TITUS OATES. D. D.  
Capt. WILLIAM. BEDLOE.  
Mr: r: Stephen. Dugdale.  
Mr: r: Miles Prance.  
A COMPENDIOUS HISTORY OF THE MOST Remarkable Passages OF THE LAST FOURTEEN YEARS: With an Account of the PLOT, As it was carried on both before and after the FIRE OF LONDON, to this present Time.  
Tantum Religio potuit suadere malorum.  
LONDON: Printed by A. Godbid, and J. Playford, and are sold by S. Neale, at the Three Pigeons in Bedford-Street over against the New-Exchange, 1680.   

TO THE READER.  
THese ensuing Sheets are chiefly the Relation of the wonderful passages of the 14 last Years. Then the 2 last of which there are few that deserve to be more Celebrated in History, next to those that were so renowned for the Active part of the KING'S Restoration: though it may be questioned to which History will give the precedence: whether to those of His Restoration, or those of His preservation. In reference to which, several of the occurrences have almost equalled Miracles, and therefore merit to be recorded, and to be read with consideration, as the evincing Proofs of an overruling Providence.  
The Relation begins at the great Conflagration of the CITY, as being the first remarkable Effect of the Treason then hatching. For to repeat the stories of Queen Elizabeth, King James, and King Charles' the first; would have been only to have tired the Reader, with what is already sufficiently made known, both in English and Latin, to all the Protestants in the World; and only serves to swell a Volume to the unprofitable and needless expense of the Buyer. If any thing has been left out, it has been for fear of invading the properties of other Men, whose Narratives though at that time seasonable, yet can never hope to be inserted in a story, where their Epitomes are only necessary. Omissions may be, but 'tis thought, by those that have viewed these sheets, there are very few or none of Moment. Whatever they be, the Reader, 'tis hoped, will pardon them, considering the multiplicity of affairs, and the present juncture of time.   

ADVERTISEMENT.  
THE Cabal of Several Notorious Priests and Jesuits, Discovered, as, William Ireland, Thomas White alias Whitebread, Provincial of the Jesuits in England. William Harcourt, pretended Rector of London. John Fenwick, Procurator for the Jesuits in England. John Gaven alias Gawen, and Anthony Turner, etc. showing their Endeavours to Subvert the Government, and Protestant Religion. viz. Their Treasonable Practices in England and France: Articles of their Creed: Their stirring people to Rebellion: frequenting Quakers Meetings in all sorts of Apparel: Their Usurpations: Murdering of Infants and Incontinency in their own Classis: Their unclean acts in their Visits, Churches, Houses, Travels and Nunneries: Coining false money: Bloody Revenges and strange Ingratitudes: The number of their Orders with the divisions and strifes now in that Society.  
By a Lover of his King and Country, who formerly was an Eye-witness of these things.   


THE high zeal of those that are of the Roman Catholic profession proceeds either from Policy or Devotion. The Politic zeal is counterfeited by the Priests and Rulers of the Church: but the zeal of Devotion is imposed by them upon the People. The one is Active, the other Passive; and though the Passive are sometimes seduced by the Active to Action, yet doth that Action seem to be a passion, in regard they suffer themselves to be overpersuaded to do it. Of these two sorts of zeal doth the Roman Catholic Religion consist; Which because they are both made use of for the propagation of their pretended Faith, or rather for the enlargement of their Tyrannical Dominion, and the satisfaction of their insatiate Avarice, they are therefore founded upon all the Maxims of Cruelty and Barbarism imaginable. Nay their very mercies are inhumanities', while their Absolutions and Dispensations do but encourage the perpetration of all manner of Impiety, and by that means maintain a perpetual War against all mankind, and destroy the necessary Converse of humane Society. Thus while they seek to subjugate the World to themselves, where they find themselves too weak, they fall to contrivance. Hence those Effusions of Blood, and dismal Massacres licenced by the Pope, and encouraged and applauded in their public harangues by the Jesuits and Priests, his Godly Emissaries and holy Instruments: Hence those Treasons against Queen Elizabeth, those Horrid Machinations against King James; hence this Villainous Plot, that has been so long hatching against the Person of the best of Kings, of which we are now to make a short but a Methodical History, to remain as a public Record, filled to Perpetuity, of their inhuman Butcheries and foul Contrivances so bloodily and so profanely. intended.  
The Design was laid home and smartly; the Conspirators aimed at no small things, no less than the Murder of a Great Monarch, the subversion of his Laws and Government, and the total Perdition of three Kingdoms under his Sovereign care.  
The Chief Actors upon this bloody Stage were the whole Body of the Roman Catholic Clergy, even from the Triple Crown to the poor selfdenying Dominican and Innocence- pretending Benedictine. For his Holiness in a General Council for the propagation of the Faith, held in December 1677. had adjudged the King of Great Britain to be certainly a Heretic, and for that very reason had vainly deposed him, and as impudently confiscated his Dominions, as being St. Peter's Patrimony forfeited to him for the Heresy of the King and People; To which purpose he also appointed Cardinal Howard to take possession of England, as his Legate, in his Name. He had moreover in his fond imagination displaced all the Archbishops, Bishops, etc. from their Ecclesiastical Employments; and all others from their Secular Dignities, and constituted his own Minions in their places. What Jesuit or Priest, upon so free and authentic Donation as the Pope thus made them of his new Forfeitures, but would have ventured a Caper at Tyburn, for an Archbishopric of York, or a Bishopric of Winchester, or the fat Glebes belonging to many a reassumed Abbey and Monastery? Nor can we doubt but that they had been many Years brooding over such a Magnificent design, which they had so nearly hatched and matured to perfection. Especially considering how long ago it was that we felt the dreadful Effects of their Treason, before the happy discovery of their impious Conjurations.  
It was in the Year 1666. upon the 2d of September, that the greatest fire broke forth, hardly to be paralleled in Story, which sacrificed to the fury and Ambition of the Jesuits and Popish Priests the fairest and largest part of one of the Richest and most populous Cities in the World.  
As to this fatal and destructive Fire, which destroyed 373 Acres within, and 63 Acres and three Roods without the Walls of the City, it appears to have been under Consultation long before the fact was put in Execution. For when they had once, after several Debates and Communications of Letters, unanimously resolved, That it was absolutely necessary to ruin the City, and impoverish her Inhabitants, before they could possibly be able to bring any of their Contrivances to maturity, Richard Strange, once Provincial of the Jesuits, took the care of a Fact, so worthy the Order of Jesus upon himself. To which purpose having made Grace, Pennington, Barton, all three Jesuits, and others, privy to his Criminal Intentions, they all met together at a public House, called the Green Dragon, near Puddle Dock, kept by one West, a Tailor. There after several Consultations, they agreed to have done their work in February 1664. but not having assistance sufficient, nor materials enough ready for Execution, they desisted for that time. In January 1666. they again renewed their meetings at the same West's House, and under the pretence of being Fifth Monarchy Men, they first inveagled one Green into their Society, and with a bait of 30 l. wherewith they furnished him for his present Necessities, soon caught the hungry Fish. Green, thus deluded by their Charity and their Canting, joined with them in their design, both for Firing the City, and Murdering the King; and in farther gratitude for their kindness, brought into their acquaintance eight more of the same Gang; who as they were a hotheaded and inconsiderate sort of cattle, soon closed with a Combination so suitable to their own Natures, and were no less zealous in the business than the Jesuits themselves. Upon this they were all eager to have gone to work in February following, before the Return of the Inhabitants to London. But Green opposed that Resolution, representing to the Jesuits, that then they should be the sooner discovered, in regard that the greater the Uproar was the safer they should be. More than this, he put them in mind, That the King would not then be much in Town, if at all, who as Green at that time advised, was to be cut off, when the people were all in Consternation and hurry by reason of the Fire. This advice pleased the subitle Jesuits well, and for those reasons the business was delayed. Soon after Green, and the rest of the Cabal were suspected by their Host, the forenamed West, and forwarn'd his House. Upon this the wary Jesuits like Foxes fled immediately to their Holes and Earthed themselves at St. Omers, leaving their poor deluded Fifth Monarchy Brethren to suffer the deserved Punishment of their rash Zeal. For those Fifth Monarchy Bigots' being all taken, the next Sessions were indicted at the Old Bailie, by the Names of John Rathbones, William Saunders, Henry Tucker, Thomas Flint, Thomas Evans, John Miles, William Westcott, and John Cole, for Conspiring the Death of his Majesty, and the overthrow of the Government; having laid their Plot for surprisal of the Tower, killing the Lord General Monk, Sir John Robinson, and Sir Richard Brown, and then to have declared for an equal division of Lands. The better to effect which the City was to have been fired, the Portcullises to have been let down to keep out assistance, and the Horse guards to have been surprised, several Officers having been gained for that purpose. Of all this they were found guilty, and soon after Executed, all but Green, who died in prison, before he came to his Trial. All which nothing grieved the Jesuits, believing that now, whatever mischief happened afterwards, the burden of the Crime would be laid upon the fanatics. As to the Fathers that brought them into those noozes, the poor condemned Hotspurs never mentioned a word concerning them; neither knowing their Names, nor suspecting them to have been Jesuits, but of their own Faction, and therefore the more chary of detecting them. Upon notice therefore given to Strange, by Fitzgerald, an Irish Jesuit, and one Neal of White- happel, that the Fifth Monarchy Cullies were all safe out of this World, without the least Information given or notice taken of their Names or Persons, Strange and his Companions returned in June following, and fell again to their employment, which had been in some measure managed by their Associates in their absence. To be short, they got fifty or sixty Irish to ply the Work, and were also in fee with several French Men, who were faithful in the business, to speak the Phrase of Strange himself. All things being ready, and the places pitched upon, Strange in August 1666. removed his Quarters, and lay at a House in Fenchurch Street by the Name of W●lker; Pennington and Barton lodged at an Apothecaries in Shoo Lane, Grace and Fitzgerard took up their Querters in White Chapel at the House of Neal beforenamed, who was to manage the Fire from Thames Street to the Tower. Just at the Time prefixed one Pie-de-loup and Hubert, both French Men and Companions, came to an Alehouse in Pudding Lane, adjoining to Farriner the Baker's, and observing their opportunity, conveyed, at the end of two long poles, three Fire-balls, first lighted with Matches, through a hole in the Wall, into Farriner's House, not stirring till the Room was in a Flame. This was the Confession of Hubert himself, and what moreover he acknowledged at his Execution: For he was sometime after Tried, Condemned, and Executed for this very fact.  
And now the Fire being thus begun, while Night and Consternation bred a general confusion, the Devils Agents were no less busy in employing their Masters own Element, at their several stations, till it grew to such a height, that I need not repeat the dismal havoc which it made, as being yet too fresh in Memory.  
But as if this had not been Impiety enough for the Order of Jesus to boast of, they had a sort of unsanctified Villains and Jades, to the number of fourscore or fourscore and six, who made it their business to Plunder, Steal, and carry away the Goods of the Miserable, in the height of their distraction; for which purpose the Holy Order had their Warehouses, and receptacles of Stolen Goods in Wild Street, besides what they concealed in Somerset House; so that they got by the Fire of London above 14000 l. Among the rest they carried off a Casket of Diamond Stones, which was sold by the same Jesuits in Flanders for 3500 l. Sterling. It is also ascertained from the Mouth of Strange himself, that there were spent in this Destruction of theirs, above Seven hundred of those little Hand Granado's, which they flung into Houses, and called by way of Joke, and Secrecy, Tewksbury Mustard-Balls, now better known by the name of Jesuits Fire-Balls.  
The next considerable Fire was that in Southwark, which happened in the Year 1676. This Fire was begun by one John Groves, who had several Fire Works made for that purpose, and three Irish Men, that were his Assistants; so prosperous in their Villainy, that they set an Oil shop near Saint Margaret's Hill on Fire. For which noble Act the said Groves had 400 l. and the three Irish Men 200 l. a piece paid them by the Jesuits here in London that set them on Work. However the Jesuits were no losers by the Bargain: for by the Dexterity of their plundering Emissaries they got no less than 2000 l. Sterling by that Desolation.  
In the Year 1676. a great Cabal was held in the English Covent of Benedictine Monks at Paris, for the carrying on the great Work of subverting the Protestant Religion and introducing Popery into England.  
For the accomplishing of which Design, they could not imagine any means more probable, then by continual Fires, to weaken, if not utterly demolish the remaining Splendour of the City and Suburbs of London; Affirming withal, that they would never leave that heritic Heap, till they had brought down her Pride by Fire and Py racy.  
These Results being transmitted to their Correspondents in England, were here with no less fervency debated, and no less sedulous endeavours used to satisfy as well their own Cruelty, as the longing Expectations of their Brethren in iniquity beyond Sea. Of these Consultations the real Effects were those Fires near Limehouse, Sept. 18. 1678. at Wapping, where blundel the Jesuit was the Master Engineer, and St. Katherine's, designed likewise for the burning of the Ships in the River, as also in several other places; which though they had not that success which they desired, however showed the heat of their Zeal, and their Kindness to the Kingdom. The same Fate was destined for Westminster, and that ancient Monunument of our Ancestors Magnificence, who never intended that Noble Sructure for the spoil of Loyola's caitif brood. This Fire was to have begun its progress near the Palsgrave's-head, without Temple-Bar, and having baited at the Savoy, was to have been driven on again by the Benedictins on both sides of the way to Whitehall, from whence, near the end of the Stone Gallery, it was to have been conveyed by fresh Company to Westminster. All which grand Contrivance was to have been put in execution in the time of the great Frost, in the year 1676. But than it seems they were not well assured of the Assistance of the French King; of which they were afterwards fully ascertained by Le Cheise, Confessor to the said King, and his Correspondent, Mr. Coleman.  
No wonder such hellish Designs were laid by men whose confidence almost exceeded Admiration. For though the Plot were in some part at that time discovered, yet did they venture to carry on their Design, and kindled a Fire near Limehouse, the 18th of Sept. 1678, as is already mentioned, which in three or four hours' time consumed and laid level with the ground between forty and fifty Houses, and had questionless made a greater devastation, had not the active Courage, and unwearied Toil of the Seamen put a stop to the fury of the Flames. Whence we may be well assured that they had resolutely intended the utter desolation of this Ancient and Potent City (in nothing more unhappy then in the largeness of her Extent) had not the discovery of their Treasons and villainous Impieties warmed them with such another kind of miraculous heat, as melted their Cabals, yet cooled the violence of their fiery proceedings.  
The Jesuits had soon the scent, which only the smother made, in their Noses; having a smart Intelligence that Dr. Oates had been in company with a Protestant Minister. This startled the Provincial, Monsieur Whitebread; and yet he had the confidence to write to Mr. Bedingfield, not to take notice of what Keins, (it seems the whisperer of the unwelcome News) had told him; but to proceed in the business of the King, and in the whole Affair, as before. Nay, he was so Cocksure, as to come to London the third of September. The next day the Doctor went to visit him, or rather to wait on him by order of his Superiors. But then the Scene was altered: the incensed and sour Provincial changed both his Countenance and Behaviour. For he not only reviled the Doctor in words, ask him, With what face he could look on him, that had played him such a treacherous trick? but entertained him with blows and a courteous box o' the Ear, (for St. Peter may strike, as well as teach) as being charged for having been with the King, and a Minister with him.  
However, that the Jesuits Trade might still go forward, I mean Murder, the good natured Provincial was willing to be reconciled to the Doctor, on condition he would discover the Minister's Name, and his place of abode, to the end they might make him sure, for they resolved to have killed him.  
In the mean time the Doctor was ordered to march, and within fourteen days to return to St. Omers; and that he might not delude them with a slippery cheat, they took upon them to pay for his Coach-hire and Provision upon the Road to Dover, and at Calais ordered the Master of the Feathers to pay for his passage to St. Omers; unwilling to trust him with so much Money at his own disposal. There he was also to stay till farther Order from the Provincial; and an excellent Office, which was to be Surveyor of the firing of Wapping, taken out of his hands and committed to the charge and industry of the more trusty Father Blundel.  
But upon the sixth of September at night, the Doctor attending at the Provincial's Chamber door, and just ready to go in, overheard Monsieur White, and some others, whom by their voices he conjectured to be Mico, and one Poole, consulting how to dispose of a certain person, whom he vehemently suspected to be himself. The words, not to be omitted, were these:  
This man has betrayed us, and therefore we will give a Coachman Twenty Pound to take him up, and carry him directly to Rochester, to Esquire Lee ' s house, who lives near the Town; and from thence to Dover, by some by-way, because he is acquainted at Sittinborn. Adding withal, That if they could but get him on the other side the Water, they would torment him, till he had confessed to them, who it was that had been with the King, and had informed him of the Business.  
These Words begat in the Doctor a rational fear; so that he made all the hast he could down Stairs, to avoid the danger, and for his better security, shifted his Lodging that night.  
The next night, as he was returning to his own Lodging, for some Necessaries which he wanted the day following, he met with one Grigson, a Papist; who informed him, That the Jesuits were highly incensed against him, because he had not answered their Expectations, in being true to them: that they were dangerous persons, and would ruin him, if they could. To which he added, That he had known their Roguery these twelve or fourteen years.  
The Doctor surprised with this Caution went no further, but stayed with the said Grigson, and lay that night at his Lodging: where he had no sooner composed himself to rest, but one Stafford, a Son of Papistical Zeal, whom he never knew, nor ever in his life provoked, attempted to force open his Lodging, but was constrained to retreat, when he found himself discovered by the Servants of the House: so that from that time forward he grew more jealous of them, and careful of himself.  
Thus much for the Preliminaries, which give a fair insight into the Age and Series of this detestable Contrivance. It will now be requisite to embody the Design, and to display the whole Mystery, that thereby the Crimes of every Malefactor (for I cannot in Conscience call them Martyrs) that has hitherto been justly Executed, may more clearly appear.  
The grand and general Design then of the Pope, the Pious and Zealous Society of Jesuits, and their Accomplices and Associates in this as disingenuous, and rascally, as unchristian Conspiracy was to have reduced the flourishing Kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland to the Romish Religion, and under the Papal Jurisdiction.  
To accomplish this, the Pope had Entitled himself by way of Confiscation and Forfeiture to the Kingdoms of England and Ireland. He had sent the Bishop of Casal, in Italy, into Ireland, to make out his Title to that Kingdom, and to take Possession in his behalf; and had constituted Cardinal Howard his True and Lawful Attorney, for the same intent and purpose in England. But these fair Vineyards could not be enjoyed, so long as the right owner lived, and had power to defend his own Inheritance. Therefore was the King himself by his Holiness impiously condemned, and by the Consults of the Jesuits and Priests at London, applauded and encouraged by the Birds of the same Feather abroad, disposed and destined to a lewd Assassination. And to make good the Attempt, the Papal Force in both Nations was to be Armed, and that under Officers and Commanders commissionated by St. Peter's Authority, given to the General of the Jesuits at Rome, and by him conveyed to the Provincial of the same Order in England. In this, somewhat mannerly, that the King was not to fall alone, but to be attended by some of his nearest Relations, and choicest Peers, of which number was his own Brother, if he did not fully answer their Expectations, the Prince of Orange, the Duke of Ormond, and the Earl of Shaftsbury.  
Into Scotland twelve Scotch Jesuits were sent by Order from the General of the Society, and had a Thousand Pound given them by Le Cheese, the French King's Confessor, to keep up the Commotions in Scotland, and had Instructions given them to carry themselves like Nonconformists among the Presbyterians, the better to drive on their Design.  
The Conquest and Subduing of Ireland was contrived and designed by a general Rebellion and Massacre of the Protestants in that Kingdom, for which the Actors had a late Precedent to go by. For the carrying on whereof the Pope had been so liberal, as to disburse Eight Hundred Thousand Crowns out of his own Treasury. And for fear their own Power might not be sufficient, there was a French Plot cunningly and a-la-modely interwoven with their English Conspiracies to bring in Foreign Assistance, and Correspondencies, held for that purpose between them and the King of France's Confessor at Paris.  
But Heaven, that saw and with indignation beheld the dark and infernal Practices of them, that by acting contrary to all Piety and Virtue, were bringing a Reproach and Scandal upon Heaven and Christianity itself, would no longer suffer them to proceed in such an Execrable Tragedy. A Crime that had it come to Execution, Hell would have blushed, and the Devils in union among themselves, might have had a prospect of some probability of Mercy, beholding men more wicked than they.  
The Discovery then being fully resolved upon in the Breast of Dr. Oates, he makes his first Applications to Dr. Tongue, both for his Advice and Assistance. Who upon Monday the 13th of August, 1678, acquainted Mr. Christopher Kirkby with the detection of a Popish Conspiracy against the King's Sacred Person and the Protestant Religion, showing him withal the Three and Forty Articles, as he had received them in Writing from Dr. Oates, and requesting him not to make the business known at first to any other person than the King himself. Many difficulties showed themselves in the Management of this Affair, which required the more wariness in proceeding. So that Mr. Kirkby, not finding an Opportunity to speak in private with the King that Afternoon, prepared a certain Paper to put into his hands the next Morning, as he went to walk in the Park. His Majesty having received and read it, called Mr. Kirkby to Him, who then only gave him this short Account, That his Enemies had a design against his Life, and therefore besought him to have a care of his Person, for that he knew not but that he might be in danger in that very Walk which he was about to take; desiring withal, a more private place for a more particular Account. Thereupon his Majesty commanded him to wait his return out of the Park: At what time calling Mr. Kirkby into his Bedchamber, he commanded him to declare what he knew.  
Mr. Kirkby thereupon informed the King, that there were two persons that were set to watch an opportunity to Pistol him. That his Friend was at hand, and ready with his Papers to be brought before him, when his Majesty should command.  
In answer to this, his Majesty appointed between the hours of Eight and Nine in the Evening: at which time Mr. Kirkby and Dr. Tongue attended, and being commanded into the Red Room, delivered the Forty Three Articles, or rather Heads of the Discovery to his Majesty, who being to go to Windsor the next Morning, was pleased to promise that he would transmit the Papers into the hands of the Earl of Danby, than Lord Treasurer, upon whom they were likewise ordered to attend the next day after. That day, about four of the Clock in the Afternoon, they were admitted into the Treasurer's Closet, who read the Papers, and found them to be of the greatest Concern imaginable.  
The third of September, Mr. Kirkby went to Dr. Oates, and having received from him what he had to communicate, appointed to meet him the next morning.  
Accordingly, the next morning, being the fourth of September, Mr. Kirkby and Dr. Oates met, at what time the latter told the former, that Whitebread, Provintial of the Jesuits, was come to Town, and had strucken him, and charged him with having been with the King, and with the discovery of the Plot, which he denied, it being true that he had not seen the King. Upon this, it was concluded, that seeing the discovery was smoked, Dr. Oates' Information should be sworn before some Justice of the Peace, which was accordingly the first time done before Sir Edmundbury Godfrey the sixth of September; who nevertheless was not permitted to read the particulars of the Information; it being alleged that his Majesty had already had a true Copy thereof; and that it was not convenient that the business should be communicated to any body else as yet: So that Sir Edmundbury Godfrey was satisfied without reading them, and only underwit Dr. Oates' Affidavit, That the Matters therein contained were true; Dr. Tong at the same time making Oath, that they had been made known to the King.  
In the mean time Mr. Kirkby goes to Windsor, and shows himself to the King, but his Majesty was not pleased to speak to him either that day, or the next; whereby it was conjectured that some persons had made it their buness' to dispossess the King of the belief of any such thing as a Plot.  
Wherefore upon the seventh of September he went to the Treasurer's Lodgings, and meeting with Mr. Lloyd, he told him that the person who had given the Information was discovered and had been abused and beaten by the Conspirators, and therefore desired my Lord Treasurer's farther directions; but though he waited all that day and the next, my Lord was not to be spoken with. Thereupon he returned, and meeting with Doctor Tong and Oates, at the place which before they had appointed, he carried them to his Lodgings at Fox-hall, for their better security.  
Nevertheless the business was not so far neglected, but that upon the twenty seventh, Mr. Lloyd before mentioned, was sent to Fox-hall to signify to Mr. Kirkby, that he had Orders to bring Doctor Tong before the Council; but the Lords being risen, ere the Doctor could be brought, he was Ordered to attend the next Morning.  
In the mean while they went all three again to Sir Edmundbury Godfrey, carrying the first Depositions sworn the sixth of September, and two Copies more written by Doctor Oates, to have them also sworn, which being done, Doctor Oates was sent back to Fox-hall, and Mr. Kirkby and Doctor Tong attended the Council according to Order; who being called in were Ordered to bring Doctor Oats thither, which was soon after done. And then it was, that Doctor Oates, being the first time examined, and also sworn again at the Council board to the Heads of his Discovery, both he and Doctor Tong were Ordered Lodgings at Whitehall.  
Being thus secure of the Discovery, and the Discoverer as well secured, the main business now lay all in good proof and fair Testimony. Which as on our side there was all care taken to find out, so on the Conspirators behalf, there was no stone left unturned, no Labour of imagination omitted to vilify, and enervate, and to reproach and scandalise what ever witnesss appeared.  
And therefore before we go any farther, it will be requisite to say something in Justification of his person, who was the First and main Discoverer, and to whom the Nation is most chiefly beholding.  
All the World cannot but be very apprehensive, that it is the Interest of the Roman Catholics to vindicate their reputation if they can; which there is no way under Heaven to do, but by fixing those Imputations upon Doctor Oates, which may render him ridiculous, perjured, and consequently unfit to be believed.  
In the first place the Papists accuse him of debauchery, and for being turned out of the College at Saint Omers, and that he does all this out of Revenge.  
Then they suggest that his Information must needs be fictitious, because it is a thing unlikely that he should come to such a distinct knowledge of so many particulars in so short a time. Or if he had heard or seen them, that he should so perfectly remember them: and then again if he were so conversant among the Conspirators, why he should not do it sooner.  
In the last place, they allege, that it is not probable, that they who so cheerfully blended their Blood with that of his Majesty's most faithful Protestant Subjects in the late Wars, should so strangely alter their minds, as with such an unheard of Unanimity to combine to murder the King, for whose Father they had so Religiously fought, and destroy the Liberty of a Nation which they had endeavoured to maintain with their Lives. Plausible insinuations indeed, but of no moment, when judiciously weighed and considered.  
For as to the Education of Doctor Titus Oates, he was bred a Student in Saint John's College in Cambridge; neither is it probable that he forgot his Learning, but rather highly improved it, by his going out Doctor in Divinity at Salamanca in Spain; where he did all his Exercises, more difficult than what are performed among us here. He was also for some time a Minister at Chichester, and at length Chaplain to the Duke of Norfolk.  
In all these Stations the sobriety of his Life and Conversation was such, as freed him altogether from the stain of Debauchery. In which respect he may well appeal to the Jesuits themselves, who would never have esteemed him as they did, by conferring their Order upon him, and trusting him so far, had they not found him a sober person and fit for their purpose.  
When he was Chaplain to the Duke of Norfolk, he overheard some whisper among the Priests, by which he collected, that there were some great designs on Foot, though he could not find out what they were. This and some other dark Intimations which he received from his Protestant friends, bred in him an earnest desire to sound the depth of the Intrigue, and if it were possible to Countermine it. To which end he pretended himself to certain Priests dissatisfied in some points relating to the Discipline of the Church of England, desiring withal, for the Solution of his doubts, to confer with some of their Jesuits, which the Priests procured, on condition he would not betray them. After several disputes, wherein he suffered himself to be overcome, he was seemingly reconciled to the Church of Rome, and then desired of the Fathers that they would admit him into their Order, which they did after a debate of three days. To this Grant of theirs they also added this farther kindness, that because he was past the Years of Pupillage, as being in the 28th Year of his Age, they would not employ him, as they usually did their Novices, in drudgery for the first two Years, but advance him to be a Messenger for the Society. Nothing could more exactly have fitted his purpose. So that being forthwith sent with Letters into Spain, he opened them, and thereby began to have some insight into the contrivance: from which time he carried himself with that discretion and reservedness, that after a little time he was admitted to their Consultations; by which means he had not only the opportunity to observe the present carriage of Affairs, but also liberty to inquire into their former Proceedings. By this means he came to understand how the City was Fired by the Contrivance of the Jesuits, was informed how the Design was carried on, and who were the Actors in the several Scenes of the Tragedy. Which he might well believe when he himself was a Witness how they had Fired Southwark, and were designing to have utterly laid waste both the Temple, Westminster, and the rest of the Suburbs.  
He also kept short Memorandums of all passages of consequence that happened from the time of his first admission. Of all which he has given such an exact Account, confirmed by other Circumstances and collateral Evidence, that among such a number of particular occurrences, no one thing has contradicted another, nor interfered with those papers that have been found elsewhere, or with those Informations that have been separately given in by other Persons. Nor was it possible that the Grand Assembly of the Nation consisting of so many perspicacious Judgements, and by whom he was fully examined should be so imposed upon by one Man, as to Vote upon his Information that there was a Plot to Murder the King, alter the Government, and subvert the Religion established by Law, had they not been highly satisfied in the Credit and soundness of the Evidence.  
As to the time of his Discovery, had he made it upon his first knowledge, he had acted with less prudence, and the Opposition he has met with plainly shows, that the Kingdom might probably have lost the advantage of his delay, had he come unprovided to attest those things which he could not so well have proved. Nor was he at his own disposal, when first he entered into their Society. So that had he moved or acted either without or contrary to their Order, he had presently been suspected, watched and found out; but as soon as he had enough to convince the World, or at least the Rational part, and that he was sent from Saint Omers into England, he showed his real intentions to preserve his Majesty's Person and his Native Country from the bloody Contrivances of a bosom Enemy.  
But what needs all this Justification? Heaven itself assisted the Discovery, and so directed their infatuated Councils, that contrary to all the dictates of common Sense and Reason, the Politic Jesuits rang that bloody peal themselves which wakened the drowsy unbelief of those that scarce gave credit to the Story; and by closing the Eyes of one unfortunate Gentleman, opened the Eyes of the whole Nation.  
For understanding that Sir Edmundbury Godfrey, one of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace for the County of Middlesex, had taken the Discoverers Oath and Affidavit, and presuming that much of the Plot might be confessed and made known to him, thinking to stifle his report in the Birth, they concluded to commit a Murder that Villainy laughed at, and was Ridiculous to Folly itself.  
The chief Instruments, for there were several others unknown to the Discoverer, set on and encouraged to act this fatal Tragedy were Father Girald, and Father Kelly two Priests, Robert Green, Cushion-Man to the Chapel of Somerset-House, Laurence Hill servant to Dr. Goddin, Treasurer of the Chapel, Henry Berry, Porter, Lewson a Priest, Philip Vernatti, once belonging to my Lord Bellasis, and Mr. Miles Prance, by them deluded in to be an Assistant; though soon after, the Detector of the Fact and Persons.  
These Men did not assign any particular reason for their malice, but only in general that Sir Edmundbury Godfrey was a busy Person, and going about to ruin all the Catholics in England, and that it was necessary to destroy him or else they should be all undone.  
This being their undoubted Maxim, they laid several distinct Plots, and employed divers separate Agents unknown to each other, to accomplish their design.  
Several Consultations they had at the Blow▪ near Somerset-House, and in other places, but the ultimate Result of all their Debates was this, That Sir Edmundbury Godfrey should be dogged as he walked the Streets, and that whoever of the Confederates should first lodge him in a convenient place should give the rest notice.  
In pursuance of this Resolution, having watched him several days, and finding no opportunity, at length upon Saturday the 12 of October 1678. in the Morning, Hill, Girald, and Green, went forth to observe his Motion, and Kelley, knowing what they were gone about, went to Mr. Prance's House to acquaint him therewith, and to charge him to be in a Readiness. The first three went near to Sir Edmundbury's, and while two stayed at a distance, Hill went up to the House and understanding he was within, spoke with him upon some pretended Story and so returned.  
About ten or eleven a Clock Sir Edmundbury came forth all alone; and his unknown Attendants dogged him with great diligence all the rest of the day to several places, as his occasions led him, till about six a Clock at night, at what time he went into a great House in St. Clement's, where 'tis thought he supped. Then did Green leave the other two, came to Mr. Prance, and informed him, that they had now set Sir Edmundbury Godfrey in a House in St. Clement's, and bid him make all the hast down to the Water Gate belonging to Somerset-House, where he should find Kelley the Priest and Berry the Porter. Thereupon Prance went thither, and found them walking in the Yard, where they continued sometimes walking, sometimes sitting till toward nine of the Clock. About which time Sir Edmundbury, coming out of the House aforesaid, Hill ran before to give Notice that he was coming along; and to wheedle him in, he ordered that two should pretend to be a quarrelling. Which done, Hill returns to the Water Gate to expect his coming and entice him in. In the mean time Kelly and Berry began a seeming quarrel, but made no great Noise, and Sir Edmundbury coming along, just as he was passing by the said Water Gate, Hill steps to him in a great deal of haste, crying, For God's sake Sir Edmundbury Godfrey be pleased to come in, for here are two Men quarrelling, and I fear there will be Bloodshed between them. Pugh-pugh, said Sir Edmundbury, refusing at first to trouble himself; but Hill still urging and insisting that he was afraid there might be a great deal of mischief done, and how glad he was to meet so opportunely with his Worship; Sir Edmund Bury, not suspecting any harm, but desirous to prevent any mischance that might be occasioned by a quarrel, was persuaded to follow him.  
Hill entered the Gate first, Sir Edmundbury followed, and behind him immediately clapped Girald and Green. These all making down in this order toward the Rails near the Queen's Stables, where Kelley and Berry were pretending a quarrel, Prance, who stood close by the wall concealed, goes up to secure the Water Gate, while Berry slipped to secure the Stairs and Passage by the Chapel.  
And now having got him safe, Green, who kept close behind, and had a large twisted Handkerchief in readiness, on a sudden threw it about his Neck, and immediately Girald, Kelly, Green and Hill fell upon him, secured his Sword, threw him down, and throttled him, so that he could neither call out, nor speak; then drew him behind the Rail, and gave him many violent punches on the Breast with their Knees.  
After they had thus manifestly bereft him of his breath, Girald the Priest, fearing he was not quite dead, would have run him through with his Sword. But the rest would not yield to that, for fear of being discovered by the Blood. However to make sure work, Green got upon him, and punching him with his Knee upon the Breast with all his force, wrung his Neck quite round. Thus fell this unfortunate Gentleman, a needless Victim to their stupid Fury, to prevent the Sacrifice of three whole Nations, and save the Offering of Royal Blood to their cruel Idolatry.  
After the business was fully done, Prance and Berry came from their Posts, and then they all set to work to remove the Body, which they carried in at a door right against the place where he was murdered, and so into a little Room in Doctor Goddin's Lodgings, where Hill lived; and where they placed the Corpse with the back leaning against a bed.  
There the Body lay all Saturday Night, Sunday all Day and Night, till Monday at Night; but then they carried it into another Room cross the upper Court of Somerset House. There it continued all Monday and Tuesday till nine a Clock; and then Girald, Kelly, Green, Hill and Berry took him out of that Room, and removed him into another opposite to Doctor Goddin's door, supposed to belong to Sir John Arundel's Lodgings.  
There the Body lay from Tuesday Night till Wednesday about nine a Clock at Night, and then the five forementioned persons removed it again to the Room in Doctor Goddin's Lodgings, where it first lay. In this removal they were frighted by Mr. Prance's coming, so that they ran away and left the Body for a while, but being called to by Mr. Prance, and knowing his Voice, they returned to their Labour.  
Having thus several times removed the Body they entered into a deep debate, how and where to dispose of it for their best security. The result of which was, that he should be carried into the fields and laid in some obscure place, in such a manner, that when ever he should be found, it might be supposed that he had Murdered himself. And this they thought would be much for the Interest of the Church, when it should come to be known, that he who was so busy in charging the Catholics with a Plot, had been afterwards so troubled in mind, as to kill himself; and therefore it was agreed that none of his Money or other things should be meddled with.  
This result being well approved of, they resolved to carry away the Body that Night, being the sixteenth of October. To which purpose Hill procured a Sedan late in the Night, into which they forced in the Body, by bending it into a fit posture. When they had got the Body in, they carried it over the Court-yard toward the Lodge, and then giving a Hem, which was the sign, Berry came forth and opened the Gate, and so with Heart and good. Will away went Prance and Girald first with their burden, as far as Covent-Garden, where they were relieved by two more, who Footed it on as far as Long-Acre; then Girald and Prance took up their load again, and carried it to the Grecian Church near Soho. When they had the Murdered Cavalier there, having a Horse ready, they forced open his Legs, and mounted him astride, and then set up Hill behind to hold him up steady, at which time Girald spoke these words, I wish we had a hundred such Rogues as secure as this. Then Hill, Girald, Kelly, and Green attended upon him in such manner, that he seemed to ride in great State, one leading the Horse, and the other two walking on each side; and so they conveyed the Body to a field near Primrose Hill, where they laid it in a Ditch, first run through with his own Sword, and left his Scabbard and Gloves at a distance not far off.  
The next Morning the Murderers met and gave an account of it to Mr. Prance who went no farther than Soho: and in a paper set down a Narrative of their Heroic Act. Nor is it unlikely but that it was sent to Rome, where it found as great Approbation, and caused as great joy, as some other Acts of theirs of the same nature have formerly done.  
Sometime also after the fact committed they had a meeting at the Queen's Head at Bow, where the forementioned Narrative was produced and read, which made them very merry, and so jocundly loud they were in reading it, that they were over heard by some, who gave evidence at their Trial, that there was a paper their read which concerned Sir Edmundbury Godfrey.  
On Thursday in the afternoon the Body was found in a Ditch with his Sword run through him, two handfuls out of his Back, with his Neck dislocated and his Breast very much beaten and bruised. In that condition after the Coroners Jury had given in their Verdict that he was Murdered by a Confederacy of Assassinates the Corpse was carried home, and afterwards solemnly buried in the Church of St. Martin's Parish in the fields, his Funeral Sermon being Preached by the Learned and Reverend Dr. Lloyd Dean of Bangor the Minister of the Place.  
The confused Rumour of the Plot, and the loud noise of this Murder, strangely Alarmed the whole Nation; but who did it, or upon what motives or provocations, was a Mystery long concealed, and all people groped only in the dark of Conjecture. Some there were that suspected the Papists, but they would by no means hear of any such accusation, and therefore threw out various reports that his own Relations had murdered him to get his Estate; that he was mad, and that he had married beneath himself and therefore lay concealed.  
However the King both for his own and the satisfaction of his people, was pleased to issue forth his Royal Proclamation, wherein he promised a very considerable reward to them that should first discover the Authors and Contrivers of so horrid a Murder. Yet all the Confederates being at that time either Priests or zealous Bigots, whose Consciences were overpowred by the persuasive exasperations of their diabolical Confessors, they firmly kept the Grand Secret, till Mr. William Bedloe awed at first by the strong obligation of the Sacrament of the Altar twice aweek Administered to him to keep him steady, at length by a secret impulse of Heaven, and convinced by the wicked designs wherein he had been so oft engaged by Men pretending Sanctity, returned from Bristol, where his restless mind had carried him, and of his own accord came in, and began the Discovery. After which, by the accidental knowledge of Mr. Prance in the Lobby of the House of Commons, he opened a way to the full displaying of the Mystery.  
But leaving this subject for a while we must take notice that three or four days before this, on the twenty first of October 1678. the Parliament in pursuance of his Majesty's last Prorogation met at Westminster, and the next day Doctor Oates was examined before the Commons, as he was also before the House of Lords the day following. Upon which his Majesty was pleased to issue forth several Proclamations one after another, as well in reference to the Plot discovered, as also for the future security of his Royal Person and Government.  
The first was a Proclamation for a General Fast, appointed to be kept the 13th of November following.  
The next was a Proclamation commanding all Popish Recusants to depart ten miles from the City of London.  
And the third was a Proclamation that no Officers or Soldiers of his Majesty's Guards should be a Papist.  
His Majesty also observing the affection of both His Houses towards His Royal Person, and their zeal for the security of the Nation, was pleased to make them a most Gracious Speech, wherein he gave them thanks for the care which they took of his Government and Person, promising to pass all Acts which they should make for preservation of the Protestant Religion.  
During these Proceedings of Parliament and Council, one Staley having out of the abundance of his Heart, on the fourteenth of November 1678. spoken most desperate treasonable words against the King, and being the next day apprehended for the same, was brought publicly to his Trial at the King's Bench Bar in Westminster Hall, upon the twenty first of the same Month.  
This Staley was a Goldsmith in Covent-Garden, and the reason of his inveteracy against the King, is said to be, for that being a Papist and a Goldsmith that dealt in money, he found his Trade decay; because the Catholics, with whom his chiefest dealings were, called in their money faster than he desired, upon the discovery of the Plot.  
The Treason urged against him was this, that being at the Black Lion in King-street in the new Buildings between High Holborn and Long-acre with one Fromante his Friend: the said Fromante, among other discourse, was saying, That the King of England was a great Tormentor of the people of God. Upon which, the said Staley flew out into a violent Passion, and made answer, with the addition of other irreverent words, That the King was a great Heretic, there's the heart, and here's the hand, I would kill him myself.  
These words being spoken in French, were distinctly understood by two English Gentlemen, that overheard and saw the said Staley when he spoke them, the door of the Room being open. And this also in the presence of another that did not understand French, to whom the others immediately interpreted the words.  
He was indicted for Imagining and Contriving the Death of the King.  

