A MEMENTO TREATING, OF THE Rise, Progress, and Remedies of SEDITIONS: WITH SOME Historical Reflections UPON THE SERIES of Our late Troubles.  
By Roger L'Estrange.  
THE SECOND EDITION.  
Printed in the Year 1642, and now Reprinted for joanna Brome at the GUN, at the West-end of St. Paul's: MDCLXXXII.   

A MEMENTO.  

CAP. I. THE Matter and Causes OF SEDITIONS.  
THE Matter of Seditions (according to Sir Francis Bacon; 
The Matter o● Sedition.  whose words and Authority I shall often make use of in this little Treatise) is of two kinds; much Poverty and much Discontent.  
The Causes and Motives of Seditions he reckons to be these: Innovation in Religion; Taxes; 
The Causes of it.  Alteration of Laws and Customs; Breaking of Privileges; General Oppression; Advancement of unworthy Persons; Strangers; Dearths; Disbanded Soldiers; Factions grown desperate. And whatsoever in offending People, joineth and knitteth them in a Common Cause.  
These Inconveniences, either seasonably discovered, colourably pretended, or secretly promoted, are sufficient to the foundation of a Civil War. In which Negative and dividing Politics, none better understood themselves than the Contrivers of our late Troubles: not only improving and fomenting Discontentment's where they found them, and creating violent jealousies, where there was but any place to imagine them; but they themselves were the greatest Gainers, even by those Grievances against which they complained: Reaping a double Benefit, first, from the Occasion of the Difference, and then from the Issue of it.  
When a seditious Humour is once moved, the best Remedy is to cut off the Spring that feeds it: 
The Remedy.  by pleasing all sorts of People, so far as possible, and by disobliging none, but upon Necessity. Which public tenderness must be so managed, that the Majesty of the Prince be not lost in the Goodness of the Person: for nothing can be more Dangerous to a Monarch, than so to over-court the Love of his People, as to lose their Respect, or to suffer them to impute that to his Easiness which ought to be ascribed purely to his Generosity.  

Contempt more fatal to Kings than hatred.  Offences of that daring and unthankful quality, can scarce be pardoned, without some hazard to the Authority that remits them: Secret Contempts being much more fatal to Kings, than public and audacious Malice; the latter commonly spending itself in a particular and fruitless Malignity toward the Person (and that with Terror too, as being secured under a thousand Guards of Majesty and Power) whereas the Other privily taints the whole Mass of the People, with a Mutinous Leaven, giving Boldness to contrive, Courage to execute; and, if the Plot miscarries, there's the Hope of Mercy to balance the peril of the Undertaking. For a Conclusion of this Point, He that but thinks Irreverently of his Prince, Deposes him.  
Concerning the Materials of Sedition; viz. Poverty and Discontent: it would be endless to dissolve these General H●o●s into Particular Rules: the best Advise in this Case must be General too; that is, to endeavour to remove whatever Causes them, referring the Particulars to Counsel and Occasion.  
'Tis very well observed by the Lord St. Alban, touching Poverty: 
Poverty breeds Sedi●on.  [So many overthrown Estates, so many Votes for Troubles; and if this Poverty and broken Estate in the better sort, be joined with a Want and Necessity in the mean people, the Danger is Great and Imminent:] Which to prevent, [Above all things (says the same Author) good Policy is to be used, that the Treasure and Moneys in a State be not gathered into few hands.; for otherwise a State may have a great Stock, and yet starve: And Money is like Muck, not good except it be spread.] And again, 
A numerous Nobility causeth poverty.  [A numerous Nobility causeth Poverty and Inconvenience in a State, for it is a Surcharge of Expense.  
As to the Seeds of Discontentment's, they are as various as the Humours they encounter; dependent many times upon Opinion, and inconsiderable in themselves, however Notorious in their Effects.  
Touching the Discontentment's themselves, it is the Advice of the Lord Verulam, 
Fears and Jealousies.  [That no Prince measure the Danger of them by this; Whether they be Just or unjust? for that were to imagine people to be too reasonable. Nor yet by this, whether the Griefs whereupon they rise, be in Fact, great or small; for they are the most dangerous, where the Fear is greater than the Feeling.  
Such were those furious and implacable jealousies, that started the late War, which doubtless may more properly be accounted among the Dotages of a Disease, or the Illusions of a dark Melancholy; than the deliberate Operations of a sober Reason.  
Proceed we now from the Matter and more remote Causes of Seditions, to the Approaches and Prognostics of them.   

CAP. II. The Tokens and Prognostics of Sedition.  
IT is in many Cases with Bodies Politic, as it is with Natural Bodies; both perish by delaying till the Distemper be grown too strong for the Medicine: Whereas by watching over, and applying to the first Indispositions of the Patient, how easy is the Remedy of a Disease, which in one day more perhaps becomes Incurable? Some take it for a point of Bravery not to own any Danger at a distance, lest they should seem to fear it. Others are too unbiased to discern it: So that betwixt the Rash and the Stupid, (a large proportion in 〈…〉 of the World) we are passed the help of Physic 〈…〉 can persuade ourselves we need it.  
Dangers (says the Incomparable Bacon) are no more light, if they once seem light; and more dangers have deceived Men, than 〈◊〉 them. Nay, it were better to meet some Dangers halfway, though they come nothing near, than to keep too long a Watch upon their Approaches; for if a man watch too long, it is odds he will fall asleep.]  
Neither let any man measure the Quality of the Danger, by that of the Offender: For again, ['tis the Matter, not the Person that is to be considered; Treason is contagious, and a Rascal may bring the Plague into the City, as well as a great Man.] I do the rather press this Caution, because Security was the Fault of those to whom I direct it.  
But what avails it to be wary of Dangers, without the skill and providence to foresee and prevent them? Or what hinders us from the foreknowledge of those Effects, to which we are led by a most evident, and certain train of Causes? States have their Maladies as well as Persons; and those ill habits have their peculiar Accidents and Affections; their proper Issues and Prognostics: upon the true judgement of which Circumstances depends the Life and Safety of the Public. Not to play the fool with an Allegory; Be it our care to observe the Gathering of the Clouds, before they are wrought into a Storm.  
Among the Presages of foul Wether, the Lord St. Alban reckons Libels and licentious Discourses against the Government, 
The dangers of Libels.  when they are frequent and open: and in like sort, false news often running up and down, and hastily embraced, to the disadvantage of the State.  
We need not run beyond our Memories to agree this Point, it being within the Ken of our own Notice, that Libels were not only the Forerunners, but in a high Degree, the Causes of our late Troubles: and what were the frequent, open, and licentious Discourses of Cloakmen in Pulpits, but the illboding Play of Porpoises before a Tempest?  
We may remember also the false News of Plots agninst the Religion and Liberties of the Nation, and how the King was charged as an Abetter of the Design.  
We may remember likewise, how the Irish Blood was cast upon the Account of his late Sacred Majesty, even by Those men whose guilty Souls are to Reckon with Divine Justice for every Drop of it.  
Neither have we forgotten with what Care and Diligence these Falsehoods were dispersed; with what Greediness they were swallowed; nor what ensued upon it.  
If we look well about us, we may find this Kingdom, at this Instant labouring under the same Distempers; the Press as busy and as bold; Sermons as factious; Pamphlets as seditious; the Government defamed. The Lectures of the Faction are thronged with pretended Converts; and scandalous Reports against the King and State, are as currant now as they were twenty years ago.  
These were ill Tokens then, and do they signify just nothing now? What means all This but the new Christening of the Old Cause? the doing over again of the Prologue to the last Tragedy?  
Sir Francis Bacon proceeds, [That Disputing, Excusing, Cavilling upon Mandates and Directions,, is a kind of shaking off the Yoke, and Assay of Disobedience; especially if in those Dispute, they which are for the Direction, speak fearfully and tenderly; and those that are against it, audaciously.  
Herein is judiciously expressed the Motion or Gradation, from Duty to Disobedience. The first step is to Dispute; as who should say, I will if I may. The very Doubt of Obeying, subjects the Authority to a Question, and gives a dangerous Hint to the People, That Kings are accountable to their Subjects.  
To Excuse is a Degree worse, for that's no other than a Refusal of Obedience in a Tacit Regard either of an unjust Command or of an unlawful Power.  
To cavil at the Mandates of a Prince, is an express Affront to his Dignity, and within one Remove of Violence.  
Through these Degrees, and slidings from Bad to Worse, from one Wickedness to Another, our late Reformers Travelled the whole Scale of Treason; as the Scene changed, shifting their Habits, till at last, quitting the Disguise of the King's Loyal Subjects, they became his Murderers.  
What's more familiar at this Day, than disputing His Majesty's Orders; disobeying his Proclamations, and vilifying Acts of Parliament? Whereof there are so many, and so Audacious Instances, it shall suffice to have made this General mention of them.  
Another Observation is, that, When Discords and Quarrels, and Factions, are carried openly and audaciously, it is a Sign the Reverence of Government is lost.  
This was the temper of that Juncture, when the Schismatical Part of the two Houses, and the Tumultuary Rabble joined their Interests against Bishops, and the Earl of Strafford; which Insolence was but a Prelude to the succeeding Rebellion.  
And are not Factions carried Openly and Audaciously now? when the Promoters, and justifiers of the Murder of the late King, are still continued public Preachers, without the least pretence to a Retraction; Dictating still, by Gestures, Shrugs, and Signs, That Treason to their Auditory which they dare not Utter? What are their Sermons, but Declamations against Bishops: Their Covenant-keeping Exhortations, but the contempt of an established Law? How it comes to pass, Heaven knows; but These Honest Fellows can come off for Printing and publishing downright Treason, when I have much ado to scape for Telling of it.  
Whither these Liberties tend, let any Man look over his shoulder, and satisfy himself.  
When any of the Four Pillars of Government, are mainly shaken, or weakened, 
Sir F. B.  (which are Religion, justice, Counsel, and Treasure,) Men had need to pray for fair weather.  
To speak only of the last, The want of Treasure was the Ruin of the late King; Through which defect, his Officers were exposed to be Corrupted, his Counsels to be Betrayed, his Armies to be ill paid, and consequently not well Disciplined: Briefly, where a Prince is Poor, and a Faction Rich, the Purse is in the wrong Pocket.  
Multis little Bellum, is an assured and infallible Sign, of a State disposed to Seditions and Troubles, and it must needs be, that where War seems the Interest of a People, it should be likewise the Inclination of them.  
Touching the General Matter, Motives, and Prognostics of Sedition, enough is said; We'll now inquire into the special cause of the late Rebellion.   

CAP. III. The True Cause of the late War, was AMBITION.  
THE True Cause of the late War, was Ambition: which being lodged in a confederate Cabal of Scotch, and English, 
The Rise of the late War.  drew the corrupted Interests of both Kingdoms into the Conspiracy: to wit, the factious, covetous, Malcontents, Criminals, Debtors: and finally, all sorts of men, whose crimes, necessities, or passions, might be secured, relieved, or gratified by a change of Government. To these, were joined, the credulous, weak Multitude; the clamour being Religion, Law, and Liberty. And here's the sum of the Design, Pretence, and Party.  
This League we may presume was perfected in 1637. First from the King's Charge of High-Treason against Kimbolton, and the Five Members; Secondly from the correspondent practices in both Nations, appearing manifestly about that time: Next, 'tis remarkable, that the English pardon has a Retrospect to the beginning of the Scotch Tumults; (jan. 1. 1637. Three Years before the meeting of the Long Parliament) which Provision seems to intimate That Conspiracy. And now the Poison begins to work.  
Upon the 23 of july in the same Year, (according to a public Warning given the Sunday before) the Dean of Edinburgh began to read the Service-Book in the Church of Saint Giles: whereupon ensued so horrid a Tumult, 
The first Tumult against the Service-book.  that the Bishop was like to have been Murdered in the Pulpit; and after Sermon scaped narrowly with his Life to his Lodgings.  
The particular recital of their following Insolences upon the Bishop of Galloway, the Earls of Traquair and Wigton; the besieging of the Council-House, and contempts of the Council, their audacious Petitions against the Service-Book, and Cannons, I shall pass over, as not belonging to my purpose.  

The Covenanters Usurp the Supreme Authority.  Upon the 19 of Febru. following, a Proclamation was published against their Seditious Meetings, which they encounter with an Antiprotest, and presently erect their public Tables of Advice and Counsel for Ordering the Affairs of the Kingdom: The Method whereof was This. Four principal Tables they had. One of the Nobility; a Second of the Gentry; a Third of the Burroughs; a Fourth of Ministers. And these Four were to prepare Matters for the General Table; which consisted of Commissioners chosen out of the Rest.  
The first Act of this General Table was their Solemn Covenant; 
The Institution of the Scottish Covenant.  a Contrivance principally promoted by persons formerly engaged in a Conspiracy against the King, and, among others, by the Lord Balmerino, a Pardoned Traitor, and the Son of One. 
The promoters of it.  His Father had been a Favourite, and principal Secretary to King james, and raised by him out of Nothing, to his Estate, and Dignity. Yet was this Thankless Wretch Arraigned for, and Attainted of High-Treason, and after Sentence to be Drawn, Hanged, and Quartered, he was by the King's Mercy pardoned, and restored. Another eminent Covenanter was the Earl of Arguile, of whom Walker gives this Account.  
He brought his Father to a pension; outed his Brother of his Estate Kintyre; 
Hist. Indep. Appendix, pag. 14.  ruined his Sisters by cheating them of their portions, and so enforcing them into Cloisters.  
It must needs be a Conscientious Design with such Saints as These in the Head of it.  

The Covenant a Rebellious Vow.  This Covenant was effectually no other than a Rebellious Vow to oppose the King's Authority, and justify Themselves in the exercise of the Sovereign power, which they assumed, to a degree even beyond the claim of Majesty it self, pleading the Obligation of the Covenant, 
A Plea for Treason.  to all their Usurpations.  
They Levied Men and Moneys; Seized the King's Magazines and strong Holds; 
The Usurpations of the Covenanters.  Raised Forts; Begird his Castles; Affronted his Majesty's Proclamations; Summoned Assemblies; Proclaimed Fasts; Deprived, and Excommunicated Bishops; Abolished Episcopacy; Issued out Warrants to choose Parliament-Commissioners; Renounced the King's Supreme Authority; Trampled upon Acts of Parliament; pressing their Covenant upon the Privy-Council. They gave the last Appeal to the generality of the People; discharging Counsellors, and judges, of their Allegiance, and threatening them with Excommunication, in case they disobeyed the Assembly.  
All this they did, according to the Covenant; and whether This was Religion or Ambition, let the World judge.  
These Affronts drew the King down with an Army to the Borders; and within two Miles of Barwick, the two Bodies had an Interview, March 28, 1639. But the Scots craving a Treaty, his Majesty most graciously accorded it; 
A Pacification with the Scots.  Commissioners were appointed, Articles agreed upon, and a Pacification concluded, june 17.  
Not one Article of this Agreement was observed on the Covenanters part; but immediately upon the Discharge of his Majesty's Forces, the Scots broke forth into fresh Insolences, 
Their Infidelity.  and the Encroachments upon the Prerogative; addressing to the French King for Assistance against their Native Sovereign: And yet the Quarrel was, as they pretended for the Protestant Religion, and against Popery.  
In August 1640, they entered England, 
They enter England.  and upon a Treaty at Rippon soon after, a Cessation is agreed upon, referring the Decision of all Differences to a more General Treaty at London.  
In November began the Long Parliament; and now the Scene is London: Where with great Licence and Security, Parties are made, 
The influence of the Scotish Army, and the City-tumults, upon the Long Parliament.  and Insolences against the Government committed and authorized under protection of the Scotch Army, and the City-Tumults. By degrees, Matters being prepared and ripened, they found it opportune soon after, to make something a more direct Attempt upon the Sovereignty, but by Request first; and resolving if that way fail, to try to force it.  
In january they Petition for the Militia: In February they secure the Tower; and in March Petition again for't: But so, that they Protest, If his Majesty persist to deny it, they are resolved to take it: 
The two Houses usurp the Militia.  And the next day it is Resolved upon the Question, That the Kingdom be forthwith put into a posture of Defence by Authority of both Houses of Parliament.  
In April 1642, the Earl of Warwick seizes the Navy, 
The Rebellion begins at Hull.  and Sir john Hotham, Hull; Refusing the King Entrance, which was justified by an ensuing Vote; and his Majesty proclaiming him Traitor for it, was Voted a Breach of Privilege.  
In May, they pretended Governor of Hull sends out Warrants to raise the Trained Bands, and the King (then at York) forbids them; moving the County for a Regiment of the Trained Foot, 
The King's defence of himself, Voted a War against his Parliament.  and a Troop of Horse for the Guard of his Royal Person: Whereupon it was Voted, That the King, seduced by wicked Counsel, intended to make a War against his Parliament, and that whosoever shall assist him, were Traitors.  
They proceeded then to corrupt and displace divers of his Servants, 
Teasonous Prositions of the two Houses.  forbidding others to go to him. They stop and seize his Majesty's Revenue; and declare, That whatsoever they should Vote, is not by Law to be questioned either by the King or Subjects; No Precedent can limit or bond their Proceedings. A Parliament may dispose of any thing wherein the King or People have any Right. The Sovereign Power resides in Both Houses of Parliament. The King hath no Negative Voice. The levying of War against the Personal commands of the King, though accompanied with his Presence, is not a levying of War against the King: but a levying War against his Laws and Authority, which they have power to declare) is levying War against the King. Treason cannot be committed against his Person otherwise then as he was Entrusted. They have Power to judge whether he discharge his Trust or not; that if they should follow the highest Precedents of other Parliaments Patterns, there would be no cause to complain of want of Modesty or Duty in them; and that it belonged only to them to judge of the Law.  
Having stated and extended their Power, by an absurd, illegal, and impious severing of the King's Person from his Office, their next work is to put Those Powers in execution; and to subject the Sacred Authority of a lawful Monarch, to the Ridiculous and Monstrous Pageantry of a Headless Parliament; And That's the Business of the 19 Propositions demanding.  
That the great Affairs of the Kingdom and Militia may be managed by Consent and Approbation of Parliament; 
Deposing Propositions of june 2.  all the great Affairs of State, Privy-Council, Ambassadors, and Ministers of State, and Judges, be chosen by Teem; that the Government, Education, and Marriage of the King's Children, be by Their Consent and Approbation; and all the Forts and Castles of the Kingdom, put under the Command and Custody of such as They should approve of, and that no Peers to be made hereafter, should Sat and Vote in Parliament.  
They desire further, That his Majesty would discharge his Guards; Eject the Popish Lords out of the House of Peers, and put the Penal Laws against them strictly in Execution: and finally, That the Nation may be governed either by the Major part of the Two Houses, or in the Intervals of Parliament, by the Major part of the Council; and that no Act of State may be esteemed of any validity, as proceeding from the Royal Authority without Them.  
Upon these Terms they insisted, 
I Cause of the War, was Ambition.  and Raised a War to Extort them: So that 'tis clear, they both designed and fought to Dethrone his Majesty, and exercise the Sovereign Power themselves; which was to Suit their Liberty of Acting to that of Sitting, and to make themselves an Almighty, as well as an Everlasting Parliament.   

CAP. IU. The Instruments and Means which the Conspirators employed to make a Party.  
THat their Design was to usurp the Government, is manifest: Now to the Instruments and Sleights they use to compass it.  
The Grand Projectors knew very well that the strength of their Cause depended upon the favour of the Ignorant and Licentious Multitude; 
The Rabble were the Pillars of the Cause.  which made them court all people of that Mixture, to their Party; (for Men of Brain and Conscience would never have agreed to a Conspiracy, against so clear a Light, so just an Interest); and Those they found their fast Friends, whom neither the Horror of Sin, nor the brightest Evidence of Reason was able to work upon.  
To fit and dispose Both Humours to their purpose; the first Scruple they started was Religion: 
Religion the pretence.  which taken as they used it, in the external form and jingle of it, is beyond doubt, the best Cloak for a Knave, and the best Rattle for a Fool in Nature. Under this Countenance, the Murder of the King passed for a Sacrifice of Expiation: and those Brute Animals, that scarce knew the Bible from the Alcoran, were made the Arbitrators of the Difference.  
The fear of Popery was the Leading jealousy, which Fear was much promoted by Pamphlets, Lectures, and Conventicles: 
Their Zeal agaidst Popery.  Still coupling Popery and Prelacy; Ceremonies and the Abominations of the Whore: by these Resemblances of the Church of England, to that of Rome, tacitly instilling and bespeaking the same dissaffection to the One, which the People had to the Other. Their zeal was first employed upon the names of Priests, and Altar, the Service-Book, 
The Method of the Reformation.  Church-habits, and Ceremonies: From Thence, they stepped to the Demolishing of Church-Windows, Images, Crosses: the Persons of the Bishops went to't next, and then the Office. Thus far the Rabble carried it, the Leaders at last sharing the Revenues; and here's the Reformation of the Hierarchy complete.  
When by these Scandalous Impostures, the Duties of a Christian and a Subject; 
Rebellion divides God and the King.  Conscience and Loyalty, seem once to enterfere, what can be looked for, but Rebellion, from a Loose Multitude that think themselves Discharged of their Allegiance?  
All Governments are liable to Abuses, and so was Ours, among the Rest; 
Scandal Emproved,  where Personal Fayling, and Excesses, were emprov'd into the Fame of an Universal Profaneness, or Apostasy. Nor did they reckon it enough to Expose, and Aggravate particular miscarriages, and Humane Frailties; but the most horrid Crimes Imaginable, 
and Invented.  were without either proof, or ground, or colour, laid to the Charge of the Episcopal and Royal party; Both which were ruined by the same Method of Calumny, and Sedition.  

The late King was betrayed by presbyterians in his Counsel.  The main Encouragement to their Attempt, was that, The Presbyterians had a strong Party in the King's Council; (and this His Majesty himself takes notice of, in his Large Declaration of 1639. Pag. 124.) by which means, the King's Counsels were both Distracted and Betrayed: and the Conspirators Secure (at Worst) of Mediators for a commodious Peace, in case they Failed of a Successful War. Nor did this Confidence deceive them, in the following Interview of the Armies near Barwick, where the Covenanters had been almost as easily Beaten as looked upon, had not the Quarrel been taken up by an Importune, and dear-bought Peace, for that expedition cost more Money, only to face the Scotch Rebels, than would afterward have served His Majesty to have Reduced the English. 
A Dear peace, the cause of a long War.   
Throughout the Menage of their Affairs, it may be Observed that they had these Three Regards still in their Eye, and Care. 
Tria priciipia.  1. To Reproach his Majesty's Government. 2. To Animate, and Reward his Enemies: And 3. To persecute his Friends: And still as any thing Stuck, a Tumult ready at a dead lift to help it forward: For they were not Ignorant, that the King was to be Defamed before he could be Disarmed; 
The Method of Treason.  Disarmed, before Deposed; Deprived of his Friends, before Despoiled of his Rights and Privileges: and That being their Design, This was Rationally to be their Method.  
Their first Uproar about the Service-book, was but a wild trial how far the Multitude would Engage, 
Rebellion begins in Confusion, and ends in Order.  and the Magistrate Endure; which appeared in This, that the City-Magistrates did at first, Earnestly, and Publicly protest, not only against the Outrage; but for the Liturgy: not daring to do Otherwise; till a while after, Encouraged by the Boldness and Importunity of the Offenders, and the Patience of some in Authority; those very Persons did in their Pulpits, and Discourses, magnify that Beastly Crew for the Worthies of the Age, whom just before they had decried for Rogues and Villains: The Truth is, they were Then about to play the Rogues, Themselves; and when persons of Quality turn Rascals, Then do Rascals become persons of Quality.  
At the beginning of the Broil, half a dozen broken heads had saved Three Kingdoms. Who would have owned That Rabble, had they been Worsted? or, What Resistance could they have made to any Legal Opposition? But they were Flattered to be Quiet, and That advanced this Tumult to a party; the Faction growing every day more and more formidable.  
As their Strength increased, so did their Pretences, both in Number, and Weight; and nothing less would content them, then to strip the King as bare, as they had done the Bishops. The particulars of their Insolences are too many for a Treatise, and in Truth, too foul for a Story; but in gross, nothing was wanting to the perfection of the Wickedness, which either Hypocrisy, Perjury, Treason, Sacrilege, Rapine, Oppression, Forgery, Scandal, Breach of Faith, Malice, Murder, or Ingratitude could contribute. All which, in every Point shall be made good by several Instances, if any Man require it.  
We'll now look Homeward, 
The English follow the Scottish pattern.  where we shall find the English Rebellion wrought, to a Thridd, according to the Trace of the Scottish Pattern.  
The Press and Pulpit were already at the Devotion of the Reforming Party, the Covenanters had an Army on Foot, and the Schismatics were prepared for a General Rising; at which time, his Majesty Summoned a Parliament, to assemble in November following.  
In This Contention, those of the Confederacy, 
The prologue to the late War.  made it their first work to engage the People, by ripping up of Common Grievances, Breach of Laws and Privileges; and by contending to assert their Rights, Liberties, and Religion, against the Encroachments of Prerogative, and Popery. Being secure of their Party, they propose next the Manner of accomplishing their Purpose; which must be Effected by Craft and Terror. In Order whereunto, They first attacked Two of his Majesty's prime Counsellors and Confidents, the Earl of Strafford, and the Archbishop of Canterbury; 
Loyalty persecuted.  (Two Persons worthy of the King's Trust and Kindness, however Worried by the Multitude). To weaken the Lords House, they nulled the Bishop's Votes, and Committed Twelve of them for Treason; Five of the judges were Committed likewise: And to dispose the Lower-House, nothing was wanting which either Force, Flattery, Corruption, or foul-play in Elections could Procure them.  
So far as the King Granted, all went well; but if his Majesty denied them any Thing, the Fault was laid upon his Evil Counsellors: Under which Notion all his Friends were comprehended. So that his Choice was This; either to give away his Crown, or to have it wrested from him.  
In May, the Faction of the Two Houses Published a Protestation, (which was but a Gentle slip into the Prerogative Royal to try their Interest, and by degrees to enure the People to their intended and succeeding Usurpations. Some four or five days after, were signed those Two Fatal Bills, for the Death of the Earl of Strafford, and the Perpetuity of the Parliament: And having now gained leave to sit as long as they please, they have little futther to ask, but that they may likewise do what, they list.  

Rebellion rewarded.  Where Loyalty was made a Crime, 'twas fit Rebellion should pass for a Virtue. Upon which suitable equity, the Scots were Justified, and Voted, our Dear Brethren, 300000 l. in june 1641, and sixscore thousand more in August following, and so we Parted.  
In this Perplexity of Affairs, the King takes a Journey into Scotland, 
The King goes for Scotland.  it possible, to secure an Interest there; but the Conspiracy was gone too far to be composed by Gentleness. Upon his Majesty's Departure, the Houses Adjourn, and during the Recess, appoint a standing Committee, and They forsooth must have a Guard, for fear of their own Shadows. In which Interval of the King's Absence, the Usurpers lost no time, as appeared by their readiness to Entertain him at his Return: When the first Present they made his Majesty, 
His Welcome at his Return.  was the Petition, and Remonstrance of December 15; which I cannot think upon, but that Text comes into my mind, of Mark 15.18. [Hail King of the jews, and they smote him on the head with a Reed, and spate upon him, and bowed the head, and did him reverence.]  
This Impious Libel was seconded with an Audacious Tumult, 
The King Affronted by Tumults first; And Then for complaining of them.  even at the Gates of the King's Palace; and it was now high time for his Majesty to inquire into the Contrivers and Abettors of these and other the like Indignities; and Proclamation was accordingly made for the Apprehending of them; which very Proclamation was declared to be a Paper False, scandalous and Illegal.  
After this Language, what had they more to do, but by Armed Violence to invade the Sovereignty, and to improve a loose and popular Sedition, into a Regular Rebellion? Which was a little hastened to, even beside the Terms of Ordinary Prudence) to implunge their Complices beyond Retreat, before they should discern that hideous Gulf into which their Sin and Folly was about to lead them. To keep their Zeal and Fury waking, the Faction had a singular Faculty at Inventing of Plots; Counterfeiting Letters; Intercepting Messages; Overhearing Conspiracies: Which Artificial Delusions especially asserted by the pretended Authority of a Parliament and a Pulpit) could not but work strong Effects of Scruple and jealousy, upon a pre-judging and distempered People.  
These were the means and steps by which they gained that Power, which afterward they Employed in Opposition to those very ends for which they swore they Raised it; leaving us neither Church, nor King, nor Law, nor Parliaments, nor Properties, nor Freedoms. Behold! the Blessed Reformation: we'll slip the War, and see in the next place what Government they Gave us in Exchange for That they had Subverted.   

CAP. V. A short View of the Breaches and Confusions betwixt the Two Factions, from 1648, to 1654.  
IT cannot be expected that a Power, acquired by Blood and Treason; maintained by Tyranny; the Object of a General Curse and Horror both of God and Nature; only United against justice, and at perpetual Variance with it self:— I say, it cannot be expected, that such a Power as this should be Immortal. Yet is it not enough barely to argue the Fatality of Wickedness, from the Certainty of Divine Vengeance; and There to stop:— Usurpers are not raised by Miracle, nor cast down by Thunder; but by our Crimes or Follies they are Exalted, and Then, by the Fatuity of their own Counsels, down they Tumble. Wherefore let us inquire into the Springs and Reasons of their Fortunes and Falls; as well as Gaze upon the Issues of them: A timely search into the Grounds of one Rebellion, may prevent another. How the Religious Opposers of the late King advanced themselves against his Sacred Authority, we have already showed; be it our business here, to Observe their workings, one upon the other.  
To begin with Them that began with Us: The Presbyterians, 
The Presbyterians ruin'd by their own Arguments.  having first asserted the People's Cause against the Prerogative, and attempting afterwards to Establish Themselves, by using Pregogative-Arguments against the People; found it a harder matter to Erect an Aristocracy upon a Popular Foundation, than to subvert a Monarchy upon a Popular Pretence; or to dispose the Multitude (whom they themselves had Declared to be the Supreme Power) to lay down their Authority at the Feet of their Servants. In fine, they had great Difficulties to struggle with, and more than they could overcome: (I mean, great Difficulties in point of Interest, and Conduct; for those of Honour and Conscience, they had subdued long since) They strove however, till oppressed by a general hatred, and the Rebound of their own Reasonings, they Quit to the Independent▪  
Thus departed the Formal Bauble, Presbytery; succeeded, for the next Four years, by the Phanaticism of a Free-State. 
England a Free-State.  The better half of which time, being successfully Employed in the subjecting of Scotland, and Ireland to their power, and Model, and to complete their Tyranny over the King's Best Subjects, and their Usurpations over his Royal Dominions; Their next Work was to make themselves Considerable Abroad, and 'twas the Fortune of the Dutch to feel the First proof of That Resolution.  
Betwixt these Rival States passed Six Encounters in 1652. most of them Fierce and Bloody, the Last especially, 
Quarrels with the Dutch.  a Tearing one. Upon the whole, the Dutch lost more, but the English got little, beside the Honour of the Victory: in which particular, the Kingdom paid dear for the Reputation of the Commonwealth.  
This success raised the pride and vanity of the English, so that at next Bout, nothing less would serve them than an absolute Conquest. But while they are providing for it, and in the huff of all their Glory; behold the Dissolution of the Long-Parliament; 
The Long Parliament dissolved.  which whether it began or ended, more to the satisfaction of the People, is a point not yet decided.  
Dissolved however it is, and Rebuked for Corruptions, and Delays, by Cromwell; who with his Officers, a while after, Summon a new Representative; and Constitute a new Counsel of State, composed of Persons entirely disaffected to the Commonwealth. This Little, Ridiculous Convention, thought to have done mighty Matters, but the Plot Vented, and Vanished.  
Some of their Memorable Fopperies are These: 
Barebones Parliament: Their Acts.  The Famous Act concerning Marriages, was Theirs; they passed likewise an Act for an Assessment of 120000 l. per Mensem; they Voted down the Chancery and Tithes; they Voted also a total Alteration of the Laws.  
All of a mind they were not, and for Distinction sake, the company was divided into the Honest party, and the Godly party. Of the former, were Cromwell's Creatures, and of the Other, Barebones; or rather, Harrisons; (the Person they had designed for General, if they could persuade Cromwell to quit his Security for some additional Title of Dignity. 
Their Zeal. ) These Zealous Patriots Commonly brought their Bibles into the House with them; and as I am Informed, divers of them were seeking the Lord with Vavasor powel, when This following Trick was put upon them.  
An Hour or two sooner in the morning then usual, Decemb. 12. he that they called their Speaker took the Chair; and it was presently Moved and Carried, 
Their Dissolution.  (for several Reasons) to re-assign their power to him from whom they had it; 
The corruption of a Conventicle, is the General of a Protector.  which was immediately pursued, and so they made Cromwell a Prince, for making Them a Parliament.  
This gracious Resignation produced that blessed Instrument of Government, by which the Hypocrite was made Protector; and now forsooth the style is changed from The Keepers of the Liberty of England by Authority of Parliament, 
Cromwell Installed, and Sworn Protector.  into Oliver Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland, etc. who was Installed and Sworn, Decemb. 16. 1653.  
To his Assistance was appointed a Counsel of 21. the Quorum, 
A Council of one and Twenty.  13. By whom immediately upon the Death of the present Protector, should be chosen one to succeed him, (always excepted the Right Line from the choice) 'Tis supposed, that Lambert had an eye upon himself in the reach of That Article, and a particular influence upon the drawing of it, being at That time Popular enough with the Army to hope for any thing. A while after the Establishment of this Traitor, comes forth an Ordinance, Declaring Treasons; and now his Highness thinks himself in the saddle; especially having beaten the Dutch into One Peace, and Treated the Swede into Another, which were proclaimed soon after.  
Having run through the Narrative of those Considerable Changes, and Confusions, of Power, which intervened betwixt the Murder of a most Gracious Prince, and the appearing Settlement of an Usurping Tyrant, we'll make a little stand here, and look behind us.  
The Two Main Engines that made Cromwell Master of the Army, 
Cromwell's Masteries.  were first, The Selfdenying Ordinance by which he Wormed out the Presbyterians, and Skrew'd in his own Party: The Second, was the Vote of March 19 1646. for the Disbanding of so many Regiments, and sending Others for Ireland. This Vote was privily procured by himself and Ireton: which he foresaw must necessarily inflame the Army; and so it did, never to be reconciled.  
This Breach was the setting up of Cromwell: and the Foundation of his succeeding greatness. 
The Foundation of Cromwel's Greatness.  It was the Impression of That Vote that baffled, and purged the House in 47. Forced it, in 48. and Dissolved it, in 53. after which he called Another, that died Fe lo de fe, and Bequeathed to his Excellency the Government.  
Had the Devil himself destroyed that Faction, the Nation would have Thanked him for't; so 'tis no wonder if his Advance was smooth, and Prosperous: but now He's Up, how to maintain his Power, against a General Odium, and Interest; how to get himself forced to exchange That Temporary Title of Protector, for the more Stable, Legal, and desirable Name of King, without discovering his Insatiate Longing for it: This is a Point of Mastery, and Cunning; and Possibly the Thing that break his Heart, was his Dispair to Accomplish it.  
The Faction has already trod the Round of Government; The Lords and Commons, outed the King; the Commons, the Lords, the Multitude, the Commons; (and with the Fate of all Rebellious Causes; seeking Rest, but finding None) At last, up goes the Pageantry of a Monarch, Cromwell; whose Temper, straits, and Politics, shall be the Subject of the next Chapter.   

