmed friends: and the glorious Insolences of that Rabble, towards such of the rest, as they seized, and carried away. But this is nothing: to make us a Complete Sacrifice, we are to be Burnt too: a thing, not only threatened, in the Passion of the Tumult, but Soberly intended; for they have laid in their Materials for the work already: (a prodigious Quantity of Fire-Balls in Paul's, and Gresham College) Briefly, We are designed for Fire, and Sword, and Pillage: and it concerns us now, to look a little better to our gracious Guards. (Not to insist upon the loss of Trade; how many thousand Families have nothing now to do, but Beg, and Curse these wretches?) The Honour and Safety of the City lies at stake: and God so bless us, as we'll fall together. We will not live to see our Wives, and Daughters ravished: our Houses Rifled, and our Children Beggars, that shall only live to Reproach their cowardly Fathers: and all this done too by a People, which we can as easily destroy, as mention: by a Party, so barbarous, and so Inconsiderable together, that, certainly, no creature can be mean enough, either to suffer the one, or fear the other. In this Exigency of Affairs, we have found it both our Duty and our Interests to Associate; and we desire a Blessing from Heaven up on us, no otherwise, than as we do vigorously, and faithfully pursue what we here Remonstrate.  
First; We do engage ourselves, in the presence of Almighty God, with our lives and fortunes, to defend the Rights and Liberties of the City of LONDON; and if any person that subscribes to this Engagement, shall be molested for so doing; We will unanimously, and without delay, appear as one Man to his Rescue.  
Next; we demand, that all such Troops and Companies, as do not properly belong to the Guard of the City, nor receive Orders from the lawful Magistrates thereof;— tha● such Forces withdraw themselves from the Liberties, within 12. hours after the Publication of This: upon pain of being deemed Conspirators, and of being Proceeded against accordingly, (for to this extent, both of Judgement, and Execution, is every Individual qualified in his own defence)  
We are next, to demand the Enlargement of our Fellow-Citizens, which were taken away by Force, and in a tumultuous manner, contrary to the known Laws of the Place, and Nation.  
This being performed, we shall acquiesce, in the Enjoyment of those Liberties, which we will not lose but with our Lives. In Fine, to remove all Impediments of the peace we desire: We do undertake, both as Men of Credit, and Justice; that such of the Soldiers as will betake themselves to honester Employments, shall receive their Arrieres from the City, and such a further care of their future well-being, as is suitable to the Necessities of the One part, and the Charity of the Other.    
THis Paper was so well received, that it encouraged me to follow it with Another, Entitled, 

The Final Protest, and Sense of the City.  
HAving diligently perused two Printed Papers, bearing date, ●he 14th. of this instant December: The One, in form of a Proclamation concerning the summoning of a Parliament: The Other as an Order of the Common Counsel, commanding the City to acquiesce in expectation of ●hat Parliament: We find therein contained, matters, so contrary to the Honour of the Nation, and to the Freedom of the City, that we stand obliged, both as Englishmen, and as Citizens, to Protest, against the Impositions of the former, as Illegal, and the Concessions of the Latter, as a direct Combination against us. These Two Papers are Seconded by a Third: (for the Two are One, both in effect, and design,) and That is, a Proclamation of Banishment, directing to the late King's party, under the notion of the Common Enemy: so that there's no love lost betwixt the Committee of Safety, and the Common Counsel, when the General provides for the Peace of the City, and the Mayor for the Safety of the Army; not to argue Acts of Oblivion, and the violation of Public faith in the case: that they Conditioned for their Lives and Liberties, and Compounded for their Fortunes. This is not our Concern, what they do suffer; but what we may, if we trust those, that Keep no Faith with them: And that we'll take a care of: When They are Gone, than We are the Common Enemy; So are the Laws of God, and of the Nation, and such is every Man that loves them. What this Malignant party is, these People talk of, we neither Know, nor Meddle; the Gentry 'tis we Live by, and by the Laws of Gratitude, and Hospitality, we are bound to Protect them, and resolved to do it, within our Walls, against any other Power, than that of the Known Law. The short of the Design is This; a Danger is pretended to the City, from the late King's party, and to prevent the mischief, the Kind Committee Banishes the Gentlemen; with Order to the Mayor to make strict searches for Delinquents. Now in persuance of this precious Order, our Houses must be forced, and we Disarmed, and then, our throats cut, to preserve the City. Let those that would be Chronicled for Slaves, and Fools, submit to suffer this; and after that Infamous Hour, may a Yellow Coat, and a Wooden Dagger, be the Badge and Distinction of a Citizen. To conclude, We ourselves are That City, so much the Care and Cry of the Proclamation; and This is our Unanimous sense, and Resolve. The Army proposes to Pillage, and Murder us, the Mayor, and his worthy Advisers, Ireton, etc.— are to hold our Hands, while They give the Blow; So, that we are now to provide both against Force and Treason; having One Enemy within our Walls, and Another in our Counsels. But withal, we have our Swords in our Hands, and our Brains in our Heads; and only to Strike the One, and to Disbelieve the Other, is to Subdue, and Disappoint them Both.  
We do therefore declare to the World, that we will by Violence oppose all Violence whatsoever, which is not warranted by the Letter of the Established Law: & that in persuance of this Duty, both toward the Nation, and City, an Insolent Soldier, and 〈◊〉 Apostate Magistrate shall be to us as the same thing.— Not to word it much further, as we will not be Bafft●d, by Affronts, so neither will we be Fooled, by Flatteries.  
After the Loss of Trade and Liberty, a vast expense of Blood, and Treasure; After many Injuries received, more threatened, and none returned, We made a sober, and Regular Application, to the Authority of the City, for Redress. This they Promised, and we Expected, till at last, instead of a Reparation for past Wrongs, or a Security against worse to come; We are paid with an Expectation of a Parliament in january. This is a Logic we understand not. It is in English, Lie still, till we cut your throats. It would be well to commit the disposition of our Fortunes, to those people, that are at this Instant designing an Execution upon our Persons; and to requite those Worthies, that have already Robbed us of all we have Lost, with the Offer of that little Rest they have Left. But this will not do our Business; we will not have our Murderers, for our judges: nor will we wait. That ●●●liament they babble of so much, will scarce Vote up the City again out of Ashes, nor all the Saints in that holy Assembly, bring the poor Cobbler into the wo●ld again, that was Killed by order of his Brother Hewson. No, the Cheat is too stale, and we are Determined to Redeem ourselves; but with this Caution, We do solemnly profess, that we will exercise all the Tenderness which possibly the Case will bear. The Common S●uldier is engaged rather out of a Heedless, than Malicious Interest: We do therefore Protest, that such of those as shall not evidence their Malice, by their Obstinacy, shall receive a Fair Consideration: But, for such as Led them, we do Resolve, not to allow Quarter to any one of them, that draws ●is Sword in the Quarrel: And in Order to the Q●icker, and Gentler Dispatch of the Business: We conclude with a T●x●▪ Fight▪ nei●her●with Small nor Great, but with the King of Israel. And so Go●d give a Bl●ssing to the Endeavours of all Honest Men.    
THis Sheet gave great offence to the Saints, and particularly to Titchborn, who examined the Matter himself▪ and ordered the punishment of the Women that sold it; after many Personal Abuses, beside the Loss of th' ei● Copies.  
Dec. 18 Divers persons of Quality w●re seized in the City, by the Soldiers, and in a Barbarous, Unseemly manner, Stripped, and Driven Naked to the Mews.  
Soon after, comes Intelligence, that the Forces employed to Reduce Portsmouth, were joined with the Fugitive Members, and upon their March for London: whereupon I caused to be Printed as follows.  

The Resolve of the City. Decemb. 23. 1659.  
OUr Respects to Peace, and Order, are too notorious to be questioned, since by the mere Impressions of Charity and Obedience, we have thus long suspended the justice we owe to our Selves, together with that Vengeance, which the Blood of our Murdered Companions requires at our hands. Nor have these Principles of Public tenderness been less Eminent, upon our judgements, than upon our Passions; For, we have as well Believd, in Contradiction to Evidence of Experiment, as we have Suffered, in Opposition to the very Elements, and Dictates of Humanity. Witness that Execrable Monday (sacred to the Eternal Infamy of this City) even Then, when we had that Enemy at our Mercy, toward whom, by the Rights of Nature, and of Generosity, we were not bound to exercise any, even Then, I say, in the very Heat, and Course of an Honest, and Powerful Indignation, we returned Quietly, to our Houses, upon the first Notice, that the Authority of the City would have it so. But it is likewise true, that this Assurance was added to the Message, viz. That the Common counsel was sensible of our Grievances, and would duly consider them. Since this, we find nothing done in persuance of that Promise; but on the Contrary, Injuries are Multiplied upon us; and those of tha● D●y, serve but as Arguments of Encouragement to Greater. Some of us Killed, Others Wounded, and lead in Triumph Naked through the Streets: Two or three Hundred Thousand Per●ons Looking on, to celebrate the Conquest, and the Shame. A Citizen's Skull is but a thing to try the Temper of a Soldier's Sword upon; Give us ●very M●n a Red-coat for a Cashkeeper, and the work's done. They're come within a Trifle on't already; and all this while, an Order to be Quiet, is all our Patient Masters will afford us. Give us an Order that may make us Safe, (although we need not Ask, what we can Give ourselves) Persuade these people to be Gone, or Bid us Drive them out; What Law made Paul's, and Gresham College▪ Garrisons? If nothing else will do, we'll do't ourselves: We have Engaged, and sworn the Vindication of the City, and nothing can Absolve us from the Oath we have taken. This must be done betimes too, 'twill come too late else, to prevent, either the Necessity of a Tumult, or the greater Mischief, of a Supine and Credulous Security. A Parliament in january will do us no more good, than a Cordial will do him that was Hanged last Sessions. Our Sense at Large, we delivered to the world▪ in a Paper, Entitled, The Final Protest, and Sense of the CITY: Which is Public enough, notwithstanding the great Design used to suppress it, and the Insolences of divers persons, disaffected to the good of the City, toward those that sold them. To That we adhere. That Prot●st of Ours, produced Another from the Common counsel, of the aoth. Current, to which something aught to be said. The sum of that Order is, but in effect, the Justification of the Lord Mayor in the matter of Prudence and Integrity: we do not Deny, but finding ourselves abandoned to all sorts of Outrages, by the Cold Proceeding of the Court in our behalf, we were transported to some bitter Reflections: Involving the present Mayor, with his more Criminal Predecessor Ireton, in the Imputation. We shall not more Gladly find it a Mistake, than Readily Confess it one, when we reap the Effects of that Care for the Good of the City; but so long as We are tied up from all Lawful Defence, and the Public Enemy at liberty to practise all Unlawful Violences upon us, we desire to be Pardoned, if we suspend in the Case.  
The Close indeed is very Noble, and worthy of the Court, where they Declare, For the Fundamental Laws, and the Protestant Religion, etc.— and in fine, to endeavour the convening of a Free Parliament, in order thereunto. But in Contradiction to this Resolve, the Committee of Officers have yesterday published a Paper, Entitled, The Agreement, etc.— fairly telling us, That we are to be Governed by People of their Choosing, and by a Model of their framing, without any regard had to the Practice, and Reason of the Ancient Laws, or to the Interest, and Liberty of every Freeborn Englishman. This Usurpation is to be considered in its due place; at present it concerns us, to hinder them from making the Slavery of the City, their first Step towards the Subjection of the Nation. The seasonable Care of This, we do Humbly, and Earnestly recommend to the Court of Common-counsel; Our Hopes are, that we are now fallen into Better hands, and if our Magistrates will but Command us, they have an Hundred Thousand Lives in readiness to Engage for them. If we should be so unhappy, as to be still delayed; we do however wash our hands of the Consequences: And so God Direct and Deliver Us.   
OBserving how much more Unanimous the Army was to Destroy Us; than We, to Save our Selves: and Finding nothing extant of Direction to the Necessary purpose of an Universal Union: I presumed to Publish a Paper, containing what I judged might Rationally Promote such an Agreement, under the Notion of a thing already done. It runs Thus.  

A FREE PARLIAMENT Proposed by the CITY to the NATION.  
GENTLEMEN,  
HAving certain Intelligence of great Preparations against us from Abroad; together with the daily and woeful experience, of a more Barbarous, and Ignoble Enemy at Home: we have bethought ourselves of an Expedient, which may at once, both Secure, and Deliver the Nation from the Danger of the One, and from the Tyranny of the Other.  
In order to this effect: The City of London hath constituted 4 Commissioners, to Treat Respectively with the rest of the People of England, in the behalf of their invaded Rights, and in such manner to Proceed, as to the said Commissioners shall appear most convenient.  
In persuance of this Appointment; We Four, (whose Names, and Authority you shall find in a Schedule, to this annexed) do, in the Name, and by the Commission of the City of London, earnestly and unanimously desire a General Assistance, toward a work of a Public and Universal Benefit. The transaction of this Affair, we have committed to Persons, eminent both for Honesty and Fortune: and to gain D●spatch, as well as Privacy, we have at the same Instant, and by safe hands, dispersed True and Exact Copies of These to you, throughout England and Wales. Our Application should have been more Regular, but for three or four false Brethren in our Counsels, whom we dare not confide in. We find few the Honesty for the Quarrel, tha● are the Richer for it; and no other Enemies to the Peace of the Nation, but the Gainers by the Ruin of it. U●ō a due scanning of the whole m●tter, we h●ve concluded, that nothing can restore us but a Free Parliament: Nor can any thing compose that, but a Fr●e Vo●e, without either Force, or Faction. The most l kely means to procure this, will be a general Engagement, to endeavour it. We ask no more, than that you will follow our Example. That Paper, which we commend to you, is already subscribed by many Thousands of this City. If you Approve it, do as much; and if you think Fit; choose out of every County Two Persons of a Known Integrity, that may be still Among us, and at hand, to preserve a fair Intelligence betwixt us. No longer since, tha● Yesterday, the Conservators of our ●iberties; Hew●on and his Myrmidons, put an affront upon us, and with some mischief too, upon this very Point: The very mention of a Free-Parliament enrages them, and there is Reason for it. Their Heads are forfeited, and if the Law Lives, They must Perish. But all this while, we be in a good condition, when the Trangre●●ors of the Laws must be the judges of it. The very Boys, and Women had destroyed the Party to a man, but that with much ado, we hindered them. The Truth is, in such a Confusion, more honest blood might have been spilt, than that Rabble was worth. Upon this, the City is grown so impatient of the Soldiers, that 'tis to be feared they will suddenly break out into an open violence upon them. Th●y have already entered into a solemn Engagement to that purpose: But we shall do our best to quiet them, till we receive your Answer. In Fine; the End is honourable, and we desire the means that lead to it may be so too. Let nothing be omitted that may save blood; The Army is necessitous, and without pay, they must or Steal, or Perish. Let us consider, they are our Countrymen, and many of them, (the necessity apart) our Friends. Let such a course be taken, that so many of them as shall contribute to the Advantage of a Free Election, may without either Fraud, or Delay receive their Arriers. We shall do our part in the Contribution▪ and in all Offices of Relation to a Religious and Lawful Settlement, as freely engage our Live● and Fortunes with you, as we do our Pens in this Profession to you, that we are  
True English men, and your Servants. Decemb. 6. 1659.    

THE ENGAGEMENT.  
WE the Freeborn people of England, having for many years last passed, been subjected in our Consciences, Persons, and Estates, to the Arbitrary, and Lawless Impositions of Ambitious, and Cruell-minded men; & finding ourselves at present, in danger to be Irrecoverably lost; partly by Invasions, threatened us from Abroad, and partly by Factions encroaching upon us at Home, without the seasonable mediation of a Free-Parliament: We do Declare, that we will by all Lawful means Endeavour the Convening of it, and that we will, afterward, Protect the Members of it as the Blood of our own Hearts. We do further Engage, in the Presence of Almighty God, that if any person or Persons whatsoever shall presume to Oppose us; or to impose upon us any other Government, Inconsistent with, or Destructive to the Constitution of Parliaments, we will prosecute him, or them, as the Betrayers of the People's Rights, and Subverters of the Fundamental Laws of the English Nation.  

To the Honourable the Commissioners of the City of London, for the Liberties and Rights of the ●nglish Nation.  
GENTLEMEN,  
HAving already satisfied you by what Authority we Act, it concerns us next, to acquaint you, to what purpose we are Sent, and what it is, which we have in Charge to deliver unto you.  
Your Proposals for the S●ttlement of the Nation, (and That, by the means of a Free-Parliament) have been as Faithfully, and Generally communicated, as you intended they should; as Kindly received as you could wish; and the whole matter brought to as speedy an issue as was possible for an Affair of that Weight, and Quality to admit. In Testimony hereof, We are to give you the Thanks of the People of England; and to assure you, that they are not less pleased with your Method of promoting the Public Good, than they are Obliged by those Affections which have disposed you to endeavour it. Particularly, they are exceeding glad to find, that the City hath entrusted such Persons in the Business, as, beside all other due Qualifications for the Employment, have This also; that they were never Parties in the Quarrel. It hath been our Care likewise, to proceed by the same rule; and for this Reason, If Both Parties should be taken in, there might (possibly) be some Animosities started sufficient to obstruct the Proceeding: And again, should Either of them be lest out, the matter would (probably) be carried by Faction.  
This we are commanded to represent, rather as a Fair Expedient, than an Absolute Necessity.  
In the next place, we are to inform you, that the Engagement you sent us, found so prone a Reception, that we reckon it, with us, a greater difficulty to Find an Enemy to the Intent of it, than to Subdue any whatever, that shall presume to appear against the Promoters of it. We do however hold ourselves bound to assure you, that we are perfectly resolved to Join in the Charge, and Hazard of the Dispute, with you: and that we are as Unanimous in This Cause, as if the Treasure of the Nation had but one Master, and the Strength of it, were but directed by the Same Mind. The List of the Subscribers, we have here in Town: If you desire to see it you may: but if Otherwise, we offer to your Prudence to consider, if it may not be of more Advantage, and Security to the Business in hand, rather totally to conceal the Subscribers, if not also the Commissioners themselves. For the Thing itself, we are not only Willing, but Desirous to make That Public. It is of so Honest, and Reasonable a Nature, that no Man Dares oppose ●t, who dares not be Damned; no man Will, that deserves to Live upon English ground: and to conclude, no Man Shall, and escape Unpunished. Parliaments are the Constitution Fundamental of the Nation, the Safeguard, and the Honour of it: nor are we more concerned to Support them, than to be wary lest we Mista●e them. We are to Distinguish betwixt Names and Things, that we be not governed by Delusions; Where have we a greater Cheat, than that which styles itself the Public Faith? Greater Subverters of our Liberties, than some that write themselves, the Conservators of them? 'Tis not for 40 people to call themselves our Representative. Is't not enough that they have Robbed us, unless they Govern us too? They'll say we Chose them, so did we choose above 300 more; and we'll be Ruled by All, or None of them. Without more ado, having Formally assured you of an absolute Concurrence from the Nation, as to what they have received in Proposition from you: It remains now, only that we recommend some Additionals to you, which we conceive may be of some Benefit to the Common Interest of the whole.  
In the First Place we Propose, That no Petition be presented to this Pretended Parliament, from the City of London, and we Undertake as much for ourselves.  
Secondly, That no Levies of Men, or moneys, be suffered, in persuance of th●ir Pretended Acts; and in case of any Force attempted upon the Refusers, that we immediately Arm ourselves, and by Violence Repel it.  
Thirdly, we judge it very fit, in regard of Dangers Imminent, both Foreign, and Domestic, That a Free Parliament, be speedily convened; the Time and M●nner of Summons instantly agreed upon, with a Salvo Jure to all Interests.— (By a Free Parliament, we understand, an Assembly of such Persons as by the Law are Qualified to choose, without any other restraint than what the Law imposes.) Not that we claim to ourselves the Right of Calling Parliaments; but the Impossibility of procuring one Regularly; and the Absolute Necessity of having something like one Suddenly:— This is enough to acquit us before God and Men. By these means, all Differences may be composed, all Parties reconciled; and to ●hese purposes we are ready to Sacrifice our Lives, and Fortunes.  
GENTLEMEN, We are your faithful Servants. January 3. 1659.   
UPon the 17 of jan. Mr. Bampfield, the Recorder of Exeter, delivered a Leading Declaration, to the Pretended Speaker, from the Gentry of Devonshire: Demanding the Readmission of the Secluded Members, and filling up of Void Places: without any Previous Engagement. This Nettled the Rump; and Drew from Them▪ Another Declaration, (jan. 23.) wherein they expressed all Tenderness possible for the Public; in a Fawning, Canting way: and especially Insisting upon such Particulars, as might tender their Design of settling in a Free-State, the more Plausible to General Monck: who was now as far as Leicester toward London.  
This Declaration, moved me to Print this Ensuing Paper.  

