Truth and Loyalty VINDICATED, From the Reproaches and Clamours OF Mr. EDWARD BAGSHAW. TOGETHER WITH A Further Discovery of the LIBELER Himself, and his Seditious Confederates. By ROGER L'ESTRANGE. Ex Ore Tuo. LONDON; Printed for H. Brome, and A. Seile, and are to be sold at the Gun in Ivy-lane, and over against St. Dunstan's Church in Fleetstreet, June the 7 th'. 1662. TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE LORDS OF HIS MAJESTY'S Most Honourable Privy-Counsel. My LORDS, IF in Duty to his Majesty, I become Troublesome to your Lordships, I hope you will vouchsafe to Pardon so honest an Importunity: Especially considering the high Necessity of the Office, as to the Public; and the little Benefit he expects to reap by it, that Undertakes it. It is in Truth (My Lords) grown hazardous to Assert the Cause of the Late King; or the Authority of This, against the open, and professed Adversaries of Both: And they Proceed, as if the Act of Oblivion had only Bound the Hands of his Majesty's Friends, and left his Enemies Free. Which would not be, were but your Lordships duly Informed in the Matter; and That you may be so, is the Scope and Service I pretend to in This most humble Dedication. I Think (My Lords) it may be made appear, upon a Modest Calculation, that not so few as Two-Hundred-Thousand Seditious Copies have been Printed, since the blessed Return of his Sacred Majesty, (which being Exposed with Freedom, and Impunity, cannot fail to be Bought up with Greediness) To These may be added divers Millions of the Old Stock, which are Contrived and Penned with Accurate Care and Cunning, to Catch All Humours. What This Glut of Poisonous Libels may Produce, is submitted with Just Reverence to your Lordship's Wisdom; for I presume not to make a Judgement, but barely to Offer an Information: Wherein, (as the fairest Evidence of my Respect and Duty) I shall be as short and plain as possibly the Case will bear. The late War is (in Terms) Justified against the Late King; Pag. 57 and His Majesty Charged as an Overthrower of Religion, Parliaments, Laws, and Liberties. Several Counterfeit Prodigies Applied, Pag. 58. as Portents of Revolts; Persecutions; Casting off Kings; And in fine, the Drift of the whole Book tends Chief to Predict the Dissolution of the English Monarchy, and Episcopacy. The Totall Extirpation of Bishops (under the Title of Sons of Belial) is Recommended, Pag. 59 in Mr. Manton his Publication of Smectymnuus. The King's Supreme Authority in Matters Ecclesiastical, is absolutely disclaimed, Pag. 60. and the People are Encouraged to Oppose the Imposers of Ceremonies, as Adversaries of the Truth. The Power of the Two Houses is Asserted in Coordination with the King. Pag. 62. Harrison, Carew, Ibid. etc. are called the Servants of Christ: Their Cause, Christ's Cause; and the Murder of the late King is reported as the most Noble, Pag. 63. and High Act of Justice that our Story can Parallel. I●id. The King's Judges, and Counsel, together with the Jury that Sat upon John James, are Charged with thirsting after His Blood. I●id. His Majesty is Reviled and Menaced for his Proclamation against Conventicles. For Opposing These Insolences, and Defending the King's Rights, His Cause, and Government (without ever receiving any Pretence to a Reply) I have been Twice Libelled (by Mr. Edward Bagshaw) as Cromwel's Spy, Pag. 34. and a Person Infamous both for Condition, and Morality. My Lords, I dare not Beg, but I do secretly Wish, that he may be called to make it Good; which I the rather do, because the Latter of the Two was Tendered to your Lordships as My Character; But Principally, for the Consequence: For if it comes to That once, That (in a time of Peace) a Man cannot be Loyal, but at the Hazzard of his Life and Honour; and that it becomes more Safe, and Beneficial to be Guilty, then to be Innocent, I do m●st Dutifully remit the Rest to your Lordships: Humbly Beseeching You (My Lords) to receive This further Advertisement concerning Mr. Bagshaw. He denies the King's Supremacy; Pag. 11. and Animates the Subject against it. Affirming [That God has not Committed unto the Magistrate, but to his Son, the Government of His Church, even in the Outward Polity:] That the Command renders a Thing, in itself Innocent, utterly Unlawful.] He makes the King an Usurper.] An Idolater. Pag. 12. ] An Impious Pretender. Pag. 14. ] He calls the Praelation of Bishops, an undue, and Antichristian Dignity.] He Infers His Majesty either no King, Pag. 15. or no Christian.] He is Peremptory, Pag. 16. That the King is Singulis Minor, and, that the People may Depose him.] Fixum Ratumque habeatur, Pag. 17. Populi Semper esse debere Supremam Majestatem.] Having exposed These Particulars, with several of the Authors, and Publishers of them, Referring to the Pages of the Ensuing Discourse; I shall leave before your Lordship's Feet This Humble Testimony of my Desires to serve the King. Wherein, if I have done Amiss, I Submit; if Otherwise, I have done but my Duty: Which obliges me to Live and Die, with an Unspotted, and Inviolable Faith toward his Sacred Majesty; keeping myself also within Those Terms of Modesty, and Veneration, which may become My LORDS, Your Lordship's Most Obedient Servant, Roger L'Estrange. The preface. I Have no Ambition to get myself a Name by a Dispute with Mr. Bagshaw, and (in effect) This way of Wrangling, is but a putting of it to the Question, Which is the finer Fool, the Plaintiff, or the Defendant? Yet in regard that in This Case, the Public, and my Particular appear so Complicated, that as I Suffer for That, so That likewise is Wounded through Me; (for 'tis the King is Struck at, in his Loyal Subjects, and They are only Persecuted, as the Bar betwixt Authority, and Rebellion) I hold it but a Modest and Discreet Justice not to divide in the Defence, what Faction and Malice have united in the Scandal. This being Resolved upon; The Course I mean to take with Bagshaw's late Rhetorical Libel, (obtruded upon the World in form of a Letter to my Lord Chancellor) is to Report him Word for Word, and then to Examine, First his Pretended Loyalty; and after That, his Bold and Scurrilous Defamations. Pag. 10, 11, 12, 16, 17. For want of Softer Words, I must make use of Schism, Sedition, Treason, etc. All which are proved against him under his own Hand. Touching the Libellous part, I leave it so clear, that I defy his greatest Adorers to be my Judges. The Greatness of His mind (we must Imagine) would never have stooped to so low an Ebb of Baseness, Pag. 46. as to have brought a Fiddle under his Cloak for a Recommendation to Oliver. (as he says L'Estrange did) See now This Miserable Snake licking the very Dust at the Feet of Bradshaw. Pag. 53. The Measure of his Conduct, and Veracity; may be taken from his Frequent and Ill-menaged Contradictions. For the Purity of his Style, I refer the Reader to Pages 34, 35, & 36. But the Story of his Life, and Manners, I'll keep for a Reserve; for I am loath to overly him at once. This is a quick and Homely Method, to Say, and Prove all in a Breath; and I ask no further Credit to This Paper, then is due to the Evidence which goes along with it: So that hereafter, no man that is not a Professed Enemy to the King; the Church; Nay, Government it self; Truth; Modesty; and Discretion; must ever own himself a Friend to Mr. Bagshaw. Yet after all, never were Cause and Advocate better Suited. When I have laid his Imposture as Naked as Truth itself, I do intent so far to Oblige him, as to show the World, in a further Discovery of Seditious Persons, and Papers, that Mr. Bagshaw is not the only Enemy the King has. I do expect that he shall thank me too, for sparing him in his Character; which even read at the Bar, would make a Judge Blush upon the Bench; and shake the Faith of a Good Christian to see a Person of That Marque in the Pulpit. But this is to Proclaim Daylight, and tell the World what every Body knows already. In fine, Excesses and Revile are Familiar with Him; and He that wonders to see Mr. Bagshaw, for, or against Any thing, may as well take the Changes of the Moon for Miracles. To the Right Honourable Edward Earl of Clarendon, Lord High Chancellor of England, etc. Right Honourable, I Am so much a Stranger to your Lordship, that I believe the subscribing my Name, will but little benefit your Lordship's knowledge of me; EDWARD BAGSHAW, Pag. 1. and the cause about which I writ, being merely the clearing of myself, is of so p●tty concernment, that I am afraid, in stead of procuring your Lordship's good opinion, it may expose me to your Censure; and though I purge myself from all other my supposed Crimes, Which he neither does nor ca●. yet the very undertaking to trouble your Lordship with a matter so much below you, may render me guilty of a very transcendent presumption. But, my Lord, since none who is made so considerable as to be reputed dangerous, can be too mean to appear in his own just defence; and since your Lordship hath already suffered your Goodness so much to be wrought upon, as in a manner to condem● me unheard; and seem to conceive of me, as I have been lately represented, for a direct enemy unto the Church, and but meanly affected to the State; I thought it necessary, if for no other respect, yet for the sake of ●ruth (which always suffers in the Oppression of any one of her followers) to remove your Lordship's mistakes; and by making a kind of Public confession of my Faith, to vindicate myself from those suspicions, which if well grounded, would render me not only incapable of Preferment (the want of which I shall never complain of) but likewise unworthy of any Protection.] TRUTH and LOYALTY, etc. BEhold the Prologue to Mr. Bagshaw's Pretended Vindication; who, it seems, R. L'S. has been lately Represented to my Lord Chancellor for an Enemy both of Church and State. 