The Jury were,  
Sr. Philip Matthews,  
Sr. Reginald Foster,  
Sr. John Kirk,  
Sr. John Cutler,  
Sr. Richard Blake,  
John Bifield, Esq  
Simon Middleton, Esq  
Thomas Cross, Esq  
Henry Johnson, Esq  
Charles Umphrevil, Esq  
Thomas Egglesfield, Esq  
William Bohee, Esq   
The Witnesses swore the words positively upon him; and the Statute of this King's Reign making desperate words to be Treason, was read and urged against him. But his defence was weak, while he only endeavoured to evade the Crime, by alleging a mistake of the Expression; as if he had said, I will kill myself, instead of, I will kill him myself. But that shift would not serve; for the Jury soon brought him in Guilty: whereupon he was condemned to be hanged, drawn and quartered: which Sentence was upon the 26th of the same month executed accordingly. So that he had this honour, to be the Pope's first Martyr for the Plot. It was his Majesty's pleasure, that his Relations should have the disposal of his Quarters, to give them a decent and private burial; but they abusing his gracious favour, with a public, and more than ordinary funeral Pomp, his buried Quarters were ordered to be taken up, and to be disposed by the Common Executioner upon the Gates of the City.  
1678. Next to him, Coleman became the public spectacle of his own conceit and Ambition. He had been committed to Newgate by the Council upon the 30th of September, which was the next day after Dr. Oates' first Examination.  
He was brought to his Trial upon the 27th of November, before the Judges of the King's Bench.  

The Jury were,  
Sr. Reginald Foster,  
Sr. Charles Lee,  
Edward Wilford, Esq  
John Bathurst, Esq  
Joshua Galliard, Esq  
John Bifield, Esq  
Simon Middleton, Esq  
Henry Johnson,  
Charles Umphrevile,  
Thomas Johnson,  
Thomas Egglesfield,  
William Bohee.   
The general Charge of the indictment, was for an intention and endeavour to murder the King; for an endeavour and attempt to change the Government of the Nation; for an endeavour to alter the Protestant Religion, and instead thereof to introduce the Romish Superstition and Popery.  
The particular Charges were, one or two Letters written to Monsieur Le Chaise, Confessor to the King of France, to excite and stir him up to procure aid and assistance from a Foreign Prince, Arms and Levies of Men. That this Letter was delivered, and an Answer by him received, with a promise that he should have Assistance. That he wrote other Letters to Sr. William Throckmorton, who traitorously conspired with him, and had intelligence from time to time from him.  
The main things insisted upon for the Evidence to prove, were first, That there had been a more than ordinary design to bring in the Popish, and extirpate the Protestant Religion.  
That the first Onset was to be made by a whole Troop of Jesuits and Priests, who were sent into England from the Seminaries, where they had been trained up in all the Arts of deluding the people.  
That there was a Summons of the principal Jesuits, the most able for their headpieces, who were to meet in the April or May before, to consult of things of no less weight, than how to take away the Life of the King.  
That there was an Oath of Secrecy taken, and that upon the Sacrament. That there were two Villains among them, who undertook that execrable work, for the rewards that were promised them: Money, in case they succeeded; and Masses for their souls, if they perished.  
That if the first failed, there were also four Irish men recommended to the Cabal, men of mean and desperate Fortunes, to make the same attempt, when the King was the last Summer at Windsor.  
That Forces, Aids and Assistances were prepared to be ready both at home and abroad, to second the Design.  
That Mr. Coleman knew of all this, and encouraged a Messenger to carry money down as a reward of those Murderers that were at Windsor.  
That there were Negotiations to be maintained with public persons abroad, money to be procured, partly from friends at home, and partly beyond Seas, from those that wished them well; in all which Negotiations, Mr. Coleman had a busy hand.  
That this Conspiracy went so far, that General Officers were named and appointed; and many engaged, if not listed: and this not only in England, but in Ireland likewise.  
That the great Civil Offices and Dignities of the Kingdom were also to be disposed of, and that Coleman was to have been Secretary of State, and had a Commission from the Superiors of the Jesuits, to act in that Quality. That he had treated, by virtue thereof, with Father Ferrier, and La Chaise, Confessors of the King of France, for the Dissolution of the Parliament, and Extirpation of the Protestant Religion: to which purpose, he had penned a Declaration with his own hand, to justify the Action, when the Parliament was dissolved.  
That he kept intelligence with Cardinal Norfolk, with Father Sheldon, and the Pope's Internuntio at Brussels. Lastly, that he kept a Correspondence with Sr. William Throckmorton, to the destruction of the King and Kingdom.  
Being arraigned for these crimes, he insisted to have had Council allowed him; which was denied for this reason, for that the proof lay all on the other side; which if it were plain, there would be no need of Council.  
As to the proofs of these Crimes by the two Witnesses, Dr. Oates, and Mr. Bedlow, it was first proved by Dr. Oates alone, That there was a general Consult or meeting of the Jesuits in April Old Style, and May New Style, at the White Horse Tavern in the Strand, and afterwards they divided into Companies; and in those Consults they conspired the death of the King, and contrived how to effect it. That to that purpose Grove and Pickering were actually employed to murder the King, and to pistol him in St. James' Park. For which Grove was to have 1500 l. in money, and Pickering, being a Priest, thirty thousand Masses, which was computed to be equal to 1500 l. That to this Contrivance and Conspiracy, Coleman was privy, and did well approve of the same.  
It was also farther proved by the same Witnesses, that four Irish men were provided by Dr. Fogarthy, and sent to Windsor, there to make a farther attempt upon the Royal Person of the King: and fourscore Guinneys were provided by Harcourt to maintain the Assassinates at Windsor; and that while this Conspiracy was in Agitation, Coleman went to visit Harcourt at his Lodging; but not finding him there, and being informed he was at Wild House, that he went and found him out there: at which time, Coleman ask what provision Harcourt had made for the Gentlemen at Windsor? Harcourt replied, that the fourscore Guinneys which lay upon the Table, were for them; and added, that the person in the Room was to carry the money. Upon which, it was farther proved, that Coleman should reply, That he liked it very well; and that he gave a Guinney out of his pocket to the Messenger, who was to carry the money to Windsor, to encourage him to expedite the business. It was further sworn by Dr. Oates, That in July last one Ashby a Jesuit, brought instructions from Flanders to London, that in case Pickering and Grove could not kill the King at London, nor the four Irish men assassinate him at Windsor, that then the sum of ten thousand pounds should be proposed to Sir George Wakeman, to poison the King. In this conspiracy Mr. Coleman was proved to be so far concerned, that by the Letters which passed between Whitebread and Ashby, it appeared that he should say, he thought ten thousand pound was too little, and that he thought it necessary to offer five thousand pound more: which upon his admonition and advice was assented to by the Jesuits. It was also further sworn by Dr. Oates, that he saw Letters from the Provincial at London, to the Jesuits at St. Omers, that Sir George had accepted the Proposition.  
The second witness was Mr. Bedlow, who swore, that he was employed by Harcourt, the Jesuit, to carry Pacquets of Letters to Monsieur Le Chaise, the French Kings Confessor, and that he was at a Consult in France, where the Plot was discoursed on for killing the King; and that he brought back an answer from Le Chaise to Harcourt in London; and that particularly on the 24th. or 25th. of May, 1677. he was at Colemans' house with father Harcourt, and some other persons, where Mr. Coleman, falling into discourse concerning the design in hand, said these words, That if he had a Sea of blood, and a hundred lives, he would lose them all to carry on the design; and if to this end it were requisite to destroy a hundred Heretic Kings, he would do it. The other part of the evidence consisted of Papers and Letters, generally relating to prove the latter part of the indictment, viz. the extirpation of the Protestant Religion, introducing Popery, and subverting the Government.  
This was plainly proved by a long Letter written by Mr. Coleman, dated Sept. 29. 1675. and sent to Monsieur Le Chaise before named: wherein he gave him an account of the transactions of several years before, and of his correspondence with Monsieur Ferrier, predecessor to the said Le Chaise; wherein he asserted that the true way to carry on the interest of France, and to promote the Catholic Religion in England, was to get the Parliament dissolved: which he said, had been long since effected, if three hundred thousand pounds could have been obtained from the French King: and that things were yet in such a posture, that if he had but twenty thousand pound sent him from France, he would be content to be a sacrifice to the utmost malice of his enemies, if the Protestant Religion did not receive such a blow that it could not possibly subsist. The receipt of which Letter was acknowledged by Monsieur Le Chaise, in an answer which he wrote to Mr. Coleman, dated from Paris, Octob. 23. 75. wherein he gave him thanks for his good service in order to the promotion of the Catholic Religion.  
Another Letter was produced, dated August 21. 74. written by the prisoner Coleman to the Pope's Internuncio at Brussels, wherein he said that the design prospered well, and that he doubted not but that in a little while the business would be managed to the utter ruin of the Protestant party.  
Other Letters were brought in Evidence, wherein he wrote to the King of France's Confessor, that the assistance of his most Christian Majesty was necessary, and desired money from the French King to carry on the design.  
But there was another without a date, more material than all the rest, written to Monsieur Le Chaise in a short time after his long Letter, dated Sept. 29. 1675. wherein among other things, the Prisoner thus expressed himself. We have a mighty work upon our hands, no less than the Conversion of three Kingdoms, and the utter subduing of a pestilent Heresy, which has for some time domineered over this Northern part of the World; and we never had so great hopes of it since Queen Mary's days. In the close of which Letter he implored Monsieur Le Chaise to get all the aid and assistance he could from France, and that next to God Almighty, they did rely upon the mighty mind of his most Christian Majesty, and therefore hoped that he would procure both money and assistance from him. And thus was the latter part of the indictment fully proved upon him.  
There was another Letter produced against him, which he wrote to Monsieur Le Chaise in French, in the Duke's name, but without his privity or knowledge, so that when he had the boldness to show it to the Duke, he was both angry and rejected it. It contained several invectives against my Lord Arlington, as being a great opposer of the Duke's designs, and the chief promoter of the match between the Prince of Orange and the Duke's eldest daughter the Lady Mary.  
As for the long Declaration which he wrote as if he had been an actual Secretary of State, and employed by some certain King his Master, to justify the Dissolution of his Parliament, it was produced rather to show his good intentions to his true Sovereign, and as a circumstance to confirm the rest, than otherwise. To all this Mr. Coleman made the slenderest defence imaginable. Only being charged that he was at a Consult with the Jesuits and Benedictine Monks in August, at the Savoy, he endeavoured to prove that he was all that Month in Warwickshire; but his witness, which was but single, not being able to make any positive answer to the questions demanded by the Court, his testimony nothing availed him, no more than his cavil with Doctor Oates, that he did not charge him at the Council, with all the matters in the Indictment. For it was fairly proved by one of the Clerks of the Council that he charged him severely enough to have him committed to Newgate. And that was sufficient for the Prosecutor to do, till he came to give his full evidence at the Trial.  
As to the Letters, he said they were only intended for the making the King and the Duke as great as could be, as far as he thought it in his power: to which end he desired the Court to consider the contexture and connexion of the things therein contained.  
After this the Court took notice to the Jury of the Accusation itself, and of the Evidence, which was of two sorts, Letters under his own hand, and witnesses viva voce.  
That as to the Letters, he rather made his defence by expounding what the meaning was, than by denying that he wrote them. So that they were to examine what those Letters did import of themselves, and what consequences were naturally to be deduced from them. However it was the opinion and direction of the Court, that the substance of the long Letter amounted to this; that is so say, to bring in the Romish Catholic Religion, and to establish it here, and to advance an interest for the French King, be that what it would. That his last Letters did more plainly expound his meaning and intention, that when our Religion was to be subverted, the nation was also to be subverted and destroyed: In regard there could be no hope of subverting or destroying the protestant Religion, but by the subversion, not the conversion of the three Kingdoms.  
As to the Witnesses viva voce, because the Jury had heard their evidence, the Court did not insist upon it: only directed the Jury to consider what the Letters did prove the prisoner guilty of directly, and of what by Consequence; what the prisoner plainly would have done, and how he would have done it.  
Upon this the Jury withdrew, and after a short stay returning gave up their Verdict, which was Guilty; and so Mr. Coleman was for that day remanded back to the prison, with order to the Keeper to bring him the next morning again to the Bar to receive Sentence.  
The next day, being the 28th. of November, the Prisoner was again brought to the Bar according to Order, where being asked what he had to say for himself, he insisted as to his Papers upon the Act of Grace. As to the evidence viva voce, he made the same exceptions he had done before, only added that he wanted a book of accounts which had been seized on among his Papers, by which he could invalidate Dr. Oates' testimony, by making it appear he was out of Town all August.  
To the first it was answered that he could have no benefit of the Act of Grace, in regard his Papers bore date in 74. and 75. since which time there had been no Act made. And as for what he said concerning Mr. Oats, it was urged in vain, in regard the Jury had given their Verdict.  
The Exhortations which the Court gave him were in short, That whereas he was found guilty of conspiring the death of the King, of endeavouring to subvert the Protestant Religion, and to bring in Popery, and this by the aid and assistance of foreign powers, though he seemed to disavow the matter of the death of the King, he should not therefore think himself an innocent man. For that it was apparent by his own hand, that he was guilty of contriving and conspiring the destruction of the protestant Religion, and the introduction of Popery, by the aid and assistance of foreign powers, from which no man could free him in the least. And though it should be true, that he would disavow that he had not an actual hand in the contrivance of the King's death, which however two witnesses positively swore against him; yet he was to know, that he that would subvert the Protestant religion here, and consequentially bring in a foreign authority, did an act in derogation of the Crown, and in diminution of the King's Title and sovereign Power: and made it his endeavours to bring a foreign Dominion both over our Consciences and Estates. So that if any man should endeavour to subvert our Religion, to bring in that, though he did not actually contrive to do it by the death of the King; yet that he was guilty of whatsoever followed upon that contrivance. He was further exhorted to repentance, which was the only thing that remained. And that if he could not with our Church have Contrition, which is a sorrow proceeding from Love, he would at least make use of Attrition, which is a sorrow proceeding from fear. For that he might assure himself, there were but a few minutes betwixt him, and a vast Eternity, where would be no dallying, no arts used. And therefore that he should think upon all the good he could do in that little space of time that was left him; which was all little enough to wipe off, besides his private and secret, even his public offences. He was admonished that Confession was very much practised in the Religion which he professed, and that he would do well to exercise it; but yet, that as his offence was public, so should his Confession be. Perchance, said the Court, he might be deluded with the fond hopes of having his sentence respited. But he was exhorted not to trust to it, for that he might be flattered to stop his mouth till his breath were stopped, which it was feared he would find by the event.  
These friendly and Christianlike Exhortations being concluded by the Judge, he then proceeded to the final sentence of the Law, which was, that he should be Hanged, Drawn, and Quartered.  
The fatal sentence being past, Mr. Coleman offered some few things to the Court, the sum of which was this, That he did admire the Charity of the Court, and whereas the Court advised him to Confession, he besought their Lordships to hear him some few words. The Court indeed had the patience to hear him: but what did all his fine words signify? They contained nothing but a florid justification of his own innocency, in opposition to the verdict of his Country. A vanity excusable in him whose vanity had been his ruin, and commonly practicable among offenders conceited of their Eloquence, that pride themselves to be accounted Swans, and the sweet singers of their own Epitaphs.  
By the Conviction of Staly the malice of the Papists hearts appeared, though they concealed it with better discretion. By the Conviction of Coleman, the whole nation, and they that doubted most were convinced of the truth of the design. So that upon the 28th. of Novemb. his Majesty was pleased toissue forth his Royal Proclamation, wherein he promised pardon and 200 l. to any person concerned in the Plot, that would come in and discover before the 25. of December. And within two days after his Majesty was also pleased to give his Royal assent to an Act, to disable Papists to sit in either Houses of Parliament.  
December. All this while Colemans' Execution was respited. For as it was verily thought that he could discover much, all endeavours were used to have brought him to a further Confession. But he believing himself sure of a pardon from other hands, would by no means give ear to those, who he had more reason to think had his life at their disposal. And therefore finding that he was obstinate to all propositions of grace and favour, at length order was given for his Execution. It was his misfortune to believe he should have his pardon to the last moment of his life, even after he was tied up. But, whoever they were, those whom he thought his best friends deceived him, although to please them, he gave thanks to heaven that he died a Roman Catholic, and absolutely renounced the knowledge of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey's death: with which asseverations the Executioner did his office, the third of this month. An unhappy Martyr for his cause, if he so thought himself, in this, that he died for those that less pitied him than those he had so deeply wronged; and were, as it is verily presumed, the chief rejoicers, that they were so fairly rid of him.  
Had Justice been ready with her prosecution he had not gone alone perhaps, but might have had company to have attended him to his imaginary Paradise. For upon the 15th. of this month, John Grove, William Ireland, and Tho. Pickering, apprehended sometime before by the diligent pursuit of the discoverer, were also brought to their Trials at the Sessions in the Old-Baily.  