A PLAIN CASE. jan. 24. 1659.  
IT were no hard Matter to Trace the Course of Government, through all it's several Forms, and Mixt●res, from the very Fountain of it; and to Deduce the Story, from its Original in Paradise, down to this wretched Place, and Instant. The Sanction, and Assignment of it being proved, (That the Almighty Wisdom placed ONE RULER over the World) Enquiry might be made into the Reasons, and Equity of those ensuing Changes, which, either Force, Craft, or Agreement afterward produced. To come a little nearer Home: much might be added, concerning our Religion, Parliaments, Magna Charta, etc.— but the Press groans under the Subject, and the Nation under the Dispute. Conviction puts an end to Argument. The Question is no longer, Right, but Power; and our Reasonings are only Answered with Blows. It's true,— in the Infancy of the Quarrel, when Rebellion, like a Painted Whore, under the Masque of Loyalty, and Conscience, Cheated the People into an Engagement: when only some Mis-governments, in Church and State were to be Reform; and that Pretence backed with a Thousand Oaths, to strengthen the Delusion: Dominion and Obedience, Law and Conscience, were then a Proper, and a necessary Theme, to undeceive the Nation, but now 'tis out of Season. The Sword's the only judge of Controversies. Our business is, to Talk more Sensibly, and less Learnedly. Alas! to tell the Simple, that which they can never understand, and the Wise, that which they know already; Who's the Better for't? The Injuries we suffer, are Notorious; and Understood, as universally, as Felt. The skill would be, to find out a Fair Remedy, for a Foul Disease. In order to that, I shall be Plain, and short: Prove what I say, and keep myself within the Compass of my Page. This Nation is at this instant, upon the Brink of a Reproachful, and Ridiculous Condi●ion of want, and slavery: Nor is the Truth of our Calamity more evident, than the Reason of it. Half the Revenue of the Land is already shared among the Saints, and in Reward, for robbing us of That, we are to Give the Rest, and purchase our Bondage, dearer, than our Forefathers did their Liberties. Indeed, a Hundred Thousand Pound a Month, when we have scarce Money left for Bread, is a modest Proportion: and to endear the Proposition to us, 'tis to maintain a war against the established Law, and consummate our Thraldom: After this Tax is paid, they'll Ask no more, but Take the rest without the Ceremony: and we deserve to Lose All, If we Levy This. By Violence, they keep themselves In, and their Fellows Out; By Violence, they Sat, and Vote, and Execute. They're not the Twentieth part of those we Chose; and then the Quality of the Faction, is as Inconsiderable, as the Number. The Nation looks upon them, as a Herd of Wolves; they live by Blood and Rapine, and 'tis the Public Interest to Hunt the●. They are too Few for us to Fear, too False to Trust, too Wicked, and Imperious, to Obey. 'Tis not their janissaries that will do their Business, when the whole Body of the People is united against them. The very Soldier that hath Raised them, Hates 'em; as being, at once, Instrumental to their Gild, and to their Punishment. They are neither to be Obliged by Oaths, nor by Benefits. How meanly have they treated the very Officers that preserved, and Restored them; and Perfidiously, all that ever Trusted them! Those Sums which were designed for the Satisfaction of Public Accounts, they divide among themselves; and Turn those Troops to Freequarter, whose Pay is already in their own Pockets. After all this, the Laws must be as well subdued, as the People: no other Title left us to our Lives, and Estates, but what depends upon the Vote of a Legislative Committee. It is already construed Sedition, to Demand, what the Law tells us, is Treason to Oppose: and the bare mention of a Free-Parliament puts our blessed remnant into a Sweat. There's Violence designed upon us, and Violence must meet it. The Axe is laid to the root: the Commune Freedom of the English Nation lies at stake; and 'tis our Commune Interest to defend it. The Just, and peaceable assertion of our Undoubted rights, is Voted Breach of privilege: and he that draws his Sword to save his Country, forfeits his head for't. This will not do. These worthy Squires of the Fag end must take their Turns too. Suppose the City should refuse the Tax: (the Countries are resolved upon't) How Certain, and Inevitable, is their Ruin? The ve●y fi●st attempt of Force, sets the whole Nation in a Flame. They Rise together, and the Work is done. 'Tis not the stifling of the Press, can break their Correspondence: nor the Old Cheat of Creating New Plots, that will divert them. These jugglers have showed all their Tricks, and the whole World's Convinced of their Intentions. The Design walks barefaced. It is now evident, that they purpose to make us perpetual Slaves; and to enure us to no other Law, than the Imperious Will of our hard Masters. Their very best, Friends and Assistants, are now discarded by these Thankless Wretches: the Scrupulous, and congregational Party being cast into the Balance with the Commune Enemy: and both alike Excluded from the Government they promise us: (to show, that their Ambition is as well Insociable as Boundless.)  
To Finish All; what Security or Quiet, can that Faction expect, which never Requited a Friend, or Spared an Enemy? What Comfort can that Nation look for, that subjects itself to the Faith and Mercy, of such a Faction?   
UPon the 25 of jan. Sir Robert Pie, and Major Fincher, were Ordered to the Tower, for Presenting and Subscribing a Declaration from Ber●sh●re, for a Free and Full Parliament: It being Voted; A Breach of the PRIVILEGE of PARLIAMENT: SEDITIOUS, and tending to the Raising of a New War. The Squires of the Rump; Scot, and Robinson were, by this Time, doing their Compliments to his Excellency; and the City-Commissioners, upon their way toward him: In which Juncture, came forth a Paper Entitled  
A Letter of General George Monck's; Dated at Leicester 23. Jan. and Directed to Mr. roll, to be communicated unto the rest of the Gentry of Devon:— Occasioned by a Late Letter from the Gentry of Devon: dated at Exeter 14 jan. and sent by Mr. Bampfield to the Speaker, to be communicated unto the Parliament.  
Read in Parliament, Jan. 26.  
To this Letter, I took the Liberty to Draw what follows in Answer. Addressed  
To His Excellency, GENERAL MONCK. A L●tter from the Gentlemen of Devon: in Answer to his Lordships of January 23. to them directed from Leicester.  
My Lord,  
THere is a Letter which hath passed the Press under your Name, dated at Leicester 23. jan. and directed unto Mr. roll, to be communicated to the rest of the Gentry of D●von: &c.— Whether this be your Excellency's Act or not, is the question. I● so it be, we receive it as a noble Respect from General Monk to his Friends and Country men; if Otherwise, we look upon it as the A●tisice of an Anti-Parliamentary Faction, under the pretence of your Concurrence and Aid, to Delude and Enslave the Nation.  
It is one thing for a Person of Honour freely to communicate his Thoughts and Reasonings, (although in favour of a possible mistake) still referring the Issue to the determinations of Divinity, and Reason: and it is another thing, for a Confederate Party to charge such a Person with failings properly their own.  
To hasten the dispatch of that little we have to say, the Authors of this, are of that number to whom your Letter directs. We shall proceed according to our Duties, and Instructions, and briefly acquaint your Excellency with the sense of those that have entrusted us.  
We shall begin (my Lord) with the Concession of what we much Suspect; and take for Granted, that the Letter so inscribed, is really Yours.  
We are next to return you the Thanks of your Countrymen, for the expressions of your Piety and Care, therein contained; and particularly,— that in the head of your Army, you have rather chosen Arguments of Reason, than of Force.— That you propose the word of God, for your Rule; and the Settlement of the Nation, for your End.— That you take notice of many Factions, and Interests introduced, and yet profess a service to None of them.— That you so earnestly desire to Compose Old Differences at Home, and to Prevent New Mischiefs from Abroad.— And finally; That you submit the Result of all, to a Fair, and Rational Examination.  
To profess, and to pursue all this, is but like yourself; and to these purposes, we shall not stick to live and die at your Feet. If upon Discussion of the Reasons you allege, we assume the Liberty which your Candour allows us, of declaring wherein we differ, we beg to be understood with all tenderness toward your Excellency; to whom, as a stranger to our late Oppressions and Calamities, the state of our Affairs, and Affections, may probably be misrepresented.  
To observe your own Method; our Letter to the Speaker, importing the recalling of the Secluded Members was the occasion of Yours to Us, which says, that; Before these Wars our Government was Monarchical, both in Church, and State; but (as the case now stands) Monarchy cannot possibly be admitted for the future, in these Nations; because it is incompatible with the several Interests which have ensued upon the Quarrel: viz. the Presbyterian, Independent, Anabaptists, etc. (as to ecclesiastics) and the Purchasers of Crown, and Bishops Lands, Forfeited Estates, etc. (as to Civils) by which means, the support itself is taken away; so that the Constitution, qualified to fix all Interests, must be that of a Republic: To which, the Secluded Members of 1648. will never agree, many of them being Assertors of Monarchy, and Disclaimers to all Laws made since their Seclusion: Over and above, that the Army also will never endure it. The Conclusion, This; that it were better for us to desist from that Paper, and rely upon the Promises of this Parliament, for a due Representative:— a Provision for succeeding Parliaments, and a Peaceable Settlement; than by an unseasonable Impatience to embroil the Nation in a fresh Engagement.  
From hence it appears, that we might be allowed a Free Parliament, but for Four Reasons.  
First, The Major Part Inclines to Monarchy, and they that have swallowed the Revenues of the Crown, declare against it.  
Secondly, The Entangled Interests of this Nation can never be United, but under a Republic.  
Thirdly, The Army will never endure it.  
Lastly, It would beget a new War, whereas this Parliament promises to settle us in a lasting Peace.  
To all which, in Order, and First, concerning Monarchy; (not as the thing which we contend for) we (only) wonder why it is Prejudged, and particularly, by those Persons who have sworn to defend it. But, my Lord, you have hit the Reason; they have Gained by Dissolving it, and they are afraid to Lose by Restoring it. Having put the Father to Death, whom they Covenanted to Preserve; they Abjure the Son, whom they Fear to Trust. By Force they would Maintain, what by Force they have Gotten. In effect, the Question, is not so much, what Government, as what Governors: A Single Person will down well enough, with the f●ercest of them, when it lies fair for any of Themselves. Witness the late Protector, and the Later Lambert. Briefly, since the Death of the late King, we have been Governed by Tumult; Bandied from One Faction to the Other: This Party up to day, That to Morrow; but st●ll the Nation Under, and a Prey to the Strongest. It is a feeble Argument against Monarchy, that we never have been hap●y since we lost it: and yet nothing hath appeared to obstruct our Quiet, but the Division of the Boo●y▪ What Hath been, Shall be, so long as this Violence continues over us: nor can any other Government Settle the Nation, than that which pleases the Universality of it. And in that, we pretend not to direct our Representatives: but which way soever they incline, we shall with our Lives and Fortunes Justify, and Obey their Appointments.  
Whether we have Reason, or not, in this Particular, let your Excellency Judge.  
The Second Objection against a Free Parliament, is drawn from the Necessity of a Republic, to reconcile all Interests. To This, we offer, First, that it is not Necessary; next, that it is not so much as Effectual, to that purpose; and Lastly, that a Free Parliament ought to Introduce it, if it were both the One and the Other.  
The First we prove thus, It is not the Form of Government, but the Consent of the People, that must Settle the Nation: The Public Debt, must be secured out of the Public Stock: and That disposed of by an Engagement of the Public Faith, to such Ends, and purposes, as the Representative of the Nation shall deem expedient for the Good of it. In like manner may all other Interests be secured; whether of Opinion, or Property, under what Form of Government soever a Free Parliament shall think fit to unite us. That it is not Necessary, enough is said. We are now to deduce from your Lordship's Text, that a Free-State would be as little effectual also, as to our concerns. You are pleased to intimate the Dangerous Inclination of the People to Monarchy: and to Balance the Satisfaction, the Right, and the Universal Vote of the Nation, with the Interests of some Few persons, that would Rule us Themselves, (for that's the English of the Settlement they propose.) By this Argument, a Republic, excludes the Negative, and more Considerable Interest, in favour of a Small, and a Partial one: and if it be granted, that a Free Parliament will never agree upon a Free State, it follows necessarily, that That Form will never do our Business. Lastly, what Government soever is forced upon us, must certainly expire with the Force that imposes it; and the Voice of the People (in this case) is the Declaratory Voice of Providence.  
The Third Difficulty is. The Army will never endure it. This is to say, You are to be Governed by the Sword.  
To Conclude; The Fear of a New War, and the Promise of a speedy Composure, are the last Suggestions of Dissuasion to us.  
Alas, my Lord, do we not see that Parties are uniting against us, Abroad, and we conspiring against our selves at Home? How certainly shall we be Attempted, and how easily Overcome; without such a Medium to Reconcile us All, as may Please us All! but we are promised fair. We beseech you Lordship to consider the Promisers. Are not These the People that vowed to make our Last, a Glorious King? Just such a Glorious Nation will they make of Us. Did they not next Abjure a Single Person; and yet after that, set up ANOTHER, with Another Oath? Not to pursue this Subject further: These Men we dare not Trust, nor any other of that Leaven; we have have no thoughts but of Justice to all Interests; and in order to that Settlement and Good we wish the Nation, we shall empower our Representatives with the Command of all we are worth, and most remarkably evidence ourselves, My Lord,  
Your Excellency's Servants. jan. 28. 1659.  
THe General wa● plied with Addesses for a Free-Parliament throughout his whole Passage, and the Nation entirely Concurred to the same Effect. Upon Tuesday (Feb. 2.) a Considerable Party of the Red-Coates, Tumulted for Pay; Cast off their Officers, and Formally Engarrisoned themselves in Somersethouse: Publicly Reproaching the Rump, and Declaring for the City, and a Free-Parliament. Finding the Citizens well enough disposed to emprove the Mutiny: I appointed Immediately the Printing of Two Papers, directing them to Associate; and in These Terms.  

The SENSE of the ARMY.  
WHereas the Calamities of this Unhappy Nation, are charged upon those that have ventured their Bloods for the preservation of it; We hold it necessary, to acquit ourselves, both to God and Men, by declaring to these following Particulars:  
First, That we will engage our Lives against all opposers of a Free-Parliament.  
Secondly, That we will, according to the best of our Knowledge, observe, and cause to be observed▪ the Known Laws of the Land.  
Thirdly, That we will practise no violence, but what we are obliged to, by the Laws of Honesty, and Nature.  
Lastly, That we will not leave our Quarters unsatisfied, nor lay down our Arms, without our Pay.  
Somerset-House, Feb. 2. 1659.   

The Citizen's DECLARATION for a FREE PARLIAMENT  
We the Young Men in and about London, do unanimously Declare, That we will Assist, and pro●ect, to our uttermost, what Party soever we shall find oppressed, for desiring a FREE-PARLIAMENT; And that such of the Soldiery, as shall join with us in so necessary and just an Undertaking, shall receive half their A●rieres upon the first Rendezvous, an● the Rest upon the Accomplishment of the Work.  
Feb. 2. 1659.   
LA●e at night, The Apprentices drew into a Party in the City, and were scattered by the Army Horse; whereas, had they rather drawn down into the Strand, and joined themselves with Those in Somerset-House, it was believed by sober Persons, that they might have carried it. About One, in the Morning, the Revolted Party was False-Alarmed and persuaded out of their security, upon Pretence, that if they were not Instantly Posted, to hinder Monks Entrance into the Town, they would have all their Throats cut in their Quarters. This Device brought them out, and so That morning, they were Commanded away; Leaving the Town Quiet, and in Condition to entertain Honester Guests. Upon Friday Afternoon (Feb. 3.) his Excellency marched in the Head of his Army to his Quarters at White-Hall: and the Day following, I took the Liberty to shoot another Bolt; under the Title, and Form here-ensuing.  
For his EXCELLENCY General MONCK.  
MY LORD,  
YOu are too Wise, and Noble, to need either a Direction, or a Spur, where your judgement, or Honour lies at Stake: And to tell you, that to make yourself the Happiest Person in Nature, you must Deliver us from being the most Miserable People, is but to speak your own Thoughts, and Purposes. Yet such is the Passion I have for your Personal, and for the Public Good, that a Burden lies upon my Soul, till I have given some Testimony of my Respects, and Tenderness both for the One, and the Other, how-supe●fluous-soever, toward a judgement, and Inclination, so well Qualified for the Knowledge and Practice, of what is Honourable.  
My Lord, We are a wretched People, and Providence hath put it in your power, to finish all our Troubles. The Eyes of Men and Angels are upon You, and the whole Nation courts You as their Tutelary Spirit. Never was any Action so easy, and so Glorious at once, as our Deliverance. 'Tis wrought without the ●azzard, or expense either of Blood, Time, or Treasure. The Hearts, the Hands, and Fortunes of the People, are all at Your Devotion. Nay, lest You should submit to be misled by Popular Applause, Ambition, or any other Frail●y; Heaven hath annexed Your Interest to Your Duty, (forgive the Language) You must be Mad too, to be Wicked, and Quit all other Principles of Beneficial Prudence, with those of common Honesty and Conscience. Balance (my Lord) the main Account. Heaven and Hell, are the Difference. One way, You are sure to be as Great and Safe, as Love, and Gratitude can make You; whereas all other Acquisitions are deceitful. A word now of the means to effect our Quiet; and that with all due respect to better Reason.  
First, In the Case of differing Persuasions, be pleased to form such an Expedient, that all may quietly enjoy, and exercise their opinions, so far as they Consist with the Word of God, and with the public Peace.  
Secondly, Appoint an Act of Oblivion to be drawn (if you please) as Comprehensive of all Interests, as care, and skill can make it; and af●er this, let a Free-Parliament be called (with this previous Engagement imposed upon them) That they shall first secure these two Particulars of Conscience and Property, according to the true Intention of the Parties therein Concerned, ere they proceed further; and that they may then apply themselves to other Debates at Liberty▪ and settle what Government they shall think fit. This I presume not to deliver as the Arrogant Imposition of a single Person; but I do offer it humbly, as the sense of a Numerous, and Sober party. Some Mutinous and Peevish Spirits there are, whom nothing can please, but what displeases all the World beside. It were pity, to alter the whole Frame of the Law, to gratify the humour of so Inconsiderable a part of the People. Changes are Slow, and Dangerous; God and Truth, are Invariable; We were Well, till We shifted, and never since; having tried all other Postures in vain; were it not better to attempt That once again, than thus expose ourselves to be Restless for ever?  
My Lord, the Author of this is very much Your excellency's Servant. Feb. 4. 1659.  
THe City of London, having of late behaved themselves a little Cross, disturbed the self-created Representative exceedingly. The Common-Counsel was too Stout, and Honest, for their purpose. The Aldermen; but an Untoward Mixture: yet those among them that were Right, were Eminently so, and there were not a few that were so. A very Worthy, and Particular Instrument in the Frank carriage of the Business, was the Recorder. But Equal to them All was the brave General.  
The Rump was now come to a Forced Put. Monies must be Raised, and the City Subdued, or the Good Old Cause is Lost. In Order to Both; Out comes the Long looked for 100000. Tax, upon Tuesday; (Feb. 7.) which was Followed with a Negative Resolve of Common Counsel, upon Wednesday: but Thursday was the Bloody Day Designed, both to his Excellence, and to the Town. (witness the Resolves it produced, as to the City, and the Orders Imposed upon the General.)  
His Excellence having drawn his Forces into the City, so far Complied with his respects even to the least Image of Authority, as to Secure divers Persons, by virtue of an Order, to that express purpose. But to Destroy Their Gates, and Portcullises, he was very Loath; and signified as much to the Members, in a Letter from Guild-Hall, to which, he received in Answer, only a more peremptory Command to Proceed, which accordingly he Executed, the day following, and so returned to his Quarters.  
The Resolves (of Feb. 9) I must not Omit, for they deserve to be Transmitted to Posterity.  

