DISCOVERY UPON DISCOVERY,  
In Defence of Doctor OATS against B. W's Libellous Vindication of him, in his Additional Discovery; and in Justification of L'Estrange against the same Libel.  
In a Letter to Doctor TITUS OATES, By ROGER L'ESTRANGE.  
The Second Edition.  Latrant, non Loquuntur. 
LONDON,  
Printed for Henry Brome at the Gun in S. Paul's Churchyard, 1680.   

SIR,  
THere is a horrible Libel come out against you, under Pretence of a Vindication; and it is so much the worse, for endeavouring to turn another Discourse written in Vindication of you into a Libel; and such a Libel too, as will not allow any Good that is spoken of you, to be True, nor any man that speaks it, to be Honest: But the most spiteful and audacious Circumstance of all, is the Dedicating of the affront to your self; and in such a stile and Way too, that a man had better be half-Gibbetted then so commended; 'tis in such an Abject, Beastly, Daubing way of Flattery. He says, y'are bespattered; and he goes such a way to work, as if he should wash you with the Reversion of a Glister, to make you clean again.  
This Libel is Entitled, An Additional Discovery of Mr. Roger L'Estranges his Further Discovery of the Popish Plot; Wherein Dr. Titus Oates, and the rest of the King's Evidences are Vindicated, from the aspersions cast upon them in that Pamphlet, etc. In a Letter to Dr. Titus' Oats, by B. W.  
This Letter to a man in a Fever might be pertinent enough, for it is so drowsy a piece, so arrant an Opiate, that if it had but come out time enough, the Old Poets should never have needed a Mercurial Rod for the Charming of Argus: And who knows but that this same B. W. may be Hired to write the Three Kingdoms asleep; and a Foreign Enemy, in the mean while, to come in, and catch us Napping. And yet this very Pamphlet, Doctor, has had the Honour of Your Countenance: I would you had Read it before you had recommended it: For, as the Case Stands, I have no other way of delivering either You or myself from the Dint of this Venomous Paper but by exposing Some Remarks upon it, in a Second Dedication, to the Doctor. You'll say perhaps, that I'm a Saucebox, for Presuming to Dedicate any thing to You, without Your Leave. But 'tis all a case to Me, whether With it, or Without it; for I have a Common Right with my Adversary, to the Liberty of this Application, as well the One way as the Other. Upon the Perusal of it, you will find it to be Miserably Weak, and Silly; and yet Insufferably Abusive; jesuitically False; Scurrilously Rude, and most Diabolically Malicious.  
He tells you Sir, Pag. 3. That you told L'Estrange, he was a Papist, and that he reported You for a Fanatic; whereas neither is L'Estrange a Papist, neither did You Say he was one but only by Hear-say, and that you had been told he was a Papist. So that he charges you with speaking a false thing, to the Disadvantage of your Evidence in greater matters. But for This abuse, he makes you amends in the same Page, by Comparing L'Estrange and the Doctor to the Devil and our Saviour.  
I am sure (says he a little after) the Unerring Rule is, he that is not With, is Against.  
Now This Gentleman, (under favour) is not Sure▪; neither is That Rule Unerring; for there are Deliberations, Suspensions, Neutralities, in which Cases, we are neither With, nor Against. If This hold for a Maxim, it is but a Natural Conclusion from B. W' s premises, that Those that are not For the Legal Order of the Church and State, are Enemies to it, and to be looked upon as Cankers in the Bowels of the Government. And again.  
He Cites this Passage out of My further Discovery, Pag. 2. He tells you as a friend; (says he) I have more Charity for One Moral Pagan, then twenty Hypocritical Christians. And in Reflection upon it (Pag. 4.) he has These Words. Indeed I have not learned this Distinction of a Christian afore; but always from the Woes pronounced against Hypocrites, in the Scripture, I took them not to be Christians. Now the meaning of it upon the whole, is This. That L'Estrange has more Charity for Tully, and Seneca, then for Peter's, and Bradshaw. But see his Goodly Criticism now upon Hypocrite: The Scribes and Pharisees, in Propriety of Speech, were not Hypocrites; and Figuratively Speaking, we have but too many Christians that are Hypocrites; for Hypocrites in Religion, are only Spiritual Stage-Players. His next Citation is This: I have a Natural Veneration for the Government, and all that Love it; the King's Loyal Witnesses, and Preservers of his Life. Now he has thought fit to leave out these words [in the First place; with an Equal Horror, and Detestation for all his Enemies, under what Masque or Form soever.] And then he falls in again, That I believe the Plot; as much of it as every Good Subject aught; leaving out, [or as any man in his Right Wits can believe.] Nay (Sesse he again) and pawns his Conscience (which doubtless is Large.) You do not believe more of it.  
Observe, First, that whereas L'Estrange says, he has Naturally a Veneration for the Government, He makes it a Natural Veneration, which in Nicety of Acceptance differs from the Other, as a Common Principle differs from a Particular Bent, or Inclination: As I have Naturally a Love for Music: This Sounds much stronger than I have a Natural Love for it. And so to say, I have Naturally a Veneration for the Presbyterian Discipline, is quite another thing, then to Say I have a Natural Veneration for't. He tells you a little after, that the Plot is in a great measure one of the things of God; and not rightly to be understood by mere Natural men: Which is the grossest Affront, perhaps, to the King's Evidence, that has been yet Attempted. You will take notice, in his First Omission, that his Conscience flew in his face, upon that Latitude, of the King's Enemies, under what Masque soever; And so he left it out. And then for the Second Omission of the Words, As any man in his right Wits can believe, he says nothing on't, for'tis enough in all Conscience to believe so much of the Plot as none but a Mad man can believe more. Good Doctor observe him now in his Descant upon the Quotation abovementioned.  
I am (says he) of a quite Contrary Opinion; for I know you are of a sharper sight, Doctor, then to have your judgement eclipsed with a Fog. So that your sharpness of Sight, is made the Cause of his Contrary Opinion. I do assure you, Sir, if you'll be so kind as to Read it, I'll put you up a Bill for him, when you preach next; for no Flesh is able to hold out long, at this Ridiculous rate. And yet when Sense, and Grammar fail, the Malice goes on still. Now here's Another jesuitism for you Doctor. He tells you that L'Estrange cannot believe what he does not, nor cannot: which Expression, together with the learned Instance (as he calls it) of Buttered Turnips, he makes use of as a Reflection upon You; because it plainly intimates your Evidence is as little to be credited, as that Assertion. Now L'Estranges Words are these. The whole Earth (says he, Pag. 2. and 3.) can never bring me to believe, or to say that I believe, That which I neither do, nor can believe: As the business of bedingfield's being alive again, or that I myself am in the Conspiracy. See, first, how he has Falsified the Quotation itself; and then let any body show me the Reflection. Why does he not point to it with his Fool's finger, and say, There ' 'tis. But for a man to be hooked within the Statute of dangerous Reflections, for not believing things Incredible, or for not saying that he Does believe that which he does Not believe; deal frankly with me, Doctor, Is it reasonable or not? But the Reader has the matter here before him, and let him try what he can make on't, beyonda Loyal Affection to the Government, and the Inculcating of a Necessary Caution, in dubious, and Improbable Cases, in order to a fuller Discovery, and Eviction of the Truth: For otherwise B. W. shall cram me with Tennis-Balls and make me Swear they're Sugar-Plumbs, under pain of being Arraigned by every little Schismatical Setter, as a Blaster of the King's Evidence; which is L'estranges' Case in this very Paragraph; where he's charged with Affronting King, Lords, and Commons, the Lord Chancellor, the Bench, jury, and Evidence, in his unworthy Reflections, not to be forgiven or forgotten. This is a Teizer, and probably of the Old stamp, he flies at the Throat so; and nothing but Blood will Content him. You see here Doctor what a Deduction he has made, and the Ground of it: And your Candour cannot but acknowledge the Inference to be Folly, Rudeness, and Malignity to a very High degree.  
Mark now what another fling (as he calls it) at the Doctor, this Vizard has found out. L'Estrange has a Value for him, and believes him as far as he OUGHT; now B. W's Quarrel is; that L'Estrange has not a higher Value for him, and that he does not believe him further than he ought. He pretends to be Scandalised at L'Estranges Equivocal meaning; but the thing that troubles Him in Truth, is, that L'Estrange has Worded the matter so cautiously, that a Republican Spy can lay no hold on't. But pray read the Context to This Citation, Pag. 4. It was never my Humour (as a French-droll has it) to commend an Orator, for an Excellent Head of Hair; or a man of State, and Business, for the Government of his Beard; or to spend three or four Pages, upon such an Occasion as This, in Flattery, and Panegyric. So that L'Estrange (ye see) did purposely avoid the Temptation of falling into a Vein of Servile Flattery, by any pompous Recital of your Good Qualities: And rather chose to tell you, like a Gentleman, (Short and Round) that he valued ye as he OUGHT. But this is Heathen Greek now to Him that is not versed in the true Air and Style of Good manners. L'Estrange values the Doctor's Function and Character too as he ought, as well as his Employment. Why does he not complain to the Bishops, that he mocks the Ecclesiastical Order, as well as to the Doctor, that he Abuses Him; for they are both equally concerned in the same Period?  
He Cites L'Estrange, Saying, Pag. 5. that he's a Friend to Downright Dealing; to Liberty of Speech; an Easy Glass, and an Easy Companion. The First, he does not believe, he says, but the rest he does; (with a Bobb at the end on't.) And yet to many people's thinking L'Estrange deals as plainly with Himself, and his Brethren, as a body would wish. And for the Rest, it is so far True, that L'Estrange had much rather drink his Majesty's Health in a Glass of Wine, than his Confusion in a Dish of Association-Coffee; and that he's a Professed Enemy to all sorts of Snivelling Formalities whatsoever.  
B. W. Proceeds now to certain Scholastical Distinctions betwixt Rogue, and Rogue; and has found out an Admirable Invention for the bringing of You, and Me, Doctor, to call one another Rogues by Consent; and to show you Sir, how far you may call any man Rogue, without danger of the Law. His words are These,  
He tells you, Doctor, of your calling him Rogue twenty times; for which he thanks you, and Forgives you; but this is but a Copy of his Countenance, and used as a mere shooing-horn, to draw on the Like likewise, of calling you Rogue. I know its a word you often use, and its Twenty to one you were Right, Nineteen of the Twenty, if not all: But it's not to be taken in the Common sense of the Vulgar Usage to a man of vile and base Actions; but as a differing Character of an Adversary to yours and Others Evidence in the great matter in question. So that he has here made L'Estrange to be precisely Nineteen Rogues, and Nineteen Twentieth Parts of another. But then to make me amends, they are Rogues, you see, of Quality; that is to say, they are ' Plot-Rogues, Shamrogues, or some other of the more Creditable sort of Rogues. This Fellow has no Commission, I hope, to treat men of our Condition at this Course rate.  