The Names of the Jury were,  
Sr. William Roberts, Bar.  
Sr. Philip Matthews, Bar.  
Sr. Charles Lee, Knight.  
Edward Wilford, Esq  
John Foster, Esq  
Joshua Galliard, Esq  
John Byfield, Esq  
Thomas Egglesfield, Esq  
Thomas Johnson, Esq  
John Pulford, Esq  
Tho. Ernsby, Esq  
Richard Wheeler, Gent.   
The substance of the Indictment, was for conspiring and attempting the death of his Sacred Majesty; as also for endeavouring and contriving to alter the Religion established in the Nation, and to introduce Popery in its room.  
The particular Charges consisted in the particular proofs, how every one of these Offenders was particularly concerned for the carrying on, and effecting these designs.  
To this purpose it was sworn by Dr. Oates, That Whitebread received a Patent from the General of the Jesuits at Rome, to be Provincial of the Order in these parts, and by virtue of that Commission, sent to St. Omers for several of the Society to make their appearance at London, to the end they might be personally there at a Consult, which was to be held the 24th of April Stilo Veteri. That upon the receipt of the said Summons, the 5th of April Nine of them, of which the Discoverer was one, did come to London. That upon the said 24th of April the Consult was held at the White Horse Tavern accordingly; and that the Prisoners at the Bar were there.  
That it was there resolved, that Pickering and Grove should go on in their attempt upon the King; for which Grove was to have 1500 l. and Pickering the reward of 30000. Masses. Which Result was also signed by the Prisoner Ireland.  
That there was an Oath of Secrecy administered at the said Consult by Whitebread, which Ireland took among the rest.  
Mr. Bedlow swore, That either in August, or the beginning of September he was at Harcourt's Chamber, where it was resolved, that since the Ruffians had missed Killing of the King at Windsor, Grove and Pickering should go on; and that one Conyers should be joined with them to assassinate the King in his morning walks at New-market, and that Ireland was there also, heard all, and gave his consent.  
Against Grove and Pickering it was sworn by Dr. Oates that he saw them several times walking together in the Park, with their screwed Pistols, which were longer than ordinary Pistols, but shorter than a Carbine.  
That they had Silver Bullets, and that Grove would have had the Bullets chewed, lest the wound should not have proved mortal.  
That Pickering had once a fair opportunity, but that the flint of his Pistol being loose, he durst not venture to give fire; and that for that negligence of his, he was forced to undergo penance, and to receive twenty or thirty strokes of Discipline.  
That Grove did go about with one Smith to gather Peter-pences.  
That Grove confessed to him, that he with three Irishmen did fire Southwark, for which Grove had 400 l. and the three Irishmen 200 l. apiece.  
Mr. Bedlow swore against Grove in particular, that in the business of killing the King, he was more forward than the rest, and that he should say, Since it could not be done clandestinely, it should be openly attempted.  
As to the reward, he swore it to be the same with Dr. Oates before.  
The defence which the Prisoners made, was nothing but a bare denial of the matter of Fact. Only Ireland, being charged in Aug. laboured very much to prove that he was out of Town all that time, though it were reproved by very good circumstances, and upon oath for the King, that he was seen in London upon the 12. or 13th. of the same month.  
His next defence was a weak reflection upon Dr. Oates' credit, to which purpose an Indictment for perjury never prosecuted, was urged against him; but the Attorney General made slight of it, as of a thing that had nothing in it. Neither was that which Sir Dennis Ashbornham said, of greater force, seeing that the irregularities of Children, are no impediment, but that they may prove good men. So that the Endictment being fully proved against them by good witnesses, and the concurrence of the Evidence in every particular, the Jury made no long stay before they returned, and brought them in all Guilty.  
After this the Court adjourned till the afternoon, and then the Prisoners being again brought to the Bar, were all three condemned to be Hanged, Drawn, and Quartered.  
While Humane Justice was thus employed upon Earth, Divine Vengeance was no less active above. No longer could it suffer innocent blood to clamour unrevenged. And therefore where Bedlow failed, much about this time, by a strange accident was Prance disclosed, to make out all the rest.  
For at what time Fenwick, Ireland, and some others were first apprehended, Mr. Prance, happening to be at a Coffee-house, where some Gentlemen were talking somewhat severely against the said Prisoners, zealously and officiously began to speak so favourably in their defence that notice was taken of his words, and as he was told, some information given against him. To avoid therefore both charge and trouble, he absented himself from his house the next three nights together. After which time, understanding the business was over, he returned home again and continued there as he was wont to do. This happened about a fortnight before Sir Edmundbury was murdered. Yet upon this occasion, so providence ordered it, was he twelve weeks after apprehended and called in question. For it chanced that one of his neighbours and he fell out, who having got some intimation that Mr. Prance lay out of his house three nights one after another, began to question whether those three nights might not be the night that Sir Edmundbury Godfrey was killed, and those that followed: And upon this bare surmise or presumption, that had no ground or bottom in the world, that either he or any that he knew, were guilty or any way concerned in the fact, a warrant was obtained from the Lords of the Council, to apprehend Mr. Prance, and to take him into a strict examination. Being thus taken by virtue of the warrant, he was first carried into the Lobby of the House of Commons, where Mr. Bedlow, whom he knew not, as being a person that had seen him but once before, that is to say, between the Murder and the carrying forth of the Corpse, but then taking some little notice of him, knew his face again, and positively charged him to have been concerned in the murder, whereupon he was examined and committed to Newgate the 21st. of this month. Within two days after, he made a full discovery upon Oath, impeaching Fits-Girald, Kelly, Hill, Berry and Green. Green was before in the Gatehouse for refusing the oaths. Hill and Berry were presently apprehended. But the cunning Priests got away.  
Upon the 24th. he was carried before the King and Council, to whom he gave a faithful and particular account of all the circumstances of the Murder. Which because it contained so many descriptions of benches, doors, entries and rooms, his Majesty was pleased to order the Duke of Monmouth, the Earl of Ossory, the Earl of Clarendon, and Sir Robert Southwell to go with the prisoner, and take his Examination upon the place. At which time he gave such an exact account of the places which he had mentioned before, viz. the very spot upon which the murder was committed: where he himself, where Berry stood, as also the door, stairs, dark entry, etc. mentioned in the Narrative, that his Majesty's Commissioners returned very well satisfied with the truth of his Relation and Confession.  
True it is that Mr. Prance did afterwards seem to retract by a bare affirmative, what he had formerly confessed upon Oath, saying before the King and Council, That he was innocent, and the rest whom he had accused were also innocent. But these words were extorted from his own fears and consternation, that set before his eyes the danger of his life, and the undoing of his wife and family. For he had no sooner done it, but his Conscience troubling him above all those considerations, he recoiled from those false assertions, and so strenuously and regularly maintained the Truth to which he had sworn, by an addition of farther discoveries, that the King was pleased with his own Lips to assure him of his Pardon, which was afterwards delivered to him in due form under the Great Seal.  
Kelly was afterwards taken up by the name of Daniel Edmunds, in some place in Surrey, and sent to the Marshalsea for refusing the Oaths; but being deeply sensible of the danger he was in, he so wrought upon the Poverty of that place, that he procured bail for ten shillings apiece, and got away this very Month, before his true name of Kelly was known.  
Much about this time the Parliament took into their serious consideration certain transactions of the Earl of Danby, than Lord High Treasurer, and after a strict Scrutiny into the business, upon the 19th. of this Month, resolved, that there was sufficient matter of Impeachment against him, and ordered a Committee to draw up the Articles, and to receive any further Informations or Evidence that should come in.  
Within two days after several Articles of Impeachment were brought into the House, severally put to the Question and agreed upon; the same day they were ordered to be engrossed; and votes further passed that the said Earl should be sequestered from Parliament, and committed to safe Custody. Which that it might be the sooner effected, they sent up Sir Henry Capell with the Articles to the Lords, who accordingly went and delivered them to the Chancellor in a full assembly of that house, but the house being prorogued at the latter end of the Month till the 4th. of February, nothing more was done for that Sessions.  
However before they were prorogued they passed several resolves for impeaching the five Lords in the Tower, of Treason and other high Crimes and Misdemeanours; and the same day, which was the 5th. of this month, the five several Impeachments were carried up to the Lords, and a Committee appointed to draw up Articles against the parties impeached; to which purpose the said Committee was empowered to inspect the Journals, and consider of Precedents for Impeachments.  
In the Lord's House, so soon as the Articles against the Earl of Danby were exhibited, he himself desired copies of all papers and proceedings; nevertheless it was then resolved, that at that time he should not withdraw. Thereupon the said Earl, toward the latter end of the month, having still his liberty, moved again in the Lord's House, that he might have a copy of his charge, and that he might not long lie under it. Upon which a Motion followed, that the House would consider of the desire of the House of Commons, touching his confinement. Thereupon it was the next day resolved, that he should not be confined as then: and that he should have a copy of the Articles, to which he was appointed to bring in his answer before the third of January.  
And as to the Lords concerned in the Conspiracy, it was referred to the Lords of the Committee for privileges, to consider the state of the Impeachments, and of all the incidents thereunto relating, and to make their report; which is the sum of what was done in reference to these matters, till the sitting of the new Parliament, of which more in due place.  
As yet the stress of the discovery lay upon Dr. Oates, and Mr. Bedlow, but this month came in the substantial assistance of Mr. Dugdale, who upon the twenty fourth of this month submitted himself to the examination of Mr. Lane, and Mr. Vernon, two of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace for the County of Stafford.  
Nor is it to be omitted that among the rest of the Discoveries about this time made, Lower Comes in Herefordshire was detected to be a College of Jesuits; and was let them at a low rent by one Hutton of St. Giles', Merchant, for one and twenty years, which lease was witnessed by William Ireland, Fenwick and Groves.  
The House was contrived for the purpose, with lodging Chambers and Studies, and seated with all the privacy imaginable, at the bottom of a rocky and woody Hill. There were found in the house several Popish Books, a Box of white Wafers stamped, several Popish Pictures and Crucifixes, some Relics, a little Saints-bell, and an Incense pot. Soon after one Father Lewis was taken near the same place and sent to Monmouth Jail. He had cozened a poor maid of all the Money she had in the world, to the value of 30 l. and made her give him a bond and confess a judgement to him for payment of the said money upon a pretence of praying her Father's Soul out of Purgatory.  
January 1678. Toward the beginning of this month the Earls of Salisbury and Clarendon were sworn of his Majesty's Privy Council. Neither do we find the beginning of it signalised with any transaction of remark, till the Execution of Ireland and Grove, for Pickering had a further reprieve till May, 1679. The other two were both hanged, drawn, and quartered, according to the Sentence pronounced against them, upon the 24th. of this Month.  
The last words of Ireland were mainly taken notice of, and there were some whose Charity was almost deluded to believe him, hearing those imprecations of Damnation which he made to impose upon the world that he was not in Town all August, and consequently that the witnesses had sworn falsely against him. Yet after all these solemn Imprecations to advance his own and depress the credit of the King's witnesses; as if his Salvation depended upon his giving a meritorious sparring blow to the King's Evidence at his departure, after all these Imprecations I say, that he was absent in Staffordshire from the fifth of August till the fourteenth of September, in comes one Mr. Jenison, a person of worth, and credit, and positively deposes upon oath that he saw Mr. Ireland at his Chamber at the Hart in Russel street upon the nineteenth day of August, being then newly returned from Windsor. He further deposed, that after a short salute, Mr. Ireland asked him what news at Windsor, and how the King spent his time? To which when Mr. Jenison answered, that the King spent his time in Hawking and Fishing, & went very thinly and meanly guarded, the Old Priest replied, that then it would be an easy thing to take him off. A circumstance so remarkable, and consequently so convincingly apparent, that many doubters were very well satisfied to see it, finding the credit of the traduced witnesses so well supported, and such a slur put upon all the vows and protestations of a sufferer so desperately engaging heaven in the defence of his untruths.  
Much about this time his Majesty's Forces that had been recalled out of Flanders, began to return again into England. But that which was the nine days wonder of the whole Nation was the dissolution of the second long Parliament, which had been continued by Prorogations and Adjournments from the eighth day of May, in the 13th. year of his Majesty's reign, and was lastly prorogued till the fourth of February, in the twenty fourth year of his Majesty's Government, with an intention to have met again.  
By this Proclamation his Majesty did publish and declare his Royal will and pleasure to dissolve the present Parliament, and that he did dissolve the same accordingly. However to the intent his Majesty's Loyal Subjects might perceive his confidence in their good affections, and how desirous his Majesty was to meet his people, and have their advice by their representatives in Parliament, His Majesty was also pleased to declare, that he would forthwith issue out his Writs for calling a new Parliament, to be holden at Westminster on Thursday the sixth of March, 1678/9. And thus if it might be thought to be a wound, he that gave it, at the same time healed it; and stopped as well the Insinuations as the Clamours of disaffected malcontents.  
Toward the latter end of this month the middle Temple happened to be fired, though whether on purpose or by accident is yet undetermined: this is certain, that had it gone on, it had destroyed one of the most stately Piles of Law in the whole world.  
February, 1678. January having thus made its Exit, February succeeds, remarkable in the first place, for the change of the Secretaries of State. For Sir Joseph Williamson having resigned the Seals of the Secretaryship into his Majesty's hands, the right honourable Robert Earl of Sunderland, was sworn into his room.  
Not long after several Queries were presented to his Majesty in Council by the Justices of the Peace for the County of Middlesex, in order to their proceeding as to Papists, and Popish Recusants.  
1. Whether Foreigners, Popish Recusants, that are and have long been settled Housekeepers, following employments for their own advantage, as Surgeons, Tailors, Perriwigmakers, etc. but not otherwise Merchants, though certified to be Merchant strangers, shall be excused from taking the Oaths, or giving sureties?  
2. Whether such Foreigners being certified by Ambassadors, or other foreign Ministers to be their Servants, should be excused?  
3. Whether Foreigners, Popish Recusants, settled as Housekeepers, but neither Tradesmen, Travellers, or Foreign Ministers Servants, shall be excused?  
4. Whether Native subjects of our Sovereign Lord the King, that are Menial servants of Foreign Ministers, shall be excused?  
5. Whether married women, being Popish Recusants, but their Husbands Protestants, shall be excused?  
6. Whether Popish Recusants that have taken the Oaths, found Sureties, have appeared, and are convict, shall find Sureties, or be continued over?  
These Queries were by his Majesty referred to the Judges, who returned an answer in writing that they had met and considered of the Questions proposed, and gave it for their Opinions:  
1. That Foreigners, being Popish Recusants, and exercising ordinary Trades, but not Merchants, were not excused from taking the Oaths, or finding Security.  
2. That Foreigners, though certified by Ambassadors to be their servants, except they were their menial servants, were not excusable.  
3. That Foreigners, though settled Housekeepers, being no Travellers, or Foreign Ministers servants, were not to be excused.  
4. That the Kings native Subjects were not excused from taking the Oath, by being menial servants to Foreign Ministers.  
5. That they found no Law to excuse a Feme covert, being a Papist, from taking the Oaths, though her Husband were a Protestant.  
6. That a Popish Recusant, having taken the Oaths, was not bound to find new Sureties, unless, upon a new tender of the Oaths, he should refuse to take them.  
This report and opinion of the Judges his Majesty was graciously pleased to approve, and thereupon an Order was made, That the Justices of the Peace in their several precincts, should in the execution of their duties, touching these particulars, take notice of the Judge's opinions, and conform themselves thereto.  
And whereas his Majesty had received a complaint in Council, that several Justices of the Peace in several Counties, Cities and Liberties, notwithstanding the many Proclamations issued forth for the security of his Majesty's person against the Plots of the Papists, did refuse and neglect to put the same in execution; It was therefore about this time ordered in Council, That all his Majesties said Justices of the peace should with all care and diligence pursue his Majesty's commands in the execution of the premises; with further directions also to the Lord Chancellor, forthwith to put out of Commission all such as should refuse or neglect their duty, as persons disaffected to his Majesty's Government, and the Protestant Religion.  
Yet notwithstanding all this public diligence, the Papists were still in the very face of countermanding Authority, no less active to undermine the very Plot itself, and utterly to extirpate the very proofs and evidence of the discovery.  
For one James Nettervile, formerly a Clerk in the Court of Claims in Dublin, being at this time a prisoner in the Marshalsea, sent for an acquaintance of his, one Captain John Bury, an Irish Gentleman, and there communicated to him a great design of the Papists, to turn the Plot another way, that is to say, to turn the Plot upon the Protestants for the destruction of the Papists. To effect this, the said Nettervile proposed to the Captain, that he would swear to such and such heads as should be drawn up for him, to discredit and invalidate the testimony of Dr. Oates, in reference to the Plot, and that for his reward he should have 500 l. to be deposited in a third hand by one Russel, for better security, to be paid him immediately upon his doing the business. This design was managed by the same Russel, a rank Papist, and an Irish man. But it seems they made their addresses wrong; For such was the fidelity and loyalty of the Captain to his Prince, that he made a timely discovery of the contrivance, and so spoiled the Market of those Traders in Subornation.  
What this piece of subtlety meant, may be easily conjectured; but this was more observable, that a little before this discovery, several persons by these very people appointed, were at the houses of certain eminent Presbyterians in London, to pray their charitable Contributions toward the maintenance of Mr. Oats and Mr. Bedlow, falsely pretending that the King's allowance was not sufficient for their support. But the parties to whom they made their application, smelling the cheat, slighted their charitable diligence, and sent them away empty. And indeed who knows what use they might have made of it, had those persons encouraged their design?  
In the mean time, that is to say, upon the fifth of this month, Robert Green, Henry Berry, and Laurence Hill, were brought to their Trials at the King's Bench Bar, for the Murder of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey.  

The names of the Jury were,  
Sir William Roberts,  
Sir Richard Fisher,  
Sir Michael Heneage,  
Sir Thomas Bridges,  
William Avery,  
Charles Umphrevile,  
John Bathurst,  
Richard Gowre,  
Thomas Hensloe,  
John Sharp,  
John Haynes,  
Walter Moyle, Esquires.   
The general Indictment was for the murder of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey, one of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace for the County of Middlesex, the manner of which Murder has been already related, as also the reasons for which they did it.  
The stress of the Evidence lay upon Mr. Prance, who swore in general, that he met the Murderers, in reference to the carrying on their work, several times at the Plough Alehouse near Somerset-house; that Girald and Kelley seduced him and inveigled him into the Conspiracy. That Hill, Girald and Green dogged him all Saturday from his first going out. That at night they lodged him in a house in St. Clement's. That at his coming out from thence, Hill ran before and gave the rest notice; and then went and stayed for his coming by. That it was Hill that persuaded him to follow him into the yard, under pretence of a quarrel. That it was Green who threw the twisted Handkerchief about his neck; and that then Hill, Girald and Kelley came in to Green's assistance, pulled the Gentleman down, and helped to throttle him, while Berry and Prance watched the avenues into the yard. And that Green afterwards for the more sure dispatch, wrung his neck round.  
That after the Murder was done, all the six actors carried the body into Hills Lodgings. That when the body was to be removed from Somerset-house, which was on the Wedsnesday night following, Prance and Girald were the first that carried the Sedan, and were relieved by Green and Kelley. That at Soho, Hill met them with the horse; that there they all mounted the dead body, by forcing the legs open, upon the said horse; that Hill road behind, and that Green, Kelley and Girald walked by, till they came to the place where the body was thrown.  
It was farther sworn by Mr. Prance, that after all this, Girald met several persons at Bow, namely, Luson, Vernatti, Dethick, and one more, and there rejoiced together for the cleverness of the Murder committed, and the good fortune they had had for the disposal of the Body.  
Mr. Bedlow swore, That after the said Sir Edmundbury Godfrey was murdered, he met one Le Fair a Priest, in the Cloisters of Somerset-house by appointment, and that the said Le Fair carried him into a Room, where were several persons looking upon the body, by the help of a Candle and Lantern, and that at that time, he also among the rest saw Sir Edmundbury Godfrey lie dead, and that he knew him as he lay.  
This Evidence was also fortified by several other circumstances. By the Constable who found the body in the same posture they themselves reported they had left it. By the master of the Plough and his servant, who confirmed the several meetings of the Murderers at the same house. And by Sir Edmundbury's maid, who swore to the inquiries made for her Master at his house by Green and Hill.  
In answer to these facts, thus made out, Hill defended himself, by affirming that Mr. Prance had perjured himself, by denying or recanting what he had sworn before the King; but that was overruled by the Court, for that Mr. Praunce's first Impeachment of the Conspirators was done upon oath, and his recantation but only a bare denial.  
Green brought his witnesses to prove that he was constantly at home by nine of the clock at night, and never stirred after that out of the house, and that such a thing could not be done in the house but they must know of it: but because they did not exactly make out what they averred, there was no credit given them.  
The most considerable testimony was that which Berry produced, which was that of the Sentinels who kept the Guard; one of which standing at the Gate from ten to one at night, averred that he saw no Sedan let forth. But in regard the Sentinels could not be so positive but that they might be mistaken by reason of the darkness of the night, and privacy of the conveyance, their Evidence was not thought substantial.  
It was further urged by Hill, that Mr. Prance had been tortured to make him confess what he did. But Mr. Prance, upon his oath, utterly denied any such thing, affirming that the Keeper had used him with all civility, from his first commitment. So that the evidence for the Prisoners, being so far from overpowering the testimony for the King, that it was in no measure able to balance it, the Jury soon found them all guilty; upon which they severally received sentence to be hanged. The execution of which sentence followed upon the twenty first ensuing.  
March. 1678/9. But now the time of the new Parliaments sitting drawing near; toward the beginning of this month, his Majesty, that he might remove all fears and jealousies out of the minds of his subjects, thought meet to command his Royal Highness to absent himself for a time.  
Who thereupon in obedience to his Majesty's pleasure, together with his Duchess, took leave of his Majesty upon the third of March, and after a short visit to his Daughter, the Princess of Orange in Holland, retired to Brussels in Flanders.  
He was no sooner departed, but the Parliament, which had been so lately summoned before, met according to the time appointed at Westminster. So soon as they were ready, the King went in his Barge to Westminster, and there in a Gracious Speech, upon which the Chancellor afterwards enlarged, His Majesty acquainted both Houses what he himself expected, and what the Country stood in need of, from their Unanimous and Prudent Consultations.  
The Speeches being ended, the Commons return to their House, and choose again the Speaker of the last Parliament, Mr. Edward Seymour.  
This choice occasioned their Prorogation from the twelfth to the fifteenth of the same month, at what time, being met, again they chose Sergeant Gregory, and caused him to take the Chair.  
Before they fell upon business, the members were all severally sworn and took the Test, and being so cemented together, they fell first upon the further prosecution of the Plot, already discovered to the Parliament, not long before dissolved.  
In reference to which affair, Dr. Tong, Dr. Oates, and Mr. Bedlow were summoned to attend them, and to give their Informations. Upon their appearing Dr. Tong gave a long Narraton, which because it was tedious, they further desired in writing. Dr. Oats read his own depositions, and when he had done, made a complaint of some discouragements which he had received from some of the Members. The complaint fell more severely upon one of them, who having spoken some words in contempt of the Truth of the Plot, was sent to the Tower and expelled the House, but soon after upon his modest Petition discharged from his imprisonment.  
But whatever particular persons thought of the Plot, the House of Commons were so well satisfied, that they appointed a Committee of Secrecy to take Informations, prepare Evidences; and draw up Articles against the Lords, suspected to be therein concerned.  
By way of further prosecution also, it was resolved, that an humble address should be made to his Majesty, that all the papers and writings relating to the discovery of the Plot, and particularly such papers and writings which had been taken since the prorogation of the last Parliament, might be delivered to the Committee of Secrecy appointed to draw up Articles against the said Lords. To which his Majesty was pleased to return for Answer, that those papers and examinations were delivered to the Committee of the Lords, from whence they should be sent to their Committee so soon as the Lords had done perusing them.  
In the midst of these transactions, they forgot not the Earl of Danby. For upon the twentieth of this month, they sent to the Lords to put them in mind of the Impeachment of High Treason exhibited against him, in the name of the Commons, and to desire that he might be forthwith committed to safe custody.  
In answer to which, at a Conference of both Houses, the Duke of Monmouth, acquainted them in the behalf of the Lords, That their Lordships having taken into consideration matters relating to the Earl of Danby, together with what his Majesty was pleased to say upon that Subject, had ordered that a Bill should be brought in, by which the said Earl should be made for ever incapable of coming into his Majesty's presence; and of all Offices and Employments; and of receiving any gifts or grants from the Crown, and of sitting in the House of Peers.  
In the mean time the Commons having appointed a Committee, to inquire into the manner of the suing forth the said Pardon, made their report, that they could not find the entry of any such Pardon in either of the Secretary's Offices, nor in the Offices of the Signet or Privy Seal, but that they found it to be a Pardon by Creation.  
Thereupon the Commons send another Message to the Lords to demand Justice, in the name of the Commons of England, against the said Earl, and that he might be immediately sequestered from Parliament, and committed to safe custody.  
To which the Lords returned, that they had ordered, before the coming of their last message, the Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod forthwith to take the said Earl into custody.  
Soon after the Lords sent another Message to acquaint the Commons, that they had sent both to Wimbleton, and to his house in Town, to apprehend the said Earl, but that the Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod could not find him.  
April. 1679. Thereupon the Commons ordered a Bill to be brought in, to summon the said Earl to render himself to Justice by a day to be therein limited, or in default thereof to attaint him. Which Bill, having passed the House, was sent up to the Lords for their concurrence.  
In the mean time the Lords had prepared a milder act of their own for the banishing and disabling the Earl of Danby; which being rejected by the Commons, the Lords desired a conference, at which they delivered back the Bill of attainder, choosing so to do by conference, rather than by message, to preserve a good understanding, and to prevent Controversy between the two Houses. And to show the reason why they insisted upon their own amendments of the Bill for attainder, it was urged, that in regard the King had always in his reign been inclined to mercy and clemency to all his subjects, the first interruption of his clemency ought not to proceed from his two houses.  
This being reported, an humble address to his Majesty was presently resolved upon, to issue out his Royal Proclamation for the apprehending the Earl of Danby, with the usual penalties upon those that should conceal him, and that his Majesty would be also pleased further to give order to the Officers of his Household, that they should take care that the said Earl should not be permitted to reside within any of his Majesty's Palaces of Whitehall, Somerset-house or St. James'.  
While this address was preparing, the Commons considered of the amendments made by the Lords to the Bill of attainder; to some of which they agreed, but to others they refused to give their consent, finding a bill of attainder converted into a Bill of banishment. For it was alleged in point of reason, that Banishment was not the Legal Judgement in case of High Treason. And that not being so, the Earl might make use of the Remission of his Sentence as an Argument, that either the Commons were distrustful of their Proofs, or else that the crimes were not in themselves of so high a nature as Treason. Besides, that the example of this would be an encouragement to all persons that should be hereafter impeached by the Commons, to withdraw themselves from Justice, hoping thereby to obtain a more favourable sentence in a Legislative way, than the Lords would be obliged to pass upon them in their judicial capacity.  
The same day in the afternoon, which was the 8th. of the present month, both Houses had another conference upon the same Bill, which the Lords assured the Commons they had desired not so much to argue and dispute, as to mitigate and reconcile, having observed that the debates of this Bill, had already given too great obstructions to public business. To this end the Lords propounded, That if there might be a way found to satisfy and secure the public fears, by doing less than what was proposed in the Bill, they did not think it advisable to insist upon the most rigorous satisfaction that public Justice could demand.  
To induce them to this compliance, the Lords acknowledged, that Banishment was so far from being the Legal Judgement, in case of High Treason, that it was not the Legal Judgement in any case whatsoever; as not being ever to be inflicted, but by the Legislative Authority. However they saw no reason, why the Legislative Authority should always be bound to act to the utmost extent of its power, in regard there might be a prudential necessity sometimes of making abatements, and might prove of fatal consequence, should it not be so.  
Therefore the Lords, to remove all jealousies of Precedents of this kind, did declare that nothing done in the Earl of Danby's case should be drawn into consequence for the time to come, and that they would so enter it upon their journal Book.  
Nevertheless the Commons would not agree, but sent to the Lords for a free Conference, upon the subject matter of the last. Which being had, and the members that managed the same, being ordered to draw up the substance of the matters which were fit to be entered, that passed at the said free Conference; the Lords desired, the same day, a present free Conference upon the subject matter of the last free Conference.  
In this Conference the Lord Privy Seal that managed it, declared that the Reasons of the Commons for passing the Bill as they proposed, were unanswerable, and that therefore the Lords were content to make the Bill absolute, without giving the Earl of Danby any day to appear, and the penalties to continue.  
Further it was by him observed, that the Lord impeached, would not only be ruined by the passing of this Bill, together with his family, but those acquisitions also, which he got by marriage into a Noble Family, would be all lost.  
Neither did he forget to intimate, That if the House of Commons would have any other Penalties added to the Bill, the Lords would leave it to them, so that they did not run to the absolute obstruction of the Lord Impeached.  
Taking notice withal, that though all the reason and justice were of the Commons side, yet in a Legislative Capacity, they were to consider of Circumstances in relation to the public good. And then proceeding, he told the House of Commons, that in the transactions of this affair, they had gained two great points.  
That Impeachments made by the Commons in one Parliament, continued from Session to Session, and from Parliament to Parliament, notwithstanding Prorogations or Dissolutions.  
And Secondly, In cases of Impeachment, upon special matter shown, if the modesty of the party impeached did not direct him to withdraw, the Lords did admit that of right they ought to order him to withdraw, and that afterwards he must be committed.  
Another Observation was made by his Lordship, that a Member of the House of Commons made mention of the Earl of Clarendons case, but in regard that case was general, and no special matter shown, it was not like this. So that he did not understand that the Lords intended to extend the point of Withdrawing and Commitment to General Impeachments without special matter alleged. For that if it should be otherwise, many of the Lords might be picked out of their House of a sudden.  
To this the Earl of Shaftsbury replied, that they were as willing to be rid of the Earl of Danby as the Commons; and first, as to the right of the Commons, the Lords did agree that it was their right, and well warranted by Precedents of former ages. And as to the distinction made, where the Impeachments were General, and special matter alleged, there was no order given to make any such distinction, for that General Impeachments were not in the case. The same was affirmed by the Duke of Monmouth, and the Lord Falconbridge, and that the Earl of Shaftsbury was in the right, and delivered the true sense of the Lords. And as to that expression, That the Lords would not draw into example the proceedings of the Earl of Danby, but would vacate them, the Lords intended that only to the points of notwithdrawing and not-committing.  
The said Earl likewise insisted that the way then proposed, would be a means to have the Bill pass, for that the Commons might have other penalties, if they pleased, as Confiscation of Estate. And notwithstanding they had no particular order to mention Honours, yet by the general words he thought them included: So that if they were insisted on by the Commons, he knew not but that they might be agreed to be inserted in the Bill.  
Therefore the Commons were desired to consider, that there were more weighty reasons, better understood than expressed, that proved it necessary for the good of the public, that the Bill should pass.  
The Commons made this reply, that they hoped the Lords did not think they took it as if they had then gained any point; for that the points mentioned by the Lords as gained, were nothing but what was agreeable to the ancient methods of Parliaments.  
After this a free Conference being desired upon the subject matter of the last free Conference, the Bill was left with the amendments in the Lords hands.  
Whereupon the Lords desiring another free Conference upon the subject matter of the last, the Lords declared, that they hoped that would be the concluding Conference, having agreed to the Bill without further amendments, and therefore desired the concurrence of the Commons.  
Thus at length the Commons agreed to the amendments made by the Lords, and sent a message to acquaint the Lords therewith. This was done upon the fourteenth day of this month. But upon the sixteenth a Message was sent by the Lords to acquaint the Commons, that the night before, the Earl of Danby had rendered himself to the Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod, and that being called to the Bar, they had sent him to the Tower.  
Thereupon a Committee was appointed to prepare and draw up further Evidence against him, and such further Articles as they should see cause.  
Soon after his Majesty was pleased to dissolve his Privy Council, and to make another, consisting of no more than thirty persons. And for the management of the Treasury, and Navy, five Commissiones were appointed for the Treasury, and seven for the Admiralty.  
Then the Commons took into consideration the disbanding of the Army; and having voted a supply of 264602 l. 17 s. 3 d. to that intent, they then voted, that Sr. Gilbert Gerrard, Sr. Thomas Player, Coll. Birch, and Coll. Whitley, should be Commissioners to pay the disbanded forces off.  
But now to return to the Earl of Danby: upon the 25th. of this month, a message was sent by the Lords to acquaint the Commons, that the said Earl had that same day personally appeared at the Bar of their House, and had put in his plea to the Articles of Impeachment against him. The Articles were these, as they were delivered into the House of Lords in the name of the Commons of England, by Sir Henry Capel, December 23. 1678.   