Thursday 9 Feb.  
THe House received a Report from the Council of State, of some Resolutions taken by the Council, in relation to the City of London.  
Resolved, That the Parliament doth approve of what the Council of State hath done, in ordering, That the Commissioners for Government of the Army, do appoint Forces to be and continue in the City of London, for preserving the Peace thereof, and of the Commonwealth, and for Reducing of the City to the obedience of the Parliament.  
Resolved, That the Parliament doth approve of what the Council of State have done, in ordering that the Commissioners for the Army, do take order that the Posts and Chains in the City of London, be taken away.  
Resolved, That the Gates of the City of London, and the Portcullises there, be forth with destroyed.  
Resolved, That the Parliament doth approve of what the Council of State, and Commissioners of the Army have done, in Seizing and Apprehending of Mr. Vincent, Merchant in Bishopsgate-Street, And Thomas Brown, Grocer in Wood-Street, Daniel Spencer, in Friday Street, Laurence Brompfield, in Tower-Street▪ Major Chamberlain, Mr. Bludworth, and Richard Ford, in Seething-Lane, Major Cox, at the Swan in Dowgate, Mr. Penning, in Fa●church Street, and Lieutenant Colonel jackson.  
Resolved, That the present Common-Council of the City of London, Elected for this Year, be discontinued, and be and are hereby declared to be Null and Void, and that the Lord Mayor of London have notice hereof.  
Ordered, That it be referred to a Committee to bring in a Bill for the Choice of another Common-Counsel, with such Qualifications as the Parliament shall think fit, with ordet to meet at 8. of the Clock in the Speakers Chamber to morrow morning.  
The House likewise read the Bill for settling the Militia of the City of London, and the Liberties thereof, the first time, and referred it to the Council of State, to present names of Commissioners for the Militia of the City of London to the House to mo●row morning.  
The Parliament taking Notice of the discreet carriage of the Lord Mayor of the City of Londo●, in the Late transactions of the Common Council,  
Ord●red, That the Lord Mayor have the thanks of this House, and that Alderman Atkins do give him the thanks of the Parliament accordingly.   
THis day produced likewise a remarkable Petition, Presented by Praise-God Barebones, Pressing, that no man might be Admitted into any pl●ce of Trust, except such as should ABjURE A SINGLE PERSON; and further Praying; that it might be Enacted HIGH TREASON, for any man to MOVE, OFFER, or PROPOUND, in PARLIAMENT, COUNSEL, COURT, or PUBLIC MEETING, any thing in order to CHARLES STEWART, etc.— and that af●er such a LAW ENACTED, it might be deemed HIGH TREASON, for any man to move, or Propose the REVOCATION of it.  
A man would have thought, these people should have had enough already of the Oath of ABjURATION; for nothing did more expose them, than the eagerness they had formerly used in the promoting of it: which served, only to Eurage the Oppos●rs, and to set up for a Marque, the Infamous Abetters of it. But all this was not sufficient to divert the Gracious Members from a most Particular Order of Thanks to the Petitioners.  
Upon S●turd●y (●h● memorable 11th. of F●b.) the General, ●inding himself a little more at Liberty, Removed his Quarters in●o the City, and there Declared himself, to the Universal Satisfaction of the Nation. (Desiring Particularly, by Letter, the men ●f Westminster to bethink themselves of their Dissolution)  
In the transaction of this Affair, there were ●o many untoward Circumstances, that to Prevent Mistakes, I dispersed Several Copies of this ensuing Narrative.  
IN Octob. last, when Lambert scattered the Committee of Westminster his Unlucky Excellency thought it then a fit time to set up for himself; and in the Head of a Phanatique Party, to bid Defiance to all the Sober Interests, and judgements of the Nation. His Principal assistant in the work was Sir Henry Vane, the Prophet of that Inspired Rabble. The Faction was grown Bold, and Formidable; when, to divert the Course, or meet the Fury of it, the General was Invited to draw a Force from Scotland into the North: and In he came, but to a Nobler purpose, than ever they Intended. They Called him in to save Themselves, he Came to save the Nation. Upon the first notice of his Advance, Lambert was sent with a considerable Army to meet him, and London left almost without a Public Guard, (such was the Confidence they had in the Anabaptistique Party, which was privately Armed, and Listed in and about the town.) In fine, after divers Affronts upon, and Tumults in the City, the Soldiery Revolted; the Fugitive Members Returned; Lambert's Army Mouldered away; and his Excellency vanished. Thus far without a Blow; but the more difficult part was still behind, (for Treacherous friends, are much more dangerous than professed Enemies) The General, resolves next, for London: and makes it his design, both in his Passage, and after his Arrive, by all means possible, to avoid bloodshed; His March speaks him a Soldier, and a Gentleman, for it was Regular, and Inoffensive. The Country courted him upon the way as their Deliverer, and he deserved it; For he hath proved himself no less. The strict reserve he used, was but what best became his Dignity and Prudence; he was too Generous, to betray Another, and too Wise to be betrayed, Himself. Under this Guard of Honour, and of Caution, he passed his Journey; not to trouble you with long stories, how the ways were thronged with Cries and Addresses of the Nation, for a Free-Parliament; what Conference he had with the good Aldermen, what Compliments were made him, by the Other men of Westminster, etc.— To come to the Point, upon Friday afternoon, (the third of this Instant February) General Monck took up his Lodgings in Whitehall. On the Monday following, his Excellency was conducted by Scot and Robinson, (with the formality of a Mace carried before them,) in o a place commonly called the Parliament-House, where he delivered himself according to good Discretion, and soon after returned to his Lodgings Laden with the Thanks of the House. Tuesday and Wednesday were the General's days of rest: but not so to the City: for, upon Tuesday the 10●●00 l. Tax came out, which Nettled the Citizens shrewdly; and the day following, they met in Common-counsel, to advise upon it. Where they resolved, to adhere to a former Vote of the Court in the Negative. At the same sitting was communicated a Declaration from Warwi●k shire, for a Free-Parliament; it was of a fair signification, and Authority; the Gentlemen that brought it, received the Thanks of the Court; (not to mention the peevishness of 2 or 3 Dissenters) 'tis hoped they may be wiser, and honester hereafter; This was a Day of Business in London, and produced a Busier Night at Westminster: for the Counsel of State, after a tedious Puzzle and Debate, Issued out Orders to General Monck, for the Reducing of the City, directing him to proceed, in such a Method, as they had prescribed him. In persuance thereof, his Excellency marched early upon Thursday the Ninth current Horse and F●●t, into the City; by th●● means frustrating a Respect which the Court had designed him the Day before; Having appointed four Aldermen, and eight Commoners to attend him the next Morning. His entrance into the Town, brought all the Horror and Satisfaction with it, Imaginable: nor did the People understand for a long while, whether they should Curse or Adore him: at last in compliance with his Orders, he seized divers eminent Citizens, and sent them to the Tower, and took up his Quarters that Night in the City; By this time, the People, beyond all doubt, pronounced him the most execrable Creature that ever came within their Walls, not understanding that the Mischief he did them, was but jest, and the Good he Intended them, was Earnest. That in consideration of a weeks Imprisonment, he would reward them, and their Posterity, w●th Perpetual Liberty. This however carried an appearance of severity, which was in effect, but a point of Military Honour; For his Inclination, and Duty in this Action, Led him several ways: as a Soldier he obeyed a Barbarous Order; as an Englishman he made it his care, to take off the edge on't; and he was bound to do That, this day by Commission, Which he resolved to undo two days after upon a Nobler Principle; upon Friday, (the 10th. of the Month, and the la●t of his Commission,) the General demanded the City's last Resolve, from th● Aldermen; who s●ill adhered to their former Judgement. His Excellency, hereupon gave command to demolish the City Gates, and so Returned to Whitehall. (Observe, that his Displeasure, and Commission died together,) For the next Morning, (Saturday,) he made the Town a large Amends: Declaring Solemnly to join with them, and their Associates for a Free Parliament; (but having fairly first discharged himself to those at Westminster, by a Letter in common with his Officers; who have behaved themselves as men of Honour in the Business. The Truth is, had not the General been nimble with them, they had undermined him; for, contrary to Faith and Honesty, to their express Agreement, they had not only entered into a secret combination with the Sectaries, but publicly encouraged their Assembling and Petitions; and more particularly, contrived the direct Ruin of that Person, who had so lately preserved them. This is a Theme transports me; The Bloody Votes were passed that Dismal Night: Let Nedham tell you; but never was a Joy so Universal; wise men grew mad upon't, and mad men sober. The Cries, the Bonfires, and the fume of Roasted Rumps, did quite take down the Legislative Stomach; 'Tis thought the Thing at Westminster is vanished. In fine, the Hand of God is in't, his Name be praised.  
Feb. 12. 1659.  
THis was not yet enough, to put the Rump out of Countenance. The blessed Members met again as Formally as ever, & Acted with a Confidence than 't might exuse the Common people's jealousy over the General. He was too Wise, to walk too Open: and They not Wise enough to comprehend the Policy of his Reserve. And yet they wanted not a Will to Understand him. They studied nothing else but his Intentions. That which most puzzled them, was a Conference at Alderman Wale's, betwixt Several of the Secluded Members, and of the Rump: Joining to That, His Excellencies Answer to a Proposal of Raising Forces to secure themselves; which was, That He himself would Interpose betwixt the City, and all Danger.  
Observing how prejudicial these Mistakes were to the Public Interest of Se●tlement; and with what Art, and Industry, they were Assisted, by the Adverse Party: I took it for a Seasonable, and Good Office to do something that might Create a better Understanding: Or, at the worst, Excite the Citizens, to Act by Tichborn's Precedent, and of Themselves, in Case of any further Baffle or Delay, in settling their Militia. For these Reasons, I Published this Ensuing Paper.  
A Word in Season, to General MONK, (with his Officers, etc.) To the CITY, and To the NATION.  
My Lord, and Gentlemen,  
YOu are, at present, in the Heart of the Nation, and in the Arms of your Friends: where you are Safe, and Beloved. You have the Strength and Affections of the City, at your Devotion, and it is your Commune Interest, to unite in a Concurence both of Power and Kindness. You stand and fall together. You are all of the same Stock; Born to the same Freedom; Subjected to the same Laws; Nursed up in the same Religion: And in fine, Obliged by the same Rules of Duty and Wisdom, to promote the same Ends. I might add, that you are likewise exposed to the same Danger, and from the same Enemy: by whose Hypocrisy, and Skill, should you be Deluded into a Belief, of such who never kept F●ith, (forgive me) your Reputation is lost, with your Security; and you Fall, without either Redress or Pity. In this very Instant, while you Treat, the Mine is working. The Instruments and Means of your Destruction are already agreed upon. Some ar● employed to Infect your Councils, and Alienate your Soldiers: Others sit among you, to Betray you. What by Open Force cannot be Effected, must be assisted, by a Dagger or Poison. (You have the Substance of this, already, upon Evidence, and Experiment.) Next to this Caution towards your Professed Adversaries, allow me to propose a more Ingenuous, and Open Clearness towards your Useful Friends. (if it were but to prevent Misunderstandings: Beside, that the very Doubt is both Injurious, and Painful) Offices of Respect, and Comfort, aught to be performed with Liberty, and Cheerfulness, without any the least mixture of Scruple, or Reserve. These Frank, and Mutual Interchanges of Succour, and Advice, beget a Trust, and Kindness; And That's the true Foundation of a happy, and Lasting Union.— That Friendship which admits a jealousy, wavers.  
When You, (My Lord) your Officers, and Army, are become One with this City, you have then but Contracted a nearer Alliance with the Nation: whose several Counties, and Divisions, (how remote soever) are (with this Town) but Parts still of the same Body. By a Consent of Interest, and Sense, they Prosper, or they Whither, they Grieve, or joy, they ●ive, or Dye. Nor are they more united in their Interests, than in their Votes, and Resolutions; for they have unanimously engaged with the City, to maintain their Rights, and Liberties, the Reformed Religion, and the Freedom of Parliaments, against all Hazards, and Oppositions whatsoever. I need not tell your Lordship by what Audacious an● Illegal Violences, this Declaration and Remonstrance was extorted from them. The Nation stood condemned to Servitude, and Beggary, even by those, whom they themselves had Raised from that Condition, to aggravate the Bondage, by the more Intolerable Authors of it. 'Tis now become a Crime, to name a Full, Free Parliament, and Tre●son to appeal to any other Law, than the Insipid Vote of a Legislative Conventicle. The Gaols are full of Prisoners upon that very score.  
Was it not time, (My Lord) to bid these People hold their Hands, after the expense of so much Blood, and of so many Million; and all this only to perpetuate a dearer, and a more Infamous Thraldom? The Pulpits were enured to Blasphemy, and Non sense, and the Government prostituted for money, to Persons able to disgrace a Bawdy-House.— These, and the like Indignities, put the Nation upon their Just, and necessary Defence; And in that Posture they now stand Ready, and Resolved.  
Your Excellency hath been tender hitherto of Blood, but if a speedy Order be not taken, to Regulate those straggling Troops, that Act still in the Countries, in Opposition to a Settlement, It will come yet to Blows: For questionless, in case of a Necessity, th● People will not stand still, and suffer themselves to be picked out, man by man, till they be all Destroyed.  
The Gentry and Nobility, are Slaves to every peddling Pursuivant. 'Tis but a Warrant from our Masters, and all is Fish that comes to Net: No matter for a Crime, if there be Booty. All that the People ask, all they design, is but the Benefit of the Law. Will any English man deny it us? First, They have sworn to defend it; Next We have sworn, ●ather to die, than lose it. This Faction's hath cost the Nation more than 60. Millions, besides the Blood they have Lapped: and yet 100000. l. a Month, and not a farthing less, will do their Business, that is, 5●00. l. a Man, or some such Trifle: For that, the junto shares; perhaps the Soldier, once in a year, or 2. may get his Morning's draught, and then be turned to Graze upon Free Quarter; and hanged for Mutiny, if he but talks of Money. It's the trick they served all that have served them. Who ever strikes, or pays on their behalf, fights but for Bondage, and contributes to his own Chains. If they had any Fa●ih, they might be Trusted. But Oaths go down with them like Pills of Butter, they are dissolved, as soon as taken. That Perjury which would poison a good Christian, is but their Nutriment. Nay worse than Wolves, they are False to their own Kind, and enter-worry one another. I should be endless, to pursue this Subject till I want Matter. In brief, My Lord, look to yourself, and to your Friends; Life and Death are before you, Choose. May Heaven direct and bless your Counsels and Endeavours, so far, as you proceed with Piety and Honour. To prevent Mistakes, I do declare, that there are divers moderate and sober Persons, in the Mixture, for whom I have a fair Respect, and that the tartness of my Language, only concerns the Furious and Phanatique of them.  
A word now to the CITY; and that a short one.] Gentlemen, upon your fair compliance with the General, depends much of your safety: that is, so far as he comports himself with terms of Prudence, Equity, and Honour; (and he is too Noble, to go Less) next, to himself, you find his Officers, of an Ingenuous, and clear Conversation; and worth your Friendships, their Commands apart; you likewise find the body of the Army Civil, and well disciplined, you do exceeding well to pay them all due respects: and to join Interests, and Councils, with them;— you have done Wisely, Honestly, and Bravely too, to oppose Taxes: that is, Taxes imposed without a Law,— to be employed against yourselves;— and such, as had you granted them, your Precedent would have extended to enslave your Posterity.— Your care next, to disarm the Sectaries, was very seasonable, Your City had probably been in Ashes else by this time. Consider, they bear the same mind still, and where they had those weapons they can quickly have more. You cannot be secure without your Militia, nor can any thing fairly obstruct your Procurement of it: In Tichburn's Case, it was by the Commons ordered, that any six of the Common-counsel (upon emergent occasions) might send for the Lord Mayor to call a Common Counsel, and in case of default, call it themselves, and any 40. of them, to have power to act as a Common-council, without the Lord Mayor, any thing in their Charter to the contrary Notwithstanding: See the Hist. of Independency, part 2. p 83. Not to exceed my limits, Forget not your suffering Friends, and stand firm to your Associates, and Allies. He that tamely suffers One Injury, Provokes Another.  
Now to the NATION, for a Farewell.] I need not press my Countrymen with many Cautions, your Freedom of Elections, that's your Birthright; 'Tis that you all declare, to Live & Die for, you are too wise, to be cheated with Restrictions and Qualifications: as if the Question were the Number, rather than the Choice, at this rate, you may have a full House, indeed; but How? That is, full of the Brats, the Kindred, and the Partisans of those that sit already; and then, they that have gulled you all this while, shall govern you for ever, your very Declarations against the Present Tyranny, have brought you to that Point, that there's no safety left you, but in violence; for while you talk, you die, your scattered Friends are gathered up, one by one; whereas, your SEASONABLE UNION MAKES ALL SURE.  
As your Intentions are Honourable, so let your Actions be. How far the Law extends, in case of Brutish, and Illegal cruelty, see St. john's Argument against the Earl of Strafford; and with That I conclude: He that would not have had others to have Law, why should he have any himself? Why should not that be done to him, that himself would have done to others? It is true, we give Law to Hares and Deers because they be Beasts of Chase; it was never accounted either cruelty, or fowl play, to Knock Foxes and Wolves on the head, as they can be found, because these be Beasts of Prey: The Warrener sets traps for Powlcats and other Vermin, for Preservation of the Warren.  
Feb. 18. 1659.  
ABout This time, the Schismatics had all their Instruments at work to disappoint the General Design, and Hope of a Free Parliament. The Bolder, and the more Ingenious sort of Honest men were Gathered up, by Flying Troops, that they had every where Dispersed to hinder a Conjunction: nay, they were come to That Degree of Impudence, to threaten Banishment, and Sequestration to the whole Party of Declar●rs. Nor did they Act these Outrages upon the Gentry, without a due regard of Popular, and specious Application to the Vulgar. The House should be Immediately Filled:— The Form of the VVrit was already Published:— The Qualifications, Agreed upon;— and in Fine;— They would Instantly proceed to a Settlement of Church and State:— (what would they more?) In the mean while; The Presses are at Work; by Libels against the King;— By Arguments of Interest; and by False Intelligence, to Corrupt, and Deceive the People. No Stone is left unturned. The Common-wealtbmen. They're a Birding too; and Tell their Little Tales of Rome, and Venice. Nor does the General himself escape their wild Attempts; either upon his Honesty, by Large and Insignificant Donations; or else by Plots against his Person. The Party had their Friends too in the City; either, by Tedious Speeches, From the Point, to make their Meetings Fruitless: or upon Frivolous Pretences to Delay the very Calling of a Counsel; Retarding the Militia by that means, to the great Hazzard of the whole Affair.  
This was the Face of Things, when the Brave General Cleared the way for the Return of the Secluded Members, who being Entered (Feb. 21.) fell Instantly upon the Nulling of those Sputious Orders, which Related to their First Seclusion in Dec. 1648. Proceeding Thence, to the Enlarging, and Confirming of the general's Commission: and the disabling of the Rump's Commissioners for the Government of the Army.— The Discharging of Prisoners, Illegally Committed:— and the Appointment of a new Convention, (Apr. 25.— 1660.)— In Fine; they had enough to do for one while, to Vacate the misdoings of their Predeeessors: which thing itself they did, with all convenient Modesty, and Tenderness. As their Business was only to Settle the Nation, without Perpetuating Themselves; so did they make all Haste was Possible, to Finish it. The Militia's, they Placed in Good Hands: and Empowred a Counsel of State to Govern in the next Interval, which being done, and Provision made for a New Election; (March 16.) they Dissolved Themselves.  
The Independent Gang were struggling now for Life; and Laboured by a Thousand Shifts, and Cheats to make a Party in the new Militia. During That Transaction; I caused this Following Paper to be Published.   

A Seasonable Word.  
I Do not write out of an itch of Scribbling, or to support a Faction; my Duty bids me write.— Nor do I love Hard words, or Many, Plain, and Few, suit all Capacities and Leisures. I would be Read by all, and Understood by all: for my Business extends to all.— Not to spend time in Compliment, or Apology; The Readers Wisdom, or the Author's Weakness, is not the Question. The Nation is in Distress, and every Englishman must lend his hand to save it. Nay, That must be done Quickly too, and Vigorously; Delay is Mortal. Can any thing be more Ridiculous, then to stand Formalizing, in a Case, where 'tis impossible to be too early, or too zealous? The event of things takes up our thoughts, more than the Reason of them; what News, more than what Remedy; As if it concerned us rather to know, whose Fools and Slaves we shall be next, then to be such no longer. That which completes the Wonder, and the Oversight, is, That the Miseries we suffer, were before hand, as easily, to be Fore-seen and Prevented, as they are now to be Fel●: and we are only to look Backward, to take a perfect measure of the Future; so obvious, and formal is the Method, that leads to our destruction. If we are not in love with Beggary, and Bondage; let us at last bethink ourselves of Freedom, and from a due inquiry into the Rise, and Growth, and present State of our Calamities, learn to be wise, and Happy, for the time to come.  
It may be observed, that since Churchmen dabbled in Politics, and Statesmen in Divinity, Law and Religion have been still subjected to the Sword: and in ●ff●ct, those same Excursions, and Adulterate mixtures, are but the workings of a Party already in motion toward that End. He that designs a Change of Government, must begin by imposing a Delusion upon the People: and whatsoever is Necessary to his Purpose, must be Accommodate to their Humour.— The Pulpit, by false glosses, and Puzzling distinctions, under the Doctrine of Conditionate Obedience, suggesting Liberty, cousins the Multitude into a Rebellion. Oaths and Covenants, are but like jugglers knots, Fast or Loose, as the Priest pleases— The Weaker sort being thus prepared, and poisoned, by a Seditious Clergy; 'tis then the Statesman's part to push those Mutinous Inclinations into Action: and to divide the Cause betwixt Conscience, and Property, the better to involve all Interests in the Quarrel.— Under the Masque of Piety, and Publiqueness of Spirit; of Holy men, and Patriots; the Crafty cheat the Simple; engaging by those specious pretences, the Rash, misjudging People, (with good Intentions; but wanting Care and Skill) in Sacrilege, and Treason.  
This was the very Root, and this hath been the Process of our Evils. Under the notion of God's glory, the Safety, and the Honour of the King:— the Fundamental Laws, and Freedoms of the People:— the Privilege of Parliaments, etc. the Kingdom was gulled into a Compliance with an Ambitious, and Schismatical Faction. The main Pretence, was the Assertion of the Subjects Legal Rights, against the grand Prerogative; and That,— directed only to the Limitation of an Intended, Arbitrary Power:— the Regulation of such and such Mis-Governments, etc.— and all this— Saving their Allegiance to His Sacred Majesty; whose Person, Crown, and Dignity, they had so often, and so deeply sworn to maintain— This was a Bait so Popular, it could not fail of drawing in a Party; and That produced a War,— The Formal Story of the Quarrel, is little to my purpose: the Logic of it, Less,— How, by the same Authority of Tent, and Law, both King and People, could be justified, one against the other; I meddle not. Let it suffice; that after 6. Years Conflict,— a vast profusion of Blood and Treasure,— The King, a Prisoner,— and his whole party scattered, and disarmed: the Commons found themselves disposed to end our Troubles; and passed a Vote to Treat with His Majesty in Order to a Settlement. This met with little opposition, except from those, who having Gorged themselves already, upon the public ruin, were not yet satisfied without their Sovereign's Blood— The death of Monarchy itself;— and the subjecting of a Tame, and Slavish People to a Conventicle of Regicides. There were not many of so deep a Tincture; but what these few could not ●ff●ct by Number, they did by Force. For, upon the 6 th'. of Decemb. 1648. Sir Hardresse Waller, Pride, and Hewson,— Seized and Imprisoned 41. of the Commons House;— Clapped Guards upon all passes leading to it;— Some 160 more, were given in upon a List to those that kept the Door, with an express direction from several Leading Members to oppose their Entrance;— a matter of 40 more withdrew, for fear of violence. Their Crime was only the carrying of a Vote for Peace (already mentioned) the day before. This action was so Enormous, that the very Contrivers of it were ashamed to own it: transferring That upon the Army-Officers which was done by their own appointment. They passed however a Formal disallowance of the violence, and ordered their discharge; which yet the Officers refused (upon a Combination now most evident)— Observe this,  
That which in 48. they told us was an act of the Army-Officers, in 59 they call a judgement of Parliament; and they justify and continue That very Seclusion, by a Vote of jan. 5.59.— Which they Themselves Condemned and Discharged by several Orders in Dec. 48. The Particulars of these Transactions, are excellently delivered by Mr. Prynne, (the Honour of the age) in his true and perfect Narrative, as also, in the Declaration of the true state of the Secluded members, and in the History of Independency.  
Return we now to the great Test of the Spirits, and Designs of the several Parties, and Members of the House, and from that Judgement, and Discrimination of Persons, and Humours, we may learn seasonably to provide against After-claps. This Blow broke the House of Commons into Three Pieces:— One Party, adhered to the Vote,— opposed the Violence;— Declared against it,— Claimed from time to time, their own and the People's Rights,— Pleaded the Covenant, and their Declarations, and stood it out. The Second sort, was not so well prepared for Martyrdom; a kind of Barnacle, neither Fish nor, Flesh. This was a Party, that Flew off at first, but soon retracted;— Herded again, and went along for Company; my Charity persuades me well, of divers of them, and that they mixed, rather in hopes to moderate the Rest, then in Design to strengthen them: A Party rather Weak, and Passive, than Malicious. But nothing can excuse those sons of Belial, the perjured Remnant; no, nor express them— Beside their Oaths and Covenant, they have above a hundred times, in Printed Declarations, renounced the very Thought of what they since have executed. Read the Exact Collections, We are (say they) so far from altering the Fundamental Constitution, and Government of this Kingdom by King, Lords and Commons. That we have only desired, that with the consent of the King, such Powers may be settled in the Two Houses, without which, we can have no Assurance, etc. These are the very words of their Declaration, April 17. 1646 published by the House of Commons, alone, toward the end of the war, and most remarquably entitled,— A Declaration of their true Intentions, concerning the Ancient Government of the Nation and securing the People against all Arbitrary Government.— Let this Quotation serve for All, lest I exceed my Limits. Not to insist upon things known, and public.— How faithfully these People have managed their Original Trust,- how strictly they have kept their Oaths and Promises,— how tenderly they have observed the Laws, and asserted our Freedoms;— bow poor they have made themselves, to make us Rich;— how Graciously they have assumed the Legislative power; and then, how modestly they have exercised it:— In fine;— How Free, and happily we lived under their Government; till Oliver played Rex among them and threw them out by a Trick of their own Teaching. This was in April 1653. It were worth the while, to inquire into the good they did us, during that 6 years' Session, but that I leave to Needham. Nor shall I far examine the Protectors Reign; by whose advice;— by what assistance;— or by what Laws he ruled?— how many of our late Republicans forgot themselves, and swore Allegiance, to a single Person. How many things like Parliaments, he dispe●sed.)— It is enough; at last, he died. Died,— in despite of Priests, and Poets; Goodwin, etc. The former telling him from Heaven, that he should scape that Fit, the Other telling us,— (so needlessly.)—  
His Highness, having other things to think on, left his successor doubtful, till (as they say) His Secretary, (Then, one of Ours, now) with Goodwin, (His Prophetic Confessor) Swore his son Richard into the Protectorship. But he (Good Gentleman) did not much hurt, but peaceably resigned to Fleetwood, and Disborough; and They, quite at a Loss for want of Brains and Courage, called in the Fag-end of the old House, to their assistance: So that those Members, which Dived, in April 53. came up again, upon the 7 th'. of May, 59 and acted as impetuously as ever: Till they were once again unseated, by the Army; the 13. of Octob. last, and then, the Commit of Wallingford-house was invested with the Supreme Authority: ('Tis but a slippery Title that of the Sword) This change, gave General Monk occasion to show his Charity to his Native Country; by whose Generosity, and Conduct, the Honest and Suffering Party was relieved, and the Phanatique Army dispersed, without Blood. Hereupon, the Souldjery tacked about once again;— Lamented their backslidings; and on the 26 th'. of Decemb. following the Good-Old-Cause-men, re-enthroned themselves: more eager now, than formerly, against the Readmission of the secluded Members. This barbarous, and Arbitrary proceeding, put the whole Nation upon a necessity of procuring a Free and Full Representative: to which end, they proposed Modestly, and Fairly, the Restoring of the Excluded Members, and Filling up the House; or else, the Liberty of a New, and Legal choice. For bringing Letters to this purpose, Sir Robert Pie, and Major Fincher were imprisoned. This was an Insolence too gross, to do much Mischief, but to Themselves. Are these the men, (the People cried) that put the King to death, only upon Pretence of a Design, to Erect and Uphold in himself, an Unlimited, and Tyrannical Power, to Rule according to his Will, and to overthrow the Rights, and Liberties of the People, Yea, to Take away and make Void the Foundations thereof, and of all Redress and Remedy of misgovernment, which by the Fundamental Constitutions of this Kingdom, were reserved on the People's behalf, in the Right and Power of FREQUENT AND SUCCESSIVE PARLIAMENTS? (these are the words of the charge)— That which was Treason in our Lawful Prince, how comes it to be Law, now with these Fellows? They took away the King's Life, for but Intending, the very thing they Act; and we are to be Hanged, for Ask only That, they swore they Fought for. No;— they are a Pack of cheats; They Murdered Him, that they might Rule, Themselves. The Plot was grown so Rank, the Commune People smelled it; and without more ado, associated to free themselves, from an infamous and perpetual bondage. Witness that Union, (in their Declarations) both of Demand and Resolution; against the Equity whereof, no man hath hitherto pretended the least Objection.—  
The Supreme Trifle; perceiving, an Universal Application to the General, in his passage; and all, speaking the same Sense; Finding withal, that his Excellence suspended, till he might hear Both Parties; and Conscious to Themselves, of no imaginable Reason to Oppose: Beside:— Seeing themselves Declined, and Hated;— Na●, and Endangered by a Peremptory Agreement of the Nation;— They did, at last, most graciously descend to promise us a full Representative; but no Secluded Members, to be admitted, nor, in effect, any other then fanatics.  
His Excellency, well weighing, what was Reasoned pro & con: made way for the Return of the Secluded Members. This justice, broke 〈◊〉 neck of a Design, just then on Foot. This is the short on't.— 〈…〉 w●re to be held at Ga●e, in expectation of a further satisfaction; till those Troops which the Backside had ordered to that purpose, should have seized all the considerable Persons of the Kingdom. Nay, they were impudent enough, to tempt the General himself into a Complication with them: But he was too discreet, not to distinguish where to observe, and where to Leave them. In fine, That providence, which stills the raging of the Sea, and the madness of the People, hath put a check to their Impetuous and, brutish fury.  
Next to our Gratitude to Heaven, let's have a care, not to be wanting in point of prudence to our Selves. Nothing undoes us but Security. We see, who are our Friends, and who our Enemies; whom we may trust, and whom we must not. We have paid dear for our Experience, and, sure, we have a Title to the Benefit of it. Let us look Back, and learn, from Thence, the menage of the Future.  
It is a tedious while, this Nation has been tossed betwixt Two Factions; One in the Army, the Other in the Counsel; Both, well enough Agreed to destroy Us, but Jealous still, One of the Other, as Don says of Ignatius, concerning his Competitor in Hell, He was content he should be Damned, but loath he should Govern. That's all the Quarrel: the Vizor of Religion, is thrown aside long since. The Conventicle cheats the Soldier this day; and he falls upon the Rump, the next: in short; they do but watch one the other, at the public charge; they may s●arle where they please, but they by't none but us, and at the worst, forgive their fellow-Theeves for robbing Honest Men. This hath been their practice near these dozen years. Are we not yet convinced, that 'tis impossible it should be otherwise, while the same people Govern us, with the same aim, and bound up by no other Laws, than their Own Wills? I do not press any resistance, Now; but, certainly, a readiness to protect Honester men, in Case of an Attempt, were not amiss. We see, how dirtily they have used the General, and how unworthily their Instruments have laboured the Army into a direct Tumult; and all this in order to a New Violence upon the House. We see, what juggling is used in the MILITIA: as foisting in false Lists, to cast the strength of the Nation into the hands of mean, and Factious person's. What industry, to hold us still unsettled, by throwing in impertinent, and dangerous Scruples, to delay (at the Fairest) if not disturb the long desired Peace we pray for.— He that has either Honour in his Blood, or Honesty in his Heart, is Reproached with a King in his Belly.— Then, for the Qualifications, these goodly Squires would have thrust upon us, are they not pleasant? One man of Forty shall be allowed to Vote, or Sat, and the other 39 must call That a Free-Parliament, and swear, it Represents ●he People.— We are not so Blind yet, nor so Forgetful, as not to see, and know, some ●oxes and some Asses, in the Medley; All are not Saints we call so.— We do remember, who they were that ruled in 48. and we are sensible, what they would do still, if they had Power.— We know, who brought in, who; but the Markets raised; our Heads will not off now at Fifty shillings a Hundred, as formerly. In fine, let the General, the Secluded Members, and the Honest Souldjers, live Long, Happily, and Beloved; and let the Rest take their Fortune. I could only wish his Excellency had been a little civiller to Mr. Milton; for, just as he had finished his Model of a Commonwealth, directing in these very Terms, the Choice;— mwn not addicted to a Single Person, or House of Lords, and the Work is done. In come the Secluded Members, and spoil his Project. To this admirable discovery, he subjoins a suitable Proposition in favour of the late sitting Members, and This is it, having premised the Abilities and Honesty, desirable in Ministers of State, he recommends the Rumpers to us as so Qualified; advises us to quit tha● fond Opinion of successive Parliament; and suffer the Persons then in Power, to perpetuate themselves under the name of a Grand or General Cou●sell, and to rule us, and our Heirs for ever.— It were great pity th●se Gentlemen should lose their longings: One word, and I have done. We live in daily expectation of Writs for another Session, if they Leave us as free, as they Found us, 'tis W●ll: if Not; 'tis but to Turn the Tables, and try Their menage of a Losing Game.  
THe Great Design was now, to Disappoint the Hopes we had of Good from the Next Convention, by Continuing Themselves; or at the least, to Fool the People into an Expectation of the same Benefit from the Rump, which we promised ourselves from a Free Parliament, and that way to Procure an Interest in the Next Session. In order to this pitiful purpose, comes forth a wretched Pamphlet, entitled 
No New Parliament.  
OR Some Quaeres or Considerations humbly offered to The Present PARLIAMENT MEMBERS.   
☞ The Occasion rather, than the thing it self, drew from me This Answer.  