CAP. VI The Temper, straits, and Politics, of Cromwell, during his Protectorship.  
THe Character of This Glorious Rebel, is no further my purpose, then as it leads to a right judgement of his Actions, and the Confusion of his Adorers.  
Of strong Natural Parts, I persuade myself he was, 
Cromwel's Character.  though some think otherwise, imputing all his Advantages to Corruption, or Fortune, (which will not be denied however to have concurred powerfully to his Greatness). Nor do I pretend to collect his Abilities from his Words, any more than the World could his Meaning, save that the more entangled his Discourses were, I reckon them the more judicious, because the fitter for his Business. His Interest obliging him to a Reserve, for he durst neither clearly Own his Thoughts, nor Totally Disclaim them; the One way endangering his Design, and the Other, his Person. So that the skill of his Part lay in This; neither to be mistaken by his Friends, nor understood by his Enemies. By This middle Course he gained Time, to remove Obstacles, and ripen Occasions; which to emprove and follow, was the peculiar Talon of that Monster.  
To these enablements to Mischief, he had a Will so prostitute, and prone, that to express him, I must say, He was made up of Craft and Wickedness; and all his Faculties, nay all his Passions, were Slaves to his Ambition. In fine, he knew no Other measure of Good and Bad, but as things stood in This or That Relation to his Ends; which I the less admire, when I consider that he was brought up in a Presbyterian School: where Honour, Faith, and Conscience weigh nothing, further than as they subserve to Interest. But enough of This.  
In the foregoing Chapter we have Placed the Protector in the Chair, but not the King in the Throne; the Power he has already, but wants the Title; and, which is worse, he dares not offer at it, being equally afraid to own his Longing, or to miss it. In This Distraction of Thought, his jealousy joins with his Ambition; Solicitous on the One hand for his Family, and on the Other for his Safety. For his Family, in point of Grandeur, and for his Safety Thus.  

Cromwell Jealous of his Counsel.  After his Death, according to the Instrument, the Counsel is to choose a Successor, and whoever gapes to be the One, is supposed to wish for the Other; which probably they had rather hasten, then wait for: So that This Miserable creature being pained, betwixt the Hazard either of enlarging his Power, or having it thus dependent; and the disdain of seeing it limited, enters into a restless suspicion of his Counsel, and no way to be quieted but by depressing Those that Raised him. So much for the first Difficulty, a second follows.  

And of his Army.  His Design had These Three Grand Enemies. The Royalists, The Presbyterians, and the Common-wealths-Men: the Last of which composed the Gross of his Army; whom he had so enured to the Gust of Popularity, and Freedom, and so inflamed against the Tyranny of King-ship, that the bare Change of the word Commonwealth, to Kingdom, had been enough to have cast all into a Revolt.  
These were the main Impediments of His Majesty that would be; and now we'll touch upon the Shifts and Tricks his Highness used to Remove them.  
Cromwell having squandered away his Money, and taking occasion from the Salisbury Rising in 1654. to Squeeze the Cavaliers for more; Kills two Birds with one stone, 
Oliver erects Major-Generals, and then fools them.  by Commissioning some of those Persons which he most apprehended in his Counsel, to do his work: whom under the Name of Major-Generals, and with a Power at Liberty, (doubtless foreseeing how they would abuse it) he places as Governors over the Several Counties. These he employs to Levy his barbarous Decimation, which when they had done, and by a Thousand Insolences enraged the People, he lays them aside; being now become, of the most Popular of the Party, the most Abominated Creatures of the Nation.  
Touching the Royalists, no good for him was to be hoped for There, but by Goals, Exile, Selling them for Slaves, 
The Persecution of the Cavaliers.  Famishing, or Murder: all which was abundantly provided for, by Sequestrations, Pretended Plots, High-Courts of justice, Spies, Decoys etc. Nay (for the very Dispatch sake) when they should resolve upon the Massacre, (which beyond doubt they meant us) No Cavalier must be allowed so much as the least piece of Defensive Arms, by an Order of Nou. 24. 1655.  
No Person suffered to keep in his house as Chaplain or Schoolmaster, any Sequestered or Ejected Minister, Fellow of a College: or Schoolmaster, nor suffer his Children to be taught by such. Nor any Person of that Quality must be permitted to Teach a School, either Public, or Private; Nor Preach, but in his Own Family, nor Administer the Sacraments, nor Mary, nor use the Common-Prayer book, etc.  
This was the only Party the Rebels feared and ruined; but for the Presbyterians they knew they'd never join to help the King; and single they were inconsiderable.  
The Common-wealths-Men finally contented themselves with the Name of a Commonwealth, under the Exercise of a Single Person; so that by This Method of Engaging one Party, conniving at another, and crushing the Third: This Tyrant gave himself the Means and Leisure to fortify his Interests some other way.  
He had already tried a Parliament of his own Call; that met, Septemb. 3. 1654. 
Cromwel's Test of the House.  Five or Six days are spent in dangerous Debates about the Government, and the Authority by which they are Convened. This, Oliver did not like, and sent them an Appointment to meet him (on the 12.) in the Painted Chamber: where discoursing the Reciprocal ties betwixt Him and his Parliament; The Fundamentals of the Government, as to a Single Person; the Succession of Parliaments; their mutual Interest in the Militia; and Liberty of Conscience; and that These Particulars they were Entrusted to maintain; concluded, that finding a Design among them to overthrow That Settlement he was necessitated to appoint a Recognition, for every Man to sign, before he could be readmitted into the House; which Recognition was as follows.  

The Recognition.  JA. B. do hereby Promise and Engage myself to be true and faithful to the Lord Protector, and the Commonwealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland: and that according to the Tenure of the Indenture, whereby I am returned to serve in This Present Parliament; I will not propose, or give my consent to alter the Government, as it is settled in one Single Person and a Parliament.  
This was no Conventicle for Cromwell's Turn; so that after Five Months sitting, This Puppet of a Prince did formally dissolve it, in hope the next might use him better.  
His Credit though but small at Home, had better luck abroad; The Dutch, the Sweed, and then the French, entered a League with him, and the effect of this Conjunction hastened his Ruin. I must not overslip that One Condition with the French, was the Extrusion of our Gracious Sovereign, with his Adherents, out of the French Kings Dominions.  
Flushed with Success, and Vanity, nothing less serves us now, than the Spaniards part of the West-Indies. By whose advice, it matters not; 
Cromwel's design upon St. Domingo, Disastrous.  but in Decemb. 1654. a Considerable Fleet sets Sail from Ports-Mouth, and about mid- April, 1655. arrives at St. Domingo; Briefly, the Voyage was disastrous, and those that Scaped the Fate of That Attempt, disposed their Aftergame for jamaica. To Balance This disgrace, Blake made amends at Tunis, 
Blake makes amends at Tunis.  firing Nine Frigates in the Port Ferino, and came off fair at last.  
oliver's nex design was to intercept the Plate-Fleet; and within four Leagues of the Bay of Cadiz, 
His Success against the Plate-Fleet near the Bay of Cadiz.  the English engaged eight galleons, whereof only One Scaped, Two were Taken, and the Rest Sunk, Burnt, or Stranded: This disappointment to the Spaniard was a bitter one, and the Success as seasonable to the English; Yielding them both a Prodigious Booty, and a Dreadful Reputation. But these Successes were to Cromwell, as a good Hand, or two, to a Young Gamester; only Temptations to a Course will ruin him.  
While these Exploits were driving on, Abroad, Others were in the Forge at Home. Here, to gain Love; There, Awe and Credit, with as much Money toward the Purchase as the Fates pleased. Upon the Royalists, his Flatteries wrought little, as being a Party moved neither by Security, nor Profit, (where the King's Interest was the Question.) Both which, they freely Sacrificed in their first dutiful Engagement with him: and to the last stood firm, through the whole course of Oliver's most furious Extremities. But other Instruments there were of a more tractable and complying Temper, and These Forsooth, (Ten, Twenty perhaps in a Country) worshipped the Golden Calf, and in the Name of the People of England, Addressed, Congratulated, 
Addresses.  [Engaged themselves to stand by and assist him to the Uttermost, in the discharge of the Trust which so remarkably was devolved upon him.] This is the Style of that from Bucks.  
To these Appearances of a general Goodliking, were added the Conjoynt-endeavours of his Dependants and Allies; 
Oliver's Kindred stood his Friends.  which being Numerous in Truth, and Considerable by Employment, gave no small Succour and Support to his Ambitious Project, and Tottering Greatness. As by the Influence they had upon the juncto, in Sep. 1656, more eminently appeared; consisting of near a 100 Military Officers, 40 or 50 of his Allies, Domestics, and particular Creatures; (I speak the least) beside their Seconds: a mixture there was likewise of certain Persons truly Honourable, but divers being excluded, and the rest over-voted, their Interest came to nothing.  
These were no Strangers to their Master's pleasure, and what That was, may be collected from the Votes they passed to please him. The Main were these:  
1. An Act for Renouncing and Annulling the Title of Charles Stuart to the Three Kingdoms.  
2. For the Securing of the Protectors Person, and preserving the Peace of the Nation.  
3. The humble Petition and Advice.] Wherein was plentifully provided whatever might conduce to his Establishment, the most material Points being these following. (Only Protector should have been King, if he had pleased.)  

The Petition and Advice to Declare his Successor.  1. That under the Name and Style of Lord Protector, etc. He should in his Life-time Declare his Successor, and Govern according to the Petition and Advice, in Matters therein expressed, and in other things according to the Law of the Land.  
2. That he would call Parliaments for the future, Consisting of Two House, etc.— and Triennial at least.  
3. That the Quorum of the Other House be One and twenty, and the Number not above Seventy, 
Oliver's Other House.  Nominated by his Highness, and Approved by that House.  
4. That the Quorum of his Privy Council be Seven, 
privy-Council.  and the Number not exceeding One and twenty: and that Sitting, the Parliament, the Standing Forces of this Commonwealth be disposed of by the chief Magistrate, with the Consent of both Houses; and in the Intervals, by advice of his Council.  

Revenue.  5. That a constant yearly Revenue of Thirteen hundred thousand pounds be forthwith Settled, and no Part thereof to be raised by a Land-Tax: A Million of this Money for the Navy and Army, the rest for the Support of the Government: Other Temporary Supplies being left to the judgement of the House of Commons.  

Cavaliers incapable of Office.  6. That all that ever served the King Loyally and Constantly, be made Incapable for ever of any Office or Place of Trust in any of the Three Nations. The Rest is Formality.  
To these Propositions, his Highness AMEN is not to be doubted, and in Form, May 25. 1657.  
The LORD PROTECTOR doth Consent.  
Here's in the First, his Family Secured. In the Second, his Interest; (3. One House consisting of his own Creatures). In the Fourth, the Standing Army is his own; (that is, in the Intervals of Parliaments, which he can Dissolve at pleasure). In the Fifth, a Revenue proposed: And lastly, His Enemies cast at his Feet.  
On the Day following (june 26. was presented an Additional and Explanatory Petition and Advice: Desiring,  
That Forty and One Commissioners be appointed by Act of Parliament, who, or any Five of them, shall be Authorised to Examine the Capacities of Members to be chosen into future Parliaments, and every unqualified Member to forfeit a Thousand pounds, and suffer Imprisonment till he pay it.]  
The Forms of several Oaths are likewise offered, to be taken by the Protector, his Council and Members of Parliament; and, his Highness is further desired to Issue forth his Summons in due form of Law to such as he should think fit to Call to his Other House. To all which—  
The LORD PROTECTOR doth Consent.  
Divers Bills his Highness passed, that his people scarce thanked him for; Mony-Bills very many, and so the Thing was Adjourned till the Twentieth of jan. next.  
But we must not forget the Solemn Investiture of the Protector, by Authority of Parliament; (forsooth) and yet we must not make the Bauble Proud neither, by saying too much on't.  
The Foolery was performed in Westminster Hall, where his Highness was presented with a Coat: to wit, 
Cromwell Installed Protector.  A Robe of Purple-Velvet, lined with Ermines; A Bible, Gilt and Bossed; a Sword: And lastly, a Sceptre of massy Gold. When he was Girt and Vested, he lift up his Eyes to Heaven, and took an Oath, (not the First he had broken by many a Thousand) which being dispatched, Mr. Manton Consecrated the Independent Foppery, with a Presbyterian Blessing; after which his Highness being Published and Proclaimed, the Comedy concluded.  
But Comedy and Mr. Manton will scarce agree in the same Period: and why? Let us Expostulate. Does not a Counterfeit or a Mimic better become a Stage than a Pulpit? Or is it not as lawful to see Honest Lacie play a snivelling Schismatic, as a perfidious bloody Traitor to sustain the Person of a Gracious Prince? Yet here his Holiness Acts his Part himself; (or in the Gibberish of the Brethren) performs the Duty of the Day: Pronouncing a Blessing upon the horrid and ridiculous Spectacle.  
Did not Mr. Manton know that Cromwell was an Impostor; and that the Purple Robe he beware, belonged not to his Shoulders? How as a Minister of the Gospel then, could he Officiate to such a piece of Pageantry? It minds me of Mazarine's Kinsman, that upon a Good-Friday, in Derision, Crucified a Frog.  
He knew moreover, that he was a Murderer, and an Usurper, and that the Gaudy Bible then before him, was but to Him the Book he Conjured by. How as a Christian could he own the Augury?  
Further, He knew whose Blood he had Spilt, whose Rights he usurped; and that the murdered Father, and his injured Successor were Both his SOVEREIGNS: The Ceremonial Sword and Sceptre likewise he knew the meaning of. How as a Subject then could he submit to Countenance so Undutiful an Undertaking?  
Lastly, He knew that the Design was (in Truth utterly Atheistick, but in show) Independent. How as a Presbyterian could he agree to't?  
For all this now, Mr. Manton may thank himself. 'Tis true, he did Exceeding well, on the late Fast, to reckon Drunkenness, and Profaneness among Those Crying Sins that draw God's judgements upon a People, and Earnestly to press a Reformation. But, how come Plays into the Rank of these Provoking Sins? Or, what does Histriomastix in the Pulpit? [The theatres (it seems) are so Thronged with Coaches, his Greatness can scarce pass the Streets: Those Temples of Satan, etc.] And what would he now have the World believe of Those that Frequent Them? Is not this, Lashing of a Party, under the disguise of taxing a Vice? or Certainly, 'tis a Strange Conscience, that adores Catiline in a State, and Scruples him upon a Stage. Would not a Whip on the Other hand do well sometimes?  
I would go Five Miles barefoot to hear a Presbyterian Preach, that the first War in 1642. Raised by the LORDS, and COMMONS was a REBELLION.  
It must not be supposed that the first Tender of the Petition and Advice under the Regal Style, was without Cromwell's Privity, and Liking; and beyond doubt, the Title was a Bait he Licked his lips at: but the Old Fox durst not By't; and he had Reason to be shy, finding how great a Flame the first Bruit of the Proposition had Raised among the Sectaries: That very Ninth of April, when a Committee was appointed, to treat his Highness Scruples into a Satisfaction, being designed for a Tumultuary Attempt upon his Government; and divers of the Plotters apprehended.  
'Twas This, that put the Gentleman to his Hums and Haws; that makes him Sick to day, Late to marrow, Busy the next; and when he speaks, Chewe false, or utter Oracles: all these put-offs, tending only to gain Time, to find how the Tide serves, and Taste how the Proposal Relishes. At Last, the Crafty Sir, fearing the distance too wide for a single Step, resolves rather to make Two on't; and to content himself at present to be Installed Protector, with such Additional Powers as were then offered, leaving the Compliment of his Regality to the next meeting.  
During the Prorogation, Cromwell patched up his Other House, who took their seats (the Term of the Adjournment being expired) in the Lord's House. Such Peers they were, 
Olivers Other House.  as in good Truth the Commons were not only ashamed of, but galled to see the Affront they had done Themselves, 
Enraged the Commons.  by their own Follies in permitting them. Some few there were of Quality, and Moderation, Whose Names were only mixed to Grace the Rabble.  
And now forsooth the Mushrome-Fobs begin to talk of Dignities and Privileges. Prodigious Impudence and Folly! 
Thenew Peers.  Two of these Fellows Pride, and Berkstead quarrelled upon the Bench at Hicks his Hall, about the meaning of [the PREAMBLE that went AFTER.]  
The Commons (though a little late) resented the Indignity of Truckling under such cattle, 
The Commons pick a Quarrel with the Other House.  and not enduring an upper-house so like a Bear-Garden, they presenly took in their formerly Secluded Fellows, and fell to work upon the Authority of That New Creation, not sparing His that Placed them there. This course would soon have bred ill blood; and Cromwell, after 15 Day's trial of their Humour, did Prudently Dissolve them.  
From that Degree of Confidence, to Fall beyond Ressource, and from That point of Power, to become Ridiculous; did but demonstrate to him the Vanity of his Ambitious Hopes, and that he aimed at Things Impossible.  
Of all the Cross-Encounters of his life, 
Olivers heart-breaking cross.  This sank the Deepest, and the Impression of That Anguish, went with him to his Grave; as may be fairly Gathered from the wild disproportion of his following Actions: which, well considered, will appear rather the Products of Revenge, Rage, and Despair, than the formed Regular Politics of his wont Reason.  
Yet that he might not seem to abandon the pursuit, and utterly despond; some Five weeks after the breaking up of the late Assembly, The Major of London and his Brethren were summoned to White-Hall, 
He Fools the City of London.  and there (March. 2. 1658.) the Citts are told a Formal Tale of the King of Scots; 8000 Men in Readiness, and 22 Vessels to Transport them. A General Plot, The City to be fired, and twenty Terrible Things, to start and Settle a New Militia, which in some Six week's time was perfected.  
And Now from all Parts are to be procured Addresses: which are no other than Leagues Offensive, and Defensive Betwixt the Faction, and the Usurper.  

Addresses.  Sweet London leads the way; Then Michell's, Ashfields, Cobbetts, Regiments: The Officers of the English-Army; and the Commission-Officers in Flanders. All these in March.  
In April; the Officers of Biscoes' Regiment: and the Commission Officers of the Militia in Suffolk, Leicester, Sussex, and my Countrymen of Norwich. After These, follow the Soldiery of South-Wales, and daniel's Regiment. The Well-affected of Nottingham, etc.  
These Numerous and Pretending Applications, were but False Glosses upon his Power; and Cromwell was too wise to think them Other; Gained by Contrivement, Force, or at least, Importunity. Half a Score pitiful wretches call themselves the People of such or such a County, and here's the Totall of the Reckoning. 'Tis Rumoured that his Daughter Cleypoole, in the Agonies of her Death-Sickness rang him a Peal that troubled him. Whether 'twere so, or no, 'tis past Dispute, his Grand Distress was for the Loss of That which while he hoped to gain, made the most horrid of his helpful Sins, seem Solaces and Pleasures.  
While by the Artifice of These Addresses, his broken Interest is pieced as Fair as well it may, his Care is Divided between the engaging of One Party, and the Destroying of Another. And under the Masque of a pressing and Pious Necessity, he breaks out into such Enormous Cruelties, 
Barbarous Cruelties.  such Wanton, and Conceited Butcheries, that, had not his Brain been Cracked, as well as his Conscience Seared, he would not have gone so Fantastical a way to the Devil. Some of the Martyr's Hearts were quick and Springing in the Fire, (as I had it from several Eye-Witnesses). Ashton did but desire to be Beheaded, and it was seemingly Granted, but the Order kept till 'twas too late, and Then tendered with a jeer.  
London was made the Altar for These Burnt Offerings: God grant That City be not at last purged by Fire, (I mean, before the General Confiagration) for Those Polluting Flames. The Crime was Loyalty, and made out against them, more by the doubling Artifice of Mercenary Tongues, than any Pregnancy of Proofs.  
What could This Furious and Inhuman Rigour avail That miserable Politician, further than as it Gratified his Malice, and Revenge, for his Lost Hopes, and Fortunes! Without a Parliament, or somewhat like one, he Perishes for want of Money; and an Assembly to his mind throughout, he utterly despairs of: so that no Remedy remains, but by extremities of Violence and Blood to do his Business. And to That end, he faintly labours the new Modelling of his Army, a way, which he had found by Long Experience, made Enemies, as well as Friends: Those certain, and Implacable; These, prone to change their Interest, and without Money, True to None. In fine, his Fate was Irresistible, and his Tormented Soul Inconsolable. He Sinks, Sickens, and Dies: Upon the Day of his grand Anniversary, for Dunbar, and Worcester. (Sept. 3.)  
The Night before his Death, 
Cromwell's Death.  arose a Tempest, that seemed to signify the Prince of the Air had some great work in hand: and 'tis Remarkable, that during his Usurpation, scarce any Eminent Action passed without a furious Storm.  
I have drawn This Chapter to a length beyond my intention, and should be too too Tedious to run through all his Wiles, which were No other than an Habitual Craft, diffused throughout the entire Course of his Tyranny. But certain General rules he imposed upon himself, which must not be omitted.  
One was, to Buy Intelligence at any Rate, by That means making every Plot bear it's own Charges. 
Olivers Maximet.   
2. Never to Engage Two Parties at once; but to Flatter, and Formalize with the One, till he Ruined the Other: Which was the Reason that he durst never make the Presbyterians Desperate, for fear of Necessitating them to side with the King.  
3. To extirpate the Royalists by all possible means, as Poverty, Bondage, Executions, Transplantations; and a Devise he had to dispose of several Levies, out of That Party, Some to serve the Spaniard, Others the French, that they might be sure to meet in Opposition, and cut One the Others Throats.  
4. He ever made his Army his own Particular Care.  
5. To keep the Nation in a perpetual Hatred, and jealousy of the King's Party; which he promoted either by forging of Plots; or Procuring Them.  
So much for oliver's Temper, straits, and Politics.   

CAP. VII. A short Account from the Death of the Tyrant Oliver, to the Return of Charles the Second, (whom God Preserve from his Father's Enemies.  
THe Heart of the Cause was broken long since, and now the Soul of it is gone; though the Protectorate be formally devolved to Richard, as the Declared Successor to his Father. Whether Declared or not, was (I remember) at That time a Question. But whether Thus or So, it Matters not. Oliver is Dead, his Son Proclaimed, and at night Bonfires, with all the Clamour, Bustle, and Confusion that commonly attends those Vulgar Jollities. The Soldiers took the Alarm, and in my hearing threatened divers for daring to express their Joy so unseasonably: but they came off with telling them that they were glad they had got a New Protector, not that they had lost the Old. In Truth, the New Protector was looked upon as a Person more Inclinable to do Good, than Capable to do Mischief, and the Exchange Welcome, to all that Loved his Majesty.  
By the Court-Interest (as they called it,) Addresses thick and threefold were brought in, to Condole, and Gratulate; but Those Compliments had no Sap in them: The Dutch, the Swede, and the French, sent their Ambassadors on the same Errand. And now the Funerals come on; A Solemn, and Expensive Pageantry; yet, in my Conscience, the Chief-Mourners were his Highness' Drapers.  
These Ceremonies over, to keep the Wheel in Motion, a Supply was Resolved upon for the King of Swede, and little further of Moment, before jan. 27. When (in the Language of the Time) met Richard's Parliament. The First, and Last of his Reign.  
It cost These people some time to agree the Powers of the Chief-Magistrate, 
Richard Recognized upon condition.  and the New Peerage, which came to this result, that Richard should be Recognized; but with limitations, consistent with the Rights of Parliament, and People: and that for quiet sake [they would transact with the Persons then sitting in the Other House, as an House of Parliament during that Session.]  
The House proceeded by Degrees to make dangerous Inspections into the Militia, the Revenue; to look into the Exorbitances of Major Generals, to threaten the Excise; and finally, by all Popular pretences, to engage the Multitude; Effectually against both Protector and Army, enduring the Government neither of the One, nor of the Other.  
Whereupon, the Officers set up a Counsel at Wallingford-House, the Protector advises at Whitehall, and April 6. 1659. comes a Paper to Richard from the General Counsel of Officers, Entitled, A Representation and Petition, etc. importing, [the great danger the Good Old Cause is in, from Enemies of all sorts, the Poverty of the Soldiery; the Persecution of Tender consciences, etc. which Particulars they Petition his Highness to represent to the Parliament, with their Desire of Speedy Supply, and Certainty of Pay for the future: Declaring likewise their Resolution, with their Lives and Fortunes to standby, and assist his Highness and Parliament, in the plucking the Wicked out of their places wheresoever they may be discovered, etc.]  
The Paper boded a Purge, at least. Signed it was by 230 Officers, presented by Fleet-wood; Published throughout the Army, and followed soon after with a Day of Humiliation: (the neverfailing Sign of Mischief at hand.)  
In this Juncture, 
Each of the Three Parties Enemy to the Other Two.  Each of the Three Parties was Enemy to the Other Two, saving where Either Two were united to Maintain themselves against the Third: and All Three of Them Enemies to the Good of the Nation.  
The House being Biased for a Commonwealth, and not yet enabled to go Through with it, Dreaded the Army on the one hand, and Hated. the Single-Person on the Other.  
Richard, finding his Power limited by the Members, and Envied by the Officers, willing to please Both, and Resolved to Hazard nothing, becomes a Common Property to the House and Army; a Friend to Both by Turns; Theirs to day, Tother's to Morrow, and in all Trials Meekly submitting to the Dispensation.  
The Army on the other side had their Protector's Measure to a Hair; 
The Army Ruffles the House.  and behind him they Stalked to Ruffle That Faction in the House, that was now grown so Bold with the Military Interest: and it behoved them to be quick, with (as the Case stood Then) so Popular an Enemy.  
The Members kept their Ground, and April 18. passed These following Votes.  

The House Opposes the Army.  First, That, during the sitting of the Parliament, there should be no General Counsel, or meeting of the Officers of the Army without Direction, Leave, and Authority of his Highness the Lord Protector, and Both Houses of Parliament.  
Secondly, That no Person shall Have and Continue any Command, or Trust in any of the Armies, or Navies of England, Scotland, or Ireland, or any of the Dominions and Territories thereto belonging, who shall refuse to Subscribe, That he will not disturb or interrupt the free meeting in Parliament, of any the Members of either House of Parliament, or their freedom in their Debates and Counsels.  
Upon these Peremptory Votes, Richard Faces about, joining his small Authority, to forbid their Meetings; and great Assurances are Interchanged, to stand the Shock, of any Opposition.  
Two or three days they stood upon their Guards, continuing in that snarling Posture, 
Richard dissolves his Parliament.  till April 22. when Richard at the suit (or rather menace) of Disborough and his Fellows, signs a Commission to Dissolve his Parliament; which to prevent, the Members Adjourn for Three days; and to avoid the shame of falling by an Enemy, the Catoe's kill themselves. For at the Three days end, they find the Door shut, and a Guard upon the Passage, to tell them, They must Sat no more; Their Dissolution being also Published by Proclamation.  
His Highness steps aside next; and now the Army undertakes the Government. 
And is laid aside himself.  They Model, Cast about, Contrive, and, after some Ten Days fooling with the Politics, they found it was much a harder matter to Compose a Government, than to Disorder it, and at This Plunge, besought the Lord [after their Wander and Back-slidings, to show them where they turned out of the Way, 
The Army acknowledge their backslidings.  and where the Good Spirit left the Good Old Cause, that through Mercy they might Return and give the Lord the Glory.  
At last, they call to mind, that the Long Parliament sitting from 1648. to 1653. were eminent Assertors of that Cause, and had a Special Presence of God with them: Wherefore they Earnestly desire Those Members to Return to the Exercise of their Trust, 
And invite the old Parliament to sit again.  etc.—]  
This is the Tenor of that Canting Declaration, which the Army-Officers presented Lenthall (the Good-Old-Speaker) with, at the Rolls, May 6. in the Evening; where a Resolve was taken by several of the Members, to meet next morning in the Painted Chamber, and There to advise about their Sitting.  
They met accordingly, and made a shift, by Raking of Goals, to get together a Quorum, 
The Rump.  and so they sneaked into the House of Commons, and There Declared for a Commonwealth, passing a Vote expressly against the Admission of the Members, Secluded in 1648.  
This Device was fa-fetched, and not long-lived, but these were Old Stagers, and no ill Menagers of their Time.  
To make short; they Erect a Counsel of State, Place, and Displace; mould their Faction; settle the Godly, appoint their Committees, and so soon as ever they are Warm in their Gears, begin, where they left in 1653; Fleecing the Nation, and Flaying the Cavaliers, as briskly, as if 'twere but the Good-morrow to a Six-Years Nap.  
But the sad Wretches were filthily mistaken, to think Themselves brought in again to do their own Business; for the Army makes bold to Cut them out their work in a Petition of May 12. containing 15. Proposals, desiring,  
First; a Free-state.] 2. Regulation of Law and Courts. 
The Army's Petition. ] 3. An Act of Oblivion, since April 19 1653.] 4. All Laws, etc. since 1653. to stand good until particularly Replealed.] 5. Public Debts since 1653. to be Paid.] 6. Liberty of Worship, etc. not extending to Popery or Prelacy.] 7. A Preaching Ministry.] 8. The Reformation of Schools, and Universities.] 9 The Exclusion of Cavaliers, and loose Persons from Places of Power, or Trust.] 10. The Employment of the Godly in such Places.] 11. To provide for a Succession of the Legislative Authority.] 12. That Charles Fleetwood be Commander in Chief at Land.] 13. That the Legislative Power be in a Representative of the People; and of a Select Senate, Coordinate in Power.] 14. That the Executive-Power, be in a Counsel of State.] 15. That the Debts of his Late Highness, and his Father, contracted since Decemb. 15. 1653. may be satisfied, and Twenty Thousand Pounds per Annum settled upon him, half for Life, and half to him and his Heirs for ever.  
The Principal point was Fleetwoods' Command, which they agreed to; only reserving the Supreme Power to Themselves, and constituting the Speaker, Generalissimo; in the Name of the Pariament: which wariness showed that they understood one-another.  
For a while, the juncto treated the Army like Apes, with a Bit and a Knock, Flattering some and Removing others, as they saw expedient: Particularly the Two Sons of the Late Usurper, were fairly laid aside, Submitting and Resigning in Excellent Form, and without making two words on't.  
The High and Mighty did not, all this time, forget, that the Key of the Work, was Money; nor in Truth did they well consider, that they were called back by the Army only to Raise it. But On they went through Thick and Thin, and such Ignoble, sordid Courses they took to Levy it, that, in Effect, to Stop the Soldier's Mouths, they broke their own Necks; the Nation not enduring any Longer that such a pilfering Covey of Pick-Pockets should call Themselves a Parliament.  
This Universal Hatred, and Disdain of their Proceedings, provoked a General Seizure of Men, Horse, and Arms: and in Effect, the Plot was General; but what by Treachery, Delays, Babbling, Disappointments, and Scruples of taking in the Royal Party, (by those that never meant His Majesty, or his Friends should be the better for't) the whole was Dashed.  
I well remember one Particular, in That Transaction, that passed my Understanding, and Methought smelled of Treason. It was extremely laboured, that the King might be persuaded to come Over; and That too, before any Port was secured, or Men Embodied, on the bare hopes of the Design, to engage his Sacred Person.  
After the Cheshire-Rout, Lambert Retires to his House at Craven, and there ('tis thought) contrives the Ruin of the Rump. Which unforeseeing Creature, (dreaming of nothing Less) flies higher now than ever, 
The Faction flies high.  Imposing upon the House, and the Militia, an Oath of Abjuration, not only Renouncing the Title of Charles Stuart, but the whole Line of the Late King james, And then besides Excise, Customs, Forfeitures, and Confiscations, out comes an Assessment of 100000 l. per Mensem. They dis-incorporate the City of Chester, etc.  