'Tis a great Truth; and L'Estrange is the Person that has so Represented him, and This Paper is to make good That Charge. I am not Ignorant, that in laying him Open, I do but crush a Punaise, and raise a Stink, to avoid an Importunity: yet since that beastly work is (for once) necessary in order to my Quiet; I shall first, for my Credit's sake, show the World by what unlucky Chance we came acquainted. In Jan. last, was Printed a Discourse, entitled, The Bishop of Worcester's Letter to a Friend, for Vindication of himself from Mr. Baxter 's Calumny. The Right Reverend Bishop, having by undeniable Proofs, and unanswerable Arguments, put the Case past all possibility of a Rational Reply, was soon after assaulted by a Libel: bearing for Title, Animadversions on the Bishop of Worcester's Letter. It was Dated Jan. 21. and Subscribed D. E. In This Pamphlet, finding not only the Person of the Bishop ill-Treated, but the King's Authority tacitly Disclaimed, and That of the Church more directly Vilifyed, I thought it my duty to endeavour something in their Defence; which I did, and (while my Papers were yet in in the Press) D. E. casts out a Second Libel (Animadversions still, but with This Addition— [With an Answer to all that L'S intends to write.] It was as foul as Malice, and Forgery could make it; and in fine, though it passed without contradiction abroad, that D. E. and Edward Bagshaw were one and the same Person; yet would it not sink into My Thought, that it was possible for a Minister of the Gospel, to be Guilty of so great a Scandal to Christianity; or for one that calls himself a Chaplain to a Privy-counselor, to become an Advocate for Sedition: Till at length, I retrived the Printer, (one Hays in Woodstreet) who ingenuously confessed upon Examination, that they were done by the Order, and direction of Mr. Bagshaw, and that he delivered five hundred Copies of each, into Mr. Bagshaw's own hand, in the house of the Earl of Anglesy. This Discovery was it, that gave me the first Knowledge of Mr. Bagshaw; and That too, but of his Humour; for to this hour, I cannot say, I have ever seen his Person. Having, in the first place, asserted the Public, I thought it some Right to my own Particular, to make some search into the Character of my rude Adversary. Some of his Soberest Excesses I took notice of in my Memento, but the Gentleman, finding it Easier to Calumniate L'Estrange, then to Defend Bagshaw, (without returning a Syllable to the Particulars there Charged upon him, and under pretext merely of clearing himself) throws out his Vomit against Me; and with a Sauciness, suited to his Rage, and Folly, he Dedicates the Unsavoury Pamphlet to my Lord Chancellor. His Preamble we have had already, and now follows his Vindication. [B] TO begin therefore with that which makes the loudest noise in the World, and that is, a supposal that I am no friend to Bishops; E. B. Pag. 2. & 3. De Presbytery & Episcopis, Pref. to the Great Question, etc. I need say no more in justification of myself than what I have already asserted, not only in my Latin Dissertation upon that Subject, but likewise in the Preface to that very Book which first begat the suspicion— I then said, that I was a strict observer of the Doctrine of the Church of Engla●d, as it was contained in the thirty nine Articles (as my several Treatises against * Discourse about Jesus and the Resurrection. Atheism, † Dissertationes Anti-Socinianae. Socinianism, * Treatise of God's Decrees. Arminianism, and † Treatise against the Pope's infallibility. The Reverend and Learned Bishop Brownrigge on Nov 3. An. 1659. Popery do witness) and for that which is the prime branch of Discipline, viz. Episcopacy, or the subordination between Bishops and Presbyters; I do own it to be of Apostolical Institution, that is, as I understand it, Jure Divino; at least I think I am able to say as much for the Order of Bishops in the Church, as any can for the Baptising of Infants, for the change of the Sabbath, for Tithes, or for any thing else, which hath no particular Divine Precept, but only Primitive practice and example to warrant it. And therefore in conformity to this Principle of mine, when the Bishops were sunk lowest not only for Pomp, but likewise for Reputation; and when no temptation either of profit or convenience, but rather the contrary, could work upon me, I then chose to be Ordained by one of them; which is sufficient Argument of my reality and steadfastness. This, my Lord, was my Judgement then, and bating the words Jure Divino, (which unless they be taken in a limited and restrained sense, are more than the Cause will hear, because there is no mention of Bishops as a distinct order in Scripture) is my judgement still, for though I know that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or an ambitious affectation of Primacy, and all manner of Lordliness is to be avoided by Church-officers, yet I could never see any reason why there might not as well be different places and degrees for the Rulers of the Church; as it is evident there is difference of gifts, and great disparity of endowments: So that for the Order of Bishops, as chosen by, and ●uling with ●heir Presbyters, and by consent acting in an eminent way of Power, I acknowledge it to be a Primitive usage, and accordingly I have been, and am likely always to prove an Asserter of them. Having thus cleared myself from that, which because of your Lordship's great Devotion to the Church of England in its present Constitution, was most likely to prejudice me in your Lordship's thoughts, etc. ALl This is but Edward against Bags●aw; and Both against Episcopacy. R. L'S. The man is a Friend (it seems) to Bishops, but an Enemy to Praelates. He is against an Ambitious Affectation of Primacy; (he says) and so are We; but not against the Modest Exercise of it. He is for a Bishop chosen by, and ruling with his Presbyters: But We are for a Bishop ruling his very Presbyters. In short, here's the whole Difference: Mr. Bagshaw is for a Titular; We are for an Authoritative; He for a Presbyterian Bishop, and the Church of England for an Apostolical. Yet has This Gentleman the Face to talk as if he had Cleared himself to the Church of England, in its present Constitution, when yet, in the same Page, he has Declared himself point-blank against it. Marque now his Preface to the Great Question, etc. and how he Shuffles in his Appeal to Himself. He writes himself a strict Observer of the Doctrine, etc. What's This to Discipline; or Things Indifferent? (which are the Subject Matter of his Discourse); Nay, for the Prime Branch of Discipline, viz. Episcopacy; (which in Truth, is rather the Root of it) he does own a Subordination between Bishops and Presbyters to be Jure Divino, etc.— But when he comes to Limit and Restreyn his Ju● Divinum; and bring down his Subordination to a Consocial Power; What's the Result of his Pretence, but either a Presbyterian Episcopacy, or an Episcopal Presbytery? He pleads further for Himself, that he was Ordained by a Bishop, even when Bishops were at Lowest, both for Pomp, and Reputation; and when no Temptation, either of Profit, or Convenience, could work upon him. First, Mr. Bagshaw's Say are no Articles of Faith; and from a man so exceedingly addicted to speak more than he can Prove, This blank Affirmation is but a very slender Evidence that he was ever Ordained at all. But suppose he was, and by Bishop Brownrigge, on Nou. 3. An. 1659. Were Bishops then at Lowest, when the whole Nation was in a Flame, for the Restoring of the Ancient Government? Oliver was now Dead,— Richard, laid aside; The Honourable, my Lord BRADSHAW (Mr. B's adored Patron) newly Departed: and the Duke of Albemarle (than General Monck) was already advanced into England with his Army to oppose the Faction. Why does he not urge his Dedication to Bradshaw, and his Dissertation, De Monarchiâ A●solutâ (Both in 1659. too) as Arguments also of his good Inclination to the Civil Government? Upon the Matter; if he was Ordained; it was Manifestly his Interest, and not any Affection to the Church that Led him to it; as may appear from several Irreverent Expressions in the same Preface, against both the Authority, and Constitutions of it. A greater Argument (says he) of my Reality, Preface to the Great Question. and Steadfastness in Judgement, than most of Those, who now signalise themselves by distinctive Habits, can pretend to; since such may reasonably be presumed to wear them, either because they are the Fas●ion, or else the way to Preferment. And a little Lower [Ceremonies are so very Trifles, Ibid. that they would vanish of Themselves; but that s●me men's Pride, Others want of Merit, make them so solicitous to continue them.] Mr. B. must be understood here, either of the Imposers of These Distinctive Habits, and Ceremonies, or of the Conformers to Those Impositions: If of the Former, he Derides the Authority; if of the Latter, he reproaches their Obedience. Decl. Eccles. Aff. pag. 15. The King Himself is pleased to own a high Esteem and Reverence for Ceremonies. Nay, and Expressly to Enjoin the use of the Surplice, in his Chappel-Royal, Cathedral, or Collegiate Churches, and in the Colleges of either University. I hope This is not Pride or want of Merit in his Majesty. But Mr. Bagshaw tells us, [That none can Impose what our Saviour in his Infinite Wisdom did not think Necessary, Pref. to the Great Question. and therefore left Free.] That is; the King in This Injunction, has done more than he can Justify. Now see his Kindness to the Civil Government. [C] E. B. Pag. 3. I Shall next give an Account of my inclination to the Civil Government; and though I can make it appear, that during our late Confusions, I passed my Life with so much innocence, and so little compliance to the then usurping Powers, that not one Public