I.  
That he had traitorously encroacht to himself Regal Power, by treating in matters of Peace and War with Foreign Ministers and Ambassadors, and giving instructions to his Majesty's Ambassadors abroad, without communicating the same to the Secretaries of State, and the rest of his Majesty's Council; against the express Declaration of his Majesty in Parliament, thereby intending to defeat and overthrow the provision that has been deliberately made by his Majesty and his Parliament, for the safety and preservation of his Majesty's Kingdoms and Dominions.   

II.  
That he had traitorously endeavoured to subvert the ancient and well-established form of Government of this Kingdom, and instead thereof to introduce an Arbitrary and Tyrannical form of Government; and the better to effect this his purpose, he did design the raising of an Army, upon pretence of a war against the French King, and to continue the same as a standing Army within this Kingdom: and an Army so raised, and no war ensuing, an Act of Parliament having past to disband the same, and a great sum of money being granted for that end, he did continue the same, contrary to the said Act, and misemployed the said money given for the disbanding to the continuance thereof, and issued out of his Majesty's Revenues great sums of money for the said purpose, and wilfully neglected to take security of the Paymaster of the Army, as the said Act required, whereby the said Law is eluded, and the Army yet continued, to the great danger and unnecessary charge of his Majesty and the whole Kingdom.   

III.  
That he, traitorously intending and designing to alienate the hearts and affections of his Majesty's good Subjects from his Royal Person and Government, and to hinder the meeting of Parliaments, and to deprive his Sacred Majesty of their safe and wholesome counsel, and thereby to alter the constitution of the Government of this Kingdom, did propose and negotiate a peace for the French King, upon terms disadvantageous to the Interest of his Majesty and Kingdom. For the doing whereof he did procure a great sum of money from the French King, for enabling him to maintain and carry on his said traitorous designs and purposes, to the hazard of his Majesty's Person and Government.   

IV.  
That he is Popishly affected, and hath traitorously concealed, after he had notice, the late horrid and bloody Plot and Conspiracy contrived by the Papists against his Majesty's Person and Government, and hath suppressed the Evidence, and reproachfully discountenanced the King's Witnesses in the Discovery of it, in favour of Popery, immediately tending to the destruction of the King's Sacred Person, and the subversion of the Protestant Religion.   

V.  
That he hath wasted the King's Treasure, by issuing out of his Majesty's Exchequer, several branches of his Revenue, for unnecessary Pensions and secret services, to the value of 〈…〉 within two years, and that he hath wholly diverted out of the known method and Government of the Exchequer one whole branch of his Majesty's Revenue to private Uses, without any account to be made of it to his Majesty in his Exchequer, contrary to an express Act of Parliament which granted the same. And he hath removed two of his Majesty's Commissioners of that part of the Revenue for refusing to consent to such his unwarrantable actings therein, and to advance money upon that branch of the Revenue for private uses.   

VI  
That he hath by indirect means procured from his Majesty to himself divers considerable gifts and Grants of Inheritances of the ancient Revenues of the Crown, contrary to Acts of Parliament.  
For which matters and things the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses of the Commons in Parliament, do in the name of themselves, and of all the Commons of England, impeach the said Thomas Earl of Danby, Lord High Treasurer of England, of High Treason, and other high Crimes, Misdemeanours and Offences, in the said Articles contained. And the said Commons, by Protestation saving to themselves the liberty of exhibiting at any time hereafter any other accusation or Impeachment against the said Earl, and also of replying to the answers of which the said Thomas Earl of Danby shall make to the Premises, or any of them, or any Impeachment or Accusation which shall be by them exhibited, as the cause according to proceedings of Parliament shall require, Do pray that the said Thomas Earl of Danby may be put to answer all and every the Premises, that such proceedings, Trials, Examinations and Judgements, may be upon them, and every one of them had and used, as shall be agreeable to Law and Justice, and that he may be sequestered from Parliament, and forthwith committed to custody.  
To these Articles the Earl of Danby soon after put in his Plea, as follows.   

The Plea of the Earl of Danby, late Lord high Treasurer of England, to the Articles of Impeachment, and other High Crimes, Misdemeanours and Offences, Exhibited against him by the name of Thomas Earl of Danby, Lord High Treasurer of England.  
THE said Earl for Plea saith, and humbly offers to your Lordships, as to all and every the Treasons, Crimes, Misdemeanours and Offences contained or mentioned in the said Articles, That after the said Articles exhibited, namely the first of March now last passed, the Kings most excellent Majesty, by his most gracious Letters of Pardon under his great Seal of England, bearing date at Westminster the said first day of March, in the one and thirtieth year of his Majesty's reign, and here into this most High and Honourable Court produced under the said great Seal, of his special Grace, certain Knowledge, and mere Motion, hath pardoned, remised, & released to him the said Earl of Danby all and all manner of Treasons, Misprisions of Treasons, Confederacies, Insurrections, Rebellions, Felonies, Exactions, Oppressions, publications of words, Misprisions, Confederacies, Concealments, Negligences, Omissions, Offences, Crimes, Contempts, Misdemeanours and Trespasses whatsoever, by himself done, or with any other person or persons: or by any other, by the command, advice, assent, consent or procurement of him the said Thomas E. of Danby, advised, committed, attempted, made, perpetrated, concealed, committed, or omitted before the 27th. day of Feb. then and now last past, being also after the time of the said Articles exhibited, although the said Premises, or any of them, did or should touch or concern the person of his said Majesty, or any of his public Negotiations whatsoever, and also his Majesty's affairs with foreign Ambassadors sent to his said Majesty; or by not rightly prosecuting his Majesty's Instructions and Commands to his Ambassadors residing on his Majesty's behalf in foreign parts. And as to all and singular accessories to the said premises or any of the indicted, impeached, appealed, accused, convicted, adjudged, outlawed, condemned or attainted, and all and singular Indictments, Impeachments, Inquisitions, Informations, Exigents, Judgements, Attainders, Outlaries, Convictions, pains of Death, Corporal punishments, Imprisonments, Forfeitures, Punishments, and all other pains and penalties whatsoever, for the same or any of them; and all and all manner of suits, Complaints, Impeachments and demands whatsoever. Which his said Majesty by reason of the Premises or any of them then had, or for the future should have, or his heirs or successors any way could have afterwards against him the said Thomas Earl of Danby. And also suit of his Majesty's peace; and whatever to his Majesty, his heirs or successors, against him the said Earl did or could belong by reason or occasion of the Premises, or any of them.  
And his Majesty hath thereby granted his firm Peace to the said Tho. E. of Danby. And further his Majesty willed and granted, that the said Letters-Patents, and the said Pardon and Release therein contained, as to all the things Pardoned and Released should be good and effectual in the law, though the Treasons, Misprisions of Treasons, Insurrections, Rebellions, Felonies, Exactions, Oppressions, Publications of words, Misprisions of Confederacies, Concealments, Negligencies, Omissions, Offences, Crimes, Contempts, Misdemeanours and Trespasses, were not certainly specified. And notwithstanding the Statute by the Parliament of King Ed. 3. in the 14th. year of his reign, made and provided, or any other Statute, Act or Ordinance to the contrary thereof made and provided. And moreover his said now Majesty, by his said Letters Patents, of his farther Grace did firmly command all and singular Judges, Justices, Officers, and others whatsoever, That the said Free and General Pardon of his said Maj. and the general words, clauses and sentences abovesaid should be construed, and expounded, and adjudged in all his Majesty's Courts, and elsewhere in the most beneficial, ample, and benign sense.  
And for the better, and more firm discharge of the said Earl, of and from the crimes and offences aforesaid, according to the true intents of his Majesty, and in such beneficial manner and form, to all intents and purposes whatsoever, as if the said Treasons, Crimes, Offences, Concealments, Negligencies, Omissions, Contempts, and Trespasses aforesaid, and other the said Premises, by apt, express, and special words had been remitted, released and pardoned; and that the said Letters Patents of Pardon, and the Release and Pardon therein contained, shall be pleaded and allowed in all and every his Majesty's Courts, and before all his Justices whatsoever, without any Writ of allowance, any matter, cause or thing whatsoever in any wise notwithstanding, as by the said Letters Patents themselves more at large appeareth; which said Letters Patents follow in these words.  
Carolus Dei Gratia Angliae, Scotia, Franciae & Hibernae Rex, Fidei defensor, etc. Omnibus ad quos prasentes Literae nostrae pervenerint, Salutem. Sciatis, quod nos pro diversis bonis causis & considerationibus, Nos ad hoc specialiter moventibus, de Gratia Nostra speciali & mero motu Nostris Pardonavimus & Relaxavimus, etc. 
And the said Earl doth aver, that he the said Thomas Earl of Danby, in the said Articles named, is the said Thomas Earl of Danby in the said Letters of Pardon, here produced, likewise named.  
Which Pardon the said Earl doth rely upon, and pleaded the same in Bar of the said Impeachment, and in discharge of all the Treasons, Crimes, Misdemeanours and Offences contained or mentioned in the said Articles of Impeachment, and every of them: And this the said Earl is ready to aver.  
Whereupon he humbly prays the judgement of your Lordships, and that his Majesty's most Gracious Pardon aforesaid may be allowed: And that he the said Earl, by virtue hereof may be from all the said Articles of Impeachment, and all and every of the Treasons and Crimes therein alleged against him acquitted and discharged.   
The Earl of Danby having thus put in his Plea to the Articles of Impeachment, the Commons referred it to the Committee of Secrecy to examine the matter of the Plea of the Earl of Danby, and to inquire how Precedents stood in relation to the Pardon and in what manner and by what means the same was obtained. Who thereupon made their Report, That they could find no Precedent that ever any Pardon was granted to any Person impeached by the Commons of High Treason, and depending the Impeachment. So that they presently ordered that a Message should be sent to the Lords to desire their Lordships to demand of the Earl of Danby whether he would rely upon, and abide by his Plea or not.  
In the midst of these disputes a business of another Nature intervenes. For one Mr. Reading having been accused to the Commons for going about to corrupt the King's Evidence in the behalf of the five Lords in the Tower, they presently ordered him to be secured, and made an Address to his Majesty that he would be pleased to issue forth a Commission of Oyer and Terminer for the Trial of the said Mr. Reading, wherein they made the more haste, to the end his Trial might be over, before that of the Lords, which it was then thought, was near at hand. Hereupon the Commission was expedited; and upon the 24th. of this Month, the Commissioners met at Westminster-Hall in the Court of King's Bench.  
The Commissioners were the twelve Judges of England, Sir James Butler, Sir Philip Matthews, Sir Thomas Orby, Sir Thomas Bide, Sir William Bowles, Sir Thomas Stringer, Sir Charles Pitfeld, Thomas Robinson, Humphrey Wirley, Thomas Haryot and Richard Gower, Esquires.  
The Prisoner was indicted by the name of Nathaniel Reading, for soliciting, suborning, and endeavouring to persuade Mr. William Bedlow, to lessen, stifle, and omit to give in evidence the full truth according to his knowledge, against the Lord Powis, Lord Stafford, Lord Peter and Sir Henry Tichborn, but to give such evidence as he the said Reading should direct; as also for giving the said Mr. Bedlow fifty Guineas in hand, and promising him greater rewards, for the ends and purposes aforesaid.  

The Jury were,  
Sir John Cutler,  
Joshuah Galliard,  
Edward Wilford,  
Thomas Henslow,  
Thomas Earsbie,  
John Searle, Esquires.  
Thomas Casse,  
Rainsford Waterhouse,  
Matthew Bateman,  
Walter Moyle,  
Richard Paget and  
John Haynes, Esquires.   
Mr. Reading at first challenged Sir John Cutler, as being in the Commission of Peace, and laboured very much to have his challenge made good.  
But his Challenge was overruled by the Court, first in regard that Sir John was not in the particular Commission then sitting; and secondly, for that he could not challenge him peremptorily, the Indictment not endangering his life, as it might have been laid, but only for a Misdemeanour. Thereupon the Court proceeded; and  
First, in point of Evidence Mr. Bedlow swore, that he began with him as a friendly adviser, admonishing him to be cautious, and not to run at the whole Herd of Men. That he would make the Parliament his friends by proving the Plot; the King his friend, in not charging all the Lords, and the Lords his friends, by being kind to them. That the persons he most solicited for were the Lords Powis, Petre and Stafford, Sir Henry Tichborn, Mr. Roper, Mr. Caryl, and Corker, a Jesuit. That he should have Money and an Estate, by the negotiation of the Prisoner at the Bar, to shorten the Evidence, and bring them off from the charge of High Treason. That he and Mr. Reading had several Consultations about this matter. That the Prisoner in assurance of his reward, told him he had order to draw blank deeds to be signed in ten days after the discharge of those for whom the solicitation was made. That Reading & Mr. Bedlow had a private Consultation, at what time Mr. Bedlow was to pen his Testimony as Mr. Reading should direct him for the mitigation of the Evidence. That when that Paper was finished, the Prisoner carried it to the Lords to consider of it: and that after they had considered of it, and mended it, as they pleased, Reading returned with the emendations written with his own hand; and delivered them to Mr. Bedlow in the Painted Chamber, who held them so behind him, that Mr. Speak, as it was agreed, walking after him, came and took them out of his hand. And that two Witnesses more being privately concealed by Mr. Bedlow in his own chamber, overheard the main of the Consultation and overture of Mr. Reading.  
After this the Paper was produced which contained the short and tender Evidence that Mr. Bedlow was to give, according to the Correction of the Lords, and read in open Court, all under Readins own hand.  
Which done, Mr. Speak was sworn, and deposed that being privately concealed in Mr. Bedlow's Chamber, he overheard Mr. Bedlow's and Mr. read's Negotiation together. That Mr. Bedlow asked Mr. Reading what the Lords said to the business, and what my Lord Stafford said to the Estate in Glocestershire. To which Mr. Reading made answer, that the Lord Stafford had faithfully promised him to settle that Estate upon Mr. Bedlow, and that he had Orders from that Lord to draw up a blank Deed in order to the settlement, which the said Lord had engaged to sign and seal within ten days after he should be discharged by Mr. Bedlow's contracting of his Evidence. That Mr. Reading added, That the Lords Powis and Peter, and Sir Henry Tichborn, had faithfully engaged and promised to give Mr. Bedlow a very fair and noble reward which should be suitable to the service he should do them, in bringing them off from the Charge of High Treason. To which when Mr. Bedlow replied, that he would not rely upon their promises only, but expected to have something under their hands:  
Mr. Reading replied, That they did not think it convenient so to do as yet, but that Mr. Bedlow might take his word, as he had done theirs, adding withal for a further confirmation, That he would engage his life for the performance. With much other discourse, all tending to the same effect.  
The third Evidence which was Mr. bedlow's man, and was concealed in the Chamber to the same intent as the former witness was, gave the same Evidence upon oath, as to what had been discoursed of in the Chamber between his Master and the Prisoner, without any thing of material alteration of the words themselves, which therefore need no repetition.  
The defence of the Prisoner was very weak, more especially considering that he was a man of the Gown. No more indeed than what after a tedious multiplying of words, amounted to the Confession of the whole Charge. For he could not deny but that he did carry the King's Evidence to the Lords in the Tower; but that it was purely out of Conscience to prevent the shedding of innocent blood. The other part of his Evidence consisted in bespattering the witnesses, for which he was so often corrected by the Court, that it betrayed in him more of presumption than Law.  
Therefore the Jury so little believed him, that after a very short absence from the Bar, they brought him in Guilty; upon which the Court proceeded to Sentence, which was, That he should be fined a thousand pound, That he should be imprisoned for the space of one whole year; and be set in the Pillory for the space of one hour in the Palace-yard at Westminster.  
Thereupon in order to the Judgement of the Court he was set in the Pillory on the Monday after his Trial. And as the Court were so kind as not to indite him for his life, so they were careful to give the Sheriff a particular Charge of his Person, lest the rage of the People understanding his Crime, should have deprived him of what the mercy of the Law had granted him with so much favour.  
May 1679. If Doctor Oats may be believed, whom we have not found yet to fail, he tells us that the Jesuits had sent several Emissaries of their own to foment the discontents and rebellious fermentations of the people of Scotland. The mischief was laid upon the Presbyterians; whether it were so or no God knows; but the effect and consequence was dire, nothing but Papistical murder, which it is to be feared will come to be the Character of that Religion. In England no less a sacrifice would serve them than a King, though Heaven detested their oblation. In Scotland there was no King, and therefore they resolved to cut off the Primate of the Church.  
A strange doctrine to preach, that there could be no greater gift made to Jesus Christ, than to send the Archbishop of St. Andrews head in a Silver Box to the King. And yet this doctrine prevailed with one James Mitchel to attempt the kill of the same Prelate in the chief street of Edinburgh, in the face of the Sun and of all the multitude. Who dying for the fact, and with an obdurate and seared zeal, owning and justifying the fact, led others so far astray into the violation of the Law of Nature, that upon the third of this month, deluded Devotion adventured to murder the Archbishop in the ensuing manner.  
The Archbishop it seems was returning in his Coach from a Village in Fife, called Kennoway, toward the City of St. Andrews itself, and was got within two miles of the place, near to another small village called Magus. There it was that the Coachman, having spied several Horsemen, gave his Lord notice of them, and asked him, whether he should not drive faster? But the Archbishop, not dreading any harm, thought it not convenient to mend his pace. When they drew near, the Archbishops daughter looked out, and seeing them with Pistols in their hands, cried out to the Coachman to drive on. And he had certainly outdriven them, had not one Balfour of Kinlock▪ being mounted upon a very fleet horse, cunningly got before the Coach, into which they had already discharged several shot in vain. This Balfour, finding he could not wound the Coachman, because the Coachmen whip frighted his Horse, wounded the Postillian, and disabled the fore horses. Upon which the rest coming up, one of them shot the Archbishop with a Blunderbuss as he sat in the Coach, while others reproachfully called to him in these words, Come forth, vile Dog, who hast betrayed Christ and his Church, and receive what thou hast deserved for thy wickedness against the Kirk of Scotland. While he was in the Coach one ran him through with a Sword under the shoulder, the rest pulling him violently out of the Coach. His daughter went out, fell upon her knees and begged for mercy to her father, but they beat her and trampled upon her. The Primate with an extraordinary calmness of spirit, said to 'em, Gentlemen, I know not that I ever injured any of you, and if I did I promise ye I will make you what reparation you can propose.  
To which they returned no better Language than this, Villain and Judas, Enemy to God and his people, thou shalt now have the reward of thy enmity to God's people: which words were followed with many mortal wounds, of which one was a deep one above his eye. He laboured to make them apprehensive that he was a Minister, and pulling off his Cap showed them his grey hairs; entreating them withal, that if they would not spare his life, yet that they would at least allow him some little time for prayer.  
But their barbarous and inhuman answer was, That God would not hear so base a Dog as he was; and as to the desire of Quarter, they told him, That the strokes they were then about to give, were those which he was to expect. Notwithstanding all which inhuman usage, and a shot that pierced his body above his right Pap, and several blows that cut his hands, while he was holding them up to Heaven in prayer, he raised himself upon his knees, and uttered these few words, God forgive you all. After which, by reason of many gashes that cut his scull in pieces, he fell down dead. At which time some of the Murderers, believing that they heard him groan, returned, saying, he was of the nature of a Cat, and therefore they would go back, and hack him a little better for the Glory of God.  
And so having stirred about his brains with the points of their Swords, they took an oath of the servants not to reveal their names; and then bidding them take up their Priest, they road back to Magus, crying out aloud, That Judas was killed; and from thence made their escape.  
All this while at London the Parliament continue their prosecution of the Earl of Danby; and in order thereunto the lower House resolve that the Pardon of the Earl of Danby was illegal and void, and not to be allowed in Bar of the Impeachment of the Commons of England. Thereupon the whole House with the Speaker went up to the Lords, to whom the Speaker made this following Address; 
My Lords,   
The Knights, Citizens and Burgesses, in Parliament assembled, are come up to demand Judgement in their own names, and in the names of all the Commons of England, against Thomas Earl of Danby, who stands by them impeached before your Lordships of High Treason, and divers high Crimes and Misdemeanours. To which he has pleaded a Pardon, which Pardon the Commons conceive to be illegal and void, and therefore they do demand Judgement accordingly.  
Thereupon the Lords appointed a short day for hearing the Earl what he could say to make good the plea of his Pardon.  
Nor was his Majesty himself less careful of the safety of the Nation, who finding or at least foreseeing the ill consequences of these continued debates, thereupon sent a Message to the Commons, wherein he desired them to secure the Fleet, to proceed in the discovery of the Plot, the Trial of the Lords in the Tower, and the Bill for securing the Protestant Religion.  
For all which they appointed a certain day of consideration, but before they proceeded, they made an Address to his Majesty against the Duke of Lauderdale, as a person who being in high trusts and employments about his Majesty, had by his arbitrary and destructive Counsels, tending to the subversion the rights, and liberty of of the subject, endeavoured to alienate the hearts of his Majesty's good subjects from his Majesty and Government; and more particularly had contrived and endeavoured to raise jealousies and misunderstandings between England and Scotland. And therefore they most humbly besought his Majesty to remove him from his Counsels both in Scotland and England, from all Offices, Employments, and places of Trust, and from his Majesty's presence for ever.  
And to show that they did not this out of disobedience, but affection, presently after they declared in a full house, That in defence of his Majesty's person, and the Protestant Religion, they would stand by his Majesty with their lives and fortunes; and that if his Majesty should come to any untimely end, which God forbid, they would revenge it to the utmost upon the Papists.  
And now the Bill for the disbanding of the Army being completed, and having passed both Houses, was confirmed, and received its last consummation by the King's Royal Assent: So that the Commissioners appointed by the house for that purpose had liberty to attend that particular service.  
In the mean time the Commons perceiving that there was a day appointed for the Earl of Danby to make good the plea of his Pardon by Council, ordered that no Commoner should presume to maintain the validity of the Pardon pleaded by the said Earl, without the consent of the House; and that the person so doing should be accounted a betrayer of the liberty of the Commons of England.  
Next day the Earl appeared; and put in his Petition into the House of Lords, wherein he set forth, that he was then attending their Lordship's according to Order; and expected to have met the Council assigned him by their Lordships; but that he had received a Message from every one of them, that they durst not appear to argue for him, by reason of a Vote which the house passed yesterday.  
Who thereupon ordered that the Petition should be communicated to the House at the next Conference, to know of them whether any such Vote were by them made or no.  
But here arose a new debate concerning the Bishops, which much entangled the interest of the Earl of Danby, and the other five Lords in the Tower, in reference to their Trials; for the Commons would not prosecute the latter before the first, nor the first before such and such things were concluded. So that it will be necessary to relate the proceedings of both Houses against the Lords, which at length happened to be the occasion that neither the one nor the other came to their Trials, as was expected.  
The House having passed five resolves for the Impeaching Henry Lord Arundel of Warder, William Earl of Pomis, John Lord Bellasis, William Viscount Stafford, and William Lord Peter, of Treason, and several other Misdemeanours, the same day five several Impeachments were accordingly carried up to the Lords, but they did not desire they should be sequestered from Parliament, and committed to custody, because they were at the same time under restraint in the Tower.  
The Impeachments were first in general, That for many years last passed there had been contrived & carried on a traitorous & execrable Conspiracy and Plot within this Kingdom of England, & other places, to alter, change and subvert the ancient Government & Laws of this Kingdom & Nation, & to suppress the true religion therein established, & to extirpate & destroy the professors thereof; which said Plot and Conspiracy was Contrived and carried on in divers places and by several ways and means, and by a great number of Persons of several Qualities and Degrees who acted therein, and intended to execute and accomplish the aforesaid wicked and traitorous designs and purposes.  
That the said five Lords together with Philip Howard, commonly called Cardinal of Norfolk, and divers others, Jesuits, Priests and Friars, and other Persons as false Traitors to his Majesty and this Kingdom, within the time aforesaid, had traitorously consulted, contrived and acted to and for the accomplishing of the said wicked, pernicious and traitorous Designs; and for that end did most wickedly and traitorously agree, conspire and resolve to imprison, depose and murder his sacred Majesty, to deprive him of his Royal State, Crown and Dignity, and by malicious and unadvised Speaking, Writing, and otherwise declared such their purposes and intentions,  
To subject this Kingdom and Nation to the Pope and his Tyrannical Government.  
To seize and share among themselves the Estates of his Majesty's Protestant Subjects.  
To erect and restore Abbeys, Monasteries, and other Convents and Societies, which have been long since by the Laws of this Kingdom suppressed, for their Superstition and Idolatry, to deliver up and restore to them, the Lands and possessions now invested in his Majesty, and his Subjects by the Laws and Statutes of this Realm.  
That the said Conspirators, their Accomplices and Confederates, had and held several Meetings, Assemblies and Consultations, wherein it was contrived and designed among them, what means should be used, and what Persons and Instruments employed to murder his Majesty, and did then and there resolve to effect it by Poisoning, Shooting, Stobbing, or some such like ways and means; offered rewards and promises of advantage to several Persons to execute the same, and hired and employed several wicked Persons to Windsor and other places, where his Majesty did reside, to destroy and murder his Majesty; which said Persons accepted such rewards, and undertook the perpetrating thereof, and did actually go to the said places for that end and purpose. That the said Conspirators had procured, accepted and delivered out several Instruments, Commissions and Powers, made and granted by or under the Pope, or other unlawful and usurping Authority, to raise Money, Men and Arms, and other things necessary for their wicked and traitorous Designs, namely to the said Henry Lord Arundel of Warder to be Lord High Chancellor of England, to the said William Lord Powis to be Lord Treasurer of England, to the Lord Bellasis to be General, to the Lord Petre to be Lieutenant General, to the Lord Stafford to be Paymaster of the Army.  
That in order to encourage themselves in prosecuting their said wicked Plots, Conspiracies and Treasons, and to hide and hinder the discovery of the same, and to secure themselves from Justice and Punishment, the Conspirators and Confederates aforesaid did cause their Priests to administer an Oath of Secrecy together with the Sacrament, and upon Confessions to give them Absolutions upon condition that they did conceal the Conspiracy.  
That the better to compass their traitorous Designs, they had consulted to raise and had procured and raised Men, Money, Horse, Arms and Ammunitions; and had made applications to, and treated and corresponded with the Pope, his Cardinals, Nuncio's and Agents, and with other foreign Ministers and Persons, to raise tumults within the Kingdom, and invade the same with foreign Forces; to surprise, seize and destroy his Majesty's Navy, Forts, Magazines and Places of Strength to the ruin and destruction of the Nation.  
That when Sir Edmundbury Godfrey, a Justice of Peace, had according to the duty of his Oath and Office, taken several Examinations, and Informations concerning the said Conspiracy and Plot, the said Conspirators or some of them, by the advice, council and instigation of the rest, did incite and procure divers persons to lie in wait and pursue the said Sir Edmundbury several days with intent to Murder him, which at last was prepetrated and effected by them.  
That after the said Murder and before the body was found, or the Murder known to any but the Accomplices, the said Persons falsely gave out that he was alive and privately Married; and after the Body was found, dispersed a false and malicious report, that he had Murdered himself. Which said Murder was committed with a design to stifle and suppress the Evidence he had taken, and had knowledge of, and to discourage and deter Magistrates and others, from acting in the farther discovery of the said Plot and Conspiracy.  
That of their farther malice they had wickedly continued by many false suggestions to lay the guilt and imputation of the aforesaid Horrid and Detestable Crimes upon the Protestants, that so they might escape the punishments they had justly merited, and expose the Protestants to great scandal, and subject them to Persecution and Oppression in all Kingdoms and Countries where the Roman Religion is received and professed.  
All which Treasons, Crimes and Offences were contrived, committed, perpetrated, acted and done by the said Lords, and every of them, and others the Conspirators against our Sovereign Lord the King, his Crown and Dignity, and against the Laws and Statutes of the Kingdom.  
Of all which Treasons, Crimes and Offences, the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses in Parliament Assembled, did in the Name of themselves and of the Commons of England impeach the said William Earl of Powis, William Viscount Stafford, Henry Lord Arundel of Warder, William Lord Petre, and John Lord Bellasis, and every of them.  
And the said Commons, saving to themselves the Liberty of Exhibiting at any time hereafter against other Accusations or Impeachments against the said Lords, and every of them, and also of Replying to the Answers, which they and every of them should make to the premises, or any of them, or to any other Accusation or Impeachment which should be by them exhibited (as the cause according to course and proceedings of Parliament should require) did pray that the said Lords and every of them should be put to Answer all and every the Premises, and that such Proceedings, Examinations, Trials and Judgements might be upon them and every of them, had and used, as should be agreeable to Law and Justice, and course of Parliament.  
The Articles of Impeachment being drawn up and finished and carried up to the Lords House, the Lieutenant of the Tower was ordered to bring up the Prisoners to the Bar, where after they had kneeled awhile, they were ordered to stand up and hear their Charge; which when they had heard, the Lord Chancellor asked them what they had to say for themselves, letting them know withal that his Majesty would appoint a Lord High Steward for their Trials. Thereupon the Lords impeached made several requests in order to their several Defences upon their Trials and then withdrew for a time. After the House had taken their requests into consideration, they were called in again, and the Lord Chancellor gave them to understand, that the several Endictments found against them by the Grand Jury, should be brought into that Court by Writ of Certiorari; and that they might have Copies of the Articles of Impeachment, and should have convenient time given them to send in their respective Answers thereunto.  
All this while the Lord Bellasis had not appeared at the Bar; it being sworn that he was so ill that he could not stir out of his bed: which reasonable excuse was allowed for the time. Not long after a Message was sent from the Lords to acquaint the Commons, that the Lords impeached had all, except the Lord Bellasis, brought up their Answers to the Charge exhibited against them, and that their Lordships had sent them the Originals, desiring to have them returned.  
Soon after it was found, that the Lord Bellasis had sent in his Answer without Appearance, which occasioned a great Debate, Whether by his not appearance he had been Arraigned, or no, and whether his Answer were legal? The consideration of which business was referred to the Committee of Secrecy; as also to look into the Answers of the five Lords; to consider of the Methods of Proceedings upon Impeachments, and to Report their Opinions. Which were, That the Lord Bellasis being Impeached of High Treason by the Commons could not make any Answer, but in person. And that the several Writings put in by the other Lords, which they called their Pleas and Answers, were not Pleas or Answers, but Argumentative and Evasive, to which the Commons neither could nor ought to reply.  
That though the Answers of the other four Lords were sufficient, yet that there ought not to be any Proceedings against them, until the Lord Bellasis had put in a sufficient Answer in person.  
That the Commons should demand of the Lords, that their Lordships would forthwith order and require the said Lords to put in their perfect Answers, or in default thereof, that the Commons might have Justice against them.  
Thereupon it was ordered by the Commons, That a Conference should be desired with the Lords touching the Answers of the five Lords in the Tower; and that the Managers thereof should acquaint their Lordships, that they intended to make use of no other Evidence against the five Lords, then for matter done within seven years' last passed; desiring their Lordships withal, to appoint a short day for the said five Lords to put in their effectual Pleas and Answers to the Articles of Impeachment.  
But e'er this Conference could be had, a Message came from the Lords to acquaint the House, That John Lord Bellasis had that day appeared in person at the Bar of the House, and had put in his Answer to the Articles of Impeachment, which they had accordingly sent them.  
The next day came another Message from the Lords, to acquaint them, That the Lords Powis, Stafford, and Arundel, had appeared likewise at the Bar, and had retracted their former Pleas, and had put in their Answers, which they had also sent for them to view and consider. All which Answers were by the Commons referred to the Secret Committee.  
What these Answers were may be easily seen by that of the Lord Petre's here inserted. For as their Crimes were the same, so their Defences could not vary much either in sense or matter.   