Quaere for Quaere, etc.  
ALthough That Pamplet, which Occasions This, considered in itself, is not Worth a Reply: Yet in regard of the Contrivers, and of the End it tends to, it may Deserve one. I look upon it as nothing else, but the fanatics late Petition sliced into Quaeres, by some unskilful hand; and with a Harmless kind of Simple Malice, directed to elude the justice and Necessity of their great Patron's Dissolution.  
I shall not much insist upon the business, beyond the Obligation of a Formal Answer: but I shall take such heed to That, as to leave little place for a Return; and in the rest, make the old saying good, that One Fool may ask more Questions, than T●enty Wise men can Answer.  

His Quaere's are as follows.  
1. Whether this be not the Parliament, and these the Persons, who began the War with the late King? And if so, whether it doth not highly and nearly concern them even for their own sakes, to be the Parliament that shall take up, and Close the Quarrel, and not leave it to others, especially, if as the general voice goes, the King's Son must be brought in?  

ANSWER.  
THis is not the Original Parliament; That was composed of Three Estates; King, Lords, and Commons. Further; These very Persons now sitting, Declared the King, a Party with them in the Quarrel; beginning the War in the King's Name;— For Him, not With (that is, as it lies here Against) Him. If Thus; the House must be Divided as well now in the Question, as formerly it was so in the War. The Parliament (even in the Querists sense) were those that (suitably to their Duties and Engagements) Voted a Peace, in order to the Preservation of his Majesty, but there was a Faction too, that contrary to Honour, Faith, and Conscience, did forcibly seclude their Honester Fellows, (by much the Major Part) and Prosecute, and put to Death the King; Those that have been Honest, are Safe: nay and so should those be too, that will at last be so, by my Consent: but I Demand,  
What Equity or Reason is there, that those Persons who Murdered the Father, and are still professed Enemies to the Son, should have an Equal Benefit with Others, that were Affronted for their Loyalty to the Former, and are at present upbraided (as if 'twere Criminal) for their Affection to the Latter? If the King's Son must be brought in, whether they will or no, what have we to do further with those people, that Declare they'll keep him Out, if they Can?    

2. Whether this Parliaments first undertaking and prosecuting the War with the Late King wer● Just, and upon good and Warrantable Grounds? If it were (as no doubt it was) and God having by his Providence, after a long Interruption of some of them, and a longer Seclusion of the rest, restored them to their trust, whether they ought not now to stand to their first Good principles, maintain their first Good Cause, and secure all the good people that have been engaged with them, and by them?  

ANSWER.  
THe War was Just, in that part of the Parliament, which Declared for the King, and Acted accordingly, but Unjust in th●se that Swore to Preserve him, and Intended to Murder him. That the Parliament ought to stand to their first Good Principles; we are Agreed. In so doing; they are to bring to condign punishment,— the Infringers of their Privileges,— the Introducers of Arbitrary power, the Obstructors of Successive Parliaments; The Murderers of the late King— the Subverters of the Established Government, etc.  
I grant you further, that they are obliged to secure all the good people that engaged With them and by them; but not consequently all those that acted violently Against and Without them,— now my Question.  
How is it possible for those that Began upon Principles of Contradiction, (as the Saving and Destroying of the King, etc.) to stand to their First principles?    

3. Whether this be not that Parliament, and these the very persons, who by the good esteem they had among the people of their Integrity, Faithfulness and Constancy; whether I say, this be not the Parliament, who by these and other means engaged the Honest, and well Affected of the Land in the aforesaid War? And if so, whether this Parliament having now power in their hands, are not obliged in Duty and Good Conscience to secure all the said Honest and well affected people for this their Engaging and Acting under them, and not leave them as a prey to their professed enemies, nor their terms of piece to be made by they know not whom? Another Parliament, which there is too great cause to fear, will be too much made up of such as neither have been nor are friends to the Parliaments cause, nor to those that engaged in it.  

ANSWER.  
'Tis not the Gaining of a good Esteem, but 'tis the practice of Integrity, that recommends a Worthy person. I may believe well of a Cheat, and ha' my pocket picked. But after that; I should deserve a Yellow Coat, ever to trust that fellow Again, though he should plead, he had my good opinion formerly.— Some I confess are yet in Being, of those whose Interest raised the War, but these are not the men our Quaerist means: (and beside; the most considerable of that number, are in their Graves.) For the rest; (to wave this Argument from Power to Conscience.—) Those people that dare not abide the test of a Free, Legal Parliament, must not presume to a●t themselves, as an Authority without Law, or Limit. In fine;— If this be the Same Parliament, that first engaged— then—  
Why should the Secluders, and their Adherents;— Those which by Force of arms Baffled this very Parliament, in 48. escape better than the Cavaliers that fought against it, in 42?    

4. Whether this be not the Parliament, who by many Declarations and Remonstrances, by Protestation and Vow, by Solemn League and Covenant have declared and engaged themselves before God, Angels, and Men, and have thereby drawn in, and therewith engaged all Honest people to assert and defend their just undertaking, and one another therein? Whether as things now stand, (when this just Cause, which through God's assistance could not be won from us in the field, is in great danger to be stolen from us by the dark contrivances of its and our adversaries) if this Parliament should dissolve at such a time as this, and leave all, both Cause and all engaged by them in it to another Parliament, the greatest part whereof may be no friends but enemies, or at least strangers, or but little concerned in the first undertaking; whether this would not be exceeding contrary to all those Former Declarations, Remonstrances, Protestation, Vow, and Solemn League and Covenant?  

ANSWER.  
I Do allow— the Members of this present Session, are those persons that stand engaged by Oath and Covenant: and to that OATH and COVENANT, we appeal.— For Granted; they stand bound to protect all the HONEST people they have engaged; but not the KNAVES,— the Covenant-Breakers; I desire only this.—  
Whether or Not, are they that took the Covenant, bound to protect the Violators of it?— Nay, can they purge themselves of manifest Perjury and Complication, should they not prosecute the obstinate Opposers of it?    

5. Whether it be not more then sufficiently manifest what will ●e the carriage of these Enemies to the Parliaments Cause, and its Adherents, when they get power into their hands, since they are so forward already in their discourses to charge the Parliament with Treason and Rebellion in their first Undertaking the War, and lock on all their Friends as Rebels and Traitors for assisting them in the prosecution of it, and who are now in all places contriving and promoting the electing of such into the New Parliament as are Enemies to the present Parliament, their Friends and Cause, wherein if they prevail (as 'tis too likely) their work is done? How absolutely necessary is it then for the present Parliament to continue their Session, for prevention of these Mischiefs, which otherwise will ensue.  
Upon these and many other very weighty considerations, it can by no means be accounted either honourable, or just, or safe or prudent, for the present Parliament to dissolve themselves, till first they have fully asserted and vindicated their own just Undertaking, and the faithful adherents to it and them, and not to leave both themselves and their Friends to the Malice and Revenge of a vanquished Enemy.  
If this should be, we may bid adieu to the Honour and Renown of English Parliaments, and to all future hopes of assistance from the People, whatever the Necessity may be: And let English men bid farewell both to their Civil and Religious Liberties, if after so high a Conflict for them, with the expense of so much Blood and Treasure, and having by God's blessing subdued their Opposers, yet after all to be exposed to a far worse Condition than before, which O God forbid: We hope for better things from our present Parliament: All that we add, is only this, If the King must come, none so fit to bring him as our present Parliament.  

ANSWER.  
'TIs not the Parliament is charged with Treason, but that Rebellious Faction;— that, by an Insolence, praevious to the Murtherof his Sacred Majesty. threw out the Major Party of their Fellow-Members, which interposed to save him— and 'tis in their behalves, this pitiful, half-witted Pamphleter engages. Should these Gentlemen sit, till they found a Free Parliament their Friends, they'd hardly Rise betwixt This, and the Day of judgement: and that's all they desire. Alas! a Trifle.— The care they take of our Religion, and Civil Rights, in truth, is a great favour from them, that never understood their Own.— If the more sober, conscientious Persons at the Helm, think not fit to dissolve so soon; the JONASSES, however must be thrown overboard, to save the Vessel.— He that dissents, let him produce his Reasons: and in Particulars, but show what Good, they've either Done, or Meant us; to Balance the Calamities they have engaged us in. I should be Glad to see these Men Repent; Hardly, to see them Govern.— These Folks are Ruined, if they do not Rule; the Nation. if they do.— The Question than is but—  
Whether is more prudential; by saving of some half a score Secluders, that We should Perish; or by their SPEEDY DISSOLUTION, that we should save ourselves?  
A Free Course of Success against the Rump, had put the People upon a jollier Pin; Their Humour was quite changed; They thought the Danger Over, and it was now become a Thing Unseasonable to be Serious.  
Accounting it expedient however, through all Forms to Follow them, and Fool for Comp●ny, I was content to play the Mimic; as you may see in that which follows, entitled     

No Fool to the Old Fool.  
Hark ye my Masters;— for one half quarter of an hour now, let's be as Wise as Woodcocks; and talk a little Treason. Why should not We thrive in the World as well as our Neighbours? Had not other people Heads and Souls to lose as well as We? If men will be Damned, they had better Damn Rich than Poor; as Bradshaw and the Attorney General Damned.— Believe me,— three or fourscore thousand pound is a convenient Plaster for a Broken Head; there's something to bear Charges yet. Beside, There's Power and Plenty.— They Cousin whom they please:— Hang and Draw at Will;— they keep their Lacquays and their Whores: and at the last they go to Hell in Triumph. They have their Blacks & Elegies, and leave the State to pay the Draper and the Poet. 'twould make a man bepiss himself, to see the soft and tenderhearted Needham, weeping (like Niobe, till he turns Stone) over the Tomb of Bradshaw,— to see him Cry with one Eye, and laugh with the other, and yet the Tragi-comical Puppy keep his Countenance. The Tears of such a Saint cannot but fall, like Drops of Lambeth Ale, upon the Tongue of Dives,— how great a Consolation was it (think ye) to the late Protector to find himself placed at the right hand of God by Sterry? (that Blasphemous, bold Phanatique) of whose Condition, Charity itself can scarce admit a comfortable thought. For, after a long Course. of Treason, Murder, Sacrilege, Perjury, Rapine, etc. he finished his accursed Life, in Agony, and Fury; and without any mark of true Repentance. You'll say, he was the Braver Villain for't.— Crimes of this large Extent have indeed something that's Masculine to allay them. But to be Damned for Sneaking; To purchase Hell at the price of all that is pleasant Here: — to contract Sin and Beggary, in the same Act and Moment; This is the most Imprudent and Ridiculous wickedness that may be. He that Indents with the Devil, has a merry Bargain, compared with Us; There's Time, and Pleasure. Here; the Vengeance treads upon the H●e's of the Offence; and the Punishment of our Misdoing is the next immediate Effect of th●m. In Paying Taxes, to an Usurped Power; There's a Defection from the Right, and a Compliance with the Wrong, which renders us doubly Criminal,— and in this case we do but Buy our Chains, and the next Consequent of our Disobedience, is Slavery. It comes all to a Point, in what concerns Subjection to Unlawful Powers. Under a Force,— is a Brutish Argument. Vice is the Obliquity of the Will: That's Free. The same Plea lies in the Case of Martyrdom: and by the same Rule we may renounce our Maker.  
If Wicked, we're Resolved to be,— Lets go a nobler way to work— let's get a matter of Half a Dozen Crafty Knaves together; take in some Thirty or Forty silly Rascals into the Gang, and call ourselves a Parliament. Why Gentlemen? This is no impossible thing, Our Title is as good as Theirs, that ha' done the same thing before us; but then be sure of the Proportion. Seven parts of Eight must have neither Wit nor Honesty: yet Look as wise as judges, and in the very middle of their Paternosters, pick their Neighbours pockets. These are to be directed by the Rooks, and by them Both, the Nation, which would be over-stocked with Cheats, were any more admitted into the Grand Conspiracy against the People. To Personal abuses, the rest are likewise Qualified: They may Imprison, When, Where, and Whom they please, without Cause showed, their Will is a sufficient Warrant for the Well-affected. In fine, they are the People's voice, and Tha●'s the voice of Heaven.  
Why now should we despair of the same Events, from the same Means, considering, what a Drowsy, Patient, and Phlegmatic people we have to deal with? Shall's Fool a Little? Le's Vote down Magna Charta, and the Petition of Right! Settle a Preaching Militia, and a Fight Ministry?— Out with our Whinyards, and off with the Names, instead of the Heads of the King's Tryers; as Okey did upon the Change. Take away Monk's Commission; Petition the Soldiery to Petition Us, to declare ourselves Perpetual;— Bind up the Nation under Limitations for the next Session, and exclude all but our own party from the Choice. No matter for the Law or Conscience of the business— ARTICLES OF SURRENDER; and Public ACTS of INDEMNI●Y, amount to nothing,— OATHS and COVENANTS, are but occasional Submissions to Conveniency; not Binding any man, that in the very act of Taking th●m, resolves to Break them. Let things come to the Worst; when we have Overturned the Government;— Polluted the very Atla●, with our MASTERS BLOOD— Cheated the Public, etc. 'Tis but to Whine and Snivel to the People; tell th●m we w●r● misled, by Cardinal Appetites;— cloth all our Rogueries in Scripture-Phrase— Humble ourselves before the Lord (But not a Syllable concerning Restitution) and they'll Forgive us: Nay, perhaps, Trust us too: Think us their Friends, For doing them no more than all the Harm we could.— 'Tis a goo● natured sort of Beast,— the Common-People, if it be Pleased; and 'tis the Easiest thing in nature, for Fools and Knaves to Please it. They have not been gulled half long enough yet,— what will you say now, to a New-Parliament made of an Did one? As there's no Fool to the Old one, so there's no Knave to the Old one.  
What do ye think of your Episcopal Cole-marchant Sir Arthur, for Durham▪ and let him bring in his Fellow-Labourer Sir Harry Vane for Newcastle? In the City of London, you cannot choose amiss, provided, that Ireton or Titchburn, be One; and that he choose his Fellows.— For Kent, no Man like Sir Michael Livesy, For Norfolk there's Miles▪ Corbet, and if the House does not like him, they may send him to the Red-Bull▪ for he personates a Fool or a Devil without the Charge either of a Habit or a Viz●r. If the Nation be so Charitably disposed, as to erect an Hospital, in favour of the Lame, the Rotten. and the Blind, let 'em take in Limping Like▪ Robinso●▪ Rheumatic Mounson, Bobtail'd Scot; and the Blinking ●obler.— But why do I pretend to direct in Particular?— Among the King's Tryers, Excise-men, Sequestrators, Cl●se-Committee-men, ●ajor-Generalls, Buyers and Sellers of t●e Crown and Church-Lands, etc.— they may wi●k and choose. Alas, they're all Converted. I'm s●re he's Right, cries one; he Told me so. Dull Sots let Us be Right our Sel●es; and then, what n●ed we care who's Wrong? I'll put a Case to you: suppose, upon the Dissolution of this S●ssion, six or seven thousand of the Phanatique Souldjery, that knows a Settlement destroys their Trade. should try a Blow for't yet; and by the help of some of their Confederates, yet in appearance of Authority, should put a Force upon the Honest Party: ('Tis but to suppose, what many of that Gang are bold enough in Public to declare) I have a Fancy you'll lo●k on still, and betake yourselves to your Old senseless Plea,— They have the Power.— Which, i● you do— No no; you cannot be so Tame, and witless.  
☞ Be careful whom you Trust, either in your Militia, or Cou●sels; Choose Persons of Estates Honestly gotten; S●ch, ●hom the Law Preserves, ●ill Preserve the Law. Whereas, If you choose such as have an interest of their Own, that th'warts the Public; you're yery Charitable to believe that those people, who all this while, have Cheer You to benefit themselves, should, at the last, adventure All to preserve You.  
March 16. 1659.  
UPon the Dissolution of the House, the Fanatic party betook themselves to their wont Insolence. Declaring publicly (divers of them) that they were not Dissolved: Offering to sit again; and protesting against the Choice of the next Convention. They tampered the Army into a Combination; and proceeded to that point of Boldness, that the Common-Counsel found it proper to entreat the Counsel of State, and the General to retire into the City, during that Interval of Parliament; for their greater Security.  
March 19  
Observing the Lewd Practices of the Faction; and desirous to give the world some notice of Particulars, in Order to the better Knowledge of them, I printed this ensuing Paper.  
THat this Nation hath been long miserable, under the power of a violent and Restless Faction, is clear to all such as are endued with Memory, and Reason: nor is it more superfluous, to reflect upon their passed Miscarriages than Necessary to take some notice of their Later Cheats, and Insolences. Their Design was, to fix themselves in a Perpetual Counsel; contrary to Oath, and Law; and to cut off successive Parliaments. To carry on which Project, they had Armed all sorts of Libertines, throughout the Nation; particularly, threatening London with Fire and Sword, if they should not comply. Their barbarous purposes we●e Disappointed, by the General's Re-introduction of the Secluded Members: Together, with the united rage of the People against them. In this hopeless and Deserted condition. what they could not effect by open Force, they attempted by Treachery, and Corruption. They used all Art, and Diligence, during the Session, both to gain Opportunities, and to Emprove them; but being over-voted in the Main, They fell upon a more direct, and shameless method of Villainy.— They falsified the Lists of the Militia:— solicited Petitions from the City, for their Continuance:— juggled the Army-Officers into a Tumult,— Employed their Instruments to Destroy the General;— Mutinyed the Army, and the City; and Finally, they engaged a great part of the Souldjery to Remonstrate against the rest of the Nation. But all too little, to prevent their Dissolution; or to Disturb our Hopes of Settlement.  
The General hath approved himself, in the calm, steady menage of this wild Affair, a Person worthy of all the Honour we can give him. These Brutish Libertines,— finding all their Plots Bubbled,— th●ir Mines ven●ed,— their Party, Weak and Heartless,— themselves Friendless Abroad, and Comfortless at Home,— as Guilty, and as Desperate as Cain; after the sad despair of any the least Benefit to themselves, they are yet pleased in the Contrivance of our Mischief; They're not Dissolved, they tell us,— and attempt to meet again; That's in vain; and now they come to their last shifts, These Senseless Coxcombs offer the Honest General the Instrument of Government; as if, that Noble, Generous Soul, were to be wrought upon, to prostitute his Honour, and his safety; and all this, to preserve a K●●nel of such Reprobated, and Ridiculous Puppies. I wonder seriously, how these Pimps, and Knights o'th' Post,— Scot and his Fellows, scape the fury of the People: That Rabbet-sucking Rascal, with his Fellow Cheats, and Panders; these are the Youths: Gentlemen, that offer you like Dogs, to any Master, that will bestow the Haltering of you. For shame, bethink yourselves.  
To be as short as possible, thus far you're safe: but yet these Tumblers have not showed all their Tricks: their last Recourse, is to the Forgery of Letters; (but so ridiculously framed, they are rather argument of Sport, than Anger: for the Brewer is much better at a Chea●, than at a Stratagem) There are divers Scandalous Papers dispersed, in the Name of the King; and as the sense of the Royal Party. You shall do well, to take notice, that nothing of that Quality, proceeds ●ither from Himself, or his Friends. The Project is Phanatique, and tends only to hinder our Expected, and Approaching Settlement. To mention One for All; there is a Phamphlet of yesterday, Entitled— News from Brussels, in a Letter from a near▪ attendant on his Majesty's Pe●son, to a Person of Honour Here— Which Casually became thus Public.  
Do but observe this Formal Noddy, how he Boggles upon the very Title-page.— How Casually, Goodman Senseless? Did it D●op into a Printing House, and Publish itself?— his Title is followed, with a Suitable Text; of so Pitiful an Air; and Fashion, I am ashamed to confess the reading of it. Indeed I would advise the Secretary, rather to return to his Placket-Politiques, for he is not half so good at State, as Bawdry. To deliver his aim in other terms, for fear of giving the Reader a Vomit. The principal drift of his discourse is to Personate a Royalist, Charging the Presbyterians with the murder of the King, and professing an Implatable Animosity against the whole party.— Not to employ more subtlety than needs upon so Frivolous a Subject. Let this suffice.  
Who Murdered the King, the Nation knows; and who interposed to Save him;— who they are, that at this instant▪ Oppose a Settlement, and who Desire it; Nay More; we know, who cannot Live Under a Peaceable Government, and who cannot Live Without it: And it is fit to show all honest people to distinguish.  
Those, that have designed Us for Slavery, it is but reason to mark them o●t for justice▪ yet I should advise tenderness; whereby saving a Few, Infamous Malefactors, we do not hazard a more Considerable Loss. He that Forgives them, extends his Charity, but he that Trusts a man of them, Betrays his Country.  
March. 24. 1659.  
THe Agitators were now grown so Busy in the Army, that t●e Counsel of State put forth a Proclamation against them; and had not the singular prudence of the General checked the Malice of that Confederacy, It would have proved of dangerous Consequence. Finding themselves th●s disappointed of those ear●y hopes they had as to the Army: Their next Trick was to procure Elections for their purpose: and this th●y laboured to ●ffect, by Tampering with the Sheriffs, where they found any capable of a Practice: and by their Interest in some peddling Factious Boroughs, to get Themselves and their Friends chosen.  
This being the present Danger, I Dispersed some Hundreds of Papers, the Title and Copy whereof follows.   