Action I did but is capable of a fair and Equitable Plea; yet since an Act of Indemnity and Oblivion is already passed, I think it my Duty so far to comply with his Majesty's intention in granting that Act, as not to mention any thing, how defensible soever, which he hath commanded should be utterly forgotten.] R. L'S. SInce Mr. B. is so Frank as to proclaim the Equity of his Past Actions, we'll take a Freedom to Examine some of them; and this may be done, without any Violence to the Act of Oblivion. So far as they are warrantable, there's no danger in the Enquiry; and where they are Other, his Justifying Now what he did Then, is a New Crime. So that I fear, this Gentleman will find he has overshot himself, in affirming that not One Public Action he has done, during our Late Confusions, but is Capable of a Fair, and Equitable Plea. [D] E. B. Pag. 3. & 4. TO give therefore my pre●ent sense, I can sincerely profess, that I have not only a Loyal, but a most Affectionate esteem for his Majesty's Person and Government; for since, besides the general obligation of a Subject, I am bound by my Religion to prise Gratitude above all things, I could not be just, should I not most earnestly desire the happiness of that Prince, ☞ unto whose single endeavours I own both my Civil and Religious Liberty; for he must needs be a very great stranger in this our Israel, who doth not acknowledge, that his Majesty's Personal and passionate interposing did confirm our Indemnity, and his most pious and unequalled Declaration hath sufficiently evidenced, that he is not unwilling ●o indulge the utmost extent of sober and Christian Liberty; which are expressions of so much goodness, in the midst of so great Power, and after so many provocations, that he hath not the heart of a Man, much less of a Christian, who doth not always preserve a thankful remembrance of them; I am sure they are so deeply impressed upon me, that if in any writing of mine there be so much as a word, which can be wrested to the lessening of his Majesty's JUST Authority, I entreat your Lordship to take notice that I do hereby utterly disown it, ☜ as being directly contrary to my Professed Principles, which lead me to no one point of outward practice more strictly, than an exact and punctual obedience unto his Majesty's Commands. MR. Bagshaw's Confession of his majesty's Mercy, R. L'S. does but aggravate the Sin of his Abusing it: which that he has done to the height of Ingratitude, and Disloyalty, shall be made good against him by the Testimony of his own hand. And yet, if in any Writing of His, there ●e so much as a Word, which can be wrested to the Lessening of his Majesty's JUST Authority, he utterly disowns it, as ●eing directly contrary to his Professed Principles. His Majesty's JUST Authority, is but a Covenant-Salv●; and in His account so small, that it can scarce be Lessened. But if it shall appear, that he not only Lessens, but totally Rejects it; will his Disowning serve his Turn? May not a Thief make the same Plea at the Gallows? Have not I Professed myself to be an Honest man? and Stealing is contrary to my Professed Principles. Did not the Murderers of the Late King plead Duty, and Religion? In short; if Mr. Bagshaw will disown every thing that i● Contrary to his Profession, having Professed for, and against every thing, he must own nothing. [E] I Must confess, that ever since I became a Christian, which stile I do not own, either to my Birth, or Education; E. B. Pag 4 & 5. (having then sensibly experimented the great difficulty of believing) I always doubted whether the Magistrates Power did properly extend to things of a Religious Concernment; and accordingly I handled that point, while it was Res Int●gra, and before ever there was any ●ear of Imposing: But since the Parliament 〈◊〉 have decided that Controversy, and put the matter out of Question, I think myself, not only discharged from meddling with it, but likewise concluded by what I have already declared, which was in these very words; That though for the present, I make use of that Indulgence, which His Majesty hath been pleased to allow unto Tender Consciences, Preface to the Great Question, etc. that is, to all Rational and Sober Christians (the continuance of which, I dare not so much wrong His Majesty's Goodness, as once to question) yet should his Majesty be prevailed upon, for some Reason of State, to enjoin outward Conformity; I am resolved, by the help of God, either to submit with cheerfulness, or else to suffer with silence. For as there is an Active Disobedience, which is, to Resist; so there is a Passive Disobedience, and that is, to Repine; neither of which I can by any means approve of; since whatever I cannot conscientiously do, I think myself obliged to suffer for, with as much joy, and with as little resistance, as if any other Act of Obedience were called for from me. I may perhaps be too partial to myself, but certainly in general I may pronounce, that whoever preserves this Temper, let his Judgement be what it will, in reference to Ceremonies, yet he cannot be supposed incompatible with ways of Public safety: since he that quietly suffers the Penalty of any Law, I mean, where it is a Law mee●ly of outward Order, doth as really fulfil the intent of it, as he that actually performs all its Injunctions; for such kind of Obedience doth argue a more than ordinary degree of Love, and that, in the Apostles sense, is the fulfilling of the Law. And without speaking any thing in my own Commendation, my silence under my Illegal exclusion from my place in Christs-Church, and my late voluntary forsaking a Living I was possessed of, that I might prevent any possibility of seeming to disobey Public Authority, do●h sufficiently proclaim the peaceableness of my Temper.] WHereas Mr. Bags●aw affirms, that there was no fear of Imposing when he wrote against it: R. L'S. I say, that at That time, Decl. Eccles. Aff. Pag. 14. his Majesty had already declared an Uniformity Necessary; he had Proposed, Promised, and Resolved upon it. Whereas (in his Preface to the Great Question) he pretends only to make use of his Majesty's Indulgence; I say, that in the same Discourse, he does Notoriously, and Seditiously, a●use it: which shall be Cleared, when we come to compare the Liberties he takes, with his Sacred Majesty's Concessions: where we shall prove likewise, that Mr. bagshaw's Opinions are utterly Incompatible with ways of Public Safety. Touching his Illegal Exclusion from Christ-Church, which in the Preface to his Necessity and Use of Heresies, he tells us was for no Reason at all, that he knew of, unless for the Impartial, and unbiased Discovery of his Judgement about Indifferent or rather Doubtful things in Religious Worship; Observe his Ingenuity. He writes Student of Christ-Church, and yet confesses himself thrown out of the College: But he knows not Why, (he says), unless for his Judgement about Indifferent things. Whereas he does know Why; and that he was Outed according to the usual custom, Two Mistakes. having a Benefice of a value too great to consist with his Student's place; and the customary indulgence of a year of grace was granted him, and expired long before his Ejectment. There were in Truth Other Ungracious, and sufficient Provocations to his Exclusion, but the Inconsistence of his Student's place with his Living, was the Main. This Edward Bagshaw has a Brother indeed, who at This present is a Student of Christ-Church; and by Report, an Ingenious, Loyal, and Deserving Person. I speak This, to the End that the Reader may Distinguish the Sheep from the Goat. My Adversary has now perfected his Defence, and proved himself (as he would persuade the world) a Dutyful Son of the Church, and a Loyal Subject to his Majesty. I'm still of opinion, that he is a great Enemy to Both; that his Condemnation is written with his own hand, and that Mr. Bagshaw pronounces Sentence upon Himself. In his Second Part of Things Indifferent, etc. Pag. 20. he does acknowledge that his Majesty's Pious, Memorandum. and Unequalled Declaration, hath already indulged as much Liberty, as any Sober-minded Christian can pretend to: So that if He takes more Liberty than That Declaration Indulges him, he is by his own Confession, no Sober-minded Christian. We are very glad to find, (says his Majesty) that all with whom we have conferred, The King's Decl. Eccl. Af●. Pag. 14. do in their Judgement approve a Liturgy, or Set-form of Public Worship to be Lawful; which in Our Judgement, for the preservation of Unity, and Uniformity, we conceive to be very Necessary.] Now hear Mr. Bags●aw in opposition to This. E. B. Great Question. Pa. 2. Bowing at the Name of Jesus, the Cross in Baptism, Pictures in Churches, Surplices in Preaching, Kneeling at the Sacrament, Set-forms of Prayer, and the like,— I hold it utterly unlawful for any Christian Magistrate to impose the use of them. Every National Church, with the Approbation and Consent of the Sovereign Power, The King, Ibid. Pag. 15. may, and hath always, introduced such particular Ceremonies, as in ●hat conjuncture of time are thought most proper for edification, and the necessary improvement of Piety and Devotion in the People, though the necessary practice thereof cannot be deduced from Scripture. Ibid. That which before was, and in itself is indifferent, ceases to be Indifferent, after it is once established by Law. Ibid. Pag. 17. For the use of the Surplice, We are contented that all men be left to their Liberty, etc. Provided, that This Liberty do not extend to Our own Chapel, Cathedral, or Collegiate Churches, or to any College in either of Our Universities, etc. We see here his Majesty's Opinion of the Use and End of Ceremonies. The Power of Imposing them: That Indifferent Things when Established by a Law, Cease to be Indifferent. We find likewise the