A SEASONABLE MEMORIAL IN SOME HISTORICAL NOTES UPON THE LIBERTIES OF THE PRESS and PULPIT: WITH THE Effects of Popular Petitions, Tumults, Associations, Impostures, and Disaffected Common▪ Councils.  
To all Good Subjects and True Protestants.  
LONDON, Printed for Henry Brome at the Gun in S. Paul's Churchyard, 1680,   

A Seasonable MEMORIAL, etc.  
THis Title may perhaps give the Reader an expectation, if not a Curiosity to hear more than the Author is willing to tell him: For it is his intent, only to expose the Mystery of the Contrivance, of our late Troubles, without the names of the Persons; and to show that the great work of Destroying three Kingdoms was only the Project, and Influence of a Private Cabal: and that the Rebellion itself was excited and carried on by the Force, rather of an Imposcure then of a Confederacy; The Generality of the people, being powerfully, and artificially Possessed by the pretended Patrons of our Religious, and Civil Liberties, that Popery and Arbitrary Power were breaking in upon us, and the design promoted by the Interest of a Court-Faction; It could not choose but create in them the tenderest affection imaginable for the one Party, and as violent a Detestation for the other: Especially considering that the Person and Authority of the King were as yet Sacred; and vot any man opened his Mouth, but for his Honour, and safety; the Purity of the Gospel, and the Peace of the Kingdom. For such was the Reverence the Nation had, at that time, for the King, and the Law, that the least word against the Government had spoiled all.  
This Double-refining spirit came into the World, even with the Reformation itself; when by flying from one Extreme to another, it left the Truth in the middle; which Calvin himself rakes notice of in a Letter to the Protector (in Ed. 6.) There are two sorts of Seditious men (says he, speaking of the Papists and the Puritans) and against both these must the sword be drawn; For they oppose the King, and God himself. It was the same Spirit that moved the Distemper afterward at Frankfort; and the same still, that made such havoc in Scotland; and flew in the face of Q. Eliz. her Parliaments and Council: till she was forced to suppress it by Severity and Rigour. Her successor King James, after a long Persecution in Scotland, and a fresh attempt upon him at Hampton Court, by the same Faction: took them up roundly, once for all, and so past the rest of his days in some measure of quiet. But the Plot succeeded better under King Charles; when taking advantage of his Majesty's necessities, with the Infinite goodness of his Nature, that made him apt to believe the best of all men, and a Popular mixture in the House of Commons, that was still ready for their turn, they pursued him with Remonstrance upon Remonstrance, through four Parliaments; and at last by the help of the Act for the continuance of the Parliament, Tumult●, and that Execrable Libel of Dec. 15. 1641. Entitled, A Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom, they accomplished their ends, under ehe Countenance of the Fifth. By what steps, and Methods they gained their Point, comes now to be considered.  
Their first advance toward a Sedition, 
The Schism led the way to the Sedition.  was the introducing of a Schism; by distinguishing themselves, under the Name of the Godly Party, from the rest of the Nation: which they found to be the safest way of approach, and the most plausible expedient. To this end they brought in Lecturers over the Heads of Parochial Ministers; whose maintenance being dependent upon the Faction, made them wholly at the devotion of their Patrons.  
They had their Emissaries also in all Corporations, 
Emissaries in Corporations  and Populous parts of the Kingdom, that were appointed as Feoffees, to deal for Impropriations, under the charitable pretext of making a better Provision for the Ministry. And these were men of public business in the World, as Clergymen, Lawyers, etc. well known, and made famous for their Zeal, by the Reputation of so pious an Undertaking. By this project they advanced considerable Sums of Money; but the Incumbents little the better for it: For either it stuck to the Feoffees fingers, or it was applied to other uses; and with the Tithe of a Parsonage in one place, a Lecture was set up in another.  
After the Choice of fit Instruments; their next work was to secure them from any trouble of Church-Censures: To which end, they bought some Headship or other in an University, for some Eminent man of their own way, for the training up of Novices in their Discipline. 
Seminaries of Novices.  And then they had a kind of a Practical Seminary at St. Antholines in London; where their Disciples were in a manner, upon a Probation, for Abilities, and Affections: and out of this Nursery they furnished most of their New-bought Impropriations.  
These young Emissaries of theirs had their Salary, and were subordinate to a Classis or Clero-Laicall Consistory, to be transplanted 
Their Agents were upon 〈◊〉 their behaviour.  at their pleasure. And yet this Consistory did not so strictly confine themselves to their Own Members; but upon Letters Testimonial from the Patriarches of the Party, that such or such a man was fit for their turn; or had given proof of his fidelity to the Cause, by undergoing some sentence for contemning the Orders of the Church, and persisting Obstinately in that disobedience: to such a man, (I say) in such a Case, they commonly allowed a Preference. And the better to avoid the danger of the Spiritual Courts, they made it their business to provide Commissaries of their Own Leaven, where they had any special Plantation. And Lastly, to make sure of their Agents, that they should not fall off when they had served their own turns, they kept them only as Pensioners at pleasure, and liable to be turned out at any time, either if they cooled in the Holy Cause, or failed of Preaching according to the direction of the Conclave.  
Let it be noted here by the by, that the design and mischief 
Their Lecturers are supplied by our Conventicles.  of those Lecturers, when they could nor so well Congregate in Private Meetings, is, in our days, supplied, if not outdone, by a greater number of Conventicles; to the very same Intent; and God grant it prove not with the like effect.  
They were as yet but upon the Preparatory to the great work of their Through Reformation; which in plain English was the 
The People were poisoned from the Pulpit.  Dissolution of the Government. So that the Pulpits had nothing more to do at present, then to dispose and accommodate the Humours and Affections of the People. The Common Subject of the Pulpit (and they all sung the same Song) was First to irritate the Multitude against Popery: which had been well enough, if they had not, Secondly, by sly Insinuations, under the Notion of Arminianism, intimated the Church of England to be leaning that way. By this Artifice the People were quickly brought into a dislike of the English Communion; and by degrees into as fierce an Aversion to the One Church, as to the Other. Now whatsoever the Government Lost, the Faction Gained: And those Pedantic Levites, that brought so many dreadful Judgements upon this Nation themselves; were by the Credulous, Tumultuary Rabble cried up and Idolised, as the very Moses's that stood in the Gap to avert them. Having by this means rendered the Government Odious, and given some credit to the Schism; their next Instruction was, to make Proclamation of the Numbers, the quality and the sobriety of the Persons aggrieved; to possess the one side with a confidence, and the 
The boast of their Num bers.  other with an apprehension of their strength! Thousands of Souls ready to Famish, (they cry) for want of the Bread of Life. How many Insufficient negligent and scandalous Pastors? How many Congregations destitute of able, Faithful Teachers; Preaching in season and out of season, and labouring in the Word? Alas! they dare not consent to any Addition to, or Diminution of Christ's Worship, or to the Use of the Inventions of Men, in God's Service. They desire only the Freedom that Christ and his Apostles have left unto the Churches; and to serve God according to the Example of the best Reformed Churches abroad. This is the Case of Thousands of the upright of the Land. Let it be understood, that the Press all this while kept pace with the Pulpit; only now and then there started out a Party upon the Forelorn, to make Discoveries, and try the Temper of the Government. Some scaped, and others were taken, and censured; as Leighton, Burton, Prin, and Bastwick, who only showed themselves inconsiderately before their Friends were ready to Second them.  
We shall see now how they changed their stile with their Condition; and how their boldness increased with their Interest. 
They grow upon the Government.  Their grievances at first, were only a dark and a doubtful Prospect of Popery, and Popish Innovations afar off; and an anxiety of thought for the calamities that were coming upon God's People through the corruptions of the Times. But success opening their Eyes, they are coming now to discover more and more Popery nearer hand: They find the Churchmen to be Popishly affected; the Liturgy to be no other than an English Mass-Book; the Hierarchy itself and all the Courts, and Officers depending upon it, to be directly Antichristian: They charge his Majesty to be Popishly affected, and all that will not renounce him, to be either flat Papists or Worse, imposing Protestations, Covenants, Engagements of Confederacy against both King and Church; and Oaths of Abjuration: as the Tests of a Loyal Protestant: passing an Anathema upon any man that interposes betwixt their malice, and their Sovereign: They prostitute the Sacred Function for Money; they suck the blood of Widows and of Orphans; By violence taking possession of Eighty five Livings at one clap, out of Ninety seven, within the Walls of London; exposing so many Reverend, and Loyal Divines with their Families, to the wide World to beg their Bread: They Preach the People into Murder, Sacrilege, and Rebellion, they pursue a most gracious Prince to the Scaffold; they animate the Regicides, calling that Execrable Villainy an Act of Public Justice, and Entitling the Holy Ghost to the Treason.  
If this General recital of the Rise and Progress of their Actings be true; the Reader has here before him the Issue, and the drift of their pretended Scruples, the Exposition of their Protestations, Covenants, and Designs: wherein it cannot but be observed how their Consciences widened with their Interests: And this may serve to satisfy any man, whither People are then a going, 
They squar their Consciences to their Interests.  when they come to tread in the same steps. But however, for a further support to the credit of this Memorial, we shall now subjoin some undeniable Evidences of the whole matter, out of their Own words and Writings: where we shall find Mr. hooker's saying made good, in the Preface to his Ecclesiastieal Polity. What other sequel (says he) can any wise man imagine but this; that having First resolved that attempts for Discipline without Superi ours are Lawful, it will fellow in the next place to be disputed what may be attempted against Superiors. But now to our Proofs, which we shall give you from Point to Point, and from the very ●abbies of the Schism.  
First, As to the CHURCH. God's people (says Burton) lie under 
Burton on Psal. 53. 7. 8. Jun. 20. 1641  Bondage of Conscience in point of Liturgy. 2dly, In bondage of Conscience under Ceremonies. 3dly. Of Conscience under Discipline. 4ly. Of Conscience under Government.  
How the Presence and Preaching of Christ did scorch and blast those 
Pa. 21. Case on Ezra 10. 2, 3. pa. 33.  Cathedral Priests, that Unhallowed Generation of Scribes and Phariees!  