The Rump and the Army Clash.  In the Carrier of their headstrong, and unbridled Fury, the first Check they received, was from a Petition and Proposals then on foot in Lambert's Army. Whereupon they Order Ashfield, Cobbet, and Duckenfield, (Three of the Principal Abettors of it) to bring in the Original Paper, which was accordingly done, and Caused this Vote,  
That to have any more General Officers in the Army, than are already settled by Parliament, is needless, chargeable and dangerous to the Commonwealth.  
Upon this Vote, the Officers appeared to acquiesce; but Octob. the 5. Matters were reinforced, Disborough presenting the House with a Representation, and Petition, from the General Council of the Army. For which, from the Teeth outwards, the Officers had Thanks.  
The Conventicle and the Army began now to speak English, and the Members seeing their Dissolution at hand, however cast This Block in the Army's way; Enacting,  
That it should be adjudged High-Treason for any Person or Persons after the Eleventh of Octob. 1659. to Raise moneys without the People's Consent in Parliament.  
This being passed; They Vncommissioned Nine of the Army-Officers; to wit, Lambert, Desborough, Berry, Kelsey, Ashfield, Cobbett, Creed, Packer, and Barrow. They voided Fleetwoods' Commission also, Investing the Command of the Army in Seven Persons, himself being one, and any Three to be a Quorum.  
Hereupon the House adjourns, and Hazelrigg, Morly and Walton (Three of the Seven) repair to the Speakers Chamber, forthwith dispatching Orders to Draw their Troops together. The Army-Party do the like, and March to the Palace-Yard at Westminster, 
The Rump thrown out.  (their Appointed Rendezvouz) where The Two Parties for That Night and part of the next day made Faces at One another; and finally, the Soldiery dismissed the Senate.  
Now was the Government once again in the Army; who after Thirteen days deliberation how to bestow it, Octob. 26. Disposed of it to a Committee of Safety, 
The Army settles a Committee of Safety.  consisting of 23 Persons: Empowered at Large; to advise upon Occasion with the Principal Officers of the Army; and within Six-weeks time, to bring in a Form of Government. Their Reign was short and troublesome; as 'tis reported, Feak told Sir Harry Vane upon his Unction, that his was like to be. They make Fleetwood their Commander in Chief, and constitute a New Militia.  
Scarce were these Worthies warm in their Seats, but the News comes that Scotland's in Disorder, and Barwick in a wrong hand. Whereupon Lambert marches Northward; soon after which, comes on a Treaty, that gave General Monk (now Duke of Albemarle) leisure to purge his Army, and to put Icotland in a Posture of Security. 
General M. Secures Scotland.  By These Delays, and want of Monies. Lambert's Army Moulders away; and briefly London is left to Thin, that Sir Harry Vane's Privy List of Congregationals was the danger they most Apprehended.  
The first step toward their Deliverance, was a Petition desiring the Assistance of the Common-counsel for the Procurement of a Free-Parliament: Promoted by the Honest-Part of the City, and Crossed by some Factious Magistrates of the Wallingfort Leaven.  
This Baffle did but more Incense the Petitioners, and upon Monday, 
Hewsons' Insolence toward the City.  Decemb. 5. Horse and Foot were Commanded into the City to hinder the prosecution of it. Where, by surprise, Hewson the Cobbler knocks Two or Three Citizens on the head, barbarously wounding and affronting others, till at last, Multitudes being drawn together, and ready to fall in among them (where not a Red-Coat could have scaped without a Miracle) the Quarrel, forsooth, was taken up by some of the Formalities, and then excused, to the Committee of Safety, as if the fault had been the Cities. The Army had at this time their Guards in Paul's, and Gresham-Colledge.  
During these Broils, Hazelrigg, Morly, and Walton, possess themselves of Portsmouth, 
Hazelrigg seizes Portsmouth  and the Forces employed to reduce it, join with them. The Fleet drives the same Interest likewise: only the Troops in London were at a stand, and fair for any Purchaser, but the Opportunity was slipped.  
Upon the 26. of Decemb. the Rump sits once again, 
The Rump sits again.  and Empowers Seven Commissioners, or any Three of them, to Command the Army; Here, the Secluded Members of 1648, put in for their Right of Sitting; whereupon a Vote is passed for taking the Case of Absent Members into Consideration, upon the fifth of january next; and upon the Day appointed, they Resolve,  
That the Members Discharged from Voting, or Sitting in 1648. and 49. do stand duly Discharged by judgement of Parliament, and that Writs do Issue forth for New in their Places.  
And now They think their Game Cocksure, having already Voted the Disbanding of Lambert's Army; Settled their Counsel of One and Thirty; and Offered Grace to the Revolted Officers, (Lambert himself, by Name) that would lay down before the Ninth of january; whereupon, lambert's Forces disperse, 
Lambert and his Party submit.  He himself submits, and the General receives an Invitation to London.  
In Conclusion, after Many Indignities cast upon the Honest Part of the Nation, for desiring a Free-Parliament, by That wretched Conventicle, that intended only to Perpetuate itself; The General arrives at London, Feb. 3. and upon the 7. comes out the 100000 l. Tax, 
The City refuse to Levy Monies.  which produced a Common-counsel the day following to advise upon it: where it was Resolved, To adhere to a former Vote of the Court in the Negative. This Refusal puzzled the Counsel of State, who without being Masters of the City, and of Money, were able to do little; so that they forthwith Ordered the Reducing of the City, by Emprisoning half a Score of their Citizens; and, upon another Denial, to take away their Posts, and Chains, 
The Rump offended with the City.  and destroy their Gates and Portculliss; which was accordingly Executed, but with such Regret, that thereupon they lodged the Government of the Army in Five Commissioners, (the General being One) with Evident Design to wipe him of his Employment. But Their Ingratitude wrought little with him, whose Actions were only steered by the Compass of Loyalty and Prudence. So that having humoured the People at Westminster, till they had made themselves sufficiently Odious, and abundantly tried the Affections of the City to his Design in hand: Upon the 11 of Feb. he gave the House to understand the Necessity of their timely Dissolution, in order to the right of Successive Parliaments; the very hopes of which Release gave the People a Joy, to the Degree of Madness.  
Upon the 21. were readmitted the Secluded Members of 1648. by whom were Writs Issued out for a Representative, 
The Secluded Members readmitted.  to meet upon the 25. of April 1660. and March 16. 1659. they formally Dissolve themselves, Committing the Government in that Interval, to a Counsel of State. Upon the day Appointed, the Convention meets, but not altogether so Leavened as by the Qualifications was intended; Excluding Father and Son of such as had served the King, from the Election. In fine, the Major Part of that Assembly, according to their Duty, gave the King his own again, without those Shackles and Conditions which the Qualifiers would have Imposed upon his Majesty: Upon whose Legal and Imperial Freedom, depends the Safety and Wellbeing of his People.   

CAP. VIII. The Usurper Oliver was principally distressed by the War with Spain, and his Standing Army.  
WE have now brought Rebellion from the Cradle to the Grave; We have seen it Triumphant, and now we see it in the Dust, subjected at the Feet of our Most Gracious Sovereign, to account for the Blood of his Royal Father. Be it our Business next to inquire, What hindered Oliver from Establishing himself? Upon what Reason of State, Cause, Error, or Necessity, that prosperous Usurper failed.  
But some will not allow he failed; as if the sole Fatality of the Cause was his Decease; and the Design only miscarried through the ill Manage of a weak Successor. For granted; by good Order, it might have been Caudled up, and kept above ground a little longer: But still it seems to Me, that before Oliver Died, the Cause was Bedrid, and Hectic, past Recovery.  

Cromwel's Rise to the Sovereignty.  Opinion is Free; any Mans as Mine, and Mine as any Man's: so that submitting my Reasons to the Wise, and Recommending my Weakness to the Charitable, I proceed.  
Cromwell did wisely to take his Rise to the Sovereignty upon the Necks of those Usurpers whom he cast out in 1653. For in the same Action, he Obliged the People, Mastered his Enemies, and Filled his Pockets. Yet were not those Means that advanced the Tyrant, sufficient to Establish him.  
One Obstacle was the Inconsistence of his Doctrine with his Design: 
What hindered his Establishment.  for the same Arguments that Raised him, Ruined him. The People were instructed to Destroy Kings, not to set them Up: and beside, he that had so many Sharers in the Hazards of the Rebellion, could not fail of some Competitors for the Benefit of it.  
Further, he had no considerable Party sure to his Interest; and all, but his Mere Creatures and Allies, were utter Enemies to it. The City Hated him for their Loss of Trade; the Country, for their Taxes; the Royalists, for his Rebellion, 
He w●●l Generally Hated.  and Cruelty; the Presbyterians, for his Breach of Covenant, (That is, for not destroying the King after Their Way); The Levellers, for his Ambition; and, in fine, all the hope he had, was to new-model an Army to his purpose; that failed him too at last, for want of Money, and Credit to maintain it. Which Want was chiefly hastened, and procured by his precipitate Breach with Spain, together with the Necessity of keeping up a Standing Army.  
The former of These was doubtless his Mistake; 
The war with Spain was an Oversight.  (or rather a Temerity scarce advised upon.) For having brought the Hollander to his Knees, (the only Stranger he had then to fear) and after That, shaked hands with him; his next Course should have been by Thrift and Popularity to Ingratiate himself at Home, and not by a Rambling, Needless, and Expensive War, to squander away the life-blood of the Nation, and in That Indigent Extremity of the State, to make Ducks and Drakes with the Public Treasure. Nor was the Consequence less Fatal to him, than was the Enterprise (to a common Eye) Imprudent: the hopes of carrying his Design, in no wise Countervailing the risk he ran of losing all he had Got, in case he miss it.  
I might Instance in a Thousand ways of Profusion, and Oppression Common to all Usurpers, both Practised by Him, and exposing him to great Necessities, but I shall rather bestow the rest I have to say, 
A Standing Army dangerous.  upon the Fatality of that Tyrant's Condition; Which forced him to make use of for his Safety, the greatest of all Dangers, to wit, A Standing Army.  
For Order sake, We'll first Consider, Upon what Pretence, and to what end 'twas Raised.  
In the Next Place; We'll see what it produced, and weigh the Benefits with the Inconveniences.  
Last; we'll look into the probable Effects, and Influence of it; as related to the English Temper, Custom, and Government.  
To the first; what I here call a Standing Army; 
The Rise of Cromwel's Standing Army.  was but the Improvement of a 'Slight Temporary force raised, (in pretence at first) as an Expedient against Plots, (being indeed itself the Greatest) but Increased, Continued, and Carried on, by Policy, and Power. This Project came from the Cabal in 1641. Couched under the Notion of A Guard for the House of Commons: 
Exact Collect. Pag. 44.  [Who conceived that they could not with the Safety of their Persons, (upon which the Safety and Peace of the whole Kingdom did then depend) sit any longer Unarmed, and Unguarded]— so great were their [Apprehensions, 
Ibid.  and just Fears of mischievous Designs, to ruin and destroy them]  
This was the Popular Colour for that Guard; Plots, and the Safety of the Public. Where the Plot was, in Truth; and where the Real Danger; may be gathered from the Practices of Those Armies, whereof The Guard aforesaid was but the Rise and Foundation. (And That's the point we handle next.)  

The Consequences of the House of Commons Guard.  The setting of This little Force a foot, was a fair Step toward the Militia; One Guard begetting Another; and the same Reason standing good, for the Augmenting, and Upholding of Those Troops, which was employed for the first Raising of them. The Parliament was first in Danger; the City, Next; and Then the Nation: and as their jealousies Increased, so must Their Forces, till by Degrees they grow to an Army. The King, and his Adherents, they call the Common-Enemy; whom they Invade and Vanquish.  
Here's their work done in short; what have they now to fear? Only New-Modelling, or Disbanding. A blessed Translation of the Government, from the Rule of the Law, to the Power of the Sword! and There to abide, till One Army be removed by Another: That is, the Tyranny abides; tho' under evera I Forms, and Tyrants.  
Our LEGIONS of the Reformation, were Raised by certain Rebellious Lords, and Commons; and Seconded by the City of London. We'll see now, how they behaved themselves towards their Masters and Friends.  
In 1647. the Army Reforms, and Purges the House; Presses their Dissolution. 
The Effects of a Standing Army.  Seizes their General Pointz in the North; Squeezes and Menaces the City of London; Marches up to it, and in Triumph through it. Takes Possession of the Tower; Charges the Mayor with divers Aldermen and Citizens, of High-Treason. altars their Militia's, and Common-Counsel; and finally, gives the Law to the House, and That to the Nation.  
In Decemb. 1648. the Army gives the House another Purge; and the year following, Cromwell himself had like to have been out-tricked by the Levellers about Banbury.  
In 1653. The Army Casts off the Old Conventicle, and upgoes Oliver, who calls Another; only to get a Tax and Title: and when They had done the One half, and made way to the Other; off goes That too. The Next was called in 1654. another after That in 1656. and Both were served with the same Sauce.  
If Cromwell could as easily have moulded the Army, as That did the House, his business had been done with half the Ceremony; but Money was Their business, and Kingship His, so that they helped him in the One, and Crossed him in the Other.  
In Septemb. 1658. Oliver Dies; and Then, 
Note.  they are Richard's Army; whose puisne Highness must have His Parliament too. They meet; and notwithstanding a huge Pack of Officers and Lawyers, the Vote proved utterly Republican, and Friend, neither to Single-Person, nor Army.  
Now, Richard takes his turn: but first, down goes his Parliament: and for a while, the Army-Officers, undertake the Government.  
Some Ten days after, up with the Rump again, and then they're Lenthalls Army: which, in Octob. 1659. throws out the Rump, and now they're Fleetwood's Army. Enter the Rump once more in Decemb. and once more the Army comes about again. The Rump's next Exit, is for ever, March the 16. 1660. 
Exit The Rump.   
Behold the Through Reformation; and every Change Sealed with a Sacrament, to have been an Act of Conscience, and guided by a Divine Impulse.  
Behold the Staff of the Rebellion; both the Support and Punishment of it; a Standing Army.  
While Plots could either be Procured, or credibly suggested, the Innocent were their Prey, and when That entertainment failed them, they worried one another: never at Peace; betwixt the Strife, first to Subject the Nation, and then to Govern it.  
So long as the Royal Interest was in Vigour; it was the Faction's Policy to engage all sorts of People, 
All Factious unite against the King.  whom they could possibly Unite against That Interest, however Disagreeing among Themselves, their first work being only to Destroy the King) and This was the Composition of the first Army.  
From Killing they Proceed to take Possession; and here Ensues a greater Difficulty. 
They divide.   
A Force is Necessary still, but the State of the Dispute being Changed, the Former Mixture is not for their present purpose: the Conspirators that agreed to overthrow the Government, being now Divided who shall Enjoy it. Hereupon, they fall to Sorting and Purging of Parties; the Independent at last carrying it, and Oliver in the Head of them.  

And Subdivide  After this Decision of the Contest betwixt the Two Factions, the Army itself divides; and Cromwell is now more puzzled with the Private Contrivements of his own Officers, than he was before with the open Power of his professed Enemies, for they are clearly for his Ruling with them, but not over them: so that unless he can both Uphold them for his Security, and Model them for his Design, he does nothing: In Both He laboured, and beyond Question, Died in the Despair of perfecting Either, finding upon Experience, that his Ambition was as Intolerable to his Party, as the Charge of Continuing his Army was to the Public; and what the Latter was, we'll read in his own words, delivered at a Conference, April 21. 1657.  
The present Charge (says he) of the Forces both by Sea and Land, including the Government, will be 2426989 l. The whole present Revenue in England, Scotland, and Ireland, is about 1900000 l. I think this was Reckoned at the Most, as now the Revenue stands: Why now towards This, you settle by your Instrument 1300000 l. for the Government, and upon That Account to maintain the Force by Sea and Land, and This without Land Tax I think, and this is short of the Revenue, that now may be Raised by the Government, 600000 l. because you see the Present Government is 1900000 l. and the whole Sum which may now be Raised, comes short of the Present Charge to 542689 l. And although an End should be put to the Spanish War, yet there will be a Necessity of the Preservation of the Peace of the Three Nations, to keep up the Present Established Army in England, Scotland, and Ireland; and also a considerable Fleet, for some good Time; until it shall please God to Quiet, and Compose men's Minds, and bring the Nation to some better Consistency: so that Considering the Pay of the Army, coming to upwards 1100000 l. per annum, and the Government 300000 l. it will be necessary, that for some convenient Time, seeing you find things as you do, and it is not good to think a Wound healed before it be; that there should be Raised over and above 1300000 l. the Sum of 600000 l. per annum, which makes up the Sum of 1900000 l. That likewise the Parliament declare how far they will carry on the Spanish War; and for what Time, and what farther Sum they will raise for the carrying on the same, and for what Time, and if these Things be not Ascertained, as one saith, Money is the Cause certainly, what ever the Cause is; if Money be Wanting, the business will fall to the ground, and all our Labour will be Lost, and therefore I hope you will have a care of our Undertake.  
How many Souls, Lives, Millions; and Noble Families; 
The Effects of a Military Government.  How well a Tempered Government; How Gracious a Prince, and happy a People, were by This Cursed Army Destroyed; will need no more than their own Consciences to determine, when Divine Vengeance shall call them to a Reckoning. It brought forth (briefly) the worst of Crimes, and Mischiefs, without the least Tincture of a Comfort, or shadow of a Benefit. Nor was it likely to do other, if we consider either the People, Place, Custom, or Government, they were to work upon.  
Concerning the People (first) [Populi ferè omnes ad Aquilonem positi, 
The English Impatient of Slavery.  Libertatem quandam spirant] 'Tis Bodin's observation, that your Northern Nations are Generally keen Assertors of Freedom; (which for their Parts, the English made too true) How could it be Expected then, that a People, which Opposed their Lawful Prince for the fear of Slavery, should ever finally Submit to a Rebellious Usurper under the Actual and Shameful Extermity of it? This Reluctancy of Humour in the Generality, joined with the Particular Vigilance, Loyalty, and Enterprizing of the Royalists; rendered those Courses Necessary at present, to the Usurper, which must certainly sink him in the End.  
Nor was it more against the Genius of the People, than against the Interest and Reason of the Place.  
The Place, we are to consider as an Island; no Foreign Danger then in view, to Palliate the Oppression of an Army; nor any Subject whereupon to turn the Influence of it. No Stranger in the Case concerned; only at Variance with ourselves; we breed and nourish in our proper bowels, the Evil that Devours, or, at the best, Consumes us. The Army feared the Plots, but 'twas the Nation felt, them, and the Result of all was only a Dispute betwixt the Civil and the Military Power; Law, and Necessity: so that Effectually (the two Parties of this Division thus Enterwatching and Counter-Plotting one another) we were rather in a State of War than a Posture of Security, the People being at this Election, either to Resist, or Starve, and the Army, as much obliged, to make good their undertaking, or fall to nothing. What could be Rationally the Issue of these Provocations, and Animosities, but either the Destruction of the Army by the People; or of the People by the Army, in Order to a General Quiet? Neither of them being safe, but by the Ruin, and Subjection of the Other. If the People refuse to Pay, they are Presently Dis-affected; if the Soldiery be their own Carvers, they are looked upon as Tyrannical, and Insolent; and here's Matter furnished for a Civil War.  
Now That which makes the Case Worse, is (as I said) that being Islanders, and wanting the Colour of Arming against Dangerous Neighbours, we are forced to spend that humour in Mutiny among our selves, which might Otherwise be Diverted by, and Employed upon, a Public Quarrel.  

A Disgression to the State of FRANCE.  

This was calculated for 1662.  Upon the Continent 'tis Otherwise; as in France, (for the Purpose) where though the King Entertains a Standing Army of 12000. and about Fourscore Regiments more, in Flanders, Italy, Catalogne, and Luxemburgh; (besides Strangers) There's yet the Countenance of an Interest, and a Prudential Ground for't: to Balance the Power, or at least Check the Progress of his Ambitious Neighbour Spain. For (says the Duke of Rohan in his Interest of France) Il faut opposer La Force á la Force. 
It seems to be the Interest of France to maintain a Standing Army.  Car ni les persuasions, ni la Iustice des arms, ne fera la loi à celui qui sera armè, tellement que la France doit se retrencher de toute autre despence moins utile, & estre tousiours puissamment arm. [Force must meet Force, for 'tis the Sword that gives the Law to Equity, and Reason; wherefore let France rather be sparing in any other way, then in the Constant Entertainment of a Puissunt Army]  
It may be Argued too, that the Exercise of Arms, is the Profession of the French Nobility, and in Effect, 'tis only War abroad keeps them in Peace at home. Yet even in France itself, where the Necessity of a Standing-Army is bolstered up with so many fair Appearances, the Effects are Dismal, how plausible soever the first Occasion seemed.  
Where it began, or what it was, not a rush matter, but, that by Gradual encroachments, from small and Temporary Pretences, 'tis now grown to a Constant, and unlimited Excess, he that knows any thing of France, cannot be Ignorant.  
They that fetch it from Guntran King of Orleans, 587. look too far back methinks, and entitle the Tyranny to too fair a Precedent. His Case being This.  
Guntran was the Survivor of Four Brothers; Sons of Clotaire the First; the other Three, being Cherebert, Chilperic, and Sigibert. The Eldest of these, Died Childless, and the Other two were Murdered by the Practices of Fredegonde, (first the Mistress, and afterward the Wife of Chilperic.)  
Sigibert, supinely indulging himself in the height of his Conquests, and Pleasures, was Stabbed in his own Palace by a Couple of Soldiers, employed by Fredegonde, who did as much at last for her Husband Chilperic; having first Caused him to Murder his Son Clovis; to Divorce one Wife, and Strangle another. The Story is Short, and a little Curious.  
Fredegonde had a Gallant, called, Landry de la Tour, by Her, Preferred to be Duke of France and Mayor of the Palace).  
The King comes one Morning in his Hunting-Dress into the Queen's Chamber, as she was busy about her Head, with her Hair over her Eyes; and (without a word speaking) tickles her on the Neck with the Twigg-end of his Riding-wand, Ah Landry (says she) That's not Cavalier like, to come Behind. The King was as much surprised with the Discovery, as Fredegonde with the Mistake; and went his way with the Thought of it in his Countenance. Landry is presently sent for by the Queen, They discourse the Accident, Debate the Consequences, and in the End, Complot to have Chilperic Murdered as he returns from the Chase; which was Executed, with much Ease and Security, the King being only attended with a Single Page, who Died with his Master, and the Murderers escaped.  
This Chilperic had, by Fredegonde, Clotaire the Second, (but Four Months old at the Death of his Father) and the Regency of King and Kingdom was Committed to Guntran, (the young King's Uncle by the Father's side) The Regent, warned by the Miscarriage of his Brothers, and being informed that the same Hand by which they fell, sought His Life also: Establishes a Considerble Guard, constantly to attend his Person: which was both suitable to his Wisdom, 
A Guard both Suitable and necessary about the Person of a King.  and Dignity; as a Security, against not only the Stroke of Violence, but the very Thought of it, and a fit Circumstance of Majesty.  
The Influence of This Force went not far, nor, in Truth, the Royalty of their first Race of Kings, 
The Maries of France abused the Confidence of their Masters.  much farther: whose either Lenity or Averseness to Business of State, gave their Great Counselors the means to Usurp, and Transferr Their Authority, which Confidence they abused to the Supplanting of their Masters.  
Complaints, Suits, References, Addresses, must be made, forsooth, to the Majors, not to the Kings: They undertake the Disposition of Monies, and Offices; the Menage of Treaties and Alliances: They Grant, Revoke at Pleasure: Briefly, from 632. to 750. France was rather under a Majoralty, than a Monarchy: and Then, (Pope Zachary, having first Absolved the French of their Oath of Obedience) the Race of Chilperic is Laid By; 
Pepin, the Son of a Powerful Subject, deposed his Prince, and sets up Himself.  Himself (the Fourth of that Name) formally Degraded, and Cast into a Monastery, by Decree of Parliament; and Pepin Installed in his Stead. Thus did the Son of the Last Great Subject make himself the First of the Second Race of Kings: of which, in requital for too much said upon the Former, I shall say nothing at all. Nor much more upon this Subject; save only that Charles the VII. and his Successor Lewis the XI. Laid the first firm Foundation of the Military Power; to which, Charles the VIII. Francis the I. etc. have since furnished their Additionals, and Superstructures, to make the Tyranny complete.  
'Tis Truth; the Splendour, and Profusion of the Court and Camp, is Dazzling, and Prodigious; they swim in Pleasures and Plenty: but he that turns his Eye toward those Miserable Animals, the Peasants, that with their Blood, and Sweat, Feed and Support that Luxe, and Vanity (with hardly bread for their own Mouths,) will find it much a different Prospect; the great Enhansers of the Charge claiming Exemption from the burden of it.  
He that would see the Glory of the One Part, and the Slavery of the Other, 
The State of France.  needs only read L'EST AT de la FRANCE, of 1661. Treating of the Officers of the Crown, Honours, Governments, Taxes, Gabelles, etc. He shall there find the Venality of Officers, and Their Rates; the Privileges of the Nobility, and Their encroachments; Who are Exempt from Payments; or rather, that the Countryman Pays for All. To make an end, let him also observe the Power, and Partiality of their Supereminent Parliament of Paris.  
The Book I mention, is of undeniable Authority, wherein Account is given of, at the least, Eight Millions (English) arising from Three Taxes only; 
The effects of a Standing Army in France.  and for the sole behoof and Entertainment of the Souldery (their Tailles, Taillon, and Subsistance) Beside their Aides; (an Imposition upon all sorts of Merchandise, Salt Excepted) which must needs by a Vast Income: and their Gabelle upon Salt; that brings in near Two Millions more. Not to insist upon Casualties, and infinite other Inventions for squeezing, which they practise: The Plough maintains the Army. [Take notice that this Reflection was Calculated for the State of France in 1661.]  
Give them their Due, their Noblesse are Brave and Accomplished Men, and the Brunt of all Hazards lies totally upon Them; but scarce in Nature is there a more abject Commonalty: and to conclude; Such is their Condition, that without War, they cannot Live: if not Abroad, they are sure to have it at Home.  
Let it be Noted too: the Taxes followed their Army, not their Army the Taxes; for 'tis One thing to Levy Money to Raise Guards, and Another thing to Levy Guards to Raise Money: the One appearing to be done by Consent, the Other by Force. (I use Guards and Army promiscuously, as only taking a Guard for a small Army, and an Army for a stronger Guard.)  
If a Standing Army subjects France to so many Inconveniences, (whereof History is full) where the Strength lies in the Nobility; 
A Standing Army more hazardous in England, than in France.  How much more Hazardous was it to England, where the Welfare of the whole, depended upon the Affections and Interest of the Middle-rated People: Especially under an Usurper, that was driven to uphold himself upon the daily Consumption of the Nation: (and a Body that becomes every day Weaker than Other, must not expect to be long-lived.  
So much for the Inconvenience of Cromwell's Standing Army, as to the Situation of England, together with a View of the Effects of it in France. We'll now consider what Welcome it was like to find upon the Point of Experience, or Custom.  
Alteration of Customs, is a work of Hazzard, even in Bad Customs; 
Alterations of Customs dangerous.  but to change Customs under which a Nation has been happy, for Innovations, which upon Experience they have found Fatal to them, is matter of great Peril to the Undertaker. But I look upon Oliver's Case, as I do upon a Proposition, of such or such a Mate at Chess: where there are severral ways to come within One on't, and None to Hit it. The Devil and Fortune had a mind to Puzzle him. He Prefers his Pawns; Transposes, Shifts his Officers; but all will not do: He still wants either Men or Money; if he Disbands, he has too few of the One; if he holds up, he has too little of the Other. Such in Truth, was this Tyrant's Exigence, that he was forced to That, which the Lawful Possessors of the English Crown would never venture upon: No, nor the Usurpers neither, before our Blessed Reformers of 1641. But 
— Where will those People stay,  
That through God, and Majesty, make way.   
Our Saxon Kings contented themselves with a Law, What Arms every man of Estate should find, and a Mulct upon such as did Detractare Militiae. 
Our Saxon Kings kept no Standing Army.   

Nor Edmond Ironside.  Edmond Ironside after his Duel with Camillus the Dane; and a Composition, to divide the English and Danish Kingdoms betwixt them and their Heirs, kept no Army on foot to Guard the Agreement; Neither did the Danes (who after his Death, Treacherously Seized the Kingdom) to maintain their Conquest.  
William the Conqueror, that subdued both English and Danes, thought himself safe enough in creating Tenors by Knights-Service, and permitting Proprieties; 
Nor William the Conqueror.  though at that time under such Jealousies, that he took divers of his English Prisoners into Normandy with him, for fear of a Commotion in his Absence.  

Nor William Rufus.  William Rufus, and after Him, his Brother Henry the First, (tho' the Usurpers of the Senior Right of their Elder Brother Robert) set up his Rest upon the same Terms: And so did Henry the TWO, after a long Contest with King Stephen, and notwithstanding the unruliness of most of his Sons.  
Henry III and then Edward I, after the Baron's Wars Employed no Standing Army to secure themselves: neither did Edward or Richard the Second; 
Nor Hen. 3. Edw. 1. Edw. nor Ric. 2.  notwithstanding a Potent Faction of the Nobility bandying against the Latter of them.  
Neither did the Henry's IV, V, and VI, in the Grand Schism of York and Lancaster, ever approve of it. 
Nor the Henry's 4, 5, 6, & 7.  Nor Henry VII, (as Wise and jealous as any of his Predecessors.)  
If any thing could have warranted the Adventure, methinks the Topsy-turvy and Brovillery which Henry the VIII, Introduced, might have persuaded, or provoked it. 
Nor Hen. 8. Edw. 6. Queen Marry, nor Q. Eliz.  But neither There, nor in the following Toss and Tumble of Religion, from Edward VI, to Queen Mary, and then back again to Queen Elizabeth, was it put in Practice.  
King James had no Temptation to it. King Charles' the Martyr, was indeed charged with the Intention of it, and so he was with being Popishly affected; 
Nor K. James, nor Charles the MARTYR.  (In Truth, with what not?) and the One as true as the Other. But who were They that laid This to His Charge? Even Those very Persons (some of them that advised Oliver to keep a Standing Army of 10000 Horse, and 20000 Foot, to Awe and Scourge the Nation. A Course unknown to our Forefathers; and by the Best and Worst of Former Princes equally disallowed; the Bade not judging it Safe, nor the Good, Expedient.  
But other more Convenient, and as Effectual, means they had, either to Prevent Dangers, or Suppress Them, as their Custom of Friborges, or Frank-Pledges, Inquests, Oaths, and Penalties, Tenors by Knights-Service, Commissions of Array, etc. 
Expedients to prevent or disappoint Dangers.  Which being of approved Benefit, and Equality, were much more suitable to the Genius and Interest of the People, than a Standing Army; which to allow, had been no other than to deliver up the Strength of the Nation, into the hands of a Faction.  
Now was it less against the Government, than against the Humour of the Nation. 
A Standing Army destructive to the Government.  Put a Parliament over the Nation, and an Army over the Parliament, Who Governs? But all Oliver's Geese were Swans; and his Soldier's Saints. Did they not Take what they would; Give what they would; Raise and Pluck-down at Pleasure? Nay, Effectually, did ever any Standing-Army Other, if they had nothing Else to do? Had they not already got the trick of calling the people together, to get money of them; and then sending them away like Buzzards, when they had gotten it; of Packing, and Qualifying; Engrossing of Powers and Offices; Cantonizing the Nation? Was it to be expected they should restore the Right Line again, when they had set up the Wrong? The King, when they had erected a General; The Law, when they had Mastered it by the Sword? They did not Tug so hard, for that they meant to part with Easily. What they got by Rebellion, was to be maintained by Tyranny; and Necessity was sure at Last to do the Work of Conscience.  
I Think, more need not be said to Oliver's Standing Army. 
An Army without Pay, is the most Dangerous Enemy  His Money could not last always, and when he wanted That once; he was certain to find his Army as Dangerous an Enemy, as it had been a Faithful Friend to him in his Prosperity.  
Nay truly, 'bate his Usurpation; his want of Faith and Honour,— But Rather then Profane the Sacred Character of God's Vicegerant by joining Majesty and Cromwell in the same Supposition; let us Imagine rather a Wise and Lawful Prince in the place of that Usurper: and yet it may be a Question, How far a Standing Army would have Consisted with the Interest, even of a Rightful Monarch.  
First; As the Nation was Poor, and in no Condition for the Charge of it. Next; as it was Impoverished by an Army; and therefore ill-persuaded of That Expedient. Thirdly; the Prince himself must have been Poor; (in oliver's Place) and what should a Poor Prince have done with a Standing Army, over a Poor and Discontented People?  
The Interest of This world is Money. 
Money is the Interest of the World.  Subject's Rebel; Armies Divide; and Kingdoms fall to nothing, for want of it: That which Fools call Fortune, being (to men of clearer sight) only the Favourable Influence of Treasure. 'Tis That, which Carries Towns, Causes, and Armies; puts Knaves in Honest men's places; Corrupts Cousells, and Supplants Governments: the People wear their hearts at their purse-strings; and a General Oppression, is ever accompanied with a General Desire to Remove it. I speak of what they do, not what they ought to do; for all men are not of a Constitution to hang, and Starve for Conscience. In fine, where the State is Necessitous, and a Faction Wealthy, That Prince (as is already hinted) that erects a Standing Force, in that condition, does but provide an Army for his Enemies. Not to insist upon the hazards, arising either from the People, if the Principal Officers have too little Power; or from the Officers Themselves, if they have too much; by which, not only the Public Peace, but the Monarchy itself, is Endangered: the King's Crown depending upon the Revolt of a Province. What can be more perilous than This Conjuncture; where there is so great a Temptation, on the one hand, and so great a Provocation on the other; where the Multitude wait only for a Head, and the Ambitious for a Party?  
But why do I discourse the Mischiefs of a Standing Army? They are too many, great and Obvious, to admit a Question. What are the Benefits of it Rather? 
What's the Benefit of a Standing Army.  Is it either safe to any Purpose, or useful to the common and pretended end of it, even under a Lawful and Hereditary Monarch?  
It's true; a Prince may deal with his Dominions, as the Gentleman did with his Estate, that turned an Inheritance into an Annuity, because he would rather have it Large, then Long, and That's the Fairest of a Forced Government; Suppose he save himself for his own time; what will become then of his Successor? But that we'll waive too; and Consider, what's the Fruit of it to himself?  
Is he the Richer for't? Alas, the Contrary: the Nation bears a Double Burden, and the Army Sucks the better half of the Advantage. 
The mischief and danger of it.  Is he the Safer? Neither: for a Mutiny in his Army, is both more likely, and more dangerous, than a Tumult among his People. In fine; A Standing Army may promote a Faction, but 'tis the Law preserves the Public, and consequently the King.  
That Monarch that Secures himself from Private Practices by a Choice, Full, and Honourable Guard, well Paid, and Disciplined, about his Royal Person; 
A Royal Guard necessary and sufficient.  as to the Rest shall find the Strict and timely Execution of Good Laws the best Public Security against Sedition. 
With the timely execution of good Laws.   
'Tis a Cheap Remedy, and therefore Acceptable to the Generality: A Legal one; so that the Delinquents Themselves cannot Complain of it; and Lastly, 'tis a Sure one: which if it be, what can be more advisable for any Prince and People? In Truth; so Sure it is, that I'm to seek ('bate only Matter of Claim) where ever any Settled Government was Embroiled, but either by the Interest of a Standing Force; or the Remissness of Authority, in the Execution of Establied Laws.  
The Necessity of a Royal Guard is Evident; the Number must be suited to the differing Exigences of Times and Places: but with This General Regard: That it be not only sufficient to the Safety of a Prince; but Honorary likewise, and Accommodate to his Dignity; and Demonstrative rather of his Power then of his Danger.  
But be the Body Great or Small; Nay, we'll suppose it equal, to a Standing Army (but not Distributed (as That is) into County-Troops, and Provincial Governments) Call it a Guard still, for the very Name of the Other sounds like a Grievance. The One, supposing only the People's Care of their Sovereign; the Other intimating the Sovereign's Jealousy of his People. Let me not be understood as in allowance of This Over-proportion: for such a Guard is but an Army in Disguise.  
There may be Temporary Occasions indeed, for Temporary, and Extraordinary Levies, but the word Temporary, is commonly attended with such a Train of Reasons for Perpetuity; that if the Occasion be not very Manifest, the World is apt to doubt of the Necessity. Not that the Generality have any Right to judge of, or Debate the Grounds of a Change; but I suppose that Their Opinions, and After-feelings will not be denied to have some Influence upon the Event of it.  
To Conclude; That Pince is Great, Safe, and Happy, that Commands by his Arms, Abroad, and Governs by his Laws at Home. The Apprehension of Conspiracies and Plots, in my opinion, weighs not much; or if there be any danger; the failing is rather in the Constitution or Administration, then in the want of Power to keep the People quiet: Good Laws, and Good Officers, will do the Business, without an Army; and if the Instruments be bad, The Hazzard's Ten times greater with it.  
It will be needful here, for the Clearing of the Question, to make a Particular Enquiry concerning Seditions; and that's the Point we'll handle in the Next Chapter; which, for Order sake, we shall divide into Seven Sections, with their Subdivisions as occasion shall require.    