The Lord Petre's Answer to the Articles of Impeachment.  
THE said Lord in the first place, and before all other protesting his Innocency, etc.  
The said Lord doth with all humility submit himself, desiring above all things the Trial of his Cause by this most Honourable House, so that he may be provided to make his just Defence, for the clearing of his Innocency from the Great and Heinous Crimes charged against him by the said Impeachment. This being prayed, as also liberty to Correct, Amend, and Explain any thing in the said Plea contained, which may any ways give this Honourable House any occasion of Offence, which he hopes will be granted.  
The said Lord as to that part of the Impeachment that concerns the matter following: Namely, That for divers years last passed, there had been contrived and carried on by the Papists a most traitorous and execrable Conspiracy and Plot within this Kingdom of England and other places, to alter and subvert the Ancient Government and Laws of this Kingdom and Nation, and to suppress the true Religion therein Established, and to extirpate and destroy the Professors thereof; and that the said Plot and Conspiracy was contrived and carried on in divers places, and by several ways and means, and by a great number of several Persons of Qualities and Degrees who acted therein, and intended thereby to execute and accomplish their aforesaid wicked and traitorous Designs and Purposes.  
That the said William Lord Petre, and other Lords therein named, together with several other persons therein likewise named and mentioned as false Traitors to his Majesty and Kingdom within the time aforesaid, have traitorously acted and consulted to and for the accomplishing of the said wicked, pernicious and traitorous Designs, and to that end did most wickedly and traitorously Agree, Consult, Conspire, and Resolve to Imprison, Depose, and Murder His Sacred Majesty, and deprive him of his Royal Estate, Crown and Dignity, and by malicious and advised Speaking and otherways declaring their said Purposes and Intentions; As also to subject this Kingdom and Nation to the Pope and his Tyrannical Government, and to Seize and Share among themselves the Estates and Inheritance of His Majesty's Protestant Subjects, and to Erect and Restore Abbeys, Monasteries, and other Convents and Societies, which have been long since by the Laws of this Kingdom suppressed for their Superstition and Idolatry, and to Deliver up and Restore to them the Lands and Possessions now Vested in his Majesty and his Subjects, by the Laws and Statutes of this Realm. And also to Found and Erect new Monasteries and Convents, and to remove and deprive all Protestant Bishops and other Ecclesiastical Persons from their Livings, Benefices and Preferments, and by this means to destroy his Majesty's Person, and extirpate the Protestant Religion, overthrew the Rights, Liberties and Properties of all his Majesty's good Subjects, subvert the Laws and Government of this Kingdom, and subject the same to the Tyranny of the See of Rome; And the said Conspirators, Complices and Confederates traitorously had and held several Meetings, Assemblies and Consultations, wherein it was contrived and designed amongst them what ways should be used, and the Persons and Instruments should be employed to Murder his Majesty, and did then and there resolve to effect it, by Poisoning, Shooting, Stabbing, or by some such like ways and means.  
And to that part of the Impeachment named, The better to compass their traitorous Designs, Have Consulted to raise Money, Men, Horses, Arms and Ammunition, etc.  
The said Lord, saving to himself (and which he humbly preys may be reserved to him) the liberty of answering over, and denying all and singular the said Crimes and Offences charged on him, saith, and humbly offereth to this Honourable House, That the Charge of those Crimes and Offences so imposed on him by the said Impeachment, are so general and incertain, that he cannot possibly Answer thereto, or make any just or lawful Defence upon his Trial: For that the said Charge hath no manner of certainty, in point of time, it being laid only for many years last passed, which may be for 5, 10, 20, 30, or more years, whereby, tho' the said Lord knoweth himself to be altogether innocent of any such horrid or detestable Crimes, as by the said Impeachment are objected against him. Yet 'tis impossible for him upon any Trial thereof to be prepared with his just and lawful Defence by Witness, to prove himself absent or in any other place at the same time of such Meetings or Consultations, to or for any of the wicked Designs and Purposes in the said Impeachment mentioned, as on his Trial may be suddenly objected against him, when he cannot by any care or foresight whatever, have such Witness ready as would disprove them if they were certainly charged for any traitorous Design, Act, or Crime, at any time certainly alleged by the said Impeachment. Nor is the said Charge in the said Impeachment more certain, as to the place of any such Meeting or Consultation laid down in the said Impeachment, being only alleged, to be in divers places within this Realm of England, and elsewhere: Which, for the Cause aforesaid, is so utterly incertain, that it deprives the said Lord of his Defence upon his Trial. The incertainties likewise of the number of Meetings and Consultations to the wicked Purposes in the Impeachment mentioned, and the not showing how many times the Lords met and consulted, and with whom in particular, doth likewise deprive him of all possibility of making his Defence in producing Witnesses. For the said Lord being wholly innocent cannot suppose or imagine what Meetings or Consultations, either to raise Money or Men for carrying on a Traitorous Design, or to any other wicked Intent or Purpose in the said Impeachment mentioned, shall or may be objected against him upon the Trial. And 'tis as impossible for him to bring Witnesses to prove all the Meetings and Consultations may upon his Trial be objected against him, as a traitorous Meeting or Consultation.  
And where it is in the said Impeachment charged upon the said Lord, That he hath uttered Treason by malicious and advised Speaking, and other ways declaring the same. The said Lord saith, That never any traitorous thought entered into his heart, and therefore he cannot know any Words or Writing he ever spoke or declared, which are now charged upon him as Treason, there being no Word or Writing at all specified in the Impeachment, whereby the Lord may know how to prepare his Defence against them, or this most Honourable Court may judge whether the said Words or Writing are in truth Treasonable, or not?  
All which Incertainties, eminent and apparent Dangers of the said Lord being thereupon surprised in a Cause of this Consequence, wherein his Life (and Honour, more dear to him than his Life, and all else that is dear to him in this World, are immediately concerned) being seriously weighed and considered by your Lordships, He humbly prayeth, (as by his Counsel he is advised) That your Lordships would not put him to Answer the said Impeachment herein above recited, till the same be reduced to such a complete certainty, that the said Lord may know how to Answer unto, and thereby be enabled to make his just Defence accordingly.  
All which, notwithstanding he humbly submitteth to whatsoever your Lordships in Justice shall order and think fit; And to all other Treasons, Crimes and Offences contained, mentioned or specified in the said Impeachment, the said Lord protesting his Innocency in the great Wisdom and Sentence of this Honourable Court shall always acquiesce.  
Soon after the Lords desired to know of the Commons, Whether they were ready to join Issue? who returned in a short time for answer, That they were ready to make good their Charge against the five Lords.  
Thereupon a Message was sent from the Lords to acquaint the Commons, That they had made an Order, That the five Lords in the Tower should be brought to their Trials upon the Impeachments against them by that day seven night, the Message being delivered on the sixth of May: and that they had also appointed an Address to be presented to his Majesty, for the naming a Lord High Steward, as well in the Case of the Earl of Danby, as of the other five Lords, and that the same should be in Westminster-Hall.  
Upon this, the Commons appointed a Committee to search Precedents relating to the Message sent them from the Lords; upon whose Report it was found, That on the like occasion, the Commons had appointed a select Committee to join with a Committee of the Lords, to consider of the Methods and Circumstances to be observed in the Trial. This occasioned a Message to the Lords, to desire a Conference upon the Subject Matter of the last Message relating to the Trial of the Lords in the Tower.  
There it was urged by the Commons, that they supposed that their Lordships did intend in all their proceedings upon Impeachments depending at that time before their Lordships, to follow the usual course and methods of Parliament; and therefore the Commons could not apprehend what should induce their Lordships to address to his Majesty for a Lord High Steward, in order to the determining the validity of the Pardon, which had been pleaded by the Earl of Danby to the Impeachment of the Commons; as also for the Trial of the other five Lords; for that they conceived the Constituting of a High Steward was not necessary; in regard that judgement might be given in Parliament without a High Steward. For which reasons, and for that there were several other matters contained in their Lordship's Message, touching the Trials of the Lords impeached, which if not settled, might occasion several Interruptions and Delays in the Proceedings.  
Therefore the House of Commons did propose to their Lordships, that a Committee of both Houses might be appointed to consider of the most proper ways and methods of proceedings upon Impeachments by the House of Commons, according to the usage of Parliament, that those Inconveniences might be avoided.  
The Reasons of the Commons being thus delivered, the Lords desired another upon the Conference before going, wherein they declared, that they could not agree to a Committee of both Houses, because they did not think it conformable to the Rules and Orders of Proceedings of that Court, which always was, ever aught to be tender in matters relating to their Judicature.  
Upon the report of this Answer, the Commons voted, that it tended to the Interruption of the good Correspondency between the two Houses, and therefore desired another Conference with the Lords.  
There the Commons declared their care to prevent all interruptions of a good Correspondence between the two Houses; which as they were desirous at all times to preserve, so was it more especially necessary at such a conjuncture, when the most heinous Delinquents were to be brought to Justice, that the Enemies of the King and Kingdom might have no hopes left them, to see it obstructed by any difficulties arising in the way of proceeding. And therefore in Answer to the last Conference it was urged, That their Lordships did not offer any Answer or satisfaction to the Commons in their necessary Proposals amicably propounded by way of supposition, that they might have been confirmed therein by their Lordships. That their Lordships did intend in all their Proceedings upon the Impeachments now depending before their Lordships to follow the usual course and methods of Parliament.  
And further, their Lordships had not given the least Answer or satisfaction to the Commons concerning their Lordship's addressing to the King for a Lord High Steward, though the Commons proposed their design of satisfaction, in as cautious terms as could be, on purpose to avoid all disputes about Judicature.  
Thereupon the sense of the Commons was thus summed up, that They, to avoid all Interruptions and Delays in the proceedings against the Lords impeached, and the inconveniencies that should arise thereby, having proposed to their Lordships, that a Committee of both Houses might be nominated, to consider of the most proper means and methods of proceedings upon Impeachments, and receiving no other Answer from the Lords, save only That they did not think it conformable to the Rules and Orders of the Proceeding of their Court, without any Reason assigned, judged the said Answer to be a refusal of them to agree with the Commons in appointing such a Committee, though heretofore not denied when asked upon the like occasion; and at that time desired purposely to avoid disputes and delays.  
So that in fine the sense of the House being thus delivered by Mr. Hambden, at length he told the Lords that he had commands to acquaint them that things standing so upon their Answer, the Commons could not proceed in the Trial of the Lords before the Method of proceedings were adjusted between the two Houses.  
However this difference was soon passed over had not a large debate intervened. For soon after the Lords sent down a Message to acquaint the Commons, That they had appointed a Committee of twelve Lords to meet a Committee of the House of Commons in the inner Court of Wards to consider of propositions and circumstances relating to the Trial of the Lords in the Tower.  
In the midst of these Debates his Majesty was pleased to send a Message to the House by Mr. paul, to the following purport. That His Majesty had already at the first meeting of Parliament, and since, by a word or two, mentioned the Necessity of having a Fleet out at Sea that Summer, yet the season for preparing being advanced, and our neighbours before us in preparation, He could not hold himself discharged towards His people, if He did not then with more earnestness, Commend the same to their present Care and Consideration, and the rather from the daily expectation of the return of the Fleet from the straits, to which a great Arrear was due, and did hereby acquit Himself of all the evil Consequences which the want of a Fleet in such a juncture might produce. Neither had He done this without considering that their Entering upon the work presently could be no hindrance to the great Affairs upon the House, but rather a security in the dispatch thereof.  
However it were, the Consideration of this Message was Adjourned for a Week, and their former Debates resumed, if they were at all interrupted.  
For now the Committees of Lords and Commons having met, two Propositions were made by the Commoners; to see the Commission of Lord High Steward, and other Commissions.  
In the second place, they desired to know what Resolutions had been taken touching the Lords Spiritual, whither they should be absent or present.  
As to the first, the Lords acquainted them with an Order which they had made, that the Office of a High Chamberlain upon the Trial of Peers upon Impeachment, was not necessary to the House of Peers, but that the Lords might proceed upon such Trials, though a High Steward were not appointed.  
The Lords also farther declared that a Lord High Steward was made hac vice only, that notwithstanding the making of a Lord High Steward, the Court remained the same, and was not thereby altered, but still remained the Court of Peers in Parliament.  
As to the second Proposition, the Lords communicated the Resolution of the Peers, which was this, that the Lords Spiritual had a right to stay in Court in Capital Causes, till such time as judgement of Death comes to be pronounced; or rather, as by a farther explanation of the said Resolution the Lords made it out, till the Court proceeded to the Vote of Guilty or not Guilty  
In the first place, the Commons took exception at the words in the Commission of the Lord High Steward for Trial of the Earl of Danby, which were these, Ac pro eo quod Officium Seneschalli Angliae, (cujus praesentia in hac parte requiritur) ut acceptimus jam vacat. These the Commons desired might be left out, as implying that the continuing a Lord High Steward was necessary; and thereupon proposed these words to be inserted,  
Ac pro eo quod Proceres & Magnates in Parliamento Nostro Assemblato nobis humiliter supplicaverunt, ut Seneschallum Angliae hac vice constituere dignaremur. These Amendments were soon consented to by the Lords, and it was farther agreed that the Commission under Seal for Constituting a Lord High Steward for the Trial of the Earl of Danby should be recalled, and another new Commission according to the Amendments issued forth, bearing date after the said Resolve; and that the like Commission should be issued forth for Trial of the other Lords.  
As to the Lords Answer to the second Proposition, the Commons gave their Committee order to insist, That the Lords Spiritual ought not to have any Vote in any proceedings against the Lords in the Tower; and that when that matter should be settled, and the methods of Proceedings adjusted, that then the House would be ready to proceed upon the Trial of the Earl of Danby, against whom the House had already demanded Judgement, and afterwards to the Trial of the other five Lords.  
Upon the 16th of May, after several Debates and Reports of both Committees, the Lords came to this Resolution, that the Thursday following should be appointed to begin the Trial of the five Lords.  
Upon which the Lords Spiritual desired leave of the House, that they might withdraw themselves from the Trial of the said Lords, with Liberty of Entering their usual protestations. This Resolution and the desire of the Bishops being communicated to the Commons. It was by them resolved, That the Vote of their House extended aswell to the Earl of Danby, as the rest, and that if the Bishops might have leave to withdraw, it employed a right, which if they had, it was a new Court; a thing the Commons could not admit of. The Lords made Answer that there was no day appointed for the Trial of the Earl of Danby, and that the Lords Spiritual would be absent at all the parts of the Trials of the five Lords; and that the Protestation they desired to enter would be the same as in the Earl of Stafford's case.  
To which the Commons replied that they could not proceed to treat of any other proposal till such time as the business about the Court should be settled.  
But the Lords insisting still upon their first Resolutions, the Commons thought fit to draw up their Reasons in writing, which they did, and delivered them to the Committee of Lords upon the 26th of May. Which was the day before their Prorogation. Which because they are matter of History as well as debate, may not be unfitly inserted.  
They alleged that the Commons had always desired, that a good Correspondence might be preserved between the two Houses.  
That there was then depending between their Lordships and the Commons a matter of the greatest weight; In the transactions of which their Lordships did seem to apprehend some difficulty in the Matters proposed by the Commons. To clear the same the Commons had desired that Conference; by which, they hoped to manifest to their Lordships that the Propositions of the House of Commons, made by their committee, in relation to the Trial of the Lords in the Tower, were only such as were well warranted by the Laws of the Parliament, and Constitution of Government, and in no sort entrenched upon the Judicature of the Peers, but were most necessary to be insisted upon, that the Ancient Rights of Judicature in Parliament might be maintained.  
The Commons readily acknowledged that the Crimes charged upon the Earl of Powis, Viscount Stafford, Lord Arundel of Wardour, and Lord Bellasis were of deep Gild, and called for speedy Justice: But withal, they held, that any change in Judicature in Parliament, made without consent in full Parliament, was of pernicious Consequence both to his Majesty and his Subjects; and conceived themselves obliged to transmit to their Posterity all the Rights which of that kind they had received from their Ancestors, by putting their Lordships in mind of the progress that had already been between the two Houses in relation to the Propositions made by the Commons, and the reasonableness of the Propositions themselves. So that they doubted not but to make it appear, that their Aims had been no other, then to avoid such Consequences, and to preserve that Right; and that there was no delay of Justice on their part. And to that purpose they offered to their Lordships the ensuing Reasons and Narrative. That the Commons in bringing the Earl of Danby to Justice, and in discovery of that execrable and traitorous Conspiracy, (of which the five Popish Lords stood impeached, and for which some of their wicked Accomplices had already undergone the sentence of the Law, as Traitors and Murderers) had laboured under many great difficulties was not unknown to their Lordships.  
Nor was it less known to their Lordships, That upon the Impeachment of the House of Commons against the Earl of Danby for High Treason, and other high Crimes, Misdemeanours and Offences, even the common Justice of sequestering him from Parliament, and forthwith committing him to safe Custody was then required by the Commons, and denied by the Peers, though he then sat in their House. Of which their Lordships had been so sensible, that at a free Conference, the 10th of April last, their Lordships declared, That it was the Right of the Commons, and well warranted in former Ages, That upon an Impeachment of the Commons, a Peer so impeached, ought of right to be ordered to withdraw, and then to be Committed. And had not that Justice been denied to the Commons, a great part of the Sessions of Parliament, which had been spent in framing and adjusting a Bill, for causing the Earl of Danby to appear and answer that Justice, from which he was fled, had been saved, and employed for the preservation of his Majesty's Person, the security of the Nation, and in prosecution of the other five Lords, Neither had he had the Opportunity for procuring for himself that illegal Pardon, which bore date the first of March, and which he pleaded in Bar of his Impeachment; nor of wasting so great a proportion of the Treasure of the Kingdom, as he had done, after the Commons had exhibited their Articles of Impeachment against him.  
After which time so lost, by reason of the denial of that Justice which of right belonged to the Commons upon their Impeachment, the said Bill being ready for the Royal Assent, the said Earl then rendered himself, and by their Lordship's Order of the 16th of April last, was committed to the Tower. After which he pleaded the said Pardon, and being pressed, did at length declare, that he would rely upon and abide by that Plea. Which Pardon so Pleaded, being illegal and void ought not to Bar or preclude the Commons from having Justice upon the Impeachment. They did thereupon with their Speaker, on the Fifth of May, in the name of themselves and all the Commons of England demand Judgement against the said Earl upon their Impeachment; not doubting but that their Lordships did intend in all their proceedings upon the Impeachment, to have followed the usual Course and Method of Parliament.  
But the Commons were not a little surprised by the Message sent from their Lordships, delivered them on the seventh of May, thereby acquainting them, that as well the Lords Spiritual as Temperal had ordered that the 10th of May, should be the day for hearing the Earl of Danby, to make good his plea of Pardon. And that on the thirteenth of May, the other Five Lords should be brought to their Trial; and that their Lordships had addressed to His Majesty for naming of a Lord High Steward, as well in the Case of the Earl of Danby, as of the other Five Lords.  
Upon Consideration of this Message, the Commons found, that the admitting of the Lords Spiritual to exercise Jurisdiction in these Cases, was an alteration of the Judicature in Parliament, and which extended as well to the proceeding against the Five Lords, as the Earl of Danby. And that if a Lord High Steward should be necessary upon Trial on Impeachments of the Commons, the power of Judicature in Parliament, upon Impeachments might be defeated by suspending or denying a Commission to Constitute a Lord High Steward. And that the said days of Trial appointed by their Lordships were so near to the time of their said Message, that those Matters, and the Method of Proceeding upon the Trial could not be adjusted by conference between the two Houses, before the day so nominated. And consequently the Commons could not then proceed to Trial, unless the zeal which they had for speedy Judgement against the Earl of Danby, (that so they might proceed to Trial of the other Five Lords) should induce them at that juncture, both admit the Enlargement of their Lordship's Jurisdiction, and to sit down under those or any hardships (though with the hazard of all the Commons Power of impeaching for time to come) rather than that the Trial of the said Five Lords should be deferred for some short time, while those Matters might be agreed on and Settled.  
For reconciling differences in these great and weighty Matters, and for saving that time which would necessarily have been spent in Debates and Conferences betwixt the two Houses, and for expediting the Trials, without giving up the power of Impeachments, or rendering them effectual.  
The Commons thought fit to propose to their Lordships, that a Committee of both Houses might be appointed for that purpose. At which Committee, when agreed to by their Lordships it was first proposed; That the time of Trial of the Lords in the Tower should be put off till the other Matters were adjusted; and it was then agreed, That the Proposition as to the time of Trial should be the last thing Considered: The effect of which agreement stands reported in their Lordship's Books.  
After which, the Commons Communicated to their Lordships, by their Committee, a Vote of theirs, that the Committee of the Commons should insist upon the former Vote of the House, that the Lords Spiritual ought not to have any Vote in any proceeding against the Lords in the Tower and that when that Matter should be settled, and the method of proceedings adjusted, the Commons would then be ready to proceed upon the Trial of the Pardon of the Earl of Danby, against whom they had before demanded Judgement, and afterwards to the Trial of the other Five Lords in the Tower. Which Vote extended as well to the Earl of Danby, as to the other Five Lords. But the Commons had as yet received nothing from their Lordships towards an Answer of that Vote, save that their Lordships had acquainted them, that the Bishops had asked leave of the House of Peers, that they might withdraw themselves from the Trial of the Five Lords, with Liberty of entering their usual Protestations.  
And though the Commons Committee had almost daily declared to their Lordship's Committee, That that was a necessary point to be settled before the Trial, and offered to debate the same, their Committee still answered that they had not power from their Lordships, either to confer upon or give any Answer concerning that Matter.  
And yet their Lordships, without having given the Commons any Satisfactory Answer to the said Vote, or permitting any Conference or debate thereupon, did on Thursday the second of May, send a Message to the Commons, declaring that the Lords Spiritual as well as Temporal had ordered the 27th of May for the Trial of the Five Lords.  
So that the Commons could not but apprehend, that their Lordships had not only departed from what was agreed on, and in effect laid aside by that Committee which was constituted for preserving a good understanding betwixt the two Houses, and better dispatch of the weighty affairs depending in Parliament, but also must needs conclude from the Message and Votes of their Lordships of the 7th of May, That the Lords Spiritual had a right to stay and sit in Court, till the Court proceeded to the Vote of Guilty or not Guilty. And from the Bishops ask leave that they might withdraw themselves from the Trial of the said Lords, with Liberty of entering their usual Protestations, and by their persisting to go on, and giving their Votes in proceedings upon Impeachments, that their desire of leave to withdraw at the Trials was only an evasive answer to the before mentioned Vote of the Commons, and chiefly intended as an argument for a right of Judicature in Proceedings upon Impeachment, and as a reserve to judge upon the Earl of Danby's plea of Pardon: and upon those and other like Impeachments, though no such power was ever claimed by their Predecessors, and was utterly denied by the Commons. And the Commons were the rather induced to believe it so intended, because the very ask leave to withdraw, seemed to imply a right to be there, and that they could not absent without it.  
The Commons therefore did not think themselves obliged to proceed to the Trial of the Lords on the seventh of May, but to adhere to their Vote. And for their so doing, besides what had been already and formerly said to their Lordships they offered these Reasons following.   

I.  
Because your Lordships have received the Earl of Danby's Plea of Pardon, with a very long and unusual Protestation, wherein he has aspersed His Majesty by false suggestions, as if His Majesty had commanded or countenanced the Crimes he stands charged with, and particularly the suppressing and discouraging the Discovery of the Plot, and endeavouring to Introduce an Arbitrary and Tirannical way of Government; Which remains as a scandal to His Majesty, tending to render His Person and His Government odious to His People, against which it ought to be the principal care of both Houses to Vindicate His Majesty by doing justice upon the said Earl.   

II.  
The setting up a Pardon to be a Bar against an Impeachment defeats the whole use and effect of Impeachments; and should this point be admitted, or stand doubted, it would totally discourage the exhibiting any for the future. Whereby the chief Institution for the preservation of the Government, and consequently the Government itself would be destroyed. And therefore the case of the said Earl, which in consequence concerns all Impeachments whatsoever, aught to be determined before that of the five Lords, which is but their particular case.  
And without resorting to many Authorities of greater Antiquity, The Commons desire your Lordships to take Notice, with the same regard they do, of the Declaration which that Excellent Prince, King Charles' the I. of blessed Memory, made in this behalf, in his Answer to the nineteen Propositions of both Houses of Parliament. Wherein stating the several parts of this Regulated Monarchy, He says, The King, the House of Lords, and the House of Commons have each their particular Privileges. And among those which belong to the King he reckons Power of pardoning. After the Ennumerating of which, and other his Preaogatives, His said Majesty adds thus; Again that the Prince may not make use of this High and perpetual Power to the hurt of those for whose good he hath it, and make use of the Name of public Necessity, for the Gain of his private Favourites and Followers, to the Detriment of the People, the House of Commons (an excellent preservative of Liberty, etc.) is solely entrusted with the first Propositions concerning the Levying of Money, and the Impeaching of those, who for their own ends, though countenanced by any Surreptitiously gotten Command of the King, have violated the Law, when he knows it, which he is bound to protect, and to the protection of which they are bound to advise him, at least not to serve him to the contrary. And the Lords being entrusted with a Judiciary power, are an excellent Screen and Bank between the Prince and People, to assist each against any encroachments of the other, and by just Judgement to preserve the Law, which ought to be the Rule of every one of the three, etc. Therefore the Power placed in both Houses is more than sufficient to prevent and restrain the Power of Tyranny, etc.   

III.  
Until the House of Commons have right done them against this Plea of Pardon, they may justly apprehend, that the whole Justice of the Kingdom in the Case of the five Lords may be obstructed and defeated by Pardons of the like nature.   

IV.  
And Impeachments are virtually the voice of every particular Subject of this Kingdom, crying out against Oppression, by which every member of that Body is equally wounded. And it will prove a matter of ill consequence, that the Universality of the People should have occasion ministered and continued to them to be apprehensive of utmost danger from the Crown, from whence they of right expect Protection.   