And a little further, he says, that because Curs hunt Me, I take the Freedom to reflect upon You; slighting your Favours, and setting you at Defiance (Pag. 4. of my Further Discovery.) pray mind the Shifting, and Shuffling of this Fanatical jesuit My words are These. There is no Design in this Paper, Sir, to bespeak your Favour, in case of any Imputation upon me, either for my Words, Actions, or Writings; for I defy Malice itself to charge me with any sort of Malevolence, toward the Church or State. Now from my Defying of Malice in the Abstract, does he most abusively infer my defying of the Doctor under that Notion: whereas any man that runs, may read my Intention to be This. Here am I threatened, Doctor, with Articles, and Impeachments, by a Pack of Rascals; and here am I at the same time, making Court to You. Do not imagine Sir, that This is to curry favour with you for your Protection against these Bloodhounds; for my Innocence will support me against the very Devil and his Angels. Now this is so far from being a Reflection upon you, that it would imply a High Confidence in your Integrity, even if I should have so little Reveence as to defy you. For it would be as who should say; The Doctor can do me no Hurt upon the Square, and I'll trust his Conscience, for setting false Dice upon me. And now what's the ground of all This Exception? Nothing in the world but L'Estranges saying, that he has a great value for your Function, Employment and Character.  
He picks another Quarrel with me for calling the Detestable Plot, a MYSTERY; as if it were a denial of the Fact: whereas I speak only of the Project or Contrivance,▪ not of the Fact; tho' after all this Discovery there's a great deal in matter of Fact, that lies yet in the Dark. And then he has a Bout with me for saying, that it is no New thing, for a Popular Outcry in the matter of Religion, to have a State-Faction in the belly on't. Whereupon he modestly acknowledges that he cannot understand how Religion is concerned in the least: Especially the difference betwixt the Church of England, and the Dissenters from it. Now as to the Plot, We are told that Religion is the very Root of it: and for the Dissenters, they have almost all Sorts of Heresies among them; which I take to be matter of Religion. Besides that we have our Agenda, as well as our Credenda; and our Practical Cases relating to Civil Obedience, Brotherly Charity, Peace, Order, etc. wherein the Dissenters do exceedingly differ from the Church of England in matters also of Religion. He has Another Touch at me, for arraigning the judgements of the Representatives of the Nation in Parliament, in saying, that nothing was ever more narrowly Sifted, or more vigorously Discouraged then This Conspiracy. And yet (says he) the neglect of it was one part of the Earl of Danby's Charge, which was not (again) without due Consideration of Authentic Proofs, to make it good. But bare Charges are no Proofs; and 'tis well for me that they are not; for if they were, B. W's Libel would have hanged me Twenty times over. But I am glad to hear the Dignity, and Prudence of That Assembly, so well supported; for the world is well amended, since the House of Commons was Libelled for an Unanimous Club of Voters; an Infernal Regiment of Pensioners: Since they were called a Treacherous, and a Lewd Parliament; and since a Reverend Divine told some of the Members to their Teeth, that they were a pack of as Arrant Rascals as ever laid their Heads together: And every day some Pamphlet or other to the same Tune.  
There's a long Paragraph (Pag. 6.) which is only a Huddle of words, and not three Lines in the whole, for a man to make either Earnest, or Sport of. The man is willing, Sir. to do you a Civil Office; but then he goes so Awkwardly to work, and with such a deal of Nauseous, Fulsom Flattery, 'tis half a Vomit to think on't. But at last, after mighty pains taken to no end, he passes sentence upon Intents and purposes; and has found it out at the long Run, that the getting of a small Reward for my Pamphlet, the vindicating of the Papists, and crushing of the fanatics, are the three Ends of my Scribbling. All which (do assure you Dr.) he speaks by Revelation; but gives you, in the Conclusion the hopes of making it out by Demonstrations to come: By my Troth, Sir, this is a strange Mortification for a man to be tied in good manners to bear all this Impertinence as if he were obliged to his Persecutor.  
He begins his 7th Page with a Flower; and pray intent it. But now warmly clad with These wonderfully Erroneous Considerations, that encumbered his Disturbed Brains, with the help of taking your Works to pieces; he had now fallen under such a Conception, from which the world might expect such a Product, as was expected from the Mountain; but you know that proved a Mouse. This is nothing in the world but the water-Poets Nonsense turned into Prose: One Line more on't would make me call for a Basin.  
In the next Paragraph, I am arraigned over again, for a Dishonourer of the Nation, the Governors or Government, the Protestant Religion, and the King's Witness: and all This for calling it the almost Inextricable Labyrinth of the Plot. At the next word he makes half a jesuit of me: and says I vilisie the Doctor, under a Disguise of Friendship: And I think (Says he) he hath cause to rejoice that he is not questioned for a Seditious Pamphleteer. This Charge is founded, Doctor, upon my saying, that none can fall foul upon my Further Discovery, without wounding Your Evidence. This gives him occasion to deny your Swearing that the Priests and jesuits herd with Nonconformists; and yet you tell us, how they contrived the late War, by inslaming Parties; that they had their Instruments in Scotland, expressly to Preach to the Disaffected; and that Blundel did actually teach the youth in the City of London, Treasonable, and Seditious Doctrine▪ He says, I'm in Wrath, and speaks as if I doubted your Evidence concerning the Pilgrims, and the Forty thousand Black-bilts; when my business is to set before the People the Danger of that defigne taking effect, if the Priests be still suffered to lurk among the fanatics. And then when I speak of Infidels, as of those that will not believe this Mixture; he turns the word Infidels, into Dissenters; and so makes a Slander of the Propriety only of the Term, Pag. 8.  
Take notice, I beg of you Sir, how he poisons all my Respects towards you; when I tell you that I have Read, Considered, and Studied you; and the Sense I have of the Roundness of your Periods, the Luxuriancy of Your Invention, (where there is Scope for it) the Frankness of your Style, and the Harmony of Your Conceptions. What is it that makes him call These Expressions Ironies? but that he undervalues you, as if you were a person that had no sort of Title to these Civilities. Nay, he will not so much as allow you the Common Faculty that Distinguishes Men from Brutes; that is to say, CONCEPTIONS: For I know not (says he) of any Conceptions in all your Works. He says, indeed, that if you had made your Trade of Living, and getting Dinners by Scribbling; or had you employed your Genius That way, if it had been in making a Play against your own Mother, what work you'd have made with your Syllogisms and Coherences, etc. This is some devilish Wipe, Doctor, if a body could but hit the drift on't: But for the Trade of getting Dinners by Scribbling, 'tis the Honourable Trade of the Nation, from the Prime Minister, to the Sub-Sizer. And truly, Doctor, as the world goes, 'tis well if an Honest man can keep himself clear of the Almsbasket, or turning Mendicant from door to door.  
Now he whips me up again for Poisonous Principles, and Frothy Strains of Wit; with Paper-Squibs, audaciously Traducing, and Flying in the Face of Governors, and Government: and this is only for saying, that the present humour of France runs upon Poisoning; the Enemies of our Government altogether upon the Vein of Plotting. What's your Opinion, Sir, of these Inferences? To the business now of being a Papist.  
I do not remember, (says he) Pag. 9 one Authentic Proof, nor any other Rational Argument, yet produced by L'Estrange, that he is not a Papist. Now I thought Sir, that One man's Oath might be as well taken for being no Papist, as Another's for being a Protestant: And That Proof I have given for't. There was indeed a perjurious Race of men, that in despite of the Late King's Piety, and Practice; Declarations, Protestations, and Sacramental Professions to the Contrary, brought him to the Block, under the Same Pretence, where at last he delivered himself up a Martyr for the English Communion. But it is not with the Sacraments of men of Consciences, as it is with the Oaths of mercenaries, and the Covenants of Conspirators, that look one way and work another. But since my hand is in, Doctor, I'll go a little farther with you.  
I had the Honour in the late times, (and being Then in Exile) to pass a matter of Eight months in the House of the Cardinal of Hesse; where I was as kindly received, as if I had been at my own Fathers. I wanted neither Invitations, nor Arguments, to carry me over to the Church of Rome; besides the Private Temptations of a Hopeless Interest (as to the King) and a Broken Fortune. Now if I had been so easily disposed to Truck my Religion, for Money; (as the whole Litter of the Town-Scriblers will have it) I do assure you Doctor, I could then have made my Market. But after this Assertion of the Faith I was brought up in, I do declare to you, that I reckon myself yet bound, as a Christian, to entertain a Tenderness for the whole Race of Mankind. I abhor the thought of seeing men of any Persuasion Worried, for a bare Appellation: I should reckon myself a Villain, if I were not Just, and Grateful, even to many Papists; having in divers Extremities, received Offices of great Honour, Piety, and Humanity, from People of That Persuasion. Beside that Providence was pleased to make Some Loyal Papists the Instruments of delivering my Sovereign out of the hands of Other Protestant Rebels. And yet after all This; I am not such a Noddy, as not to see the Plot; though You may look further perhaps into a Millstone, than Another man: But still I discern enough on't, to make my heart ache. pray forgive me this Digression.  
He blunders, in the next Paragraph, at something, as if he would hint to the Reader that L'Estrange has played jack on both sides: Now in good truth, Doctor, I never had that shifting Faculty; and I dare Appeal to my most malicious Enemies to say that ever I faltered in my Duty to my Sovereign, in any kind, or degree whatsoever. And I can safely affirm, that in Thought, Word, or Deed, I did never so much as Countenance any disloyal Pretext toward his Majesty. From This, he passes into a Rapture concerning the Christians of Antioch; and for a matter of a Page and three quarters, Doll Common in her Fits was not half so wise as his Worship.  
He takes me to task again (Pag. 11.) where I am commented upon, for saying the Dissenters from the Church of England cannot any way be aiding in a Reformation, but by their Prayers, and good Wishes, upon pain of Sedition. Now certainly (says he) as men, and Subjects under his Majesty's Obeisance, the Dissenters are as Capable, and Legally, of serving his Majesty in any such Commands, as any other men, or Subjects whatsoever. Now my words are These. Put the Case that the Design strikes at all that call themselves Protestant's in General; as well Non-Conformists, as Churchmen; The Dissenters must yet range themselves under the Government, to Oppose it; and without intermeddling any other way too, then by their Prayers and Good Wishes, upon pain of Sedition. So that the Dissenters are not excluded any Public Service, but subjected to the Rules, and Orders of Authority, and not to Act beyond That Sphere, any otherwise then by their Prayers, and good wishes; and the word REFORMATION not so much as mentioned in the Case.  