Prelacy and Prelatical Clergy; Priests and Jesuits; Ceremonies and 
Case on Isa. 43. 4. pa. 19  Service-Book; Star-Chamber and High Commission-Court, were mighty Impediments in the way of Reformation.  
The Scots were necessitated to take up Arms for their just Defence 
Ward on Deut 33. 16. pa. 18.  against Antichrist, and the Popish Priests.  
Now to the LITURGY. The Service of the Church of England is now so dressed, that if a Pope should come and see it, he would Claim it as his own. And again, what credit is this to our Church, to have such a Form of Public Worship, as Papists may without offence Join with us in? This we have from the Sm●ymnuans themselves, E. Cal. and Stephen Martial being part of the Club. Now (says Bishop Hall) If the Devil confess Christ to be the Son of God, shall I disclaim the Truth because it passeth through a damned mouth? And what did they give us, in exchange for this Form of Public worship, but a Directory without either the Decalogue, or a Creed in't?  
Let not the pretence of Peace and Unity cool your Fervour, or make 
Dispu. against English Popish Ceremonies, pa. 11  you spare to oppose yourselves unto those Idle and Idolized Ceremonies, against which we dispute.  
Their next fling is at the HIERARCHY itself. The ●lastring, or palliating of these Rotten Members, [Bishops] will be a greater 
Smectymnu● pa. 58.  dishonour to the Nation, and Church, than their cutting off; and the Personal Acts of these Sons of Belial being connived at, become National sins.  
The Roman Emperors wasted the Saints in Ten several Persecutions, 
Marshall ●efore the Commons, Jun. 15. 43. pag. 25.  but all these were nothing in Comparison of this destroyer. All their Loins are not so heavy as the little finger of Antichrist.  
The Prelacy of England which we swore to extirpate, was that very same Fabric and mode of Ecclesiastical Regiment, that is in the Antichristian World. And again; As thy Sword Prelacy hath made 
Case of the Covenant, 1643. pa. 47,  many Women Childless, many a faithful Minister Peoplelesse, so thy Mother Papacy, shall be made Childless among Harlots: your Dioceses, Bishoplesse, and your Sees Lordlesse. Pag. 51.  
Carry on the work still; leave not a Rag that belongs to Popery: Lay 
Marsha● Penegyrique 1643. pa 21  not a bit of the Lords building, with any thing that belongs to Antichrist, but away with it Root and Branch, Head and Tail, till you can say, now is Christ set upon his Throne.  
Were they not English Prelates that conspired to sell their Brethren 
Woodcock on Gen 4. 23. pa. 1●.  into Romish slavery?  
'Tis not partial Reformation, and Execution of Justice upon some Offenders will afford us help, except those in Authority extirpate all achan's with Babylonish Garments; and Orders, Ceremonies, Gestures, 
Fair●loth, on Josh. 7. 25. pa. 28  be rooted out from amongstus. Trouble they will bring upon us for the time to come, if they be not now cut off, Pag. 36.  
As to the KING and his PARTY, what a sad thing is it, my Brethren, to see our King in the head of an Army of Babylonians, 
Case on 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 4. pa. 18.  refusing as it were to be called the King of England, Scotland, Ireland, and choosing rather to be called the King of Babylon.  
Those that made their Peace with the King at Oxford, were Judass of England; and it were just with God to give them their Portion 
Cala● Sermon, Dec. 25. 44. pa. 8.  with Judas.  
Here follows next, their Opinion of the COVENANT. The walls of Jericho have fallen flat before it; the Dagon of the 
Case on the Covenant 1643. p. 65.  Bishop's Service-Book broke its neck before this Ark of the Covenant, Prelacy, and Prerogative have bowed down, and given up the Ghost at its feet.  
Take the Covenant, and you take Babylon: the Towers of Babylon, 
Caryl● Sermon at the taking the Covenant Oct. 6. 43.  and her Seven Hills shall move.— It is the Shiboleth to distinguish Ephramites from Gileadites. Pag. 27. Not only is that Covenant which God hath made wi●h Us, founded upon the Blood of Christ, but that also which we make with God, Pag. 33.  
See now the TENDERNESS of these men of tender Consciences. Whensoever you shall behold the hand of God in the fall of 
Bridge's on Revelations 4 8.  Babylon; say, True here is a Babilonish Priest crying 〈◊〉 alas! alas! my Living; I have Wife and Children to maintain. Ay, but all this is to perform the Judgement of the Lord. Pag. 13. Though as Little ones they call for pity, yet as Babilonish they call for Justice, even to Blood. pag. 11.  
We are now entering upon the State of the WAR; wherein you will find in the first place who sounded the Trumpet to it. To you of the Honourable House, Up, for the Matter belongs to you. 
Fair ●loth on I●sh 7. 25. Pag. 29.  We even all the GODLY MINISTERS of the Country will be with you.  
The First Enginiers that battered this great Wall of Babylon, who 
Marshals Sermon; June, 15. 43. Pag. 15  were they but the poorer, and meaner sort of People, that at the First joined with the Ministers to raise the Building of Reformation?  
Here is an Extraordinary appearance of so many Ministers to encourage 
Cal' s Speech at Guildhall. Oct. 6. 43.  you in this Cause, that you may see how real the Godly Ministry in England is unto this Cause. (This was upon calling in the Scots.) And again. If I had as many Lives as I have hairs on my head, I would be willing to Sacrifice all those Lives for this Cause. Ibid.— You shall read Numb. 10. that there were two Silver Trumpets; and as there were Priests appointed for the Convocation of their Assemblies, so there were Priests to sound the Silver Trumpets to proclaim the War. And Deut. 20. When the Children of Israel would go out to War, the Sons of Levi, one of the Priests, was to make a Speech to encourage them.  
Nor were they less cruel and fierce in the Prosecution of the 
Herle Jan, 15. on Psa. 95 1.  War, than they were forward in Promoting it. In vain shall you in your Fasts with Joshua, lie on your faces, unless you lay your Achans ●n their Backs: In vain are the High Praises of God in your Moths, without a Two edged Sword in your hand, Pag. 31.  
The B●od that Ahab spared in Benhadad, stuck as deep and as 
Herle on Gen. 22. 5. pa. 23.  heavily on him, as that which he spilt in Naboth.  
The Lord is pursuing you, if you execute not Vengeance on them betimes, 
Faircloth on Josh. 7. 25.  Pag. 48.— Why should life be farther granted to them, whose very lif● brings death to all about them? pag. 50.  
Cursed be he that with-h ldoth his Sword from blood; that spares 
Case on D●. 11. 32, 44.  when God saith strike, etc. pag.  
And let it not be now pretended that this War was not Levied against the King; for they both disclaim his Authority and even the opposing of him on express terms. It is lawful (says Dr. Downing of Hackney, in a Sermon to the Artillery Men) for defence of Religion, and Reformation of the Church, to take up Arms against the King. It is commendable (says Calamy) to 
Calls Theses pa. 29. Case on the Covenant, 43. Herle ●efore the Commons 44.  sight for peace, and Reformation against the King's Command. And Case again. Why come not in the Scottish Army against the King?  
If the Devil can but once get a Prophet to leave God's service for the Kings, he hath taken a Blue already, and is ready for as deep a Black as Hell can give him. pa. 28.  
But what do they say all this time to his AUTHORITY?  
The Parliament, whom the People choose, are the Great and only 
Ca●'s Theses in a Sermon Dec. 25. 44.  Conservators of the people's Liberties. pag. 2. They are the chief Magistrates, pag. 38. All those that fought under the King's Banner against this Parliament, fought themselves into slavery; and did endeavour by all bloody and Treacherous ways to subvert Religion and Liberties, pag. 9 The Lords and Commons are as Masters of the House. pag. 22.  
The Parliament of the Commonwealth of England without the King 1651, were the Supreme Authority of this Nation. 
Jenkins' Petition.   
The Houses are not only requisite to the Acting of this Power of 
Herles Sermon before the Commons, 1644.  making Laws, but Coordinate with his Majesty in the very Power of Acting. pag, 42.  
The Real Sovereignty here in England was (says Baxter) in King, Lords and Commons, pag. 72. And those that conclude that the 
Paxters' Holy Commonwealth.  Parliament being Subjects, may not take up Arms against the King, and that it is Rebellion to resist him, their grounds are sandy, and their Superstructure false, pag. 459. 460.  
The next Point is their Animating the MURDER of the KING. Do Justice to the Greatest; Saul's Sons are not spared; no 
Herle before the Commons Nou. 5. 44  nor may Agag, or Benhadad, tho' themselves Kings. Zimri, and Cozbi (though Princes of the people) must be pursued into their Tents: This is the way to Consecrate yourselves to God. pag. 16.  
The Execution of Judgement is the Lords word; and they shall be 
Strickland's Thanksgiving Sermon, Nou. 5. 44.  cursed that do it negligently. And cursed shall they be that keep back their Sword in this Cause. You know the story of God's Message unto Ahab, for letting Benhadad go upon Composition, pag. 26.  
But you shall now hear the MURDER of his Sacred Majesty pressed more particularly in these Words. 
Cockayns Sermon before the Commons Nou. 29. 48.  Think not to save yourselves by an unrighteous saving of them, who are the Lords, and the People's known Enemies, you may not imagine to obtain the favour of those against whom you will not do Justice: For certainly, if you act not like Gods in this particular, against men truly obnoxious to Justice; they will be like Devils against you. Observe that place, 1 Kings 22. 31. compared with Cap. 20. It is said in Chap. 20. that the King of Syria came against Israel, and by the mighty power of God, he and his Army were overthrown, and the King was taken Prisoner. Now the mind of God was (which he then discovered only by that present Providence) that Justice should have been executed upon him, but it was not. Whereupon the Prophet comes with ashes upon his face, and waited for the King of Israel, in the way where he should return; and as the King passed by, he cried unto him, thus saith the Lord, because thou hast let go a man whom I appointed for Destruction, therefore thy Life shall go for his Life. Now see how the King of Syria, after this, answers Ahab's love: about three years after, Israel and Syria engaged in a new War, and the King of Syria gives command unto his Soldiers, that they should fight neither against small nor great, but against the King of Israel. Benhadad's Life was once in ahab's hand, and he ventured God's displeasure, to let him go. But see how Benhadad rewards him for it? Fight neither against Small nor Great, but against the King of Israel, Honourable, and Worthy. If God do not lead you to do Justice upon those that have been great Actors in shedding Innocent Blood, never think to gain their Love by sparing of them; for they will, if Opportunity be ever offered, return again upon you. And then they will not fight against the poor, 
The Kings Murder Encouraged.  and mean ones, but against those that have been the Fountain of that Authority and Power which have been improved against them.  