A Necessary and Seasonable Caution, Concerning Elections.  
THe miserable dissettlement of this Nation, arising principally from Abuse of Trust▪ practised by those Persons, whom we chose to Represent the People; it concerns us now at last, to provide warily against future Inconveniences, by a more diligent Examination, and Knowledge of those we elect for the time to come. We find the Na●ion Impoverished; the Government both of Church and State dissolved; and all the Supports of a Puplick Magistracy devoured, by those very people, who instead of Freeing us from Small and few miscarriages, (themselves) notoriously exercised over us the greatest oppressions Imaginable. For prevention of the like evils hereafter, we are to be very wary how we choose; 

1. Such persons as Preach without a Call, and deliver the Delusions of Satan, for the I●spirations of the Holy Spirit; (We may know the Tree by its Fruit.)  
2. Such as either out of Fear, or Interest, Sacrifice the Public Good to Passion, or Benefit, shifting from Party to Party; This Day for the King and Parliamen; the next, Pensioners to the Protector, the Third for the Rump; the Fourth for any thing that comes next. Under this notion, I comprise such as make use of a Parliament-Priviledge, to Elude Creditors, to De●ain illgotten Possessions, and to put themselves out of the Reach of the Law; th●r●by hindering the due course of Proceedings against them.  
3. And Lastly, take heed of choosing any Persons that have already Falsified their Trust,— by engaging in Illegal Close-Committees▪— In any Relation whatsoever of Malice towards the Late King, in Purchasers, of Sellers of the Public Revenues:— In Usurped Imposi●ions upon the People. In Short; such, as have at the price of an Universal Ruin, enriched Themselves; and laid the Foundations of their New Babel, in Sacrilege, Perjury, Murder and Treason.    
This may suffice for a Caution to all such, as are not resolved up●n Beggary, and Bondage.  
THe Fanatics had at this time many Irons in the Fire, and not without Reason, for they had many Difficulties to Encounter. Their Instant and most pressing Concern was to Nip the Militia in the Bud; and either totally to hinder the next appointed Choice, or so to Qualify and Over-awe it, that we should only be subjected still to the same Faction, with somewhat more Pretence of Equity and Form. They knew the Vote and Strength of the whole Nation would be against them. And they set all their Heads and Hands at work to disappoint it. Briefly; they had their Firebrands in the City; their bold and public Agents in the Country: but their great Trust was in the Army; where they had poisoned a Considerable party; And by whose Aid they made no doubt of Lambert, (though then a Prisoner) to head them, so soon as the Design were Ripe enough to need him.  
Upon this point of Exigence (that nothing might be wanting to procure another War) they cast abroad in Swarms, Seditious Pamphlets; tending not only to Disgrace the Person, and the Office of the King, his Father's Memory, his Friends, and Cause, but likewise to provoke the Weaker, and the l●sse Considerate men of his own Party, by an Unseasonable and Mistaking Zeal to blast the Business. The Rise and Course of the whole war is searched into, for Matter to involve the Murderers of the King with those that would have Saved him, in the same Hazard, Interest, Crime, and Quarrel.  
One of the Modestest of these Discourses was put into my hand, with an Express Desire that I would print an Answer to it, which accordingly I did: but rather for my promise sake, then that I thought it worth the while;— and This was it.   

A Sober Answer to a Juggling Pamphlet, Entitled, a LETTER INTERCEPTED, etc.  
I Have heard of one that has made himself a Cuckold,— that has picked his own pocket,— and 'tis possible, a man may Design upon himself, and Intercept his own Letters. The Miscarriage, I confess, is a little odd,, where the Courted party,— the Contriver,— and the Intercepter, are all One, and the same Person. The Plot is Borrowed from the Story of Narciss●●▪ but by what Enemy both to th● Author, and Reader, this Discourse is made Public, we●● an Enquiry fitter for Authority, ●han a Private hand▪ Since so it is, le●s make the b●st of a bad Marke●●▪ what the Composer has sold Cheap,— We have Bought Dear, and Both must L●s● by the Bargain. Without ●urther Prologue— H●r●'s SIR POLITIQUE himself, and 〈◊〉 take the measure of the man from his Title page.  
A LETTER INTERCEPTED,— Printed for the Use and Benefi● o● the Ingenuous Reader— in which the Two Different Forms of MONARCHY, and POPULAR GOVERNMENT, are briefly C●nt●over●ed.—  
(The Commo● 〈…〉 N. D. G●nt.)  
EX UNGUE LEONEM. The VOICE is JACOB'S, b●● th● HANDS are ESAU'S. Popular Arguments are of late become such a Drugg, the Author dares not own his Inclination, for fear the Pamphlet should not off: but rather chooses, under the colour of a Philosophical Debate, to advance a Seditious Design; and instead of delivering a sober Opinion, to excite a turbulent Faction. This will appear in its due place; but in the Front, 'twas not so proper to disclose himself. The Title is but a more formal kind of Bopeep,— a cozenage of the Reader into a Twopenny expense, upon a thing not worth Three-ha'pence.  
In the next page, you'll find him more composed, and Magisterial. He compliments himself, Kisses his own fair Hand,— Promises us an Honest, Plain, Rational Discourse, not clogged with Maxims, or Examples; and then he falls to the work upon the Question.  
Whether Monarchy, or the Popular Form of Government, be in Reason more safe and profitable for the People? [pag. 2.]  
He proceeds thence, to Distinguish Monarchy into Absolute, and Mixed or Regulated, [ibid.] (tho', by his Favour, Mixed, implies a contradiction.)  
The Absolute (he says) is Absolutely Unlawful; and disconsonant both to the Laws of God and Nature  
If either One, or the Other: How comes it then, that God himself, styles NABUCHADNEZZAR (the King of Babylon) HIS SERVANT: upon the most express, and severe penalties imaginable, commanding an Obedience to him? What means the Prophet David when he says— The Lord keep me from doing that thing unto my Master, THE LORDS ANOINTED? That Tyrant's Life, which pursued his, was then at his Mercy; and a Phanatique Counsel, at his Elbow, advising him, to improve the Providential Opportunity of taking it away; (but our Common-Wealth's-men are Wiser, possibly, and Honester, than David.) This might suffice; but He goes on, and so shall I, to bear him Company.—  
It is against the Moral Law, (he tells us) for me to dispose of my own life; since that Law, which Commands me, not to kill; does certainly require me, not to kill myself, and the Law of Nature and Nations, does warrant any man to kill, rather than to be killed. But He, that willingly and of Choice, lives under a monarchy absolute, must, and doth submit all that he hath, Life not excepted, to be at the will of the Monarch, etc. [pag.]  
What pains this worthy Gentleman takes, to prove himself as good a Statesman, as he is a Casuist; Is not my Li●e as well exposed to any Government? Since wheresoever you place the Rule, the last appeal lies There; and There's the power of Life and Death, by the Agreement of all Nations. Again, An absolute Monarch must be wicked, to destroy a Loyal Subject: and if a Limited, will be so Impious too, there's no Relief, but Flight. The right of self preservation, which our Author Intimates; concerns but Individuals, at Liberty;— Grotius his Dissociatam Multitudinem. There, Every man is every Body's Enemy: but when we come to find, that safety, better secured by social Compact; and by reducing all the several, and Dis-agreeing Particulars, under the Regiment of some certain Laws directing to the Common benefit of all: In this Case, we part with our Original Right, for the obtaining of a Nobler Good;— Society, and Order; without which, there's no Peace. I might here mind our Prevaricating Author, of a Morality which he forgets, and that's Obedience. Rebellion is a Blacker Crime, than Murder; for it is That, and More; but I would first convince him, that Killing is not always Murder and that in many cases, a man must rather choose to be Killed, than Kill. The Law strikes with the Sword of Justice; and sure it is not Murder, by a Legal process, to destroy a Malefactor. 'Twere That at least in me, to Kill the judge, to save myself. (But I suppose, our Author speaks his Interest, rather than his Opinion) In fine, I cannot justify the Commission of a sin to save my Life. To draw my Sword against my Prince although to save my self, in me, is Treason: but if I l●se my Life, by not opposing Him, 'tis He alone that's Criminal, I am Innocent. Nor does the choice alter the Case one jot; if I may Obey an Absolute Monarch, I am as free to choose One, where I am at Liberty to choose the Form I would be governed by. It is the Ruler's part, not to command amiss, and 'tis the Subject's Duty to Obey; (modo nihil Imperet, Naturali ●uri, aut Divinis praeceptis Contrarium▪) and 〈◊〉 the worst; refuse, without Resisting.  
Nay, but our Author tells us;— A Free People, that have it i● their choice, and Power (as England now) to do otherwise, and shall submit their Lives to the will, and dispose of an absolute Monarch, are most evidently thereby, in danger of becoming guilty of self-murder] [pag. 3]  
Go thy ways N.D. for a profound Head piece!— They are in more danger of self-murder, in submitting to a Limited Monarch that is, of Hanging themselves, if the King should come. Was there ever a more exorbitant Tyrant than Cromwell? Our Freemen were content enough with him. Come:— out wit, Our modeller would speak, if he had a spoon, but the man is modest; I'll do't for him. 'Tis this he would be at.  
That we are now at Liberty to choose our Government; and that the King would play the Tyrant, should be return. If his own Head does not sit sure. He may thank himself. I would fain learn, from whence we date our Freedom. Who has ABSOLVED us, of our OATHS, and DUTIES of ALLEGIANCE? Did we not swear to the late King, and to his Heirs? And c●n a Government be altered, but by Consent of all the Parties to it? This is too much said, upon a subject not properly my Business. I'll proceed and wait upon him to his next Enq●iry; and that's concerning Regulated Monarchy; but so Embroiled, 'tis infinitely harder to Understand than to confute. Of Regulated Monarchies, Ours here in England is beholden to him, he likes that best, and gives his Reason, Thus; The Excellency of that Monarchy, WASPE, that the Monarch without his Counsel could do no considerable thing.] [pag. 3.]  
By his fair leave, the Excellency of the GOVERNMENT, he would have said: for 'tis the Imperfection of the Monarchy. But why WAS? IS it not, de jure, still the same?  
He prosecutes this Train of Errors, yet with more;  
All things were to be done in conjunction with his Counsel; either that Grand one, his Parliament, consisting of Nobles, and Commons; or his Lesser Counsel, consisting of Nobles chiefly, etc.]  
Our Author, I perceive, is willing to confound Counsel, and Authority: Whereas to represent, is one thing; 'tis another thing to judge. It is the counsel's duty to propose, and advise, according to their Reason, but still it is the Monarch's part to Act according to his own: without that Freedom, the Prince is bound to Act in many Cases against his Conscience; and his Assistants are become his Governors. Not to insist upon the Gentleman's mistake, in asserting All things to be done in conjunctionn with his Counsel. This is too evident, to need a refutation. He spends his two next Pages, in dilating upon the Desire of absolute Power in the Monarch; and the Reserves, or acquisitions of the People; were he dashes the King's Prerogative, and the Privileges of Parliament, the One against the Other. Whereas the King hath some Prerogatives without a Parliament, but the Parliament hath not so much as any Being, without the King: (he being an essential of it.)  
To pass over his False-fires, I shall come now to his main strength: And thus it runs—  
The Monarch cannot Rationally be thought to have other Business, or Study, than to confirm, and establish the Monarchy to himself. [pag. 5.]  
To this: First, he's Entitled to the Government: (That, pro concesso) Next; he's Entrusted, in Order to the Public Welfare, to Uphold it; and That, not only in the Form, but to Himself: 'Twere to Betray his Trust, should he do less.  
As to the appetite of Rule, which (as our Popular Champion will have it) transports the Monarch, into a dangerous elevation above the People:— That Restless Impotency, is much more Hazardous, in any other Government, than in that of Monarchy. For, the Monarch's upper-most already: and rationally. Ambition seeks rather to Raise itself above all others, than when 'tis at that Height, still to exceed itself. 'Tis but a glorious envy, which aspires till it be highest, and there determines.  
As there is less temptation from without, so must the inclination, be much calmer. Greatness is native and familiar to the Monarch: or, in case any eagerness of Spirit should inflame him; It spends itself upon his Neighbour's liberties, rather than upon his People's: and 'tis extent of Empire abroad, not enlargement of Prerogative at home, he covets.  
This is not to exempt the Person of a Prince, from the frailties of a Man: he may be vicious. But that too with less mischief to the public than to Himself. He has no private aims, but what proceed from Principles nearer allied to Kindness; then to Malice.  
Now, to examine the likely Incidences to popular Government, and to proceed upon his Postulatum, That in all men there's an inbred appetency of Power. That granted, what can we expect from Persons of mean Fortunes, and extraction, (invested with a title to Dominion) but Bondage, and Oppression? The short is, there are many men,— earnestly intent upon the same end; spurred on by keen and craving Desires, to make themselves Rich, Great; and these design to raise their Fortunes, and Reputations upon the public stock of blood and treasure. At last when they have skrewed themselves up to that pitch of Power, by force, and craft, where divine providence, by birth, had placed the single Person:— when after a sharp, long, and chargeable contest, they have brought us within view but of the counterfeit of what we quietly enjoyed before: Ready to seize the sum of their own wishes; and the dear-p●rchas'd Fruit of all their Labours:— they find that point, which supports Sovereignty, too narrow for them all; too large for any one of them;— and, as they climbed together, so they fall;— crushed by those Hands, and Principles that raised them. We need not look far Back for instances. What has obstructed our long looked-for Settlement, but Competitors for a personal rule; even among the Salus-populi-men themselves? 'Tis nobler at the worst, to yield ourselves to prey to a single Lion, than to a Herd of Wolves: and that's the Difference, upon experiment, betwixt the tyranny of One, and of a Hundred? (— old Oliver, and the Rump.) Methinks 'tis a strange Confidence, to Argue for a Cause, confuted by the loss so many Lives and Millions. For these twelve years last passed, we have been Slaves to Tyrants; Divided, in design to supplant one another, but still United, to destroy the Nation, under the gay amusement of a Free-state. But I grow tedious.  
The next thing I take notice of, is very remarkable (i. e.) Our Author's in the right— he says that From the Sovereignty, there lies no appeal. But then he follows; that where a People will be ruled by a King they must give that King absolute power to Govern.] [pag. 6.]  
No need of that sure neither,— the Sovereignty is in the King, tho' in a Limited Monarchy: which so attempered; as that the People may not Rule in any Case, nor the King, (singly by himself) in All; secures all Interests. I must fix one note here, before I pass.  
Although our Author tellsus, [pag. 7.] that Absolute Monarchy is unlawful; & Regulated, Dangerous: nevertheless, he rather advises the former than the latter;— That, which he terms Disconsonant to the Laws of God, than the Other, which he pronounces only Dangerous, as related to the civil Good, and utility of the People.  
This is the Method of the whole party; they decry, first, the Form itself, as being too Tyrannical; yet they condemn, the Limited of Insufficience, as to the Exercise of Government; and the absolute, of Exorbitancy, as to the End of it. One has too much Liberty the Other too Little. What is't they offer in Exchange? a Free-State;— of a Model, ten times more Arbitrary and Pernicious. When they have spent their Powder upon the Government; (for 'tis but Powder) their Shot is still directed to the Person. Hinc illae Lachrymae. How have they courted the General, (whose Honesty, is as Invincible as his Courage) to Accept of what these Paper-Kites so much disclaim against? Our Grave, Philosophising Mounsieur, he makes one too, and tells us,— that Providence hath cast the Lot upon the People's side, and the Monarch has lost, if the People will exclude him.—  
Alas Good man! the Congregation's Holy every one of them— Precious Beagles! to ascribe that to Providence, which they owe to Pe●●ury, and Sacrilege. Where's your Prescription? Where's your Title? Inform ●he People, by what power they are absolved from all their ties of Conscience: Honour, Thankfulness, and Piety. Show them the Laws their Fathers purchased with their Bloods. Preach to them o●t of Magna Charta. There's the Foundation of the People's Freedoms. But Sir I ask you pardon; The Kings a Wolf you say, and all the abjuring Saints are Lambs, I warrant ye. But by your leave once more; you are absolutely of Opinion then, not to admit the King by any manner of means?— Indeed you should do well, not to Anticipate the Parliament, it spoils the project, to play the Tyrant, while you argue for the People. Pray let the King come in if the next Parliament pleases.—  
I must be now a little serious; for your next Paragraph has a spice of Conscience in't (the Word I mean) you will persuade the World, that if the King comes in; 'tis neither Faith, nor Honour, nor Humanity, nor all together, can tie up his Revenge. It would become you to tell the Pe●ple, where ●re he broke his Faith; Nay, Ill content myself, if you'll but show me, where ever your fanatics Kept an Oath, or Promise, if they might gain (the least) by Breaking of it. The Conversation of the Person you inveigh against is beyond all Exception, Honourable: and 'tis in vain to mis-enform, against an evident and contrary assurance. Many of those v●ry men that fought against him, will witness for him: both for his Courage, and his Clemency. His Prudence, and his Piety, are manifest, in This: that in despite of all Distresses, and Temptations, he stands Firm, to his Temper, and to his Conscience. A Better Friend, there lives not; nor a Better Nature. And this is Heat last, our Guilty Pamphletter bestows his Gall upon. I am no stickler for Prerogative: my Patience, will hold out till the next Session: but to see Majesty invaded by a private Hand,— the People Poisoned, by the same instruments that destroyed the Prince,— all I can say is, we are ●●me Fools, to suffer it. But though his passion may be Troublesome, our Author gives us some Diversion in his Argument, and (Kinder still) he proves best Company at last. Kingly Government if not absolute, (he says) i● Lame; if Absolute,— Destructive to the People. Very good: Help the Defect, (if that be all) of the One; or at least, do not impose upon us, in another shape, the possible Mischiefs of the Other— pray what's the Difference, as to our Security; the Supreme Authority under a Popular Form, or the same power under a Monarchique? You'll have your Popular Assembly, the judge Unquestionable of all Expediences, and Dangers: why not a Single Person as well? You say, He may abuse that power; and I say so may They. For instance, suppose they judge it fit to change the very Form, what Hinders them? or if they rather choose, to entail the Government upon their own Families, and to perpetuate themselves, what Remedy? If any, they're not Absolute: if none, we are worse Here, than Before. The King cannot Betray the People's Trust; these may.  
What signifies your telling us, that the King absolute, is not bound to the Laws he shall make? [pag. 9] And by and by,— that contrary to the Monarchy, this, (meaning Democracy) makes not any one Law, to which every individual person in the Assembly, is no● subject? (the whole Assembly indeed, as it is the Sovereign power, is unquestionable, you say.) 'Tis not the Persons, but the Power, we are to consider; Conjunctim, they're as little subject as the single Tyrant; and possibly they'll ne'er disjoin, they that can make what Laws they please, will doubtless make this one of the number,— that their own Members shall be only tryable by their Peers: and by that device, they make themselves both Parties and judges.  
To grant more than is needful;— be it— that in a State of Quiet, and Universal liberty, such a Form might be admitted, as our Contrive● thrusts upon us; but to attempt to force a Government, that excludes nineteen parts of twenty of the people, from the exercise of it; and this upon a Nation pre-engaged by Oath, and (by a sad experience) interessed against it.— How practicable, or how prudent, such a proposal may appear to others, I cannot say: To me it wears the Face of a Design, promoted by a Factious, guilty Party, to sacrifice the Nation, to their private interests, and despairs.  
And yet such is the charity of our Author, he reckons all the miscarriages of these late years in Government, but as foul way upon a journey: and bids us not conclude● against our Inn at Night because the passage w●s dirty. (This is according to his wont tenderness.)  
Now to my Fancy, it looks rather thus. We have been hitherto misled; our very Guides have robbed us, and yet they bid us follow them still, they'll bring us to Paradise at last,— Whither they'll carry us, we know not;— we are in the Briars at present;— we know the way home again;— what have we then to do, but to return?  
Our Author's little Reasonings concerning Trade, are trivial; I shall refer him to the Merchants for his Answer. They are the fittest judges in the Case. They have tried war, and peace, Monarchy, and Popular Government; let them say which they like best.— His Pen begins to run a little muddy: and what I do not understand, I'm not obliged to answer. Something he talks of Peace abroad, and of the motives to it; which he pronounces to be Advantage and no Body denies it.  
This does not hinder,— because the Reasons of the Peace betwixt the Crowns of France and Spain, might properly result from a Particular Conveniency of State betwixt them, that therefore the effects of that Agreement cannot refer to Us. They're more at Leisure now: nay there's a high necessity incumbent upon them, to send abroad those Forces, which otherwise would be both Expensive, and Dangerous at Home (Not to press other arguments, of themselves obvious, to hasten our Composure, even for that very Cause; that they're Agreed.)  
I presume not to direct, as our Imperious Commonwealths-man does; but as one Private Person, I pretend to Reason the Opinions of another, submitting still my judgement to any Legal determination, or Rational Conviction.  
Touching the King of Spain's Design to Propagate the Romish Religion [Ibid.]— we're the securer for that very design, if we unite upon the Basis of the English Law: The mere Antiperistasis preserves us: whereas, If we compel that Person, who by Divine Assignment, and Civil right, is our undoubted Sovereign; to employ Foreign Succours to recover his Dominions; It may be feared, (and 'tis but Reason) that Spain will Article for some concessions, in favour of the Catholics, more than otherwise would, possibly, be granted to them: where the Fault lies, in case of this extremity, let the People judge.—  
Bless us,— what a Fit of Piety has taken our Friend, now of a sudden! He calls in the Ministers, for his Compurgators, and desires them to declare— what Government. (he'll feed their Flocks in the mean while.) Indeed, these Pulpit-Politiques are not amiss. The Priests shall tell us what Government fits their Reformation. Pray Sir, let me help you out;— a Gloss upon the Covenant, does your Business: 'tis but to tell the people, that in the Holy Tongue, KING, signifies COMMONWEALTH, and the work is done.  
The Gentleman, begins now to Fumble, and Talk Idle; and, in effect, he's drawing home. But first he recommends the Nursery and Education of his Brat-project, even unto any Kind and Powerful hand that will promote it. From hence he passes into a Acquaint Resemblance of the state of the Nation, to a man in a fever, and the People in Gross, to a Restive Horse with a Galled Back: and so committing the issue to the Lord, the man Departs.  
His thoughts, and mine do not agree; what ere the matter is. His Conceit is this, The Nation's mad; and Promoted by false appetite, covets things Mischievous; (that is, Monarchy) the wise and Charitatable Physician, (that is the Commonwealth's man,) he forces upon it what he knows to be more proper for the Cure, (and this is a Free-State)— Now here's our difference.  
I'm of opinion, that the Physicians are mad; the Nation sober, we've tried their Physic, for some dozen years together; and every day we're worse than other upon it; we find upon Experiment, that they prescribe us Poison, instead of Remedies, and that they are but Mountebanks; they Live by Killing us. Our Former Diet agreed much better with our Constitution, so that we have no way left but to fall to That again.  
But to conclude;— his conceit of a jadish People with a Galled Back, That's his Masterpiece. He tells us, it will neither suffer a Rider, nor a Dressing, till it be overcome by Force, and then a Child may up, and Ride it.  
These are somewhat broad signs. Now by your favour, Sir, the Faults not in the Horse; but rather in the Rider, and the Saddle. The Nation has been Ridden these dozen years together, at Switches, and Spur, in a Commonwealth Saddle; That must needs pinch the Back of a Monarchique People.— Nor is it yet so tame, as you imagine; Change but the SADDLE, and the RIDER, and you shall see the Nation will do well, without a Horseleech.  
March▪ 27. 1660.  
UPon the neck of this, came out Two sharper Pamphlets; written, (as I am of late Informed) by a Renegado Parson; but as then, I took them to be either Nedham's, or milton's, (a Couple of Curs of the same Pack) They were Printed by Livewell Chapman, and a Proclamation from the Counsel was issued out against him for it, to which he never appeared. I was by many Reasons moved to Answer these; as well to lay them Open, and Confute them, as to prevent the Possible exception that might arise from a Reply by some less wary, though more skilful pen.  
The malice of these Pamphlets was Double-edged; and the Blow made at the King's Party over the Presbyterians Shoulder: Directed to persuade the World that 'twas the Presbyterian did the Mischief; and to engage the Presbyter himself under an Apprehension of Revenge. The scope will better appear upon the Reading, and whether I did Well, or Ill, to write these following Answers.    