But now Sir let me look to myself, sor I think (says he) no man in his Right wits will conceive L'Estrange knows what he says; and he wonders exceedingly that I should dare to tell you Doctor, that Religion is a Spiritual Notion; And for this Notion he would have me to be reputed, and legally judged, SEDITIOUS. I am afraid that this worthy Gentleman takes Religion for a Manufacture: You will now do me a kindness, Doctor, to give me a Hint, upon what Statute I am to be Indicted for Notions.  
To see now this Envious Creature again. I never give you a kind word, but I'm sure to have a Lash for't. They are wonderful things (say I) that you have done already; and I am persuaded that you are yet reserved for more wonderful things. And This does the Malevolent spleen of B. W. interpret only a jeer, and Scoff, in contradiction to the Sense and Proof of the whole Nation: And so he calls it a Flurt at your Name, to presage that Time shall render your Name as Famous to Posterity (Pa. 21.) as your Virtue has made it to the present Generation. Yes, yes Sir; I do predict it over again; that your Name shall be so: For this grand Revolution, wherein you have supported so Eminent a part, will transmit your Name to future Ages so long as there shall be any Memorials Extant of the present Government.  
He is at me again for wounding and unworthily traducing the Wisdom, and justice of the Governors of this Nation, by turning their Transactions in this affair, into mere Sophistical Ridicule. And this I get for saying (as he has translated me Pag. 12.) that none in his Right wits should take you for no Friend to the Church of England. And now Dr. 'tis your turn to be abused, for he says that it was foreign, and remote from the Scope, and drift of your Evidence, to give the Sectaries so great a blow, as I affirm that Evidence to have done: Which truly I take, to be little less, then Actionable; for if a man shall be condemned in damages only for saying of a Tailor, He's but a Butcher, because of the Loss it may cause him in his Trade; of much greater Moment is it, to disparage a Divine, in so necessary a part of his Qualification; to the hindrance of him in his Ecclesiastical Preferments. For Fanaticism, and Church-Dignities will not stand together. Now see Sir, what work he makes with my saying that It is a matter of absolute Necessity to fetch these Plotters out of their Holds. From hence, he concludes, that I would have all the Dissenters from the Church of England to be destroyed, as Plotters: which is none of my Proposition; but only to put them to the Test, that we may distinguish, and Separate the Priests, and jesuits from Other People.  
He comes now to pass Sentence upon me, as a Blaster of the King's Evidence, and a favourer of the Conspiracy, for supporting the Truth of Your Testimony, and the Necessity of Proceeding Congruously upon it.  
His next advance is to my Further Discovery of the Plot, from your Narrative, and Depositions: He denies it to be a Further Discovery; but how and how, I am not able to comprehend. His Latin, his French, and his Greek; his Nonsequiturs, Sentiments and Katexochens; I can make a sh●ft withal; but I am plaguily graveled still at his English. pray do me the favour to help me out with it; And here it is.  
But whatever there is further in that Pamphlet, but in truth it's no further Discovery of your Discovered Plot, but of his own it is, and what that is, what I have by my Observations already made, to that of which part of this is in matter but Repetition, and of that of which I shall make to that which is New; I doubt not Doctor but will give you full and Evident Satisfaction. I should be very glad, Sir, to see this Clause unriddled.  
It will concern me now I perceive to look about me; for B. W. sticks close to me for calling the just Proceedings of the Authority of the Nation a Havoc, and saying, after all this Havoc made of the Papists. I pray take notice, Doctor, that I have Solemnly expounded myself upon this point (Pag. 3.) where Authority has passed a Sentence there is no long▪ any place for Hesitation, or Demur. So that His meaning is out of doors: And now give me leave to tell you mine: When Goods are taken away from one man, and either given, or Sold to another; when Books, good and bad, are swept away together; or disposed of contrary to the Direction of Law; This I call making Havoc, and I make use of this word too with all possible Veneration to the sacredness of Public Justice. I must needs rectify one mistake in the next Paragraph, wherein B. W, (not for want of Ignorance) follows my Printer, and instead of Endue says that the Priests will Endure all Shapes: He gives me here a Lick by the By, for Fiddling to Oliver, and then pronounces that without all peradventure a Discovery must and doth imply new Fact; otherwise it's no discovery: and so infers that for want of New Fact, mine is not a Further Discovery. But by B. W's. favour, one Discovery leads to Another; as several other Discoveries have been superinduced upon the Circulation of the Blood; and yet the matter of Fact still the same; as This Additional Discovery in a Pamphlet has produced a Further Discovery of the Author.  
Now bless yourself Doctor, at B. W's Amazement (pag. 14.) with what confidence L'Estrange dares write such things: that is to say, that That part of the Design against his Majesty's Life is broken to all intents and purposes, but we are beholden to you, for the Discovery of Other, and Further Plots, in defaming the King and Government, subversion of our established Religion, and Disturbance of the Peace, so that our Deliverance is but half done. Observe now, how jesuitically this Fanatique has guelt this Passage, by leaving out These Words; so that [unless the remaining and the still growing Difficulties and Hazards be encountered with Timely and Effectual Remedies,] the work of our Deliverance is but half-done; Beside the maiming of the Period throughout. Now am I to be questioned and punished over again, for my Dislike of that which I call (pag. 26.) a remote and undutiful Supposition of the King's Death. But I adhere to that Dislike; for it is our part to do all we can to preserve his Sacred Life, and not by the supposal of his Majesty's Death to set Parties and Factions a Fermenting. And for This, I'm fetched up again, for giving the Lie to the Representative of the Commons of the Nation: This Fellow calls for justice, as if he went a snip with the Hangman, for an old Periwig.  
You cannot imagine Doctor, how it comforts me that I am now entering upon the 16th Page; where he takes it very ill to have the Churches-of-england-member cleared of any hand, or Interest in This Plot; and to palliate the matter, neither he, nor any man (says he) can say, that there was not members of the Church of England, on both sides, in those unhappy Wars. Now, Doctor, I am Positive, that there was not one Church-of-England-man in the Parliaments Army (as they called it:) For how should it be Otherwise? when the Order, the Discipline, and the Service of the Church were wholly Extinguished among them; the use of the Common-Prayer made Penal; and the whole Mass of that Seditious Body was only a Confederate Union of so many Schisms, to oppose the Eeclesiastical Government. It will not yet down with B. W. Doctor, that you have altogether cleared the Church of England, and her sons, from the calumny of being either mediately, or immediately guilty of this horrid Plot; and his Reason is, that you are Impartial. It is not said that you have Spared, but cleared them, and so you have; in not accusing them.  
He reflects (Pag. 7.) upon my Contradicting myself in my Computation of the Numbers of Papists; One while not above One to three Thousand; but now (says he) Tables must be turned upon Dissenters to the Church of England; Then because of some of the Dissenters Scruplesomeness in swearing, his Opinion is changed; for now there is a great deal of Danger he says. This man is no fair Dealer, Doctor; for my expression is three thousand to one in Sight: and then, the fewer they are that appear, the greater is the number, and consequently the danger of them in their Retreats. This is not to press a Totall Extirpation neither, as B. W. weakly and maliciously suggests; but some such means of distinction as may rationally secure the Peace of the Government. He values himself much upon one Argument out of my own mouth. Because many of the Dissenters will not take Oaths (says he) therefore There, the Jesuits may hide themselves: And so also, many of the Jesuits will take the Oaths of Allegiance, and Supremacy, and so will the Members of the Church of England. If so, then what can hinder the Jesuits to herd, and hide There. The Answer to This, Doctor, is Obvious; They have not the Means, in one Place, for the gaining their ends, that they have in the Other; the Rule, and the Forms of the Church are Stated, and Certain; and there's no Preaching, but under due Circumstances and Qualifications: Whereas in Conventicles, they can take all Libertyes, and vent what Doctrines they please: the People being already prepared by the humour of Separation to entertain undutiful Impressions. All the remainder now amounts to no more than the Fagg-end of a Narrative; and a great deal of pains taken, Doctor, to tell you so particular a Story of Your own Transactions, as no Mortal can honestly pretend to know, but yourself.  
You have had enough, Sir, I suppose, of the Style, and Faculties of the Author of this Pamphlet, I should be glad now to learn something more particularly concerning the man himself: For this same B. W. may be Clovenfooted, for aught I know; and the spirit of slander couched under those two Letters. The best way to understand him, is to read him backward; as Enemy for Friend, and Friend for Enemy; Truth for Falsehood, and Falsehood for Truth: And This Unciphers him. One while I fancy him to be a jesuit; for he's so damnably Cunning, that as he carries it, a body would think he had no more Brains than a Dormouse. But then methinks, on the Other side, if he were one, You should have met him at Madrid, or Salamanca, Doctor, or somewhere else abroad in your Travels. I would you'd cast a Figure for him, Sir, for nothing but a Diamonds, you know, can cut a Diamonds. And yet upon comparing this Additional Discoverer, with the Marks, and Tokens of a jesuit, as you have described him; I am half-perswaded that B. W. may come to be found a jesuit yet at last. Do the Jesuits change their Shapes? So does he: Are they Cruel, and Sanguinary? So is he. Have they their Equivocations, and Mental Reservations? So has he: And not only his Own neither, but he pronounces upon the Mental Reservations of Other men, and brings Thought against Thought, into Evidence. Are the Jesuits given to Scandalise, and Undermine Societies? to add, and Subtract, in the matter of Truth? Are they Pragmatical in affairs out of their own Province? Are they Officious toward men of Interest, and Power? so is He you see. Are they men of Address, plausible Behaviour, Parts, Learning? So is Not he. Now That's the difference, I conceive, betwixt a Conventicle-Iesuit, and Another. He does all he can in the world to possess you that he is Your friend, and my Enemy: And yet, upou the Issue, in despite of his Heart's blood; he proves himself to be Your Enemy, and my Friend. How can That man be Your Friend, that calls it Abusing of you, to speak Well of you? His very Flatteryes, are as Childish, and as Cloying as Sugarplumbs; there's no Air, no Grace, no Vigour in them; nay his very Compliments are Scandals. He treats you with an Old-fashioned Leg to a Queen-Elsabeth-Iustice; and he shall pay the same Homage to one of Your Lacquays, if you should but send him to him of an Errand. The poor wretch, in fine, is as humble, as the Country fellow that asked my Lord Mayor's Horse Blessing. What work Sir, does he make with the Respect ●● paid you in a Former Letter? he calls That Letter a Mock; but give me leave to tell you Doctor that his calling it so, is a Libel. I take upon me to affirm, that Dr. Oates is a Canonical, Orthodox person; but he'll have This to be an Abuse, and so makes you a Fanatique. I stand up again, to advance the Authority of Your Evidence, and to Emprove the Use, and Reputation of Your Discoveries. Now This is all jeering, and Flouting with Him; as who should say, upon the whole matter: There's nothing in't. You Swear point-blank that the Priests and jesuits haunt the Conventicles: and He, as audaciously on the Other side, denys it, and gives the lie, point-blank to your Testimony. pray tell me, Sir, if you should say now that L'Estrange is a very Honest, Loyal Fellow; and B. W. cry out that the Doctor Abuses him; what Construction could any man make of it, but that he takes L'Estrange for a Disaffected Knave? Or suppose that any man should speak of L'Estrange, as a man of Competent Sense; Is it not a clear case, that he that thinks him Abused in't, takes him for a Fool? But the best way of finding him out is to let him expound himself.  