〈◊〉 you not sins ●now of your Own, (says another) but will ye wrap 〈◊〉 selves up in the Treachery, M●ther, Blood, Cruelty, and Tyranny 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before the Commons D●c. 26. 48  〈◊〉 others? p. 17. Set some of those Grand. Malefactors a mourning (that h●e caused the Kingdom to mourn so many years in Garments rolled in blood) by the Execution of Justice, etc. P. 19  
Tamum Religio potuit suadere Malorum. And we are not yet at the Top on't neither; For to look back upon that hideous Impiety, not only without remorse, but with satisfaction, is a piece of hardness, and Inhumanity, till this Age, and this Case, perhaps unheard of.  
Worthy Patriots, (says another of the same Order) you; that are our Rulers in this Parliament, 'tis often said, we live in times 
Jenkins ' Sermon ●efore the Commons Sept. 24 56. pa. 23.  wherein we may be as good as we please; wherein we enjoy in Purity and plenty the Ordinances of Jesus Christ, praised be God for this●; Even that God who hath delivered us from the Imposition of ●relatical Innovations, Altar-Genuflexious, and Cringing, with Cross, and all that Popish trash and Trumpery. And truly I speak no more than I have often thought, and said, The Removal of those Insupportable Burdens, Countervails for the Blood and Treasure shed and spent in 
The Kings Murder Justified.  these late Distractions: Nor did I as yet ever hear of any Godlymen, that dest●ed, were it possible, to purchase their Friends, or Many again, at so dear a rate, as with the return of these, to have those soulburthening, Anti-christian Yokes re-imposed upon them. And if any such there be, I am sure that desire is no part of their Godliness; and I PROFESS MYSELF, IN THAT TO BE NONE OF THE NUMBER.  
And M. Baxter likewise in effect says as much, viz. That having often searched into his heart, whether he did lawfully engage in the War, 
Baxter's Holy Commonwealth, 486.  or not, and whether he did lawfully encourage so many thousands to it, he tells us, that the Issue of all his search was but this, that he cannot yet see that he was mistaken in the main Cause, nor dares he repent of it, nor forbear doing the same, if it were to do again, in the same State of things.  
We might carry the aggravation yet a step farther, in a Remark or two upon his Political Theses, where he took as much pains in 1659. to keep out his present Majesty, as he did in the late War to drive out his Royal Father; casuistically resolving 
Mr. Baxters▪ Cases of Conscience Theses 1●7. ●81.  upon the point then in Hope and Prospect; that in that state of things, the King himself could not justify the resuming of his Government, nor his People the submitting to it. But this is enough to recommend the same persons over again, to the care of another Reformation, that were so dutiful in the former; and the Government needs not doubt but they will be just as kind to his Majesty as they were to his Father. Good God That any thing in Humane shape, that Glories in the Murder of his Sovereign, should make a face at a Ceremony!  
Here's no amplifying of the Matter, no forcing of constructions, Packing of Precedents, or suborning of Proofs; But the Doctors of the Schism, Cited, Produced, and Judged out of their 
〈◊〉.  own mouths: and in so clear a manner too, as to leave no place for a doubt, either of the Fact, or of the Design. We could 
The 〈◊〉 naticks did the Faction many good Offices  give you an account of the many good Offices they did in the various Revolutions of the War, and upon the Pinching Exigences of the State: As the promoting of Petitions, Tumults, Protestations, Oaths and Covenants, of all sizes and colours: the Consecrating of the Rebellion by Authorities of Scripture; Dividing Wives from their Husbands, Sons from their Fathers, Preaching away the Apprentices from their Masters, and setting Jesus Christ in the Head of the Sedition: The artifices of their Fasts and Thanksgivings; their Cajolling the City out of their Bags, and the simple multitude out of their Lives and Duties; the Influence they had upon bringing in the Scots, their faculty both of Creating Fears and Jealousies, and of Emproving them; their miraculous Discoveries of Plots of their own making: Their Sermons were a kind of Domestic Intelligence, and people went to Church as to a Coffee-house, to hear News and Fables. We could show you likewise how they shifted their Principles with their Interests, and from 1640. to 1660. how these Mercenaries of the Pulpit complied with every turn of State: But we have raked far enough already in this puddle, and it is high time to proceed.  
If a man might with a fair Decorum call so direful a Tragedy a Puppet-play, we should tell you that you have hitherto seen only 
The Pulpits only sp●ke as the Cabal dictated.  the Puppets of this Pretended Reformation; and that they signified nothing of themselves, but as they were guided by the Masters of the Machine, from under the Stage, or behind the Hanging. Now we cannot better lay open this Practice and Confederacy, then by setting forth the admirable Harmony and Concert that appeared betwixt the Lay-Caball, and the Ecclesiastic; agreeing in the same method, in the same steps, in the same cause, and in the same Opinions: Only that which was matter of Policy in Private, was made matter of Conscience and 
Their agreement in Method and d●signe.  Religion in Public, First, they find out Corruptions in the Government; as matter of Grievance, which they expose to the People. Secondly, they Petition for Redress of those Grievances, still ask more and more, till something is denied them. And then Thirdly, they take the Power into their own hands of Relieving themselves, but with Oaths and Protestations, that they Act only as trusties for the Common Good of King and Kingdom. From the pretence of Defending the Government they proceed to the Reforming of it; which Reformation proves in the end to be a Final Dissolution of the Order both of Church and State. This we shall deduce as briefly as we may.  
After the Fatal Pacification at Berwick; June 17. 1639. (upon the Scots Insurrection, who kept not any one Article that was there agreed upon) the King called a Parliament, that 
A deduction of our Late Troubles.  met Aug. 13. 1640, which at first was thought to be well enough disposed, till Sir Hen. Vane (than Secretary of State) demanded Twelve Subsidies, in stead of Six, which put the Commons into such a flame, that upon May 4. his Majesty, by the Advice of his Council, thought fit to Dissolve them. In August following, the Scotch Confederates (holding very good Intelligence with the English, entered England with an Army, which the King opposed with what force he was at that time able to Raise, upon his own Credit. His Majesty, upon this pinch, summons his Great Council of Peers to assemble at York, Sept. 24. where they met accordingly, and advised the King to a Treaty, which was held at Rippon, and a Peace was there Concluded and Signed Oct. 26. His Majesty being plied in the Interim with Petitions to call a Parliament, and his work cut out ready to his hand, in the matter of Property and Religion. Those Petitions might have been spared, the King having before hand resolved to call a Parliament, to meet on the 3d of November next. They were no sooner met, but they fell upon Grievances and Impeachments, beginning with the Earl of Strafford, and the Bishop of Canterbury, and so proceeding, till all his Majesties Friends were made Traitors, and the Law itself was found to be the Greatest Grievance.  
There is a Malignant and Pernicious Design (says the Remonstrance 
Exact Collection pag. 4.  of Dec. 15. 41.) of subverting the Fundamental Laws, and Principles of Government, upon which the Religion and Justice of this Kingdom is firmly established. And there are certain Counsellors and Courtiers, who for private Ends have engaged themselves to further the Interest of some Foreign Princes and States, to the Prejudice of his Majesty, and the State at Home. Take notice now, that the King had already (by their own confession) passed more Good Bills 
Pag. 16.  to the advantage of the Subjects▪ then had been in many ages. Coat and Conduct-money were all damned; The Earl of Strafford beheaded. The Archbishop of Canterbury, Judge Bartlet, and several other Bishops and Judges Impeached; two Bills passed, the One for a Triennial, the Other for Continuance of the Present Parliament; the Star-Chamber, High-Commission, Courts of the Precedent, and Council in the North taken away, the Council-Table Regulated, the Power of Bishops and their Courts abated; Innovators and Scandalous Ministers terrified by accusations; the Forests and Stannary-Courts brought within compass; and yet after all this, other things pa. 15. of main Importance for the Good of this Kingdom are in Proposition. But their Intention pag. 19 is only to reduce within Bounds that exorbitant Power which the Prelates have assumed; to unburthen men's Consciences of needless and superstitious Ceremonies; Suppress Innovations, and take away the Monuments of Idolatry: To support his Majesty's Royal Estate with Honour and Plenty at home, with Power and Reputation abroad; and by their Loyal Affections, Obedience and Service, to lay a sure and lasting Foundation of the Greatness and Prosperity of his Majesty and his Royal Posterity after him. pag. 2. Declaring and Protesting further to this Kingdom and Nation, and to the whole world, pag. 663. in the presence of Almighty God, for the satisfaction of their Consciences, and the discharge of that Great Trust which lies upon them, that no Private Passion or Respect, no evil Intention to his Majesty's Person, no design to the prejudice of his JUST Honour and Authority engaged them to raise Forces, and take up Arms against the Authors of that War, wherein the Kingdom was then Inflamed.  
Let us see now how well they acquitted themselves as to this Profession; 
Exact Collections.  They put the Kingdom into a Posture of Defence by the Authority of Both Houses Pag. 96. They require an● Obedience to it, Pag. 112. They Vote it a Breach of privilege, not to submit to any thing, as Legal which they declare to be Law. Pag. 114. And declare Pag. 150. that upon Certain Appearance, or Grounded Suspicion, the Letter of the Law shall be emproved against the Equity of it; and that the Commander going against its Equity, discharges the Commanded from Obedience to the Letter: to shorton the business, they make it Treason, upon any presence whatsoever, Pag. 576. to assist his Majesty in the War, with Horse, Arms, Plate, or moneys; and his Majesty Sums up the Malice of that Declaration in these Sixth Petitions.  
First, That they have an Absolute Power of Declaring the Law; 
Six Treasonous and Seditious Po●ions. Pag 297, 298.  and that whatsoever they declare to be so, ought not to be questioned either by King or people: So that all the Right, and safety of the Prince and Subject, depends upon their pleasure.  