V.  
The Commons exhibited Articles of Impeachment against the said Earl, before any against the five other Lords; and demanded Judgement upon those Articles. Whereupon your Lordships having appointed the Trial of the said Earl to be before that of the other five Lords, and now having inverted the said Order, gives a great cause of doubt to the House of Commons, and raises a jealousy in the Hearts of all the Commons of England, That if they should proceed to the Trial of the said five Lords in the first place, not only Justice will be obstructed in the case of those Lords, but that they shall never have right done them in the matter of this Plea of Pardon, which is of so fatal Consequence to the whole Kingdom, and a new device to frustrate the public Justice in Parliament.  
Which Reasons and Matters being duly weighed by your Lordships, the Commons doubt not but your Lordships will receive satisfaction, concerning their Propositions and Proceedings. And will agree, That the Commons neither ought nor can, without deserting their Trust, depart from their former Vote communicated to your Lordships; That the Lords Spiritual ought not to have any Vote in any proceedings against the Lords in the Tower, etc.  
This Narrative and the Reasons being delivered, as is already mentioned, were the next day read and debated; and then the Lords read their own Vote of the 13th of May, and their Explanation thereupon, and the Question being put, whether to insist upon those Votes concerning the Lords Spiritual, it was Resolved in the Affirmative; Eight and twenty of the Lords dissenting.  
What the issue of the dispute would have been, is not here to be disputed: but this is certain, that while both Houses were thus contesting, His Majesty himself put an end to their Debates. For that very day being come in His Royal Robes into the House of Lords, and seated in His Throne, the Commons also attending, His Majesty was pleased to give His Royal Assent to 
A Bill for the better securing the Liberty of the Subject.  
A Bill for reingrossing of Fines burned in the late Fire in the Temple. And  
A Private Bill concerning Charles Dale of Rutlandshire Esq   
And then having intimated His Resolution to the two Houses to Prorogue them till the 14th of August, The Lord Chancellor Prorogued them accordingly by His Majesty's Command.  
Little else of moment was done this Sessions; only the House of Commons having ordered a Committee to inspect the Miscarriages of the Navy, upon their report of the Heads of an Information against Sir Anthony Deane and Mr. Pepys Members of the House, they were both by Order of the House committed to the Tower: by virtue of which commitment they still remain under Bail.  
Presently after the Prorogation of the Parliament came the News of the Rebellion that was broken out in the West of Scotland, where they Proclaimed the Covenant, and set up a Declaration of which the substance was, That   

AS it was not unknown to a great part of the World how happy the Church of Scotland had been, while they enjoyed the Ordinances of Jesus Christ in their Purity and Power, of which we had been deplorably deprived by the reestablishment of Prelacy; So it was evident, not only to impartial Persons, but to professed Enemies, with what unparallelled Patience and Constancy, the People of God had endured all the Cruelty and Oppression that Prelates and Malignants could invent or exercise. And that being most unwilling to act any thing that might import Opposition to lawful Authority, though they had all along been groaning under Corruptions of Doctrine, slighting of Worship, despising Ordinances, Confining, Imprisoning, Exiling their faithful Ministers; Fining, Confining, Imprisoning, Torturing, Tormenting the poor People, Plundering their Houses and Selling their Persons to Foreign Plantations; whereby great Numbers in every Corner of the Land were forced to leave their Dwellings, Wives and Children, and to wander as Pilgrims, none daring to Supply or Relieve them, nor so much as to speak with them upon their Deathbeds, for fear of making themselves obnoxious to the same Punishments. And not only so, but that they had been forced also to stoop under the Yoke of Oppression in their Civil Interests, their Bodies, Liberties and Estates: So that all manner of Outrages had been exercised upon them through a tract of several Years past; particularly in the Year 1678. by sending among them an Armed host of Barbarous Savages contrary to all Law and Humanity; and by laying upon them several Impositions and Taxes by a prelimited and overawed Convention of Estates in July 1678. for keeping up an armed Force entrusted for the most part into the Hands of avowed Papist, or their Favourers: by whom sundry invasions had been made upon them, and incredible Insolences committed against them: their Ministers and People being by them frequently hunted after and apprehended, while meeting in Houses for Divine Worship. So that being necessitated to attend the Lord's Ordinances in fields and desert places, there they had also been hunted out and Assaulted to the Effusion of their Blood, whereby they were inevitably constrained either to defend themselves by Arms at these Meetings, or to be altogether deprived of the Gospel preached by their faithful Ministers. That upon the first day of June last, being the Lord's Day, Captain Graham of Clover-House, being Warranted by Proclamation to kill whom soever he found in Arms at field-Conventicles, and making Resistance, furiously assaulted the People there assembled, and further to provoke them, bound a Minister, with some others whom he had found in Houses that Morning; so that they were forced to stand to their own-Defence, whereby it happened that several were slain on both sides. Being therefore thus inevitably forced to betake themselves to the last Remedy, in regard the Magistrates had shut the door of the Law against their Applications, They thought themselves bound to declare, That these with many other horrid Grievances both in Church and State, were the true Cause of this their Lawful and Innocent Self-defence. And they did most solemnly in the presence of God, declare, that the true Reasons of their continuing in Arms were candidly and simply,  
I. The defence and security of the true Protestant Religion, and Presbyterian Government, founded upon the Word, and summarily comprehended in the Confessions of Faith, and established by the Laws of the Land; to which King, Nobles and People were solemnly engaged by the National Solemn League and Covenant. More particularly the defending and maintaining the Kingly Authority of Christ over his Church, against all sinful Supremacy, derogatory thereto.  
II. The defence and preservation of his Majesty, his Person and Authority, in the preservation and defence of that true Religion, and Liberties of the Kingdom. That the World might bear witness of their Loyalty, and that they had no thought, or intention, to diminish his just Power and Greatness.  
III. To obtain a free and unlimited Parliament, and a free general Assembly, in order to the redressing of their Grievances, to prevent Popery, and to extirpate Prelacy from among them.  
This therefore being the Cause they appeared for and resolved to own, They humbly requested the King's Majesty to restore all things as he found them, when God brought him home to his Kingdom. Or if that could not be obtained, than they heartily invited, entreated, besought and obtested in the bowels of Jesus Christ, all who were under the same Bonds with them, to meet in the Defence of the Common Cause and Interest. And they requested their Countrymen, the standing Forces of the Kingdom, of whom many were their Friends and Relations, not to Fight against them, lest in so doing they should be found Fight against the Lord, whose Cause and Quarrel they were sure he would own, seeing they fought under his Banner, who was the Lord of Hosts.  
Upon the publishing of this Declaration, the Numbers of the Rebels increased, and they began to embody themselves to maintain their zealous Madness. Insomuch that at the latter end of this Month, about four-score of their Number, well mounted and armed, went to a place called Rugland, and there Proclaimed the Covenant, and burned several Acts of the Scotish Parliament, as the Act concerning the King's Supremacy: the Recissory Act; and the Act appointing the Anniversary of the twenty ninth of May. And that being done, they affixed a certain Scandalous and Traitorous Paper or Declaration, on the Market-Cross of the same Town, different from what has been already repeated, and in the following scurrilous Terms.   

The Declaration of the Rebels in the very words as it was designed to have been put up by them at Glasgow, and actually set up at Rugland.  
AS the Lord had been pleased still to preserve and keep his Interest in the Land, by the Testimony of some faithful Witnesses from the beginning, so in our days some have not been wanting, who through the greatest of hazards, had added their Testimonies to those who have gone before them, by suffering Death, Banishment, Torturing, Fining, Forfeitures, Imprisonments, etc. flowing from cruel and perfidious Adversaries to the Church and Kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ in the Land. Therefore We, owning the Interest of Christ, according to the Word of the Lord; and the National, and Solemn League and Covenant, desire to add our Testimony to the Testimony of the Worthies that have gone before (though unworthy, yet hoping as true Members of the Church of Scotland) and that, against all things that have been done prejudicial to his Interest, from the beginning of the Work of Reformation in Scotland, especially from the Year 1648. to the Year 1660. against these following Acts. As  
1. The Act of Supremacy.  
2. The Declaration whereby the Covenants are condemned.  
3. The Act for the Eversion of the Established Government of the Church, and for Establishing of Prelacy, and for outing of Christ's Ministers, who could not conform thereto by an Act Recissory of all Acts of Parliament, and Assemblies, for the Establishment of the Government of the Church of Scotland according to the Word.  
As likewise that Act of Council at Glasgow, putting that Act Recissory in Execution, whereby at one time, were violently cast out above three hundred Ministers, without Legal Procedures.  
Likewise the Act, appointing a holy Anniversary, to be kept upon the twenty ninth day of May, for the giving thanks for the upsetting of a Usurping Power, destroying the Interest of the Church in the Land, which is to set up the Creature to be worshipped, in the Room of our great Redeemer, and to consent to the assuming the Power, that is proper to the Lord alone, for the appointing of Ordinances in his Church. As particularly the Government thereof, and the keeping of a Holiday, and all other sinful and unlawful Acts committed by them.  
And for confirmation of this our Testimony, we do hereby this day, being the twenty ninth of May 1679. publicly burn them at the Cross of Glasgow most justly, as they Perfidiously and Blasphemously had burnt our holy Covenant through several Cities of the Covenanted Kingdoms. We judge none will take exceptions at our not subscribing this our Testimony being so solemnly gone about: for we are ready always to do it, if judged necessary, with all the faithful suffering Brethren of the Land.  
June 1679.  
This Declaration they intended to have put up at Glasgow; but the Neighbouring Parts being hotly alarmed by these ' proceedings, Captain Graham of Clover-House upon intelligence of a great number of Men, being gathered together upon Loundoun Hill, marched thither with his Troop, and a Company of Dragoons, and there found a Body of Fourteen or Fifteen hundred Men, well armed and in good Order. The Foot were Commanded by one Weir; the Horse by Robert Hamilton, and three more, whose names were, Patton, Balfour and Haxton; of which the two last were deep in the Murder of the Archbishop of St. Andrews.  
The Rebels, upon the approach of Captain Graham, sent out two Parties to skirmish with him, which he beat into their main Body. Upon which they advanced upon him with their whole Force. Yet notwithstanding all their Number, and though his own Horse were killed under him, being soon mounted upon another, he made good his ground, till at last being overpowered by Number, after a great slaughter of the Rebels, with the loss of his Cornet, two Brigadeer, eight Horse, and twenty Dragoons, he was forced to retreat toward Glasgow; being after all this, constrained to Fight his way thorough the Townsmen of Strevin, who were got together to oppose him, of whom he left ten or twelve dead upon the place.  
The Rebels, thus finding themselves superior in Force, had the confidence, the next day, to attack the City of Glasgow at two several times. But all the Streets were so well barricadoed by the Lord Ross, and the Soldiers there put into so good and advantageous posture of Defence, that the Rebels were beat off with a considerable loss, besides many Prisoners that were taken. Whereupon the Horse and Foot in the Town sallied out upon them, and forced them to retire.  
But now to leave Scotland for a while, let us return to London, to which place Transactions no less signal call us back. For upon the seventh of this Month, the Marquis d'Auronches, Ambassador extraordinary from the Crown of Portugal made his public Entry, having been received at Greenwich by the Earl of Kent, and Sir Charles Cotterell, Master of the Ceremonies, and from thence brought by Water in the King's Barge, with several others of his retinue, to Tower-Hill. Where when he Landed he was saluted with a discharge of several pieces of Cannon, put into his Majesty's Coach of State and conducted to Westminster. His Equipage was very splendid, consisting of six Pages, who with the Gentleman of his Horse, rod on Horseback, and twenty Footmen; And his three Coaches, one of which was more remarkable for its richness, were followed by a numerous train of others with six Horses a piece. Being come to his Lodging, he was complimented from the King, by the Lord Berkley of Stratton, and from the Queen, by Sir William Killigrew, her Majesty's Vice-Chamberlain.  
The next day, but one, he was conducted to his Audience of their Majesties, in the Banqueting-house, by the Earl of Shrewsbury and Sir Charles Cotterell, being splendidly attended from Westminster in the King's Coach of State.  
As for the Papists, they were still as great misbelievers as ever, cried up the innocency of their own pretended Martyrs, exclaimed against the Injustice of their Condemnation, and laboured by all means imaginable to persuade the World into a concurrence with their pretended suggestions. As that Religion seldom wants weak and improbable Arguments among the Wise, to stumble mean and Vulgar Capacities. Therefore it was now thought convenient to bring the rest of the crew, that were in hold, before the face of Justice, that by their Trials and Condemnations, they might silence the folly of vain Insinuation, and confirm the Impiety of those that had preceded them in Punishment.  
To which purpose, toward the middle of this month, Thomas White, alias Whitebread, Provincial of the Jesuits in England, William Harcourt the pretended Rector of London, John Fenwick Procurator for the Jesuits in England, John Gaven, alias Gawen, Anthony Turner, and James Corker, were brought to the Bar of the Session's-House in the Old-Baily.  
As for Corker, he presented a Petition to the Court, setting forth that he was absolutely surprised, and unprepared for his Trial, and therefore besought the Court that he might not be tried till the next Sessions.  
To this the Court seemed inclinable enough, nor did the Attorney General gainsay it, upon condition that he could really make it out, that he wanted Witnesses, without which he could not make his Defence. However it was thought fitting that he should hear the Charge that was against him read; to the end he might be able to give the Court an account what witnesses he had, that might avail him in reference to his defence against it. Which being done, the former question was put to him again; and then he named a witness to prove that he was not in Town upon the 24th of April; So that being respited till the next day, the Court said nothing farther to him that sitting.  
The other five stood charged of High Treason; the particulars whereof were, That upon the twenty fourth of April, in the thirtieth Year of the King's reign, they with others did Conspire to raise up Sedition and Rebellion: to cause a most bloody Massacre of the King's Subjects; to depose the King of his Government, and bring him to an untimely Death, to alter the Government and Religion established by Law, and to levy War against the King. It was further laid to their Charge in the Indictment, That in pursuance of their evil Intentions, and the better to accomplish their Designs, They met together, held Consultations, and agreed to murder the King; and upon that bloody foundation to build the progress of their Villainy; which was to introduce the Superstition of the Church of Rome instead of the Religion established by Law. It was concluded that Grove and Pickering should commit the Murder, for which Whitebread and the other persons Indicted, Contracted, with the one for such a number of Masses, and with the other for a certain sum of Money. That they did also make diligent enquiry for four other Persons unknown, and when they came to them, did both animate and embold'n, encourage and abet them to kill the King at Windsor. And all this advisedly, and out of a Traitorous Malice and Hatred against the King, and the National Government and Religion.  
The Indictment being read, Whitebread represented to the Court, that in regard he had been tried upon the 17th of December before, upon the same Indictment, at what time the Jury being impannell'd, and the Evidence found insufficient which came in against him, the Jury was discharged without a Verdict, he was informed that no man could be tried, and consequently be put in jeopardy of his life twice for the same cause. For which reason he made it his humble suit, that he might have Counsel to direct him upon that point in the matter of the Law. He urged that his life was in danger, as being delivered over in Charge to the Jury: and to make it out, he alleged the Case of Sayer, in the 31 Eliz. who having pleaded to a former Indictment for a Burglary, was Indicted a second time; upon which it was the Opinion of the Judges, that he could not be Indicted twice for the same fact. He likewise desired a sight of the Record, and that he might be informed, Whether, or no, when a person comes upon his Trial, he ought not either to be Condemned or Acquitted?  
Upon the whole matter and his motion together, the Court declared to him, That the Jury being discharged of him, his Life was in no danger. For that the Jury being Sworn to make a true deliverance of the Prisoners in their Charge, their Charge could not be full, till the last Charge of the Court, after Evidence. Moreover, he was told, That such a Plea, as he produced, could not be supported without a Record: but that it was certain, that there was no such Record of the 17th of December, for that there was no Verdict; and besides, it was not the same Indictment, in regard it contained new Matter.  
Fenwick offered the same Plea, enlarging himself upon it. That both of them were then in the same danger with the other three that had suffered; in regard that if Mr. Bedloe had given the same Evidence against Him and Whitebread, as he gave against the rest, they two should have been likewise condemned. So that the Evidence falling short, he supposed, that they ought to have been discharged.  
But the Court returning the same Answer to him, as to the former, they both submitted, and so all of them Pleaded severally not Guilty to the Indictment.  
When the Jury came to be Impannell'd, they excepted unanimously, without naming them, against all those Persons that had served before as Jurymen in the same Cause: which the Court allowed them, as but reason; and gave order to the Clerk of the Arraignments, not to Impannel any that were upon the former Jury.  
When the King's Counsel had opened the Indictment, Dr. Oates was the first Witness sworn, who Deposed against Whitebread, That he was made Provincial the last December was Twelvemonth, and by Virtue of his Authority, ordered one Conyers to Preach in the English Seminary, upon St. Thomas of Becket's day, That the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy were Antichristian, Heretical, and Devilish: which accordingly was done.  
That he wrote Letters in January or February to St. Omers, relating what Talbot had written to him about the State and Condition of Ireland: the purport whereof was, That thousands would be ready to Rise so soon as the Blow was given. By which word Blow they usually meant the Murder of the King, as those of the Society had Instructions to understand. And this Blow, Whitebread wrote in his Letter, That he hoped it would not be long before it should be given.  
That he was at the Consult at the White Horse-Tavern, upon the 24th of April, and there agreed upon the Resolve; That he signed the Resolve at Wild-House. That the Resolve was, That Grove and Pickering should proceed in their Business to dispatch the King, as a good Expedient.  
That he saw Whitebread Administer the Oath of Secrecy to all that were then present at the Consult, Mico holding the Book, which was a Mass-Book.  
That he was Authorised to Seal Military Commissions, of which he had Sealed some Hundreds.  
That in June he went over into Flanders, to look to his Charge, as being Provincial; and there, in Discourse with some of the Fathers, used this Expression, That he hoped to see the— at Whitehall laid fast enough, and if the Brother should appear to follow his steps, his Passport should be made too.  
That upon Sir George Wakemen refusing to Poison the King for 10000 l. He advised the adding of 5000 l. more, and was highly pleased that he had accepted it.  
Mr. Dugdale being Sworn, Deposed against Whitebread, That in a Letter from Mr. Groves to Mr. Ewers, he saw one of Mr. Whitebread's, to take none but stout desperate Fellows, not mattering whether they were Gentlemen, or no; and that they were to take away the King's Life.  
That he had seen Whitebread at Harcourt's Chamber with Le Fair, Pritchard and others; where they fell into discourse concerning Sir Geo. Wakeman's boggling at 10000 l. and so agreed to make it up 15000 l. to which Whitebread readily consented.  
Mr. Bedloe being Sworn, charged it upon Whitebread, That he gave Coleman an Account of sending the four Irishmen to Windsor.  
As to Fenwick, it was sworn against him, by Dr. Oates, That he came with him from Dover to London in June was Twelvemonth, and that he, and one Ashby, or rather Thimbleby, brought over Instructions from Whitebread, to offer Sir George Wakeman a Sum for poisoning the King, and for the filling up a Blank Commission to Sir John Gage, to be an Officer in the Army.  
That Ashby being to go to the Bath; Fenwick advised him, upon his leaving that place, to take a turn about Somerset-shire, and to possess the people there with the Matter, not doubting but that the Gentleman at Whitehall would be dispatched before he came back.  
That Fenwick was with others at Wild House, upon 21 of August, at what time there was Fourscore Pound before them, upon a Table: which Money was for those that were to kill the King at Windsor; and was present when the Money was paid to the Messenger.  
That the said Fenwick being at a Consult at the Benedictins, received advice from Talbot, out of Ireland, of a Design to kill the Duke of Ormond, desiring Commissions and Money for advancing the Design. Upon which the said Fenwick sent Commissions to Chester by an Express, and other Letters by the Post: and moreover, delivered the Witness Money for his necessary Expenses, charging him to procure some Masses to be said, for a prosperous Success of the Enterprise.  
Mr. Prance being sworn, Deposed, That Fenwick being in discourse with others at Ireland's Chamber, was there saying, That there would be 50000 Men in readiness so set up the Catholic Religion: and that he ask Fenwick what would become of Tradesmen, if the business should come to a War? the said Fenwick bid him never to fear a Trade, for that there would be Church-work enough for him, as Crucifixes, Images, and the like.  
Mr. Bedloe being sworn, Deposed, That he had seen Fenwick both at Whitebread's and Harcourt's Chambers, when the Murder of the King was discoursed of, and that he agreed with the rest, and consented to it.  
As to Harcourt, Dr. Oates Deposed, That he was one of those that were at the great Consult, and Signed the Resolve.  
That he was present at the filling up of a Blank Commission to Sir John Gage, to be one of the Officers of the Army.  
That he paid the Messenger the Fourscore Pound, which was for the four Assassinates at Windsor, in his own Chamber.  
Mr. Dugdale Deposed against him, That he being pitched upon to be one of the King's Murderers, was by Harcourt chosen to be disposed of at London for that purpose, under the Tuition of one Mr. Parsons.  
That there was a Letter written from Paris, which passed through Harcourt's hands, wherein Advice was given to the Conspirators in England, so to order the Business, that the Death of the King might be accounted a Presbyterian Plot, and in case of his Miscarriage, to engage the Protestants in a Revenge upon the Presbyterian Party, as guilty of the Fact. And after that, to go on to a Massacre; and those that escaped it, to be afterwards totally cut off by the Army.  
That he had seen several Treasonable Letters, striking at the Life of the King, and the Protestant Religion, which the Witness had intercepted and read, at least a hundred of them, all sent from Harcourt to Ewers, under a Cover from Groves.  
That the first Intelligence of the Murder of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey, which they had in the Country was sent from Harcourt, which Letter came to Harcourt on Monday, and bore date on Saturday, upon the night of which day the said Murder was committed, with these particular words, This Night Sir Edmundbury Godfrey is dispatched.  
Mr. Prance being sworn, Deposed, That Harcourt had told him above a year before, as he was paying him for an Image of the Virgin Mary, that there was a Plot upon the Life of the King.  
Mr. Bedloe being sworn, Deposed, That he saw Harcourt take the Fourscore Pound out of a Cabinet, and pay the Money to the Messenger that was to carry it to the Ruffians at Windsor, giving the said Messenger at the same time, for Expedition, a Guiney, as from Coleman, to drink his Health.  
That the Sum of 1500 l. which was to have been Groves Reward for killing the King, was agreed upon and appointed in Harcourt's Chamber.  
That he was one of those that agreed and consented to the addition of 5000 l. to the first 10000 l. to be given to Sir George Wakeman.  
That he was very well acquainted with the Witnesses bringing over divers Pacquets and Portmantles from beyond the Seas, of which he had brought over several for himself.  
That he had brought him several Letters from Wotton, St. Omers, Bruges, Paris, Valladolid, and Salamanca, all of them for carrying on the Plot of changing the Religion of England, and overturning the Government, what Men, what Money in readiness, and what more expected. That the Contributions and Account lay generally in Harcourt's hands, and that he had carried several Papers from Harcourt to Langhorn concerning the same matter.  
The said Witness farther Deposed, That he carried a Consult to St. Omers from Mr. Coleman, to whom Harcourt went with him, and that in that Consult was the main of the Design; and lastly, That he saw Harcourt give Sir George Wakeman a Bill upon some certain Citizen for 2000 l. telling him at the same time, that it was in part of a greater Sum.  
As to Gavan, Doctor Oates Deposed, That he saw his Name to the Resolve, though he could not Swear he was at the Consult of the 24th of April.  
That he gave an account from time to time of the Affairs of Stafford-shire and Shrop-shire, relating to the Plot; and that coming to London, he gave the same account to Ireland in his own Chamber, and talked of Two or Three Thousand Pound that would be ready for the Design.  
Mr. Dugdale Deposed against Gavan, That it was he who engaged the Witness in the Plot upon the Life of the King, and often persuaded and encouraged him to it.  
That at Ewers's and the Witnesses Chamber, at Boscobell and other places, several Consultations had been had about the Death of the King, and bringing in of Popery. Wherein Mr. Gavan was always a great Man, having a good Tongue and the Faculty of moving the People.  
That at the same Consultations he had heard the Massacre often discoursed of. And that Gavan should say, That though they were but in a low Condition themselves, yet they would have Men and Money enough to spare for such a Design.  
That the said Gavan had many times endeavoured to convince the Witness of the Lawfulness, if not the Merit of killing any person whatsoever for the advancement of their Religion.  
As to Turner, it was sworn by Dr. Oates, That he was at the Consult at Fenwick's Chamber, and Signed the Resolve.  
Mr. Dugdale also Deposed, That Ewers had told him by word of mouth, That Turner was to carry on the Design in Worcester-shire.  
That the said Turner had met with Ewers, Leveson and others in several places, and had in every one of them given his consent to, and assisted with his Counsel in the carrying on of the Grand Design of killing the King and Introducing of Popery.  
This was the main of the Evidence for the King.  
The main Defence of the Prisoners lay in seeking to invalidate the Testimoney of the Witnesses. And indeed they thought they had done their business, by calling over to their assistance a cluster of Birds of their own Feather; a crew of young Seminarians, nurtured up at St. Omers in all their own Principles, and Lessons of Equivocation, and Jesuitical Tongue-Jugling, and Religious Velitation. These were the Emmets of Tunquin, that were in one hour to eat down the Pillars of the King's Evidence, by proving, That Doctor Oats was at St. Omers upon the 24th of April; and so not being ubiquitary he could not be at the same time at the White Horse in the Strand: and then the Plot had vanished, the Witnesses had been mere Accusers, that is to say, Diaboli indeed, and they had been as Innocent as the Children unborn.  
This flexible Flock were very punctual to their time, and laid their Allegations home enough; nay some of them were so positive, that they affirmed, That Dr. Oates never lay but two Nights out of the College, from December till the middle of June. So that when the Cloud that reigned upon the King's Evidence came to be dissipated by the warm Testimony of Sir Richard Barker, Mr. Walker, and Mr. Smith, all Scholars and Men of unbyass'd Repute, and several others, though of meaner Quality, yet of honest Reputation; it was a thing that could not be a little admired, to see the Effects of blind Popish Education: that so many young Declaimers should make such an early venture of their Credit, as to out-brazen Truth itself, in a matter, which upon the manifest Contradictions of their Affirmatives, it appeared, could not be unknown to themselves. There is but one Consideration that pleads for them, That as they were under Discipline, they durst not but Swear in verba Magistri: well knowing what Entertainment they were to expect at their return, if they did not stand fast to their tackling. Their Masters knew no better means then to oppose blind Zeal against blind Justice. Having armed deluded Youth with all the promised Rewards, that could on their supporting attend the weak Cause of their Ghostly Fathers in the Clutches of the Law, by any irregularity of misguided Conscience whatsoever.  
Thus then stood the Balance of the Evidence, as to the Defence of the Prisoners on both sides. Some affirmed, That they were not in Town, but in such and such places in the Country at the times they were sworn to be in London, and consequently could not be guilty of Crimes said to be committed in the place where they were not at that time, as the home-Friends of the Prisoners alleged. Others, and those the St. Omer's Youths, affirmed, That Doctor Oats was at the College of St. Omers all April and May, and in all that time they saw him constantly there, saving only one Night that he lay forth. And that Sir John Warner and Sir Thomas Preston did not come into England with the Doctor, as he had sworn, for that they were daily seen in or near the places of their Residence all April and May, whereby they surely thought they had subverted the Doctor's Evidence.  
On the other side, the Witnesses for the King positively swore, That they did see the Doctor in Town either in the beginning of May, or the latter end of April, and that they knew him and spoke with him in his Disguises.  
Whitebread's Plea was, That having urged Doctor Oats at the last Trial, to name any one that he had seen in Town, he could name no body. And so likewise afterwards, at the Committee he averred, That the Prisoner lay privately at Groves', when he never lay there at all: and then again, he had been positive, that he stayed here but six days, and saw little Company. Another Contradiction, for that the Evidence had affirmed, That in the end of March, or the middle of April, he saw him here, whereas Doctor Oats himself had declared, that he crossed the Sea with Hilsley the 17th of April. So than if he landed in England the 17th of April, and continued here good part of May, how could it be that he stayed in England but six days. But to this the Court gave answer, That the precise day was not so punctually sworn to; so that Doctor Oats might be seen here the latter end of April and the beginning of May, and yet his Testimony stand good.  
Fenwick desired the Court and the Jury to scan the Evidence on both sides: and to consider that the one spoke to the whole time, upon a daily Conversation, and the other only to this or that day; or of seeing Doctor Oats in a Disguise. On the one side, so many young Gentlemen virtuously Educated; on the other, a needy sort of people that sought to mend their Fortunes by their Swearing. So that his Testimony was false as to Sir John Warner, Williams, and Sir Thomas Preston. Or if the Evidence might be concluded equal, what was the main support of his Evidence? several Letters, as he pretended from Mr. Whitebread; which, if it were true, the Prisoners deserved to be hanged for Fools, as well as for Knaves, for trusting a person they never had any esteem for, and one whom the College had expelled.  
As for the Commissions and Letters he spoke of, it was a wonder, that almost a year after the making of the Discovery, and thousands of Letters seized, not one Commission should yet appear; not one Penny of Money, nor any Order for it; no Arms found, nor out of all those Letters, any thing discovered toward the Design. And for all the Writings Signed, which he had sworn to be hundreds, not one single Paper to be produced in confirmation of it. Upon which he concluded, There was no rational Proof among them all, but Saying and Swearing; and that was that he would stand by.  
Harcourt declared, That he was then in the Seventieth Year of his Age, yet never in his whole Life had been accused before a Magistrate before. But that it was impossible to prove a Negative; and that there was no other Evidence against him, but downright Swearing.  
Gawen offered to the Court, That it was neither proved that he was at the Consult, neither was he capable of it; appealing to Harcourt, and the rest, Whether he were there, or no? and denying it upon the words of a dying man.  
As to his Name being to the Resolve, which was laid in July, he had proved himself to be in Stafford-shire the last week of that Month.  
He farther moved, Whether being accused by one Witness for a Fact committed in London, and by another, for a Crime in Stafford-shire, those two Witnesses could go for two Witnesses in Law? But as to that he was overruled, as being a Question already resolved in the Case of Sir Henry Vane, against whom distinct Witnesses proved distinct Facts committed in several Countries, yet being all overt Acts of one and the same Treason, the Evidence was adjudged to be good.  
His second Plea was grounded upon the Circumstances of credible Witnesses, and clear Evidence, but that in his Case there was neither the one nor the other; and therefore he ought not to be Convicted by such Witnesses, nor such Evidence. In Answer to which, the Court informed him, That they were lawful Witnesses, because not convict of any Crime that might destroy their Testimony: And for their Credit, that was in the breast of the Jury to judge of.  
Turner's Plea was only a bare Question, Whether it were reasonable to admit those people to an Oath in Evidence, who for Scandal had been debarred the Sacrament, as he undertook to prove by one Hastings, but he being called, and not appearing, the Court proceeded to give Directions to the Jury, wherein the Evidence was so fully justified, and all their Objections so clearly answered, that the Jury, after they had withdrawn, made no long stay to satisfy themselves, but after a quarter of an hour's consideration, brought them in all Guilty of the High Treason whereof they stood indicted. Upon which they were remanded to Newgate.  
The Names of the Jury, not to be omitted for their sober and judicious Verdict, were,  