CAP. IX. Of Seditions in Particular; and showing in what manner they arise from These Seven Interests. The Church, the Bench, the Court, the Camp, the City, the Country, and the Body Representative.  
IN the first Chapter of this Tract, we have touched upon the Matter and Causes of Seditions in General: We must be now a little more Particular.  
The Scene's Utopia; and we'll Divide it, into Seven Interests, The, Church, the Bench, the Court, the Camp, the City, the Country, and the Body Representative: the least considerable of which, being in any great disorder, hazards the whole; and That, either by engaging in some Actual Violence against the Government; or by some Irregularity of Proceeding that may Provoke or Cause it. Of These in their Course, and first of the Church.  

§ I. Seditions arising from the CHURCH.  
THose Troubles in the State which derive from Distempers in the Church, proceed either from Faction, Ignorance, or Scandal.  
The Strongest Tie upon Reasonable Nature, is Conscience; 
Conscience the strongest Tye.  and the Stubbornest Consciences, are Those that do they know not What, they know not Why. In Truth, what is Conscience without Understanding, but as well-meaning Madness? And That's the Fairest Sense my Charity can afford to the Blind Zeal of a Transported Multitude. If Conscience bids them Kill the King; Rob the Church; and Tear up the Foundations of Both Governments; They'll do it: Nay, More, This has been done, and Providence itself Proclaimed for the Doer of it. Great Heed should then be taken, what Persons are Entrusted with the Care of Souls, since the Consequence of a Factions Preacher, and a Mistaken Conscience, proves many times the Ruin both of Prince and People.  
Under the Note of Faction, I comprise all Opinions delivered Publicly, and with Design; against the Doctrine, Practice, or Authority of the Church. Reduce it, in Short, to Heresy, and Schism. The former whereof, reflecting only upon Matters of Faith, concerns rather Religion, than Government: and lies beyond the Line of my purpose; but in This Place; the Latter is the Question, and, briefly as we may, we'll take a view of the Rise, the Method, the Design, and the Effects of it.  
It is with Churchmen as with other Mortals; There are of all Sorts, Good, Bad, and Indifferent. Some we have known, whom neither the Loss of Dignity, Fortune, Freedom, no, nor the Loss of Life itself, could ever move from the strict Rule of Conscience, Magnanimity, and Duty. Others we have seen to Exercise these Cruelties, (though ecclesiastics themselves) upon the Nobler Sort of their own Function. And some again, we have observed to shift with every Turn, and Steer by Interest; still putting on the Livery of the Prevailing Party: Squaring the Rule, and Will of Heaven to the Appetites and Passions of Humanity. So that upon the whole, 'tis evident; some Clergymen are Quiet, because they have Preferments, and Others Troublesome, because they want them.  
The Principal Ingredients into Schism, are These; Ambition, Avarice, Popularity, and Envy; The Scope of it is to destroy Authority, and advance a Faction. Now how to accomplish This, is the Great Work; for a Rent in the Church signifies nothing without a Sedition in the State: and in This manner they proceed.  
First, In a Style of Holy Tenderness they slily disaffect the People against the Rights of the Church, 
The Rise of Schism.  as in themselves unlawful; and utterly Destructive of Christian Liberty.  

The method of it.  To strengthen, and advance the Imposture, what do they next, but rip up all the Failings, and show the Nakedness of their Superiors? Still aggravating what they find, and creating Scandalous Matter where they want it.  
When the Multitude are once moved in Conscience against the Impositions, 
The motion of Schism into Sedition.  and in Passion against the Imposers; their next attempt is upon the Authority, and then They divide into Separate Assemblies, which under colour of so many Conscientious Dissenters from the Ceremonies of the Church, are infallibly so many Contrivers against the Peace of the Kingdom. For here comes in the Civil Power to prohibit their Seditious Meetings, and Then, the Saints (they cry) are Persecuted: The Cause is God's; 
The Design.  and they are tied in Conscience to bind their Kings in Chains; and through all Extremities to pursue a Reformation: This is the Fruit of Tolerating a Faction under a Countenance of Conscience. Nor is it any wonder to see those wretches draw their Swords against Their Sovereign in the Field, whose Souls are turned against him in the Pulpit.  
But 'tis Objected, that some Ministers do really make a Conscience, of Conformity. Truly, the better for Them, if they forbear upon That Account; but 'tis the same thing to the Public, upon what account soever; for they Prescribe, what they Practise, and by the Precedent of Sticking upon a Doubt of Conscience, 
And Effect of it.  they open a Door to Disobedience upon any Pretence of it, breaking the Bond of Unity in favour of a Particular nicety of Opinion.  
Very notable is The Determination of the Lord St. Alban, in This Case [In Points Fundamental, 
Note.  he that is not with us is against us. In Points not Fundamental, he that is not against us, is with us.]  
Let this suffice to show the Political Inconvenience of Entertaining Schismatical Preachers. It may be now a Question, How far a Christian Magistrate may justify the sufferance of any man to exercise the Ministry, within his Dominions, 
Qu. May an enemy to Bishops exercise the Ministry?  that's a professed Enemy to Episcopacy: Which I Offer, with the fit Modesty of a Proposal, and with Reverence, to the better informed. But if, as the Danger of such a Mixture is Evident, so the Lawfulness of it shall appear doubtful, their own Argument is then turned against Themselves, and we have both Scripture and Experience on our side, over and above.  
The Three Questions, wherewith King Charles the Martyr Choked the Presbyterian Ministers in the Isle of Wight, Remain still Unresolved, and they are These.  
First, Is there any Certain Form of Church Government at all prescribed in the World? 
Three Questions propoundded by King Charles the Martyr, concerning Church Government.   
Secondly, If there be any Prescript Form, Whether or no may the Civil Power Change the same, as they see Cause?  
Thirdly, If any Prescript Form there be, and That unchangeable; If it were not Episcopal, what was it?  
In Fact, the Constant Exercise of Church-Prelacy is so manifest, that the whole stream of Story, and Tradition Runs Episcopal: which to Oppose, were to deny the only Means of knowing whether it were so, or not.  
Is it the Right they Question? Take then the learned Bishop Sanderson's Deduction of it.  
Leaving other men to the liberty of their own judgements, my opinion is, 
The derivation of Episcopal Government.  that EPISCOPAL GOVERNMENT is not to be derived merely from Apostolical Practice or Institution: but that it is originally founded in the Person and Office of the Messias, our Blessed Lord JESUS CHRIST. Who being sent by his Heavenly Father to be the great Apostle [HEB. III. 1.] Bishop and Pastor, [1 PET. II. 25.] of his Church, and anointed to that Office immediately after his Baptism by JOHN, with power and the Holy Ghost [ACT. X. 37— 8.] descending then upon him in a bodily shape [LUK. III. 22.] did afterwards, before his Ascension into Heaven, send and empower his holy Apostles, (giving them the Holy Ghost likewise as his Father had given him) in like manner as his Father had before sent him [JOH. XX. 21.] to execute the same Apostolical, Episcopal, and Pastoral Office for the ordering and governing of his Church until his coming again: and so the same Office to continue in them, and their Successors, unto the end of the World. [MAT. XXVIII. 18— 20. Thus far the Reverend Bishop.  
Some will Pretend, that This only proves the Authoritative Power they received by their Mission, but no Succession to the Office.  

Christ's Mandate to the Apostles.  For That; Observe the Mandate, [Go, Teach ALL Nations.] Personally, and Actually they could not do it; but in Effect, and Virtually, 'tis out of doubt, they did it: and How, but by their Delegates? For otherwise; our Saviour Commanded them a Thing Impossible. Briefly; if the Gospel was to be Preached to All Nations, (which no Christian will deny) and if (according to the Literal direction of the Order) the Gospel could not be Preached to all Nations, by so few Persons as were Then Commissioned; what follows, but the Evident Necessity of a Substitution; which Delegation being granted, clears the Dispute: for 'tis Indubitable that What Authority soever our Saviour vested the Apostles with, the same likewise was from Them transmitted to their Successors; Who (in the words of his late Sacred Majesty) succeed into the same Apostolical Power, and Function, which the Apostles, as Ordinary Pastors, had. Qui in Dominium alterius succedit, jure ejus uti debet. He that succeeds to the Government of another, succeeds also to his Rights of Governing. And Mark This further; that the Apostles Powers, and Commissions, were granted before the Descent of the Holy Ghost: and relating only to matters of Ordinary use, and perpetual Establishment in the Church; the extraordinary Gifts of the Apostles not at all proving them extraordinary Officers.  
Now how far a Prince may safely either Act, 
Episcopacy unalterable.  or Suffer the violation of a Church-Government of This Authority, I am not yet instructed.  
In fine; it is most certain, that a Divided Clergy makes a Divided Nation; and by how much Religion is the fairest of all Pretences; Conscience the deepest of all Impressions; Preaching and Praying the most Popular and Public of all Operations:: by so much are Disaffected Churchmen the most Pernicious and Intolerable of all disloyal Instruments. No Calumny being so Plausible, 
Corruptio Optimi, Pessima.  as That which drops from the Lips of Persons famous for an External form of Piety: No Hypocrites so abominable, as Those that Tithe Mint, and Cummin, and yet neglect Mercy and judgement: that under colour of long Prayers devour Widows houses, etc. And no sting so Deadly, as That from a Snake in a man's own bosom.  
We have now done with the Schismatic; the Active and Industrious promoter of Seditions. The Matter he works upon, is Scandal; either Supposed or Real; and That comes next.  
In all Invectives against the Church, the Scandalous, Negligent, and Insufficient, March hand in hand: 
The method of Schism.  to which are opposed a Party that stile themselves a Godly, Painful, and Able Ministry. Thus with the Boasting, and Censorious Pharisee, does the Proud Schismatic advance himself above his Brethren, calling Good Evil, and Evil Good; imposing equally upon the People, by an uncharitable judgement, and Report, on the One side, and a fictitious Holiness, on the Other.  
Not to excuse all Clergymen, nor to extenuate the Crimes of any of them. judas his Treason was the Fouler because of his Profession: and yet the Eleven were never the worse, because of judas his Treason.  
We'll Grant, 
A Scandalous Clergy, makes a Seditious Laity.  that for a Minister to spend one Hour of the week in a Pulpit, and the rest in a Tavern; to Undo a good Sermon by an Ill Example; and to discredit a Strict Doctrine by a Loose Life; is to extinguish the Reverence that is due to the Function; and to make Preaching look only like a Politic Ordinance to keep the People in Order. Not that the Doctrine is ever the worse for the Person, nor the Priesthood the less Venerable for the abuse of it; but it ministers matter of Scandal, and Exception: and with the Simple it passes for an Argument against the Government.  

Slander is the Sin and Practice of the Devil.  But as the Habit of Drunkenness, and Profaneness, in a Churchman is most unsufferable; so is it on the other hand a Practice Diabolical, to put all their Actions upon the Tent, and Screw up every allowable, and social Freedom to the construction of a Scandal. As if there were no Medium to be admitted, betwixt the Angel and the Brute. Are they not Men; and equally subjected to Infirmities, with other Men? 'Tis true; their Calling is Divine, but their Persons are Humane; and as much is required, in regard of Their Ministry: so somewhat also is to be born with in respect of their Humanity. Remember, there were those that called our Saviour himself a Wine-bibber.  
Alas; For a Minister to Drink a Glass of Wine in a Tavern, is made a mighty business: Nay, to be only Pleasant, and well-humoured, is by some, cast in their dish as an Air too Light for the Severity of their Profession: as if the Messengers of joy, the bearers of good-tidings to the world, were only to be sad Themselves, and look, as if either They suspected the Truth of their Errand, or their Title to the Benefit of it.  
However, since there are Those that will make use of small Occasions to do great Mischiefs; 
eat Appearances of Scandal.  It is a Point of Pious Prudence, fairly to shun appearances of Scandal; but 'tis indeed of high, and absolute Necessity, to Punish, or Remove the Scandal it self: as That which both provokes a Judgement from Heaven, and stirs up the People to execute it. Yet let us put some difference betwixt Sins of Appetite, and Sense; and Sins of Malevolence: in the Former, a man plays the Beast; but in the Latter, he plays the Devil.  
I look upon Ignorance also, as a Species of Scandal; even although in a Good Man; 
Ignorance a Species of Scandal.  for every Good Man makes not a Good Minister; nor do I know which is more tolerable; Habitual Profaneness, and Sensuality in a Divine, or Ignorance in a Teacher: the hazard of False Doctrine, or the Influence of an ill Example.  
Touching the Body of the Clergy, enough is said, to show the dangerous Effects of Schism, and Scandal; the One tending Directly to Sedition, the Other, Consequentially.  
There remains another Stumbling-block, 
Bishops blamed by the more unblamable.  and That concerns the Governors of the Church; who are commonly charged with Innovations, Rigour, Pride, or Avarice. They are capable of All This, as they are Men; but never the more unblamable for a Clamour Levelled at them as they are Rishops: There being great Difference, betwixt Personal Reproof, and a Factious Confederacy: betwixt the seasonable Freedom of Counsel, or Reprehension, duly Circumstanced; and the contumacious Insolence of Subjects toward their Superiors. In fine, a likely Tale does their Feat as well as a certain Truth; only they accommodate all their Stories to the Design of overturning the Government, and to the Gust of the Multitude.  
The Sound of Innovations, and of Popery, in some places, 
Fears and Jealousies.  goes a great way with the Common People toward a Sedition. They Fear, they Wish, they Love, they Hate, they know not what: and yet, against this Terrible Nothing, shall they engage their Lives and Fortunes, as Zealously, as if their Souls lay at Stake; and as Ridiculously, as if they Phansyed These same Innovations to be an Army of Flying Dragons, and the Pope leading them on upon a Hobby-horse. With this Device, the Multitude is first startled, and then every Bush is a Thief; Church-Habits are the Trumpery of Rome; Decency is Superstitious; Kneeling, direct Idolatry: And finally, to Impose all This, is interpreted, A violence upon the Consciences of the Godly. Thus from the very Method of Agreement is raised an Argument for Separation; and Christian Liberty is rendered Destructive of Humane Authority.  
Another General Objection, among the Prouder Brethren, is the Pride of Bishops; their Lording it over God's Heritage: 
Bishops charged with Pride, by the prouder Brethren.  which through the Person, Wounds the Office, Incensing the Multitude against the Power itself, under pretext of blaming the unlawful Exercise of it. Suitable to the Dignity of Bishops, and Correspondent to the Duty of them, aught to be the Revenue: (that is, sufficient both for Honour and Hospitality) in which Particular, the Ecclesiastical Patrimony, is by some People thought as much too Large, as the jurisdiction; and from a false and envious Calculation of Bishop's Rents, occasion is taken to inveigh against their Avarice; exposing them at once, both as a Grievance, and a Booty. Thus, like the Devil, the Schismatic advances his Kingdom by Slander, and thrives by the Sins of the People.  
We have dwelled long upon this Subject of the Church; but with the next, The Bench, we shall be quicker.   

§. II. THE BENCH.  
THe Two main Springs that Move and Govern the Affections of reclaimed Nature, are Conscience and Law. By the Former we are obliged, 
Conscience hnd Law govern the World.  in relation to our Immortal Being; and by the Other as Men Linked in Society. Our Priests and judges, are the Oracles we depend upon, for Counsel, and Instruction; in both these Grand Concerns: and if They deceive us, what greater Misery can befall a Nation, than to have jugglers, and Impostors, take up the Bench and Pulpit? Cozening the Vulgar with False Weights and Measures, of Truth and Reason; and uttering their Licentious Prevarications, for Law, and Gospel? In which Case, the greater the Modesty and Virtue of the Common-people, the greater is the Peril of the Delusion: it being their Duty to submit, to the Reason of the One, and to Believe the Doctrine of the Other, without disputing either, unless in Matters most Notoriously Repugnant to the Elements of Polity and Religion. And he's not his Craftsmaster, that cannot give, even to the foulest Purpose; a Colour fair enough to cheat a Multitude. What Wickedness is there, for which a corrupt Divine shall not produce a Text; and a shifting Lawyer a Precedent? But enough is said of the Former, and too much in Preface to the Latter.  

Occasions of Sedition.  Those Faults, among the Professors of the Law, which frequently cause Seditions (although not in Themselves Seditious) are, Corruption; Partiality; Oppression; Chargeable Delays: or, in a word, the Non-administration of speedy justice. Whereupon must necessarily ensue Poverty. Factions, Animosities, etc.  
The Consequences are Dangerous likewise, of over-straining the Prerogative; and so of Depressing it: both which may be done, either out of Zeal, or with Design. But, be the Intention of the Doer what it will, the Effects of the Thing done are Mischievous, for it injects Fears and jealousies of Tyranny, on the one side; and begets False and bold Opinions and Attempts of Liberty on the other: engaging all Humours against the Government, whom either the Hopes and Gust of Freedom, or the Dread of Oppression can work upon. But Personal Vices and Mistakes, we may put upon the Roll of Slow Poisons, that do the Deed, though it be long first.  
There are another sort of Lawyers, 
Seditious Lawyers and Schismatical Divines are the most abominable Seducers.  whose Malice is of a Quicker, and Stronger Operation; under whose Lips is the poison of Asps: or rather, whose Tongues are Daggers, turning the Point of Law, upon the Law itself; wounding the Eagle with a Feather from his own Wing, and Stabbing the Persons of Princes with their own Authority. These are the Execrable Regicides; and the Tumultuary Rabble are but the Ministers of their vile Purposes. Alas! in Matter of Law; by whom should the simple Multitude be directed, if not by Lawyers? (as by Divines, in point of Conscience.) Whether is the greater Offender then; that Ignorant Wretch that draws his Sword against his Sovereign, on the behalf of Law and Religion: (as he supposes:) Or, Those Abominable Seducers, that by wrested Scriptures, pretended Inspirations; by misconstruction of Laws, misapplying of Precedents; Torturing or Embezelling of Records; inveigle the Poor Creature into a Good Opinion of so foul an Enterprise? What signifies the Event of a Popular Action, compared with the deliberate Contrivance, Allowance, and Direction of it; more than the Effect of some dull Passive Instrument, employed by such or such an Agent? Or, if a Prince be Murdered; whether's the more to blame, the Axe, or the Executioner; the Bullet, or the Marksman? So much for the BENCH, now to the COURT.   

§. III. The COURT.  
BY the Court-Interest, is meant That Party, which more Immediately depends upon the Grace and Favour of the Prince: and here (as elsewhere) Seditions are either Plotted or Occasioned.  
Touching the Plotters of Seditions; 
Plotters of Sedition.  Some out of Avarice, with judas, Betray their Masters. Others, are spurred on by Ambition, with Absolom to Supplant Them. One man is puffed up by Popularity; a Second, stung with Envy; a Third, with jealousy; a Fourth, Transports himself with Revenge, or some other Personal Animosity. In fine, These various Humours, make but One Party; and the Covetous, Ambitious, etc.— agree in the same Conspiracy.  
Of the Contrivers of Sedition, some strike directly at the Governor; 
Are of three Sorts.  Others, at the Government: and a Third Sort, by crafty Circumstances, and Windings, choose rather to Mine the Regal Authority, then Batter it; and to work out a Prince by a Skrew, rather than force him by an Army.  
The first fort of Contrivances here Specified, are such as claiming to the Crown, 
Usurpers.  Themselves, Challenge the Prince that wears it, as an Usurper: And These, by making a fair Title to the People, joined with a little Popular skill of Humouring the Multitude, may with great ease engage a Party, in favour of a Person whom they Love, against a Right which they cannot understand.  
Concerning such as directly oppose the Form of Monarchy, upon a Principle of judgement; 
Monarchomachists.  much needs not be said, because they are neither many, nor considerable: for, to maintain That Paradox, they must overthrow all Story, Sacred, and Profane; the Practice of all Ages, and the Reason of all Governments.  

Jesuited Puritans.  A Third sort of Contrivers, are Those who under fair appearances of Loyalty, and Publickness, of Spirit, Masque their Seditious Intents, and Drive on a Particular Interest. From which kind of evil Instruments, even the Cabinets, and Private Counsels of Princes are not absolutely Free; and (according to Sir Francis Bacon) the hazard arises, either from an Over-greatness in one Counsellor; or, an Over-strict Combination in Divers; which are (says he) things soon found and holpen. For Perspicuity sake, we'll treat of this Division in Subsections.  

Subsection. I. Over-greatness in one Counsellor.  
THe Over-greatness in one Counsellor, is to be understood Principally, in Respect of his Credit with his Master; and partly, in Regard of those great Offices, and Riches which are commonly heaped upon great Favourities, giving them the means of over-awding the Honesty of their Inferiors, and of ingratiating themselves with the People; at least with so many of them as will be drawn to their Party, either by Fear, or Promotion.  
Where it happens that a Prince his Heart is touched with the Magic of so much Kindness for a Subject, 
Time is the best Trial of Fidelity.  as to make him dangerously Overgreat: it is not either Wisdom, or Virtue, that can properly deliver him from That Charm, but it must be rather Time, and Experience, that shall Dis-enchant him, Nor is it a Fault in a Prince, to comply with a Natural Inclination; but it is a Barbarous Ingratitude in a Subject to abuse it, by Endeavouring, (Comparatively) to Darken the Sun, with the sparklings of a Refracted light, shot from his own Glory.  
In This Case, the Happiness of a Nation depends not absolutely upon the Prudence of the Governor; but, in some Degree, upon the Honesty of the Favourite: not altogether upon Counsel, but much also upon Enformation: nor upon That neither, so much concerning the State and Quality of Affairs, as touching the Fitness of Instruments to menage them, and the Faith, and Abilities of Persons. [In vain is it, 
The Knowledge of Persons, is more than the Understanding of Matters.  (says the Profound St. Alban) for Princes to take Council concerning Matters, if they take no Council likewise concerning Persons.]  
Is a Kingdom in Danger of Invasion, or Sedition? To Obviate That Danger by a Force, is a Rational Expedient. But he that Arms his Enemies instead of his Friends, Increases the Danger. It were neither safe, nor Royal, for a Prince to Walk, or Sleep without a Watch about him. But were he not better be Alone, then take Assassins' into his Guard, or Red-chamber? In fine; Great is the Hazard of Mistaking Persons? Great is the Crime of the Industrious Authors of such Mistakes; and Great the Infelicity of a Monarch so Mistaking.  
Nay, which is worst of all, in This Particular, the Noblest Dispositions are the most liable to be Deceived, 
The Noblest Natures most easily Deceived.  and only Omniscience, or Ill-Nature can totally Secure a Prince from the Delusion. Imagine a Servant received into the Arms of his Master, Crowned with Honour and Bounty; and in This State of Favour, giving advice concerning Persons that are mere strangers to the Monarch: Who fit, or unfit, for such or such Employment; who false, or Loyal, etc. How should a Prince suspect a Subject under so many Obligations to Fidelity?  
Although Abuses of This Kind are in Themselves sufficiently Mischievous, 
Abuses from Great Persons hardly Rectified.  yet are they the more so, by reason of the Difficulty, and Peril to Rectify them; for, in many Cases, (as Sir Francis Bacon) the Truth is hard to know, and not fit to utter.  
He that would duly Execute This Office, must first, Resolve to feel the weight of a Potent Adversary; 
What he must do that undertakes it.  and Sacrifice his Hopes, his Fortunes, his Freedom, (nay, and perhaps, in Consequence, his Life) to his Duty.  
He must be wary too, that not a Syllable pass from his Lips, or Pen, which by the utmost force of Misconstruction, may seem to glance upon the Monarch: wherein, his Loyalty is not less concerned, than his Discretion; for 'tis a fouler Crime Publicly to Defame a Prince, then Privately to mis-persuade him. Let him but keep himself to the Fact, (as whether This or That be True or False, not meddling with the Equity, and Reason of the matter) he may with as much Honour, and good-manners, advertise his Prince of a Mistake, as believe that he is no God.  
The Application of This Over-greatness is exceeding various, nor is the Grace it self less Beneficial to the Public, when Nobly Lodged, than it is the Contrary, when so large a Bounty is poured into a Thirsty and Narrow soul. But we are Tied in This Place to discourse the Irregularities of Power, not the blessed Emprovements of it.  
We might reckon the Art of Flattery, 
The Art of Flattery.  among the main Condurements to a Court-Design: But, That's one of the Knacks we Learn without a Teacher. So Common it is, that he that cannot shift his Face and Humour, 'tis odds, can hardly shift his Linen: (he is so Poor, I mean) In This Particular: the Confidents of Princes, being generally of their Master's Age and Inclination, or thereabout, have great Advantages, both for the Freedom of Access, and Privacy: the Timeing of Affairs; and the more Clear Discovery of their Natures.  
How the aforesaid Inconveniences may be holpen, shall be the Subject of the next Chapter; but to Discern them in the Intention, falls properly under Consideration in This.  
To give the better Guests at the Design of This Over-great-One, see how he stands Affected, 
Conscientious Sedition.  first to the Religion of the Place he Lives in. 'Tis possible, the Conscience of a Catholic Good, may overrule him, to the Hazard of a Good which he conceives less Universal: and some Light, may be taken toward this Discovery, from the Observation of his Familiars; but much more from his Natural Temper, and from the Tenor of his Life. (i. e. if he be Naturally Melancholic, and Scrupulous) he may be suspected to be Conscientiously Seditious.  
Is it Ambition moves him? 
An Ambitious Person.  Ye shall then find him scattering his Donatives among the Soldiers. The Town has not Poor enough for him to Relieve, nor Rich enough for him to Oblige. He carries his Hat in One Hand, and his Heart in the Other. Here he Lends a Smile; There he Drops a Nod: with These Popular Incantations bewitching the Multitude.  
Is the Good of the Subject the Question? Who but He to Ease the People in Public, of the Grievances which himself had Procured in Private; and in fine, no man so fit to be made a judge in Israel. To All This; he must be Daring in his Person, Close in his Purpose, Firm to his Dependencies, and rather stooping to the Ordinary People, than mixing with them, he'll do no good on't else.  
To Proceed; let him be Watched, 
The Test of an Honest Favourite.  how he Employs his Power, and Faveur, whether (with Machiavelli) more to the Advantage of his Master; or, to his own particular Benefit: and Then, whether (according to the Lord St. Alban) He applies himself more to his Master's Business, or to his Nature; And rather to Advise him, than to feed his Humour. If he be found to study his Master's Passions, more than his Honour, and to Prefer his Private Interest, to his Duty, 'tis an Ill sign. 
An ill sign.   

Another as bad.  And 'tis no good one, if the Favourite grows Rich, and the Prince Poor: (especially if the Former be the Cause of the Latter) but it is much a worse, if he Presume to grasp Authority, as well as Treasure. It looks as if the supposed Equality of Friendship, had Drowned the Order of Subjection.  

Note.  Take Notice next, of the Proportion betwixt the means he uses, and his suspected ends.  
Does he Engross the Disposition of all Charges and Preferments? See in what Hands he Places Them. Does he endeavour to obstruct all Grants of Grace, and Benefit, that pass not through his own Fingers? That's Dangerous: For (says Sir Francis Bacon) [When the Authority of Princes, is made but an Accessary to a Cause, and that there be other Bands that Tie faster, than the Band of Sovereignty, Kings begin to be put almost out of Possession.  
Mark then again what Kind of Persons he Promotes, and for what likely Reasons, 
Mark again.  whether for Money or Merit; Honesty, or Faction? Observe likewise the Temper and Quality of his Complicates and Creatures; and whether his Favours be Bounties, or Purchases. If the Former, Judge of his Design, by his Choice. If the Latter, 'tis but a Money-business; which Avarice meeting with an overweening vanity of mind, is many times mistaken for Ambition. In fine; what Ambition does at Hand, Corruption does at Length; nor is the Power of the One, more dangerous, than the Consequence of the Other.   