Plain English, TO HIS EXCELLENCY The LORD GENERAL MONK, AND The OFFICERS of the ARMY under his COMMAND.  
My Lord and Gentlemen,  
IT is written, The prudent shall keep silence in an eviltime; and 'tis like, we also might hold our peace, but that we fear a knife is at the very throat, not only of our and your Liberties, but of our persons too. I● this condition, we hope it will be no offence, if we cry out to you for help, you that (through God's goodness) have helped us so often, and strenuously maintained the same Cause with us, against the return of that Family which pretends to the Government of these Nations. It is the pulick interest and yours, that we hitherto fought for, and for which we now plead; therefore we insist upon it with the greater confidence before you, because we are all equally concerned in the good or ill of your transactions: We cannot yet be persuaded, though our fears and jealousies are strong, and the grounds of them many, that you can so lull asleep your Consciences, or forget the public Interest, and your own, as to be returning back with the multitude to Egypt, or that you should with them be hankering after the Le●ks and Onions of our old bondage. Though it were possible you should forget, yet certainly God will not, all the injuries and oppressions done by that family to his Church and people in these and other Nations: Though the Inscription [Exit Tyrannus] which was fixed over the place where the Statue of the late King formerly stood at the Exchange, hath been blotted out by the Rabble, yet it is written with the Pen of a Diamond in the hearts of many thousands, and will be so hereafter in the adamantine. Rolls of Fame and History. No matter then, though the profane Vulgar take a liberty to proclaim him both Saint and Martyr in the midst of their Bonfires, and their Tipple. All the good fellows were ever at his Devotion, because he was for theirs, and commanded it to be observed upon the Sundays. But to the end it may be better known how good a King, and how great a Saint he was, we have taken the boldness at this instan● to offer you an account of some part of the transactions during his Reign: and because there are too many in the City who wait the good time to re-erect his Statue, we desire in the first place to present you his Picture, as it was drawn by a good hand, the Parliament, in the year 1647. at which time it was resolved upon the Question jointly by the Lords and Commons in Parliament Assembled. That they would make no further Addresses or Applications to the King, or receive any Message from him.  