use of the Surplice positively Enjoined by his Majesty in his own Chapel, etc. Observe now with what Reverence Mr. Bagshaw treats the King, in point of Judgement, Authority, and Practice. E. B. Great Question, Pa. 5. When once Humane Inventions become Impositions, and lay a Necessity upon that, which God hath left Free; then may we lawfully reject them, as Plants of Man's setting and not of Gods owning. Is not This a flat Contradiction upon his Majesty; and a Seditious Doctrine to the People? So long as a thing is left Indifferent, Ibid. Pag. 9 though there be some suspicion of Superstition in it, we may lawfully practise it, as Paul did Circumcision; but when any shall take upon them to make it Necessary, than the thing so imposed presently loses not its Liberty only, bu● likewise i●● Lawfulness; and we may not, without Breach of the Apostles Precept, su●mit unto it: because we thereby do own; that those whose Injunctions we obey, had a Power to Impose; and so by assenting, we become A●etters and promoters of their Usurpation.] Here he makes the King an Usurper, and Preaches Damnation upon Obedience. The smaller the thing imposed is, Ibid. Pag. 1●. the more is our Christian Liberty invaded, and consequently the more injurious and sinful is its Imposition. The Ceremonies in question, E. B. Pref. to theSecond Part of the Great Question. are by many thought to be as contrary to the Law of God, as they had reason to think the Covenant was to the Law of the Land. The Magistrate hath no power to impose things doubtful and disputable upon the practice of any in the Service of God; Part. 2. Pag. 3. and therefore it cannot be lawful for any, to obey him; when he so imposes. God has not committed unto Christian Magistrates, Ibid. Pag. 8. but unto his Son, the Government of his Church, and that in the Outward Polity, as well as in the Inward Purity of it. God is sole Lord of the Conscience, and his Honour is Then given to another, Ibid. when by submitting to them [Magistrates] we seem in Part at least, to acknowledge that they have Power to Impose. That the Magistrate either hath power to prescribe Religious Rites, or, that if he doth prescribe, Ibid. Pag. 12. we ought to submit to him, neither That, [Rom. 13.] nor any other Text of Scripture doth evince. When a Ceremony comes to be urged and pressed, beyond the bounds of things Indifferent, Ibid. Pag. 1●. here though no Doctrine be mentioned; yet there is a Doctrine couched under it, and that is this which I have been all this while speaking against, That the Magistrate hath power to impose in Religious Worship. So that when things doubtful come upon that score to be obtruded, we must resolutely refuse to do them, lest we should seem to own and assent unto the Doctrine. The Clogs of Pretended Decency, but indeed Antichristian Tyranny. Ibid. Pag. 20. Satan ●rought in Superstition, Will-worship, and Idle-Ceremonies, E. B. Necessity and Use of Heresies, Pag. 8. E. B. Animad. upon the Bishop of Worst. Letter, Pag. 8. E. B. Signs of the Times, Pag. 21. under pretence of Christian Decency, and Order. We may Lawfully refuse to submit unto such Impositions as God hath no where commanded. This Precept against Idolatry is broken, not only when Images are erected, and Divine Honour given to them, ●ut also when we have Inventions and devices of our own to adorn, as we think, but indeed to adulterate the W●rs●ip of God. I●id. Pag. 22. God does so much disdain to have his Worship squared by men's Models, that he will root up all such Impious Pretenders, who by giving way to their own Imaginations, do secretly tax the Goodness of God, as if he were not Holy and Wise enough in his own Appointments. For let men say and use what fine distinctions they please, it will at last be found, that all such self-devised Forms, though they are not so gross and palpable; yet have every whit as much of the Nature and Spirit of Idolatry in them, as the open Adoration of Images. What use Mr. Bags●aw has made here of the King's Mercy, let any flesh, that has but Common Sense, determine. Consider now the Scope, the Limit, and express Condition, of his Sacred Majesty's Indulgence. Our Pre●ent Consideration and work, is to gratify the Private Consciences of those who are grieved with the use of some Ceremonies, Decl. Eccl. Aff. Pag. 15. & 16. by Indulging to, and Dispensing with, their Omitting those Ceremonies; not utterly to abolish any which are Established ●y Law; which would be unjust, and of ill example.] In this Concession, his Majesty only suspends the Strictness of the Law, and Mr. Bagshaw peremptorily concludes against the Equity, and Authority of it. The King gives Mr. Bagshaw leave to forbear Ceremonies; and Mr. Bagshaw denies the King leave to Impose them. The End of This Indulgence was for the Relief, and Quiet of Tender Consciences; and Mr. Bagshaw Employs it to the perplexing, and ensnaring of them. In fine; his Majesty applies This Dispensation, but to the Omitting of Ceremonies; and Mr. Bagshaw extends it to the Damning, and Forbidding of them. See now the Condition of his Majesty's Grace and Mercy in This Declaration exhibited. We hope, and Expect, that all men will henceforward forbear to bend any such Doctrine in the Pulpit, Decl. Eccl. Asf. Pag. 19 or to endeavour to work in such manner upon the Affections of the People, as may dispose them to an ill opinion of Us, and the Government, and to disturb the Peace of the Kingdom, etc.— No man shall be Disquieted or called in question for Differences of Opinion in matters of Religion, Ibid. Pag. 5. which do not disturb the Peace of the Kingdom, etc. Does it not dispose the People to think Ill of his Majesty, and Government, for Mr. Bagshaw to deny his Authority Royal? (in denying the Magistrates Power of Imposing) To reproach him as an Impious pretender, and to presage that ●e s●all be rooted up: To charge him with Idolatry, and Usurpation? etc.— Can any Opinions be more hazardous to the Public Peace, than Those that dissolve the very Order and Relation of Government: teaching that the mere Command of a thing in itself Lawful, renders the Magistrate Criminal, and the Obedience Sinful? If the Publishing, and Inculcating of The●e Doctrines be not Dangerous, I have no more to say: But if it be, I am to seek for Mr. Bagshaw's Interest in the King 's Declaration; which yet, by his own Confession, h●● Indulged as much Liberty as any Sober-minded Christian can pretended to. A little of his Kindness now to the Order of Bishops. Letter of Animadversions, Pag. 2. Ibid. Pag. 5. Mr. B. calls the Praelation of Bishops, an Undue, and (as some think) Antichristian Dignity. A Bishop is but one Minister, and ought not to silence his Fellow-Minister: If by Arguments he can, 'tis well, but not by Authority.] That is; the Bishop of Wor'ster ought not to have Silenced the Bishop of Kidderminster. (Mr. Baxter) Would it not hold thus? The King is but one Man, and ought not to Impose upon his Fellow-man. This we shall show by and by to be his Position, as to the Civil Government. I perceive Mr. B. has but mean thoughts of Prelates, and Ceremonies; What's his Opinion of Churches? [When the Public Duties are ended, the Place is as Common (I mean as to any Special Holiness) as That Mount was when the Trumpet ceased from sounding. E. B. Brief Treatise, etc. Pag. 23. Exod. 19.13. ] He thinks to save himself now with his Parenthesis, but there's no Comment upon his Oracles, like his own Explication of himself. This Gentleman being Catechist-Reader in Oxford, reads his Lectures in the Church with his Hat on: and being admonished of it as a thing very unusual, and disallowed, he reads his next Lecture Uncovered, and gives This Reason for what he had done before: That he did not Idolise Fabriques', ☞ but thought himself free to use any Posture in the Church which he might in his Chamber. That is, the Posture of a Tumbler, or a Jack-Pudding; for every man is Free to choose his Posture. Were it not a Spectacle to move Devotion, to see a full Congregation, and every man making a several Face, in a several Posture? Methinks That's a strange Religion, that can better digest an Antique in the Church, than a Ceremony. But Mr. Bagshaw is of so singular a Caprice, that by Fits he'll talk a little oddly even of God himself. [As we set Traps to catch Vermin, E. B. Necessity and Use of Heresies, Pag. 8. so God appoints Heresies to ensnare arrogant and self-presuming, or Viticus and Self-defiling men.] I suppose it sufficiently Proved that the Church of England has a sure Friend of Edward Bagshaw Student of Christ-church; We are now to see what he says to the Civil Power. No man more satisfied with the Present Government, Pref. to the Great Quest. or that hath a more Loyal and Affectionate esteem for his Majesty's Person and Prudence.] And in his Animadversions, [A Passionate Lover both of the King's Person and Government. Pag. 2. ] In his late Letter to my Lord Chancellor he professes to have [not only a Loyal, Pag. 3. but a most Affectionate esteem for his Majesty's Person and Government.] Nay, Ibid. [so Innocently has he behaved himself during our late Confusions, that he has not done any one Public Action, which is not Capable of a fair and equitable Plea.] If Mr. Bagshaw can do as he says, Mr. Bagshawes' Loyalty. let him show a fair and equitable Plea for Affirming, that there is no Monarchy but what is Unchristian: That the Universality of the People may depose the Prince; and for stating the Supreme Authority of England to be in the People. All which is done in his Dissertatio Politica De Monarchiâ Absolutâ; Printed in 1659. and Applied to the Republican Juncto, as a Hint for a Commonwealth, when all Honest men were endeavouring the Recovery of the King. Monarchia A●soluta est Christiano Illicita, (says he) An Absolute Monarchy is not a Government for