Tho. Harriot,  
Will. Gulston,  
Allen Garroway,  
Rich. Cheney,  
John Roberts,  
Tho. Cash,  
Rainsford Waterhouse,  
Matthew Bateman,  
John Kaine,  
Rich. White,  
Rich. Bull, and  
Tho. Cox, Gent.   
This White, alias Whitebread, had been formerly a strange Proteus in Religion, and had rambled about the World in several Metamorphoses, in search of a good Establishment for this World. For about twenty years since, he went to Oxford, under the pretence of being a Jew, converted by some Eminent Divine of the Presbyterian way in London. But there he pretended a farther Light, by joining with, and at several Churches hearing the Sermons of Dr. Thomas Goodwin, Dr. Owen, and some others, the Heads of the Independent or Congregational way. After that, as being steadfast to nothing, or rather missing his chief aim, Emolument, he fell to the Anabaptists, and from them to the Quakers, a proper Sect for them that have the true Art of Dissimulation, among whom he challenged Dr. Owen, and some others, in a Letter written in several Languages, and that so learnedly, that it was deemed worthy the Consideration of the Convocation, by whom he was censured as a Jesuit, or some other of the best sort of Popish Education, and thereupon imprisoned in the Castle Prison in Oxford, where he pretended distraction, and acted the Madman so rarely to the life, that in few days some Friends of his procured his liberty. He was seen several times running up and down the Streets, with his Hat under his Arm, full of Stones, throwing at every small Bird he saw. But e'er long he was met by a Minister of the Church of England, at the House of a Roman Catholic, who there heard him Discourse so gravely, learnedly, and discreetly, that he got not only into an acquaintance but familiarity with him; insomuch that this Gentleman being of Maudlin College, he there gave him several Visits in several Disguises. But at length, being again suspected, and in danger of being apprehended, he stole away privately for London. To which place business calling the same Gentleman, about six Months after, he was no sooner come to Town, but he had notice of a famous Preacher among the Quakers, near Charing-Cross; and the same day he met Whitebread, the great man of Fame, going to speak in an old fashion pinked Fustian Jerkin, clouted Shoes, his Breeches faced with Leather, and a Carter's Whip in his hand, in that Garb altogether disguised from his knowledge: however he knew the Gentleman, and spoke to him, and so they renewed their acquaintance. For that time however they took leave, and he went forward upon his intended work, but the next day he came to the Gentleman's Quarters in the neat habit of a London Minister, and carried him to his own Lodging within the Precincts of the Middle-Temple, where he gave the Gentleman a handsome Entertainment, and a sight of the several odd Habits in which he disguised himself to the several sorts of people into whose good Opinion he had insinuated himself. There the Gentleman saw his Orders from Rome, and an Instrument wherein he was assured of, and had Orders to receive of certain Merchants in Town, a Hundred Pound per Annum, besides a yearly Pension of Eighty Pound from his Father. He pretended to this Gentleman, that he was born at Wittenbergh, and that his Father's Name was John White, and in the Writing he himself was styled Johannes de Albis by the Court of Rome. He was both Jesuit and Priest in Orders, for that to the same Gentleman's knowledge he celebrated Mass in one House in Southwark to more than Forty; after which, upon the same day he visited several Presbyterians and others. The same Gentleman continued in his Company for about a Month, till he was apprehended, and by special Order from the Protector imprisoned in the Tower of London, where he lay above six Months. No wonder then, that he stook closest to the Romish Church, for she it seems was his best friend, and gave him the fairest Allowance: what signified a little Imprisonment for her sake, who gave him a hundred pound a year to support him in his tribulation?  
The next day Mr. Langhorn was brought to his Trial at the same Bar. A Councillor at Law, and one who got his bread by that very Law which he was plotting to subvert. An imprudent piece of Ingratitude, to forego the Law of his Country, which afforded him a substantial Employment, to catch at the shadow of a Judge Advocate General's place in treasonable Hopes.  
The general sum of his Charge was High Treason, for conspiring the Death of the King, and endeavouring an Alteration both in Church and State. The particular Charge against him was, That in order to the accomplishing, as much as in him lay, these designs of his, he had wrote two Letters to be sent to Rome, and St. Omers, to procure aid from the Pope and the French King, on purpose to introduce a change of the Religion by Law established in the Kingdom, and to set up the Romish Religion in the stead thereof.  
That he had wrote two other Letters to one Anderton, Rector of the English College of Jesuits at Rome, and two others to be sent to St. Omers, wherein he undertook to advise the means and ways by which the success of those Treasons might be made to answer their expectations.  
That he had received several Commissions in writing, transmitted to him by an Authority that derived itself from the See of Rome; which Commissions were for constituting Military Officers to command in an Army which was to effect their Treasons by force.  
That he was privy to all the Consultations of the rest of the Conspirators for carrying on the grand design, and that he had solicited the Benedictine Monks for 6000 l. for the same purpose, and had notice from time to time of the Treasons and Conspiracy's of the Confederates.  
To make Good this Charge Mr. Dugdall and Mr. Prance were both sworn to give a short evidence of the reality of the Design in general. Which being done Dr. Oates was sworn to particulars, who thereupon deposed, That upon his return out of Spain in November 1677. he brought Letters from Mr. Langhorn's sons, the one in the Jesuits College at Madrid, the other at Valladolid, and that when the Witness told him that he believed his Sons would both enter into the Society, Mr. Langhorn showed himself not a little pleased, saying that by so doing they might quickly come to preferment in England, for that matters would not hold long in England as they were.  
That upon his return to St. Omers he carried two Letters written by Mr. Langhorn, one to the Fathers, another to Mr. Le Cheese the King of France's Confessor, as Mr. Langhorn expressed himself, in order to our Affairs in England, and to the same effect as Mr. Coleman had wrote to him before.  
That not long after he wrote another Letter to the Fathers, expressing his wonderful zeal for the Catholic Design, declaring moreover that the Parliament began to cool in the business of the Protestant Religion, and that therefore, speaking of the present Opportunity, Now was the time to give the Blow.  
That though he were not at the Consults, yet that the Witness was ordered to give him an account from time to time; and that upon a pleasing report made by the Witness, Mr. Langhorn, with Hands and Eyes lifted up to Heaven, Prayed God to prosper them.  
That the Report of the Witness was, That the Death of the King was resolved upon, and that Grove and Pickering were chosen out for the Execution of the Result.  
That at the same time several Parchments were lying upon Mr. Langhorn's Study-Table, which he found to be Commissions for the Lords, Arundel of Wardour, Powis, Bellasis, and Petre, to be Chancellor, Treasurer, General and Lieutenant General. Another for Coleman to be Secretary of State, and another for himself to be Judge Advocate of the Army; all which had the Jesuits Cross upon them, and were signed Paulus D'Oliva.  
That he saw the Answer of Le Cheese and Anderton to Mr. Langhorns Letters, wherein they assured the Fathers of their firmness to the English Society, and that the French King would certainly assist them for carrying on the work.  
That Mr. Langhorn, being the Jesuits Solicitor, went with Harcourt, Fenwick, Keines, and Langworth, to the Benedictine Monks, to desire their Aid toward the Work.  
That being told that Sir George Wakeman refused 10000 l. for poisoning the King, he made Answer, That it was a public work, and a Body would have done it for nothing, but that he was a Covetous and narrow Soul'd Man.  
Mr. Bedlow being sworn, deposed, That he was entrusted with certain Letters from Mr. Coleman to Le Cheese; but that first Mr. Coleman carried the Witness to Mr. Langhorn's Chamber, who there entered the said Letters; the scope of which, was to inform Le Cheese, that he wanted nothing but Money to accomplish the Work, and to learn what supplies they might expect from France.  
That at another time he carried to Mr. Langhorn another Packet containing several Letters to be by him registered, being sent to him for that purpose by Mr. Harcourt.  
That he transcribed three Letters, one to Father Anderton, the other to the Pope's Nuntio, and a third to Le Cheese, wherein were these expressions; That the Arms and Hearts of the Catholics were all ready, and that considering the Easiness of the King of England, and the Strength of the Power of France, the Opportunity was by no means to be neglected.  
Mr. Langhorn offered to the Court that the two Witnesses against him were Parties to the Crime which was laid to his Charge, and therefore he desired to know whither they had their pardons or no? Which though it were sufficiently made out, yet the Court for the prisoners further satisfaction declared, that whether they had or had not, they were nevertheless good Witnesses, or else they should not have been admitted.  
Upon which another Question was started by the Prisoner, Whether having had their pardons they might not fall under the same prospect in Law with an Approver, not as being approvers, but as under some Equivalence of reason with them. From whence he would have drawn this Consequence, That if the Approver be pardoned, the Appellee ought to be discharged.  
To this the Court made Answer, That an Approver was ever allowed maintenance, and that there ought to be a proof of Corrupt, Contract or Subornation, to invalidate a Testimony.  
This failing he desired to know, whether they had ever received, or whether they did not expect Gratifications, and Rewards, for their discoveries.  
In Answer to which Dr. Oats declared, That he was so far from having received a Reward, that he was a very large sum of Money out of pocket, which he knew not whether he should ever receive again or no.  
The Prisoner urged that Mr. Reading had told him that Mr. Bedlow had received Five hundred pound. But the Court informed him that that was not upon account of the Plot, but for the discovery of the Murderers of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey.  
These little passes being all put by, and finding himself ready to sink, he catches hold of the Saint Omers twigs, and flies to the allegations of a shoal of young boys already baffled by the Verdict of a former Jury. The Court however, since he depended upon it, and desired it, could not avoid the trouble of a reexamination of the same testimonies which had been heard the day before.  
For the Prisoners satisfaction therefore they were all examined over again, and the same Evidence opposed against them on the King's behalf as had been at first. But this second attempt of those forward striplings, rather made a farther display of the severe injunctions of their Superiors then otherwise, and proved rather to the prejudice of him that called them then to his advantage. For their Testimony still continued so starched, so strait laced, so fixed to the Months of April and May, that when they were demanded any Questions concerning any other Months, they seemed as if they had not received Instructions to Answer them. Nay some of them were so confident as to say that April and May were only the Months in dispute, and that they were not to Answer any farther. Which so clearly evinced both the Court and the Jury that they came from School with a conned Lesson in their Mouths, that some persons of judgement did believe their Superiors might have spared them so much loss of time.  
This scene being over, and the Prisoner being called upon to speak for himself, he did nothing else, but like a bad Logician, petere Principium; and taking it for granted that the young Lads of St. Omers had spoken Truth, which was never granted, but rather credibly evinced by several Oaths to the contrary, would have thence inferred, that Dr. Oate's had given in a false Evidence, and for that reason was not to be regarded.  
As to Mr. bedlow's Evidence, he offered that it ought to be considered, That there was no proving a Negative; Secondly, That he never had had any acquaintance with him, nor could say that ever he saw him before that day in his life. And therefore that it was not probable, had he been guilty, that he would ever have trusted him with a privacy of such a nature.  
Having made so weak a defence, he could expect no other than to be found guilty, which was done after a very short consideration of the Jury.  
Thereupon, the five Prisoners cast the day before, were all brought to the Bar, and received Sentence all together, To be Drawn, Hanged and Quartered.  
Upon the 21 of this Month Whitebread, Harcourt, Fenwick, Gawen and Turner, were Drawn on three several Sledges from Newgate to Tyburn, and there Hanged, Drawn and Quartered according to their Sentence. Langhorn being reprieved for longer time.  
How they lived appears by the Crimes for which they died: how they died may appear by their blasphemous Justifications of those Crimes, for which they were so fairly Condemned. Of which that the World may be convinced, let all impartial judges but compare their Speeches with the Observations that have been made upon them.    

The Speeches.  

I Suppose it is expected I should speak something to the matter I am condemned for, and brought hither to suffer, it is no less than the contriving and plotting His Majesty's Death, and the alteration of the Government of the Church and State; you all either know, or aught to know, I am to make my appearance before the Face of Almighty God, and with all imaginable certainty and evidence to receive a final Judgement, for all the thoughts, words, and actions of my whole life: So that I am not now upon terms to speak other than truth, and therefore in his most Holy Presence, and as I hope for Mercy from his Divine Majesty, I do declare to you here present, and to the whole World, that I go out of the World as innocent, and as free from any guilt of these things laid to my charge in this matter, as I came into the World from my Mother's Womb; and that I do renounce from my heart all manner of Pardons, Absolutions, Dispensations for Swearing, as occasions or Interest may seem to require, which some have been pleased to lay to our charge as matter of our Practice and Doctrine, but is a thing so unjustifiable and unlawful, that I believe, and ever did, that no power on Earth can authorise me, or any body so to do; and for those who have so falsely accused me (as time, either in this World, or in the next, will make appear) I do heartily forgive them, and beg of God to grant them his holy Grace, that they may repent their unjust proceedings against me, otherwise they will in conclusion find they have done themselves more wrong than I have suffered from them, though that has been a great deal. I pray God bless His Majesty both Temporal and Eternal, which has been my daily Prayers for him, and is all the harm that I ever intended or imagined against him. And I do with this my last breath in the sight of God declare, that I never did learn, teach, or believe, that it is lawful upon any occasion or pretence whatsoever, to design or contrive the Death of His Majesty, or any hurt to his Person; but on the contrary, all are bound to obey, defend, and preserve his Sacred Person, to the utmost of their power. And I do moreover declare, that this is the true and plain sense of my Soul in the sight of him who knows the Secrets of my Heart, and as I hope to see his blessed Face, without any Equivocation, or mental Reservation. This is all I have to say concerning the matter of my Condemnation, that which remains for me now to do, is to recommend my Soul into the hands of my blessed Redeemer, by whose only Merits and Passion I hope for Salvation.  
White.   

THE words of dying persons have been always esteemed as of greatest Authority, because uttered then, when shortly after they were to be cited before the high Tribunal of Almighty God, this gives me hopes that mine may be looked upon as such, therefore I do here declare in the presence of Almighty God, and the whole Court of Heaven, and this numerous Assembly, that as I ever hope (by the Merits and Passion of my sweet Saviour Jesus Christ) for Eternal Bliss, I am as innocent as the Child unborn of any thing laid to my charge, and for which I am here to die, and I do utterly abhor and detest that abominable false Doctrine laid to our charge, that we can have Licenses to commit perjury, or any Sin to advantage our cause, being expressly against the Doctrine of St. Paul, saying, Non sunt facienda mala, ut eveniant bona; Evil is not to be done that good may come thereof. And therefore we hold it in all cases unlawful to kill or murder any person whatsoever, much more our lawful King now Reigning, whose personal and temporal Dominions we are ready to defend against any Opponent whatsoever, none excepted. I forgive all that have contrived my Death, and humbly beg pardon of Almighty God. I also pardon all the World. I pray God bless His Majesty, and grant him a prosperous Reign. The like I wish to his Royal Consort the best of Queens. I humbly beg the Prayers of all those of the Roman Church, if any such be present.  
Harcourt.   

DEarly beloved Countrymen, I am come now to the last Scene of Mortality, to the hour of my Death, an hour which is the Horizon between Time and Eternity, an hour which must either make me a Star to shine for ever in the Empyreum above, or a Firebrand to burn everlastingly amongst the damned Souls in Hell below; an hour in which if I deal sincerely, and with a hearty sorrow acknowledge my crimes, I may hope for mercy; but if I falsely deny them, I must expect nothing but Eternal Damnation; and therefore what I shall say in this great hour, I hope you will believe. And now in this hour I do solemnly swear, protest, and vow, by all that is Sacred in Heaven and on Earth, and as I hope to see the Face of God in Glory, that I am as innocent as the Child unborn of those treasonable Crimes, which Mr. Oats and Mr. Dugdale have Sworn against me in my Trial, and for which, sentence of Death was pronounced against me the day after my Trial; and that you may be assured that what I say is true, I do in the like manner protest, vow and swear, as I hope to see the face of God in Glory, that I do not in what I say unto you, make use of any Equivocation, mental Reservation, and material Prolocution, or any such ways to palliate Truth. Neither do I make use of any dispensations from the Pope, or any body else; or of any Oath of secrecy, or any absolution in Confession or out of Confession to deny the truth, but I speak in the plain sense which the words bear; and if I do not speak in the plain sense which the words bear, or if I do speak in any other terms to palliate, hide, or deny the Truth, I wish with all my Soul that God may exclude me from his Heavenly Glory, and condemn me to the lowest place of Hell Fire: and so much to that point.  
And now, dear Countrymen, in the second place, I do confess and own to the whole World that I am a Roman Catholic, and a Priest, and one of that sort of Priests which you call Jesuits; and now because they are so falsely charged for holding King-killing Doctrine, I think it my duty to protest to you with my last dying words, that neither I in particular, nor the Jesuits in general, hold any such opinion, but utterly abhor and detest it; and I assure you, that among the multitude of Authors, which among the Jesuits have printed Philosophy, Divinity, Cases or Sermons, there is not one to the best of my knowledge that allows of King-killing Doctrine, or holds this position, That it is lawful for a private person to kill a King, although an Heretic, although a Pagan, although a Tyrant, there is, I say, not one Jesuit that holds this, except Mariana, the Spanish Jesuit, and he defends it not absolutely, but only problematically, for which his Book was called in again, and the Opinions expugned and sentenced. And is it not a sad thing, that for the rashness of one single Man, whilst the rest cry out against him, and hold the contrary, that a whole Religious Order should be sentenced? But I have not time to discuss this point at large, and therefore I refer you all to a Royal Author, I mean the wise and victorious King Henry the Fourth of France, the Royal Grandfather of our present gracious King, in a public Oration which he pronounced himself in defence of the Jesuits, said, that he was very well satisfied with the Jesuits Doctrine concerning Kings, as believing it conformable to what the best Doctors of the Church have taught. But why do I relate the testimony of one particular Prince, when the whole Catholic World is the Jesuits Advocate? For to them chiefly Germany, France, Italy, Spain and Flanders, trust the Education of their Youth, and to them in a great proportion, they trust their own Souls to be governed in the Sacraments. And can you imagine so many great Kings and Princes, and so many wise States should do or permit this to be done in their Kingdoms, if the Jesuits were men of such damnable principles as they are now taken for in England?  
In the third place, dear Countrymen, I do attest, that as I never in my life did machine, or contrive either the Deposition or Death of the King, so now I do heartily desire of God to grant him a quiet and happy Reign upon Earth, and an Everlasting Crown in Heaven. For the Judges also, and the Jury, and all those that were any ways concerned, either in my Trial, Accusation, or Condemnation, I do humbly ask of God, both Temporal and Eternal happiness. And as for Mr. Oats and Mr. Dugdale, whom I call God to witness, by false Oaths have brought me to this untimely end, I heartily forgive them, because God commands me so to do; and I beg of God for his infinite Mercy to grant them true Sorrow and Repentance in this World, that they be capable of Eternal happiness in the next. And so having discharged my Duty towards myself, and my own Innocence towards my Order, and its Doctrine to my Neighbour and the World, I have nothing else to do now, my great God, but to cast myself into the Arms of your Mercy, as firmly as I judge that I myself am, as certainly as I believe you are One Divine Essence and Three Divine Persons, and in the Second Person of your Trinity you became Man to redeem me; I also believe you are an Eternal Rewarder of Good, and Chastiser of Bad. In fine, I believe all you have revealed for your own infinite Veracity; I hope in you above all things, for your infinite Fidelity; and I love you above all things, for your infinite Beauty and Goodness; and I am heartily sorry that ever I offended so great a God with my whole heart: I am contented to undergo an ignominious Death for the love of you, my dear Jesus, seeing you have been pleased to undergo an ignominious Death for the love of me.  
Gawen.   

BEing now, good People, very near my End, and summoned by a violent Death to appear before God's Tribunal, there to render an account of all my thoughts, words, and actions, before a just Judge, I am bound in Conscience to declare upon Oath my Innocence from the horrid Crime of Treason, with which I am falsely accused: And I esteem it a Duty I owe to Christian Charity, to publish to the World before my death all that I know in this point, concerning those Catholics I have conversed with since the first noise of the Plot, desiring from the very bottom of my heart, that the whole Truth may appear, that Innocence may be cleared, to the great Glory of God, and the Peace and Welfare of the King and Country. As for myself, I call God to witness, that I was never in my whole life at any Consult or Meeting of the Jesuits, where any Oath of Secrecy was taken, or the Sacrament, as a Bond of Secrecy, either by me or any one of them, to conceal any Plot against His Sacred Majesty; nor was I ever present at any Meeting or Consult of theirs, where any Proposal was made, or Resolve taken or signed, either by me or any of them, for taking away the Life of our Dread Sovereign; an Impiety of such a nature, that had I been present at any such Meeting, I should have been bound by the Laws of God, and by the Principles of my Religion, (and by God's Grace would have acted accordingly) to have discovered such a devilish Treason to the Civil Magistrate, to the end they might have been brought to condign punishment. I was so far, good People, from being in September last at a Consult of the Jesuits at tixal, in Mr. Ewer's Chamber, that I vow to God, as I hope for Salvation, I never was so much as once that year at tixal, my Lord Aston's House. 'Tis true, I was at the Congregation of the Jesuits held on the 24th of April was twelvemonth, but in that Meeting, as I hope to be saved, we meddled not with State-Affairs, but only treated about the Governors of the Province, which is usually done by us, without offence to temporal Princes, every third Year all the World over. I am, good People, as free from the Treason I am accused of, as the Child that is unborn, and being innocent I never accused myself in Confession of any thing that I am charged with. Which certainly, if I had been conscious to myself of any Gild in this kind, I should not so frankly and freely, as I did, of my own accord, presented myself before the King's Most Honourable Privy Council. As for those Catholics, which I have conversed with since the noise of the Plot, I protest before God, in the words of a dying Man, that I never heard any one of them, neither Priest nor Layman, express to me the least knowledge of any Plot, that was then on foot amongst the Catholics, against the King's Most Excellent Majesty, for the advancing the Catholic Religion. I die a Roman Catholic, and humbly beg the Prayers of such for my happy passage into a better Life: I have been of that Religion above Thirty Years, and now give God Almighty infinite thanks for calling me by his holy Grace to the knowledge of this Truth, notwithstanding the prejudice of my former Education. God of his infinite Goodness bless the King, and all the Royal Family, and grant His Majesty a prosperous Reign here, and a Crown of Glory hereafter. God in his mercy forgive all those which have falsely accused me, or have had any hand in my Death; I forgive them from the bottom of my heart, as I hope myself for forgiveness at the Hands of God.   

O GOD who hath created me to a supernatural end, to serve thee in this life by grace, and enjoy thee in the next by glory, be pleased to grant by the merits of thy bitter death and passion, that after this wretched life shall be ended, I may not fail of a full enjoyment of thee my last end and sovereign good. I humbly beg pardon for all the sins which I have committed against thy Divine Majesty, since the first Instance I came to the use of reason to this very time; I am heartily sorry from the very bottom of my heart for having offended thee so good, so powerful, so wise, and so just a God, 
* Fairly promised when he was going to be hanged.  and purpose by the help of thy grace, never more to offend thee my good God, whom I love above all things.  
O sweet Jesus, who hath suffered a most painful and ignominious Death upon the Cross for our Salvation, apply, I beseech thee, unto me the merits of thy sacred Passion, and sanctify unto me these sufferings of mine, which I humbly accept of for thy sake in union of the sufferings of thy sacred Majesty, and in punishment and satisfaction of my sins.  
O my dear Saviour and Redeemer, I return thee immortal thanks for all thou hast pleased to do for me in the whole course of my life, and now in the hour of my death, with a firm belief of all things thou hast revealed, and a steadfast hope of obtaining everlasting bliss. I cheerfully cast myself into the Arms of thy Mercy, whose Arms were stretched on the Cross for my Redemption. Sweet Jesus receive my Spirit.  
Turner.   

GOod People, I suppose you expect I should say something as to the Crime I am Condemned for, and either acknowledge my Gild, or assert my Innocency; I do therefore declare before God and the whole World, and call God to witness that what I say is true, that I am innocent of what is laid to my Charge of Plotting the King's Death, and endeavouring to subvert the Government, and bring in a foreign Power, as the Child unborn; and that I know nothing of it, but what I have learned from Mr. Oates and his Companions, and what comes originally from them. And to what is said and commonly believed of Roman Catholics, that they are not to be believed or trusted, because they can have Dispensations for Lying, Perjury, killing Kings, and other the most enormous Crimes; I do utterly renounce all such Pardons, Dispensations, and withal declare, That it is a most wicked and malicious Calumny cast on them, who do all with all their Hearts and Souls hate and detest all such wicked and damnable Practices, and in the words of a dying Man, and as I hope for Mercy at the Hands of God, before whom I must shortly appear and give an account of all my actions, I do again declare, That what I have said is most true, and I hope Christian Charity will not let you think, that by the last act of my Life, I would cast away my Soul, by sealing up my last Breath with a damnable Lye.  
Fenwick.    

THE OBSERVATIONS.  
THe main Drift and Scope of these notorious Malefactor's Speeches, was to wipe away the Contamination of that Gild, which brought them all to be the public Spectacles of Condign Punishment; wherein they observe all the same Method of Appealing to Heaven, of denying the Doctrine and Maxims of their Order, and then praying for the King and themselves. All which Oaths and Protestations, had they been true, they might have been thought Apostates from their Order, and Desertors of the Religion they so zealously professed upon the Ladder. Had they been such Weak and Pusillanimous Combatants with Death, as not strenuously to have denied what they were so fairly convicted of; they would have been deprived of those glorious Crowns of Martyrdom which were assured them by Him, whom they call the only Lord of all the World, the only Vice-God, the only Emperor, the only King, the Most Holy Pope. They thought it was much better to make but one Skip from the Cart to Jacob's Ladder, and so to mount directly up to Heaven, than to be condemned with an ignominious Load of Truth, and Penitent Confessions of the Facts they Committed, to the Whips and Scourges of a tedious Purgatory; else it would seem strange to the World, that in the midst of those solemn Protestations which they made to that God, to whom their Souls were taking such a speedy flight, as they pretended, they should so boldly deny what so many Grand-Signiours of Jesuitism have so stiffly maintained to all the World. Nor did these their succeeding Disciples, show themselves such mild Receders from their Principles, who durst so confidently adventure to Beard the Laws and Statutes of a Sovereign Prince, within his own Dominions; ipso facto, Malefactors and Rebels to His Majesty, when they first set Foot within His Territories.  
As for their renouncing all Equivocations and Mental Reservations, which is the Ground upon which they all tread, that will signify nothing when we consider the Nature and Quality of a true Jesuit, which is, tenaciously to hold and adhere to the Dictates and Positions of their Superiors, as believing what they Teach to be all Inspiration. Now their Heavenly Doctrine is no more than this; That it is lawful for them; not only to deny and conceal the truth, but also piously and religiously to affirm, to swear by, and invoke God and their Salvation, to attest those things which they know to be assuredly untrue. Thus Toletus, both a Jesuit and a Cardinal, Lib. 4. of his Instructions to the Priests, Cap. 21. If it be a secret Crime concerning which, any one is examined, he may make use of Equivocation. As for Example, If I be asked whether I did such a thing, or No? I may answer No: with this reservation to myself; I did not now do it.  
Gregory de Valentia asserts the same: If the Question, saith he, be not fit to be answered, though you be upon your Oath, yet shall no Perjury be committed, though the Party swear contrary to the Intent of the Judge; such a one does neither lie, nor take the Name of God in vain, when it is for his own Preservation.  
Andrea's Eudemon Johannes is another of the same Stamp.  
Martin Azpilcueta of Navarr, proves Equivocation to be lawful, from the Example of St. Francis, who being asked by certain Officers, Whether such a Murderer did not run such away? Put his Hands into his Sleeves, and cried, he did not pass this way: meaning, that he did not fly through his Sleeves.  
The forementioned Cardinal Toletus also affirms, That if a Priest be asked by the Magistrate, whether he saw such a one at any time? He may answer, No: For he did not see him that he should tell the Magistrate; or he did not see him in a Beatifical Vision, or he did not see him at Venice, etc.  
Many more Examples might be brought out of the same, and several other Printed Authors; neither are the Equivocations of Tresham, Garnet, and others unknown to ourselves, as those of Richeome are in France, who affirmed, That he never heard the last deceased Henry, called Tyrant by any of his Subjects, though he had heard Henry Valois, the last Murdered King often so reviled. So that it may be well said to be the Jesuits Motto, 
Jura, perjura, secretum prodere noli. 