Secondly, That no Precedents can be Limits to bond their Proceedings; which is so, the Government of the Turk himself is not so Arbitrary.  
Thirdly, That a Parliament may dispose of any thing wherein the King or Subject hath a Right for the Public Good: (speaking all this while of the remnant of the two Houses.) That they without the King are this Parliament, and Judge of this Public Good; and that the King's Consent is not necessary. So that the Life and Liberty of the Subject, and all the Good Laws made for their security may be disposed of and Repealed by the Major Part of both Houses, at any time, present, and by any ways and means procured so to be, and his Majesty has no Power to Protect them.  
Fourthly, That a Member of either House ought not to be troubled or meddled with, for Treason, ●lony, or any other crime, without the Cause first brought before them, that they may Judge of the Fact, and their leave obtained to proceed.  
Fifthly, That the Sovereign Power resides in Both Houses of Parliament; the King has no negative Voice, and becomes Subject to their Commands.  
Lastly, That the Levying of Forces against the Personal Commands of the King (though accompanied with his presence) is not Levying War against the King: But to Levy War against his Laws and Authority (which they have power to declare and signify) is Levying War against the King; and that Treason cannot be committed against his Person, otherwise then as he is entrusted with the Kingdom, and discharging that Trust; and that they have a power to judge whether he dischargeth it or no. And all this still, for the maintenance of the true Protestant Religion, the King's JUST Prerogatives, the Laws and Liberties of the Land, and the Privileges of Parliament, Pag. 281. Nay they will not allow the King any great Officer or Public Minister; the Power of Treating upon War or Peace, or any matter of State, conferring Honours; no not so much as the Power of appointing any Officer Civil or Military, without leave of the two Houses. The Scale of their wickedness, in One Word, (wherein their hireling-Pulpitiers fail in as pat with them as two Tallies) was this. First, they fell upon the King's Reputation; they Invaded his Authority in the next place; after that, they assaulted his Person, seized his Revenue; and in the Conclusion, most impiously took away his Sacred Life: At which rate, in proportion, they treated the Church, and the rest of his Friends, and laid the Government in Confusion.  
For the compass of these accursed ends, they still accommodated 
Baits for all Parties.  themselves to the matter they had to work upon. They had their Plots, and false alarms for the simple, their Tumults for the fearful, their Covenants was a Receptacle for all sorts of Libertines, and Malcontents. But the great difficulty was the gaining of the City: which could not be effected, but by embroiling the Legal, and ancient Constitution of that Government. For there was no good to be done upon the Imperial Monarchy of England, without First confounding the Subordinate Monarchy of the City of London, and creating a perfect Understanding betwixt the Cabal, and the Common-Council: which was very much facilitated, by casting out the Loyal, and Orthodox Clergy, and teaching all the Pulpits in London to speak the same Language with Margaret's Westminster. But let us consider the Government of the City of London, First, in the due, and Regular Administration of it; and then in its corruptions, and by what means it come afterwards to be debauched.  
The City of London, was long before the Conquest, Governed 
The Legal Government of the City of London.  by Port-Reeves: and so down to Richard the First, who granted them several Privileges in acknowledgement of the Good Offices they had rendered him. But the First Charter they had for the Choice of their Own Mayor, or Government, was conferred upon them by King John, in these words. Know ye that we have granted to our Barons (or Freemen) of our City of London, that they may choose unto themselves a Mayor of themselves. And their following Charter of Henry the Third runs thus. We grant also unto the said Citizens, that they may yearly present to our Barons of the Exchequer (we or our Heirs not being at Westminster) every Mayor which they shall first choose in the City of London, to the end they may be by them admitted as Mayor. In a following Charter of Ed. 2. That the Mayor and Sheriffs of the City aforesaid, may be chosen by the Citizens of the said City; according to the Tenor of the Charter of our Progenitors, (sometimes Kings of England) to that end made; and not otherwise. The Charter of Hen. 8. runs to the Mayor, Commonalty and Citizens of London, Conjunctim. The Charter of Ed. 3. is thus. We have granted further for Us and our Heirs, and by this our present Charter confirmed to the Mayor, and Aldermen of the City aforesaid; that if any customs in the said City hitherto obtained and used, be in any part Difficult or Defective, or any thing in the same newly happening, where before there was no remedy Ordained, and have need of amending, the said Mayor and Aldermen, and their Successors with the assent of the Commanalty of the same City, may add and ordain a remedy meet, faithful, and consonant to reason, for the Common profit of the Citizens of the same City, as oft, and at such time as to them shall be thought expedient.  
We have the rather cited these clauses in favour of the Lawful 
The Charter of the Lord Mayor and Aldermen  Government of the City; in regard that they have been so often, and so earnestly perverted another way. The Charter we see, is directed to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the City; the Power is granted to them, to propose the making or mending of Laws, as they see occasion; only by the affent, or descent of the Commons, they are ratifyed or hindered. And those Laws are only Acts of Common-Council, that is to say, not of the Commonalty alone, but of the Lord Mayor, aldermans, and Commons, in concurrence. Some there are that mistake the word Conjunctim, and would have Jointly, to be Equally: as if one could not have a greater interest or Authority, and another a less, though in a Joint Commission. The Power, in short, of summoning, and Dissolving Common-Councils, and of putting any thing to the question, does legally reside only in the Lord Mayor. And the Active Power in the Making of a Law, and the Negative Voice in the Hindering of a Law, have been by long Prescription and usage, in the Lord Mayor and Aldermen. And these being customs of the City, every Freeman is to support and maintain them by the Obligation of his Oath. And in farther proof that the Lord Mayor and Aldermen are by their Charter invested with the Powers aforesaid; We shall need only to inform ourselves who they are that in case of any public Disorder, are made answerable for the Misdemeanour. Richard the Second granted a Commission to inquire of all and singular Errors, Defects, and Misprisions in the City of London, for want of Good Government in the Mayor, Sheriffs and Aldermen of the said City. And for the Errors, Defects, and Misprisions, in their Government sound, they were fined 3000. Marks; the Liberties of the City seized into the King's Lands, and a Warden appointed to govern the City: till in the end, the Duke of Gloucester prevailed upon the King to reinstate them.  
We have here given you a short view of the Orderly Government of this glorious City; which is perchance one of the best qualified Establishments both for King and People, under the cope of Heaven. We are now coming to lay open by what Arts and Contrivances it came to be corrupted; and in a manner, to lay Violent hands upon itself: Which is a story that may serve some for curiosity, and others for Edification.  
The People being extremely discomposed in their minds upon the Apprehension of Popery and Arbitrary Power; and 
In what manner the People were wrought upon.  shaken also in their Allegiance, upon a strong Impression that it was a design in their Governors themselves to introduce it. It was no hard matter to inveigle them into Petitions for Relief, Protestations, Associations and Covenants, for the Common defence of themselves, in the preservation of their Liberties and Religion; and into a favourable Entertainment of any plausible pretext even for the Justification of Violence itself: Especially the Sedition coming once to be Baptised Gods cause, and supported by the Doctrine of Necessity and the unsearchable Instinct and Equity of the Law of Nature: And all this too, Recommended and Inculcated to them by the men of the whole World, upon whose Conduct and Integrity, they would venture their very Souls, Bodies and Estates. Being thus persuaded, and possessed; the coming in of the Scots served them both for a Confirmation of the ground of their fears, and for an Authority to follow that Pattern in their Proceedings; both causes being founded upon the same Bottom, and both Parties united in the same Conspiracy. So that this opportunity was likewise improved by all sorts of eyrie Fantastical Plots, frivolous and childish reports, to cherish the Delusion: And now was the time for Tumults and Outrages upon public Ministers, and Bishops, nay and upon the King himself; till by Arms and Injuries they forced him away from his Palace, when yet they had the confidence to charge his Sacred Majesty with making War upon his Parliament. But this would not yet do their business, till they got Possession of the Militia; which at length they did: the Presses and the Pulpits all this while giving life and credit to their Proceedings.  
Upon the tuning of men's minds for Innovations, by making them sick of the present state of things; 
The Artifice of Petitions.  the People were easily prevailed upon to Petition for what they so much wished for and desired: and this was the second step toward the Tyranny, and Slavery that ensued upon it. The Rude people (says his Late Majesty) in his Reflections upon (TUMULTS) are taught 
EIK. BA.  first to Petition, then to Protest, then to Dictate, and at last to Command. The Faction made use of Petitions as common House-breakers do of screws; they got in by little and little, and without much noise, and so rifled the Government: Or they did rather like the counterfeit Glasiers, that took down the Glass at Noonday under colour of mending the Windows, and then Robbed the House.  
To make a right Judgement upon a Popular Petition we should first consider the matter of it▪ Secondly, the wording of it. Thirdly, the manner of Promoting it. Fourthly, the Probable intent of it. And Lastly, we should do well to consult History and Experience to see what effects such Petitions have commonly produced.  
As to the Subject-Matter of Popular Petitions, it is either for public concernment or private; General or particular: That is to say concerning the whole Body of the People, or only some part of it. It is either within the Petitioners Cognizance, and Understanding, or it is not; It varies according to the Circumstances of Times, Occasions, and Parties: and it often falls out, especially where it treats of Reformation, that the one half of it is a Petition, and the other a Libel. The Case of that is purely Private, or Particular, cannot properly be called Popular; and so not to our purpose. There are likewise Mixed Cases of Public and Private; as in the Calamities of War, Pestilence, Fires, Inudations and the like; where Numerous Subscriptions are matter of Attestation, rather than Clamour; on the behalf of such and such Known, and Particular Sufferers. Now there is a great heed to be given to the Petitions of men both that Understand what it is they ask, and whom the Law has made Competent Judges of it. But where the Question is, the Redress of Grievances in matter of State, the Complaining part of the Petition makes it only a more Artificial Scandal: Besides the dangerous boldness of Intermeddling in points which they neither have any thing to do withal, nor one jot Understand. Such as the Petition of the Rabble, in and about London, in 1640. against Episcopacy, Root and Branch; the Porter's Petition in 1641. about the Militia, being told that it was only a Petition to Prohibit Watermen from carrying of Burdens, That of the Stanford Schoolboys, which their Masters made them Subscribe against Bishops; Or the Scottish Petition in 1637. of Men Women Children and Servants (in those very terms) against the Service-Book. These few instances may suffice to show the folly (and worse) of people's stickllng for they know not what.  