Wherefore I beseech you, Doctor, do but observe, when the smooth, Supple Humour goes off with him, how Magisterially he behaves himself, and how he Grows upon you: Under the Colour of a Friend, how he takes upon him, and plays the part of a Governor. He tells you what you are to Think, in This case, and what you are to Do in That: How to understand One Point, and how, Another: Here he Spells for you, and There, he puts Together: And all This, with the Weakness of a Schoolboy, and the Arrogance of a Pedant. And what's his End; but to have it thought in the World, that you are Ruled, and Influenced by His Dictate? But This is not the First time that other people have laid Claim to the Reward of Your Merits. I lost a Friend I'm sure, myself once, because I would not Licence a Book for Another Person, as the First Discoverer of the Plot. And it cannot be expected, that a man in your Post, and Station, should live without Envy. But yet how far it may stand with your Credit, or Good Liking to suffer yourself to be Cokesed, and thus Imposed upon by every Little Sir-Politique Would_be, is submitted to your Consideration. In One word Sir, can any man be Your (or indeed any bodies) Friend, that has neither Brains, nor Shame, nor Good manners, nor Good Nature, nor Truth, nor Honour in him? This, I do assure you, Doctor, is the just Character of my Antagonist, if a body may measure the Man by his Discourses.  
It will be objected perhaps; what does it concern L'Estrange, the vanity of this man's setting up for the Doctor's Friend, and Adviser; or how he behaves himself, in the Execution of That Office? If what the One Does, the Other thinks fit to permit, L'Estrange is but a Coxcomb for meddling. (Nay and 'tis well if he scape so too) for he has been called Rogue, Rascal, Thief, Turnspit, for much Less.) It must needs be acknowledged, Doctor, that what You Two agree upon betwixt yourselves, is nothing at all to me; but by my Faith, Sir, when I come once to be represented to you as a Papist, Plotter, or Enemy to the Government; and to the King's Witnesses; This touches my Copyhold; and 'tis well for me that I'm fallen into Good hands; for such an nformation, given to a man that would have ventured an Oath upon Hearsay, might have been as much as my Neck's worth.  
But 'tis a double Happiness to me, First, that You believe nothing of all This; and Secondly, that he proves as little: for he cannot pitch upon any One Line in the whole Pamphlet, and say, This is the point I le Charge him with. But when he has fluttered, from One Surmise, to Another; Falsified my Sentences, taken up here and there a word by Snaps, and left the Connexion, behind him; he is yet forced at last to fly from the plain, and Genuine Sense of my Expressions, to the Mystical Possibility of Another Intention. Make it your own case, Doctor: Suppose I should see you upon your knees at the Sacrament, and tell some body, Look ye: now is that Damned Doctor making a contract with the Devil: Or that you should see me (tho' with all the Devotion imaginable) poring upon the Four Evangelists, and cry out, do ye see that dog L'Estrange? Now is he turning the History of our Saviour into Burlesque. Why where's Christian Charity at This rate? what becomes of the Common Methods of Intercourse, and the Faith of Human Society; If when a man's Words are Open, and the Construction Obvious, his Heart shall be torn out of his Breast, for Another Meaning? The Sun shines; that is to say, ' 'tis Midnight: we'll make him a Glorious King; that is to say, we'll cut off his Head. This is a Fanatical figure Sir, and of no account among the Orthodox. And yet upon such grounds as These, am I most zealously recommended, by B. W. to your Care Doctor, to see me hanged, drawn and quartered, in time Convenient.  
You will see at large, Sir, in this Angry Tract of his, that as the Gentleman has rendered me to be Your Enemy, under the Masque of a Friend, he is no less My Friend, in the Shape of an Enemy. First, he's an Incomparable Foil; such a Setter-off, that when you come to compare us, I'll leave You to be the Judge, (and I'm sure you'll not spare me) if even L'Estrange himself be not an Angel to him. Now and then, 'tis true, he stumbles upon a Right number, or Person; but the Nominative Case and the Verb are Mortal Enemies with him. Secondly, the whole piece is but One Grin, from End, to End; without ever fastening upon any thing; and at last, he proves me to be Innocent, by proving, with much labour, that he cannot prove me to be Guilty. Thirdly, his Frauds, and Fallacies are as Palpable as Egyptian Fogs; so gross, they may be felt: Which does but all serve to Illustrate My Integrity, and Credit. If These be not the Offices of a Friend, pray what are? And then all is performed too, in such a way of Gravity, Weighing (forsooth) Considering, Pondering, and Advising, at such a Supercilious Rate; a body would have thought he had had the whole Council of Trent in his Belly: And yet at length, when he comes to Open, out comes just nothing but Gall, and Clamour. pray advise him Sir, if he falls in your way, to be modest, and Temperate, and not to bear so hard upon a poor decayed Gentleman, (as a learned Author has it in his Courant) that lives by his Fingers End. Consider, Sir, It has been your own Case; and yet you see the Advantages that many times attend Resolution, and Industry, under the Blessing of a Propitious Fate. We are all of us the Sport of Fortune. She Raises from the Almsbasket, and casts down into the Dungeon; She sets Beggars a Horseback, and turns their Masters afoot; She brings Princes to the Block, and advances Traitors to the Throne; She gives Money and Credit to those that wanted it; and takes from those that had it in abundance. And thus the World Rolls, as her slippery Ladyship pleases.  
It is cast in my Teeth, I know, at every Turn, that I write for Bread; which is either True, or False: If True, it is one of the fairest pleas that a man can have for Scribbling; Provided that he governs his Pen by the Measures of Conscience, and Duty: And within That compass I have always contained myself. And yet I cannot admit that Pinch to be a Truth neither; without some Reflection of Scandal, and Ingratitude upon the Government; As if after almost Forty years inviolate Loyalty and Service to the Crown, I should live to see myself thus deserted at last. Now if This Reflection be False, and groundless, it is but a poisoned Arrow out of the Same Quiver that has already furnished mischief abundantly against My Superiors: And This Calumny, or any other, that Malice itself can invent, touches me no more than if they should report that you and I, Doctor, had changed Heads.  
But give me your Pardon, Sir, tho' I am not at all Disturbed, by the Common Clamours of the Vulgar, that draw in Contagion with their very Breathes, and then blow it about again, till the Disaffection, comes to be Epidemical: I cannot yet, but as a Friend to the King's Evidence, (in despite of all Unkindnesses) I cannot, I say, but be in some degree Sensible of Your Joining with the Multitude in that Popular Contempt. And this is more for Your sake (I assure you Sir) then for my Own; for it is not a Generous Return, toward a Person that has rendered you those Offices which (without Vanity) I have done. And truly I should take it very Ill from you, in your Personal, if it were not for the Reverence I bear you, in your Political Capacity. And yet the case is hard, at best; taken with the Aggravations; That is to say, from the Kings Witness, and a Divine, to a Person of my Known Affections to the Church, and State; from the Doctor, to his Countryman. But I'll carry it no further. The Oates, and the L'Estranges are two Names very well known in Norfolk. So that I shall not need to tell you, Doctor (being your Countryman) that I am a Gentleman; beside, that I am to presume You, Doctor, to be Read as well in the Heralds, as the Schoolmen.  
It is a long time, Sir, that you have done me the Honour to mention my Name; and still with Rogue, Rascal, Villain, Papist, or some such Mark of your displeasure along with it: Now These are Terms which B. W. distinguishes from Reflections upon Persons, or Qualities, and imputes them only to an Impetuous Fervour, of Zeal, that transports you, impartially, & without distinction into those Freedoms; So often as difference of Opinion, upon the Main, happens to be the thing in Question; Now I know very well that when a man's Tongue has got a Habit of walking One way, he can no more forbear speaking what comes Next, then spitting, for 'tis only matter of Course: And I do absolutely discharge you, Sir, of any Malicious Intent toward me, in the Heat of That Language; upon this presumption, that it was all grounded upon the Mistake of My Principle, and an Opinion that I did not stand right, as to the matter of the Plot, without any Malignity (as I said even now) either to my Quality, or Person. Nay I have heard you myself (in Confirmation of B. W's. Remark) frankly, and openly affirm that Laud (the Martyr) was a Rascal, and a Traitor; and that ere long you'd tell the World as much in Print. And what was all this, but still the Impulse of a Transcendent Zeal, upon a full belief that the Archbishop was a Papist? But who can tie up the Winds, or set Limits to the Dictates of a Boundless Spirit? I have heard of a beyond-sea-Divine, (a Strenuous Asserter of the Romish Communion) that would familiarly run through whole Royal Families of Protestant Professors, by the Names of Rogues, and Bitch's.  