ANSWER.  
SOme two days since, came to my view, a Bold, Sharp Pamphlet, called PLAIN ENGLISH— directed to the GENERAL, and his OFFICERS, etc.—  
It is a Piece drawn by no fool, and it deserves a serious Answer.— By the Design;— the Subject;— Malice, and the Style; I should suspect it for a Blot of the same Pen that wrote ICONOCLASTES. It runs foul;— tends to Tumult;— and, not content Barely to Applaud the Murder of the King, the execrable Author of it vomits upon his Ashes; with a Pedantic, and Envenomed scorn, pursuing still his sacred Memory. Betwixt Him, and his Brother Rabshakeh, I think a man may venture to divide the glory of it; it relishes the mixture of their united faculties, and wickedness. As yet, 'tis true; the Hand is somewhat doubtful to us; but the Drift,— Certain, and 'tis as Clear from whence it first moved, as to what end it tends, it speaks the Rancour, and the interest of the Rump; be the contrivance whose it will; and, beyond doubt, it was written by some Mercenary to the Faction; and That, by their direction, and appointment. 'Tis too Malicious, for a private Passion; and too Dangerous, for one that writes not, either for Bread, or Life. Take it in gross; 'tis an Alarm to all the fanatics in England; couched under the specious notion of an Appeal to the General, and his Army, ass●rting to all purposes, the interests; and Justifying the ●orrid Practices of the Regicide-Party.—  
It Remonstrates;— Expostulates;— Tempts;— Threatens;— Flatters;— Begs;— Prevaricates: and by all Artifices, toward all Humours, it moulds itself into an application suitable:— o●ly upon the Blood, and Family of the late King; it lashes out into an Impious, and Inhuman fury, sufficient to Disgrace, the Sober (in comparison) promoters of his Death; a●d to Startle their very Consciences, that spilt his Blood with Pleasure.  
Nor does the Brutish Rebel only qui● the Man, in point of Tenderness; his rage against the Royal Line, disturbs his Reason too. (otherwise smooth enough to delude such as are not very well aware of him) Whether it be the Agony▪ and Horror of a Wounded Soul, which thus transports him; or that, in these excesses, he only Personates the last Convulsions of a Heartbroken Faction;— It matters not: Thus much we may collect from his distempers; That Rabble is, at this instant, upon a Combination, to Tumultuate the Army, and the People, and such as will not share the Gild of their Conspiracy, they labour to engage within the Reach and Danger of it. That we may better understand what they Design, we'll see a little what they Say.  
This Phamphlet speaks the sense of the whole Gang; and throughly Examined, will discover the frame, and the extent of of their lewd Purposes.  
I look upon't as an Affront to Christianity, and to Reasonable Nature; so scandalous; I vow to God, in Favour merely of Humanity, I would suppress it, were no more Copies extant of it: but 'tis too late for that. The Countries are already furnished; and the Town yet full of them; (th● singular, and early care of the Public Magistrate to hinder it notwithstanding) so that it rests now, only to lay open the vile interests of this bloody Faction, and Antidote the People against the danger of their Pestilent Infusions. Let Time produce the Author; (if it be lawful to Profane the Light with such a Monster) The Matter only of this Licentious Paper must be my Subject.  
IF we must never be quiet, till these People think themselves Safe, we must stay till divine Justice is dissolved;— till they believe the word, and Power of God, a Fable;— till they can Lay that Devil, Conscience;— and Blot out of the Table of their Memories, all their Presumptuous outrages, both against Heaven and Earth;— till they can Quench those raging Horrors that Exagitate their Souls;— Remove those hideous Fantomes, (that wheresoever they fly) pursue them, with the images of those that they have murdered, Bleeding afresh▪ and when they think to Turn away their Looks from the Dire object, to the other side, they meet with a Remembrancer, that minds them of their Sacrilege, and Treason, and then they start again, another way; and there they meet with a Sword drawn, to revenge their Perjuries. In fine, their Injuries are of a large extent, and such, by consequence, must be their fears (while they persist in their Impenitence.  
In this distress, rather of Thought, than Danger; of Terror from within, rather than Violence, without; They do well, to implore the General's help, to save their Lives, that would have taken His: especially, obliging him (in Surplus) with this additional respect: That they have made him Free o● the fanatics;— Embarked him in the same Bottom with themselves;— and Finally, involved the Honour, and the Saviour of his Country, in common, with the Blemish, and the Pest of all mankind.  
Say,— MILTON; NEDHAM; either, or both, of you (or whosoever else)— Say where this Worthy Person, ever mixed with you? (That is; You,— or those that Employ you, and allow you wages) more, then in order to those very purposes, to which he still adheres, and from whence, you recede.  
The return of that Family, which Pretends [as this Tumbler phrases it] to Govern us, nor was nor is the Question. The public interest, that he fought for, and you swore to:— was the Preserving of our BIRTHRIGHTS:— the good old LAWS:— his MAJESTY'S LEGAL AUTHORITY:— the PRIVILEGES of PARLIAMENT, etc.— (Read the Old Declarations) not to maintain a Canting Faction in the Army;— a Py-bald Ministry:— or, which amounts to all:— the Residence:— the Erratas of an Honest Parliament.  
Again, to comply fairly with an Universal Vote;— That, does our Scribbler call forgetting of a public Interest; and keeping of the Covenant, or an Oath, is, with him lulling of a Man's conscience asleep. A desire to be well again, after a Cursed fit of the Spleen (and plied with steel too) of well-nigh Twenty years' continuance,— our Demy▪ Levite,— terms it a Hankering after our 〈◊〉 Leeks and Onions. For that,— Every man as he likes▪ you're for a Rump, it may be.— I'm for somewhat else. Believe me, I had rather Li●e poor, and Honest; than Hang Rich; and Treacherous:— th●n give myself a turn in one of the King's old Houses. But— 
De Gustibus, non est Dispu●andum.  I'm sorry my first Page is Printed.— I shall be thought a Fool now, for suspecting our Plain-English-man, of Wit. Something there's in his vein, like bottle Ale. Stir it;— It Tumults▪ ●putters and at last it spends itself in Foam▪— but Nourishment, or Comfort there's none in't.— The Fellows Jadish, Dull,— out of his Beaten and Known Road; but when he comes to rail against the King, he's in his Element. There, he's a Through▪ paced, Egregious villain: and yet a Stumbler; but a false step or two may be allowed him.  
This Formal Devil,— how great an honour does he to the Royal Family, in his reviling of it▪— The Injuries and Oppressions it ha● done to Church, and People, trouble him sore. The Blo●●ing out of— EXIT TYRANNUS, sticks in his stomach too, but, though the Statues gone, the story shall stand firm, there lies his Consolation.  
Audacious Brute▪ (the Blot▪ and the Deformity of Humane Race.) During the War, the Nation lay oppress under the Common fate of an Intestine Broil▪ The Quarrel was disputed both with Pens and weapons, doubtfully, as to the Vulgar;— among the wiser sort, some steered their course by Interest, or Passion; others resigned themselves, (abstracted from all other thoughts) to what they reckoned Piety, and reason. (Thus for the Burthe●●eems divided▪ After this the King is made ● Prisoner, and his Par●y sunk, now I Demand; Who has oppressed us since, but those that Swore till then, they fought to save us▪ If we look back beyond the War, our Mischief there was, that we were better fed than taught▪ We were Rich, Wanton, and Rebellious.  
But I begin to waver in my undertaking.— I find I have a W●l● to deal with, not a Man; That preys upon the Dead. A Devil!— whose Business is to break the Bonds of Unity and Order, and to Calumniate Virtue. Nor does it serve him▪ the bare Murder of his Master, as it does other 〈◊〉 of ●●pine, that leave the ●arkasse, when they have ●ucked the Blood] This w●●●ch must descant, and 〈…〉 his 〈◊〉 with an Audacious Petulancy:— Make Providence itself a Complicate; and with a Comic sawcyness, Place or Displace;— in Heaven, or Hell as his Luxuriant Humour pleases.  
BRADSHAW, these Villains rank among the Heroes; (and he deserves a Saint's place in their Calendar)— a man, of whom we dare not barely hope well, so enormous was his life, and so Conform, his Obstination in that lewdness to his Death.  
Whereas, that glorious Creature, that Died the object of this Monster's insolence, and Rage, that innocently suffered, what that Pageant-President as vilely acted:— that with a Primitive Patience, Piety, Constancy, and Resignation, endured the scorns, the injuries, and persecutions of his own Subjects, and at the last, received his Death, from their very hands, in whose behalf he Died.  
This Saint and Martyr, [BOTH; beyond Controversy, so far as we can Judge] is by our Charitable intelligencer Enrolled in the Black List,— Charged with Indevotion and Intemperance; so was our Saviour a Wine-bibber, a haunter too of Publicans and Sinners:— to whose Inimitable example, [I speak with Reverence, to God and Truth] both in his life; and suffering, I do believe, the story of our Late Sovereign, bears the nearest proportion of all others.— But 'tis amid their Bonfires, and their Tipple [this Miscreant tells us] that he's Canonised;— and that his Majesty commanded Drinking as ● Sunday exercise. The World that kn●● the King, knows this to be a Lie, [but 'tis our Mercury's Trade;— 'tis his Diana to amplify a little for the Public good] 'tis true, there were some Liberties allowed upon the Sabbath, which being mis-employed, were counter-manded. (How does this scandal both of Providence, and Society, scape Thunder, or a Dagg●r▪  
We shall now have the story of our King and Saint: (he says) and to usher in the erection of his Statue, his Picture first,— dr●wn by the PARLIAMENT in 1647: (as our libelious Pamphleteer would persuade us) when the Vote passed both by Lords and Commons, concer●ing Non-Addresses. I should be tedious to reply upon every particular in the Declaration he talks of: But as to what concerns the needful, and the proper Vindication of his Majesty; together with those worthy Members, whom this seditious Rump-whelp labours to involve in the same desperate and exorbitant proceedings with his ungracious Masters,— In what concerns, I say, their Vindication, I shall be clear and punctual; leaving the Judgement of the Controversy, to the Impartial Reader.  
WE revive this the rather, (says he) because the memory of Men being frail, cannot retain all particulars; which is the reason (we fear) why so many formerly engaged against him as high as any, upon conscientious accounts, both Religious and Civil, are staggering and backsliding, and have need of some quick and faithful Monitor to mind them of things past, and make them beware of the present, lest they return with the Rout, and cry, Let us make ourselves a King again of that Family; that Family which so cruelly persecuted us and our Brethren, and which still remains engaged by reason of State, and ancient Principles of Enmity and Interest, to plow up the old Furrows upon our backs, and redeliver our persons and consciences into the hands of our old Torments; and our Men of might, and our Counselors, to become sacrifices to the revenge of an implacable party. March on then, (my Lord and Gentlemen,) for believe it, there is in point of Safety no possibility of retreat, and much less in point of Conscience or Honour; For, if you respect Conscience, (as we hope you do) lay your hands upon your hearts, and tell us what hope you or we can have, that the reformed Religion and Cause will be protected and maintained by the Son, which was so irreligiously betrayed both at home and abroad by the Father. It may be you do not readily remember these things, nor how much blood was spilt by royal treachery, nor the manifold usurpations and designs by him projected and acted upon our liberty, the like never done by any Prince before: and for Blood, the Scotish Ministers employed hither Anno 1644. proclaimed and published in Print, That the Late King had spilt more blood than was shed in the ten Heathen Persecutions of the Christians: and the Ministers of London, (as we can show you by several Prints of theirs) declared, That satisfaction ought to be had for bloo●▪ that he was a Man of blood, and not capable of accommodation with the Parliament. We mention not this to upbraid them; for, we reverence their ancient Zeal in this particular, and humbly entreat them, as well as your Excellency, and the Officers, and all the good people of these Nations, to observe the forementioned Resolves of the Lords and Commons, which were introductory to that most noble Act of justice afterwards executed upon the King.  
And that it may appear to be such; in despite of Ignorance and envy, we have been bold here to present you in Print that most remarkable Declaration of the Commons assembled in Parliament, in pursuance of the said Resolve of both Houses, wherein they declare the Grounds and Reasons why they passed the Resolves of no further Address, and therein you will see also, how well he deserved to lose his head, and his Family the Kingdom; whose corrupt and irreconcilable interest had been the head and fountain of th●●e Rivers of blood and misery which had flowed so many years about these Nation●.  
TO help the memories of some, that may very well forget the things they never thought of; and to reproach to others, their inconstancy, who, out of good intent at first engaged, and after That, convinced of their Original mistake, upon a better Light, relinquished; there needs no better Monitor, than such a Person, whose Gild and Desperation, transport him beyond all hopes of mercy;— This Man solicits for his Head, when under the pre●e●t of Conscience, he labours for a Party: and yet me thinks he should not need. Alas! he's but the Rump's Solicitor, he pleads their Cause, takes their Fee, and vanishes. Impudent Creature, to presume to be afraid; as if a Hangman would disgrace himself to meddle with him! O▪ h that Family That Family, puzzles our Men of Might, [as the Droll words it▪] our Counsellors wonderfully.  
Now do I fancy the Fellow, this Bou●, extremely to see the Little Agitatour f●ll upon his Politics, betwixt flattery, and saw●yness, Half-●uto●, and Half-Parasite, with one eye up, and t'other down, accost the General.—  
My Lord, and Gentlemen, march on; [the word of Command; a Noble Rogue] for believe it, etc.— their's no retreat, he tells them, either in point of safety, conscience, or honour,— and then the Whelp takes another snap at the King: as shamelessly, as senselessly, affirming, that the Reformed Religion, [that is, [as I suppose he means] the Protestant] and Cause, [that is, the People's Laws and Liberties] was irreligiously betrayed by our late Sovereign. [Who lost his head in defence of one, and th'other] the Caution he puts in against the Son is of the same alloy, a Person, so indulgent to his People, that out of his particular Necessities, he yet relieved the English prisoners that were taken in Flanders; although his Enemies; and, in point of Conscience, further, so tender, that he preserves the Church of England in the Dominions of the King of Spain: and still, his Honour, with his Religion. But let us a little examine his Instances, for he pretends now to proceed to proofs.  
The Scotish Ministers (as he tells us) proclaimed, and published in 1644. That the late King had spilt more blood than was shed in the Ten Persecutions of the Christians,— and the Ministers of London declared him a Man of blood, etc.— (That is, the High Priests, and Officers, cried out, saying, Crucify him, Crucify him.) [That's the Original.] But to come closer to the Business, the Scotis●, and the Scotch Ministers, are a clear different thing. Scotis●, denotes the Ancient Faction● of the Nation, [No Favourers of Kings,] and Scotch, relates to their Nativity alone, abstracted from the Party.  
First, they were Argyles Creatures, selected to promote Argyles designs: So, not the Ministry of Scotland, but a Pack of Scotish Ministers.  
Next, of no more Authority to the Rump, against the King, than to the Nation, against the Rump, [in which they are as much unsatisfied.]  
The Ministers of London, did as much, he says. That's something truly; till we consider what those Ministers were, and by whom, placed, and moulded, for that purpose.  
Martial was the prime person in the Agency betwixt the two Nations;— He, that cursed MEROZ; He, that was sent Commissioner into Scotland; taught them their Lesson there, and then returning, taught some of our reputative Divines to sing the same Tune, Here.— This is the Man, that closed with Nye, when Presbytery went down; and carried the 4. Bills to ●he King, at Carisbrook-Castle, for which, they had 500 l. apiece. I could tell you of some more of the Gang, that, under question for confederacy with Love, after a due formality of seeking God, delivered, as upon account of Inspiration, that Oliver Protector was the person; and his the Government, of all that ever were, or should be, the most agreeable to God.  
This is not, to lessen the esteem of Holy Orders; neither to fix a rash, irreverend Censure upon the Ministry: No Man reveres the Character of a Churchman more than myself. But 'tis to show the World, how much our Pamphlet-Merchand is steered, by Interest, and Passion, and how little, by Reason, and Truth.  
The grinning Whelp, now, betwixt snarling, and fawning, would fain persuade the General, and his Officers, and all the world beside] that the Resolve of Non-Addresses, by the Lords and Commons, was introductive to the MURDER of the King. Murder, I say, that's the Plain English of what he styles— A MOST NOBLE ACT OF JUSTICE; His Method lies through direct Contradictions to the Universal Rules, of Logic, Truth and Honesty.  
By this Insinuation, he charges that Exorbitance upon the two Houses, and draws an inference, from the Impardonable Quality of that Action, to the Necessity and Reason of pursuing it. This, he pretends to make appear, in spite of Ignorance, and Envy, from the Commons Declaration, in persuance of the resolve of Both Houses, containing the Reason's, why no further Address▪ and thence, proceeds to a Determination upon the Father's Life, and the Son's Inheritance; — as positively fixing upon the King's Account, those Plagues this Nation has endured; as if the Graceless Villain were of Counsel with the Eternal Wisdom.  
I shall observe in order, and First, I'll prove that the vote of Non-Address, was not properly an Act of the two Houses; or if it were so, that it did not rationally direct to the King's Life.  
Secondly. That Declaration of the Commons, (SINGLY) declaring the Reasons of the resolve of Both Houses (Jointly) does not amount either to a justification, or intention of taking the King's life,— No not though I should grant the Members Free,— which I cannot; and the Authority Full: which I do not.— To the First.—  
They were under a Force.— Upon a Debate in the Commons House, concerning the Answer to the 4. Bills, presented to him Dec. 24. 1647. and debated, jan. 3. Commissary Ireton delivered himself after this manner.  
The King hath denied safety, and protection to his People by denying the 4. Bills, that subjection to him, was but in lieu of his protection to his People; this being denied, they might well deny any more subjection to him, and settle the Kingdom without him: That it was now expected, after so long patience, they should show their Resolution, and not desert those valiant men who had engaged for them, beyond all possibility of retreat, and would never forsake the Parliament, unless the Parliament forsook them first.  
From hence naturally results the menace of the Army, in case the Parliament should forsake them; and Ireton understood the Souldjery too well to mistake them.—  
As yet; here's nothing Capital pretended against the King.  
After some more debate CROMWELL urged,— that it was now expected, the Parliament should govern and defend the Kingdom, by their Own Power and Resolutions; and not teach the People any longer, to expect safety and Government from an Obstinate man, whose heart God had hardened: That those men, who had defended the Parliament, from so many dangers, with the expense of their Blood; would defend them herein with Fidelity, and Courage, against all Opposition. Teach them not by neglecting your Own, and the Kingdom's safety, in which their own is involved, to think themselves betrayed, and le●t hereafter to the Rage, and malice of an irreconcilable enemy, whom they have subdued for your sake; and therefore are likely to find his future Government of them insupportable; and fuller of Revenge then justice: Not●— lest Despair Teach them to seek their safety by some other means than adhering to you,— who will not stick to yourselves; how destructive such a Resolution in them will be to you all, I tremble to think and leave you to judge.  
This Speech, concluded the debate; and the better to Impress his meaning, he laid his hand upon his sword, at the end of it. If this be not a Force, what is? The Power and Inclination of the Army, being the only moving Arguments to obtain the Vote. The Question was then put, and Carried for no more Addresses.— But no pretence still that extends to Life.  
I shall appeal now to the Declaration itself; to which our Regicidall Babbler refers the world for satisfaction.  
First, the Sectarians had stolen a Vote, jan. 4. to Engarrison Whitehall, and the Mews: (the Lords not mentioned in the case) their manner of obtaining it, was this. 'Twas Noon, and the Independent party called to Rise. The Presbyterians went their ways to Dinner: the Independents stayed and did their business.  
T●e Lords opposed the vote for Non-Addresse; (10. to 10.) but the Engagement of the Army, cast it, who sent a Declararation to the Commons of thanks for their 4. Votes against the King, engaging to defend them with their Lives, etc.— Is this a Force yet?  
Soon after this; comes forth a Declaration, and Reasons, etc. Drawn by a Committee appointed, by the Independents, etc. So that even That too, was a piece, Contrived by the Designers of our Mischief, and by a Force, Extorted from the Sober rest, that would have saved us. This appears, from the interpose of the Presbyterians, to moderate the Eagerness of it, upon the debate. The last 4. lines of the said Declaration will be sufficient to stop the mouth of any Reasonable person, as to the point of life; (even without the Violence; which undeniably produced the rest.) After an Enumeration of divers particulars objected against the King▪ The Declaration concludes thus.  
These are some few, of the many Reasons why we cannot repose any more Trust in him, and have made those former Resolutions; (meaning the 4. Votes concerning Non-Addresses) yet we shall use our utmost Endeavours, to settle the present Government, as may best sta●d with the Peace, and Happiness of this Kingdom.  
This very Declaration touches not his life; it is not said, settle A present Gov●nment, but THE—; (relating properly to an Amendment, not an Abolition)  
Considering the Grammar of it; I do not wonder much, at a Compliance; in some Measure, to an indecency, in order to pr●vent a greater Ill, that threatened Them, and Us: and That, was their design; for when it came at Last to the Result of Life, ●nd Death, (as than 'twas evident, it amounted to no less) those Gentlemen, whom the Author of Plain English would willingly engage, as Complicates,— those Gentlemen, I say, did then oppose themselves, against the Murth●r●us Faction, and voted for a Treaty, Dec. 4. Upon the 6. they were Imprisoned, and Affronted by the Army for their pains.— When the more moderate Party, was removed, the Rest were left at Liberty to consummate the Kingdom's Ruin, and th●ir own Damnation.  
Come I'll go further with the angry man;— put case, th●se Gentlemen had gone yet forward; and dipped as deep as he could wish they had. Frailty is an inseparable from our nature. 'Tis Humane to Transgress;— 'Tis Christian to forgive, and 'tis our Interest to Repent. He that Delivers me by Design, though but from that misfortune which he himself engaged me in upon Mistake;— he is so far from any Reason to apprehend my Revenge, he has a Title to my Kindness: but our incorrigible MONITOR, sets up his Rest upon a Final, Reprobated, Impenitence.  
I have been Tedious, out of a desire to be Clear: but I shall hasten and contract as much as possible.  
Having already proved the Declaration (of the Reasons why no more Addresses) to have been an evident contrivance of the Independent Faction, in the very frame of it; and published, while the Army stood to dare, and Over-awe the Sober Party, that was likely to oppose it; I do not hold myself concerned, in any further notice of the Particulars therein Contained; and which our Challenger produces, as an unanswerable eviction, that the Late King and his Family, deserved Death, and extirpation (as by and by, he tells you)— Yet something shall be said, even to his Queries, thence extracted, (in due place;) but I must first unveil him to the people; and that, by laying open the Dilemna he proceeds upon.— He reason's Thus,  
My business (says he to himself) must be to hinder an Agreement with the King. The Presbyterian party (I'm afraid) inclines to't. If he return, we're Lost: My own Soul tells me, we have sinned without Remission, and yet I see no way to hinder it neither. The nation is United against us; the Presbyterian abhors us, as much as the Royal party does; and the Army itself, begins to declare itself our Enemy. What's to be done, must be both Quick, and Home. These Six ways lie before us.  
First, the Army must be wrought into a Tumult.  
Secondly, The Presbyterian must be Right or Wrong, involved with us in Gild, and consequently in danger. They must be made to share in the Blood of the Father, and in the Detestation of the Son, and be possessed, that there can be no safety to Them, but in a common interest with ourselves. To this end, we may forge Letters from Brussels, Suborn Witnesses to swear the King a Papist, etc.  
Thirdly, the Cavalier must be persuaded, that the Presbyter only designs, to set up for himself; and Arguments drawn from bypast, and mistaken Failings upon promise, to beget a Jealousy. The inconsistency of Episcopal, with Presbyterian Principles must be objected, etc.  
Fourthly, All Persons interessed in Estates, got by the War, must be engaged, for fear of losing them.  
Fifthly, The General himself, must be solicited to take the Government upon him; Promises urged; no matter whether r●al or false: If this won't do, advise him, as a Friend, to have a care of the City; and bid the City look to him. Perplex them both; We'll confound all the World, rather than perish.  
Lastly, We may publish the Declaration, of the Reasons, for no further Addresses: and try, it that way, we can either make a Party among themselves, or with the People. We may so bring it in, it shall be dangerous to reply upon, for fear of disobliging, and as unsafe to let alone, for fear of seducing. Here's the Dilemma; It will be answered, or it will not; if it be 'twill startle the Presbyterian; if otherwise, 'twill puzzle the People. [I wish our Common Enemy would go this open way to work.]  
Here's the true State and Method of our Adversaries Thoughts, and Actions. Now to his Quaeres, wherein I shall be tender, how I revive Disputes, either unkind, or unseasonable; and yet not wanting to my undertaking, that is, my undertaking to make Evident, that his Foundation is Sandy, and the Entire Structure composed of Rotten Materials. I'll take his— (what shall I call them?) Suppositions,— Objections, Questions,— (or call them what you will) one by one, and reply upon them in his own Order. Here he begins,  
WOuld you see how and by whom the Irish Rebellion began, and upon whose score those unparallelled barbarous Massacres of hundreds of thousands of the Protestants in Ireband, do lie?  
NO, we would not see How. We question not, but you'd be kind enough to show us; and cut our Throats here just as those Rebels did their Fellow subjects there. (For an Irish Rebel, is but the Anagram of an English Phanatique.)  
By whom now, is another Question, and a Harder. Beshrew me, 'tis a Peevish point. Why— the Irish Rebellion, began, by the Irish Rebels: as the English Rebellion, did by the English Rebels. I hope Commotions in Ireland are no Miracles; nor is it needful to assign them any other reason, than the Humour of the People?— Yet I'll be civil to you. I speak my Soul, I do believe, the Irish Catholics in that Rebellion which you point at, took flame at the Severity they apprehended, from some extraordinary Declarations against them here, previous to their Rebellion.  
This I must add further, the King, (for'tis at Him, our Author's malice strikes) at his return from Scotland, did earnestly, and particularly recommend the care of Ireland to both Houses, in his speech, Dec, 2d. 1641. upon the 14th. he pressed them once again, to the same purpose; Adding, the great Necessity of Dispatch;— the daily Cries, and Importunites of the Irish Protestants, and offering all his Power and Interest toward their Relief, in these very Terms, See the exact Collections, the 1. and 2. Speeches in the book.)  
That nothing may be omitted on my part, I must here take notice of the Bill for pressing of Soldiers, now depending among you my Lords, concerning which I here declare, that in case it come so to me, as it may not infringe or diminish my Prerogative, I will pass it.  
And further, seeing there is a Dispute raised (I being little beholding to him whosoever at this time began it) concerning the bounds of this ancient and undoubted Prerogative, to avoid further debate at this time, I offer, that the Bill may pass with a Salvo jure, both for King▪ and People, leaving such Debates to a time that may better bear it, etc.  
To conclude, I conjure you by all that is, or can be dear to you or me, that, laying away all Disputes, you go on cheerfully and speedily for the reducing of Ireland.  
By whom, Ireland was tumulted, I do not know; but that it was not by his Majesty, is most evident. Nor is there any Question, but the Massacres there committed, must lie upon the score both of the Actors, and Promoters of those cruelties: who they are, when I know, I'll tell you.  
WOuld you know who it was that interposed betwixt the Parliament and the Duke of Buckingham, and would not permit the proofs to be made against him concerning the death of his own Father?  
THis I shall satisfy you in.  
A Letter was presented to the house from Thomas Haslerig (Brother to Sir Arthur) which was read; to this purpose. That there was one Mr. Smalling, a Committeeman of Leicester- shire, who had been a Deputy-examiner in the star-Chamber, and affirmed, that above twenty years since, there being a suit in star-Chamber, between the Earl of Bristol, Complainant, and the Duke of Buckingham, Defendant; Concerning Physic, presumptuously administered by the said Duke, to King James; the said Smalling took many Depositions therein, and was further proceeding in the Examinations, until a Warrant, signed by the King, was brought him, Commanding him to surcease, and to send him the Depositions already taken; which Smalling did; yet kept notes by him of the principal passages, doubting what further proceedings might be hereafter in a business of such importance.  
Sir Henry Mildmay moved that Smalling be sent for, and examined upon Oath by the COMMITTEE that penned the said Declaration; but upon motion of the Presbyterians he was ordered to be examined at the COMMONS-BAR. Smalling came, produced the Warrant, but no notes, so this Chimaera vanished.  
Tertio Caroli, this business had been ventilated, and examined against the Duke, and no mention made of Poisoning, or Killing King james, It was then only called, an Act of high Presumption, and Dangerous Consequence in the Duke, nor was there the least Reflection upon KING CHARLES'. (See the History of Independency par. 1. p. 74.)  
WOuld you hear who it was that made so light of Parliaments, killing them as soon as born, and making them a scorn by dissolution at pleasure; and at length designed, and in fine drew sword against the very Parliamentary Constitution, after he had by imprisonments destroyed several eminent Patriots for their freedom of speech in the Parliament on the behalf of the Public, and in particular, touching the death of his Fa her?  
NO; it needs not, I can tell you that. 'Twas Cromwell, and the secluding Members. The RUMP, That drew Sword against the very Parliamentary Constitution. They clapped up Sir Robert Pie, and Major Fincher for but desiring a Free-Parliament; on the behalf of the Public▪ sending their troops abroad to seize, and Threatening (themselves) to sequester all the Declar●rs. (That w●i●h concerns his majesty's Father, is spoken to already.)  
WOuld the Scots know who it was that designed them to be the first Subjects of Slavery in spirituals and Civils, who hated their very Na●ion, though the Land of his Nativity; who made a Pacification with them, with a treacherous intent to ●reak every Article; and manifested it as s●on as he returned from Edinburg to London, giving special command to burn the said Articles by the hand of a Common Hangman, and it was publicly done?  
I'●l ●ell you that too: 'Twas the old Arglye.— But hold you Sir. Touching the Treacherous intent, did he tell you his mind? But I confess, you are quicksighted; you could not see things else that have no Being;— as your own Piety, and public Tenderness;— You have approved yourselves, Searchers of Hearts indeed; witness your Sacrifices to your MOLOCH (the good old cause) your Butcheries by Quartering, and Emboweling poor Wretches, only upon Frivolous, and Incongruous Circumstances: senselessly patched together by your Ridiculous, and Suborned sons of Belial.  
Because that your own Party, did resolve, at first to break all Oaths; and has been only True, in a fidelity to Hell, and Wickedness; you make no difficulty to measure others by your Impious s●lves;— you Talk, and Act at such a Rate;— as if the Word of God were a Delusion; Divinity an old wive's Tale; and (seriously) not half so much Respect, is paid to the Two Tables of the Decalogue as to the Orders of your Coffe-house. I shall not ravel the Transaction, sequent upon the Pacification you speak of.— But to your next.  
WOuld you hear the Cries of the blood of Rochel, and of his own people sacrificed in that Expedition to a Foreign interest, and of all the Protestants in France, for his Barbarous betraying of them.  
THe Rochel Expedition I'm a stranger to; so I suppose are you, that make the Challenge. But if you had told me of ●amaica; or the Sound; I should have understood you.  
WOuld you cast your eye on past miseries; and recollect the manisold intolerable Oppressions of People both in matter of Estate and Conscience, and compare them with the indulgencies at th● same time toward Papists, yea and the designs laid to make use of Papists, to destroy both Parliaments and godly people together?  
NOw you say something, surely The manifold intolerable oppression of People in matter of Estate, and Conscience, etc. This I remember perfectly.  
Your Major-General-Archy was an admirable Form of Government: So was your Rump-archy. Clap a man up, and never let him know his crime, nor his Accuser,— declare a Man uncapable of serving in Parliament, for having Bays in his Windows, or a Minced Pie in Christmas, sequester half the Nation, because they will not swear back and forward; sell Freeborn Men by Thousands into Plantations; and in fine, beside Excise and other Impositions Arbitrary, lay on the comfortable Load of 100000 l. a Month upon a Beggared Nation, and at the latter end of the day. (Is this the Oppression your wise Worship intends?)  
Now for the matter of Conscience, I can help you out there too. To shorten, let the Oath of Abjuration serve for all. You follow this with a sharp charge for making use of Papists. I could retort this, if I thought it valuable; but frankly, in a War, the subject of the Question is not Religion, but Assistance. Nor do I (tho' I might as well) condemn your Party, (that is, the Rump-men) for the same practice.  
WOuld you understand the correspondencies maintained with, and the encouragements given to, the bloody Irish Rebels, sor the Esse●ting his design; together with the correspondencies and Solicitations settled in Foreign Countries, to the same purpose, with all the circumstances evincing the truth?  
THis is the same thing again, shake Hands and to the next.  
WOuld you be informed how often, and with how much solicitude the Parliament, notwithstanding all these things, did for peace sake, in a manner prostitute themselves, and hazard the whole cause, by appointing Treaty after Treaty, which he never entertained but with intent of Treachery, and thereby frustrated all their good intentions and endeavours, before ever they passed the Votes of Non-Address.  
Then, we beseech you, read the following Declaration, and be satisfied to the full, whether or no the late King, and his Family deserved death and extirpation.  
I Prithee do not choke us with the venerable sound of Parliament: I talk to You, and of that Mungrel-mixture you plead for. A Parliament cannot do amiss, (be not too quick now) they may have done Amiss, and the next Session may repeal or mend it. What they did, I don't Question: but what you say, will (as I humbly conceive) admit a Castigation. Look back upon yourself; These are your words— Which he never enterteyned (Treaty, that is,) but with intent of Treachery and, thereby frustrated their good Intentions, and endeavours, before ever they passed the Votes of Non Addresses.) At this rate, you ground the Non Addresses, ●pon the King's Intention of Treachery. A Positive disclaim of your Obedience, upon a possible Dis-ingenuity in your Prince. Come, to cut short. Dare you say, that he promised, and failed? That's Treachery, to betray a Trust: By this Rule of Proceeding, had you required his Life, and he refused, you might have taken it: his crime was only the Non-Concession of what you demanded; and he gave his Reasons too for that refusal. Well but let's come up to the Vote itself. I have already proved, that it concerns not the secluded Members; and now I shall entreat you to Back my opinion, with a slip of your own Pen. Their honest strictness in the Negative, afterward, and their Adhesion to it, through all extremities, speaks manifestly the intention of the party, and that acquits them. 'Tis your own Argument in your fourth expostulation. You charge his Treaty with a treacherous Intent, which you infer from a subsequent manifestation of himself by Action. But to dispatch, should I Grant all you Claim, yet did not the late King and his family, deserve death and extripation; The premises will not amount to't.  