Sub-section II. The Combination of divers Counsellors.  
PRoceed we now, from the Greatness of One Counsellor, to the Combination of Divers: which (to vary the Phrase) is no other than a formed Confederacy in the Council against the Monarch. Wherein we shall briefly lay down; first, The Advantages of the Faction; the Method, next: And lastly, The Marks of it.  
Their Advantages are great, and many; in Regard both of their Privileges, exempting them from Question; 
The Advantages of a Confederacy in Council.  of their Power to offend their Enemies, and Protect their Friends; and in Consideration of their Opportunities to look into both hands, and play their Cards accordingly.  
In their Method of proceeding, 
Their Method.  This is their Masterpiece; not only to do all the hurt they can, under a colour of Good; but to Engage Persons of more Honesty, than Understanding, in Offices, seemingly Serviceable, but Effectually Pernicious to the Public: By which Artifice, those that are Friends to the Government, do unwarily serve the Crafty Enemies of it; secretly undermining the Honour of the Prince, under Pretext of advancing his Profit; lessening his Power at Home, under the Disguise of making him more formidable Abroad; and where they cannot persuade an Interest, if it be considerable, they will not stick to purchase it.  
As to the rest, the Method is rather tacitly to Invite and Countenance a Sedition, than openly to Head it; 
Rather to Countenance a Sedition, than Head it.  and to Engage rather for it, then with it, till the hazard of the first onset be over. In truth, the first Essay of a Tumult is but a Trial how the Ice will bear; and the Popular Faction in the Council, is more concerned, in case of a Disaster, how to bring their Friends Off, than to venture the leading them On, for fear of One. Whence it comes to pass, That by the Obligation of Encouraging, and Preserving their Party, they are Cast upon a Scurvy Necessity of Discovering Themselves.  
Their Marks are many; for they are known by their Haunts; 
How to know the Faction.  by their Cabales; by their Debates; by their Domestics; by their Favourites; and by their manner of Conversation, and Behaviour.  
If there be any Schismatical Teacher that's Craftier, and Slyer than the Rest, 
By their Haunts.  you may be sure of my Lord's Coach at His Preachment: It gives a Reputation to the Conventicle, besides the Gracious Looks at Parting, that pass betwixt his Honour and the Brethren: which Interchange, is but a secret way of Sealing and Delivering a Conspiracy.  
Look into their Cabales, and ye shall find them all of a Tribe, and Leaven; Close, Sedulous, and United: 
By their Cabales.  Their daily Meetings relishing of a Design, as being Composed rather for Council, than Entertainment.  
In their Debates, 
By their Debates.  you'll know them by their Pleas, Shift, Delays, Extenuations, Distinctions, their, Frequent, and Industrious Obstructions of Dispatch in favour of Faction. By their Zealous Intercessions for the Enemies of the Prince, and their Coldness for his Friends; by their watchfulness to Seize all Opportunities of helping the Guilty, and of Surprising the Innocent: by their injecting of Snares, and Scruples, to Amuse, and Distract those that are for the Government, in Order to the Benefit of such as are against it; wherein it is worth a Note, that they all Vote the same way, and, without Question, to the same Purpose: for they shall sooner destroy a Loyal Subject upon a Calumny, than punish a Traitor Convict; and prosecute one man for Writing, or Saying, that it is possible for a Prince to have a Judas in his Counsel, when another shall scape unquestioned, or perhaps be justified, that calls his Sovereign a Tyrant; and defends the Murder of Kings.  
They may be guessed at likewise in some measure, by their Domestics: 
By their Domestics.  Especially, by those of near Relation to Trust, Privacy, and Business; as Chaplains, Secretaries, etc. Nor is it enough to have it, like Master like Man, unless it be, like Lady like Woman too; for the pure strain must run quite Through, for fear of Tales out of School, and Discovering the Secrets of the Family. But This Rule is not Universal.  
From their Favourites, 
By their Favourites.  much may be gathered; first, from their Principles, and Abilities. And Then from the Frequency, Privacy, and Particularity of their Entertaining them.  
The True Composition of a Confident fit for such a Statesman as we here speak of, is This.  
He must be One that knows the Right, and Opposes it; for there is then less Danger of his Conversion, 
The Composition of a fit Instrument for a Corrupt Statesman.  and Consequently, of Discovering his Patron. Let him be likewise a man of Sobriety, in his outward appearances; of Reputation with his Party; and well-grounded in the Niceties of the Controversy: he must be also a Master of his Passions, Peremptory in his mistakes; and (right or wrong) never without a Text at hand for his Opinions.  
When a Person of This Character, repairs often to a Counsellor of State, a man may, without a Scandalum Magnatum, take the Boldness to suspect his business. But if to Frequency, be added Privacy, it makes the Matter worse; and These Instruments are commonly taken in by Owl-light, or at the Backdoor.  
Nor is the Particularity they show to this kind of cattle less Remarkable. Ye shall see a Factious Libeler, or Schismatic taken into my Lord's Closet, when a Person of Honour, and Integrity cools his heels in the Hall. One Lawyer admitted, that has Got just as much by Betraying his Country, as Another, (that is Rejected) has Lost by Serving it. Briefly; look through the Offices they dispose of, both Civil, and Military, and in the Persons you may see the Cause they Favour.  
Another way of Detecting them, is from their Conversation, and Behaviour. 
By their Conversation and Behaviour.  They take up other Looks, Phrase, Accent, Habit, Motion, Gesture, than their Neighbours. All which Together, are but a Certain Idiom, or Propriety, of the Faction.  
Further; ye shall see a Statesman, on the sudden, grow more Devout in Public, than many an honest man is in Private; and Start from his Politics, into Cases of Conscience. This Affords matter of Wonder, if not of Question: but observe him; and if he be more Scrupulous of Obeying the Law in some Cases, than he is of opposing it in Others, Pronunce him a juggler.  
So much for the Contrivers of Seditions.  
Another sort there are of Honester Ill Subjects; 
An honester sort of Ill Subjects.  a People, I mean, that Hate the Sedition it self, although they Love the Occasion of it. Than These, none make a Greater Conscience of Speaking Reverently of their Sovereign; yet none in show more Careless what they make Others Think of him. Fiercer declaymers against Rebellion, there are not in the world; but do they Imagine that, it is no sin to Cause, what is so horrid an Impiety to Commit? They'll say perchance, They do not 'Cause it; Yes, yes, there are that do. That is; there are Insatiable Beggars, that suck like Leeches, till they Burst; Ask they very Bread out of the Mouths of Famishing Thousands; only to add unto their Private Superfluities, or furnish Ornament for Luxe, and Vanity. Are not these Persons in a high Degree Accountable for the Effects of That Oppression?  
If Those that follow Courts, would but Consider, how many Snares beset the Thrones of Princes; 
A Caveat to Courtiers.  what Envy waits upon their Train; how many Spies upon the Actions of their Servants; They would tread warily. This is not yet to Blame all Courts, but where they are Vicious, or Corrupt, to show the Desperate Events of those Disorders: whereof a General Poverty is not the least Considerable; and That inevitably begets a General Discontent.  
But what's all This to a Sedition? Shall People Rebel because they are Poor? No no, they should not; but what if they will do, what they ought not to do? [Let no Prince (says the Lord St. Alban) measure the Danger of Discontentment's, by This; whether they be Just, or Unjust: for That were to Imagine People to be too Reasonable.] So that the Question is not, whether the Cause can warrant a Commotion; but whether probably it may Provoke one? And whether the Multitude will not rather Tumult, then Starve. It is not Here, Delirant Reges, Plectuntur Achivi— but on the Contrary; Delirant Achivi, Plectuntur Reges; The Faults of Servants are Revenged upon the Heads of their Masters. But to Reason the Matter orderly, and by Degrees, take it Thus.  
All men do naturally Covet Power; Partly for their Security; 
The Politics of the Vulgar.  and in Part, for Glory: not considering, that what Each Individual desires, All cannot enjoy; but finding Themselves Placed by Nature in a State of Equality, they are apt to Believe, that One man has as good a Title to Dominion as Another: and from this Levelling opinion proceeds that Envy which we find Generally in the Common-People against their Governors.  
Upon the same Grounds, they Contend for Liberty; and since they cannot Rule, they would at least be Free from the Restraint of Laws and Impositions. But this must not be, neither.  
Why Then, let them but know the Bounds of their Subjection, the Law, by which they are to be Governed. Yes, That they may; and when they are once enured, and wont to the soft yoke of Political Order, and Authority; their further Care is chiefly Profit, or Pleasure; and to provide themselves of such Conveniences, as to man's Life are either Necessary or Delightful, and Here they Rest.  
This is the sum of the Vulgar Politics: Allow the People These Private Conveniences, and keep but the Priests, and Lawyers, from Prating to them of Christian Liberty, and Fundamentals; the Generality shall never trouble the State with Seditions: but he that strips them of their little Lavely-hood, rifles a Nest of Hornets. From whence ensues This double Mischief: A Great deal of Money is drawn into a few hands; and a Great number of People are left without any at all: Two Hazards that might pose a wise Prince which rather to submit to.  
As a General Poverty yields the most desperate matter for Sedition; so are the disorders of a Court the most likely means to produce a General Poverty: and it is done, by Corruption. Begging, or Nonpayment of Debts.  
Corruption is a great Dreyner; for he that Gives must Take; he that Buys, will Sell. 
The Effects of Corruption in a Court.  But the Influence which Corruption has, upon the Constitution and Morals of a Court, is more Notorious; especially, if it begin Above; and in a place where the Honester Part is the Poorer. First, it facilitates the Introducing of a Faction; for he that designs to make a Party, shall be sure to outbid him that only offers at an Office. Beside that it makes men Knaves in their own Defence; after a dear Bargain, to lick themselves whole again: and quenches the most generous Inclinations, by frustrating the bravest Actions; and conferring those Dignities, and Preferments upon unsuitable Persons for Money, which are the Proper Rewards of Virtue, and Honour. In all these Transactions, the Prince is sold into the hands of his Enemies.  
In short; 
Court-Beggers  Corruption does more Immediately expose a Monarch, and embroil a Court; but Inordinate Begging does more Empoverish and distress a People: particularly, if the Request be preter-Legall, and pinching, either upon Trade or Tillage: in which cases the Benefit of a Single Person enters into Competition with the Quiet, and Security of a Nation.  
There is an Evil yet behind, which of all Evils, so trivial in appearance, is (possibly) of the most fatal, 
Nonpayment of Debts.  and malicious consequence: and That is, the Nonpayment of Debts: which not only draws upon a Court the most Violent of all Passions; (Envy, and Hatred) but upon Monarchy itself, a Popular Prejudice.  
'Tis Dangerous, in regard both of the Quality, and Number of their Creditors; They are (for the most part) Citizens; Poor, and Many. They lie together in a Body, meet daily, conferring, and dispersing their Complaints, and Clamours: they Break at last, and Then they Tumult.    

Sect. IU. The CAMP.  

The Interests of the Soldiery.  THe Two Grand Interests of the Soldiery, are Pay, and Honour; that is such Honour as belongs to them as Swordmen. As for Instance; 'tis their Profession not to put up Affronts: They do not love to have their Under-officers raised over their heads: New-Modelling, or Disbanding is a Thing they do not like; and a Public disgrace is never to be forgiven.  
By Ill Order in These Two Particulars, are commonly occasioned Mutinies, and Revolts: which become then most perilous when a disobliged General has a Purse to Engage a Discontented Army. We speak here, of an Army Employed by a Prince, as a Security against his own Subjects, which is quite another Case then against a Foreign Enemy; for the same Popular and Ambitious Humour, that in a Commander Abroad, is most Proper, 
An Ambitious Commander does better Abroad then at-Home.  and Necessary, is, on the Contrary, as Dangerous at Home. The safety of the State depending only upon the Insuperable Virtue, and Fidelity of such a Person.  
Some Armies we have known to Prove Troublesome, and to Divide, 
A Holy War is a Contradiction.  upon Pretences of Religion; but, a Holy War is a Contradiction; and a Story only fit to pass upon Women and Children. Upon the whole, it seems that an Army, within it self, and without any Separate Interest, may be troublesome upon These Three Accounts: Either Want of Pay; which causes a General Mutiny: or Disgrace; which (more Peculiarly reflecting upon such or such Officers, Troops, or Parties) provokes Animosities, Factions, and Revolts: or Ambition; which more directly attempts upon the Sovereignty. It may be also Hazardous, by reason of some Error in the Constitution of it. That is; if it be composed of Persons Illaffected to the Government, it cannot rationally be expected, that it should labour to Preserve, what it wishes to Destroy.  
But we are treating of Distempers acquired; and rather proceeding from the ill menage of an Army, than from the first Mis-choice, or founded in the judgement of it. Concerning a Standing-Army, enough is said in the foregoing Chapter: a word we'll add; It is in This Regard, an Affair of a Peevish Quality; that either a General has too little Power to do his Master's Business, or enough to do his own.  
As it is not safe for a Monarch, at any time, to entrust the Chief Officer of an Army, with so much Power, 
Hazard not a Rebellion in one Place, for fear of a Sedition in another.  for fear of a Sedition, as may enable him to move a Rebellion. So is it a work of great Skill and Difficulty, so dexterously to Resume, or Balance that overgrown Power, as to bring it under Command, without discovering such a jealousy, as may Provoke him to abuse it. Let This suffice, as to the Disorders of an Army within itself.  
Another Hazard is, lest it be Corrupted into a Dependence, upon some other Interest: into which Defection, it may be partly Driven by the Neglect or Unkindness of the Prince, and partly Drawn by the Allurements of Profit and Reward.  
Having spoken of the Mischief a Seditious Army may Do; very briefly let us behold what Mischiefs a Vicious and Undisciplined Army may Cause.  
There never fails to be an Opposition betwixt the Civil, and the Military Power; and in like manner betwixt the People and the Soldiery. Whom nothing else can Reconcile but downright Force and Necessity. So that the fairest State of a Nation overawed by an Army of their own Country men, is an extorted Patience, accompanied with Readiness to embrace any opportunity of working their Deliverance.  
If at the best, the bare appearance of a Force be so Generally distasteful; what Havoc will not the Licentious abuse of it Cause in a Kingdom? Especially in Populous Towns where One Affront Exasperates a Million, and 'tis not two hours work to destroy an Army.  
A Royal Guard is of another Quality; and such it ought to be for Choice and Number; 
The Constitution of a Guard-Royall.  as both suitable to the Charge they undertake, for the Safety of The Sacred Person of their Prince, and sufficient to the Execution of it.   

Sect. V. The CITY.  
BY the City, we intent the Metropolis of a Kingdom; which, in many Respects, challenges a Place and Consideration in This Chapter of Seditions; Particularly, in Regard of Inclination and Power.  

Court and City seldom agree.  There is not (Generally speaking) so fair an Intelligence between the Court, and City, as for the Common Good of Both were to be wished: and This proceeds Chiefly from a Pride of Blood, 
The Reason of it.  on the One side, and of Wealth, on the Other; breeding mutual Envy between them.  
This Envy, by degrees, boyles up to an Animosity, and Then, Tales are Carried to the Monarch, of the insolence of the Citizens; and Stories, on the other side, to the People, of the Height, and Excesses of the Court; and Here's the Embryo of a Sedition. From Hence, each Party enters into a Cross Contrivement. These, how to tame the Boldness of the One; and Those, how to supplant the Greatness of the Other: Both equally unmindful of their Inseparable Concerns: the Citizen, that he holds his Charter of the Bounty of his Prince; and the Courtier, that it is a flourishing Trade that makes a flourishing Empire. By These Heats, is a City-Humour against the Court, emprov'd into a Popular Distemper against the King: and here's the Inclination of a Disordered City.  

The Power of a City.  As to their Power; they have Men, Money, and Arms, at an hour's warning; the very Readiness of which Provision makes it worth double the Proportion. Their Correspondencies are Commonly strong, and Firm; and their dependencies Numerous: for the Pretence, being Trade, and Liberty, hooks in all Places of the same Interest, to the same Faction: Beside That General device, (seeming Religion) that stamps the Cause, and Prints a GOD WITH US upon it. In fine; a Potent, and a Peevish City is a shrewd Enemy.  

The Manner of Preparing the People for Sedition.  Their first work is to Possess the Vulgar with This Notion, that in some Cases the Monarch is limited, and the Subject free: intending, that the Prince is bounded by the Law, and that the People are at Liberty, where the Law is silent; and so likewise in points of Conscience. (By which Argument, the People Govern, where there is no express Law, and the King only where there is.)  
Taking it once for Granted, that the Prince is Limited by the Law; (which Conscientiously he is; for in observing the Law; he does but keep his own word) They presently Conclude, 
A Seditious Principle.  that if the King transgress the Rule of his Power, he forfeits the Right of it: and that for such a Violation, he is accountable to the People, for whose Behoof the Law was made. This is a Specious, but a Poisonous Inference, and rather adapted to a Mutinous Interest, than to a Peaceable, and candid Reason.  
Let a Transgression be supposed; are there any Laws Penal upon the Monarch? But there are none that warrant Tyranny. Right; but there are some yet that forbid Rebellion; and (without questioning the cause) that declare all Violences whatsoever, upon the Person, or Authority of the King, to be Crimina Laesae Majestatis, or Treason. Are there any Laws now on the Other side, that depose Kings for Maladministration? If none, the Law being Peremptorily against the One, and only not for the Other: what does it, but constitute the Subject, in all cases, accountable for his Resistance, to the Sovereign; 
The King only Accountable to God, and the People to the King.  and Leave the Supreme Magistrate, in all cases, to answer for his Misgovernment to Almighty God? But let the Controversy pass, for we are not here so much to enter into the True State of Matters, as to deliver their Appearances.  
And now is the time to bring the Fayling, 
Cursed be the Sons of Cham.  and Misfortunes of the Prince upon the Stage; and by exposing him Naked before the Multitude, to make his Person Cheap, and his Government Odious to his People. Which they Effect, by certain Oblique Discourses from the Press, and Pulpit; by Lamentable Petitions, craving Deliverance from such and such Distresses of Estate; or Conscience: and These they Print, and Publish; converting their (pretended) supplications for Relief, into bitter Remonstrances of the Cruelty and Injustice of their Rulers.  
By These wiles are the Vulgar drawn to a dislike of Monarchy; and That's the Queve to a discourse of the Advantages of a Popular Government. (The next step to the Design of introducing it) There's none of This or That they cry at Amsterdam: and in short; from these Grudge of Mutiny; These Grumble against Authority, they slide Insensibly into direct, and open Practices against it. Alas! what are These Motions, but the sparkling of a Popular Disposition, now in the Act of Kindling; which only wants a little Blowing of the Coal, to Puff up all into a Flame?  
From the Leading, and Preparatory Motives to Sedition, now to the more Immediate and Enflaming Causes of it: which are reducible either to Religion, Oppression, Privileges, or Poverty.  

Subsection I. Seditions which concern Religion.  

Religious Sedition, either referring to Heresy, or Schism.  THose Seditions which concern Religion, refer either to Doctrine, or Discipline: Heresy, or Schism. The Former, is a Strife (as they say) for a better, or a worse: a Contest betwixt the Persuasion of the People, and the Religion of the Government, in matter of Faith; and tending either to Overthrow the One, or to Establish the Other. In This Case, the People, may be in the Right, as to the Opinion, but never so as to justify the Practice: for Christianity does not dissolve the Order of Society. To Obey God, rather than Man, is Well: Let us Obey him then; in not Resisting those Powers to which his Ordinance hath Subjected us.  
Touching This, (with the Brethren's Leave) I take it to be the more Venial-Mortal Sin of the Two. That is; the Rebellion of Heresy, 
Rebellion upon a point of Heresy, more Pardonable, then That from Schism.  is less unpardonable, than That of Schism: in regard first, that the Subject of the Difference is a matter of greater Import: Secondly, 'tis not Impossible, but the Mis-persuasion may be founded upon Invincible Ignorance. I do not say that I had rather be an Arrian, than a Calvinist; but I aver, that he is the foulest Rebel, that for the Slightest Cause, upon the Least Provocation, and against the Clearest Light, Murders his Sovereign.  

Seditions arising from Schism.  Those Seditions, which are moved upon account of Schism, are commonly a combination of Many against One; of Error against Truth: and a Design, that strikes as well at the Civil Power, as the Ecclesiastic.  
This being a Subject which both in the first Section of This Chapter, and Elsewhere, is sufficiently discoursed upon; we shall rather address ourselves to the Means (Peculiar to a City) of comforting, and aiding these unquiet agitations, 
The Means of provoking Sedition.  as more properly the Business of our present Argument.  
Great Towns have first the Advantage of Great Numbers of People, within a Small Compass of Place; where, 
The Advantages of Great Towns for Seditions.  with much Ease, and Privacy; Those of the Faction may hold their full, and frequent Meetings, Debate, Contrive, nay, and Execute with all Convenience. For when the Plot is Laid; the Manner, and the Time, Appointed: there's no more trouble for the Rendezvous; the party's Lodged already, the Town it self being the most Commodious Quarter. 'Tis in respect of these favourable concurrences, that men of Turbulent, and Factious Spirits, rather make choice of Populous Cities to Practise in.  
Another Hazard may arise from the Temper of the Inhabitants, as well, as from the Condition of the Place; and from the very Humour, and Application of the Women, in a notion distinct from That of the Men.  
From the Temper of the Inhabitants; first, as partaking usually of the Leaven of their Correspondents; 
Cities are inclinable to Seditions, from the Temper of the Inhabitants.  whom we find very often, both Famous for Trade, and Notorious for Schism. (But Men are Generally so good-natured, as to think well of any Religion they Thrive under.)  
Further; their Employment being Traffic, or Negotiating for Benefit; and their Profession being to Buy as Cheap as they can, and to Sell, as Dear: without any measure between the Risque, or Disbursement; and the Profit: they are commonly better Accountants, than Casuists; and will rather stretch their Religion to their Interest, than shrink their Interest to their Religion.  
They have again, so superstitious a Veneration for the justice of Paying Money upon the Precise Hour; that they can very hardly believe any man to be of the right-Religion, that Breaks his Day. And observe it, let a Prince run himself deep in Debt, to his Imperial City, they shall not so much Clamour at him for an ill Paymaster, as upon a Fit of Holiness, suspect him for an Heretic, or Idolater: Proposing a Tumult, as the ready way to Pay themselves; and That I reckon as the first step into a Rebellion.  
Now, how the Women come to be concerned? That first: and Then; why the City-Dames more than Other?  
It is the Policy of all Cunning Innovatours, when they would put a Trick upon the World in matter of Religion, 
Religion's Innovatours begin with Women.  which they desire may be Received with Passion, recommended with Zeal, and Dispersed with Deligence, to begin (with the stronger Sex, though the Weaker Vessel) that excellent Creature, Woman. And This Course, they take out of These Considerations.  
First, as That Sex is Naturally scrupulous, and Addicted to Devotion; 
Four Reasons why.  and so, more susceptible of delusive Impressions, that bear a face of Piety.  
Secondly, as it is too Innocent, to suspect a Deceit, and too Credulous, to Examine it; so is it probably not crafty enough to Discover it.  
Thirdly, Women are supposed, not only to Entertain what they Like, with more Earnestness of Affection, but also to impart what they know, with a Greater Freedom of Communication: which proceeds from a Particular propensity in That Gracious Sex, to enter into a strict Intelligence, concerning Matters Curious, and Novel.  
Fourthly, They are as well the Best Advocates, as the Freest Publishers. 
A Zealous Sister.  Get them but once engaged, and at next word all their Children are to be taught shorthand, and new Catechisms; the Table shall be blest in a Tune; not the Heel of a Lark; no, not so much as a Prune in the White-Broth, shall scape without a Particular Benediction. And Then, the Wrought Cushion; 
And her Confessor.  the Damask Napkin; the Best Room, and the First Cut at the Table, are reserved for the Adored Genius of the Family. The Good Man of the House, shall not presume to Close his Eyes, without an Opiate, (to make it English) accordding to the Directory; and when he opens them again, next day, 'tis odds, he finds his wakeful Bedfellow Shifting her Linen, and Preparing for a Morning's Exercise. This Reverend Wight has commonly some Skill in Physic too; enough to Comfort a Professing Sister that Keeps her Bed, (for grief no doubt) because her Lord (perhaps) is called aside by State, or Business.  
Nor does The Pious Matron Confine her Bounteous Dispensations within the Circle of her Private Family; but with an Overflowing Charity, reaches a helping hand to all the Members of the Distressed Brotherhood; and (like a Christian to the very Letter) Lays every thing in Common. These are the Early and Late Advocates; the warm Sollicitresses; What Husband would not Glory to see his Wife, and Fortune so disposed of?  
Let not some few Mistakes persuade the world yet, that Woman is [not,] of all Creatures, the most accomplished, and the best disposed to the End she was made for.  
That Women are (in General) the fittest Agents of all Others, for a Religious Error, to me seems passed a Question: Now; why a City-Dame, is for That Purpose, the fittest Instrument even of all Sorts of Women.  
First, her Employment's Little; she keeps much at Home; and her dead Leisures, are, beyond doubt, not absolutely Thoughtless. Is not her Mixture Sociable, as That of other Mortals? Fancy her Solitary Entertainment now. Does not she wish to see, and to be seen, as well as other Women? Nay, does she not Contrive too, how to Compass it? Plays there are none perhaps, at hand; Festivals come but seldom.  
While she's Thus casting, How and How; in Steps the Tempter; dreams out an Hour or Two in Prologue, and at last, happily hits her Humour; asks her what Church she goes to? and invites her to a Lecture. Away she goes; 
A Shee-Proselyte.  enters herself a Member of his Congregation; never to be Reclaimed, and so Farewell she.  
After all This, let me profess, I take the better sort of Citizens, for an Intelligent, Frank, and Sober People; nor do I find more Prudence, Modesty, Virtue, then under That Denomination. Yet is it not to be Expected, that so Vast a Multitude should be without some Loose Examples. And I divide the Blame, even There too, betwixt an Idle Course of Life, and the Alluring Artifice of their Seducers. But this I stick to: A Schismatical Clergy infects the Women; They the City; and a Schismatical City destroys a Kingdom.   

Sub-section II. Oppression.  
OPpression provokes Sedition, many ways; and many ways it is Procured, even by the most Seditious Themselves; with Express end, that it may provoke Sedition.  
The Haughty, and Imperious Rudeness of a Churlish Officer, that without either Proof, 
Oppression causes Sedition.  or Hearing, Law, or Reason, hand over head Condemns and Punishes: (only perchance to Vaunt his Power,) This is a Boldness, that Reflects upon the Safety and the Honour of his Master; rendering both the Minister hated, and the Prince suspected.  
Unlimited Protections, Irregular and Heavy Taxes, billeting and Free-quartering of Soldiers; The Denial of Equal Right, etc. Stir up Seditious Humours in a City. But These are downright Provocations.  

A Presbyterian Trick.  There are that go a cleanlyer way to work, that squeeze the People, under Colour of serving the King; winding up the Pin of Authority, till they Crack the very strings, by which That and Subjection are tacked together. They undo all, by Overdoing; and under an humble show of holding the Stirrup, till the Prince seats himself, they draw so hard they turn the Saddle: or if he needs a Lift to help him Up, they'll give him one, but such a One, shall cast him Over.  
In fine; what ever may be Plausible for the present; fatal in the Consequence; 
The Politic Hypocrite.  wherein the Promoters may either seem Innocent, or not appear at all; and a Public Obloquy rest upon the Sovereign; This is a Device to do Their Business.  
Is there any Colourable fear of a Sedition? Their Counsel will be then, to raise such a Force, as in all likelihood will cause a Rebellion. Are the Prince's Coffers full? Occasions will be sought to Empty Them; by Breaking with One Interest, Wedding Another. A Thousand Remedies there are for that Sur-charge of Treasure. When they have drawn the Monarch dry, they know he must be re-supplyed; and they know what a Peevish task it is, to fix Regality upon a new Bottom.  
As their first Aim was to Provoke Expense, that he might Want; it will be now Their work, in such manner to solicit his, Supply, that he shall suffer more by the Ill Method of it, then Gain by the Recruit. Briefly, if they can Effect, that what Themselves call a Supply, the Generality may understand to be an Oppression (and so They wish it Understood) The City Clamours first; and Popular Tumults, are but the Forlorn to a Rebellion.  
Not that either Force, or Cruelty, 
Loyalty is Indispensable.  can ever discharge a Subject of his Allegiance; Nay, should his Prince command one of his Arms for Dogs-meat; he were a Traitor, should he yet refuse to serve his Master with the other.   

Sub-section III. Privileges.  
A Third Particular of no small Force upon the Genius of a City, is what concerns their Privileges; 
Citizens are tender of their Privileges.  whereof they Principally are Tender. First, in points of Trade, and Commerce: Secondly, in Affairs of Order, and Custom, relating to the Counsel, and Government of the City: Thirdly, in Matters of Personal Freedom, and Advantage.  
Any Impeachment in the point of Trade, they take heinously; as Disappointing at once, 
Principally in point of Trade  the very Purpose of their Incorporations, the Hopes of their Wellbeing; and the main Business of their Lives. In this Respect, they are many times so Delicate, as not to distinguish between Benefits of Grace, and Rights of Privilege: claiming a Title to Those Advantages which they hold only by Favour.  
They are likewise Subject to forget, 
Their Immunities are Precarious.  that even their clearest Immunities are but Dependent, and Precarious: and they had need be minded, that to believe them Other, is to Forfeit them. For it implies a Disacknowledgement of the Sovereign Power; which Mistake being once set a foot, obliges the Prince to Resume, for the Safety of the whole, such Indulgences as were only Granted for the behoof of a Part. 
Neither Prince nor People can be secure but by Agreement.  To This he is Tied by evident Reason of State, and by Political Equity; both as a Wise Prince, and as a Pater Patriae, a Father of his Country. Wherefore away with These Dividing Niceties, since neither Prince, nor People can be Secure, but by Agreement. What can a Single Monarch do without the Obedience, Love, and Service of his People? Or what becomes of a Distracted Multitude, without a Head to Govern Their Confusions? But This (in the words of a most Ingenious Person) is a Text upon which the Wise part of the world has used in vain to Preach to the Fools.  
Since so it is, that the Vulgar will neither be Taught by Experience, nor persuaded by Reason, we are to take for Granted, that some Grievances lead to Seditions, almost as Orderly, as Natural Causes to their Effects, the Multitude ever siding with Interest, against Virtue.  
The Liberty of Exporting Native Commodities raw, and unwrought; and of Importing (possibly) the same Materials in Manufacture, is a Matter of Evil Relish, and of Dangerous Consequence. So likewise is the Employment of Strangers, where the Natives want Work; and the advancing of Foreign Trade, to the Starving of it at home.  
Concerning the Other two Particulars, before mentioned, the One Relating to the Frame of a City-Government, the Other, to their Personal Privileges; it shall suffice to Note, that an Encroachment upon either of them, Endangers a Sedition.   

Sub-section IV. Poverty.  

Poverty an Irresistible Incentive to Sedition.  THe Last, and the most Irresistible incentive to Sedition in a City, is Poverty. That is, a Poverty proceeding from Misgovernment. Not but that Want, upon what account soever is bad enough: Whether from Dearth, Losses by Fire, or, Storm; Piracies, Banquerupts; the Ravages of War, etc. Yet Here, there's something in the Fate, the Accident, or Manner, of the Calamity, to allay the Anguish of it. Men Quarrel not with Providence for ill Seasons; nor with the Winds, the Waves, or Flames, because of Wracks, or Conflagrations. To suffer by Pirates, or Banquerupts, is but the Chance of Traffic, and the Extremities of War are Common Injuries. But where a Pinching Poverty Seizes a Populous City, and from a Cause too that's within the Reach of Malice, 
The most dangerous Poverty.  or Revenge; That State's concerned betimes to look to the Disorder.  
The Immediate Cause of This Necessity among the Common sort is want of Work, which proceeds from the decay from Trade, arising chiefly from a General Scarcity of Money; which may be Imputed to One or more, of These Ensuing Reasons.  
First, The Insatiate Corruption of Rapacious, and Great Officers; in whose Coffers, as in the Grave, 
Corruption the Cause of Scarcity.  Monies are rather Buried, then laid up. Nay, as in Hell itself (I might have said) for they are as Bottomless; and of the Treasure that lies There Condemned, the Dooms almost as Irreversible.  
These Private Hoards cannot choose but produce a Public Penury; when That Wealth, which would suffice to Employ, 
Private Hoardsbreed Public Penury.  and Relieve Thousands, that either Beg for want of Work, or Starve for want of Bread, is drawn into so narrow a Compass. And yet in This supposed Extremity of Affairs, I make a Doubt, whether is more Miserable, the Needy, or the Oppressor?  
Can any Composition more certainly destroy a Nation, 
The Composition of wicked Ministers of State.  than a Concurrence of Power, Pride, Avarice, and Injustice, in the same Persons? But Then again, when the Storm comes; These are the jonasses, that by the Rabble will be first cast Overboard, to save the Vessel. And This they cannot but forethink, and Tremble at; at least, if ever they get Leisure for a Sober Thought. And let them Look which way they Please; Backward, Forward, Roundabout, Upward, Downward, 
The Misery of them.  Inward, they are beset with Objects of Terror, and self-affrighted, from the Glass of their own Consciences.  
Behind them, they see dreadful Precedents of Corrupt Ministers, thrown from their Slippery, 
If either they look back;  and ill-menaged State of greatness: Torn by their Enemies; scarce Pitied by their Friends; the Mirth of their own Creatures, and the mere Mockery of Those that Raised them.  
Forward, they find Themselves; upon a Precipice, and in great hazard to increase the Number of those sad Precedents. 
Forward;   
If they look Roundabout them, they are Encompassed with the Cries of Widows, and of Orphans; whose Husbands, 
Round about;  or whose Fathers, lost their Lives, in the Defence, (perhaps) of their Prince, and Country. With These, are Mingled the Faint Groans of Starving Wretches in the Last Agonies, whose Modesty chose rather to Die silent, then Complaining; and to abide the worst Effects of Want, rather than tell the more Intolerable Story of it. But This to Them, is not so much, as to perceive Themselves at Bay amids a Snarling Multitude.  
In short; Above them, there's an Allseeing Eye, 
Above them▪  an Unchangeable Decree, 
Below: or within them.  and an Incorruptible judge, that Overlooks, and Threatens Them. Below them, Hell: (or rather 'tis Within Them; an Accusing Conscience) If This be their Prospect, how Deplorable is their Condition!  

The Solicitous estate of the Guilty.  Are not Their Pillows stuffed with Thornes? Or when they Venture at a Nap, do they not Dream of Robberies, and Seditions? Whom, or What do they not fear? Where is't they think Themselves Secure? Is not Their Table Spread with Snares? Does not Every Bribe look like a Bait; Every Servant, like a Spy; Every Strange Face, like somewhat that's worse? And what are their Near Friends, but either Conscious Partakers, or Dangerous, and Suspected Witnesses? They find Themselves Arraigned by the Preacher; Condemned by the judge; and Strangled by the Executioner: For being Guilty of the Crime, and Worthy of the Punishment They cannot but Apply the Process to Themselves, and in Imagination, bear the Malefactor Company, even from the Pulpit, to the Gibbet.  
Add to all This, the Sting of an Incessant, Restless jealousy: Not a Lock, Whisper, Hint, or Action, but they suspect Themselves the Subject of it. The Holy Text itself, where it Reproves Their Sins, Sounds like a Libel to Them. Nay, were This silly, Innocent Description of them, but in a Tongue which any man Concerned could understand; some of Their Ears would Tingle at it.  
A General Scarcity of Money, may, in the Second Place, arise from Taxes, 
Taxes may cause or occasion a Scarcity divers ways.  and That either Immediately, in Respect of the Burden; or Consequentially, in Respect of the Occasion; the Inequality; the Manner of Imposing, or Levying Them; or the Subject Matter itself of the Tax.  
Touching the Burden, and Occasion: It Properly belongs to Those in Power to Judge of it, as well how much, as to what end? So in the Rest, The People are likewise to Subject Themselves to such Determinations as their Superiors hold Convenient. Only in case of an Undue Authority imposing, or some Illegal Course of Levying Taxes, there may be some Allowancies; which to proportion to their Various Instances, is neither for This Place, nor for my Meaning.  
That Subjects are to Obey Lawful Commands, without disputing the Reasons of Them, 
Subjects are to Obey without Disputing.  is beyond Question. Yet is't not in the Power of Humane Nature, to keep men from Surmising, and from Guessing at them. We'll Grant ye too, that in some Cases, some People, will in some Sort, do some Things as they ought to do. Yet we are where we were; that is, they will be Guessing still.  
If Taxes follow quicker, and run higher than Ordinary; they cry: so much? and the next Question's Why? ('Tis true, they should not Ask, but who can hinder them?)  
Is it for the Honour or Safety of the Prince? 'Tis Consequently for the Public Good; and he deserves to be expelled Humane Society, that narrowly prefers his Little dirty Interest, before so Sacred, and so great a Benefit.  
A Third, is the Inequality of Taxes; the Over-pressing of any One Party. As if the Burden lies heavyer upon the City, than Country; upon the Gentry, than Yeomanry, etc. If upon the City, they call it Spite; if upon the Country, Oppression. And in fine; fall the Disproportion where it fall can, it breeds ill blood: for That Weight breaks the Back of any One Interest, which evenly disposed, would seem no heavy Load, upon the Shoulders of All. Ferre quam sortem patiuntur Omnes, Nemo recusat. The Consequence of This Inequality, is a General Ruin, but piece-meal, and One Part after Another.  
Touching the Manner of Imposing, or Levying, we waive That; and pass to the Subject Matter of the Tax. (A point (how little soever regarded) scarce less Considerable than the Totall Amount of it.)  
If the Device be Novel; the People shy and ticklish: if there be Factions Stirring, and the Prince not absolutely Master, better raise Thrice the Value in the Road of Levies, then hazard the Experiment of a By-way. 'Tis machiavel's advice concerning Sanguinary Cruelties; where Cruelty is Necessary, do it at once; or at least, seldom as possible. But then be sure to follow it with Frequent Acts of Clemency; by which Means, you shall be feared for your Resolution, and beloved for your Good-Nature: whereas a Little, and Often, Terrifies Less, and Disquiets people much more, imprinting Jealousies of further Inconveniencies; so that they know not what to Trust to.  
Most Certain it is, that as Many petty Injuries deface the Impression of One Great Benefit; so in like manner do Many slight Benefits deface the Impression of One Great Injury; the Last Act sinking deepest. For 'tis from Thence, Men Measure their expectation of the Future; and as they look for Good, or Bad, they are Peaceable or Troublesome,  

Leave no Mark standing to remember a Discourtesy by. Josh. 4.6.  Wherefore, as it is Duty to do Well always, so 'tis Wisdom to do Well last; and where a Pressure cannot be avoided, not to leave standing (so near as may be) any Memorial of it: Lest [When your Children shall ask their Father in time to come, saying, What mean you by these Stones? etc.—  
The ways of Supplying Princes are Various, according to their Several Interests, Practices, Powers, and Constitutions. Not to lose myself in Particulars, One General shall serve for all.  
It behoves a State to be very wary, how they Relieve a Present need upon the Foundation of a Lasting Inconvenience: for though in some Extremities, there is no Choice; yet it very rarely happens, that a Prince is the Better for the Money, where he is the worse for the Precedent. Sir Thomas Rowe in a Speech at the Council-Table, 1640. (directed to the dashing of a Project, tending to the Enfeebling of the Coin, (as he Phrases it) Cites the Lord Treasurer Burleigh, and Sir Thomas Smith, giving their Opinion to Queen Elizabeth; in these words: That it was not the short end of Wits, nor starting holes of Devises, that can sustain the Expense of a Monarchy, but sound and solid Courses. Horace his [Rem facias, Rem,— Si possis, Rectè, si non, quocunque modo Rem] will not serve the turn.  
'Tis sharply said of Sir Francis Bacon; [That the Wisdom of all these Latter Times in Princes Affairs, 
Shifting passes for Wisdom.  is rather fine Deliveries, and shift of Dangers and Mischiefs, when they are near; than solid and grounded Courses to keep them aloof.] (But says he again) [It is the Solaecism of Power to think to Command the End, and yet not to endure the Mean.] These are the Sleights, the Ill-husbandry of Government: through which Mistakes, insensibly, a Great Revenue moulders away, and yet the State never out of Debt.  