Christians; De Mon. Abs. Pag. 6. Ibid. Pag. 16. and for a Mixed Monarchy, he says, that there never either was, or can be any such thing, [nec fuisse unquam, aut esse p●sse] by which Dilemma, his Sacred Majesty is rendered either no King, or no Christian. Now for a Pretty Position. Ibid. P. 6. & 7. Coercenda est omnis Impotens Dominatio, quod in Imagine Dei Infimus quisque non minus ac ipse Princeps, sit Creatus, & easdem secum in Pectore gestet Divinitatis Notas.] i. e. All Unruly, ☞ and Domineering Power ought to be Curbed; for the Beggar bears the Image of God, as well as the Prince. Mr. Bagshaw should be Instructed to distinguish betwixt a Divine Impression, Common (without Distinction) to Reasonable Nature; and the Particular Dispensations of Providence in the Order and Regiment of Humane Societies. Mr. Bagshaw may pretend to be made after God's Image, but I can hardly take him for God's Vicegerent; and here's the Difference betwixt Infimus and Princeps. In another place. Ibid. Pag 9 Qui Potestate summâ praediti sunt, impios poenis coercere, & Bonos Praemiis afficere debent: quod nisi praestent, non amplius Dei Ministri sunt sed sui; nec digni retinere diutius istud Imperium, quod tam male administrant. Detrahere autem Indigno Magistratum etsi Privati non debeant, U●iverfis Mi●or. Populus tamen universus quin possit, nemo, opinor, dubitabit; cum Privati quidem solius Publici causa lege teneantur, at populo universo nulla lex est suâ Salute & Commodo potior.] When Kings neglect Reward and Punishment, They are no longer Gods Ministers, but serve themselves; and deserve to loaf that Power which they Menage so ill, yet is it not for Private Persons to Depose a Wicked Governor, But that the Universality of the People may lawfully do it, I think no body questions. Private Men being only subjected to Laws for the Publ●●ue Good, which Public Good is itself the Supreme Law. Again, Monarchia Mixta nihil est aliud quàm aut Aristocratia aut Democratia Imperfecta; Ibid. Pag. 14. Illa enim sive Senatus, sive Populi Authoritas, quae Monarchia●●iscet h. e. ita Temperate, ut fines ei & Terminos praescribat, planè tollit Monarchiam, quae nisi Absoluta sit, nulla est; & ea potestate prorsus inferior à qua limits & Metam accipit.] i. e. A Mixed Monarchy is nothing but an Imperfect Aristocracy, or Democracy, for That Authority either of the Senate or the People that compounds the Monarchy, (that is) which so tempers, it as to give it bounds, and limit it) utterly destroys the Monarchy; which if it be not Absolute is none at all, but Inferior to that Power which Terminates it. Once more; Fixum Ratumque habeatur, Populi semper esse debere▪ Ibid. Supremam Majestatem]. Let this stand for a Sacred, and everlasting Truth, that the Supreme Power resides in the People. If Mr. Bagshaw can now produce a fair and equitable Plea, not only for Subjecting the Order of Government to the insolences of the Rabble, But for the audacious Attempt of Advancing a Popular Tyranny, upon the ruins of his native Sovereign; It concerns him to show his Cunning. But it is much harder, to Prove a Traitor an Honest man, then to report an Honest man for a Traitor. Since the perusal of Mr. Bagshaw's Pamphlets concerning Monarchy, and Things Indifferent, I begin to have a little Charity for his Libel against the Bishop of Worcester: wherein he does but endeavour to maintain the maintainer of his own Principles, and effectually to defend Himself; for there is so strict an Agreement betwixt Mr. Baxter in his Political Theses, and Mr. Bagshaw in his Political Dissertation, (betwixt Them in fine upon a General Account) that it is a hard Matter to press the Pastor of Kidderminster and the Student of Christ Church not to suffer under the Weight of the Argument. In One Particular indeed, Mr. Bagshaw seems to descent from Mr. Baxter, and allows the Bishop to have the better of him. Animad. Pa. 1. [As to the Main Controversy, (says he) I think the Bishop hath much the better of Mr. Baxter: For if the Question between them, was as Dr. Gunning, and Dr. Pearson do attest, such a Command is so evidently lawful, that I shall much wonder if Mr. Baxter did ever dispute it.] Now see That which he calls the Main Controversy, (though in truth it was not so.) Dr. Gunning and Dr. Pearson brought this Proposition to Mr. Baxter: Bishop of Worsters Letter, Pag. 36. That Command which Commandeth an Act in itself lawful, and no Other Act whereby any unjust penalty is enjoined, nor any Circumstance whence directly, or per accidens, any sin is Consequent, which the Commander ought to provide against; hath in it all things requisite to the Lawfulness of a Command, and Particularly cannot be guilty of Commanding an Act, per accidens, unlawful, nor of Commanding an Act under an unjust penalty. This did Mr. Baxter deny, and for This Reason, given in with his own Hand in Writing. Ibid. Because the first Act Commanded may be per accidens unlawful, and be commanded by an unjust Penalty, though no other Act or Circumstance commanded be such. In This Point it seems the Brethren differ; observe now wherein they Agree; and let some better Casuist than myself determine, Who has the more to Answer for, The Execrable Headsman of the Late King, or the Assertor of These following Positions? Mr. Richard Baxter's, and Mr. Edward Bagshaw's, Political Resolutions. Destructive of all Kings. I. IF a Prince want such Understanding, Goodness, or Power, as the People judge Necessary to the Ends of Government; in the first Case, he is Capable of the Name, but not of the Government; in the Second, he Deposes himself: in the Third, the want of Power deposes him. (Theses 135, 136, 137.) II. If a Prince in a Military State against his People, The Case of the late King when he was Bought and Sold in 1646. be by them Conquered; they are not Obliged to Restore him, without some other Obligation than their Allegiance. (Thes. 145.) III. If a Prince be injuriously Expelled, The case of the King and the Commons in 1650. by what-Power-soever, that Resolves to Ruin the Commonwealth, rather than he shall be Restored; and if the Commonwealth may prosper without his Restoring, That Prince is bound to resign his Government; or if he Refuses, the People are to judge him Incapable by Providence. (Thes. 147.) iv If a Prince be so long Out, Oliver Chosen by Providence. that the Nation cannot well stand without another: Providence has dispossessed the former, and we are to make a new Choice. (Thes. 149.) V If a Prince be thrown out by a Rebellion; oliver's taking the Government upon him was a deed of Charity. the strongest Rebel may (ex Charitate) undertake the Government. (Thes. 150.) VI Any thing that is a sufficient sign of the will of God, that this is the Person, Oliver by the Will of God. by whom we must be Governed; is enough (as joined to God's Laws) to oblige us to consent, and obey him as our Governor. (Thes. 153.) VII. And yet All the People have not this right of Choosing their Governors, The Cavaliers compelled to consent, and the Brethren to choose. but commonly a part of every Nation must be compelled to consent. (Thes. 159.) VIII. Those that are known Enemies to the Common good in the chiefest parts of it, are unmeet to Govern, For fear of the King and his Friends. or choose Governors: (else give us up to our Enemies, or to Satan:) But such are multitudes of ungodly vicious men.] Presbyterian Absolution. IX. If a People bound by Oath shall dispossess their Prince, and Choose, and Covenant with another; they may be Obliged by the Latter, notwithstanding their former Covenant. The King can do no wrong with a Salvo. X. Though a Nation wrong their King, and so quoad Meritum Causae, they are on the worse side, yet may he not Lawfully war against the Public good, on that account; n●r any he●p him in such a war: because propter finem, he hath the worse Cause. (Thes. 352.) Take now the Opinion of these Doctors, concerning the English Government. The King of England no Monarch. I. THe real Sovereignty here amongst us, was in King, Lords, and Commons. (Pag. 72.) The King has the Militia if the People please. II. The Law that saith the King shall have the Militia, supposeth it to be against Enemies, and not against the Commonwealth, nor them that have part of the Sovereignty with him. To resist him here, is not to resist Power, but Usurpation, and private will; in such a case, the Parliament is no more to be resisted then Herald (Thes. 363.) III. If the King raise War against such a Parliament upon their Declaration of the Dangers of the Commonwealth, The People judges of the King. the People are to take it as raised against the Commonwealth. (Thes. 358.) And may depose or resist him at pleasure. IU. And in that Case (saith he) the King may not only be resisted, but ceaseth to be a King, and entereth into a State of War with the People. (Thes. 368.) Of These Blasphemous, and Seditious Maxims, (though Charged upon Mr. Baxter by the Bishop of Worcester) the Libeler takes no notice, otherwise then by a Tacit Allowance of them; his Agreement with Mr. Baxter in These Particulars being sufficiently intimated in his express Acknowledgement wherein he dissents. Nor in Sum, are they any other than the pure result of his own Opinions, only Digested into a more Popular, and Intelligible Method. What Judgements may not That Nation expect from Divine vengeance, where This Spirit of Treachery and Imp●sture reigns in the Pulpit? Or if This be Loyalty, what is it which the Law calls Treason? If Mr. Bags●aw had been very wise, he would have forborn the Justification of so great a Gild, as under his own Hand appears against him (and indeed his fate is hard, that his Testimony which goes for nothing against any m●n else should yet stand good against himself) He had been wiser yet, if he had totally declined the Controversy, and spent Those Hours in Gratitude, and Repentance, which he has rather chosen to Employ in Obstinacy, and further Disobedience. But to cast himself at once, out of all Terms both of Christianity, and Humanity; neither to Regard his Duty to God, his Neighbour, or Himself: To lash out beyond all bounds of Piety, Loyalty, Modesty, Truth, and Prudence: (even to the forfeiture of his own safety) This is a Prodigious heap of Miscarriages, and yet no more than the Just Measure of his Confidence, F●lly, and Wickedness. To dip into the Immoralities of his Life, were to stir a Puddle; and in Truth, rather to Gratify my Revenge, than my Duty: so that I shall rather adhaere to my Purpose of Discovering a Public Enemy, then exercise the Sting of a Private Passion. Those Pamphlets of his which in this Discourse I have made use of against him are Thus Dated [De Mon. A●s. 1659.] [The Great Question, 1660.] (After the Act of Indemnity) [Pars 2 a. of the Great Quest. Sept. 10. 