Next to the Matter of the Petition we should consider the 
Many Petition for they know not what▪  wording of it: For he that asks he knows not what, may ask any thing in the World, for aught he knows. And it is not the humility of the Style, that can justify the publishing of a Reproach upon the Prince: Did not Jacob take Amasa by the Beard with the Right hand to kiss him, and yet at the same time strike him under the Fifth Rib that he died? It is no Breach of Charity, when a Multitude are drawn into a Petition blindly to solicit the Interests of Other men, to take all ambiguities and Equivocalls in the worst sense.  
And then the Manner of promoting these Petitions goes a 
The manner of Promoting Petitions.  great way. It was a common practice in the Late Times, for the confiding Members of several Countries to draw up Petitions to themselves, and Lodge them in the hands of several of their Factious Countrymen here in the City, to gather Subscriptions, Where, and how they pleaed,, in the Name of their respective▪ Countiee▪ Their Seditious Preachers (says the Late 
Ex. Coll. 536. Fobbed Petitions imposed upon the Nation by the Faction.  King) and Agents are by them, and their special and particular Directions sent into the several Counties to infuse Fears and Jealousies into the minds of our Good Subjects, with ●itions ready drawn by Them, for the People to Sign; which were yet many times by them changed three or four times before the delivery; upon accidents, or occurrences of either, or both Houses. And when many of our poor deceived People of our several Counties have come to the City of London, with a Petition so framed, altered, and Signed, as aforesaid; that Petition hath been Suppressed, and a New one ready drawn hath been put into their hands, after their coming to Town (insomuch as few of the Company have known what they ●tition'd for) and hath been by them presented to One or Both our Houses of Parliamant, as that of Bedfordsh▪ and Buckinghamsh.; Witness those Petitions; and amongst the rest that of Harfordshire; which took notice of matter agreed on or dissented from, the night before the delivery. Which was hardly time enough to get so many thousand hands, and to travel to London on that Errand. These were not the Petitions of the Subscribers, but of those that set them on; who did in effect, but Petition the People to Petition them again; and that which was taken and imposed as the sense of the Nation, was only the Project and Dictate of the Cabal. Only with the Porters, they thought they had signed a Petition against the Watermen, and it proved to be against the Government (so innocent were the greater part of the Petitioners.)  
Now as to the Intent of those Petitions, since we cannot enter into the hearts of men, we are allowed to judge of the Tree 
The intent of Popular Petitions is to be Considered.  by the Fruit. And we must distinguish too betwixt the Intention of the Dictatours, and that of the Subscribers: the Former Contriving with an Ill Intention that which the Latter Executed with a Good One. Let the Matter of the Petition be never so fair, yet (as was said before) if it be a business out of the Petitioners sphere, and capacity, either to Meddle in, or to understand; it is a suspicious way of Proceeding. Such were the Confederate Petitions of England and Scotland for a Parliament in 1641. which were 
Confederate Petitions are but the Pro logue to Confederate Practices.  but a Prologue to the Opening of the Subsequent Confederacy against the Government: When the Petitions that followed, sufficiently expounded the meaning of the Former. They Petitioned against Ecclesiastical Courts, Ceremonies, Scandalous Ministers, Bishop's Votes in Parliament, and Episcopacy itself, against evil Councillors, Monopolies, Corruptions of State, Courts of Oppression and Innumerable Grievances; Were they not gratified in all this? and did not those very Concessions make them still Bolder 
Never satisfied.  and Bolder? More and more Greedy still, and more Insatiable? They must have the Militia too, the Command of the King's Towns, and Forts, and put the Kingdom into a posture of defence themselves. They cry for Justice upon Delinquents; the very Rabble demanding the Names of those in the House of Peers that would not consent to the Proposition made by the House of Commons 
Ex. Coll. 〈◊〉. 548.  concerning the Forts, Castles, and the Militia, (when it was rejected by a Major Part twice.) And declaring them for Enemies to the Commonwealth: Loyal and Legal Petitions being still rejected, and the seditious countenanced: In a Word; they grew higher and higher▪ till they brought the King to the Block; which was no more than a Natural Conclusion from such premises. And the First Petition (how plausible soever) was the Foundation of all our Ruins. These Petitions you must know, do not ask to Obtain, but to be Denied; and only seek an Occasion to pick a quarrel; and if they cannot find it, they'll make it. If this be not provided for, they tell us, It is the Case of many a Thousand in England, and great troubles will come of it: The very Style of them is Menacing; and certainly nothing can be more Evident than their evil Intention. There's Malice in the Publication of them too; beside that by the Number of the Subscriptions; they take an Estimat of the strength of their Party; which is their safest way of Muster.  
The Last Section under the Head of Popular Petitions is the Effect of them: which in our Case was no less than the destruction 
The Effect of Popular Petitions.  of Three Kingdoms; and let the Matter be what it will, the Method is a most necessary Link in the chain of a Rebellion. And it is the securest experiment too, of attempting a Commotion, being the gentlest of Political Inventions, for feeling the pulse of the People. If it takes, the work is half done; and if Not, 'tis but so much Breath Lost, and the Design will be kept Cold. But may not Men Petition (you will say) and Petition for a good thing? 
Upon what Terms they may be allowed.  Yes, if the thing be Simply Good, the Petitioners, Competent Judges of it, and every man keep himself to his Own Post, I see no hurt in't. But for the Multitude to interpose in Matters of State; as in the Calling or Dissolving of Parliaments; Regulation of Church Government; or in other like Cases, of Doubtful and 
Let every man keep to his own post.  hazardous Event, wherein they have no Skill at all, nor any Right of Intermeddling; why may not 20000. Plow-Iobbers as well Subscribe a Petition to the Lord-Mayor of London for the Calling of a Common-Council? Or as many Porters and Carmen here in London put in for the better government of the Herring-Trade in Yarmouth? every jot as reasonable would This be as the Other. And that's not all neither, for the Thing they take to be a Cordial, proves many times to be a Poison: and after Subscription they are yet to learn the very meaning of the Petition: And then the Numerous Subscriptions prove it manifestly to be a Combination: For the Number of Hands adds nothing to the Weight of the Petition; and serves only for Terror and Clamour. It is a kind of an odd way of putting the Question: as who should say, Sir, May we be so bold? and the sufferance or Patience of the Prince seems to answer them, Yes, you may: and so they go on.  
The Transition is so natural, from a Popular Petition to a Tumult, that the One is but the Hot Fit of the other; and little 
A Natural Transition from a Popu lar Petition to a Tumult. EIK. BA. upon tumults.  more in effect then a more earnest way of Petitioning. By these (says his Late Majesty) must the House be purged, and all Rotten Members (as they please to call them) cast out. By these the Obstinacy of men resolved to discharge their Consciences must be subdued; by These, all Factious, seditious end schis●natical Proposals of Government Ecclesiastical or Civil ●st be backed and abetted, till they prevail. God forbid (says Mr. Pym) that the House of Commons should proceed in any 
E●. C●ll. 532.  way to dishearten people to obtain their j●t desires in such a way. It would fill a Volume to tell the Insolences of the Rabble upon L●mbeth-House upon the Persons of the Archbishop of York and all 
The Insolences of the Rabble upon the Parliament.  the Loyal Members of both Houses; their Outcries for Justice upon La●d and Strafford, under the Conduct of Venus and Ma●waring: Their Exclamations, No Bishops, No Popish Lords; Proclaiming several of the Peers by their Names to be evil and r●tton-hearted 
Pag. 533  Lords: Their besetting of Sheriff Garnets' House, when the King Dined there, crying out, Privileges of Parliament; 
Upon ●e City.  their a●onting the L●rd Mayor (Sir Richard Gourny) and tearing his Chain from about his Neck and using Sir Thomas Gardiner (the Recorder) little better; following them with Reproaches, Remember the PROTESTATION. Nay the King himself had his Coach stopped, and Walkers Seditious Libel, 
And upon the ●ing himself  To your Tents O Israel, thrown into it in the street. This was upon the dispute about the Five Members, when at their Return from Westminster they made a stand at White-hall-gate, bawling out, that they would have no more Porters Lodge, but speak with the King when they pleased. About a hundred Lighters and Long-Boats were set out by water, laden with Sacres, Murthering-Pieces, and other 
Pag. 538.  Ammunition, dressed up with Mast-cloths and Streamers as ready for fight; calling out as they passed by Whitehall Windows, what's become of the King? whither's he gone? The Tower of London and Hull being both besieged at the same time. Now what was the End of These Tumults, but over and above the Gild and Calamities of a Civil War, a Vengeance in the Conclusion upon the Heads of all the First Abetters of them? These very men that 
The first Tumu●s punished by tumults.  first by Tumults forced away the King from Whitehall, and their Fellow-members from attending their Duty at Westminster, were Themselves afterward cast out, by succeeding Tumults, under the Character of Persons Disaffected, (the Independents at that time being too hard for the Presbyterians) and the City too was whipped with its own rod. No man is so blind (says the Late King) as not to see herein the Hand of Divine Justice; They that by Tumults, first occasioned the Raising of Armies, must now ●e chastened by their 
EIK. BA. Upon the Distraction of the Parliament Army, and City.  own Army for new Tumults. In fine, a Tumult is a seditious action in Hot Blood; and only accounted the less Criminal, for that there is not in it the Malice Prepences of a Rebellion. If it succeeds, the Principals of the Faction form it into a Conspiracy; but if it miscarries, it passes only as That did in Scotland, 1637. for an Outrage of the Rabble.  
Where many People agree in the Desiring of the same thing, 
Of ●aths, Covenants, and Associations.  they seldom fail of Engaging afterwards towards the Procuring of it; and so the Project advances, from Petition to Protestation, or Covenant; the One Leading so naturally to the Other, that the Late Popular Petition was no sooner set on foot, but it was immediately followed upon the Heel with the Proposal of an Association, pretending the Practice of 27. Eliz. for their Warrant. It would be endless to run through all the Leagues, Covenants, Bonds, Protestations, Engagements, Oaeths, etc. of the Late times; and as needless to set forth the Histories of the Miseries they brought upon us, after so many Narratives and Discourses already Published, upon that Subject: So that our Business shall be rather to discover the Imposture of those Practices, then to dilate upon the Story.  