Excessive Building.  Excessive Building is another Cause of General Soarcity; for it leaves the Country too Thin, and Over-peoples' the City: Enhansing the Rate, and Consuming the Means of Living. It wastes the Nobility and Gentry; It Impoverishes also, and Disobliges the Populacy: (All that is got in the Country, being spent in the City) beside the hazardous disproportion betwixt the Head and the Body.  
One Reason of this Scarcity, may be from some Defect in the Law itself. as where sufficient Provision is not made for strict and peremptory payment upon Bond. Men will not part freely with their Money, where they may be put off by Shifts and Delays, and driven to a Vexatious Suit to get it In again.  
Another great Inconvenience proceeds from a General Grasping at more Trade than they can Master: which causes many Failings one upon the Neck of another.  
To what's already said, 
Knavery of Tradesmen.  (not to be endless) we'll only add Two Causes more. The One, is the deceit, and Knavery of Artisans, and Tradesmen; who for a Private Gain betray the Interest of the Public; and invert the Balance of Trade, by such Abusive Manufactures, as are neither Saleable abroad, nor Serviceable at Home, which both necessitates the Importation of Foreign Commodities, and hinders the Issue of Native: beside the Treble Charge; their Dearness, and their little Vsefullness considered.  
We shall Conclude with Pride: which were't in nothing else but what's expended upon Guildings, Gold and Silver Lace, and Foreign Curiosities of Needlework, would not be inconsiderable. But where 'tis General, and extends both to all Sorts of Superfluities, and all Degrees of Persons; That City goes by the Post to Ruin: for Pride, is not only the Forerunner of Destruction, and the Cause of it; but the Loud, and Crying Provoker of it.    

Sect. VI The COUNTRY.  
THat Interest which contributes the Least to a Sedition, and suffers the most by it, is That of the Country: which is properly comprised under Tillage, and Pasture. For I reckon all Populous Places, (whether Towns or Villages) that subsist by steady Traffic, or Handicrafts, to be no other than Dependencies upon the Metropolis; which is usually, That in Proportion to the Kingdom, which the Principal City, of every Province, is to the Other Parts of it.  
This Interest seldom or never Heads a Sedition upon its own Account; and when it does engage, under Protection possibly of the next strong Hold, or in favour of some neighbouring, and Seditious Market-Town, we do not find much hurt the Countryman does, so long as the Sword, and Plough are managed by the same Hand. If they forsake their Husbandry, and turn Soldiers; 
The Country is sure to be undone by a War.  they fall under another Notion. But in short; let the Cause be what it will, and the event of a War what it can; They are sure to be undone by it: wherefore They may well be Friends to Peace, to whom War is so great an Enemy.  

The Fruits of it.  Is there a War commenced? Their Carriages must wait upon the Army, Their Provisions feed them: Their Persons attend them, yes, and Their Contribution Pay Them. Their Teams must serve the State; Their Wives, and Girls, the Soldiery: They must be Mounting Dragoons, when they should be Ploughing; Lugging their Beans and Bacon to the Head-Quarter, when they should be Sowing: and at last, scarce a Lame jade to get in that little Harvest, which the wild Troops have left them: Their cattle are Driven away by one Party to day, Their Corn taken by another to Morrow▪ and when they are Throughly Plundered, because they had something; they must afterward expect to be Beaten too, because they have Nothing.  
Are not These fair Encouragements to make Husbandmen Seditious? And yet, This Interest is several ways made use of to Promote Sedition. Particularly, by Three sorts of People; The Discontented Nobleman, the Rich Churl; the Stiff, and Contentious Free-born-Subject.  

A Discontented Nobleman.  A Great Person may become Weary of the Court, and withdraw into the Country, out of divers unquiet Considerations: Out of Ambition, Pride, or Revenge.  
If his Trouble be Ambition, 
Ambition.  his Course is to strengthen himself by Popularity, and make a Party, by spending his Revenue in a Bountiful, and Open Hospitality upon the People: which is the most Winning and the most spreading of all Obligations. His jades, his Kites, his Curs, are free to all comers: his Family is the whole World; and his Companions are the Wits, and the best of Good-fellows.  
If his Retirement be out of Pride as choosing rather to be the first Person in the Country, 
Pride.  then the Second or Third at Court: His business is Popularity too, though perhaps not Aiming so high (for there are a sort of People, insufferably haughty in their Looks, Garb, and Language; that have not Courage enough to be Ambitious) This Man's attended by the best Parasites that are to be had for Mony.  
The Third Distemper is Revenge; 
Revenge.  and That's the worst of the Three: In Ambition, there's somewhat that's Noble. Pride indeed, is a Base, and Abject Vice, (that is; a Cowardly Pride: Nay 'tis at best, but a Simple Sin) But Revenge is Black, and Diabolical. Let it proceed whence it will. Whether from some Affront, Repulse, Neglect; Nay, a Wry Look, or a Mistaken Hint raises this Devil.  
This is a Humour now of another Complexion: Morose, Unpleasant, and rather watchful to Emprove an Opportunity of Mischief, then Laborious to prepare it. In the House of a Person haunted with This Fury, you shall find Throngs of Silenced Ministers, Discharged Officers, Crop-eared Schismatics, Broken Citizens, etc.  
These are the Dangerous Malcontents, whose Differing Inclinations of Temper are no hindrance to their Unity of Design, where the Safety of the Prince and Government is the Question.  
Next to This Discontented Nobleman, Follows the Rich Churl: which is a Creature, 
The Rich Churl.  that opposing Wealth to Dignity, becomes the Head of the People, for his Sauciness of bearing up against the Power, and Nobility of the Court. It is scarce to be Imagined, The Interest of this Chuff in a Popular Scufflle; especially, if he has gotten his Estate by a Rustical, and Plodding Industry: for Then the Vulgar Reckon him as One of their Own Rank, and support him, as the Grace, and Dignity of their Order.  
We come now to the Stiff, and Contentious Free-born-Subject: the Queintest, and the Sharpest Youth of the Three. 
The Contentious Freeborn Subject.  He'll tell ye to a hair, upon what Point, Prerogative becomes Tyranny: How far a Subject may promote a Rebellion, and yet be honest himself, and Cleave the very Atom, that divides the Rights of King and Subject. Does any Minister of State, or justice pass his Commission, but the tenth part of a Scruple? he cries, 'Tis Arbitrary, Illegal, and an Encroachment upon the Birthright of a Free-born-People. Let him be Questioned, and the Matter Scanned, here's his Dilemma. Either by Carrying the Cause, he justifies, and Puffs up the People; or by Suffering for it, he Enrages them: but still Obliging them both ways; the One way as their Champion, and the Other, as their Martyr.  
Upon the Sum of the Matter, That Government must be Carried very even, which These Instruments, in Combination, shall not be able to discompose.  
Touching the Common Sort; it is so little in their Power to embroil a Kingdom, and so much less their Interest to do it, that This Little is enough said concerning Them; setting aside the Influence they have upon the Subject we are now entering upon.   

Sect. VII. The Body Representative.  
THe Seaventh and Last Interest we are to Treat of, is the Body Representative, which is but One Grand Interest made up of all the Rest; and as the Whole stands well, or illaffected to the Government, so commonly does That. Yet it falls out sometime, that the Diligence, and Stickling of a Faction gets the Start of a General Inclination. It would ask an Age, to reckon up all the Inconveniencies which may arrive from the Evil Composition of This Assembly: but so strict an account will not be Necessary, in regard that the Prince may, at his Pleasure, Remedy all, by Dissolving them.  
One great Defect, is that in many places they have no Stated Rule how far their Cognisance extends; No Measure of their Privileges: through which Default, more Time is spent, and too too oft, more Passion Stirred, about the bounds of Their Authority, than the main Business of their Meeting. Beside the desperate Influence of This Mysterious Incertainty, upon the Prince, and Public: Under which Colour, nothing so Seditious, but it may both be Introduced and Protected. Suppose a Notion in the Assembly directly against the Crown: The Prince takes Notice of it; and demands Reason for it. Is't not a fine Reply, that to deny Liberty of Speech; to take Notice of any Thing in Debate; to Question any One Member without the Leave of the Rest, is a Breach of Privilege.  
The Representative we here speak of, answers (the nearest of any) to the House of Commons in England; which Resemblance will much facilitate the task we are now upon, having only to look back into the History of Charles the Martyr, to find the Greatest Mischiefs, and the Foulest Crimes which such a Convention in disorder may be capable of: not meddling with the Names of Persons, but contenting ourselves to discover the Arts, Grounds, and Occasions of Seditions, without reproaching the Authors of them.  
The Dangerous Mixture of a Representative, we may divide into these Three Parties: The Designers of Mischief; 
The Dangerous mixture of a Representative.  the Permitters of it; and the Incompetent judges of it: whose Failings are either of Commission, Omission, or Ignorance.  
To begin with the First. 
The Designing Party.  The Designers are either the Ambitious Heads of the Faction, that aim at Power, as well as Profit, in the Subversion of the Government; or such Dependencies, as they can Engage by Menace, Flattery, fair Pretences, Money, or Preferment. These in their Several Places, promote the same Seditious Interest, and every man knows his Station.  
They have their Contrivers, their Speakers, their Sticklers, their Dividers, their Moderators, and their Blanks: 
Their Industry and Combination.  (their Iand NO-men) by which Method and Intelligence, all Debates are managed to the Advantage of the Party and Occasion. They know when to Move, when to Press, when to Quit, Divert, Put off, etc. and they are as Skilful in the manner of Moulding their Business, as they are Watchful for the Season of Timing it. Add to this Agreement and Confederacy of Design, their Zeal and Earnestness of Intention; and what will not an Indefatigable Industry, joined to these Emprovements of Order and Counsel, be able to accomplish? [The Lower and Weaker Faction is the firmer in Conjunction (says Sir F. Bacon) and it is often seen, that a few, that are Stiff, do tyre out a Greater Number, that are more Moderate.]  
Yet to the Miracles that are wrought by Forecast and Assiduity, there is still requisite a Matter predisposed, 
The Matter they work upon.  and fit to work upon: and that's the Dress, or Cleanly Couching of the Project. 'Tis not at first dash to attempt the Person of the King, but the Multitude must by Degrees, be made sensible of the Faults of his Ministers; and Instructed to clamour against Oppression and Profaneness. Why should a Freeborn Subject be Pressed with Taxes and Obedience, or a Christian Libertine be tied to worship by a Set-form? Is it not against the Fundamentals of a Mixed Monarchy, (That ridiculous supposition) for the Supreme Magistrate to Impose upon his coordinate Subjects? Or, where is it commanded in the Bible, for people to Kneel at the Communion, or to stand up at Gloria Patri?  
These are sore Grievances indeed, and now the Humour's ripe for Petitions to the Senate; 
Their manner of Proceeding.  which being both Procured and Framed by a Cabal of the Senators themselves, cannot fail of being acceptable to the Faction: who by this Artifice, get the Credit of being taken for the proper Arbitrators of all Differences betwixt King and People, through which Mistake, the Popular Representative becomes both Party and judge, and it is then no hard matter to Guess what will become of the Prerogative.  
By making the most of all Complaints, and the worst of all Abuses; they bespeak a Compassion for the One side, and they provoke an Odium toward the Other: which Amplification renders exceedingly Necessary the Remedy of a Through-Reformation.  
The Subject is to be Free in One Point, and the Monarch limited in Another. These Courts are to be Abolished, Those Counsellors to be removed, etc.— And in fine, when the Prince has yielded, till they want Matter for Complaint, their Fears are not less Clamorous and Important, than were their Complain. Of which undutiful and unlimited Distemper, this is the certain Issue; from one Desire they proceed to another, till the Prince, to secure their Jealousy, has parted with all possibility of Preserving Himself.  
This is their Course, where they find the Government already in Disorder; but how to Introduce that Disorder, is quite another Point of Cunning.  
They are here only to procure those Grievances, for which they are afterward to provide Remedies, and to cast the State into a Disease, that with better Pretence they may give it Physic; Siding with the Prerogative against the People, in the first place, and with the Prerogative in the next. In a word, their Services are Snares; they give a little, that they may take all, and by a plausible Oppression, provoke a Barbarous Rebellion.  
Another sort of ill Ministers in a Representative, are the Permitters of these Abuses: 
The Permitters of Seditious Contrivements.  Such as being Chosen and Entrusted for the Public Weal, Abandon their Stations, and Deliver up their Country. Betwixt whom, and the Conspirators themselves, there is but this Difference: The One Quits the Breach, and the Other Enters: These, throw down their Arms, and Those take the Town; what the One Party carries by Treason, the Other loses by Cowardice.  
Of these Deserters, some are taken Off by Profit, Pleasure, 
The Deserters of their Trust are taken off  Vanity, Sloth, Neglect or Partiality; Others are led by their Passions; as Fear, Anger, etc. In all which Cases, whoever prefers a private Interest to a Public, Betrays his Trust.  
Some People's Mouths are Stopped with Offices, Rewards, 
by Profit,  fair Promises, Hopes of Preferment, etc. And These upon the very Crisis of a Debate, find Twenty Shifts, to waive the Pinch of the Dispute, and let the Question fall; even though the Crown itself depend upon the Issue of it. This is done either by coming too late, or perhaps not at all; by going away too soon, or saying Nothing when they are there: by which Discouragements, the Cause is lost, only for want of their Arguments and Voices to Turn the Scale.  
Others are Drawn from their Duties by Pleasure; 
Pleasure,  perhaps a Party at Tennis, Bowles,; Chards; a Pack of Dogs, a Cockfight, or a Horse-match, a Comedy, a Goodfellow, or a Mistress. And while they are thus Employed, the Vigilant Faction steals a Vote that's worth a Kingdom.  
Some again are so Transported with the Vanity of Dress and Language, 
Vanity,  that rather than serve the Public with One hair amiss, or in One broken Period, they'll let the Public perish. Mallent Rem-Publicam turbari, quam Capillos. These, while their Country lies at Stake, are Ordering of their Heads, and Polishing the Phrase, Shaping the Parts of a Set-Speech, till 'tis too late to use it. Nothing methinks does less beseem a Grave Assembly, than This same Facultatula loquendi: this same Rhetorical Twittle-tattle; it spins out so much Time in tedious Circumstances, that it makes a man even sick of a Good Cause, and for the very Form, prejudge the Reason of it.  
Sloth and Neglect, are yet more dangerous in a Senator; not only in Regard of Surprises from the Faction, 
by Sloth and Neglect,  but of Discontentment's likewise from the People. These think a Wet Day, or a Cold Morning, a sufficient Discharge of their Attendance: and while they are taking t'other Nap, or t'other Bottle, the Monarch perhaps has lost his Crown, or the Subject his Liberty.  
Come to particular Cases, how many Families are lost by Disappointments; by Relying upon Promises; Delays from time to time! How many Just and Sad Petitions are thrown aside, unregarded; as serving only for waste Paper? and so far from Relief, they cannot obtain so much as a bare Reading.  

by Partiality.  Distinguishing of Persons; in Matters of Equity, is furthermore a great Abuse; where a Friend, an Acquaintance, or some By-Respect shall interrupt the Speedy and Direct Course of justice: (I do not say Divert; though to forbear helping the Right, or not to hinder the Wrong, because of such or such an Interest, is but a Negative Oppression.)  

Passion.  Those that are moved by Passions from their Duties, are not less Culpable than the Rest. For a Good Patriot fears Nothing, but to be Dishonest; Hates Nothing, but Iniquity; and knows no other Friend but justice..  
Is any Thing proposed, which to my Reason appears of Dangerous Consequence; Unlawful to my Conscience; Dishonourable to my Prince, or Country? Do I Discharge my Soul to God and to the World, in not opposing it? because forsooth 'tis my Lord's Interest, or Project. Where 'tis my Office to withstand a Public Injury, 
Fear,  'tis my Act if I suffer it: Nor will it serve the turn to say, Alas! I'm but one Man, what should I struggle for? A Noble Truth and Equity, though single, aught to be maintained against the World. But very rarely is That the Case; for those Particulars that, under Colour of this Singleness, relinquish and withdraw, would in Conjunction cast the Balance. The Question is but This:  
Whether shall I rather venture the Loss of an Office, or the Loss of my Country? Whether shall I rather disoblige a Powerful Subject, or betray my Lawful Prince? Whether in fine, shall I rather choose, Modestly to Oppose a Faction, or Tamely to desert my Conscience.  
Some we find Prepossessed with Personal Animosities; and these Particular Piques, 
or Personal Animosity.  are many times, the Bane of Public Designs. They do not so much heed the Matter, as the Man that Promotes it; They are Resolved to like Nothing from That Hand; and while they are Cavilling about Niceties, and Nothings; the adverse Party runs away with the Sum of the Contest.  
Another Infelicity is where Elections are Carried by Recommendation, Fortune, or Affection; without any Regard to the Abilities of Persons.  
These are a Dangerous Party, and a fit Subject to work upon. 
Fools are fit Instruments for Knaves.  for being more addicted to follow the Appearances, then Capable of Comprehending the Reasons of Things; They are not only Liable to fall into Mistakes, but Obstinate Maintainers of Them; and in all Cases Determinable by Plurality of Voices, the Greater Number of Fools weighs down the more prudential Counsels of Fewer wise Men: Nay, which is most Ridiculous and Miserable; (but that in Popular Suffrages it must be so) His Vote many Times Casts a Kingdom, that has not Brain enough to Rule his Private Family; Deciding the Question, without understanding the Debate.  
We have Prosecuted This Theme of Miscarriages; far enough. From the Discovery, our next advance is to the Remedies of them: The harder undertaking; for Faults are more easily found, then mended.    

CAP. X. How to prevent the Beginnings, and hinder the Growth of Seditions in General; together with Certain Particular Remedies, applied to the Distempers of Those Seven Interests, mentioned in the foregoing Chapter.  
THe Two main Pillars that support Majesty, are Love and Reverence: 
Love and Reverence are the Pillars of Majesty.  To which are opposed, (as the Foundation of a Prince his Ruin) Contempt and Hatred. What are Disloyal Actions, but the Issue of Disloyal Thoughts? Or what are General Tumults, but the Rational Effects of General Discontents? (The Violent part being no other, than the Manifestation of a Treason already Formed and Perfected in the Affections) So that to set the Heart Right, is the Prime Duty of a Good Subject, and Then to observe the Law, for Love of the Authority. King's are first Rendered Odious, or Despised, and in Persuance of Those Passions they come at last, to be dethroned, or Murdered. That is, to be dethroned, or Murdered Actually; (for even the first Malicious Motion was Murder in the Heart, and betwixt God and our own Souls every Seditious Thought is a Rebellion.)  
Although no Prince can be Mighty, without the Love of his People, or Secure under their Hatred; (the One being Necessary to his Greatness, 
The Power of a Prince depends upon the Love of his People.  and the Other Sufficient to his Undoing) yet must we not suppose the Subjects Love more Needful to their Prince, then His to Them: since upon His Protection depends Their Welfare; no less then, upon Their Support, His Power.  
Because the Hazard of disuniting is mutual, it must not be supposed that it is therefore equal; nor that the Crime is so, where Tumult and Oppression are the Question. They are Both ill, but with exceeding odds of worse betwixt them: The One does but affront the Mode of Government; the Other strikes at Government itself: the very Ends, and Reason of it;— Peace, Order, and Society.  
A Prince without the Hearts of his Subjects, is in a bad Condition; but he that falls from Hatred, to Contempt, his Case is Desperate. For when they neither Love his Person, nor Fear his Power; They are both Provoked to Contrive mischief, and Emboldened to Execute it.  
These are the General, and Enflaming Grounds of Seditions; 
The Grounds of Sedition.  which may be easily prevented, and Cut off in their next Immediate Causes. The Difficulty is, for a Prince to be Popular, without making himself Cheap; to Gratify his People, without Derogating from his Authority; and so to Comply with the Interest of his Subjects, as not to be wanting to the Necessities of his Crown. In the Due Temperation of which Mixture, Consists, in a Great measure, the skill of Governing; and thereupon depends the Peace, and Safety of the Government.  
In all well-ordered Monarchies, there are certain Metes and Boundaries, that Part the Rights of King, and People; and These, are either Laws, or Customs; providing for the Common Good, and Safety, both of the Subject in his Obedience, and of the Sovereign in his Authority. 
Let a Prince Stick to his Laws, and his People will stick to him.  Let a Prince therefore stick to his Antient-Laws, and he may be sure his People will stick to him; and more he needs not ask, being by Those Laws armed with Power sufficient to the Intent of Government: or, at the worst, if any Defect there be, the Fault is imputed to the Constitution, and not to the Person.  
There may indeed occur such Cases, and Emergencies of Imminent, and Public Danger, as (being unforeseen by the Wisdom of former Times) are left without a Rule. Of These, beyond Dispute, The only Supreme Governor is the only Supreme judge; and under so strict a Necessity, he not only may, but aught to dispense with Common Formalities, in Order both to the Discharge of his Duty, and the Welfare of his People: His Oath of Protection, 
The Oath of Protecting, implies a Power of Protecting.  Implying him Vested with a Power of Protecting; and his Conscience, as a Governor, obliging him to be careful of his Charge.  
The Objection is Frivolous, that This Supposition opens a door to Tyranny; because that at This Rate, a Prince has no more, but to pretend a Danger, and Then to do what he pleases. 'Tis very right, a Prince may Tyrannize under This Colour; but 'tis as certain, that a People cannot Scruple This Inconvenience, without incurring a Greater: for 'tis an Opinion Destructive of Government itself; all Subjects being equally exposed to the same Hazard, under all Governments; and it is inevitable, that either the King must have it in his Power to Oppress his People, or the People have it in theirs to Destroy their Sovereign. 
Where a King has it not in his Power to Oppress his People▪ They have it in Theirs to destroy their King.  (and betwixt the Ills of Tyranny and Rebellion, all the world knows the Disproportion) Wherefore let Subjects hope and believe the best of their Prince his Will, and Inclination; without meddling with his Power; for it is not less his Interest to be well Obeyed, and Beloved; then it is theirs, to be well Governed.  
Yet when a Prince, by Exigencies of State, finds himself forced to waive the Ordinary Path, and Course of Law; the Less he swerves, the Better: and the more unwilling he appears to Burden his People, the more willing shall he find them to serve him. Especially, he should be Cautelous, where men's Estates, or Freedoms, are the Question; to make the Necessity as Manifest as is possible, and the Pressure as Light, 
A Mixture of Indulgence, and Severity, Obliges the Loyal, and Awes the Refractory.  and as Equal, as Consists with his Honour, and Convenience: Mixing however with This General Indulgence, such a Particular Severity, where his Authority is Disputed, that the Obedient may have Reason to Love his Goodness, and the Refractory, as much, to Fear his Displeasure.  
By These Means, may a Prince preserve himself from the Hatred of his People, without exposing himself to their Contempt; and in Order to the avoiding of That too, we'll take up This Observation by the way: That Subjects do Generally Love, or Hate, for their own Sakes; but when they despise a Prince, it is for some Personal Weakness, or Indignity in himself.  
Nothing makes a Monarch Cheaper in the Eyes of his People, than That which begets an ill opinion, either of his Prudence, or Courage; 
The Influence of Prudence and Courage.  and if they find once that he will either be Overreached, or overawed, they have his measure. By Courage here, we do not intend a Resolution only against Visible and Pressing Dangers; but an Assurance likewise, and Firmness of mind against Audacious and Threatening Counsels.  
The Prudence we intent, is of a more extensive Notion; and from the most Mysterious Affairs of Royalty, descends to the most Private, and Particular Actions of a Prince's Life. It enters into his Cabinet-Counsells, and Resolves; his Public Acts of State; his very Forms of Language, and Behaviour; his Exercises, and Familiar Entertainments. In fine; It is scarce less Dangerous for a Sovereign to separate the Prince, from the Person, even in his daily Practices, and Conversations; then to permit Others to Divide Them in their Arguments: 
A Prince that bears Affronts, and Familiarities from his Subjects, Lessens himself.  And in a word; to secure himself from Contempt, it behoves a Monarch to Consider, as his most Deadly Enemies, such as Brave his Authority; and by no means to allow, even in his most Acceptable Servants, and most Familiar Humours, too great a Freedom toward his Person.  
Not but that a Sovereign may in many Cases Familiarize with his Subjects, and, by so doing, win the Reputation, of a Wise and Gracious Prince: Provided that the sweetness of his Nature, cause him not to forget the Severity of his Office; and that his Stooping to his People, prove not an Emboldening of them to come up to him. This is a Course to Prevent Sedition, in the First Cause, and check it in the Bud.  

How to hinder the Spreading of a Seditious Humour.  But if it come once to show itself and spread; there is first Requisite, (upon a Clear and Open Proof) a Speedy Execution of Laws to the utmost Rigour. I say, [upon a Clear and Open Proof] for in such cases, 'tis of great Advantage to a State, to make the Crime as evident as the Punishment, that the People may at once Detest the Fact and Approve the justice.. I say Likewise [a Speedy Execution] for Delay brings many Inconveniences. It gives a Faction Time to Contrive, and Unite; and Boldness to Attempt: for it looks as if they that sit at the Helm were either more sensible of the Danger, or less mindful of their Duty then becomes them. Last; whereas it is added, [to the utmost Rigour:] My meaning is not to extend the Severity to a Multitude of Offenders, but to Deter the Generality by making some few, and Dreadful Examples.  
Nay my Advice should be, to Pick these Few too. They should not be Fools, Madmen, or Beggars; but the Boldest, the Wisest, the most Circumspect and Wealthy of the Party: the Leaders, and first Starters of the Quarrel: to show that neither Confidence should Protect them, nor their Shifts and Politics avail them. But above All; let not their Money save Them, for That't no other than Setting of a Price upon the Head of the Sovereign.  
Another Expedient to Stop a spreading Mischief, is for a Prince to keep a watchful Eye over Great Assemblies; 
Let a Prince keep an Eye over Great Assemblies.  which are either Irregular and Lawless; or Regular and Constant; or Arbitrary and Occasional.  
Concerning the First; It is seldom seen, where the Manner of a Meeting is Tumultuary, that the Business of it is not so too; and, where Many Concur in One unlawful Act, 'tis no hard matter to persuade them to agree in Another. 
Let him be Quick,  So that to frustrate the Ends, and prevent the Consequences of such Meetings, the surest way is for the Sovereign to employ his Authority, Tamely; and strictly to Prohibit them. If That does no Good; He has no more to do, but Instantly to Scatter Them by force, and single out the Heads of the Riot, for Exemplary Punishment.  
Touching Conventions which are Regular and Steady; 
and Watchful.  It concerns the Chief Magistrate not to be without his Creatures, and Discoverers, in Those Assemblies; and to see that they be well Influenced as to the Government. For Instance; when the People Meet to Choose Officers; when Those Officers meet to Advise upon Business, 'tis worth the while for a Prince to learn how the Pulse Beats; and Principally, to Over-watch Churches, and Courts of judicature: Both in regard of the hazard of Errors in Matters of Law, and Religion; and of the Multitude, being ever in readiness and humour to Entertain them.  
As to Meetings Arbitrary and Occasional, heed must be taken to the Persons assembling, the Occasion which brings them Together, and the Matter whereupon they Treat; which we shall handle in their proper Places, and so pass from Generals to Particulars, beginning with the CHURCH.  

Sect. I. By what Means Heresies and Schisms may be kept out of the CHURCH; Their Increase hindered, and the Seditious Consequences of Them Prevented: With the Remedies of Other Mischiefs arising from Disorders in the CHURCH.  
SInce so it is, that Divisions in the Church have no further Interest in This place, than as they Led to Seditions in the State: the shortest Cut I know, will be to Reduce all of that Tendency to Sir Francis Bacon's Notable Comprizal of them, 
The most dangerous of all Seets.  under Two Properties: [If a New Sect have not Two Properties, fear it not; for (says He) it will not spread. The one is, the Supplanting, or the Opposing of Authority established: For Nothing is more Popular than That. The Other is, the giving Licence to Pleasures, and a Voluptuous Life. For as for Speculative Heresies (such as were in Ancient Times the Arrians, and now the Arminians) though they work mightily upon men's Wits, yet they do not produce any great Alterations in States; except it be by the Help of Civil Occasions.] Now when a Prince meets with a Faction thus Marked, let him look to Himself: for there are against him, the best Counterfeit of a Friend, and the most Deadly Composition of an Enemy; the Strongest of all Allurements; the most Popular of all Designs; and the most Rational Means to Accomplish it.  
But the Question will be, How to Prevent, what is not as yet Discovered? To which we answer, That the Sect here spoken of, is New, either Absolutely, or Comparatively. If Absolutely; Observe what Carnal Interest they drive: If Comparatively, mark what Copy they follow; and Measure the Disciple by his Master.  

A sure way to prevent Schism.  One Safe and Certain Remedy, (be the Novelty what it will,) is, not to suffer any Innovation whatsoever, without a warrantable Authority: No, not so much as a Public Dispute against an Established Order, from a Private Person. Nay, more; let the Dissent be Right or Wrong, 'tis the same thing as to the Reason of Government, though not so to the Conscience of the Dissenter. Suppose the Subject of an Idolatrous Prince, within his Master's Dominions, and Contrary to his Express Order, Preaches against the Religion there Established: He does well, to Discharge his Conscience, but let him have a Care of the Consequence; for if in Order to the making of Good Christians, he makes Bad Subjects, 
Have a Care.  his Zeal will hardly acquit him of Sedition: God does not allow of Proposing Good Ends, by Ill Means; and of Reforming Religion, by Rebellion.  
Let him have a Care likewise, if he comes to suffer for well-doing, how he behaves himself: for if he but open his Mouth against the Civil Magistrate, as a Persecutor, he betrays himself to be an Hypocrite.  
There are Two Sects, whom I dare say, This Doctrine will not please; i.e. The Pontifical Presbyterians, and the Rigid jesuits. The Latter of which, have, for Convenience sake, been True to One King: The Former, (giving the Devil his Due) since Presbyterians had a Being, were never True to Any: or if they ever were, let him that Loves Them best, or knows them better, show me but when, where, how; and with a Neverint universi, I do here Declare, I'll make a Public Recantation. Till Then, We'll take the Prebyterian for the Cock-Schismatick; and (if Sir Francis Bacon's Note holds Good.) the Dangerous New Sect: against Whom, no Caution can be too Early, no Importunity too Earnest, no Restriction too Severe.  
These are They, that (according to the Lord St. Alban) Propagate Religion by Wars; Force Consciences; Nourish Seditions; Authorize Conspiracies and Rebellions. That put the Sword into the People's hand, and Dash the First Table, against the Second. In short; all Those Popular, and Supplanting Politics, which we find only here and there; Scattered, and Thin, in Other Sects; are by These People drawn into a Practical Method, a Set-form of Sedition.  
They Govern Their Looks, their Words, their Actions; 
The Presbyterians Set-form.  Nay, their very Dress, Garb, and Accent, by a Rule: They are Instructed, when to Beseech, and when to Expostulate; when to Flatter, and when to Threaten; when to Offer, and when to Deny; when to Press Swearing, and when to Declaim against it; when to Save, and w●●n to Kill▪  
In the first Scene, ye have the Schismatic upon his Knees, begging his Prince into a Dispensation, 
And Method.  for Scrupulous Consciences, that perhaps stick at such and such Ceremonies; the Cross, the Surplice, or the like.  