1661.] [Pars 3 a. Of Heresies Jan. 10. 1661.] [Brief Treatise, etc. Feb. 15. 1661.] [Two Libels against the Bishop of Worcester, Jan. 21. & Feb. 26. 1661./ 2]. [Signs of the Times, Jan. 28. 1661./ ●] [Letter to The Lord Chancellor, May, 10. 1662.] Only the First of These can, in the very point of Time, pretend to any favour from the Act of Pardon; but That will not much avail Mr. Bagshaw, who by Justifying Now, what he Did Then, does it over again, and stands accountable for the same Fault upon another Score. But methinks the Case is not here, whether This Pamphlet, but whether or no the very Author of it be Pardoned? and This Question (if any there be) arises from the very Letter both of his Majesty's Declaration from Breda; and of the Act itself. Decl. from Breda. His Majesty, in his Declaration from Breda, Grants a Free and General Pardon to all that shall lay hold upon that Grace and Favour, and by any Public Act Declare their doing so, and Return to the Loyalty, and Obedience of Good Subjects: (Exceptis Excipiendis). Which Loyalty is to be Manifested, by not Persevering in Gild for the Future, and by not Opposing the quiet, and happiness of their Country, in the Restoration both of King, Peers, and People, to their Just, Ancient, and Fundamental Rights: Here's the Promise and Condition of the Pardon: Persuant to which Promise, and Correspondent to which Condition, the following Pardon is said expressly to be Enacted, i. e. [In Performance of his Royal and Gracious Word signified by His Letters to the several Houses of Parliament now Assembled, Act of Pardon. and His Declarations in that behalf Published.] Now the Question is, first, Whether Those that Persevere in their Gild, and oppose the Restoration of the King to any of his Just, Ancient, and Fundamental Rights are not by This Limiting Condition excepted from Pardon? And the next Question is, Whether His Majesty's Supreme Authority in Causes Ecclesiastical, be not One of His Just, Ancient, and Fundamental Rights? If so: Whoever Persists to oppose the Prerogative Royal in This Particular, has no Right or Title to the Intent or Benefit of the Act of Indemnity. The Extent of his Majesty's Power as to the matter in Question, may be seen in King James his Ratification of The Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiastical, in 1603. Annexed to the Book of Canons. We do not only by our Prerogative Royal, and Supreme Authority in causes Ecclesiastical, ratify, confirm, and establish by These our Letters Patents, the said Canons, Orders, Ordinances, and Constitutions, and all, and every thing in Them contained, as aforesaid; but do likewise propound, Publish, and straightly enjoin, and Command by our Authority, and by These our Letters Patents, the same to be diligently observed, executed, and equally kept, by all our loving Subjects of This our Kingdom, etc.— Straight Charging, and Commanding all Arch-Bishops, Bishops, and all other that exercise any Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction within This Realm, every man in his place to see and procure (so much as in them lieth) all and every of the said Canons, Orders, Ordinances, and Constitutions to be in all Points duly observed, not sparing to execute the Penalties in them severally mentioned, upon any that shall wittingly or wilfully break, or neglect to observe the same, as they Tender the Honour of God, the Peace of the Church, Tranquillity of the Kingdom, and their Duties, and Services to Us their KING and Sovereign. If the King's Authority in Church-Matters reaches Thus far: And if His such Authority be a Just, Ancient, and Fundamental Right. And finally, if a perseverance in Gild and the Opposal of the Restoration of His Majesty to His Just, Ancient, and Fundamental Rights, be a Delinquency, which is in Terminis Excepted. And that the express Condition be, [a Return to the Loyalty and Obedience of Good Subjects.] In what a Case is Mr. Bagshaw, who has Constantly and Openly defied the very Letter, Intent, and Equity of that Gracious, and Incomparable Act of Mercy? As is already made appear from his own Writings. Nor is it Mr. Bagshaw's Case alone, but every man's, who either by Word, or Deed, Publicly and obstinately opposing the Ceremonies of the Church of England, denies his Majesty's Just, Ancient, and Fundamental Right of Imposing. I speak This with Reverence, and Submission to the better-enformed; and to Correct Those Slanderous Tongues, that have the Confidence to Tax his Just, and Gracious Majesty, for being less than his word, when They Themselves by a Persevering, and Incorrigible Contumacy, and Disobedience, Rejecting the Conditions of the Kings Pardon, can lay no Claim to the Benefit of it. Having Thus far unmasqued my Adversary, I am now to Defend myself, and to Prove, that I am not that wretched Thing which I have proved him to be: and so I proceed from his Defence, to his Libel, That being the Division of his Pamphlet. [1.] BUt my Lord, should I ever have so far stepped out of the bounds of my ●all●n●, E. B. Pag. 6. Memento Pag. 6. as to write a Public Memento (which in the very n●m● of it co●●radicts the Act of Oblivion.) etc. A Public Memento, though from a Private person, R. L. ' S. is both Lawful, Conscientious, and requisite, where the Honour, and Safety of the King are the Question: And That I take to be the Case, where his Majesty's blessed Father is ill spoken of, his Regal Authority questioned, his Government Reproached, and the Resolutions of this present Parliament, Despised, and Trampled upon. This shall I prove to be the Common Subject of the Press, and by the very Letter of the Oath of Allegiance, I am tied to Discover it: So that my Crime is but the keeping of my Oath; and the Performance of my Duty, in the Vindication of the King and his Government. It was the complaint of King Charles the Martyr, [That the minds of many of our weak Subjects have been, Exact. Coll. Pag. 173. and still are poisoned by scandalous seditious Pamphlets and Printed Papers, and that so general a terror hath possessed the minds and hearts of all men, that whiles the Presses swarm (and every day produceth new Tracts against the Established Government of the Church and State) most men want the Courage or the Conscience to write, or the opportunity and encouragement to publish such composed sober Animadversions, as might either preserve the minds of Our Good Subjects from such Infection, or restore and recover them when they are so infected.] Here's my Warrant, and my Justification. [2.] Should I have so much aspersed the present Government, as to say, That Defamers of the Government, if Presbyterians, E. B. Pag. 6. scape be●ter than their Accusers, etc. Observe here, upon what Occasion This was spoken. R. L'S. Under the Head of The Tokens and Prognostiques of Seditions [Memento Cap. 2.] I quote Sir Francis Bacon who (in his Essay of Seditions, Memento, pag. 5. and Troubles) reckons Libels, and Licentious Discourses against the Government, when they are Frequent, and Open, amongst the Signs of Troubles. In agreement with That Judicious Person, and without any Particular Instance, I take notice that Libels were not only the Forerunners, Ibid. pag. 6. but (in a high degree) the Causes of our Late Confusions. And a little Lower; that the Press is now as Busy, and as Bold; Sermons as Factious; Pamphlets as Seditious; the Government Defamed, and the Defamers of it (if Presbyterians) scape better than their Accusers. Is it now become an Aspersion upon the Government, to lay open and complein of Those that Asperse it? Or am I mistaken in believing him to be a Defamer of the Government, that Charges This King with Usurpation; his Father with Tyranny: and that reports the Rites, and Orders of the Church, for the Institutions of the Devil? If I Prove what I say; and make appear that Defamers of the Government (if Presbyterians) do scape better than their Accusers, I am clear of Edward Bagshaw's second Exception; If I fail, let the Infamy lie at my Dore. He Charges me Next, for saying: [3.] That Promoters and Justifiers of the murder of the late King, are still continued public Preachers, E. B. Pag. 6. and can come off for Printing and publishing downright Treason, when I have much ado to escape for telling it. Let the Reader take along with him the Connexion of my Discourse, R. L'S. whereupon he grounds This Cavil. Memento, pag. 8. Sir Francis Bacon says, that [when Discords, and Quarrels, and Factions, are carried openly and audaciously, it is a sign the Reverence of Government is lost. Ibid. And are not Factions carried Openly and Audaciously now! (says L' Estrange) when the Promoters, and Justifiers of the Murder of the late King, are still continued public Preachers, without the least Pretence to a Retraction? Dictating still, by Gestures, Shrugs, and Signs, That Treason to their Auditory which they dare not utter? What are their Sermons, but Declamations against Bishops: Their Covenant-keeping Exh●rtations, but the Contempt of an established Law? How it comes to pass, Heaven knows; but these Honest F●llows can come off for Printing, and Publishing downright Treason, when I have much ado to scape for Telling of it. If I am now able to make it out, that such Preachers ●here are, and such Printers, and Publis●ers, as are here spoken of; I do no more in Discovering them, than I have sworn to do. For the Printers, and Publishers, I have allotted Them a place by Themselves; and concerning the Preachers, I shall only Instance in Mr. George Cokayn, of Pancras Soper Lane, and Mr. William Jenkin of Christ-Church, London. The former whereof Promoted and pressed the Murder of the late King, in a Sermon before the Commons, N●v●mb. 29. 