Well, Sir, let it be granted, (for Peace sake) that I am that wretched fellow, that Pitiful Rascal, that Scribbles for Bread, as you were pleased, in Great, and Reverend Company, but upon Good-Fryday-last, to call me. (I could wish This had rather fallen out upon a Shrove-Tuesday, for Good-Fryday is not a proper day for such a piece of Masquerade.) Why faith, Sir, Bless your stars, that you yourself are struck into a better way; and leave me to the Liberty of taking up what fair Employment I think fit for an Honest Livelihood. Where's the Hurt, or the Shame of This I beseech you; if I can make a shift by this means to do my Duty, and my Business? I know there are more Expedite, and Beneficial ways of Thriving in the World, if I could but bring my Conscience to Bear; as juggling, Treppaning, Cross-biting, Canting, Swearing, etc. But alas, Sir, I am Old; and for a man to begin late, and go to the Devil before he has done his job, would not do so well. Alack, alack, Sir! what can a man get by a Snip in a poor Pamphlet of 4 or 5 sheets of Paper? No, no, Doctor, 'tis your Narratives, that Sweep all. Those are the Swinging Copies. I heard you say myself once, that you lost 500l. at One Bout, by having your Narrative Printed upon you. Now your Narrative was precisely Nineteen sheets. And I am assured that you have Six hundred more at this Instant, Ready for the Press; which in Proportion will be worth to you, Sixteen Thousand seven hundred and seventy pounds six shillings and eight pence, within a Fraction. Nay, 'tis Forty Guinnyes, the bare signing a Narrative of Another man's Writing. But Doctor, that I may not be behindhand with you, in Confidence, and Freedom, I do really write for my Bread; and which is more, for my Head too, into the Bargain: Nay, upon my Soul, according to my Estimat of the Case, I write My Part for the very Bread of my Master; and to show the people the Snares that are laid by Anabaptists, and that Brood, (as well as Papists) for the Government. You see, Sir, what an Outcry this same Little Fanatical Faux makes about my Further Discovery; which only advises the plucking of the Priests, and jesuits out by the Ears, from among the Conventicles; where your Testimony, and Depositions have Lodged them. And this is done too with as much Respect, and Honour to your self, as any man Can pay you, that Scorns to Flatter you: And with a most Dutiful Passion for the welfare of the Nation. But on the Other hand; tho' every day brings forth Multitudes of Poisonous, Seditious, and Schismatical Libels, that strike at the very Root, and Branches of the Government; This Officious Zealot (I'll Warrant you Sir) is as blind on That side, as a Beetle. The King's Authority may be Invaded; his Person Lampooned; the Clergymen Themselves affronted, as well as their Function: As at the Essex-Election, and elsewhere: And here's no Libelling taken notice of in These Cases. But if a man puts in a Sober, and a Moderate Word another way, presently the Plot, and the King's Witnesses are Topped upon him. The People may Remove wicked Kings (says One) and what says the Author of the Freeholders' Choice? I believe (says he) Good Father Jacob had a Foresight of these Sons of Levi, when in his Last Will and Testament he left them a Curse for a Legacy, instead of a Blessing. And if the whole world were now to make their Wills, all but Knaves, and Fools would do the like. Here's no threatening of men with Parliaments, or Arraigning of them for Traitors upon These points; which does evidently show a Designing Partiality, and Disaffection. And after all▪ This, I am so far from questioning the Plot, that it strikes me with horror, the Apprehension where it will end. But still give me your pardon, Sir, if I reckon it to be worth the care of the Government, to discourage and Suppress Treasonous Principles, as well as to punish Treasonous Practices: For Thought is but the Root of Action. I would have the Conspiracy sifted to the Last man; but yet that which is found Criminal, on the One hand, I would not have it exposed to the Multitude, as Lawful, as the Other: For it is much more dangerous to have the People possessed, that such or such an Ill thing may be done, then Privately to contrive the Doing of it.  
We shall now Sir, if you please, put all the Rogues, Rascals, Villains, Sauce-boxes, Papists, Turn-Spits, pitiful Fellows, and Scribblers for Bread, upon the account of an Exuberant Zeal in matter of Conjectural Opinion. But when you come to matter of Fact, (if I may be so bold Sir,) you should really do well to be a little Tender: As when you were pleased to say Positively the Other day, that L'Estrange was one of Nolls Fiddlers. The business was, He came in once in the middle of a Consort, where I was playing a Part; and that was all. Now This is a great Scandal to me, Sir; and you must allow me to tell you in your Personal Capacity, that the Aspersion is as false as Hell; But I have nothing to say to you in your Political Capacity but with Submission, and Respect. For it is Doctor Titus Oats that defames Me in This Particular, without aspersing the Kings Witness. So that the Falsehood of the Person does not at all Invalidate the Strength of the Evidence. pray Doctor take into your Consideration how great a Sufferer I am rendered by This Slander: For it will be understood, either that I went over to Cromwell, to betray the King: Or else I must be taken to have pretended myself reconciled to his Interest, and under That Colour to Swear and Abjure to the Pit of Hell, for the gaining of some other Point. As to the making of me a State-Rogue, That would have been pardonable yet, if you had not made a Fiddling-Rogne of me; a Common Statute-Rogne. Why, Doctor, how shall I have the face to show myself in Whitehall again, vuder This Character? What will: People think of L'Estrange at This rate? especially having the Authority of the Great Witness of the Nation, for the Credit of the Report. But Infallibility, Sir, in matter of Fact, is a point that the Church of Rome itself could never yet be brought to swallow; so that a man may contradict some of your Mistakes, without any Offence at all, either to your Testimony, or Doctrine.  
You were pleased at the same time Sir (according to your wont) to enlarge yourself upon some other Loose Topics too, concerning me; and with so little regard, either to Candour or Caution in your Reports, that really, Doctor, I should chide you, if I durst, for defaming the King's Evidence: And, under favour, it is not well done to take up Infamous Stories upon the Highway, and vent them again presently for Positive Truths: especially for a Person under your Circumstances, the Credit of whose Testimony does so much import the Nation. The Subject being Clamour, and Reviling, was in itself a very unfitting Theme for a Churchman. But for a Divine, upon a Good-Fryday, after a Passion-Sermon, and in his Preparatory for the Solemn Festival of Easter, to abandon himself to such an Impotence of Outrage, without either Ground or Provocation, and in so venerable a Presence too; (I need not tell you where Sir) nor, as I am a Christian, did I come to the Knowledge of This directly or indirectly from any Member of the Family.) Why will you suffer a violent Passion to carry you thus beyond all bounds of Decency and Consideration? It takes away your Reason, Doctor; and in these Fits rather than not do me a Mischief, you care not what you say: For you do no more believe me to be as you have represented me, than I believe you to be the Ghost of Thomas Aquinas. I have not delivered one syllable here, without a due Respect, both to what I say and to Whom I speak: and if every Particle in This paper should be put to the Torture, to force an Evidence from it against the Author; 'tis no more than I look for. But so secure am I in the Conscience of my own Integrity, and so well satisfied in the Title I have to the Common Right of defending myself; that I am not at all solicitous about the Event of This Freedom. And to show you that I have not entered rashly upon This Undertaking, I'll give you a clear prospect of my Thoughts upon the Question, with submission to be better informed, where I'm mistaken.  
You cannot but observe, Doctor, that the stress of B. W's. Charge upon L'Estrange lies with its whole weight upon These Four Points, viz. that he Favours the Papists, Lessens the Blot, Disparages the Witness, and Arraigns the Government: And all this serves only as a Common-place to work upon, when any man is to be rendered Odious to the People: For 'tis a thing easily said, greedily swallowed; of Violent Operation, and hard to be disproven; which is a very great disadvantage, when a man comes to be arraigned for his Thoughts, without any possibility of clearing himself. It is a thing that extremely Confounds, and Misleads us in This Affair, the Governing of ourselves by the Common Forms of speaking, and according to the Vulgar understanding of the matter in hand. As for the purpose; we make a Favourer of the Plot; a Favourer of Popery, and a Favourer of Papists to signify, for the most part, one and the same Thing: And 'tis no matter which comes out First, when we would throw Dirt at a man: Whereas in Truth, and Equity, there is a great difference▪ betwixt them; as will better appear by taking them apart, and distinguishing the One from the Other.  
By the Papists is properly intended the whole Party among us of That Persuasion. By Popery, the Opinions, or Religion of That Party. By the Plot, is to be understood, the Conspiracy; which is a Third Consideration, separate from the Other Two. So that a man may be a Favourer of the Plot, against the King and Government, and yet an Enemy to the Opinion of the Papists, and to the Party; For we see, That the same Design has been formerly Carried on, and Executed by men of Opposite judgements. And likewise a man may have a Kindness for the Opinion, and yet be an Enemy to the Plot▪ As (in Despite of Detraction) we have seen many Instances. And Lastly, a man may have a Tenderness and Charity for the Party, without Leaning at all to the Opinion, and with a perfect detestation of the Execrable Confederacy. [Well Doctor, but you will tell me that This Popish Plot is a Complicated Plot; and not barely a Plot upon the Government, but a Plot also supported upon Popish Principles, and carried on by a Popish Party, for the Extirpation of the Protestant Religion. It is not Sir, to extenuate the Gild, and the Foulness of This Plot, if I tell you, that the Fanatical Revolution matched it in every point. There was, First, a Confederacy; and then, a Design laid: a Change of Government resolved, the lawfulness of it Debated, and Asserted; and the Instruments that carried it on, were the Fanatical Party: And all Terminated in the Snppression of the Protestant Religion: That is to say, if the Church of England was Protestant: Or if Otherwise, and if they that destroyed This Glorious Church were Protestants Themselves, from such Protestants good Lord deliver us. But you will say, Sir, that Prelacy, Ceremonies, Habits, and set Forms of Prayer are not to be accounted matters of Religion. I beseech you, Sir, what Religion is there in a Mess of Porridge; or in looking out at the Window to see what a Clock ' 'tis? And yet I take it to be a very material Transgression in point of Religion, to throw That Porridge in the face of my Father, in the One case, or to resuse upon his command, to look out at the Window on the Other. For Religion consists in Doing, as well as Believing, and in the Conservation of Unity, and Order. The Resemblance betwixt the Face and the Glass, is scarce liker than these Two Cases; and I do not know why the same way of Reasoning may not hold as well too, upon things so agreeing betwixt Themselves. The Popish Plot is Impious, for so much as concerns the destroying of the King, and the laying of the Nation in Confusion, and blood; And so was the Schismatical Plot too, And This is a point that all men, even of all Persuasions in Religion; that have either Honour, or Brains will easily accord. But you'll say that This Plot is proved by Witnesses, and judgements; and give me leave, Doctor, to tell you, that the Other was also proved, by Fact, and the Final Execution of a Forelaid Design. Well, but you'll say Sir, that the jesuits Principles are Bloody, and Dangerous: As That of Keeping no Faith with Heretics; and the Doctrine of Absolving Subjects from their Obedience to such Princes. These are Hellish Positions 'tis true; but in the History of our Late Troubles, and in That of the Kirks Proceedings in Scotland, you I find these Maxims taught in the very Schools, and Pulpits; Nay, and warranted too, by the most Eminent Statesmen and Divines: and not only so; but authorised by General Assemblies, and the Votes, and Declarations of a Mock-Representative of the Commons of England. Nay and it went further yet; for all these diabolical Illusions were put in practice. They sought the Lord, for a Compliment of the Wickedness; they put the King to Death, as by a Revelation; and gloried in the thing done, as a favourable Dispensation of Providence. Once again, Sir, There were none but Papists (you'll say) in This Plot: there were none but Schismatics in the Other; so that you see the straits of the Church of England, betwixt these two Extremes; and the Danger is as mortal on the Right hand as on the Left. And give me leave to think Doctor, that as the Danger is Equal, so the Affliction is much bitterer, from those of our Own Family, then from strangers; the Prophet David himself seemed to stagger a little under the weight of it: If it had been an Open Enemy, he could have born it, but to be wounded by Those, with whom he had taken Counsel, and walked in the House of God as Friends; This was the almost Insupportable Aggravation of his Calamity. In fine, both Plots, and Parties were influenced alike by Fallacies, and Impostures both in Religion, and State.  