Swear and Forswear—  
But the main Secret to betray forbear.     
Thus while they pretend to renounce and detest Equivocations, Mental Reservations, and Dispensations, Reason itself must needs persuade us, that Men principled and Educated by such Instructors, are guarded with a good Salvo, for those very Equivocations which they seemed to abjure.  
No less, if not more apparent is the fallacy of their disowning and disavowing that Dismal Doctrine, of kill Kings and Princes.  
To which purpose Gawen fell short in affirming, That only Mariana the Spaniard was the upholder of that Dreadful Opinion; witness the Writings and Approbations of Stapleton and Garnet; and the Apology of Jacob Clements, in some part recited in the Oration to the King of France, against the Readmission of the Jesuits into that Kingdom. Comolet, and Guignardus, by whom that bloody Act of Jacob Clements, who Murdered Henry the Third of France, was called the Gift of the Holy Ghost, as is averred in the forementioned Oration to Henry the Fourth, were both Jesuits. And who so wicked among us, saith the same Oration, as not to see, that if Jacob Clements had not deeply drank of the Jesuits Poison, he would never have thought of killing his Lord and Master? The Warlike Prowess and renown of Henry the Fourth, could not defend him from the Treachery of Barriere, countenanced and abetted by Verade the Jesuit, and Aubry Curate of St. André des Arts, nor of that other Bejesuited Enthusiast, who confessed that he had sucked all his King-killing malice from their Diabolical Oratory. And Mezeray affirms that the same Prince found himself in danger of nothing more, than of the Conspiracies of those in religious Orders. And so far was Mariana from being the sole supporter of this Doctrine, that Francis de Verone wrote in the defence of chastel, who had stabbed Henry the Fourth, and John Gueret and John Hay were both banished out of France, for publicly teaching their Disciples the vicious Precepts of early Treason.  
Nor is there any thing more horrid among all the Butcheries of the Heathen Sacrificers, than the Ceremony, which the Jesuits use, at the Consecration of the Person and the Dagger, which they design for a Royal Massacre. For the intended Executioner is brought into a private Room, where the Dagger, carefully wrapped up in a fair Linen Cloth, and sheathed in an Ivory sheathe enamelled with several strange Characters, with an Agnus Dei appendent, is set at liberty to dazzle the Murderers eyes. Then the Weapon being drawn, is sprinkled with Holy Water, adorned with a Rosary of Coral Beads, and so delivered with these words, Chosen Son of God, receive the Sword of Jephta, the Sword of Samson, the Sword of David with which he cut off Goliath ' s head, etc. go and be prudently courageous. Which done, falling upon their knees, they mumble forth this dismal exorcism; Cherubims and Seraphims, ye Thrones and Powers, ye Holy Angels all descend, and fill this blessed Vessel with perpetual Glory; daily offer to him the Crown of the Blessed Virgin Mary, the Holy Patriarches and Martyrs; For he is now your own, and no longer belongs tous. After that they bring him to the Altar, and showing him the Picture of Jacob Clements. Strengthen, O Lord, they cry, this thy Arm, the Instrument of thy revenge. Let all the Saints arise and give place to Him. An invention of Men worse than Devils, enough to amaze Heaven itself; which shows that the words of dying men are not always Oracles, when they go about to deny the palpable text of History to palliate embodied Villainy. Nor was Mariana's Book exploded, as Gawen averrs; but it is true that care was taken by the Jesuits to suppress both Mariana and others, (for he was not alone) merely out of necessity, and to divert the storm that threatened them from the Court of France. And thus the world may see the folly of that vain Compliment; That a whole Order should suffer for the rashness of one man.  
As little cause there is for Us to believe, That the whole Catholic World should be the Jesuits Advocate. At least the whole Catholic World has taken a very ill Cause in hand, to defend an Order that has so ill behaved itself, as to be expelled out of France for Murder; out of England for High Treason; from Venice, almost in the sight of Rome itself, for their insufferable Ambition, and designs of Bloody revenge; out of Bohemia, for being common Disturbers of the Public Peace; out of Moravia and Hungaria for the same Cause; out of Transilvania, for being almost the ruin of that Country; and out of the Low Countries, for their continual Misdemeanours; and Lastly, this may be also added, That Sigismond King of Sweden was expelled his Kingdom, for endeavouring to obtain their readmission after they had been ejected by his Subjects.  
As for Father Harcourt, let it not seem strange, for I find they were all alike in haste to reach Heaven before Sunset, that he should pretend so much ignorance of the Plot. For the reason is plain; he was resolved to Visit S. Peter in the Jesuits Livery, and to let them see he was True Blue: while his own Letter under his own Hand, written into the Country to give notice of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey's Death, three Hours after his Murder, and publicly to be seen, puts a most cruel Slur upon his late protested Hatredof Mental Reservation and Equivocation.  
Now as for their Prayers for their Judges, and the Discoverers of their Treason, in my judgement they might have spared 'em. For why should they be so zealous to pray for them, when they would not so much as beg one tear from those that were not of their own Profession? They were no Prayers of Charity, but rather the Curses of their Malice, while they laboured to scandal the Justice of such most Eminent Judges, the Impartiality of so sound a Jury, and the Fidelity of such Witnesses, who having so highly merited of the whole Nation, have rendered the Sufferers more remarkable in their Ends, than in all the Progress of their Lives before.  
Finally, It is very observable how harmoniously they jump upon that tickling Expression of being as Innocent as the Child unborn: as if they were certain to ride to Heaven upon the wings of that Lamblike sentence, or that the world were infallibly bound to believe that undeniable Asseveration. But besides that it is the common language of every Pickpocket Strumpet at Newgate, though the Evidence be never so manifest against her; Scholars methinks should not have made use of such a piece of St. Martin's ware, that only dazzles with a false Glittering, but has nothing in it of the real brightness of truth. For where no Gild can be, no Innocence can be imputed. No Child unborn can be thought to be Guilty of an actual crime, such as killing the King, or subverting the Government of a Nation; and consequently no Child unborn can be said to be Innocent of those actual crimes, as not being the proper subject of actual Gild or Innocence. And therefore (pardon only the seeming depth of the Expression) they had as good have said nothing; For a man may be Guilty of all the actual Crimes under Heaven; and after that safely swear himself as Innocent as the child unborn, in regard it is but a seeming asseveration, and grounded upon nothing.  
However it shows a good bold spirit in dying Christians, to put their tricks upon God and Man, just as they are putting foot into the stirrup for eternal Bliss. Let it suffice then, that by this fallacy, which they have all laid at the bottom, as the Basis of the rest, all their preliminary Imprecations and solemn Attestations, are nothing but Fourberie and Imposture.  
These were the Acts of Civil Justice in England, while the Military Power finds work enough in Scotland to extinguish the Flames of a newly kindled Rebellion blowed up by the common Beutifeus of Christian War, Religion and Liberty. For by the 7th of this month their Numbers were very much increased, which encouraged several small parties, like little streams, to bend their course toward the main Inundation.  
On the other side his Majesty's Forces were no less vigilant to prevent their meeting. To which purpose the Privy Council of Scotland understanding that there was a party got together in Tyvidale, with a resolution to march Westward and join with the main Body, sent the Master of Ross, son to the Lord Ross, with forty Horse, and a hundred Dragoons to Selkerk to attend their motion. They were about three hundred Horse and Foot; however when they perceived with what a resolution he advanced toward them, they began to make a hasty retreat. Whereupon the Master of Ross observing their fear, briskly attacked them with his whole number, who so well behaved themselves, that the Enemy was totally defeated, leaving sixty six dead upon the place, and ten Prisoners, the rest being totally scattered.  
Soon after the Earl of Murray's Steward in Down, having intelligence that above a hundred new raised Rebels were marching out of Fife to the Rendezvous, got together the Vassals and Tenants of his Lord, and having pursued the Rebels sixteen miles through the Mountains at last overtook them, routed them, and took ten Prisoners, among whom was one Hinderson, who was one of the Murderers of the Archbishop of St. Andrews, whereby he forced them to scatter and fly into the adjacent Mountains. Of which the Lord Elphingstoun having notice, he with some Gentlemen under his command, pursued them farther, killed some, and took above thirty Prisoners, and among them two of the name of Balfour, and one Hamilton of kinkel, three more of the Murderers of the Archbishop. So that of that party of the Rebels hardly one escaped being killed or taken.  
The Gentlemen also of Strathern having fallen upon another party of the Rebels marching out of Fife, of them they killed some, and took about forty Prisoners.  
At the same time the Militia and Trained Bands of Edinburgh, to the number of four thousand, took an oath to be faithful to his Majesty, and to venture their lives and fortunes in suppressing the Rebellion.  
These little skirmishes and petty victories could not hinder but that the great Snowball still increased. So that the standing Militia, and Heritors of some shires, were commanded to their several Rendezvouzes; those of the Southern parts, near Edinburgh, and those of the Northern parts, near Sterling. To command which Forces, his Grace the Duke of Monmouth was commanded by his Majesty to repair forthwith into Scotland; in obedience to which Order he arrived at Edinburgh the 18th. of this Month, having rode post all the way for Expedition.  
The next day he went to the Army, that lay twelve miles from the City, at Moorhead beyond Blackborn, and eight from the Enemy. And having sent for some provisions, which he found wanting, from Edinburgh; as soon as they arrived, he resolved to march against the Rebels, who lay encamped behind Bothwell-Bridge, in Hamilton-Park, they being posted all along the River, and the Bridge well barricadoed and lined with Musqueteers. Accordingly on Saturday the 21st. of June in the evening his Grace began his March. Major Oglethorp, being commanded to lead the Van, with five Troops of the English Dragoons, and a hundred horse commanded by the L. Hume. His Grace followed with the rest of the Horse and Dragoons, and 300. commanded Foot. About break of day the Van came in sight of the Rebels, who were all ready drawn up in two Bodies, though they had no more notice of the Duke's March, than what they had from the light of the Soldier's Matches. Major Oglethorp with his party was commanded to march directly toward the Bridge, and draw up before it: approaching so much the nearer, because it was found that the Rebels had barricadoed up the Bridge with Stones and Timber, that rendered the pass very difficult.  
The Rebels had posted themselves very advantageously, for there was no coming to them but over that Bridge, the River Clyd running between the two Armies. The Duke drew up the Army in Battle upon the height parallel to the River, in full view of the Rebels, which being done, he went to visit the Dragoons Post, about a mile distant. Upon the way he was met by an Officer, who acquainted him that a Parley had been beaten, and delivered him a Petition sent from the Rebels, and signed by Robert Hamilton in the name of Himself, and the Covenanted Army in Scotland now in Arms, the Contents whereof were, That they had lain under great oppression both in their Estates and Consciences, which had obliged them to have recourse to Arms for their own preservation, which they were willing to lay down, when the things set down in their Declaration were granted them. His Grace admitting of the Parley, there came out to him, Mr. David Hume, one of their Ministers, with another Gentleman; who being asked what they came for? Mr. Hume answered, That they were informed that his Grace was a merciful person, that took no delight to shed blood, and one that had power to do them good.  
His Grace made answer, That he should be very glad, they would prevent the effusion of blood, and to that end he was willing to hear what they propounded. To which Mr. Hume replied, that all their desires were contained in their Declaration. And being demanded whether he meant the Declaration that passed undertheir name, and was set up and proclaimed at Rugland? He answered, God forbid they should own that. But the Declaration he spoke of was one they had lately printed, a Copy whereof he had with him, and desired liberty to read it; which being done, his Grace told them, That he supposed they would take it as a great proof of his Clemency and forbearance towards them, that he had Patience to hear such a Libel against the King's Person and Government read quite through; But that he found no one Article in it, that he could possibly agree to, and therefore would make them a much shorter proposal, which was, That if they would immediately lay down their Arms and submit themselves to his Majesty's Mercy, the King's Forces should not fall upon them. Mr. Hume replied, that it was impossible to agree to that; for that it would be to lay their heads upon the Block. Whereupon his Grace advised them to consider well what they had to do; and to reflect a little whether that number of men, showing him the Army, as it was drawn up, were not sufficient to oblige them to new resolutions: to which the Minister made a brisk return, desiring his Grace to take a view of the Covenanted Army, assuring him, that every man he saw there would die in the place where he stood, in defence of the Covenant. His Grace gave no farther answer, but that a few minutes would show the Truth of that, if they refused his offer.  
The other Gentleman, who appeared to be the more moderate, desired a Cessation of Arms for one day; but being told that it was not to be expected that the King's Forces should grant that to Rebels, he pressed it for a quarter of an hour only. His Grace told them, if they would go and consider, what he had said, and send him their proposals in writing, he would at any time when he heard their Drum, make a stand, to receive their papers; though the fight should be begun; and so dismissed them. Immediately after that, he ordered the Cannon to advance, which was brought to the height opposite to the Bridge, and while preparation was making to fire upon them, they beat a second Parley.  
Whereupon Major Maine was sent to know what it was they desired; who brought back a Letter to this effect. That they had considered what had been said, but could agree to nothing less than what was in their Declaration. That they understood his Grace had brought with him from England some Terms of Accommodation; which if he would please to communicate to them he should have their Answer, if they were such as they could accept.  
Major Maine was sent back to acquaint them that a more satisfactory Answer was expected, therefore they would do well to look to themselves; and that their Officers might if they pleased retire from the Bridge, (who were come thither upon the account of the Parley) for that they should hear from his Grace in another manner. As soon as they were retired, orders were given for the Cannon to fire; which they returned with so smart a Volley from the Bridge, that all the Gunners quitted the Guns; but soon returned to them again. Major Oglethorp also was ordered to make a Trench on the edge of the Hill to cover his men; but before it was finished, upon firing the Cannon against the Bridge, the Rebels began to run from it. Whereupon his Grace commanded Major Oglethorp to possess himself of the Bridge, but to advance no farther; However his men perceiving the Rebels to retire before them, could not be hindered from passing the Bridge, and following them up some part of the rising ground. But then the Rebels observing their small number, advanced upon them, and forced them to retire to the Houses at the foot of the Bridge. Thereupon his Grace sent three hundred foot to second them, commanded by the Lord Leviston, son to the Earl of Linlithgow, who behaved themselves so well, and fired so briskly upon the Rebels, that the Dragoons and they forced the Rebels up the Hill again. They were immediately seconded by the Regiment of Guards, and by the Troop of Guards led by his Grace. No sooner were those Troops passed the Bridge, but the Rebels fell to running; though they rallied again upon Hamilton Heath, about a quarter of a mile off; so that his Grace advanced with the Troops that were already passed, to the top of the Hill, and there made a halt, to give time to so many of the rest of the Forces to come over, as would suffice to make the first Line. In the mean while the Rebels were drawing up in Battle, directly opposite to the Duke, at what time his Grace observing that they were strengthening their left wing, with a design to take the advantage of a hollow ground; he ordered his own right to be strengthened, and commanded a hundred Highlanders of the Marquis of Athol's Regiment to post themselves in that hollow, and the five Troops of English Dragoons to second them: which was no sooner done, but they advanced upon his Grace, as he was forming the second Line. The Duke's Highlanders, and their foot began the fight in the hollow ground; but the Highlanders advancing too far were forced to retreat to the Dragoons. At the same time, the Cannon fired upon their left wing, where their strength lay; but they had not fired above twice before their Horse began to run. Whereupon his Grace ordered Major Oglethorp, with the Dragoons, Major Maine, and Captain Claveres, with their Troops of Horse, and the Earl of Eglington with his Troop of Volunteers to pursue, while he followed himself, with the rest of the Army, to the end of the Heath which was about a mile, observing such a pace, as might not put his men into any disorder. The others pursued the Rebels so close, that there were between seven and eight hundred slain, and above twelve hundred taken Prisoners. So that the heat of the business was over by one of the Clock. Many of the Prisoners were sorely wounded, whom his Grace caused to be dressed by his own Chirurgeon.  
The Prisoners of note were John Kidd, a Minister, and one of the most factious among them; John King, another Minister, and one Mr. Carthcart. A Captain of Foot was also taken, and old Gorden, the Laird of Earlston slain. The Prisoners were sent to Edinburgh, where they were secured by the Magistrates of that City.  
July. 1679. This growing Rebellion being thus nipped in the bud, by the fortunate conduct of his Grace the Duke of Bucclugh and Monmouth, His Majesty was pleased to publish a Proclamation, commanding the Judges and all Magistrates to apprehend and punish all such as should frequent any field Conventicles (those Rendezvouses of Rebellion) according to the prescript of the Law; as also to prosecute with all legal rigour, the execrable Murderers of the late Archbishop of St. Andrews: declaring withal that his Majesty being desirous to reclaim all such as had been misled through ignorance or blind zeal, had according to the power reserved to his Majesty by the fifth Act in the second Session of the second Parliament, suspended the execution of all Laws and Acts against such as frequent House-Conventicles in the Low-Countries on the South side of the River Tay; excepting the Town of Edinburgh, and 2 miles round the same, with the Lordships of Musselborough & Dalkeith; the Cities of St. Andrews, Glasgow and Sterling, and a mile about each of them. But that none under the colour of this favour might presume to preach Rebellion; all such as should be suffered to preach, should give in their Names, and find Sureties to the privy Council, for their good and peaceable behaviour: that but one Preacher should be allowed to a Parish, and none to be allowed that had appeared against his Majesty in the late Rebellion, nor none that should be admitted by the nonconforming Ministers in any time hereafter.  
This forbearance to continue during his Majesty's pleasure, and as the Dissenters shall deserve the same.  
Things being thus composed in Scotland, His Grace the Duke of Monmouth returned for England, where he had that reception from his Majesty which his Valour and Conduct had well deserved.  
With him the Series of the History returns also; and being arrived at London, there the first thing remarkable which it meets with is the Dissolution of the Parliament. To which purpose the King was pleased to issue forth His Royal Proclamation, That whereas the present Parliament was lately prorogued till the 14th. of August, the Kings most excellent Majesty being resolved to meet his people, and have their advice in frequent Parliaments, had thought fit to dissolve the present Parliament: and that he had given directions to the Lord Chancellor for the issuing out of Writs for the calling of a new Parliament, to be holden on Tuesday the 7th. of October next ensuing.  
It was now a whole month since Mr. Langhorne had received sentence of Condemnation. All this while he had been reprieved, partly for the sake of his Clients, that he might discharge himself of such business of theirs as he had in his hands; partly for his own sake, to the end he might have retrieved himself from the ignominy of his execution by a candid and sincere Confession.  
He had sent a Petition to his Majesty, wherein after he had given his Majesty most humble thanks for prolonging his life; he further set forth that he was ignorant of the subject of the Earl of Roscommons Letter, as also of the Grounds upon which it was written. That in obedience to his Majesty's commands he had made the utmost discovery he could of the Estates he was commanded to disclose; and therefore besought his Majesty to grant him his Pardon, or at least to give him leave to live, though it were abroad, and in perpetual banishment, he having as he pretended fully obeyed his Majesty's Commands.  
But whether he spoke truth or no, may be fairly appealed to the world. For it is impossible to think otherwise, but that if he had so fully and sincerely obeyed those Commands which it was thought requisite, & which no question the insight of a wise and discerning Council well knew he could perform, his Majesty, so punctual to his Mercy, as they who have peculiarly tasted it, well can testify, would never have swerved in the least tittle from the Grace which once he had offered him.  
So that when he saw so much confidence in a dying man, as to approach the throne of mercy with so much untruth, his favourable eye could not look upon that Canting Declaration which followed, but as the Speech of a Prosopopoeia, hammered for him in the Popish Forge. By which figure, he might have enforced his Protestations ten times more solemnly, without any disadvantage to his credit among his Confessors.  
Having thus therefore spent a month in plausible prevarications, at length the fatal warrant came, by virtue whereof he was drawn to Tyburn, and there executed according to the Sentence pronounced against him.  
As for the Speech, which he left as a Legacy to the world, believing he should not have opportunity to utter it by word of mouth, it was nothing but an absolute denial of what had been so clearly proved against him.  
'Tis true, 'twas farced with strange imprecations and solemn Asseverations of his Innocency. But how true those Protestations were, he himself discovers by a bold untruth, that unmantles the fallacy of all the rest. For what man of reason can imagine it possible that his Majesty or the Council should think his attainted life so considerable, as to turn his Priests, and for his dear sake, to take upon them the office of the Ministry, to convert him from Popery? 'Twas very likely indeed that they should offer him Great Advantages, Preferments and Estates, after the judgement was against him, to make him forsake his Religion; as if the King had wanted a Judge Advocate for his Guards. But when he could not beg a Banishment, he was resolved to bespatter that favour of life which was offered him, only to be ingenuous in the farther discovery of the foul design wherein he was engaged, but neither for his parts or endowments.  
Not long after Sir George Wakeman, William Rumley, William Martial and James Corker, Benedictine Monks were brought to their Trials at the same Bar.  

The Jury were,  
Ralph Hawtrey,  
Henry Hawley,  
Henry Hodges,  
Richard Downtin,  
Rob. Hampton, Esquires.  
William Heydon,  
John Bathurst,  
John Baldwyn,  
Will. Avery, Esquires.  
Richard White and  
Thomas Wait, Gent.   
The Charge against Sir George Wakeman was, that whereas there was a design among several of the Popish party to subvert the Government of the Nation, by altering the Laws and Religion therein established, and taking away the life of his Majesty, he the said Sir George had undertaken to do the latter by Poison: That for that piece of service he was to have fifteen thousand pounds, of which sum he had already received five thousand pound in part. And that for a further gratuity he had accepted of a Commission to be Physician General of the Army.  
That he received the Commission from the Provincial of the Jesuits in England; and that he read it, kept it in his possession, and agreed to it, with a design to have entered upon his employment, so soon as the Army should be raised.  
To make good the Charge, Dr. Oates was sworn, and deposed, That he saw a Letter of Sir George Wakemans, written to one Ashby a Jesuit, then under his directions at the Bath, wherein after he had given him the prescriptions he was to observe, he sent him word that he was assured of a certain person that was to poison the King.  
That he was present when Ashby offered him the 10000 l. in the presence of Harcourt and Ireland, to poison the King.  
That he refused it, not in abhorrency of the crime, but because, as he said, it was too little for so great a Work.  
That afterwards five thousand pound more was offered him, as he was credibly informed, by the order of the Provincial Whitebread. But that he certainly saw the Prisoner's hand to a receipt in the entry book, at Wild-house, for five thousand pound, part of the said fifteen thousand pound.  
Mr. Bedlow deposed, That he was in Harcourts' Chamber, where he saw Harcourt deliver to Sir George Wakeman a Bill of two thousand pound, which was charged, as he supposed, upon a Goldsmith near Temple bar. And that Sir George upon receipt of the Bill, told Harcourt that if the Bill were accepted, he should hear from him suddenly. That the Bill was accepted and the money paid, by the Confession of Sir George to the Witness. That the said 2000l. was soon after made up 5000 l. and as Harcourt told this Deponent, all upon the same account, and in part of the 15000 l.  
Sir George pleaded to all this, that he had been left at liberty twenty four days after he had been before the Council; and that upon Dr. Oates' being sent for to the House of Lords to repeat his Evidence against Sir George, he confessed there that he did not know Sir George Wakemans hand, and only knew the Letter in question to be his Letter by being subscribed, G. Wakeman. Concluding from thence that the Witness would have told more at that examination had he known more.  
To which the Dr. replied, that he had been so over-toyled with watching, and searching after persons detected, that he was not able to make good his charge. Which was also confirmed by the testimony of Sr. Thomas Doleman.  
But Sir Philip Floyd, one of the Clerks of the Council, was more express in behalf of the Prisoner, who acknowledged indeed that Dr. Oates did make mention of Sir George's undertaking to poison the King, as he had understood by a Letter from Whitebread to Harcourt, and that he was informed by the same Letter that Coleman had paid him five thousand pound of the fifteen thousand pound agreed upon: But that being demanded of his own personal knowledge what he could tax Sir George withal, he solemnly denied that he had any thing more against him.  
To which the Doctor gave the same answer of his extreme weakness and indisposition as before.  
After that Sir George recommended one obser vation more to the Court, That in the Doctor's Narrative, there was not one Letter which came from beyond Sea to which he did not swear positively both as to the date and as to the receipt: & yet that in the case of life he would not be confined to a Month. Concluding with a solemn Imprecation, and disclaiming all the Crime in this Matter that had been charged against him.  
Corker, Rumley and Martial were charged of being privy to the Consult, for killing the King, and to the carrying on the rest of the grand design, toward which they had undertaken the raising and payment of 6000 l. by the Benedictine Monks.  
As to Corker, Dr. Oates swore him to be a Benedictine Monk, and privy to the promise of the 6000 l. which was to be raised for carrying on the design.  
That he gave Le Chaise, and the English Monks at Paris an account of the Jesuits proceedings in England, and that he had a Patent to be Bishop of London, which the Witness had seen in his hand; and that he disposed of several parcels of money for advancing the design.  
That he was privy to the Grand Consult in April, and excepted against Pickerings being made choice of for killing the King, in regard that he being engaged to say High Mass, an opportunity might be lost in the mean time.  
Mr. Bedlow deposed against Corker, that he had been with him in the Company of others at Somerset-house, where he heard him discourse in general concerning the Plot, of Letters of intelligence, and raising an Army, what Agitators the Conspirators had in the Country, and what Interests they had made.  
As for Martial, he was charged by Dr. Oates with being present when the six thousand pound was agreed upon, and that he made the same exceptions against Pickering that Corker had done.  
Mr. Bedlow deposed against him, that he had carried several Letters to the Catholic party that were in the design, and particularly one to Sir Francis Ratcliff. And that he had sent Letters of his own twice to others concerning the subverting of the Government, and introducing Popery.  
Rumley was accused by Dr. Oates, of being privy to the Consult for the raising the six thousand pound, and that he prayed for the success of the Design.  
Corker offered in his defence, that not knowing his accusations, he could not come with Evidences to support his Plea. That there was nothing more easy than to accuse an innocent person, and that the Circumstances ought to be as credible as the Witnesses: of which there was neither to be found in his case; using many flourishes to move the Court and the Jury, raising his Arguments from Improbability of Witnesses, to maintain his Allegations: and the more to invalidate the Dr.'s testimony, he brought witnesses to testify that one Stapleton was Precedent of the Benedictines and not himself, and that the said Stapleton had so been for many years.  
Martial threw himself upon the Court, whom he besought to manage his cause for him, as having had so much Trial of their Candour and Ingenuity. After which he made some flight reflections upon the King's Evidence; and desired the Court to consider how little concerned he was at his being apprehended, which was no small sign of his Innocency. But the main of his defence lay upon this Stress, that Dr. Oates was a stranger to him, and had mistaken him for some other person; which was evidently made out to the contrary: and beside that, the Prisoner brought no proof of what he affirmed in that particular. At length the Conclusion of his defence was a smooth harangue, ad captandum populum, and in justification of the Crimes of them that had already suffered: which because it was looked upon as an affront done to the Justice of the Court, he was desired to forbear his Flowers of Rhetoric, which were all to no purpose.  
As for Rumley, there being but one Witness against him, he did not think it needful to trouble the Court with a defence, and indeed it was the opinion of the Court delivered to the Jury that they ought to discharge him.  
Upon the whole, it was the opinion of the Court that the Defences of the Prisoners were very weak, of which the Jury could not choose but take notice.  
The main thing wherein the Court were dissatisfied was, Dr. Oates' excuse of his own weakness and infirmity, for not giving his full charge against Sir George Wakeman at the Council Board: Since he might have charged him in the same breath, that he denied that he had any thing more against him.  
Whether this or any other more prevailing argument overruled them, certain it is, that the Jury found them all Not Guilty, and so, contrary to expectation, they were all acquitted.  
All this while his Majesty kept his Court at Windsor, where in consideration of the many and faithful services performed unto him by the Right Honourable George Lord Viscount Hallifax, John Lord Roberts, and Charles Lord Gerrard of Brandon, he was pleased to confer upon them the Titles of Earls of this Kingdom, creating the Lord Viscount Hallifax Earl of Hallifax, the Lord Gerrard Earl of Newberry, Viscount Brandon, which title was afterward changed into that of Macclesfeld; and the Lord Robert's Earl of Falmouth, Viscount Bodmin.  
And to show that he took the same care of his Dominions abroad as at home, His Majesty ordered recruits to be forthwith raised under the commands of Captain George Wingfeild, Captain Charles Wingfeild, Captain William Langley, and Captain William Matthews, to reinforce the Garrison of Tangier.  
At home the Fort of Sheerness, and the Garrison of Portsmouth had both the Honour to be surveyed by the King himself; who to that intent departed upon the 30th. of July from Windsor to Hampton-Court, attended by the Duke of Albemarle, and several of the Nobility, and from thence in his Barge to Deptford; where after he had taken a view of a new Third-rate Frigate called the Sterling Castle, he proceeded on to Sheerness, and so forward to Portsmouth, where he safely soon after arrived by Sea; and having made a short stay in the Town, returned again by Land to Windsor.  
August, 1679. Soon after his return, his Majesty was seized by a fit of sickness, which though Heaven, kind to three Kingdoms, was pleased not to suffer to grow upon him, yet the short continuance bred no small terror and consternation in the hearts of all his Loyal Subjects.  
The City soon took the sad Alarm, and immediately deputed two Aldermen to attend his Majesty during his sickness, of whose attendance he was pleased to accept till the danger was over. His Royal Highness the Duke of York also, receiving the unwelcome news, hastened out of Flanders to Windsor. But in a short time these affrights were happily over.  
September, 1679. In the mean time Mr. Jenison had been several times examined, and at length made public a Narrative containing a farther discovery of the Plot, with a confirmation of the truth of the King's Evidence, which Ireland had so fairly ventured at his death to invalidate at the expense of his Salvation.  
Thereupon his Majesty was pleased to publish a Proclamation against the four Ruffians, who were designed to have murdered him at Windsor. Wherein he summoned them by the names of Captain Levallyan, .... Karney, Thomas Brahall and James Wilson, to render themselves before the twentieth day of October next, or else to suffer the extremity of the Law; with promise of a hundred pound to any person that should apprehend or discover any of them.  
While the King continued at Windsor, upon the noise of the Duke of York's being returned, several Citizens, of whom the Chamberlain of London was the chief, alleging their jealousies and fears, arising as they said from the Duke's encouragement of Popery, and the continued practices of the Enemies of the Protestant Religion, made their applications to the Lord Mayor, desiring that the guards of the City might be doubled. His Lordship gave them thanks for their care and zeal; and told them that he could not answer their desires of himself, but that he would summon the Lieutenancy together: which being done, though neither Sir Thomas Player nor other person appeared, and the address of the absent Gentlemen being debated, it was concluded that there was no necessity to put any farther charge upon their fellow Citizens at present, as was desired, till more urging causes of danger appeared, which was the determination of that grand affair.  
But the City itself had a nobler design. For the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, having the week before ordered two of their members to attend the King at Windsor, humbly to desire leave to wait on his Majesty to congratulate his happy recovery from his late indisposition, they accordingly went in a full body toward the middle of this month, with a fair Retinue to Windsor. Where being introduced into the Royal presence, the Lord Mayor set forth the exceeding joy of the City, and of all his Majesty's Protestant Subjects for so great a blessing: declaring withal the happiness they enjoyed in his Majesty's most excellent Government, and his preservation of the public Liberty, Property, and above all the Protestant Religion.  
To which his Majesty was pleased to return for answer, That he had ever a high esteem of his City of London, and would never omit any opportunity of giving them the marks of his kindness, assuring them that he would employ his care to maintain them in peace and secure them in their properties, and in the Protestant Religion; and then admitted them to the Honour of kissing his hand. After that his Majesty retiring out of the Royal Presence, my Lord Mayor was asked whether he with the Aldermen would not wait on the Queen and Duke of York? To which his Lordship answered that he had done all that was in his Commission; but that he was heartily glad he had done so much, as being with the rest of his brethren transported with an extraordinary joy to behold his Majesty in so good a condition of Health. After the Ceremony was over, the Lord Maynard by his Majesty's Order entertained the Lord Mayor and Aldermen at a splendid Dinner: which being done, they returned home the same night, highly satisfied with the favour and treatment they had received.  
On the 17th. of this month, His Majesty returned to London with the Queen and Duke of York; whereupon the Lord Mayor immediately gave order for the ringing of the bells and making bonfires, which was performed with all cheerfulness and joy by the Inhabitants. Soon after, that is to say, upon the 27th. of this month his Grace the Duke of Monmouth took shipping in one of his Majesty's Yachts for Holland, and the next day his Royal Highness the Duke of York departed for Flanders.  
Whose said remarkable Departures out of this Land may well suffice to give a memorable conclusion to the story of these few last years, wherein the Transactions have been so various and worthy observation, that the like have rarely happened in a Kingdom, notwithstanding all these violent undermine of her Tranquillity, still blessed with Peace, and which the prayers of all good Men implore from Heaven may still continue so, under the protection of a merciful God and Gracious King.  
FINIS.