1648. and the Other, Justified That Murder, and applauded it in another Sermon before the Commons, Sept. 24. 1656. as follows. Think not to save yourselves by an unrighteous saving of them, who are the Lords and the People's known Enemies. George Cokain Flesh expiring, and the Spirit Inspiring, pag. 26. & 27. Printed for Giles Calvert. You may not imagine to obtain the favour of those, against whom you will not do Justice; for certainly, if ye act not like Gods in this particular, against men truly obnoxious to Justice, they will be like Devils against you. Observe that place, 1 King. 22.31. compared with chap. 20. It is said in chap. 20. that the King of Syria came against Israel, and by the mighty power of God, he and his Army were overthrown, and the King was taken Prisoner. Now the mind of God was (which he then discovered, only by that present providence) that Justice should have been executed upon him, but it was not, whereupon the Prophet comes with A●hes upon his face, and waited for the King of Israel in the way where he should return; and as the King passed by, he cried unto him, Vers. 42. of Chap. 20. Thus saith the Lord, Because thou hast let go a man whom I appointed for destruction, therefore thy life shall go for his life. Now see how the King of Syria, after this, answers Ahab ' s love: About three years after, Chap. 22.31. Israel and Syria engage in a new War, and the King of Syria gives command unto his Soldiers, that they should fight neither against small nor great, but against the King of Israel. Benhadad ' s life was once in Ahab ' s hand, and he ventured God's dispeasure to let him go: but see how Benhadad rewards him for it, Fight neither against small nor great, but against the King of Israel. Honourable and Worthy, The Application. if God do not lead you to do Justice upon those that have been the great Actors in shedding innocent Blood, never think to gain their love by sparing of them; for they will, if opportunity be ever offered, return again upon you; and then they will not fight against the poor and mean ones, but against those that have been the Fountain of that Authority and Power which hath been improved against them. Worthy Patriots, you that are our Rulers in this Parliament, 'tis often said, William Jenkins The Policy of Princes, p. 33. Printed for Samuel Gellibrand. we live in Times wherein we may be as good as we please: wherein we enjoy in purity and plenty the Ordinances of Jesus Christ. Praised be God for this, even That God who hath delivered us from the imposition of Prelatical Innovations, A●tar-genuflections and Cringing, with Cross, and all that Popish trash and trumpery. And truly (I speak no more than what I have often thought and said) The removal of those insupportable burdens, A taste of the Reforming Spirit. coutervails for the Blood and Treasure shed and spent in these late distractions. Nor did I as yet ever hear of any godly men that desired, The Kings Murder justified by a Professor. were it possible, to purchase their friends or money again, at so dear a rate, as with the return of these, to have those soul-burdening, Antichristian-y●kes re-imposed upon us: And if any such there be, I am sure that desire is no part of their godliness, and I profess myself in that to be none of the number. Mr. Bagshaw Taxes me, in the Fourth place, for saying that great Dangers are still remaining, etc. R. L'S. [4.] Should I have said, That great dangers are still remaining, in not preferring the King's Friends, E. B. Pag. 6. (as if his Majesty would pr●f●r any, ●ut those that were of unsuspected Loyalty) should I have added further, tha● the danger is great, and number also, of ill-chosen Justices: All which passages directly tend not only to defame the Government, but to render it ridiculous, as if it were not politic enough to preserve itself, etc. I do not pretend, to hint any Danger, because the King's Friends are not Preferred; but because divers of his Persevering, and Irreclaimable Enemies are: and This I conceive may be spoken without Offence either to Loyalty, or Good-manners. Are none preferred, but by his Majesty's Special Nomination and Appointment? Or are none but Persons of unsuspected Loyalty Preferred? How comes Edward Bagshaw to be Preferred then? (a Libeler against Praelacy, and Church-Rites; and a Denier of the King's Authority.) Touching the Danger, and Number, of Ill-chosen Justices; I do not speak of what People have been, but of what they Are; and if the Number of such be Great, I think nobody do ubts of the Danger. Is it not well, when men may be Bailed for Threatening another Change, and hinting that This King will not stand long; when the Person that gives Notice of this is forced to fly his Country for't? It is not long since a Compleint of This Quality was brought to his Majesty's Chief Secretary; and, in Truth, there are but too many Instances of This Nature. But Mr. Bagshaw (I perceive) is of opinion, that the King had better be Destroyed by not knowing These Indignities, then that the Government (in his Learned sense) should be Defamed by Discovering them. Caesar was Murdered in the Senate; and his Murderers were (in our Adversaries Phrase) of Unsuspected Loyalty. Had any man made Caesar Ridiculous, that had adverted him of the Conspiracy? In short: Reason of State belongs to Ministers of State; but Enformation in matter of Fact, (where the Public is Concerned) is every Private man's Duty, and every Honest man's Business. [5.] Should I, after I had in some former Pamphlet expressly Libelled your Lordship, afterwards by making some dull Aphorisms about a Favourite, E. B. Pag. 6. labour to abuse you to your face; I should then think I had done enough to deserve, not only the Name, but likewise the Punishment▪ that is due to one th●t is factious and Turbulent. To make short work, R. L'S, I think the Libeler deserves the Pillory, and I'm Content to stand the Issue, whether it shall be bagshaw's Eat, or Mine. Why does he not Name that same Former Pamphlet; and show my Lord what 'tis he calls a Libel? I shall not make half the Ceremony with Him, but immediately prove This same half-witted Levite to be the very Thing he would have Me Thought to be. In the Ninth Chapter of my Memento, Memento, p. 85. concerning Seditions; and showing in what manner they arise from These Seven Interests. The Church; the Bench; the Court; the Camp; the City; the Country; and the Body-Representative: Treating of the Court, 〈◊〉. Pag. 100 I make use of a Judgement of Sir Francis Bacon's in his Essay of Counsel, which is, th●t a Prince may be endangered in his Counsel; either by an Over-greatness in One Counsellor; or an over-strict Combination in Divers. According to the Quality, and Requiry of the Subject, under the Head of Over-greatness in One Counsellor, is handled the Humour and Working of a Vicious Favourite: Pag. 103, 104, & 100LS. If Scrupulous, he goes to work Thus; if Ambi●iciu, Popular, Fawning, Covetous, etc. So or so: And This do; Mr. Bags●aw's Scurrilous Reverence, call an Abuse of the Lo●d Chancellor: saucily imposing upon my Naked, and Political Discourses, his own Libellous, and Personal Application. Why does he not charge me with Flattery too, for ask what can be more Desirable, Pag. 188. then for a Prince to have a Watchful, Wise, Faithful Counsellor; and the People a Firm, Prudent, Patriote, in the same Noble Person? Why did he not as well make me mean the Bishops, the Judges, The General, the City-Magistrates, the Gentry, and the Commonalty, in my Reflections upon the Other Six Interests? Truly upon the whole, if Mr. Bagshaw will agree to it, let the Libeler be Gibbetted. After divers Rhetoricating Exclamations; If He should have said Thus or so (in his little Pedantic way.) [G] YEt, my Lord, (says Mr. B.) all this, and something worse is said in Pri●t, by one Mr. L'Estrange, E. B. Pag. 6. & 7. a Gentlemen whom I never saw, but yet I have ●ea●d so much il of him, that I think myself obliged to thank him for his defam●tio●s of me; since by confessing himself, in the same Book, to be guilty of Drunkenness & Profaneness; he hath said much more than I can knowingly charge him with, and I am sure more than enough to discredit his own Testimony. For he that is neither Sober to himself, nor Religious to God, cannot possibly 〈◊〉 Just and Civil to 〈◊〉▪ and Impiety will easily lead him to Forgery: I shall not therefore seem to plead my own Concernment against him; since 〈◊〉 Credit and Esteem with Good men i● either very little, and then my solicitousness wi●● but little promote it; or else it is so great, that it is already placed beyond the Reach of such Rude Assaults and Battery, and needs not my own Pe● for its Defence and Vindication. TRuly I should be loath that Mr. Bagshaw's Friends should speak Well of Me, R. L'S. for I must Do Ill to deserve it, and Purchase their Kindness by Betraying my Country; so that Their Ill-will shall never break My Heart. But do they speak so very Ill, as to make Mr. Bagshaw Thank me