From This Parallel, if you please Sir, I will proceed to an Application of what is Past, to our present Use, and purpose. I could wish that every man that had any part whatsoever in the promoting, inflaming, or upholding of our Late Troubles, would now upon This Occasion lay his hand upon his Heart, and tell his Story: What a variety of Errors and Corruptions would This Tale, truly told, afford us.  
Alas, I was but young (says one) and merely drawn in; I meant no more Hurt to the King (God knows) then to my own Heart, cries Another. They told me the King was gotten into the Papists hands, and that they only intended to bring him back to his Parliament: But when I was once In, there was no getting out again. I never thought (says a Third) that it would have gone so far; but I should have been well enough content to have seen some Grievances Redressed. One had a Father, or a Son on the King's side, and he took the Other, to save stakes. Some were frighted into the Cause by Stories of Germane Horse, Massacres, etc. I was in the Parliament-quarters, and my Estate must have gone for't, if I had not complied. One had a good Office, a Benefice, or an Estate to lose; a Family to provide for; Another had a Court-grudg, and took his Revenge, or fought only for Pay, as a Soldier of Fortune: And at This rate people were hooked in, some through weakness, but with good Intention; Others, by Interest, Fear, or Misguided Conscience, and not one man of a Thousand that Acted Originally, against the Government, either by Malice, or Design. I would have these people that have been thus seduced themselves, soberly to reflect upon it. We are all of us Flesh and Blood alike; why may not Other men be miss as well as we? Or why should we grudge Others the same measures of Tenderness, and Remission, that we ourselves have received. Well, but those are Papists; and the Other are Schismatics. The Papists are men of dangerous Principles, and so are the fanatics; but then some of the Dissemers are better then Other; and so are some of the Papists. If the Papists lie under the Lash of the Law, so do the Non-Conformists; and in short, This Plot (we hope) has miscarried, the Other succeeded; and yet only the Express Murderers of the King were singled out for Exemplary justice, and all the rest of the Criminals, and Common Actors in the Rebellion were pardon d in the Conspiracy that took effect. Now let me ask you, Doctor, if you would have the Innocents', Men, Women, and Children promiscuouly exposed to more Rigour in the case of a Plot that is disappointed, than the Nocents were on the Other hand, where an Unparallelled Rebellion took place. Give me leave now, Sir, to put a question; not to the Reason, and Equity of the Thing, but to the Conscience, and Modesty of the Men: For let the Prosecution, on the part of the Government, be never so necessary, there may yet be some Regard had to the Circumstances of the Prosecutors. I would have those men, I must confess, that have been so Frankly pardoned, Themselves, (even for the Consummated Destruction of Three Kingdoms,) be a little Tender in pressing an utter Extirpation of an Entire Party, because of a Conspiracy, among Some Particulars of That Persuasion; and a Conspiracy too, that is crushed by Providence, in the very Egg. What would you think on't, Sir, if you should see a Company of fellows that have been in at a hundred robberies and Murders, Themselves, and got their Pardons, and still keep their Bootyes; what would you think, (I say) to see These men, of all Others, the fiercest sticklers for Extremityes upon Other Felons that had only designed the Outrage which they themselves had actually accomplished? Besides Sir, that it seems to Carry a very suspicious Countenance to have Those men pretend the greatest zeal for the Safety of the Government, that are most Notoriously known to be Disaffected to it. And yet upon the Main, we find none so eager and prone, as some of these people are, to Calumniate the justice of the Nation by Remonstrances, and Clamorous Addresses; and by Violent Importunities to Precipitate Councils, as who should say, We are the Arbitrators of the great Affairs of the Government, and take more care of it, than the Government does for it Self. pray take notice Doctor, that This is intended only of Licentious, and Illegal Proceedings, with due Submission to all Forms, Orders, and Resolutions of State: And that I do not speak of any sort of favour toward Criminals; and more Especially in the matter of Sir Edmund Bury-Godfrey; and this late barbarous Inhumanity upon the person of Mr. Arnold; which I look upon to be two Instances, almost Unpardonable: And I do here protest before the Living God, if I either knew or could make a farther Discovery, or if I ever can get the means of doing it, I would, and I will, (though the nearest Friends I have in the world) deliver them up into the hands of the Law.  
Now as there appears some affinity betwixt the Case, and Danger of both the Extremes, (as to the Government,) be pleased to inform me Sir, if there may not be allowed some Proportion also of Compassion from the Government, in the matter of Mitigation, and Redress, toward both these Parties. To which opinion I find myself induced by these following Considerations, but with great readiness to be overruled by better Judgements.  
In the First place, Doctor, we are all of us Christians, and cannot take a surer Measure for the Government of our Lives, and actions, than the precepts, and practices of Our blessed Saviour. He commands us in the Gospel, to Bless those that Curse us, to do good to them that Hate us. And These Precepts to his Disciples, he made good upon the Cross; in praying for his very Crucifyers. Our Saviour reproved his Disciples for urging him to call for fire down from Heaven: There was no calling Rogue, and Rascal, but the great work of our Redemption was wrought out with Meekness, and Patience.  
And there is a regard to be had likewise to the matter of Humanity, as we are all of us Men, and liable to the same Infirmities, and Errors. It is the Condition of being forgiven Ourselves, the forgiving of our Neighbours; and it concerns those men, of all others, that do the most need and press for Relaxation, and Mercy, Themselves, not to oppose it, in some degree to Others. And it is another Consideration, as we are Fellow-subjects and Members of the same Community; for all Dissenters from the Rule are equally liable to a Cheque from the Government, and lie under the Same Tie, of Conformity, and Obedience. It does not belong to me Sir, to speculate upon Political Expediences, one way or another; I could otherwise tell you how much we are Underpeopled already, and the greater the Depopulation the Deader, upon Necessity, must be our Trade; the Circulation of Money must be Less; our Lands fall, our Commodities lie upon our Hands, and our Taxes still run higher: and Consequently, the less able shall we be daily, to defend ourselves, in case of a Foreign Invasion: For 'tis a Foolery to talk of any more Holy Wars, the Hot Fit of that Unwarrantable and Romantique Zeal is long since over, and out of the world; and the Bone of Contention among Princes, is Empire, not Religion. If I have said any thing here contrary to Law, Conscience, or Humanity, I shall submit myself to a Fair Trial for't: But if I keep myself within the Terms of Christianity, Humanity, and Civil respect to my Superiors, I do but discharge the part of an Honest man, and a good Subject.  
Here's more work Sir, for B. W. to ground an action of Popery upon; and you have a sure Card at a Dead Lift, when he stands at Your Elbow, to help you out with an Enformation. But see Doctor, how far, (and no farther) I approve myself in This Paper to be an Advocate for the Papists; and that is to say, just so far as I am an Advocate for fanatics; I wish, with my Heart, that the Government were Clear of all Plotters on Bothsides; and that the Peaceable, Honest Mixture in Both Parties might have as much Ease, as may stand with the Security of the State. Now having thus equally divided my Kindness; it shall be Cross, or Pile (if you please, Doctor,) whether I am a Papist, or a Fanatique, I must confess, I abhor the Thought, of Christians worrying one another, worse than Wolves; and This, as well on the One side, as on the Other. But where People of Either Persuasion, will be Vexatiously, and Pragmatically Troublesome to the Public Peace, it is but Reason they should suffer for't. But then there are several ways of Approach, or Advance toward the same End; Seditious Positions are every jot as Ill, as Seditious Actions, but much meaner: For the One is the Authorising of a Villainy, as the Other is the Executing of it. There is something of Bravery in him that Attempts it; but the Setter on, is a Scandal, even to his own Party.  
So that I have now Competently explained myself concerning the Plot, Popery, and Papists. For the First, I have a perfect Abhorrence; and no sort of Kindness for the Other Two, as Such. And yet as Papists are Christians, (and I myself one) I cannot but have a Conscientious respect, in Common for all the members of That Profession. Beside that as they are men too, there are Indispensable Offices of Humanity due from One man to Another; and then there are Certain Considerations of Alliances, Acquaintances, and Society, which we cannot wholly divest ourselves of, without a violence to the very Instincts of Reasonable Nature, and degenerating into Beasts.  
Now as to the point of Popery, so far as it is made use of as a Political Engine to loosen Societyes, and to Authorise Disobedience; I look upon it as a Plot upon the Peace of Mankind, in That way of applying it: As the Disciplinarian Presbytery; (on the Other hand▪) which is the very Counterpart of it. But taking it nakedly, and Abstractedly as a Particular Scheme of Faith, and Religion; without any relation to Temporal matters; my being of Another Opinion will not hinder me yet from having the Same Charity for Another man in that which appears Erroneous to me, which, in a thousand Cases, I myself may stand in need of from Others. And This Softness has something in it of Complexion, as well as judgement. I cannot endure to see Children tormenting of poor Birds and spitting of Flies: And it has cost me many a Six pence, the redeeming of Puppies, and Kitlin from the Cruelty of Boys in the Streets, that were Tearing them to pieces. And This, Doctor, may be done, I hope, without being of Pusses, or Ringwoods Religion. But here's more pains taken then needs, to gratify john a Nokes, and john a Styles; for my Adversaries have yet This Modesty in them, that they are ashamed both of their Names, and Faces. These Lihellers follow the Example of their Fellow Murderers; they lie in wait for the Innocent; and it is the work of the One to Godfrey Honest men out of their Reputation, as the Other did that worthy Gentleman Sir Edmundbury Godfrey out of his Life. But It shall suffice that my Conscience as well as my Acquaintances, will acquit me in the matter of Conformity to the Rites, as well as the Doctrine of the Church of England; which I have ever asserted, both with my Pen, and Practice; and fully answered all the Tests of my Profession, which the Law requires.  
It will be cast in my Dish, I know, that This pretended Moderation toward Dissenters is only introduced in favour of a Common Indulgence, wherein the Papists may come in for a share; and wholly Inconsistent with the Rigour I have promoted in all my Writings, toward the Non-Conformists, But I must desire you, Doctor, to observe, that I never opposed the Liberty of Thought in Disagreeing Persuasions; for 'tis impossible to bring all men to the same apprehensions of the same thing. But my business has been always, in This Case, to lay open the danger of permitting a Liberty of Practice, which must of Necessity dissolve the Order, and the Authority of the Government: For it is (effectually) a Translation of the Power from the Magistracy to the People; and a Contradiction to the Obligation and Intent of Laws; when the Rule prescribes to us the doing of This, or That, and the Licence, on the Other side, says we may do what we please.  