Their Modesty.  Let but the Sovereign Comply Thus far, and what's the Fruit of this Indulgence? Within a Day or Two, they come for More, and by Degrees, More still; till at Last, they find the Government of the Church as Troublesome, as they did the Rites of it; and Bishops as great a Grievance, as Ceremonies. Where the King Stops, They Cavil; and now, from Petitioners for Freedom to Themselves, they are Grown to be most Insolent Denyers of it to Others.  
Their Art is next, to Tune the People; which is best done by the Pulpit, where One half of their Business is Invective against Prelacy, and the Other is spent in Well-Acted Supplications, That God would turn the King's Heart; Accounting His yielding to all They Ask, as a Divine Assurance that their Prayers are heard. But if the Monarch still holds out; what Pity 'tis (they Cry) so sweet a Prince should be Miss-led? And then they fall upon his Evil Counsellors; still Taking all he Gives, and Struggling for the Rest; till having first Disrobed Him of his Rights, Deprived Him of his Friends; Step after Step, they Attempt His Sacred Person, and at last take away His Life.  
Here's their Glorious King! the End of all their Vows and Covenants, their Prayers and Fast; or, in a word, the Sum of their Religion.  
It was great Blasphemy (says Sir F. B.) when the Devil said I will Ascend and be like the Highest; But it is greater Blasphemy, to Personate God, and bring Him in, saying, I will Descend, and be like the Prince of Darkness; and what is it better to make the Cause of Religion, to descend, to the Cruel and Execrable Actions, of Murdering Princes, Butchery of People, and Subversion of States and Government?  
He that stands firm against (not the Wit, or Bravery, but) the Fawning, and Treacherous Insinuations of This Faction, may make himself Sport with all Other Practices and Combinations whatever: and That Prescription, which helps This Evil, serves for all other Public and Intestine Maladies.  
I think we may be Positive, that there neither Is, nor ever Was in Nature, any Society of Men, without a Vicious Mixture, under what Government, or Governour-soever. I think we may be as Positive likewise, that Those Ambitious, and Unsatisfied Particulars, with which all Constitutions are infested, are only Deferred from troubling all Governments, by the want of Opportunities to Plot, and Contrive; and by the Hazards they meet with, in putting Those Plots in Execution.  
Wherefore it ought to be a Prince his first Care, 
The means of Preventing Schism.  to Choke These Seeds of Discord: which may be Effected, by a Provision of Orthodox Ministers; (to the utter Exclusion of the Contrary) by Prohibiting Private Meetings, or Conventicles; and by taking heed to the Press. A Watchfulness in These Three Points Secures the Church from Schisms, and Consequently the State from Conscientious Seditions. (At least, if I am not Mistaken in my Presumption, that there is not any fourth way of Dangerous Communication.)  
Touching the Licentious abuse of the Press, and the Freedom of Riotous Assemblies; the Distemper is not as yet grown Bold enough, to avow Those Liberties: But from the Nonconforming Ministers, we must expect hard Pleading.  
What? [shall the Faithful Guides be ejected, 
Object. Petition for Peace▪ pag. 4, 5.  upon the account of Forms, or Ceremonies? because they dare not do that which they judge to be so great a Sin against the Lord?] May not a Dissenting Brother be an Honest man?  
Our Reply shall be short, and Charitable. If the People take them for Guides, they will be the apt to follow them; 
Answ. The Hazards of Toleration.  so that the fairer their Credit is, the worse is their Argument.  
Nor are they laid aside, as if the Difference itself were so Criminal, but for the evil Consequences of Retaining Them.  
First, it advances the Reputation of the Dissenting Party to have the matter Look as if either the Power, or Reason were on Their side.  
Next, it Subjects the Prince to be Thought Diffident, either of his Authority to Command, or of the justice of the Thing Commanded.  
Thirdly; a Dissenting Minister makes a Dissenting Congregation.  
Fourthly; it makes Conscience a Cloak for Sedition, and under Colour of Dividing from the Church, it Ministers Occasion for People to unite against the State.  
Fifthly; it not only leads to Novel Opinions, whereof the Vulgar are both Greedy, and Curious; but it Possesses the Multitude with These Two Desperate, and Insociable Persuasions. First, That the People are judges of the Law; and Next, That because God alone has Power over their Souls, the Sovereign has none over their Bodies.  
As to the Honesty of a Dissenting Brother; his Honesty is only to himself, but his Dissent is to the Public: and the Better the Man is, the Worse is the Precedent.  
Upon these hazards, depends the Royalty of That Sovereign, that dispenses with the Law, to Indulge This Faction: and, which is the great Pity of all, the better he deserves, the worse they use him. So that the only way for a Prince to deal Safely with These People, is first to lay aside That Dangerous, and Fatal Goodness, and Steer his Resolutions by the Compass of a Severe, and Inexorable Reason. Not that Kings are Gods, in any Respect, more than in their Power, and Mercy; but there are certain Cases, and Instances, wherein That Power, and Mercy may be Restrained; and wherein 'tis possible that what is Excellent in Nature, may be a slip in Government. 'Tis One Thing for a Party to ask Pardon for a Fault already Committed, and another thing to beg a Dispensation beforehand, to Commit it. And there's this Difference also in the Issue of the Grants. The Prince has the Faction at his Mercy, the One way; and the Faction has got the Prince at Theirs, the Other. But to the Point.  
Will the Monarch's yielding to this, or that, content them? They'll say 'tis all they aim at; and truly I'd believe them: would they but show me out of their whole Tribe, any one Instance of This Moderation to save the Credit of my Charity; 
The Foundation of Presbytery.  Any Presbyterian Interest in Nature that is not Raised upon the Ruins of a Prince, and Cemented with Broken Vows and Promises.  
If it be thus; Nothing less than a Miracle can secure that Monarch that makes this Faction Master of the Pulpit: and this, King Charles', the Martyr, proved by sad Experience: For not a Soul that by the Instigation of Schismatical Lectures deserted the Church, but became an Enemy to the State. So that Effectually a Gracious Toleration in some Cases, is by some People understood no otherwise, then as a Tacit Commission from the Person of the King to Levy a War against his Office. And it is very rarely that such an Indulgence is better Employed. In which Opinion we are not a little Confirmed by the Reflections of that Blessed Prince above mentioned.  
[I wish (says he) I had not suffered My own judgement to have been over-borne in some Things, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. pag. 3.  more by others Importunities, than their Arguments: My Confidence had less betrayed Myself, and My Kingdoms, to Those Advantages, which some men sought for, who wanted nothing but Power, and Occasion, to do Mischief.] And after the utmost Trial of Bounty and Remissness to that Faction; These are his words to his Royal Successor, [I cannot yet Learn That Lesson, nor I hope never will you, That it is safe for a King to gratify any Faction, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 239.  with the perturbation of the Laws, in which is wrapped up the Public Interest, and the Good of the Community.]  
Finally; Those Perfidious Creatures which at first Petitioned their Sovereign, afterwards fought against him, and Imprisoned him: 
Let Pagans blush at These Christians.  Refusing him in his Distress the Comfort of his own Chaplains, in Requital for having Granted them the Liberty of their Consciences. Who struck the Fatal Blow, it matters not: If he had not been Disarmed, he had not been Killed. Subjects do not Hunt Kings for Sport; only to Catch Them, and let them go again. To Conclude; He was Persecuted with Propositions worse than Death; as by his Choice appeared; for he Preferred rather to Die, than Sign Them. But to Signalise the Honour of his Memory, and the Glory of his martyrdom, take his Last Resolution, and Profession.  
I look upon it with infinite more content and quiet of Soul, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 263.  to have been worsted in my Enforced contestation for, and vindication of, the Laws of the Land, the Freedom and Honour of Parliaments, the Rights of my Crown, the Just Liberty of my Subjects, and the true Christian Religion in its Doctrine, Government, and due Encouragements, then if I had with the greatest Advantages of Success, overborn them all, as some men have now Evidently done, whatever Designs they at first pretended.  
From a Supposition of the first Inclination to Schism, proposing also how to strangle it in the Birth: we are now to Consider it in some Degree of Growth, and Progression; and to inquire after the best means to prevent such Mischiefs, as may arise from the further Increase, and spreading of it. That is; the Mischiefs of Conspiracy, which may be Promoted, either be Speech, or Writing.  

The Growth of Schism.  The first great Hazard is when Popular Persons, are put in Popular Employments, and in Populous Places. A Cunning, and a Factious Minister, is a Dangerous Instrument in a City; and the more Dangerous, if Tolerated; for Then he stirs up Tumults by Authority: and who shall blame the Flock for Following the Shepherd?  
The Liberties of Conventicles, and Pamphlets, are likewise of Desperate Influence upon the People; but These (as is already said) are easily Suppressed by the Seasonable Execution of Laws. But There's no Dallying with the Combination.  
If through the fault of Negligent Officers, the Distemper be gone too far, and the Confederacy grown Strong and Bold enough to struggle with the Law. Then, Other Arts must be found out, either to Amuse, Ensnare, or Disunite the Faction. The Last Resort is violence, which must be Timely too before the Reverence of Authority is quite Lost. And let the King himself appear; not only to Ask, but Take the Heads of the Sedition; before the Quarrel is Transferred from his Ministers, to his Person: if he but Stoops, he Falls. How horrible a Mutiny was That which Caesar Quieted at Placentia? Single, Unarmed and with One wretched word. (QVIRITES.) 
— Nec dum desaeviat Ira,  
Expectat; Medios properat tent are Furores.  
Nor Waits he till the Hot Fit should assuage, But at the Maddest, Scorns, and Braves their Rage.   

A Noble Resolve.  As the Resolve was Great, and the Success Good, so doubtless was the Reason of This Action; For by the Sodainess, he Prevented their Agreement; and by the Generous Contempt of Danger, he was almost Certain to Divide the Revolt; making the Nobler Part of the Mutineers to Adore him, and the Base, to Fear him.  
If the bare Presence of a General, could have This Power upon a Disciplined, Incensed, and Daring Army; what should a Lawful Monarch apprehend, from an Vnpracticed, and Loose Multitude?  
But the Dispute is not yet Brought to This Extremity; Our Purpose in this Place, being rather to Frustrate and Disappoint the Malice in the Contrivance, than Crush it in the Execution. To which end are Requisite, great Diligence, Secrecy, Watchfulness, Moderation; and (at-what-rate soever) a Strict and General Intelligence: All which together, make up a Necessary nnd Befitting Prudence.  
Sir Francis Bacon's Counsel is, 
Let the Prince Reform betime.  to Begin with Reforming Abuses; a Work seldom out of Season, but never more needful: then upon the very first Murmurings and Motions toward Troubles. Most especially, let Great Towns be Supplied with Good Ministers, and the Earlier, the Better, lest the Multitude think it Extorted; and the Guilty become too Strong for the Innocent.  
It ought to be Impartial too; 
And Impartially.  for a Toleration on the One hand, will make justice itself look like a Persecution on the Other. Beside, That it takes away the Subject of the Clamour, and exalts the Reputation of the Monarch, in making Him appear the Common Father of his People.  
By these Means, may the Church be Purged of Schism, without much hazard of Sedition.  
If the Plot be already Modelled, and the Multitude Leavened, The Sovereign is to look for Petitions, on the Behalf of Ejected Ministers; in the Names of Thousands; and Accompanied with the Rudeness rather of a Riot, than a Request. The Petitioners may be Put Off, Threatened, or Punished, etc. according to the Merit of their Behaviour: but let a Watch be set upon the Leaders of Those Troops: their Haunts and Correspondents. Let it be marked who Intercedes, who Mitigates on Their behalf.  
Let the Motions of the Disaffected Clergy be likewise Observed, which of the Nobility they Frequent: And in fine, Spies Employed upon all their Considerable Privacies: For, let the Cry be what it will, the Cause of these Disorders is Ambition. 
Ambition is the Cause, no matter what's the Cry.  Of which in another Place, and with One Word more we'll Conclude this Point.  
That may be Conscience in the People, which is Sedition in the Minister; wherefore in all Schismatical Ruptures, I could wish all possible Favour to the Common sort of the Laity, and as much Severity to the Offending Clergy.   

Sect. II. How to prevent SEDITIONS arising from the Disorders of the BENCH.  
WE have Begun with the Church; and the Bench properly Follows: which is but to give Them the same Place in the Order of this Discourse, which they have in the Argument of it. Was there ever any Considerable Rebellion (I do not say Revolt) That was not Ushered in by Corrupt Divines, 
Corrupt Divines and Lawyers are in the forlorn of all Rebellions.  or Lawyers, or Both of Them? And 'tis no Wonder; since upon These Two Interests depends the great Concern, both of our Souls and Bodies. One Reason of their Forwardness may be This; that they may do more Harm, upon Safe and Easy Terms, than other People: Bolt a Rebellion out of a Text; Dethrone a King with a Moot-Point, and Execute a Bishop at a Reading. All which is done with a Wet Finger; for when a People are Discontented, 'tis but Picking a Scripture, or a Statute, for the Time and Purpose; and Commit the Rest to Application.  
These Two Interests hold so Good Intelligence, it is almost Pity to part Them: and Compared with the Rest, (supposing all in Disorder) They mind me of a Combination I have observed betwixt a Beagle, and a Greyhound: the One Starts the Hare, and Yelps, the Other Catches it, but by Consent, they part the Quarry.  
As I Reckon These Men of the Robe to be the very Pests of Humane Nature, when they Degenerate from the Prime End of their Institution: So take them (on the Other side) in the Due Exercise of their Callings, they are the Blessings and the Pillars of Society. 
But the Contrary, are the Pillars and Blessings of Society.  A Word now to the Lawyer apart.  
The Common Crime of Vicious Lawyers, is Avarice; 
The Common Crime of Vicious Lawyers is, Avarice.  and Those Inducements to Sedition, which (in the Chapter next foregoing This) we have divided into Corruption, Partiality, Oppression, Chargeable Delays, etc. are but as several Branches from that Root of Covetousness.  
Nay, take Their more Pernicious and Vile Practices; Their Misconstruction of Laws, Misapplying of Precedents, Torturing or Embezelling of Records, etc. What is All This, but Corruption in another Dress? A Project to Embroil the Government, that They may get Money by Settling it again? Or if they can procure a Change; 
The Basest of Corruptions.  They make the best Market they can of their Country; and Betray it to that Faction that will Give Most fort. Nay, when That's done, (and that Matters will come Right again, in spite of them) They shall Betray it back again to the Right Owner: at once Lamenting, and Adoring their Past, and Profitable Transgressions. These are the miserable Fruits of Corruption▪  
Others there are that Err through want of judgement. And that's a sad Case too; 
An Ignorant Judge is a Dangerous Minister.  for Mistakes coming from the Lips of a judge, pass for Oracles.  
Others there are again, that Understand the Right, but in some Cases dare not Own it. 
And so is a Timorous.  And These deliver up the People to Day, for Fear of the King; and the Prerogative to Morrow, for Fear of the Subject.  
From hence it seems to me, That a Prince his Chiefest Care in this Particular of the Law, lies in a Narrow compass: That is, in Securing, and Preserving his Courts of judicature from Corruption; and in Supplying them with Men of Eminent Abilities and Courage: These are the Instruments to make a Prince and People Happy; Nor does any Thing more Conduce to it, than the Carrying of an Even and Impartial Hand upon the Balance of Government, and Obedience. We come now to the Choice of Persons, and There the Difficulty lies.  
Some Deceive the World, by Appearing Honester than they are. Others Deceive Themselves, 
A hard matter to make a good Choice.  and are Honest only for want of Temptation. Some there are, that are Proof against Money, but not against Danger. In short; Where it so much Imports a Prince not to Repent too late, it may be worth his while to Consider of his Choice in Time.  
Concerning the Abilities of Persons for the Offices to which he Designs them; Common Fame, with a Little Particular Enquiry will be sufficient: but their Integrity requires a stricter Scrutiny. What's such a Man's Humour? His Behaviour? His Temper? are not unnecessary Questions. And upon the Whole? If he has ever Betrayed any Friend, Trust, or Interest, either for Fear or Profit; Away with him. But if upon Trials either Private or Public; it appears, 
A Rule to Choose by.  that rather than do small Injuries, he has Refused great Benefits: that he has Preferred his Faith and Honour, before his Life and Fortune: This Evidence may serve for a Moral Assurance of an Honest Man. Whereas without this Personal and Particular Examination, not only the Future Safety, but the present Quiet of a Kingdom may come to be endangered by a Mischoice of Ministers.  
To Reason upon this Hazard, does not at all Impeach the Sovereign's Absolute Freedom to Elect whom He pleases; nor does it one jot justify the Subject, that shall presume to Scan and judge the Actions of his Prince. But in Regard that Discontentment's breed Seditions; and that Mistake of This Quality may beget Discontentment's, we Offer This Expedient as to That Consequence. And in Truth it seems to be a kind of Profanation of the Seat of justice, when He Sits upon the Bench, that deserves to hold up his Hand at the Bar. To Conclude then; When a Monarch comes to Discover the Inconvenience of such Ministers, He may kill two Birds with one Stone; and Consider who Recommended them: (But they may be better Kept out, than Driven on.)  
Next to the Choice of Good Persons, Succeeds the Care of Good Order, when they are Chosen: Which may be Provided for; First, By maintaining an Intelligence concerning the General Bias and Complexion of their Proceedings as to the Public; (i. e. Whether or no they do equal justice betwixt King and People.) Secondly, By Overwatching them in Cases of more Private and Particular Concern.  
Let not This Strictness appear either too much for a Prince his Business, or below his Dignity. Kingdoms are Lost for want of These Early Providences; these Little Circumspections; but it costs more to Recover them. 
Hae nuga Seria ducunt in mala.  Nor (in effect) is the Trouble at all Considerable; for 'tis here, as 'twas with the Tyrant, that durst not Sleep for fear of having his Throat cut. A Mathematician comes to him, and tells him; That for so many Talents he'd secure him, and show him such a Secret, that it should be impossible for any man so much as to design upon him without Discovery. The Tyrant was content; provided that he might be satisfied of the Secret, before he parted with his Money, and so takes the Cunning-man into his Cabinet. What was the Secret? But that he should give the fellow so much Money, & pretend that he had Taught it him. This Sorry comes up to Us: The bare Opinion of a Prince his Vigilance, saves him the Need and Trouble of it: And Three or Four Discoveries in his whole Reign, shall gain him That Opinion.  
Touching Those Abuses which Immediately relate to the Public; (as concerning the misconstruction of Lawyers, etc.) they are usually couched under the Salvo of an Ambiguity. To prevent which Inconvenience, 
A way to prevent Treasonous Mistakes.  all Those Distinctions which in Seditious times have been made use of for the Authorising, or Countenancing of Treason, might be summed up and Declared Treasonous Themselves. Such I mean, as the coordinate Power of King, Lords, and Commons, The Litteral and Equitable Construction of Laws. The Person, and Authority of Princes. Singulis Major, Vniversis Minor, etc. For sure it is not Reasonable, that the Clear, and Sacred Rights of Kings, should depend upon the dubious, and Profane Comments of the People.  
Concerning Grievances of a more Particular Quality; the Principal of them are Injustice, and Delay: the Former whereof, is purely the Fault of the judge; the Other may, in some measure, and in some Constitutions, be imputed to a Defect in the Law. In This Case, the best way to prevent further Mischief, and satisfy for what is done already, is an Impartial Severity upon all Offenders as they are Detected: Especially, where Complaints are General, and the Injustice Notorious; for nothing less than a Public Example, can amount to a Public Satisfaction.   

Sect. III. How to Prevent, or Remedy Seditions arising from the Disorders of the COURT.  
WE have in the Last Chapter, Pag. 99 (concerning Seditions which may possibly arise from a Disordered Court) stated what we intent by the Court-Interest. We have likewise Divided the Evill-Instruments, into such as either Plot Mischief, or Occasion it. We have again Subdivided the Plotters into Three Parties. 
The Contrivers of Seditions are of Three Sorts.  The One whereof opposes the Title of the Governor; The Other, (as Directly) the Form of the Government: And there is a Third Party, that bring their Ends about, by Supplications, Vows, Fasting and Prayer; by Forms of Piety, and Reverence: and finally; that with a Hail Master and a Kiss, Betray their Sovereign.  
Concerning the Two Former; More needs not be said, than that Force is to be Repelled by Force: and That, the Monarch is supposed to have always in Readiness, for the Safety of the Government. The Other, is a Serpentine, and Winding Party; 
The Puritan.  that Steals, and Glides into the very Bosom of a Prince, and Then it Clipps and Strangles him. This is a Faction that Answers to our jesuited Puritan.  
Yet while I separate These Three, for Perspicuity of Method; let me not be understood, as if they would not mingle in Complication of Interest: For nothing is more Notorious, then that in all Commotions upon pretext of Conscience, the Religious Division is still the Receptacle of all other Disaffected Humours whatsoever. He that's an Atheist to Day, becomes an Enthusiast to Morrow; where a Crown is the Prize. Only I must confess, the Presbyterian plays the Fast and Loose of the Device, the best in the whole World. Let as many help him as will, 'tis Liberty of Conscience forsooth; but have a Care of the Purity of the Gospel, when they come to share with him. They may, if they please, (nay they shall be Invited to't) run the hazards of the Course with him; Venture Neck, and Body; over Hedge and Ditch; through Thick and Thin, but yet at last, the Devil a bit of the Quarry.  
In fine; the Plausible Contrivers of Sedition (under what Mask-soever) are the People we aim at; and These are either In the Counsel, or Out of it. Sir Francis Bacon Divides the Dangers from Within the Great Counsel, into an Over-greatness in One Counsellor, or an Over-strict Combination in Divers, The Rest, we only look upon as Their Dependencies.  
Pag. 71. We proceed from the Direct Contrivance of Seditions, to the more Remote Occasions of them. As Corruption, Monopolising; Nonpayment of Debts, etc.—  
This being the Order, into which we have disposed the Causes of Seditions; it will be suitable, that some Degree of Method be observed in the Remedies. But first, a word of Introduction.  
We are to take for granted, that Sedition is a kind of Clockwork, and that the Main Spring of all Rebellions is Ambition. We may be again as Confident, that never any One Monarchy was destroyed, but with design to set up Another. (The Talk of This or That Form of Government; or of This or That Shape of Religion, 
Religion is but Talk.  being no more than a Ball tossed among the People, for the Knaves to keep the Fools in play with) It's Truth, that a Sinking Monarchy lapses into an Aristocracy; and That again into a Popular State. But what's the Reason of all This?  
Does any man Imagine that the Conspirators work for One another, or for Themselves? 
Every man for himself.  They Join in the Necessity of a Common Assistance; but they Divide in the Proposition of a several Interest. Who is he in the Senate, that had not rather Rule Alone, then in Company, if he could help it? To be short; where more than One Governor, 'tis because what Every man Wishes; no Particular can effect. (That is to Master the Rest. (Understand me only of Meddlers to overthrow a Government.)  
The next Slide from an Aristocracy, downward; comes a little clearer yet. Some of the Craftiest of Those that helped the Peers to Cast off the King, are now as Busy with the People to throw off the Nobility: and Then, they are within one Easy step, of Confusion; from whence, the next Change brings him that can carry it from the Rest, to the Sovereignty. As arrant a Mockery, is Religion, in the Mouth of a conspirator.  
Indeed it makes me smile sometime, 
A Traitor is of no Religion.  to hear how Soberly Men will talk of the Religion of This or That Faction: as if a Traitor, or an Hypocrite were of Any. And then they cry,— This is against the Principles of the Presbyterians; and That against the Principles of the Independents: when (Truly, and Shortly) they are but Thus Distinguished; Those would subvert the Government, One Way; These, Another; And he that would rightly Understand them, must Read, for Presbytery, ARISTOCRACY; and DEMOCRACY, for Independency. I speak of the next Consequence, if they Prevail; not of the ultimate Design of the Chief Leaders; for That's Monarchy) we'll drop ye a Little Story here.  
An Officer of the Reformat on advices with an Ingenious Surgeon of my Acquaintance, about a Grief, 
No ill Story.  (as he pretended) caught with a strain. After divers Questions; how and how? The Surgeon tells his Patient, that (by his leave) the Trouble he complains of, can be no other, than (to Phrase it Modestly) a Lady's Favour. The good man blesses himself; and still it must be a Strain. Why then a Slain let it be: but This I'll tell you Sir; The Thing that Cures That Strain, will Cure the Pox. In fine; the Officer submits, and the Surgeon does his work.  

The Presbyterian has gotten a Strain.  This is the Case of the two Factions, They Cry out, of their Consciences; but their Disease lies somewhere else: and Schism is cured, just as they cure Sedition.  
Nay; does it not behoove a Prince, with the same strictness to require Submission to a Ceremony, 
A Ceremony may be as well imposed as a Tax.  as to a Tax? Or why may not a Justice as well refuse to Swear Obedience, to the Civil Government, as a Minister to the Ecclesiastic? What can be more reasonable, than for a Master either to Punish, or dismiss an undutiful Servant? Briefly, That Monarch that would be safe, must resolve to be Deaf to These Religious Clamours. Alas! let but the Ministers Begin; the People Bawl in Course: not that they are Troubled; but they'll do't in Rudeness, or Imitation. They are as arrantly Taught to do't, as a Friend of mine Taught his Beagles. Let him Gape first, and the whole Kennel falls to howling: Let him give off, they are quiet too: and just Thus stands the Case betwixt the Schismatical Clergy, and the Multitude.  
But (it will be said) what's all this to the Court? Or to Seditions, thence proceeding?  
Oh very much. These Outcries of the Vulgar, are but False Alarms: The Dint is nearer hand. They have their Demagogues, and their Patrons; (as the late Glorious King, and Martyr calls them) and if a Prince look well about him, in such a juncture as is here mentioned; 'tis odds, he finds some of their Principals, even at his Ear, or Elbow. So that his first Concern is to Inspect, and Purge (where he sees Cause) his Royal Palace, Beginning with his Counsel. Where (as Sir Francis Bacon) the Danger is either, the Over-greatness of One; or the Combination of Divers: Which Dangers we shall Obviate with their Remedies, in Order.  

Subsection. I. The Remedies of certain Hazards arising from the Over-greatness of One COUNSELLOR.  
ONE Overgreat Counsellor may be Dangerous; First, In respect of His Particular Temper and Inclination: Secondly, In regard of His Credit with his Master: And lastly, In Consideration of the Influence of that Power, and Inclination upon the People.  
The Overgreat Counsellor we here Treat of, is as the Malus Genius of a Nation: And in Two Words, behold the Ground and Sum of the Whole Mischief. 'Tis either Vice or Weakness, applied to the Dishonour or Damage of a Prince and People.  
Now to the Application of That Vice, or Weakness. And first, What ill use may be made of the One, and what ill effects may proceed from the Other, by virtue of his Credit with his Master. 
Ambition dangerous in a Favourite.   
If He be Ambitious, He's placed upon the very Point for Popularity. Whom can he not Oblige, by Hopes, Rewards, Preferments? Whose Tongue cannot he Charm, either to Speech or Silence? Whose Reputation, Suit, Fortune; nay in some Cases, whose very Life itself, and Liberty, are not dependent upon his Favour? If this Aspiring Humour be accompanied with a Sharpness of judging; a Felicity of Contriving; and an Impulse of Enterprizing: The Master of such a Servant should do well to Look about him.  
It may be Replied, That doubtless so he would, if he saw any Reason to apprehend his Abuse of that Power; But the Knowledge of the Person, does sufficiently warrant the Reason of the Dispensation. To which, we answer; That though Sovereign Princes are not Accountable to Others, yet They are to Themselves; both for the Expedience and Equity of their Actions: And entering into their own Souls, it is very possible, that they may discover some Incongruities betwixt their Affections, and their Convenience. Some Incongruities I say; and such, as may Induce the wisest Prince, and the most Indulgent Master; even toward the most Loyal and Meriting Servant, to limit the Graces of his Inclination, to the Rules and Respects of his Office; and to be wary, lest while He Divide his Heart with his Friend, 
A Caution.  he share also his Authority with his Subject: Therein, both Endangering Himself, and Grieving his People.  
To Conclude; It is great Prudence in Public Affairs, to commit little to Hazard; and it is no small Hazard, to Expose a Favourite to strong Temptations.  
Where there are Servants that will employ their Master's Bounty against Himself; (and of such only we speak) If the Design be to supplant the Sovereign, many Remedies may be found out, to frustrate That Ambition. Nay (as I have already hinted) whether there be such a Design, or not; 'tis good to provide against the very Possibility of it. For, it is fitter, that the Public should be Indebted for its well-being, to the Care of the Prince, than to the Honesty of the Favourite.  

Ambition does better in a Soldier, then in a Counsellor.  Ambitious Natures do better in the Field, than in the Court; and better yet Abroad, than at Home. If they Advance, they grow Dangerous for their Power; if they receive a Check, they become so for their Malice: Whence it comes to pass, that we see few. Seditions without a Malcontent of This Quality, in the Head of them. These are a sort of People, of whom a Prince cannot be too wary. But we are here to provide against the Ambition of a Person Raised by Favour, not Aspiring; and from such a One, the Peril is greater, by reason of the means he has, both to compass his Ends, and to Disguise them.  
Sir Francis Bacon proposes the Mating of One Ambitious Person with Another; and in Extremities, the Puzzling of him, with an Interchange of Favours, and Disgraces, that he may not know what to Expect. Courses, no doubt, advisable, to put an Insolent Favourite to a stand; if it may be as Safe to Disoblige him, without Disarming him: but that depends much upon the Complexion of the Person, according as he is Bold or Fearful.  

It is the Interest of a Prince to dispose of Offices by Particular Direction.  There is not any thing which more Fortifies and Establishes a Monarch, than the Disposal of all Offices, and Charges of Trust, by his particular Choice and Direction, without the Interpose of any Public Recommendation: Nor can he Transfer That Care to his Great Counsellor, without a great share of his Power. And here's the Difference; the One way they are the Honourable Dependencies of the Prince; and the Other way, they are the suspected Creatures of the Favourite; who by This Indulgence, makes One Party at Present, and Another in Expectation.  
A Wariness in This Particular, breaks the Neck of his Design.  
It is good also for a Prince Fairly, and Publicly to Refuse him some Requests, and where the Suit is too bold, to Check Him for Others: That the World may see, that there are Some things which he cannot obtain; and Others, which he must not Dare to Ask. Whereas, if He carries all without Reserve, the Majesty of the Sovereign is lost in the Power of the Favourite. The Advice of King Charles, the Martyr, to His Sacred Majesty now in Being, shall put an End to This Point.  
Never repose so much upon any man's single Counsel, Fidelity, and Discretion, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Pag. 240.  in managing Affairs of the First Magnitude (that is, Matters of Religion, and justice) as to Create in yourself or others, a Diffidence of your own judgement, which is likely to be always more Constant, and Impartial to the Interests of the Crown and Kingdom, than any man's.  
This may suffice to Prevent a dangerous Over-greatness: 
How to crush an Insolent Favourite.  But if it be found Necessary to Crush it; (as in case of a bold, and manifest Transgression of Duty, and Violation of Law) Something like an English Parliament does it best; and much better to be promoted by the People, than by the Sovereign.  
A Second Danger is, when a Prime Minister employs his Credit to uphold a Faction: and it is the more Dangerous, 
The Danger of a Favourite that upholds Faction.  by the hardness to know what it is. As whether it be Ambition, Corruption, Popularity: Or in fine, some other Secret Interest. It may be, they have need of One-another.  
Nothing can be more perilous then▪ This Correspondence, when a proper Instrument has the manage of it. 
And manage of his Design.  Oh how he Detests the Faction! But yet Truly, in such and such Cases; and for such and such Persons; and upon This or That Nick of Time, if Matters were Ordered So and So. And Then, the Insolence of a Schism is Palliated with the Simplicity of a Scruple: And for such Cases as will bear no other Plea, is found out the Colour of an Indisputable Necessity. Not to prosecute the several Artifices, by which some Truths are Disguised, others Suppressed: Those Suits Promoted; These Complaints Smothered: And finally; by which, both Men and Things are quite misrepresented.  
King's cannot possibly see all Things with their own Eyes, nor hear all Things with their own Ears; 
Sir F. Bacon.  so that they must commit many great Trusts to their Ministers.] The Hazard than is Great, when the Confident of the Monarch is the Advocate for the Enemies of the State. But above all, if he be Surly and Imperious to the Tried Servants of the Crown: That looks like a Design, to Introduce one Party to Betray the Prince, and to Discourage or disable Another from serving him.  
We are here upon a Supposition, That a Master may be mistaken in a Servant; and that a Servant may abuse his Credit with his Master. In case This be; What Remedy?  
Supposing the Favourite still in Credit, we must Imagine the Sovereign still in the Mistake; and therefore not expect a Remedy as to the Person, but rather fetch Relief from some General Rules of Government: which shall neither disoblige the Favourite, if he be Honest; nor expose the Prince, if He be Other: But this is better done at the Beginning of a King's Reign, than in the Middle of it; better upon judgement of State, than urgency of Occasion.  
The certain Help is a fit Choice of Officers and Servants. Especially in such Places as have Numerous Dependencies; 
How to disappoint an Ambitious Design.  for otherwise, Three or Four Persons Leaven the Court; half a Dozen more the Soldiery; and in Conclusion, a great Favourite, with a few select Instruments of his own making, may, at his Pleasure, seize the Government. This was the Rise of the Second Race of Kings in France.  
Yet God forbid, that Princes should make Themselves, and their Privadoes, 
Favourites necessary to the Prince.  miserable, by Eternal, Causeless, and Unquenchable jealousies: That Kings should be Debarred That Blessing and Relief, without which, Life's a Plague, and Royalty a Burden. That is, the Use and Comfort of a Friend; [to whom (as the Oraculous St. Alban) He may Impart his Griefs, joys, Fears, Hopes, Suspicions, Counsels, and whatsoever lies upon his Heart, to oppress it; in a kind of Civil Shrift, or Confession:] and from whence, (with the same Author) he may reap, [Peace of affections, and support of judgement.]  
Nay, take the Subject's Interest in too; 
And desirable to the People.  what can be more Desirable, then for a Prince to have a Watchful, Wise, Faithful Counsellor; and the People, a Firm Prudent Patriote, in the same Noble Person? Accursed be the man that envies either. Yet Here's a Line still drawn betwixt Majesty and Kindness; which the One cannot pass, without Diminution, nor the Other transgress without Presumption. In fine; the Right of Placing, or Displacing Officers, lies on the King's side of the Chalk, and falls under the Head of Reward or Punishment.  
King james in the second Book of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, delivers Excellent Advises to Prince Henry, concerning the Choice of Servants.  
First, See that they be of a Good Fame, 
Concerning the Choice of Servants.  and without Blemish.  
Next, See that they be Endued with such honest Qualities, 
Let them be Honest and Fit.  as are meet for such Offices as ye ordain them to serve in; that your judgement may be known in Employing every man according to his Gifts.  
Thirdly, I charge you, according to my Fatherly Authority, to prefer Specially to your Service, 
Of approved Loyalty to the Father.  so many as have truly served Me, and are able for it.— For if the Haters of your Parents cannot Love you, it follows of Necessity, that their Lovers must Love you.  
Choose your Servants for your own uses, and not for the Use of Others: and harken not to Recommendations, 
Nor upon Recommendation.  more for serving in effect, their Friends that put them in, than their Masters that admit them.  
Especially take good heed to the choice of your Servants, 
Public Natures for Public Places.  that you prefer to the Offices of the Crown and Estate: for in other Offices, ye have only to take heed to your own Weal, but these concern likewise the Weal of your People; for the which, ye must be Answerable to God. Be careful to Prefer none, as ye will be answerable to God, but for their worthiness.  