All Popular Leagues, without the Authority of the Supreme Magistrate 
The Leagues of Subjects among themselves are Conspiracies.  are to be looked upon as Conspiracies; but when they come once to bear up in Defiance of it, the Case is little better than a State of Actual Rebellion. The Pretence of the Late Engagements was only to assert and Compass the Ends of the foregoing Petitions: And it was the Masterpiece of the Faction to keep the Vulgar in the dark, by disguising the Drift, and the Scope, both of the One, and the Other. It was by this following train of thoughts that the Multitude in 1641. were Egged on into the foulest crimes, and the Heaviest calamities Imaginable. The Lord bless us (say they) we are all running into the French 
The delusions of 1641.  Government, and Popery: the Courtiers and Prelates will be the Undoing of us all; the King is a good man enough of himself, if he had but Good people about him; but he's so damnably led away by Popish Counsels; I would to God he would but call a Parliament and hearken to their advice. But why should we not press him to●t; and ferret out all these Caterpillars from about him? 'Tis true, the King can do no wrong, but his Ministers may: and yet the King is bound by the Law. as well as We. Had not we better get hands to a Petition▪ and join to stand by one another as One Man, for the preservation of our Liberties, and Religion, then stand gaping with our fingers in our Mouth till all is lost? Little did these people Imagine all this while that Death was in the Pot, and that instead of the way to Peace and happiness they were then in the High-Road to Destruction. And This they might easily enough have discovered if they had but diligently considered the Opinions and Professions of the Heads of these Covenanters and Subscibers; among which, there was not one man of a hundred that was not a known and a vowed Enemy both to Courch and State. But they plunged themselves like Curtius, into the Gulf, as Devotees for the mistaken preservation of their Country. But the delusion will better appear, by applying only Common Reason to the Imposture itself: And first, let us consider their Protestation of May, 1641.  
ay▪ A. B. do in the presence of Almighty God, promise, vow, and protest to maintain and defend, as far as lawfully I may, with my Life, 
The Protestation.  Power, and Estate, the True Reformed Protestant Religion, expressed in the Doctrine of the Church of England, against all Popery and Popish Innovations within this Realm, contrary to the same Doctrine, and according to the Duty of my Allegiance to his Majesty's Royal Person, Honour, and Estate; as also the Power, and Privileges of Parliament, the lawful Rights and Liberties of the Subjects, etc. Now as the whole Pretext was plansible, so the saving clause in it [as far as lawfully I may] made it go down without much scruple.  
The Solemn League and Covenant of 1643. (which was the Bond of the Confederacy of the Two Nations) had the same salve 
The Juggle of the Covenant.  in it too, and the very same specious pretences for the Protestant Religion, the Honour of the King, the Privileges of Parliament, and the Liberty of the Subject: only enlarged to the setting up of the Scottish Diseipline and Government, the Extirpation of Prelacy and Popery; and the bringing of Delinquents to punishment: So that from the maintaining of the Government, they are now come to the Dissolving of it; and from the Defence of their own Rights and Liberties, they are advanced to the Inva●ng of other peoples. We might reflect upon a world of Soloecisms, Illegalities, Contradictions and Defects, both in the Givers and Takers of this Protestation and Covenant: As the Nullity of any Engagement entered into, Contrary to Law; the altering of the Government, without the consent of his Majesty in Parliament; The perjurious Fraud of Swearing in One sense, in opposition to the Known Intent of the Imposer in another; beside the Inconsistence of these Vows with Themselves, and the Contradictions they bear to One another. Wherefore we shall rather detect the Cheat in the Thing itself, and the wonderful Rashness of the Undertakers, then play the Casuist upon the Question.  
Take the Protestation as it runs with that Qualifying Clause in 
The Protestation an Oath of Policy not Conscience.  it [as far as lawfully I may] and there is hardly any thing more in it then what a man is obliged to do without it: So that without some Mystery in the bottom, the thing appears in itself to be wholly Idle and Impertinent, and not answerable to the solemnity of making it a National Duty. And then the Imposition was in itself an Usurpation of Sovereign Power. The Covenant (I must confess) was Ranker, having an Auxiliary Army of about 20000 Scots to second it. But was ever any thing in appearance more harmless, Loyal or Conscientious, than this Protestation? and if the fellow of it were now in agitation, how would the Town Ring, of any Church of England-Man for a disguised Papist, that should refuse to take it! And yet what ensued upon the people's joining in this officious piece of misguided Zeal and Duty? When they were once In, there was no longer any regard had to the Grammar or Literal Construction of it, but to the List of those that took it, as the Discriminating Test of the Party; They that contrived it, did like wise Expound it: and every man was bound implicitly to believe That only to be Lawful, which they told him was so, without being allowed the liberty of Judging of his own Actions. He that looks into the Records of that Revolution, will find the Contributions, Subscriptions, Loans, Levies, and briefly the highest violences of the War, the boldest attempts upon the Honour and Person of the King, the Privileges of Parliament, and the Property of the Subject, to be charged at the soot of the account, upon the Tie of the Solemn League and Protestation; and every man bound, upon the forfeiture of his Life, Liberty, and Estate, to observe it, in their sense. Over and above the Iniquity of these Oaths, how Ridiculous is it for every Paltry Fellow to swear to the doing of he knows not what, and the maintaining of the Privileges of Parliament, which no man living understands? We shall conclude this Point, with the words of the Late King [Cons●derations by way 
EIK. BA.  of Solemn Leagues and Covenants, are the Common Road used in all Factious and Powerful Per●urbations of State or Church.] And our Covenanters did but write after the Copy of the Holy League of France.  
The people being now prepared for any mutinous Impressions, 
Imposture; upon the People.  poisoned in their affections to the Government, besotted into the apprehension of Remote and Invisible dangers, and United in the Resolution of Defending their Rights against all Opposers; the Design would have been there at a stand, for want of matter to work upon, if the Cabal had not fed, and entertained their fears▪ and Icalosies, with stories of Plots and Discoveries nearer hand, where still the Parliament and the City were in the greatest hazard. One while the Northern Army was coming up, and strong Guards appointed upon all Passes within 20. miles of London, and then comes a Letter to the Close Committee, of a Conspiracy to seize the Earl of Argile, and some other Lords in Edinburgh: And upon This, an Order is presently issued out to the Justices of Middlesex, Surry, and Southwark▪ to secure the City, by strong Watches; because (says the Order) the mischievous Designs and Conspiracies lately discovered in Scotland against some Principal and Great men there, by some of the Popish Faction, gives just occasion to suspect that they may maidtain Correspondency Here, and practise the like mischief. They had a Touch now and then at the mighty preparations of France and Denmark, for the invading of the Nation, and assisting the King to govern by an Arbitrary Power. And then the Army under ground at Ragland Castle was a terrible thing, and miraculously discovered by an Innkeepers Servant at Rosse, to Alderman Acton's Coachman. These whimses were but so many approaches toward the Militia; and they are so extravagant, that the man that was upon the place, and can witness the effect of them, has hardly the face yet to make the Report.  
Upon twelfth Night 1641. the City was alarmed at Midnight 
〈◊〉 Alarm  with a Report of 1500 Horse that designed to surprise the City. Whereupon a matter of 50000 men were presently in Arms, and the Women at work in the streets, with Joynt-stools, Empty Cask, and other Lumber, to interrupt their passage.  
Upon the Kings making Sir Tho. L●ford Lieutenant of the 
The good women could not s●p for fear of the T● guns▪  Tower, the good women of the City could not sleep for fear of the Guns But yet without any Objection, his Majesty presently puts in Si● John Byron. They could make no exception against him, till at last (as my Author has it) Lieutenant Hooer, the Aqua-Vita-man, and Nieholson the Chandler, inform the Common-Council, that since he came to 〈◊〉 Lieutenant, there was nothing to do at the Mint, though it was made appear that the Mint had more business since this Gentleman was Lieutenant, than ever it had in so short a time before: But their Trade being in the Retail of Brooms, Candles, and Mustard their Ignorance in the other point might be the better excused.  
In Aug. 1643. upon a Vote for sending Propositions of Peace to 
A Tumu● f●r fear of a Peace.  the King, the very next day there were Papers scattered, and posted up and down the City; requiring all persons well-affected to rise as One man, and come to the House of Commons next morning, for that 20000 Irish Rebels were landed. And this was the News of the Pulpits next day; when; (though Sunday) a Common-Council was called late at Night, and a Petition there framed against Peace. This Petition was next morning recommended to the Commons by Penington, than Mayor, with a Rabble at his heels, declaring that the Lords Propositions for Peace would be destructive to Religion, Laws, and Liberties, and that if they had not a good answer they would be there again the next day, with double the Number.  
We must not forget the design upon the Life of Mr. Pim by a Plague Plaster, that was wrapped up in a Letter and sent him, 
Mr. Pyms Plague plaster.  which Letter he put in his pocket for Evidence, though he threw away the Plaster. And there was another discovery that came as wonderfully to light: a Tailor in a Ditch in 
A Taylor discovers a Plot against my Lord S●y.  Finsbury-Fields overheard two men talking of a Plot upon the Life of my Lord Say, and some other Eminent Members of both Houses; and so the Design never took effect.  