Now if you please go on.  AS for our parts, we very well recount the Series of past transactions, and do remember that in February 1647. when the two Houses of Parliament passed their Resolves of making no further Address, but determined to lay him wholly aside, they never were in a greater state of security and freedom, never passed any thing with greater deliberation; and never the least disturbance or alteration arose in either of the Houses against those Resolves, until some Persons in the Commons House otherwise affected, and who by procuring Elections of Persons fit for their turn to serve in Parliament in vacant places, brought in new men of the Cavalier s●amp (as is known) like themselves; and thereby out-balancing the old Patriots, gained the Major Vote of the House; and so with heat, and by design; obtained a revoking of those resolves which had been passed by both Houses in a time of temper, upon most serious Consideration▪ so that though we shall not take upon us ex absoluto to justify the interposure of the Soldiery afterwards, and their Exclusion of the Adverse Members, (it being a transcendent Act, not to be measured by ordinary Rule, and which nothing can justify but Supreme necessity) yet This we can truly say in their defence: In judgement and Conscience there was so indispensable a necessity, that had they not interposed, those Principles and the Concernments of the Commonwealth, upon which the aforesaid Resolves of both Houses were founded, had been utterly shipwrecked, and the whole Cause and its Defenders most inevitably have sunk together, seeing the same heady confidence in treaty was then given to the Father, which too many now incline to allow unto the Son, who were first engaged against them in the War, and held out to the time of the last treaty: whom (of all other Men) his party do hate upon that account; and, if they had an opportunity, would be sure to make them fall the severest Sacrifices to the Revenge and Memory of his Father. 
THis is already Sifted, and a little Picking will serve the Turn here. A Cavalier, I find, is only an Honest man that crosses a Fantan; but the Old Patriots it seems, were the Minor part of the House; and That's enough to entitle the Nation to the Benefit of the Treaty resolved upon. For Sir (if you'll give us leave) we'll be governed by the Major part. It's true, your Supreme necessity, is a pretty popular Sophism. But,  
As necessity has no Law, so is it none; nor in any case pleadable against Law, but by the Judges of the Law, which at all hands, is confessed to be the Parliament, and the Major part of the Two Houses in conjunction with the King have ever denominated That.  
I must needs take a little pains to correct the Gentleman, in his next Fleer upon the Presbyterians. He hangs like a Cock-sparrow upon the aforesaid Resolves of both Houses (which is but an old Trick of laying a Knave's Bastard at an Honest man's door) and then he preaches most Infallible Destruction to the first engagers, whom the King will be sure to sacrifice to the Revenge and memory of his Father.  
This opinion or rather suggestion of his, opposes all Principles of Honesty, Generosity, and prudence, which fall within the latitude of the case. Nay, Taking for granted, the very entrance upon the War Justifiable.  
There might be then a Question, Now there's none, They intended only a Reformation, here's a Dissolution. A Liberty was there Designed, here's an Intolerable Slavery Imposed, Those quitted, when they saw th●ir error; These, for that very Reason, proceed. There is, in fine, This difference; One side would Destroy the King, the Other would Preserve him; These, would Govern Without Law, and the Other would be governed by Law. After all this peremptory rudeness at large; he bethinks himself at last of an Apology to the General; and now the Pageant moves.  WE urge not these things, with an intent to make the least reflection upon your Excellency, and our Brothers the Officers under your Command, as if we suspected your sincerity and constancy, after so many plain and positive Declarations against returning to our old Bondage under that Family which God so wonderfully cast out before us, and wherein we are confident he, for his own name and people's sake, will never more take pleasure: but in regard the Old Adversaries behave themselves insolently and proudly, and publicly give out, the time is coming wherein they shall satisfy their lusts upon us, we thought it convenient to whet your Spirits with a repetition of these things, as we have done our own, that the world may see we yet own our Cause; and do believe, that what we have done as Instruments in driving out that Family, we have done in judgement and Conscience; and that you take a convenient time to let men understand plainly that you also will continue of the same persuasion with u●, for as much as there are none of the particulars charged upon the late King in the following Declaration, which would not, with many more, have been proved to his face by a Cloud of witnesses, if he would have put himself upon trial, when he was called to answer for his actions. 
ALas, good Gentleman; you suspect the General? No body can have such a Thought sure: you do but mind him of his Duty now and then, Refresh his Memory, and whet his Spirits. He has declared himself against returning to our old BONDAGE, under that Family which God so wonderfully cast out before you; but not against the Liberty, and Title of that Person whom God may, no l●sse wonderfully, bring in before you: and I suppose my confidence is better grounded, that the people will never more take pleasure in you; then yours is, tha● God will take no pleasure in Him; the Nation will as little endure the Rump, as you the King. But all this while, you Beg the Question, How comes the King to be mentioned? The Young man (as your gravity descends to call him) he's poor, & his Friends, Begg●rly; You have the Balance of Propriety on your side too my Masters; you're safe enough then. I would advise you now to wait, and not prejudge Authority. You're to Obey, not to impose a Government. If you proceed to Murmur, and show your Teeth, when you cannot By't, 'twill be the worse for you. Indeed, your Good old Patriots will be the Minor Vote again of the n●xt Parliament, if you behave not yourselves more modestly, the people will suspect you; for Mutinous Servants prove but Untoward Masters. Monopolies, and some misgovernments were the True Cause, that engaged the well meaning people, in the quarrel, not extirpation of both Laws and Governors. But if your Adversaries, do (as you say) grow proud and insolent; in such a case, you may be allowed to whet your Spirits (as you express yourselves, any thing but your knives; you were at that sport once) your judgement and your conscience we are satisfied in; alas, the difference betwixt yours and ours, is but a Trifle. What we take to be slavery, you call Freedom.— A Rebel in our Judgement, is a Patriot in yours.— Murder, a Sacrifice; Robb●ng of Churches, in your soft Opinion, is but unclothing of the Whore; (a thing the Rump's a little given to) we term that Sacrilege. One frailty I must needs take notice of among you, for all you talk of Providence, I find, the Arm of Flesh strikes a great stroke in your spiritual coflicts; and when y'are worsted; you'll take eggs for your money; and acquiesce, as well as your neighbours. This I observe to be one Article of your Faith, you argue from Divine Omnipotency, that providence is ever on the stronger side. Suppose the Gentlemen of the Backside, should look on for a fit now; the Royal Family (you say) God cast out before us: Who casts out these? But to make all sure, you pr●sse the General, and his Officers to Declare, that they'll continue of the same persuasion with you. (This perseverance, I confess, is a main point you) should do well to leave a note, where they may find you; for you're a little variable, and they're a little shy of meddling with those that are given to change. You're possibly, this day, resolved for a Republic; the next, for a Protector; by and by, a Counsel of Officers, and then, a Committee of Safety. Come, come, gentlemans, the General will be just, without your Counsels; and steady, in despite of all your Arguments. Speak on.  
GIve us leave (we beseech you) to add one thing more, which we had almost forgotten, to show the madness of those men that canceled the votes of Non-Address, and would have brought back the late King by the Isle of Wight-Treaty, and would now (if they might have their wills) bring in his Son by the like, viz. that at the very time when that Treaty was on foot, though this young man, who was then at Sea in the revolted Ships, declared all to be null which should be agreed on by his Father; yet, hand over head, in they would have had him, as others would now restore the Son upon the very same terms which he so positively declared himself an enemy to in his Father's days. Good God what a spirit of slumber hath seized such men, who were once deeply engaged with us in the Common Cause.  
As for your Excellency, far be it from us to entertain any suspicion concerning you, supposing you must needs have upon your heart the true interest of Religion, and your Own too; and how much it is concerned in keeping Out of that Family, whose restitution we believe God will not now permit unto any designers, seeing he hath from time to time so signally blasted all former undertake. As to what concerns Religion, you know what hath been their Education and Dependency abroad, & should they return, 'tis Obvious, all Other parties would be put upon their Guard to defend themselves against him and his Clergy at home; and so all sorts of Religious Parties, being constrained to combine for mutual preservation and liberty, the War will soon be renewed upon the point where it at first began.  
WHat pity 'twould have been, this Gentleman should have forgot a thing that never was, the King (indeed) sent an express to the City, the copy whereof was carried to the House, by the Sheriffs, and some of the Common-counsel: 3. Aug. 1647. But not a syllable of what he mentions in it; nor any thing that way tending, yet was it eagerly debated, in Terminis, that the Prince should be declared a Rebel and a Traitor. Among Other Reasons, why it was laid by, One was,— the Covenant; a Second, was This, It would not do well; to vote the Prince a Traitor, the same day, that Messengers were sent to invite The King his Father to a Treaty. The clamorous puppy might bethink himself of better Language; especially Addressing to an Eminent Person. The madness of those men (he calls it) that cancelled the votes of non-Addresses, and would have saved the King, etc.— If all were mad that would have saved That King, or that love This, we should, not find many sober Persons, in the Kingdom.  
This Fellow keeps so much stir to clear his Party of any jealousy, upon his Excellency, that he most evidently creates, and discovers one. How comes Religion now, To trouble our Atheistique Saints! These Reprobates have violently taken the Father's Life, and thrown the Son out of his Right and Dominions; exposing him to the charity of Foreign Princes for a subsistence: and after this; his Education abroad, is made an Argument by this Brute, against his Return, where will he be next now?  AS to your own interest in the station where God hath placed you, 'tis well known what the private sense and opinion of that Party is concerning your Excellency, because you have been an Instrument, in keeping Scotland many years with so great a vigilance and prudence free from the attempts of that irreconcilable Enemy. Admit such a thing were possible, which some fancy, that you should be the man that would put the Crownagain upon the head of that Family; is it not plain what fate (setting aside all other Considerations) you might expect from a seeming reconciled Enemy, and a King too? It being the guise of Kings (as the Historians from enumerable Examples do Observe) ever to recompense with hate their most meritorious Servants; making no difference to return, betwixt the highest Obligation, and the greatest Injury. The examples are so frequent in our own Chronicles, as well as foreign, that he who runs may read it; and 'tis not proper here to recite them. 
INd●ed he's hard put to't, to make the danger out from the King, to the General, in case he should restore him. If there were nothing else in't, 'twere enough, to make him Dear to the King, and to his party, that he Hates you. Do not deceive yourselves: He'll be a scourge to the fanatics, and every soul that loves either Piety, or Peace will assist him. Do not mistake me neither. God forbid that all such as have either been misled by cunning practices; or else transported by necessities, to seek a livelihood by unlawsull means. God forbid (I say) that all without distinction, should be marked with that Infamous Brand: No I intent it only of that Frantic crew, that preclude mercy, by despising it: and persecute the Truth with a Determinate Malevolence and spite: But Note, the man begins to soften.  
ALas, (Sirs) 'tis not an Army that shall secure you, nor the power of the Militia that can secure our Ancient Senators, (if any who have been engaged can be so fond as to think of security) for, let the Young man come in with freedom to encounter both Army and Militia with the bare title of King, and actual possession of the Throne, the eyes of Army and Militia will soon be dazzled with the splendour of that Gay Thing, and fall down and worship at the sight and hope of the Kingdoms of this world, and the glory of them; and then all Bonds of agreement (if any be) will prove but Rushes.  
Oh, for God and his people's sake, yea, and for the City of London's sake, whom Charles the Father branded in his papers with the Character of Disloyal and Rebellious City, (though at that time most renowned in her a●●ings, set an end to the expectations of malicious enemies, and s●aggering Friends, by clearing up yourselves, that we may see you in the light, vigorously asserting the good Cause of these Nations: yea, for t●e sake of Parliaments we ask it: and we doubt it not at your hand, seeing the people are not like to be brought to contend any more for Parliaments, i● after so long a contest he should gain an Opportunity of improving a possession of the Crown to an usurpation over the Privileges of Parliaments.  
THis Thing, I'll lay my life, belongs to the Rump; it is so much concerned in the behalf of our Ancient Senators. Truly I'm half o● his mind, in what he says last. That is, I do believe, his Majesty w●uld be made welcome; But for Faithless; nothing but an Abjuring Perjured Villain would suspect him.  
See how the Supple slave, is come about now: how Arrantly the Rogue Beggs: Oh! ●or God and his People's sake, and for the City of 〈◊〉 s●ke. (I am in ●arnest; I must laugh before I can wr●te on.) Might not this fellow be laid hold of, upon the statute against sturdy Beggars, and Lashed? He has absolutely turned a piece of one of the Rump-Ballads into Prose.  
Nay my Lord; (cries the Brewer's Clerk) good my Lord for the love of God;  
Consider yourself, Us; this poor Nation, and that Tyrant Abroad;  
Don't leave us: but George gives him a Shurg, instead of a Nod.  
Come, hang yourself, Beg right; here's your true method of begging.— Oh for Tom Scot's sake; for Haslerig's; for Nedham's sake: and to conclude, for all the rest of our Impenitent brethren's sakes, Help a company of poor Rebellious Devils, that only for murdering their Prince, destroying three glorious Nations, breaking the bonds of Faith both with God and Men, trampling upon Religion and Laws; exercising an absolute Tyranny over th●ir fellow-Subjects— Endeavouring yet once more to engage their native Country in Blood;— to alienate the honest Soldiery from their Obedience; and in fine, for playing the Devil in God's Name; are now in danger to Lose the Reward of all their Virtues;— The Possessions which they have acquired by violence, by a Malignant and desperate design of Peace and Settlement.  
This is the State of your Condition, and this should be the form of your Application.  
Once more, and he bids you farewell.  
But (my Lord and Gentlemen) leaving these things which touch only upon your worldly Interests and Concernments, we are bold to say, (though the jealousies of weaker Brethren be great and many) we believe ourselves to be sure of you, because we have your Souls, as well as your personal Interests at pawn for your fidelity to the Public. We remember your Declaration sent from Scotland to the Churches; and other Declarations at the same time. We might mind you, if it were needful, how you have called God to witness, That the ground of your l●te undertaking in Scotland was, The Vindication os the Liberties of the People, with the protection and encouragement of the Godly and the Faithful therein, etc. and that you have no intention or purposes to return to our old Bondage; but that the providence of God having made us free at the cost of so much blood, you will never be found so unfaithful to God and his People, as to lose so glorious a Cause; but to resolve, with God's assistance, to endeavour a maintaining of our dear-purchased Liberties both Spiritual and Civil. But seeing these Declarations made before God, Angels and Men, (as yourselves have said) do so much concern your Souls in the observation of them, that they cannot but be much upon your hearts; therefore we mention them not, as doubting you, or endeavouring to persuade you, but to ease our own minds, and to comfort the hearts of our Brethren, who have need to be comforted; and do wait for a good time when your Excellency shall break forth, and more visibly appear (through all the Clouds of Fear and jealousy) a Defence and Protection (through the goodness of God) to all his people that fear him in these Nations; and so their hearts universally will return unto you: in assurance whereof, and that you will be very much confirmed and encouraged after the reading of the Declaration, We remain,  
(My LORD) Your Excellencies most faithful Friends and Servants in the Common Cause. March 22. 1659.  
STill I perceive you're sure; and yet for your weak brethren's sake, you mind His Excellency of a Pawn he has engaged for his Fidelity to the Public (only his Soul) in a Declaration before God, Angels, and Men, that he hath no intent to return to his old Bondage.  
Why you Impudent Sots, does a Confederacy with a Peddling, Little, Sniv'ling Faction, that would subvert Order and Government, amount to a Fidelity to the Public? or does the avoiding the Old Bondage you keep such a Coil with, Imply the setting up a New and more Tyrannical Imposition.  
In sine; the mention of the King, proceeds from your own Gild, and Fears, that have so much abused him. The General meddles not at all to impose upon us; but only stands betwixt Authority, and Violence. His Excellency refers all to the Appo●ntment of such Persons as the People shall choose, to Act in their behalf, and cannot in Honour side with a Party of Jugglers, that only call themselv●s our Representatives, and we disclaim.  
This is enough said to convince you and the World, where the Abuse lies.  
Now, having eased your minds (in your own Language) you may go ease your bodies too; for I dismiss you: and all's but giving of the Rump a Purge.  
Cursed is he that removeth his Neighbour's Landmark. April 2. 1660.  
UPon this pinch of Time the Good Old Cause was hard put to't; as appears by their more than ordinary earnestness toward all Parties: but chiefly, they solicited the Army, in an Audacious Pamphlet, Entitled, An ALARM to the ARMIES of ENGLAND, SCOTLAND, and IRELAND; the substance whereof may be collected from this ensuing Answer to it.  
THis last Week, has brought to light, two Pamphlets, so tightly impious, as if they had been framed in Hell, by OLIVER and BRADSHAW. They speak the Language of the Damned, Horror, Despairs, and Desolation. These goodly pieces are Christened, PLAIN ENGLISH,— and AN ALARM. I suppose they are Twins, the Issue of the same Brain, as they are related to the same main End. I had nigh finished a Reply upon the ●●●mer, when the latter came to my hand: comparing which with the other, I ●inde they correspond so aptly, and so universally, to the same seditious Purpose, that there's not any Interest 'scapes their Malice and Attempt. They advance their Dispute, and March, together; that what they cannot gain by force of Argument, they may be ready to Essay by dint of Sword. PLAIN ENGLISH is a reasoning of the case: first with the General, claiming, from his Engaging for the Public Liberty, a title to his aid▪ in favour of a private and enslaving Faction. It labours then, to puzzle the Presbyterian into a jealousy of the King's faith and honour, and consequently into a doubt of his own safety, should His Majesty be restored: Nay, not content to blaspheme the King's Integrity by a bold censure of his secret thoughts; the shameless Beast (the Author of it) proceeds to charge the secluded Members with the guilt of the King's blood, upon a senseless inference drawn from the Declaration of both Houses in 1647, touching the Reasons of the Votes for non-Address. His aim is here, to persuade them to accuse themselves.  
How those Votes were obtained, I have showed at large, (in answer to PLAIN ENGLISH) and it suffices: the whole Nation knows, that though the Plague was in both Houses then, yet All were not infected; the Rumpers only had the Tokens, (nor all these neither:) so that at last, the seclusion of so many as opposed the Capital prosecution of the King, amounts to a clear Act of discrimination; a separation of the clean from the unclean.  
Having there set the Presbyterians at work, upon the Question of Interest, and safety; and (after many a lame compliment to his Excellency) he cuts out worse employment for the Fanatic Soldiery: and at the same time, breathing Hot and Cold— Reason and Mutiny, he solicits the General into a Compliance, and the Army into a Tumult.  
To disabuse the multitude, (if any should be mad enough to be deluded by so gross a cheat) I'll lay the juggle open, in as few and familiar words as posssible.  
The Title speaks the business of the Pamphlet: ('Tis AN ALARM;) and the Application— (To the OFFICERS and SOLDIERY, etc.) the malice; there's Treason in the very Face on't. If the first two words cost not the Nation a hundred thousand lives, 'tis not the Author's fault.  
His second page places the Legislative power in the Army, challenging their promise; That before they would SUFFER themselves to be disbanded, or divided, they would see the Government of these Nations established upon the just and secure fundamentals, and constitutions of Freedom and Safety to the People, in relation as Men, and Christians, and that in the way of a Commonwealth, or Free-state-Government, without a King, single Person, or House of Lords.  
These Gentlemen, I see, resolve to be their own Carvers; not SUFFER themselves to be disbanded? This RUMP would be a perpetual ARMY, as well as a perpetual PARLIAMENT. Let the Nation observe now the Quality of this suggestion.  
First, By the Law of Arms, 'tis Death, that which these Fellows would engage the Army in; that mutiny against their General: (for they give him for lost.)  
Next, 'Tis TREASON, by the Law of the Land; the USURPATION.  
Thirdly, 'Tis MURDER, Murder intentional, in the bare conception of it; and actual, sure enough, so soon as that intention is but known. Now let us weigh the Benefits it brings, against the Crimes and dangers that attend it. FREEDOM and SAFETY to the People, both as MEN and CHRISTIANS; there's the Proposition.  
FREEDOM, there can be none to the People, where a Particular and Little party pretends to impose upon a number forty times greater, and enslave them.  
Nor SAFETY, where in that Disproportion the Nation is engaged against a Faction: and every Sword that's raised against it, carries damnation upon the point on't.  
Neither do they act as Men. Man is a Reasonable and Sociable Creature. Here's a Design that breaks the Bond of Order: and betrays a manifest Folly, by a contrivance so impracticable and mischievous at once; Idly to labour the saving of a few guilty persons, at the price of an universal Desolation.  
For Christianity; either my Bible's false, or their Opinion, that shall pretend to raise a Christian Government upon a Basis of Rebellion and Bloodshed.  
From hence the terrible Trifle proceeds to the distribution of his Design into three Heads.  
First, what the CAVALIER says. Secondly, what the PRESBYTERIAN thinks. Thirdly, what the Armies best Friends (scornfully called COMMON-WEALTH-MEN and fanatics) do foresee, concerning the present transactions in the three Nations. And lastly, his own Observations, and seasonable Advice.  
He tells us, The CAVALIER's OPINION, that the General's intention is to bring in the King: and grounded upon t●e●e ●easons.  
Fi●st, ●ha● upon the 11 th' of February last, he sent an imposing Le●ter to the Parliament, (in scorn called the R●M●) and thereupon, without any Order from them, marched with their Army into LONDON, then esteemed and made by Him (in destroying their Gates, etc.) their implacable enemies; and at night suffered so many Bonfires, and ●inging of Bells, and publicly drinking healths to the KING, and a FREE-PARLIAMENT; Roasting and burning of Rumps; hearing and seeing his MASTERS in open Street declared MURDERERS and TRAITORS, etc.— Feasted and associated with the King's Friends, etc.  
This is a grievous charge, assuredly; and by the licence of our Observator, This I Reply.  
The General's Commission expired upon the Tenth of February, so he was free the Eleventh. Again, it was the design of the Rump to make the General odious, and therefore they imposed on him such barbarous Orders, as probably might leave him to retreat. While he professed to Act by any Derivation from Them: malice itself cannot but say His Excellency stood firm to every point of Military obedience: at last, when they proceeded so severely against the City, he interposed; but his Mediation was rejected, and more imperious commands sent to him: this is enough to prove, 'twas not the General that made London the Rumps implacable Enemies; but 'twas the sordid Insolences of the Members that made the Conventicle hateful to the whole Kingdom; and this appeared by the Universal Joy that followed upon their disappointment. If the Rump at Westminster did by a Sympathy fellow-feel the suffering Rumps in the City, the Case indeed was hard; but for the rest, th● Murderers and Rebels they were called,— methinks it should not trouble folks to be called by their Names; (that's only Liberty of Conscience; and I dare say, the people spoke as they thought) Are these gentlemen's Ears so tender, and their Hearts so hard? Is the Sound of Treason and Murder so dreadful, and the Exercise of it so Trivial?— I must confess, to stay away Ten days together, (from the 11th. of Feb. till the 21th. as that his Masters charge him with) was something a long Errand. But seriously Gentlemen, considering 'twas his first fault, forgive him.  
The second motive to the Cavaliers Discourse (that his Excellency will restore the King;) is, that notwithstanding his engagement by Letter, and Verbal promise to His MASTERS (that had ventured their All, to secure him from being ruined by Lambert's Army, he yet admits the Secluded Members to sit, (most of whom he absolutely knew to be for the Restauration of CHARLES STUART,) etc.  
To this; it is notorious, that Designs were laid to murder the General; That the Rump Received, and Kept in Members impeached: That they promoted, and gave Thanks for BAREBONES Petition, containing matters of direct contradiction to their Professions. In the next place; instead of the Rumpers saving the General from being ruined by Lambert, the General saved them; and touching their Opinions concerning (CHARLES STVART, as this Villain prates) the King. The Noble General regarded their Trust, not their Opinions, nor did he inquire what they were.  
Thirdly, (say they) ●he General will bring the King in; for he hath suffered ●he secluded Members to release Sir GEORGE BOOTH, and his Party, etc.— Again, they have (de novo) voted the COVENANT to be Printed, Read, and set up, etc.— acknowledging the late King's Posterity:— as likewise suffering to be maintained in the House, that none but Jesuits and Priests are for Free-Sate Government.— Observe yet further, (says the CAVALIER) that he imprisons Common-wealth-men, and releases Royalists, etc.  
These Rumpers have gotten such a trick of breaking Parliaments, that 'tis their public Profession now become to enforce them to the bent of the ARMY. SUFFER, still is the word. The General SUFFERED the secluded Members to Release Sir GEORGE BOOTH.— The next point is yet more remarkable: These very COVENANTERS ABJURE the COVENANT.— As for the SUFFERING (there 'tis again) to be maintained, that only Jesuits, etc.— the General is not properly to take cognisance of what passes in the House; (the King was chidden for't, see Exact Collections, the Petition of both Houses Decemb. 14. 1641.)— now for imprisoning and releasing. If it so happen that some Commonwealth-men deserve to be laid up, and some Royalists to be enlarged (not as such) it is but ●u●tice to do the one, and the other; for at the rate of this subtle Argument, Free-state-men shall be Protected against the L●w, and Royalists so Persecuted likewise.  
Lastly, the Cavaliers conclude as much from the General's countenancing the Militia; being raised and form to murder, and destroy the Army— and that the same thing was done long since in Scotland:— besides, the Irish Army have proceeded answerable to himself.— And divers Officers that served the late King have had fair promises from him,— and several of the King's sriends are peaceably returned from exile, etc.— and again, there's a Proviso in the ACT of DISSOLUTION, concerning the LORDS being a part of the PARLIAMENT, etc.  
To be short,— the General encourages the Militia to Save the Countries, not to Ruin the Army,— next, if long since done in Scotland, the better done, the sooner; for England hath been only Rump-ridden, for want of it. To this, the conform motion of Ireland proceeds from their Commune Concern with England in delivering themselves from the Tyranny of the Rump; for the General's promises; I am glad to hear it, but truly I know nothing of it. In truth, 'tis a sad business, Alderman Bunce his return: and the Proviso in the Act of dissolution, (for certainly, by the known Law, the Lords are no part of the Parliament.) To speak my thoughts freely; I am very glad to hear that the Cavaliers are of Opinion that the King will come in, but I believe it never the more for your saying it.  
Now to the SOBER PRESBYTERIANS: they (says our Fanatic) begin to suspect the General: for the Cavaliers are at this instant arming themselves in all the three Nations, and if CHARLES STUART comes, he'll bring with him Arch-Bishops, Bishops, etc.— and then in comes his Mother— with her Jesuits, Priests, etc.— and this will make little difference betwixt us and the Sectaries.  
Now do I dote upon the sincerity of this Bubble; had he pretended to Religion himself, he'd been ridiculous; but putting that scruple upon the Sober Presbyterian, 'tis well enough. The story of the Cavaliers Arming themselves, is a Fanatic, not a Presbyterian conceit. As to the Queens bringing in Jesuits, etc. It needs not, the Independents have enough for her Majesty and themselves too. (How the changeable Buttersly flutters from Party to Party, and wherever he seizes, he stains.) As to his concluding Opinion, that the King will put no difference, he may live yet to change that opinion.  
He comes next to the Armies BEST FRIENDS, (as he terms them) and they preach nothing but Fire and Sword, if ever the King come. Oh this pestilent MILITIA! Alas poor Wretch! Away with your Improbable Lies: The Secluded Members threaten the Army, Yes, 'tis a likely matter. Come Gentlemen, you are safe, if you continue honest, and lost without it. Do not you know, that these very persons that now Flatter you, are the people that have taken your meat out of your mouths; that have received sufficient for six Armies from the Nation, and yet have left you moneyless, and ready to perish for want of Bread? Nay, suppose their Arguments were more rational than they are, and that the King were a Person as famous for Cruelty, as he is for Clemency, you were still safe. You are below the stroke of Revenge. They are fearful for their own Heads, and pretend to concern themselves for you. They talk of Treachery, in case you should recede from their Designs: They tell you of Engagements, Promises, etc.— and so do I. Remember but your Oaths and Covenants; and if you do, you will not mix with them; they promise you the glory of after-Ages: yes, you shall be Renown d, if you engage with these Desperadoes.  
Look back into old Stories; inquire into the different reputation of the Brave Mayor that killed the Rebel-Patriot, and of the Libertine himself that fell; (a MARTYR your hot headed Councillor would call him) Are you ambitious to be Chronicled with JACK OF LEYDEN, KNIPPERDOLLING, CADE, TYLER, RAVILLAC, BALTAZAR GERARD▪ etc. Desire your brainsick Illuminates to tell you Muncer's Story, go to, beware of separating. Remember them that cried▪ You take too much upon you ye Sons of Levi, the Congregation is holy every one of them, and the Lord is among them. To come a little nearer home. Reflect upon the deceased Patrons of their Frantic Zeal; their very flesh is not more putrid than their memories. Come nearer yet, and look impartially among your living Partisans, (I speak of such as our Pamphleter styles Patriots) do not you find them clothed with the Spoils of Widows, and of Orphans? Nay, look into their Morals, even toward those, that with the loss of Blood and Peace, have raised them: how Thankless and how A varicious are they? Examine now their Principles of Courage, and their Military Virtues: do they not sneak into Committees, and there dispose of all the Advantages of your Unchristian Hazards? YOU kill the HEIR, but THEY divide the INHERITANCE.  
Having abundantly perplexed the minds of his weak Brethren, he's as intent, now, how to entangle the Interests of the Nation. The man is willing to do any thing that may help on the work of undoing All; and here he's balancing Accounts:— casting up how many millions will pay the Court-debts, and repair the Losses of His Majesty's Friends. For that I think the next Parliament may as well compose the Difference, as either he or I: this only I may say, 'tis not the care of the Public which employs him so much. His sins are greater than he can bear.  
All this is nothing, compared with what he has yet to tell you. Observe him well, and ask him, how he looks when he lies? Upon his knowledge, the Militiaes' are resolved to cut the Soldiers throats in their beds. Why does he not discover who they are? Still the bloody 11th. and 21th. of Febr. runs in his Head; The Villainies of that night, how hardly does he digest them! and then the Catalogue of Saints (the Holy-ones of the Rump) that nettles the Bum terribly. That marks them out for a Massacre, he says. The Worthies have behaved themselves well the mean while, that call themselves the People. Why, at the worst, if the People have a mind to destroy themselves, they cannot begin better than at the Breech; that's a good way from the Heart.  
The Story of your Governor is every body's tale. I'll only take the Applicable part; We love the TREASON, but we hate the TRAITOR. 'Twas you Betrayed your country's trust to the Army. They love the Treason, but they hate the Traitor. ('Tis as fit as if it had been made for you.)  
Now your Advice, which is scarce worth a Fee; for— you propose things Impossible: Rendezvous first, you say: why you Fancy, sure, that the General is of the Plot; and that his Officers are all mad; and than you propose a Confederacy, as 'twas at NEW-MARKET: your little Agitators, etc.— Fie, Fie! Gentlemen, here's the difference of the Case; the Nation then was with the revolted Party against the Great ones: Now, they're Unanimously against you, in any such Design. Your General is a Gentleman and a Soldier; and every Man that is either, (in the Kingdom) will die at's Feet: His Officers are Persons that understand Honour, and the Discipline of War. There's not a man among them, but when he comes to pass a Sober Thought upon so base an action as a Mutiny, would rather Perish than promote it.  
Beside, you are discovered with the first breath that utters the least Syllable, tending to Conspiracy. Could I believe, the Conscience of that Traitor that advises you to this, would let him Sleep, I should believe his Council but a Dream, 'tis so remote from any due Coherence of right Reason. Come, shall I Counsel you a little? Be obedient to your Superiors; Compassionate to your Country; Just to your Equals: In fine, serve God, and honour those whom he hath set over you for your Good.  
'Tis not the Fool's Reviling of his Betters, that mends your Cause, or makes ours worse. There are (as he says) Ropes twisting, I believe't, but they are for such Imps as himself. He tells you, Gallows are setting up for the executions of your friends; (and he accounts himself one of your friends) who knows what may come on't? He concludes with a Proverb; Men ARMED are seldom HARMED. Take mine too, and so shall I conclude: Save a THIEF from the Gallows, and he'll CUT your THROAT.  
April 4. 1660.  
Libido Dominandi, Causa Belli.  
THe Militia of the Nation, being at present in good forwardness toward a settlement, was yet quickened by Lambert's escape out of the Tower, which was understood to signify more than his particular Freedom and Safety, by reason that he had already refused Liberty upon engagement to be quiet. Hereupon the General placed four Companies of his own Regiment in the Tower; and the Council of State issued forth a Proclamation against Lambert and his Complices, requiring all persons whatsoever to be assistant to the Suppression of them. The Citizens repaired their Posts and Chains, strengthened their Guards; and (in short) the whole Nation was as vigilant as possible to disappoint the Grand Conspiracy of the fanatics. About this time they made several Attempts in order to a general rising; but by the care and Conduct of the Council, the General, and the Militia, all came to nothing; the heart of the Design was almost broken: and yet they would not leave their Pamphleting. Particularly Milton put forth a bawling piece against Dr. Griffith and somebody else another scurrilous Libel, entitled, EYESALVE: I did not think it much material to reply upon these, the people being already convinced of the Right; but however, being excited to it by a private Friend, I returned these following Answers.