Now I have wiped off all these Aspersious, of favouring either Plot, Popery, or Papists; or of so much as Implying any Iniquity in the proceedings of the Government: (nay, I have, on the Contrary, asserted the justice of it, in This matter;) It only rests, that I purge myself in the point of a becoming Resignation, and Respect to the King's Witnesses; which is the hardest thing in the world to do, because there appears no Foundation for the Charge; and how shall a man prove, or make any thing out of Nothing? at least, if Other people can, I must confess that I have not yet the Faculty of doing it. But since there is no substantial Ground for This Charge, pray Doctor do but cast your Eye upon the Pretence. I give you the Character of a Loyal, Orthodox man, a Lover of your Country, and a Master of your Pen; I tell the Government, out of your own Mouth, where they shall find the Priests and Jesuits; so that 'tis but pursuing the way that you have chalked out, for the Retriving of them. I magnify your Discoveries. I set a just value upon your Performances, I prophecy that you will be famous to Posterity; and that the great things you have already done will be followed with greater. How comes it now that those Expressions which would be Panegyrics from another man, should be Libels from me? Or how can any man call it a Scandal, to speak well of him that endeavours to support the Government, without implying it to be matter of Reputation to design the Overturning of it? And how again comes B. W. to lug into his Title-Page, by head and shoulders, a Vindication also of the Rest of the King's Evidences, without any Hint, or Mention, in the Book he pretends to answer, of any other but yourself? The Mystery is this. There are a sort of people that will call a man a Defamer of the King's Evidence, not as a Charge, but 'tis a kind of giving the word to the Rabble. As we cry he sweats, to a Dog when we would have him take a man by the Collar.  
Now as the Offence ought to be punished, on the One hand, so the Scandal methinks should not go Free, on the Other: and it were well if both Parts were agreed, First, upon the Force, and Intent ●●nt of That which is called the King's Evidence; and Secondly, what it is, to defame it. Every body knows, what it is to swear for the King; and that the Witness must be Famae Integrae, and Probus. But now how far That Qualification extends, will be the Question. He that gives Evidence for the King is no further the Kings Witness, then for so much as concerns the subject matter of his Testimony; though there are some, I know, that will have the WHOLE MAN to be swallowed up, in a manner, and Transubstantiated into the Evidence; as, if every Word, or Act (for the purpose) of L'Estrange were to be reputed as the Word, and Act of the Kings Witness: (supposing Him so to be;) And that nothing could be spoken of him in One Capacity, without affecting him in the Other. Now under favour, Sir, This would be so dangerous a Mistake, that upon the Admittance of it, there would be no longer any Security either for King, or I People. For if my speaking any thing that is False of one of my Fellow Subjects, should invalidate the True Evidence I have given for his Majesty; what becomes of our Sovereign? And again, if my being an Evidence for the King, should entitle me to a privilege of Abusing and Scandalising other men at pleasure; what becomes then of the Liberty of the People? So that though This Qualification gives me more Credit, and Esteem in the world, according to the weight of the Cause in Question; it gives me no more Power yet, or Advantage, over my Fellow-Subjects, in Other cases, than I had before. Yours (I must Confess, Doctor,) is very Particular, in regard of the Important Consequences that depend upon it: And yet This does not hinder, but that the same Rule holds good throughout.  
As for example Sir; supposing me now to be one of the King's Witnesses, would This Character Authorise me to place the Supreme Power in the People; to say that the King is only as One of the Peers, and that the House of Commons made him what he is; To give out, how I'll Order the matter of the Succession; and what course I'll take with the Privy Council, when the Parliament meets? to represent his Majesty to be Popishly Affected; (though a Praemunire by the Statute;) to Garble the Bench as I please; and to say who shall Out, or who Continue; to call Princes, Traitors, and Canary-Birds; To pronounce upon This or That man; and say which Officer shall stand, and which, Fall; whose Offices I'll shake, and what Lawn-steeves I'll Ruffle; to Inveigh against the Bishops, as Popish; with their Antichristian holidays? to say I'll be the Death of this man; or I'll have the Blood of t'other, as the Toy takes me in the Crown: And all This, as if my being the King's Evidence had made me Controller of the Government; and Subjected the Lives, Libertyes, and Reputations of his Majesty's good Subjects to my Arbitration? These are Excesses that a man cannot well-suppose: But however, This may suffice to show that all things are not allowable, even to the King's Evidences.  
But still as the Witnesses are Limited, the One way; by the Rules of Good Manners, and Law. So it is not sit for people to make Sport with them the Other; and (as B. W. says) to turn the whole History into Ridicule. But then Doctor, you must distinguish betwixt a man's Vindicating of Himself and Defaming You: for otherwise men must sit down and confess themselves to be Rascals as often as you are pleased to call them so, for fear of Blasting Your Evidence. Now though you are pleased to call me ten Thousand Rogues, and Villains; (and in very good Company too;) I am apt to think yet, that I'm never the Less Honest for your calling me any thing to the Contrary; and in passing This Reflection upon your Intemperance and Choler; What wrong is This to your Evidence? Or if it be, you may thank yourself for't. Must I stand upon Record for a Villain, in a Compliment to your Testimony? You tell People that I was a Common Fiddler to Oliver, which almost half the Nation knows to be False; And from this Instance, you would infer my Truckling to that Usurper. You do not imagine that I will yield myself to be a Rascal now, for fear of disobliging any man by a Contradiction. I do here affirm to you, Doctor, that I never took Oath, Covenant, or any Engagement whatsoever, from that Party; or in any sort whatsoever complied with them. Do but you prove the Contrary, and I'll allow myself to be all the Rascals you call me. Nay, it is publicly known, that when I lay in Newgate, condemned to be Hanged for serving his Majesty, I had the Intercessions offered me of very Powerful Men in the Party, if I would take the Covenant, to endeavour to bring me off, and I refused it. And, in fine, since I am forced upon't, I shall here annex Three Papers out of Twenty at least, upon the same Occasion, which I published upon that bloody Crisis in 1659. here in the Town, (and honest Harry Brome got them Printed too, to his very great Hazzard) when I do assure you Doctor, I did not write for Bread.  
You may perhaps take me to be a little Bolder in This Freedom, then becomes me; but truly I did not think it safe to discourse this matter to you by word of mouth, for fear of enflaming you further: And to deal Freely with you, Sir, I had not gone thus far neither, if you had not most injuriously broken in upon my Family, in a more Tender point: A Nicety, that I must entreat you not to proceed any further upon, without advice of Counsel.  
This Personal Unkindness of yours shall not at all lessen the Esteem I have for you as you are the King's Evidence: I shall go on advancing the Reputation of your Services, celebrating the good Offices you have rendered the Church as well as the State, in your plain-dealing with fanatics and Papists alike. But yet I am afraid, Doctor, that you are a little too easy of Belief: 'Tis a great wrong to me, and a greater yet to your self, This way of taking things upon Trust; For Truth should be as Sacred in a Word, as in an Oath. I have at This Instant before my Eyes all the Inconveniences that can possibly arise from This way of Exposing my Vindication. First, I know that you are apt enough to take Fire of yourself, Sir, and that you do not want Malevolent Spirits neither, to push you forward. I do know very well also your Power and Interest, with all the Ill Consequences that can attend it. I know likewise the Rancour of a Company of little Prostigate Wretches that will be forward enough to cover their Malice under your Name, and Protection; and in my Conscience (to give the men their due) will not stick out at any thing, to do my business: Fellows that will make no more of Kissing a Book, then of Kissing a Backside. But Sir, I shall oppose my single Honesty to all these Difficulties, and value their Swearing, as little as I do their Lying, tho' I am well assured, that they are conferring Notes upon That point already. And remember what I tell you, Sir; if ever they come to Agree upon't, That Perjury will be found almost the fairest part of their Practice.  
There is another sort of Malignants, that please themselves mightily in the Contemplation of having L'Estrange Run down, (as they call it) at the next meeting of Parliament. I shall take my time likewise to vindicate That Honourable Assembly from the Scandal of That Character which these People would give them in the world: As if we were now coming to be Governed by Ordinances again; and that Honest men, for discharging their Duties to their Prince, and Country, were now a Second time to be Sacrificed to a Faction. No, no Sir; I have no Apprehension of any hard measure from that Illustrious Assembly, to the degree of Oppressing me Contrary to Law; and I have as little Apprehension from the Dint of any Known Law that I have Transgressed.  
Give me your favour, Doctor, but for One word more. My believing of the Plot, under certain Restrictions, and Qualifications, is by B. W. exhibited against me, as a great Enforcement of my Charge. Now upon my Faith, Sir, I am persuaded, that I believe every Tittle of the Real Plot; but you must give me leave yet to Suspend my Faith in many Cases, where there is a Plot pretended, and Aggravated, and the supposed Principals not one jot concerned in't. What do you think, Sir, of the quality of those Inflaming Papers that are published in the Witnesses Names, and yet are only the Contrivances of a Knot of Booksellers, for their own Advantage? Papers of manifest Scandal against the Royal Family; some of the Loyal Protestant Nobility; and in General, against his Majesty's most Faithful Subjects? Papers composed for the Tumultuating of the Rabble; and if the Citizens had not been too Honest, and too Sober, to be transported with those Libels, they had been sufficient to have engaged them in Blood: Papers, that almost from One end to the Other of them are in effect the very Copies of two Libels which I had formerly seized myself. And shall This now be called a dis-believing of the Plot, which is only the not giving Credit to the most Shameless, and Insolent Impostures that ever were put upon any Government? No, pardon me Doctor, Those Mercenaries are the Defamers of the King's Evidence, that publish Lies, and Scandals in Their Names. And pray take notice withal, that these pretended Asserters of Religion and Government, are men of Notorious, and Pestilent Principles against both Church, and State.  
I do not know, Sir, what Construction you may make of the good Office I have done you, as the King's Evidence, in This way of asserting you to be a Loyal Subject, and a Good Churchman; or in my Freedom of telling you, that in your Personal Capacity, you have not used me kindly. If you take the Latter amiss, I'll leave it to Time, to reconcile me to your better Thoughts; But for the Other part, Doctor, is you will needs misunderstand me, I shall however content myself in This, as well as in Other Cases, that I have rendered a Duty, and a Service to the Public, without any Profit, to  
Sir, Your Disobliged, but Unchangeable Servant, Roger L'Estrange.  
P. S. I shall here present you, Sir, with the Papers I promised you in my Vindication from the mistake imposed upon you, as if I had gone over from the King to Cromwell. In 1659. Lambert was upon his March toward Sir George Booth, and Sir Henry Vane had listed the Separatists in and about London, to be in Readiness At which time I Published This following Paper, under the Title of,   

The Declaration of the City, to the Men at Westminster.  