At this rate were the people gu●'d from day to day, with 
The people Imposed upon by ridiculous Stories and Impostures.  fresh and palpable Impostures; never was any Nation certainly under such an Absession of Credulity, and Blindness; but as the Cause was founded in Hypocrisy, so it was by Forgery to be supported. And yet these Legendary Tales stood the Faction in very good stead; by authorising the People now and then to betake themselves to their Arms, and to put themselves upon their Guard; which did, by degrees, let them into the Command of the City Militia; out of which Egg (as one says) came forth the Cockatrice of Rebellion. Thus was poor England frighted out of a Dream of Dangers into cutting of Throats in Earnest: Out of a fear of Popery, into a prostitution even of Christianity; and out of an apprehension of Tyranny into a most despicable state of Slavery. The Change of Government now in agitation, had been long in Project; and no foresight wanting for the furtherance 
No foresight wanting in the Faction.  of the design. None so diligent at the Military-Yard, or Artillery-Garden, as the zealots of the Faction; and upon the Vacancy of any considerable Employment there, who but they to put in for the Command? Nor were they less industrious to screw themselves into the Bench of Aldermen and Common-Council, insomuch that a Motion was made there (with an Eye to two beggarly, and Fanatical Captains,) that Honest men, (for that's their Name when they are their own Godfathers) might bear the Magistracy, and the City the expense. But what did all this amount to, without a Fond of Mon, Money, Arms, and Ammunition, to carry on the Work? So that their business was now to 
The Faction could do nothing without the City.  make sure of the CITY, as the only means of their supply: But that, they found could never be brought about, without a Lord Mayor for their Turns; Or else reducing the Mayor and Aldermen to a Level with the Commons: and establishing a firm correspondence betwixt Westminster, and Guildhall, the One to Contrive, and the Other to Execute. So that this was the thing they pitched upon, and the manner of their proceeding was as follows.  
Having Pharisaically, and Invidiously divided the people into 
The Practices of the Faction upon the Common-Council.  Two Parties; Themselves forsooth, the Godly Party, and the Friends of the Government, the Papists: a little before St. Thomas' day 1641. (when the City chooses their Common-Council) they calumniated the Old Common-Council men, as men too much inclining to the Court; sticklers for Episcopacy, and the Common-prayer; and not at all zealous for Religion, (just as we cry out against Papists, and Pensioners now adays;) by this practice, they wormed out Honest men, and chose Schismatics into their places: and instead of Sir George Benyon, Mr. Drake, Mr. Clark Mr. Gardiner; Deputy Withers, Mr. Cartwright, and other Loyal, and considerable Citizens; they took in Foulk the Traitor, Perkins, (my Lord Says Taylor,) and Others of the same stamp and Value.  
Now though the Election be on St. Thomas day, they are never 
The Common Council imposed upon by the Faction beyond precedent.  Returned yet before the Monday after Twelfth; nor allowed to Act as Common-Counsil men till the Indentures of their Election be Returned from the War 〈◊〉 Inquest to the Town-Clerk; and a Warrant Issued from the Lord May●r to the S●rjeant of the Chamber to Summon them. But the Faction however made bold to dispense with these Puntilloes, (though the constant Rule and Custom of the City) and a Common-Council being held December 31. 1641. by the King's Express Order, all that Gang of the New Choice, thrust themselves in, and took their places with the Old. This Intrusion was opposed by several, but out of respect to a Message from his Majesty which was then brought them by the Lord Newbourgh, complaining of Tumults about Whitehall, and Westminster, and recommending to the care of the City, the preventing of any further disorders: the question was let fall for the present; and the Court applied themselves to dispatch an answer to his Majesty; which was in effect, an acknowledgement of his gracious Goodness expressed to the City; the Courts disavowing of the Tumults; their promise of doing their best for the future to prevent, or suppress them, and their humble desire that whosoever should be found guilty of them, might be brought to condign punishment.  
On the Last of December, the House of Commons under pretence of finding themselves in danger, sent to the King for a 
Ex. Col. 44.  Guard, but it must be a Guard out of the City of London, and to be commanded by the Earl of Essex. To which Message, his 
Ex. Col. 45.  Majesty offered them, Jan: 3. a Guard of his own appointment for their security: But this Trick would not pass upon the King: so that they were forced to do their business another way.  
Upon the Fifth of Jan. another Common-Council was called by 
The King goes to the Common-Council,  the King's Order, when his Majesty was pleased, in person to acquaint the Court with the Reasons of his demanding the five Members the day before: admonishing them not to harbour or protect those men in the City. Fowke and his new Brethren (contrary to all Right or President) were got in again, and there he most audaciously affronted his Majesty with a Discourse of fears and Jealousies, Privileges of Parliament, etc. the King only replying in effect, that they were dangerous men, and that they should have a Legal Trial.  
On the same day (being Wednesday) the House adjourned till the Tuesday following, and Ordered a Committee to set next 
The Commons adjourn, and remove into the City.  morning at Guildhall; taking upon themselves little less than Sovereign Power. The Committee met at Grocer's Hall, where the Five Members met, under the Guard of the City-Train'd-stands, where they passed such Votes of Privilege as never any Age heard of before, extending it even to the Exempting and justifying 〈◊〉 Treason it self.  
On Saturday, Jan. 8. upon a Debate for the safe meeting of 
The Committees Vote at Grocers-Hall.  the Five Members at Westminster the Tuesday following; the Result was, That the Sheriffs of London should and might raise a Guard of the Train'dbands, for the Defence of the King and Parliament; and that they might warrantably march out of their Liberties. A Rout of Seamen offering their service by water, as the Other by Land. This Subject set all the Puritan Pulpits on work to inflame the People against their Sovereign in favour of the Five Members.  
Upon the fatal 10th of January, the King was forced to withdraw 
The King withdraws from London.  from London, which was then left at the Mercy of the Faction, and that very day, the Indentures of the Election were Returned: Upon all Questions about These Elections, the Decision was formerly in the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen; but by the Violence and Importunity of these New Intruders, it is left to a Committee of the Common-Council, (being the Committee a so for the safety of the City (so called): This Committee was their first approach toward the Militia; and then followed another: for putting the City into a Posture of Defence, consisting of Six Aldermen and Twelve Commoners, most of them of the New Cutt; and 300l. per annum allowed to Skippon, as an assistant to the Committee.  
Having already modelled the Common-Council to their liking 
They settle the Militia.  they furnish themselves with all sorts of Military Provisions; augment the Train'dbands, from 6000. to 8000. the Six Aldermen are made Colonels, and the Committee for the Posture of Defence, are to choose their Officers; the authority of Summoning Common Councils is taken away from the Lord Mayor, and lodged 
And strip the Mayor of his privileges.  in people of the Faction; and whensoever they'll have One called, the Lord Major must obey, without so much as ask a Reason for't.  
They took away his Power also of Dissolving them, and kept him to his seat, till they thought fit to discharge him.  
And again, whereas all Proposals were formerly offered to the Court, and all Questions put by the Recorder from the Lord-Mayor; when the Faction had any thing to propound, wherein the Lord Mayor would neither Command the Recorder, nor the Recorder act without the Lord Mayor, Venus, Pennington and Vassel helped them out at a dead lift, with an Order from the House of Commons.  
And finally, they brought the Orderly Constitution of the City-Government to a Level, confounding Mayor, aldermans and Commons in the Blending of their Votes.  
The Schismatics have now got the Riches and the Strength 
The Fiction Masters of the City.  of the City in a manner at their own Disposal, For if the major part of the Common-Council may Call, Continue and Dissolve the Court at pleasure, put what Questions they list, and Determine all things by a Plurality of Votes, there needed little more than a Packed Common-Council to do their business.  
Let us consider now the Harmony betwixt the Two Juntoes of 
The Commons Pe●on about the Mi●tia. Ex Col. 61.  Westminster, and the City. The Commons Jan. 26. Petitioned his Majesty about the Tower, Forts, and the Militia: to which his Majesty returns them a Refusal, Jan. 28. in the most obliging Terms imaginable, telling them, that he did not doubt, that his having granted more than ever King had granted, would ever persuade his House of Commons to ask more than ever Subjects had asked.  
About the beginning of Feb. there was held a Common-Coun●ll; 
A Trick put upon the Lord Mayor & Aldermen.  which sat till One in the Morning. When the Cou●t was quite weary, and tired out, Venus took that Opportunity of presenting an Order of the Commons, desiring a return of the Names of those Persons whom the City entrusted with the Militia of London. The Court was a little surprised at it; but yet being desirous to be gone, and considering whatsoever passed at One Council was in course to be debated at another, sent the Names of the Committee for the Posture of Defence, in return to the Houses Order. By this fetch, the Lord Mayor, Sheriffs, and Court of Aldermen, were understood to have voluntarily relinquished their Own Interest, and lodged the Power of the Militia in the Committee for the Posture of Defence, whereof the Major Part was wholly at the Devotion of Venus, and his complices. At the next Common-Council, upon reading the Orders of the last meeting, some of the Aldermen Protested against them; as having no thought, of either shuting out the Mayor, or making the Committee so absolute as they found the two Houses had done. Whereupon it was moved that the Houses might be Petitioned to reverse the Order. But that being carried in the Negative, Venus produces another Order for the adding of Skippon to the Committee for the Militia, which was carried without much Difficulty.  
The Court of Aldermen reflecting upon the Indignities cast upon the Mayor and Government of the City, 
The Government of the City affronted.  Petitioned the House apart from the Commons, that the Mayor and Sheriffs might be nominated of the Committee, but to no purpose; For they knew Sir Richard Gourny was a person of two much Honour and Loyalty, to comply with their Designs. After this Repulse, several of the most Eminent Citizens, both for Worth and Estates, Petitioned the Two Houses in their own Names for the Removal of That Scandal, but there was no relief to be had; and they were barbarously treated for their pains over and above. Sir George Benyon (to his Honour) as the framer and chief Promoter of that most reasonable Petition, was fined 3000l. Disfranchized in the City, never to bear Office in the Kingdom, to be Committed for two year to Colchester Goal, and at the end of the Term to give security for his good Behaviour. Methinks the bare Recital of This Inhuman Insolence should turn the Blood of every honest Citizen.  
This Committee was now become the masters of the Militia; 
The Tyranny of this Committee.  they removed Sir Richard Gourny, and put Pennington into his place; they make Ordinances to pass for Laws, and Rebellion, to be a point of Conscience, they persecute the Orthodox Clergy, Oppress their Fellow Citizens, and the whole Nation; and where they have not Credit to borrow. they make use of their Power to Take away, living upon the Spoil, without any regard to the Laws either of God or Man. And to show the world that as the Faction had subverted the Government of the City, so they intended to perpetuate the slavery: See as follows.  

Vicesimo Octavo, Februarii 1648. An Act of the Commons of England in Parliament Assembled, For Removing Obstructions in the Proceedings of the Common-Council of the City of London.  