Not One to all Purposes.  Employ every man as ye think him Qualified; but Use not one in all Things, lest he wax Proud, and be Envied by his Fellows.  
These were the Directions of a Prince, than whom no Man spoke more upon Experience: and very hardly shall a Sovereign that takes This Course, even upon any Account, Miscarry.  
Another Profitable Course might be for a Prince to set his Favourite his Bounds, aforehand. 
Let a Prince set his Confident his Bounds aforehand.  As for the Purpose; that in such and such Particulars, concerning Law, and Religion, or wherein his Peculiar Interest is concerned; he never presume to move him above Once; and that in certain Other Cases, he presume not to move him at all. By these means, the Favourite is minded of his Duty, the Prince of his Dignity: and both secured; the One from the Hazard of Granting too much; the Other from the Temptation of Ask it. So far from being Impracticable, is This Proposition; that on the contrary, 'tis Obvious and Easie. As for Instance.  
There are some things which a King cannot Grant as a Christian; Others, which he cannot Grant as a King: and some again, which he cannot Grant as a Wise man. So that Reserving to himself, a Freedom (even from Solicitation) in These Niceties of Conscience, Honour, and Convenience; the Favourite may make his Best of the Rest. 
In Points of Conscience, Honour, and Convenience, let not a Favourite press the Sovereign.  The Relation betwixt a Governor, and his People, is like That of Man, and Wife: A man may take his Friend into his Arms, but not into his Bed. To make an end of This; That Favourite that presses his Master to any thing which evidently exposes him, to Contempt or Hatred, does probably Design his Ruin.  
To run through the whole Body of Humane Frailties, would be too Tedious; Let it suffice, that Those Vices (whether Devilish, or Brutish) which in a Private man, are Mischievous, or Shameful, are much more so in a Person armed with Power to Execute the Malice, and qualified with an Eminence, to Recommend a lewd Example.  
Where a Great Trust is committed to a Weak Person; It matters not much to the Public, whether he be True, or False: for Futility, in him, has the Effect of Treachery in another: The One Blabs his Master's Secrets, and the Other Betrays them.  
The Third Hazard from the Over-greatness of One Counsellor, 
The Danger of Over-greatness as to the People.  arises from the Influence of his Power, and Inclination upon the People: And That, either as to their Love, or Hatred. The Popular Part we have already done with: (that is, so far as it concerns the making of a Party to Himself; and the Remedies of That Danger) That which remains, shall be divided into Pride, Covetousness, and Misadvise.  
It is seldom seen, that a Proud man in Power, 
A Proud man in Power.  is not withal Insolent, Vain, and Cruel. The first to his Superiors, where they will suffer it. The next to his Equals, till they are sick of it. and the Third, to his Inferiors, till he is Hated for it.  
A Favourite of this Temper, makes it his Glory to be thought the dictator to his Master: Disputing, Excusing, Cavilling, upon Mandates and Directions, (as Sir Francis Bacon) His style, is Ego & Rex Meus; and the Consequence of this boldness is to lessen the Sovereign in the Eyes of his Subjects.  
It is harder for a Prince to Discover this Audacious Humour, then to Crush it; 
Easily crushed.  let but the King withdraw his Favour for one Moment, and of himself, he falls below the Scorn of those he lately Trampled on.  
If he be Covetous; The Person of the Prince, and the Honour of the Nation are exposed to Sale: 
A Covetous Great man.  and the People squezed to fill his Coffers, till they have not Bread left for their own Bellies.  
We here suppose the Worst; add yet even these Extremities, are not quite Deplorate, and Helpless. Sponges will Spew, as well as Suck; and 'tis but the Monarch's sending of the Popular Assembly in quest of the Public Treasure, to fetch it up again.  
Now whence proceeds this Mischief, but from Misadvise? not want of Prudence, but of Enformation: or which is worse; 
The Mischief of False Intelligence.  from Tales framed to the Passion, and Advantage of the Teller. He's made an Enemy to the State, that's not a Friend to this or that Design. Dangers are Pretended, where there are none; and Security, where there are: And (which is the Curse of these Ill-Offices) the Wisest, and the Bravest of Princes, are subjected to Delusion, and Surprise, in Common with their Contraries. Could Solomon's Wisdom tell him which of the Two Harlots was the Mother of the Child, without a further means of Decision? Or Could Caesar's Courage oppose the Fate of the Senate? In Matters of Fact, Princes, as well as Others, are to be Instructed by Report; and if from a Person whom they have Reason to believe, they receive notice of a Matter whereupon they have not▪ Time to Deliberate; their Proceedings are to be directed by the fairest appearance of that Relation. In fine, if a Servant will betray his Master, there's no avoiding it, for he must trust somebody. [Remember well says Sir Francis Bacon in a Letter of Advice to the late Duke of Buckingham) the great trust you have undertaken; 
Good Advice to a Counsellor.  you are as a Continual Sentinel, always to stand upon your Watch, to give him (the King) True Intelligence. If you Flatter him, you betray him; If you Conceal the Truth of those things from him which concern his justice, or his Honour, (although not the safety of his Person) you are as dangerous a Traitor to his State, as he that rises in Arms against him.]  
If such as only withdraw their Allegiance from their Prince, are so Criminal; how much are they to blame then, that, where his Conscience, Life, and Dignity, lie all at stake, abuse, and misposses him! That cry; Not that way Sir, for the Lord's sake, go this way rather! and so betray him, from his Guards into an Ambush.  
But Centaurs are scarce more Monstrous in Nature, than these men are in Manners; and I may seem perhaps very hard driven for want of work, to employ my time in searching out of Remedies, for Mischiefs so Improbable. Truly his Conceit, that imputes the Omission of a Law against Parricides, to a Presumption that the Crime would never be committed, does not at all divert me from believing, that Prudence is to provide for the Worst: 
Prudence provides for the worst.  and nothing left to Chance, that may be secured by Counsel. Wherefore, I proceed to my Prevention.  
Since the only Certainty of what is Done, or Said, comes from the Eye, or Ear; and that the Sovereign cannot be every where; so that he must either give Credit to Relation; or know nothing of Affairs at a Distance; let us Consider, by what means a Prince may most probably escape the Snares of a Mis-enformer.  
To advise upon the Choice of the Instrument; is but to say, Choose an Honest man, and he'll not betray you: And not to let any man deceive you twice, is but the Aftergame of Wisdom; for the First Error may be Fatal. We must look- out some other Course then, and a better I know none, than a Strict justice, and Severity, of Reward, and Punishment. 
Reward and Punishment keep People in Order.  A False Intelligencer is as bad as a Spy. Wherefore, let a Prince suppress Calumnies, and encourage Accusations, that he may not take his Friends for his Enemies, and his Enemies for his Friends. What can be a greater Injury to the Sovereign's Honour, then by a false Story, to cause him Love where he should almost Hate, and Hate where he should Love? Punish where he should Reward, and Reward where he should Punish? It breaks the Heart of Loyalty, this sad Mistake, and strengthens the Hands of Treason. Who would dare to put these Affronts upon Majesty, and Innocence, if upon Detection, the Scandal were made as dangerous to the Reporter, as the Consequence to the Sufferer? And This we take for a sufficient Mean, to keep Malicious Buzzes from the Ears of Princes.  
But This is but the work half-done; for there are certain Truths as Necessary to be Told, 
Honest Truths are Dangerous.  as are these Calumnies to be Concealed; and where the Undertaker of the Office, runs a far greater Risque to serve his Prince, than the Other does to Ruin him. These Offices are discharged, by Mercenary Persons, for Reward; and by the Worthier Sort, for Reverence-Sake, and Duty. So that betwixt the Fear of Punishment, the Hope of Benefit, and the rare Integrity of Those that stand firm without considering Either; a Prince may easily secure himself of Good Advise, and Right Intelligence; and That, (at least within himself) amply suffices to his Establishment.  
That Kings are Men; who Doubts? And 'tis as much Their Duty to Remember it, as 'tis Their Subjects, not to be too Prying into the Slips of their Humanity. Their Clergy are to Prescribe to their Souls; Their Physicians, to their Bodies; and their Counselors are to Advise in Point of Government: But 'tis within the Pale of every Private Man's Commission, to offer his Intelligence. As for Example; Suppose a Counsellor of State denies the King's Supremacy. 
A Case put.  Shall it be counted Sauciness in a Particular Person to acquaint the Monarch with it? We'll make an end with this. That State is in an ill Condition, where he that would save his Prince, must ruin himself: and where One Party is bolder to do the King Mischiefi, than the Other is to do him Good. It is now high time to take another Step; and we'll stay but a Moment upon it.   

Subsection II. How to frustrate a Combination of Divers Counsellors.  
THe Dangers of a Combination in Divers Counsellors, are, in Respect of their Power and Privileges; their Credit, their Dependencies, (either by Office or Expectation) Their Opportunities of Concealing or Protecting their Friends. And finally, in Respect of their Intelligence betwixt the State, and the Faction.  
This Confederacy is so liable to be Discovered, so dangerous to be Suffered, and so easy to be disordered, that it is scarce worth the while, to speak to so Manifest an Inconvenience. In little; if they are not Removed as they are found Faulty; Disgraced, as they appear Bold; or Secluded from such Consultations as properly concern the Difference in Question: It will be a hard matter for a Prince to struggle with a Faction that is assisted by so many Advantages. If it were nothing else but the mere point of Intelligence; it were enough to Endanger the Crown; to have a Faction privy to all the Counsels, Resolves, Deliberations, and Necessities of the Monarch.  
In the Lower Region of the Court, 
The Lower Region of the Court.  we have supposed Three sorts of People, that may Occasion Great Inconveniences: to wit; Insatiate Beggars; Corrupt Officers; and Ill Paymasters, I might have added two more; that is, Men of Ill Lives, and of Ill Principles. The First of these Five; I thought to have placed in the Upper Division; but it Commonly belongs to Both; only These Beg oftener; the Other more: and to speak the truth of the business, where this trade is in Fashion, it may be observed, that there are not above Four or Five Beggars in Chief, 
Four or Five Beggars in Chief.  and the Rest Beg under them; as it falls out sometime in Popular Representatives; A few Get up, and the Rest Truckle.  
Where This Humour is much Indulged, the Consequence of it, is not only Faction, within the Walls, but a General Discontent, and Necessity throughout the Nation: For when the Ordinary ways of Profit are disposed of, Recourse is had to Project, and Invention; which, if not very tenderly managed, leaves the King a sad Loser at the Foot of the Account. Beside, that it Anticipates the Prince his Generosity, and by Exacting, rather than Obtaining, takes away the Freedom of his Choice, and Bounty.  
The way for a Prince to Help This, is either to put a Stint upon the Suitor, or a Restraint upon his Proper Goodness; and even where he is Resolved to Give, not to do it suddenly; lest he appear to Give for the Ask, without considering the Merit, (Harry the Great, of France, prohibited Begging beyond such a Limit.  
Let him farther have a Particular care of Persons that grow Proud upon his Favours: The same weakness of mind that makes them Proud, will quickly make them Saucy too: and the reason is, they think they have got the better of him.  
Corrupt Officers are Another Pest of a Court, 
Corrupt Officers a General Pest.  and Bane of a State: unless timely looked after; and Then, the Public may be the Better for them. And 'tis no ill Policy in some Cases, to let Them Squeeze for a while, that they may be worth the Squeezing Themselves: 
An Excellent way of Raising Moneys.  for no Supply is more acceptable to the Generality, then That which is Levied upon their Oppressors.  
The miserable Consequence of Ill-Payment, we have briefly touched upon, Pag. 73. The Reason of Ill-Payment is commonly Ill-Pay; 
Ill-pay the reason of Ill-payment.  and Many must needs get Nothing, when a Few get All: from which vast Inequality, arise Factions and Want. The best Remedy for This Evil, is, first to Enable Them to Pay, and then to leave them to the Law if they Refuse. For Protections are only so far Necessary to the Dignity of a Court, as they consist with the Peace and justice of a Nation: that the Privilege appear not an Affront to the Law.  
When a Court Pays Ill, it had need Live Well; for when People are Poor, they grow Conscientious; and for want of Money apply themselves to hearken after Religion: 
Want of Money makes People Religious.  The Severest of all Reformers being a Necessitous Multitude. Especially, let them abstain from Costly Sins; for to Expend much, and Pay Nothing, is a most distasteful Incongruity.  
We come now to that Canker of the Government, under the Shadow of the Governor: the Ill-Principled Courtier: 
The Ill-principled Courtier.  who not only causes Sedition, but is Himself the very Tincture of it. You must Expect to see all look Pale and Withered, where This Worm lies suching at the Root. Can a Prince be safe, that's served by his Enemies? Or a People Happy when the Soul of the Public is in Danger? Yet, in some Cases, there may be Reason of State; and That known only to the Sovereign, for which some Persons, in Exception to This General Rule, may be admitted. Saving Those very Individuals, it may behoove the Prince not to let any-one of the Rest escape, without a Strict Enquiry; both by what Means, and to what likely End they are There Placed and Entertained. Which if he does, and Early too; before the whole Lump has taken the Leaven; 'tis more than an Even Lay, that he'll find Reason to Remove Them. Now to the Camp.    

Sect. IU. How to Prevent Disorders arising from the CAMP.  
THE Dangers from the Camp, 
Dangers from the Camp.  are Principally these Three; Mutiny, Revolt, or Popular Risings, (provoked by the Oppression or Insolence of the Soldiery) Of These, in their Order.  
Mutinies may be Caused by Want of Pay; 
How Mutinies may be caused.  some defect of Discipline; by New-Modelling; Disbanding; Disgrace, etc. And all These Disorders may be procured by the Artifice of some particular Persons that aim at an Advantage by them.  
That Prince that Raises an Army which he cannot Pay Himself, raises it (in effect) for some body else that can. In short, a very great Hazard it is, to have the Soldiery Dependent upon any Other Interest then That of the Monarch. Where it so falls out, that a Prince lies subjected to the Double Inconvenience, both of having an Army, and of Wanting Money; Let him be sure of a most Exquisite Choice of Officers, both for Honesty, and Ability: That the Body likewise may be well Chosen, and well Governed. For he has enough to do, that undertakes to keep his Troops in Order, without Pay; but if they want Affection too, the Point is Desperate. This is the Nick of Danger, and Temptation; for a Necessitous Army, of This Mixture, is any man's Money that will offer for it: Wherefore in such a Juncture, a Monarch cannot be too wary, of all Popular and suspected Practices. Let him be sparing also, even in his Personal, and Private Expenses, at such a time as This: For Military Spirits are apt to take fire then Other People; and so distrust the Kindness of their Master, if they observe that he has Money for his Pleasures, and none for his Servants. An Observation, possibly neither Fit, nor True: However, when men are discontented, they look upon small kindnesses as Nothing, and they see Injuries Double.  
The next hazard is, upon the Point of Discipline; 
Good Pay will bear good Discipline.  which, in an unpaid Army, can very hardly be Preserved, but by the Exceeding Worthiness, and Prudence of the Officers. Nor by That neither, beyond their Interest and Credit of Persuading: for Punishment were Tyranny without Wages.  
The New-Modelling of an Army is also a tickle Undertaking: and so is the Disbanding. 
Modelling and Disbanding are dangerous.  The Former is the sharper Disobligation; but 'tis but Personal: The Latter is the more Dangerous, for it Destroys the Trade: And the Peril is either from the Influence of some Chief Officers in the One; or from a Disposition common to all Military, as well as Natural bodies, in the Other: that is, an Averseness to Dissolution. Both the One and the Other, are a work to be dispatched with as much Care, and with as little Noise, as possible: very Tenderly, and by Degrees.  
If any Trouble be Apprehended from the Displacing of some Particulars, 
How to New model an Army.  (as he may possibly ressent the Loss of Power; or the Disgrace of being singled out to lose it after such a Manner) 'tis but Casting out to him the Lure of a Better Office, or of a Higher Preferment: wherein he may be more Serviceable to himself, and less Danrous to the Public. Or if he be too Crafty to stoop to That; the way is to begin with his Dependencies. This leaves him Naked; and the Other Satisfied: At least in show, since to the World he appears rather Exalted, then Ejected.  
Disbanding is a Nicer piece of business: 
How to Disband.  The very Word is scarce to be Mentioned, till the Thing is Done. For 'though the State may be judge when 'tis Convenient to Raise an Army; the Soldiery are commonly the judges when 'tis time to lay it down again. A Good Preparatory to This, is Modelling, and Dispersing, before they have the wind of the Design to prevent their uniting against it. And by Degrees; One Regiment at a time▪ to keep the Rest Quiet, in hope of Continuing. Let That be done by Lot too, for the Losing Party will sooner forgive a Mischance, than an Unkindness. Touching Mutinies that proceed either from opinion of Disgrace; dispute concerning Precedency, Command, Provision, Quarter, etc. they may be referred to want of Discipline.  
The Causes of Revolts, 
The Causes of Revolts.  may be as many as of Discontents: But the Principal, are either Fear, Despair, Revenge, or Inconstancy in the Common-Souldiery. And they may likewise be Procured, either by the Ambition, or Corruption of the Chief Officers.  
The best Security against These General Defections, 
A good Choice is the best Security against a Revolt.  is in the Original Election, and Constitution of the Army. Wherefore let heed be taken (as near as may be) even to the fitness of the meanest Private Soldier: which in a fair degree may be attained, by good choice of Valiant, Prudent, Vigilant, and Faithful Officers. Why should a Kingdom be hazarded for a Trifle? How small a matter added to either side carries an Equal Balance! A Word, a Thought, an Imagination, a Mistake turns the Fortune of the Day, and Decides the Battle. Is any thing more ordinary than a Panic Terror, in a Crowd of People? which, as Mr. Hobbs hints in his Leviathan; is only an Apprehension of Danger, in the first man that Runs; the Rest, Fearing, and Running by example, every man supposing his Fellow to know why. At This Rate, Ten Cowwards may destroy Twenty Thousand Valiant men.  
Against Despair; Arguments are best upon the Place: Revenge may be Prevented by a Generous, and Military Severity. So that they shall neither have any Provocation to the Attempt, nor Security in the Execution: But against Their Inconstancy there is no Remedy.  
The mischiefs which may arrive upon the account of Ambition, or Corruption, are searce to be Prevented, but by choosing Persons of an Impregnable Fidelity; or Otherwise the Fairest Bidder carries it. And against Popular Risings, nothing better than a Strict Discipline; and an Impartial justice betwixt the Soldiery and the Country. It does well also, to Interess Both Parties, (Civil, and Military) as fairly as possible, in the Common Care of the Public: For a Pure Military Force has the Face rather of an Enemy, then of a Guard: But where Persons of Eminent Repute, and Integrity in the Country are joined in Commission with others as Eminent for Martial Affairs, Both sides are satisfied, and the Common Good better provided for.   

Sect. V. How to Prevent, or Remedy Seditions arising from the CITY.  
WHere the Metropolis is not well Seasoned, 
The Danger of an Ill-ordered City.  and in good Order, Many, and Great are the Advantages it has to Disturb a Government. It has Men, Money, and Arms always at hand. But yet let a Prince, in his Greatest Distress, have a Care how he Abandons it; for 'tis by much a more dangerous Enemy at a Distance, then at Home.  
The Ordinary Pretences of a Troubled City, are either concerning Religion, Oppression, Privileges, or Poverty, but still 'tis Ambition that sets the Wheel going; and it is the Monarch's yielding at first, that destroys him in the End. For while the Party is Tender, and Wavering; the Humour Corvigible, and the Authority of the Prince, not as yet either exposed by Patience, or Profaned by Popular Contempt, and the Insolences of the Rabble; Then is the time, to cut off all Possibility of Sedition. Murmurings are but the Smoke of Rebellion; the Fire's already in the Straw, but easily smothered: That is, if seasonably looked after: for if it break forth into a Blaze, All the Buckets in the Town will hardly Quench it. The very first Muttering against the Government, are but a pretty way of putting the Question; as who should say, Sir, May we Rebel? And the Forbearance of the Prince, seems to Answer them: Yes; Ye may. And Then, to work they go.  
First, upon Religion: the most Dangerous, 
Pretext of Religion is a dangerous and wicked Quarrel.  and the most wicked Quarrel in Nature. Is there a God? 
Is there a God?  Or, Is there none? Let any Reasonable Rebel, whether Atheistick, or Religious, answer me. If a God there be; Upon what Nation will he power out the fierceness of his Wrath; Upon what Heads will he employ his Thunder? If not upon That Nation, where his Divinity is made a Stale; His Majesty Affronted in all his Attributes: And upon Those Heads, that entitle the Basest of Corruptions to his Immaculate Purity; and the Dictates of the Devil, to the Inspirations of the Blessed Spirit.  

Or is there None?  Now to Those that say in their Heart, There is no God: They'll yet allow the Political Convenience of persuading the People otherwise. So that were This Freedom in Matters of Religion is permitted to the Multitude: Either the Abuse draws down a Vengeance from Heaven, or the Superstitious League among the People unites a Party against the Sovereign.  
To deal frankly; All Seditions are to be imputed to Misgovernment: 
All Seditions proceed from Misgovernment.  To the want of Early Care in the Magistrate. One Man begins; He Imparts himself to Others; They Confer with Their Interests, and so the Mischief Branches itself, till it comes to Overspread a Nation. How easy a matter is it, to Smother a Spark in the Tinderbox? A little Harder, to blow out a Candle: Harder yet, to put out the Fire. In short, when the Town is in a Flame, thank Him that neglected the first Spark.  
The Prince that would prevent Schismatical Seditions, in a City, must begin with the Clergy, 
Begin with the Clergy to prevent Schism.  and assure himself of the Pulpit. To say 'tis Dangerous; may in some Cases be a Truth. But Dangerous as it is; If it be more so, to let them Alone, What signifies that Objection? Suppose the Hazard almost desperate, on the One side: But there's a never failing Certainty on the Other: Here 'tis Hard; There 'tis Impossible. It is Necessary also to suppress Conventicles, Pamphlets, and all other Irregularities, which either Draw People together, or Unite them, in Order to a Separation.  

Let the Magistracy be well-affected.  In a Particular manner, let heed be taken, that the Magistracy of the City, consist of Persons Well-affected to the Government of the Church: And if they Struggle, let them be timely Taught, that the Liberty of their Charter, does not discharge the Bond of their Allegiance. This Strictness ought to be indispensible; for it is not to be Expected, that One Schismatic should Punish Another.  
The Second Grievous Complaint is Oppression; and whether it be True or False, let it be strongly Urged and Credited, 'tis the same thing.  
Some Oppressions are Procured at the Instance of certain Ill Instruments about the Sovereign; 
Oppression procured by Ill-Instruments.  on purpose to stir up the People against him. And this is done by showing how Other Princes hamper Their Capital Cities: Never considering, that the same manner of Governing will no more fit all Varieties of Custom, Temper, and Situation, than the same Doublet and Hose will fit all Bodies. And then they Cry, This Damned City must be Humbled and Taken down. 'Tis very Right; but This must be spoken softly, and done warily. For to Level the Menace at the City, in stead of the Delinquent, is a great mistake. In such a Heat as This, a Prince needs no more than Three or Four Churlish and Rash Officers; Two on Three spiteful and Illegal Actions, to bring his Royalty in danger. Briefly; a Mean there is, betwixt Fury and Slumber; and equally ruinous to Princes, are Those Counsels that lead to either of These Extremes.  
May not That very Thing which these People pretend they aim at, be done by Gentle, Legal, and Familiar Means? Let them Choose their own Officers; That pleases the City: But 'tis the Public Care to see the Choice be Honest: and that secures the Prince. On the One side, no Clemency can be too great, that stands with the Rule of Government: On the Other side, no Severity too strict, in Case of a Contumacy that Crosses it.  
Burdensome Taxes are many times a Great Complaint, and sometimes a Just One. Lighter, or Heavier they are according to the various Humours of the Prince; and the different Exigencies of Times and Occasions; Nay, and according to the differing Disposition in the People at several times, to understand them. Public Necessities must be Supplied; and the Supreme Magistrate is the judge of Public Necessities. Yet still where a more than Ordinary Levy is Necessary, 
Though the Levy be Extraordinary, let the Way be Ordinary.  the Ordinary way of Raising it may be Convenient: for the One way, they only stumble at the Present Burden; but the Other, they are startled with an Apprehension of the Perpetuity of it. In which Case, it fares with Rulers, as it does with Racking Landlords, in Comparison with Those that Let better Pennyworths. The One has more in his Rental, but the Other has more in his Pocket: And the Reason is; the Tenants run away with the Rent.  
Sir Francis Bacon is of Opinion, That [Taxes and Imposts upon Merchants, do seldom good to the King's Revenue; for that he wins in the Hundred, he loses in the Shire; the Particular Rates being Increased, but the Total Bulk of Trading rather Decreased.]  
Some Oppressions again there are, that proceed only from the violence of Extorting, and Corrupt Officers. To Complaints against Abuses of this Quality, a Prince his Ear is to be ever Open; for it is in a Peculiar manner, his Duty, to Relieve the Oppressed.  
A Prince that Invades the Privileges of a City, 
Privileges are Sacred.  Breaks his Word: If they are Forfeited, he may Resume, or Remit at Pleasure: Otherwise, let them stand Sacred. It can never be safe to Govern ad Libitum: for when People find no Security in Obedience, it puts them upon the Experiment of Sedition. If a Monarch has an Overgrown Subject, that he would be quit of; that he would Sacrifice to his Proper Advantage; let him but give him a Temptation to Encroach upon the Rights or Customs of his Imperial City: and if he take the Bait, let him Discover him, and bring him upon the Stage of a Public Oppressor. Such an Action lays That City at his Feet. To Finish; That Prince that would have his Subjects firm to Him, in Danger, must be Kind to Them, in Peace.  
The Fourth and Last Motive to Sedition, is Poverty: A Terrible Enemy to a Great and Populous City; 
Poverty is a terrible Enemy.  Nor is such a City, in Extreme Want, a less Formidable Enemy to the Monarch: for Hunger is neither to be Awed, nor Flattered.  
The Causes of it are so many, and so incertain, 'tis hard to assign particular Remedies. 
The Prince not to forsake his Metropolis.  In some Cases, Restraint of Building is convenient; In others, Sumptuary Laws; the Regulation and Improvement of Trade; The calling of Corrupt Ministers to Account, etc.— For fear of the worst, it is good, if the Necessitous Party grow Numerous, for the Prince rather to make War with Them abroad, then to stay, till They make it upon Him, at Home; by That means, exchanging a Civil War, for a Foreign.  
If the Mischief be too far gone, and that it breaks forth into a Direct Sedition; yet can it very hardly happen, that a Prince can warrant the forsaking of his Metropolis.  
First, with Five Hundred Men he keeps a Million in Awe; That is, If He Himself, and his whole Party, be not Couped up under the same Roof, They can Destroy Him, by Number; and He, Them, by Fire; in case of being put to that last Extremity.  
Next; Let the Prince but carry the First Scuffle, and (the World to nothing) the Town is his own. Whereas, let Him withdraw; so great is the Advantage he leaves to the Rebels, both as to the Readiness, and Proportion of Men, and Provisions for War; that (at a Distance) he may get the Better of Five or Six Pitched Battles, and yet Lose all at Last. For They shall sooner Reinforce a Broken Army, than He Recruit a Scattered Regiment.  
A Third Reason may be, that it lessens the Reputation of his Power, to give Ground.  
We shall conclude with the Fourth; which is, That Citizens will stand better, far from Home, than under their own Walls: for what with the Importunities of their Relations: Their Interests in view; and the Convenience of a Near Retreat; They Fight in Distraction. We speak here of a Civil War, for against a Foreign Force; These Reasons transport them into a more Determinate Obstination. From the City, now to the Country.   

Sect. VI How to Prevent Seditions from the COUNTRY.  
IT is very rarely seen that the Country begins a Seditious Quarrel, unless in case of some Barbarous and Depopulating Tyranny, or for pure want of Bread. In Truth, their Business is too Innocent, and They're so Full on't too, they have scarce Leisure from their Sleep and Labour to Think of Wrangling; and when they do, they dread it. The hurt They do, is by Siding, and Seconding, and That Unwillingly too: So that to keep Them Quiet, no more is Necessary, than to have an Eye upon their Patrons, and to allow the Common Sort only to Live upon their Labours.   

Sect. VII. Certain CAUTIONS Directing how to Prevent and Avoid Dangers arising from the BODY REPRESENTATIVE.  
THere are Three Grand Hazards which Occur in the Consideration of a Body Representative. The Choice of the Persons; The Manage of Affairs; And the Subject Matter of their Consultations.  
Touching the Choice; Regard must be first had to the Legality; 
Let the Choice be Legal and Prudent.  and Then, to the Prudence of it.: That the Candidate may be of such Age and Quality; and Chosen in such Manner, as the Law of the Place requires: And moreover, that he be a Person of Moral Integrity; A Lover of his Prince and Country; and One that Understands his Duty and Employment. There is a Duty also Incumbent upon the Electors; That they be not Corrupted by Money, Overborne by Importunity, or Transported by Fear, or Favour, to an Unworthy and unsuitable Choice. From the want of This Care and Fidelity, proceed many times the Ruin of Princes, and the Subversion of Kingdoms.  
Before the Sovereign Summons This Grand Convention, he may consider how the Last Ended; the Present Temper of his People; and hold a Strict Intelligence concerning such Persons, and Fellowships, as are likely to Cross him.  
If the Last Assembly Acted and Concluded to the Satisfaction of Himself and the Kingdom, he may Hope well of the Next: but if the Contrary, let him expect a Faction: Unless in the Interval, he take off That Animosity: which may be attained by doing That Himself, as of his own mere Grace, and Motion, which may bear some Proportion with what they would have done by Their Deputies: but within the Bounds of Honour and Prudence, 
Better the Sovereign Reform, than the Council.  there's a great Difference; betwixt a King's Reforming of Abuses by Himself, and by his Counsel: In the One Case, it looks as if the People helped Themselves: and makes them think better of their Own Authority, than they ought to do: In the Other, they find Themselves Dependent upon the Grace of the Sovereign, and ascribe the Relief to his Bounty; In fine, it is no tamifs for a Prince still to usher in, the Call of his Great Assembly with some Particular Obligation upon his Subjects.  
As to the Rest, if the Prince finds the Temper of the People Peevish, and Factions Boiling; such as no Clemency, and Goodness can Engage; the less Subject for Clamour he leaves them, 'tis the Better; and if upon Convening, he finds the Mixture Petulant, and Sour; he may with the less noise Dismiss them.  
According to the Choice of Persons, 
The Effects of a good Choice  will be the Manage of Affairs: The Public Good; Particular justice, and the Dignity of the Assembly, will be the Chief Care of a Good Choice: but if the Choice be Bad; These Noble Offices, and Regards, 
and of a bad.  will be the Least part of their Business. They fall then into Partialities, and Sidings; Help me to day, and I'll Help you to morrow. Acts of State will be Biased by Particular Interests: Matters Concluded by Surprise, rather than by any formal Determination; and the Reverence of Order, and Reason will be dashed out of Countenance, by the Voicings of Faction, and Clamour.  
As Politic Bodies have no Souls, so Public Persons should have no Bodies: but leave those Impediments of justice, and Distractions of Counsel; (Project and Passion) at the Door of the Senate. In short; where such a Partiality happens, 
The Mischiefs of Partiality.  as we here Imagine, the Two main Mischiefs are These: The Iniquity of the end, or the Disorder of the Means. The Former may in some Measure be Prevented, by an Oath to deal Uprightly: (but the Grand Failing was in the Election.) The Latter may be Regulated by such a Clearness of Rule and Method; together with such a Strictness in the Observation of That Rule, that both Every man may know his Duty, and no man dare to Transgress it.  
But Concerning the Subject Matter now of their Consultations: There lies the Peril, when they come to reach at Affairs Foreign to their Cognisance. The Hazard is This; step by step, They Eneroach upon the Sovereign; Claiming a Right to One Encroachment, from the Precedent of another. So that Meeting with an unwary Prince, they Steal away his Prerogative by Inches; and when perchance His Successor comes to Resume his Right; That Pilfery is called the Liberty of the Subject, and There's a Quarrel started betwixt the King and his Subjects. Then comes the Doctrine in Play, That Kings are Chosen for the Good of the People, and that the Discharge of that Trust and Care is the Condition of his Royalty. The very Truth is, All Government may be Tyranny. A King has not the Means of Governing, if he has not the Power of Tyrannising. 
Better a Tyranny, than an Anarchy.  Here's the short of the Matter: We are certainly Destroyed without a Government, and we may be Destroyed with One: So that in Prudence, we are rather to choose the Hazard of a Tyranny, than the Certainty of being worried by One-another. Without more words, The Vulgar End of Government is, to keep the Multitude from Cutting One-anothers Throats: which they have ever found to be the Consequence of Casting off their Governors.  
When Popular Conventions have once found This Trick of gaining Ground upon the Sovereign; they catch their Princes, commonly as they do their Horses, with a Sieve, and a Bridle: (a Subsidy, and a Perpetual Parliament) If They'll take the Bit, they shall have Oats. But These are the Dictates of Ignorance and Malice: for such is the Mutual Tye and Interest of Correspondency betwixt a Monarch and his People; that Neither of them can be Safe or Happy, without the Safety and Felicity of the Other.  
The best way to prevent the Ill Consequence of the People's Deputies acting beyond their Orb, is Clearly, and Particularly, to State Those Reserves of the Prerogative, with which they are not to Meddle. And likewise to set forth the Metes and Bounds of their own Privileges, which They themselves are not to Transgress.  
FINIS.