Gentlemen,  
WE have waited for the good you have promised us; with a ridiculous Patience: but we find you Men of the Original, and to be read backward. We are for the Religion of the Heart, not that of the Nose; and for the Law of the Land, not that of the Sword; we are likewise for the Charter of the City, and for the Liberties of Freeborn Englishmen; with which we are resolved to Stand and Fall. It is high time for us to look to ourselves, when we are coming under a Guard of your Choosing, and when we have only this Choice left us, whether we will▪ Adventure to destroy You to Day, or be sure to be destroyed ourselves to Morrow. That's the short of the Case; for, a Massacre is not only the Design, but the Profession of the Party you have Armed against us; 'tis their very Exchange-talk at noon day; But the work will be either too hot, or too heavy: for my Masters, we are determined to suffer these affronts no longer, we are now come to understand one another, The Ruin of the Nation is Your Interest, the Peace and Preservation of it, Ours, and the mischief of it is, your destruction is as Easie, as 'tis Necessary: for every Creature which either Love's God, or his Country, Hates You. You have not so few as 200000 Enemies in This Town, to dispute the Quarrel with some half a dozen of you; not to multiply words, your Practices are such as a Generous Nature cannot Brook, and your Power so despicable, that a Coward needs not Fear it. You have made the City but a Cage of Broken Merchants; Tradesmen are ready to Perish for want of Business; and their Families for want of Bread; nor have the Poor any other Employment than to Curse you. Those few amongst you that have any thing, are but Covered with the Spoils of the Nation, and out of the Scum of the People you have composed your inconsiderable Rest. Well Gentlemen, play your own Cards yourselves, we'll play Ours: you'll have no Single Person in the State, we'll have none neither in the City; at least, we'll have no White-Hall-Major; we will neither extend our Privileges an Inch, nor abate an Hair of them. And in the matter of Bloodshed, so let Heaven prosper Us, as we shall proceed tenderly: But if there be no other way left us than violence whereby to preserve ourselves in our Just Rights, what Power soever shall presume to Invade the Privilege of a Citizen, shall find 20000 Brave Fellows in the Head on't.  
This we do Unanimously Remonstrate to You, and to the World, to be our Firm, and Final Resolution.  
After This, the Citizens presented a Petition to the Common-Council, pressing for a Free Parliament: But they were put off for the present, and upon Monday, December 5. 1659. Horse and Foot were dispatched into the City, by violence, to hinder the Re-inforcement of the Petition. But there was a great number of brave young Fellows that opposed them: And if the Factious Magistracy (at That time) had not by a Wile, persuaded them Home again, the Work had certainly been done▪ That Bout. Upon This, after five or six days expectation what this affront would produce, I Printed this following Paper, to quicken them; Entitled,   

The Engagement and Remonstrance of the City of London, Dec. 12. 1659.  
ALthough, as Citizens we are reduced to a Necessity of Violence; and as Christians, obliged to the Exercise of it; Unless we will rather prostitute our Lives and Libertyes, Fortunes and Reputations; Nay our very Souls and Altars, to the Lusts of a Barbarous and sacrilegious Enemy: We have yet so great a tenderness for Christian blood, as to leave unattempted no means of probability to save it. This is it which hath prevailed with us to Declare, First to the World, what we Propose, and Resolve, ere we proceed to further Extremities: and to satisfy the Public, as well in the Reasons of our Undertake, as to justify our selves, in the Menage and Event of them.  
We find, in the Midst of us, the House of Prayer converted into a Den of Thiefs: Our Counsels Affronted by Armed Troops, our Fellow-Citizens knocked on the head, like Dogs, at their own doors, for not so much as Barking: Nay, 'tis become Death, now to desire to Live; and Adjudged Treason, but to Claim the benefit of the Law against it. Witness those Infamous Murders committed but Monday last, upon our uuarmed friends: and the glorious Insolences of that Rabble, towards such of the rest, as they seized, and carried away. But this is nothing: to make us a Complete Sacrisice, we are to be Burnt too: a thing not only threatened, in the Passion of the Tumult, but soberly intended; for they have laid in their Materials for the work already: (a prodigious Quantity of Fire-Balls in Paul's, and Gresham College) Briefly, We are designed for Fire, and Sword, and Pillage: and it concerns us now, to look a little better to our gracious Guards. (Not to insist upon the loss of Trade; how many thousand Families have nothing now to do, but Beg, and Curse these wretches?) The Honour and Safety of the City lies at stake: and God so bless us, as we'll fall together. We will not live to see our Wives, and Daughters ravished: our Houses Rifled, and our Children Beggars, that shall only live to Reproach their cowardly Fathers: and all this done too by a People, which we can as easily destroy, as mention: by a Party, so Barbarous, and so Inconsiderable together, that, certainly, no creature can be mean enough, either to suffer the one, or fear the other. In this Exigency of Affairs, we have found it both our Duty and our Interests to Associate; and we desire a Blessing from Heaven upon us, no otherwise, than as we do vigorously, and faithfully pursue what we here Remonstrate.  
First; We do engage ourselves, in the presence of Almighty God, with our lives and fortunes, to defend the Rights and Liberties of the City of LONDON; and if any person that subscribes to this Engagement, shall be molested for so doing; We will unanimously, and without delay, appear as one Man to his Rescue.  
Next; we demand, that all such Troops and Companies, as do not properly belong to the Guard of the City, nor receive Orders from the lawful Magistrates thereof:— that such Forces withdraw themselves from the Liberties, within 12. hours after the Publication of This: upon pain of being deemed Conspirators, and of being Proceeded against accordingly, (for to this extent, both of Judgement, and Execution, is every Individual qualified in his own defence.)  
We are next, to demand the Enlargement of our Fellow Citizens, which were taken away by Force, and in a tumultuous manner, contrary to the known Laws of the Place, and Nation.  
This being performed, we shall acquiesce, in the Enjoyment of those Liberties, which we will not lose but with our Lives. In Fine, to remove all Impediments of the peace we desire: We do undertake, both as Men of Credit, and Justice; that such of the Soldiers as will betake themselves to honester Employments, shall receive their Arrears from the City, and such a further care of their future well-being, as is suitable to the Necessitys of the One part, and the Charity of the Other.  
THis Paper was so well received, that it encouraged me to follow it with Another, Entitled,   

The Final Protest, and Sense of the City.  
HAving diligently perused two Printed Papers, bearing date, the 14th. of this instant December: The One, in form of a Proclamation concerning the summoning of a Parliament: The Other as an Order of the Common Counsel, commanding the City to acquiesce in expectation of That Parliament: We find therein contained, matters, so contrary to the Honour of the Nation, and to the Freedom of the City, that we stand obliged both as Englishmen, and as Citizens, to Protest against the Impositions of the former, as Illegal, and the Concessions of the Latter, as a direct Combination against us. These Two Papers are Seconded by a Third: (for the Two are One, both in effect, and design,) and that is, a Proclamation of Banishment, directing to the late King's party, under the notion of the Common Enemy: so that there's no love lost betwixt the Committee of Safety, and the Common Council, when the General provides for the Peace of the City, and the Mayor for the Safety of the Army; not to argue Acts of Oblivion, and the violation of Public Faith in the case: that they Conditioned for their Lives and Liberties, and Compounded for their Fortunes. This is not our Concern, what they do suffer; but what we may, if we trust those, that Keep no Faith with them: And that we'll take a care of: When They are Gone, than We are the Common Enemy; So are the Laws of God, and of the Nation, and such is every Man that loves them. What this Malignant Party is, these People talk of, we neither Know, nor Meddle; the Gentry 'tis we Live by, and by the Laws of Gratitude, and Hospitality, we are bound to Protect them, and resolved to do it, within our Walls, against any other Power, than that of the Known Law. The short of the Design is This; a Danger is pretended to the City, from the late King's Party, and to prevent the mischief, the Kind Committee Banishes the Gentlemen; with Order to the Mayor to make strict searches for Delinquents. Now in pursuance of this precious Order, our Houses must be forced, and we Disarmed, and then, our throats cut, to preserve the City. Let those that would be Chronicled for Slaves, and Fools; submit to suffer this; and after that Infamous Hour, may a Yellow Coat, and a Wooden Dagger, be the Badge and Distinction of a Citizen. To conclude, We ourselves are That City, so much the Care and Cry of the Proclamation; and This is our Unanimous sense, and Resolve. The Army proposes to Pillage, and Murder us, the Mayor, and his worthy Advisers, Ireton, etc.— are to hold our Hands, while They give the Blow; So, that we are now to provide both against Force and Treason; having One Enemy 〈◊〉 in our Walls, and Another in our Counsels. But withal, we have our Swords in our Hands, and our Brains in our Heads; and only to Strike the One, and to Disbelieve the Other, is to Subdue, and Disappoint them Both.  
We do therefore declare to the World, that we will by Violence oppose all Violence whatsoever, which is not warranted by the Letter of the Established Law: and that in pursuance of this Duty, both toward the Nation, and City, an Insolent Soldier, and an Apostate Magistrate shall be to us as the same thing.— Not to Word it much further, as we will not be Baffled, by Affronts, so neither will we be Fooled, by Flatieries. After the Loss of Trade and Liberty, a vast expense of Blood, and Treasure; After many Injuries received, more threatened, and none returned, We made a sober, and Regular Application, to the Authority of the City, for Redress. This they Promised, and we Expected, till at last, in stead of a Reparation for past Wrongs, or a Security against worse to come; We are paid with an Expectation of a Parliament in january. This is a Logic we understand not. It is in English, Lie still, till we cut your Throats It would be well to commit the disposition of our Fortunes, co tho● people, that are at this Instant designing an Execution upon our Persons; and to requite those Worthies, that have already Robbed us of all we have Lost, with the Offer of that little Rest they have Left. But this will not do our Business; we will not have our Murderers, for our judges: nor will we wait. That Parliament they babble of so much, will scarce Vote up the City again out of Ashes, nor all the Saints in that holy Assembly, bring the poor Cobbler into the world again, that was Killed by order of his Brother Hewson. No, the Cheat is too stale, and we are Determined to Redeem ourselves; but with this Caution, We do solemnly profess, that we will exercise all the Tenderness which possibly the Case will bear: The Common Soldier is engaged rather out of a Heedless, than Malicious Interest: We do therefore Protest, that such of those as shall not evidence their Malice, by their Obstinacy, shall receive a Fair Consideration: But, for such as Led them, we do Resolve, not to allow Quarter to any one of them, that draws his Sword in the Quarrel: And in order to the Quicker, and Gentler Dispatch of the Business: We conclude with a Text, Fight neither with Small nor Great, but with the King of Israel. And so God give a Blessing to the Endeavours of all Honest Men.  
It makes me blush to think how like Vanity, and Ostentation, this Appendix may appear to any man that does not duly Consider the Occasion of Reprinting it.  
The End.