THe Commons of England, in Parliament assembled, do Enact, and Ordain, and be it Enacted and Ordained by the Authority aforesaid, that in all times to come, the Lord Mayor of the said City of London, so often and at such time as any 10. or more of the Common-Council-men do by Writing under their hands, request or desire him thereunto, shall summon, assemble, and hold a Common-Council, and if at any time being so required or desired he shall fail therein, than the ten persons, or more making such request or desire, shall have Power, and are hereby Authorized by Writing under their hand, to summon or cause to be summoned, to the said Council, the Members belonging thereunto, in as ample manner as the Lord Mayor himself usually hath done, and that the Members appearing upon the same Summons, being of the Number of 40. or more, shall become a Common-Council. And that each Officer whose duty it shall be to warn in, and Summon the Members of the said Council, shall perform the same from time to time upon the Warrant or Command of ten persons or more so authorized as aforesaid: And it is further Enacted and Ordained, by the authority aforesaid, that in every Common-Council hereafter to be assembled, the Lord Mayor of the said City for the time being, or in his absence, such Locum tenens as he shall appoint, and in default thereof, the Eldest Alderman present if any be, and for want of such Alderman or in case of his neglect, or refusal therein, than any other person Member of the said Council whom the Commons present in the said Council shall choose, shall be from time to time Precedent or Chairman of the said Council; and shall cause and suffer all things offered to or proposed in the said Council to be fairly and orderly debated, Put to the Question, Voted, and Determined, in and by the same Council, as the Major part of the Members present in the said Council shall desire or think ●it; and in every Vote which shall pass, and in the other Proceedings of the said Council, neither the Lord Major nor Aldermen, joint, or Separate, shall have any negative or distinct Voice, or Vote, otherwise then with, and among, and as part of the rest of the Members of the said Council, and in the same manner as the other Members have, and that the absence and withdrawing of the Lord Major, or Aldermen from the said Council, shall not stop or prejudice the proceedings of the said Council. And that every Common-Council which shall be held in the City of London, shall sit vnd continue so long as the Major part of the Council shall think sit, and shall not be dissolved, or adjourned but by and according to the Order or Consent of the Major part of the same Council: And that all the Votes and Acts of the said Common-Council which was held 13 January last, after the departure of the Lord Mayor from the same Council, and also all Votes and acts of every Common Council hereafter to be held, shall be from time to time duly registered as the Votes and Acts of the said Council have used to be done, in time past. And be it further E●cted and Ordained by the Authority aforesaid, that every Officer which shall sit in the said Council, shall be from time to time chosen by the said Council, and shall have such reasonable allowance, or Salary, for his pains and service therein, as the Council shall think fit: And that every such Officer shall attend the said Common-Council, and that all Acts and Records and Register Books belonging to the said City, shall be extant, to be perused ●od▪ searched into by every Citizen of the said City, in the presence of the Officer who shall have the Charge of keeping thereof, who is hereby required to attend for the same purpose.  
Hen. Scobel. Cler. Parliament.   
Take notice, that the Vote of Common-Council in the Act above-recited, of Jan. 13. 1648. when the Lord Mayor went off, and dismissed the Court, was a Treasonous Vote, for the speedy bringing of the King to Justice.  
You have here the State of the New-modeled Government of 
How we were destroved, and  the City (and effectually of the whole Nation) together with the Methods of Hypocrisy and State that brought us into that miserable Condition. And what were they but Canting Sermons, Popular Petitions, Tumults, Associations, Impostures, and Disaffected Common-Councils? We have likewise set forth how these Advantages were gained, with their Natural Tendency to the Mischiefs they produced. And who were they that promoted and brought all these Calamities upon us, but men of desperate 
By whom.  Fortunes and Principles, Malcontents, broken Tradesmen, Cobblers, Thimble-makers, Dray-men, Ostlers, and a world of this sort of People, whose Names are every where up and down in the History of our late Consusions; Men of Ambition and Interest, and agreeing in nothing else but an United Disaffection both to Church and State. The contrivers of all these mischiefs (says his Late Majesty) know what overtures have been made by them; and 
Ex. Col. 534.  with what Importunity for Offices and Preferments; what great Services should have been done for us; and what other Undertake were (even to have saved the Life of the Earl of Strafford) if we would confer such Offices upon them. And Henry Martin very Honestly blurted it out, Apox▪ o your sniuling for Religion (says he) we fight for Liberty: And all their bawling to put other people out of Employment was only to get themselves In. Thus they went on till the Government was made a Prey to the Faction; and the deluded Multitude too late made sensible of their Errors.  
Methinks the People of England, after all this Experience, 
We must be mad to engage in New Troubles▪  should be both Wiser and Honester, then by treading the same steps over again, to re-engage themselves in the same Miseries and Crimes: Or if both Conscience and Common▪ Prudence▪ should have quite forsaken us, the very shame, methinks of being fooled over again the same way, should move us to bethink ourselves. Or if that very shame were lost too, it was so Base, so Scandalous a Servitude; we were Slaves to the Meanest of the Rabble: And our Masters were a greater Infamy to us then our Fetters; the very Ignominy cannot but work an Indignation in any thing that wears the Soul of an Englishman.  
This Paper and occasion will not bear the tracing of their Ingratitudes and Tyrannies at length; but in short, how barbarously 
The Factions Ingratitude.  did they treat even their Idolised House of Commons; their Assembly; nay their Covenanting Brethren the Scots; when they followed them from Newark even to their Borders with a body of Horse at their Heels? their General, and the Army that set them up: in a most Eminent manner the City of London, though (as the Faction ordered it) the very Nurse and Supportesse of the Rebellion.  
His Sacred Majesty can never forget by what means his Blessed 
The Methods of our Late Troubles fresh in our Memories.  Father was Murdered; nor the Bishops forget the abuse and Profanation of the Pulpits even to the Extirpating of the Holy Order; the Nobility and Gentry can never forget the Illusions that were put upon them under the Appearancee of Religion and Duty, by men that were void of both; neither certainly can the Common people forget how they were conjured into a Circle by Sermons, Petitions, and Covenants; whence there was no getting out again.  
We'll see a little of their Ingratitude now to the City of London; and whether They fared any better than other people. First 
Ungrateful to the City.  they stripped them of the Militia; then of their Charter and Priviliges; they turned their Government Topsy Turvy: Taxed, Disarmed, Imprisoned, and Plundered at pleasure; took down their Chains, and Posts, Quartered Soldiers upon them, Garrisoned the Tower, and several other places of the City; the Army Marching in Triumph through it, for the aggravation of their Slavery; they degraded the Lord Mayor Reynoldson, Fined him 2000l. and Committed him to the Tower, April 21. 48. for refusing to publish the Proclamation for Abolishing the Kingly Office: They threatened to set fire to the City, and lay it in the Dust, telling the Mayor and Aldermen, in a Letter about the beginning of Aug. 1647. that they were unable to defend either the Parliament or themselves; and demanding to have the City delivered into their hands; which was submitted to, upon Conditions, of relinquishing the Militia, and 11. Members, delivering up the Forts, and Tower of London, and all Magazines, and Arms therein, to the Army, disbanding their Forces, turning out all Reformades, and drawing off their Guards from the Parliament. In Walkers Hist. of Independency, these Particulars are to be seen at large. 
The Plot driven on Principally by Petitions.   
It is remarkable, that what other means soever were occasionally made use of, the Plot was still driven on, from First to Last, mainly by PETITIONS, but none were admitted on the Other side: For so soon as ever any Petition appeared that crossed the Factions ●nterest; (as in several Cases from the Agitators or the City of London) there was presently a strict enquiry after the Authors and Abettors of them, and the Design immediately crushed. They should have taken in the SUBSCRIBERS too, and Issued out a Commission of Enquiry, whether all the Marks, and Subscriptions, produced in the Names of so many 
A way to discover Counterfeits.  thousand Petitioners, were really the Acts, and Attestations of the Persons so Named, and what Arts and Menaces were made use of for their procurement. No unnecessary caution, even in our present Case, to distinguish the Sober, and well-meaning Subscribers, from the Fierce and Bloody Fifth-Monarchy men, and other Sects that hold affinity with them; It being notoriously known, that a Mark is set upon the Refusers by those Factions, who are the violent sticklers in this proceeding, which carries the face rather of an Intended Massacre, than a Petition. This will seem no uncharitable Construction, when I shall tell you what a Noble Lord said in the House of Peers, Dec. 19 42. 
Dutyful Children.  They cheerfully undertook (says he) to serve against that Army wherein they knew their Own Fathers were; and on my Conscience (says he) I speak it to their Honour had they met them▪ alone 〈◊〉 would have sacrificed them to the Commands of both Houses. And now you shall see their Piety expounded in another part of the same Speech. They (says he) who think that Human Laws can bind the 
A Dispensation for perjury  Conscience; and will examine the Oaths they have taken, according to the Interpretations of Men, will in time fall from us: but such who Religiously consider that such Moral Precepts are fi●ter for Heathens, then for Christians; will not faint in their Duty.  
To bring this Pamphlet to a Conclusion, we shall only say this further in justification of it, that it was written with a very Honest Intention; that the matter of Fact is partly upon Certain Knowledge, and partly upon the credit of very Warrantable Papers. The principal Scope of it was, to lay open the Mystery and Method of the Late Rebellion; and so to expose it, that the same Project, and Model may not be made use of for Another.  
The End.   

The CONTENTS.  
THe Liberties of Press and Pulpit. Pag. 5 A Deduction of the Late Troubles. P. 12 Of Popular Petitions. P. 18 Of Tumults. P. 22 Of Popular Oaths and Associations. P. 23 Of Plots, and Impostures. P. 26 How the Faction gained the Common-Council. P. 28   

Errata.  
PAge 15. line 11. after Covenants, read, Associations for the Factious, and in 〈◊〉, the Party. Ibid. l. 29. for Government, r. Governor. p. 21. l. 16. for be kept, r. keep. p. 22. l. 16. for Garnets', Garrets. p. 27. l. 31. for Absession, r. Obsession.  
Beside other Literal Faults Escaped in haste.