for Defaming him? In Truth, the Man is somewhat a Preposterous Christian; and it may be, 'tis his Method, to be Thankful to his Enemies, as well as Ungrateful to his Friends. Whoever doubts of the Latter, may be satisfied from Dr. Pierce his Letter to Dr. Heylin, at the end of his Discoverer Discovered. And I must Add, that in the point of Reviling his Superiors, and A●using his Friends, his Life has been all of a Piece. Touching My Defamations of him; Alas; save in my Memento, I never Mentioned him. Nor There Neither, but upon a fair and Prudential Account; for it concerned me to procure, that the World might not take Him for an Honest Man, that had Reported Me for a Knave. In fine, he talks, in General, of Defamations; but let him, if he dares, put me to prove the Particulars. See now in what follows, the Confidence, Lewdness, and Weakness of the Gentleman. He says, that I confess myself Guilty of Drunkenness▪ and Profaneness, which Discredits my Testimony; Impiety leading easily to Forgeries. (The last 'tis possible he speak● upon Experience.) My Words are These: I do here Publicly confess myself not Absolutely Free from Those Distempers, Memento Pag. 41, 42. which (not to cast either upon Good Nature, or Complexion) I am both Sorry for, and ashamed of. If I have but Once drank myself to a Distemper; or if I have taken God's ' Name in vain but Once in my Whole Life, I may confess myself not Absolutely Free, and yet not charge myself with Drunkenness, and Profaneness: for (under favour of Mr. Bagshaw's Philosophy) One Act does not make a Habit; and I defy the World to Tax me with it, So That in This Particular, my Adversary has strained a point of Modesty: His next slip is a Lewd one. All Men have their Sins to answer for; and without Repentance, no flesh shall be saved. I have here made a Pullique Confession, and as Publicly Declared a Penitence, and Shame, so far as I am Guilty. Now what can be a greater Scandal to Religion; or a greater Affront to Christianity? then for a Professed Minister of the Gospel, to turn the Confession of a Penitent into Libels: The most Necessary Duties of a Christian into Reproaches; ☞ and to make Repentance itself, shameful, and Ridiculous. And This is the Disingenuous Dealing of Mr. Bagshaw, which if it were not managed with a large Proportion of Simplicity, were indeed Unpardonable: he would not otherwise have argued, as if the speaking of Truth were a Discredit to my Testimony. I suppose it needless to desire the Readers Notice, that in his 7th Page, he resolves not to Defend himself; and Page 9 he says he has done it; (without saying any thing of Himself, Between). [H] E. B. Pag. 7. & 8. But, My Lord, how careless soever I am of securing my own Fame, yet in zeal to the Public Honour and Faith of our Nation, I must take leave to say this, that for any to dedicate a Book to ●our Lordship (who are by your place the great Conservator of our Laws) and in it presume to break that very Law, which His Majesty hath appeared to be most tender of, and that so openly, as to revive the mention of our War, under the Title of Rebellion, to call the Lords and Commons then assembled in Parliament, a Company of Schismatics and Rebels; and with them, to asperse the whole City of London, who either never intentionally forfeited, or else have Nobly redeemed the mistake of their Loyalty: This, my Lord, is an insolence of so infectious a Nature, that, if your Lordship doth not suppress it, men who love their Honours above their Lives; will not think themselves fairly dealt with. For I must leave it to your Lordship to judge, how little security we may expect from any of our old Laws, and how little Obedience can justly be exacted unto the New ones; if, in the fa●●of the wo●ld, and with 〈◊〉 Lordship's Privity, ●ay under your Protection, our la●e Magna Charta can be, in the very Terms and Design of it, so apparently violated. If Mr. Bagshaw were as Zealous for the Honour of the Public, R. L'S. as he is Careless of securing his own Fame, This Nation would not afford a better Subject, or Pa●riote. (' Bore him but his Mistakes) He writes my Lord Chancellor [The Great Conservatour of our Laws] (by his Place) That's his Error: For the Chancellor is the Conservatour of the King's Conscience; and the great Moderator of the Positive, and Li●eral Rigour of the Law, according to the more Favourable Dictate of Pi●us Equity. This for his Instruction. Betwixt Zeal and Ignorance, in a Saucy, Menacing fashion, he does as good as tell my Lord, that He had best do Justice upon L'Estrange; for, if he does not, there are men of Honour,— and so forth. My Crime (it seems) is the Dedication of a Bo●k, in Contempt of the Act of Oblivion. I Call the Late War a Rebellion, he says. 'Tis right, I do so; and the Rebels Names are Excepted in the Act itself. He will have it too, that I call the Lords and Commons Assembled in Parliament, a Company of Schismatics, and Rebels. Herein, Memento. Pag. 65. & 250. is Mr. Bagshaw (which is a Miracle) as good as his Profession; that is, exceeding Careless of his Fame; for I say no such thing. Our LEGIONS of the Reformation (say I) were raised by CERTAIN Rebellious Lords and Commons. That SOME such there were, Mem. Pag. 65. the very Act Allows. In Page 250. I cannot find what he means, unless my calling of The Covenant a Rebellious League, and in That Expression, I suppose, This Parliament will warrant me. The Gentleman brands me next, for Aspersing the whole City of London. My Words are, that the Faction was [Seconded by the City of London] which Expression refers to a Powerful, and Leading Party in it, which was Then Packed, and Tumultuary. Where was That Freedom, Exact. Collect. Pag. 557. and Privilege (says the late King) when Alderman Pennington, and Captain Venus brought down their Myrmidons, etc.] And where's the Crime now (say I) of Naming the King's Judges? R. L. ' S. [I] E. B. Pag. 8. I Know very well, that the Person who doth this, presumes much upon his former Loyal●y; and would make his past Services compo●●d for his present Frenzy; and truly, my Lord, I must confess, that had all this ill Language been vented by one of whose honesty there never had been any suspicion; had one defied the Presbyterians (as this Author is pleased to call all that are not of his, that is, that are of any Religion) whose Life, or at least whose Loyalty had been untainted; then the worthiness of the Person would very much have mitigated the infamy of his Slanders; but for Shimei to curse Absalon; for Cromwell 's Spy to cry out Treason; for the Protector's Earwigge, to rail upon the King's Enemies; this is a thing so very indecent, and incongruous, that nothing but your Lordship's condemning Mr. L'Estrange to his own Whip, or, because that is not smart enough, to the Beadles, will ever cure his Lask, or bring him within any tolerable compass of sobriety. BLess me, how it works upward and downward with him! Frenzy]— Cromwell's Spy, the Protectors Earwigg]— Condemn him to the Beadles to cure his Lask.] These are the Flowers of Edward Bagshaw's Modesty; take him now in the shape of D. E. Second Letter of Animadv. Pag. 1. Ibid. Pag. 2. A Person so lost to all Good Breeding, of so forfeited, of so undone a Reputation, in point of mere Morality, etc.] A Hog playing upon the Organs] A Scavenger was●ing a Surplice] a Morrice-dancer] a Fiddler in all Governments, and would have been a Fiddler in the worst of them, for which end he knows how many pitiful Legs and Faces he made to Scrape acquaintance with the Tyrant Oliver] a Common Barretter] a Mercenary Songster] that for two Crowns more would change his Note, and Rail against his Patron] A whiffling Thin-souled Adversary] Who hath not let any Thing Sacred, Ibid. Pag. 3. whether Person, or Doctrine, escape his venomous Pasquil's. Would not any man that did not know This Fellow for a Levite, take him for a Buffoon, or an Affidavit-man? Is This the Temper of an Evangelist, or the Dialect of a Gospel-Minister? It makes Religion look like a Fable, to see a Common Libeler in the place of a Preacher, a known Seducer in the place of a Guide. What Agreement is there with Christ and Belial? The Spirit of Love, and Truth, and That of Slander, and Imposture? or in fine, what proportion betwixt the Duties of a Divine, and the Practices of Mr. Bagshaw? Of all the Ill he says, I Challenge him to Prove One Syllable, it is not my part to prove a Negative. Yet Thus far I'll adventure. For my Moralities, I dare refer myself to any man that knows Me, and has not been an Enemy to the King: For my Quality, and Application, which he represents for Mean and Mercenary, I must inform Mr. Bagshaw, that L' Estrange has been in the same Seat in Norfolk, Cambden's Description of Norfolk. almost thrice as long as Presbytery has been in the World: And for my Loyalty, he gives himself the Lie, in calling me Cromwell's Spy; for he Confesses in the very next Page, that the Crafty Tyrant would not admit me. Now if Mr. Bagshaw will stand the Hazzard of Calling Me to a Particular Proof of what I have said concerning Him (which in his railing Pamphlet he has yet so much wit in his Anger, as not to make any words of) if I make it not good, let me abide the blame of it. But why should I think myself Illused, when he has scarce treated any man better? In his forementioned Libel against the Bishop, he has These Expressions; beside the Abominable Untruths which he Fathers upon the Right Reverend B●shop. The Fatal Example of That one Bishop's Usurpations [Pag. 3.] Impertinent and False, [Pag. 5.] Most False, Letter of Animadver. Pa. [Ibid.] If any are Choleric and Tasty enough to be of his mind, [ibid.] As to Christian Charity the whole thing is but a Letter of Defiance against it, [Pag. 6.] There can be nothing more false, [ibid.] This Malicious and ill-grounded Fan●y, [ibid.] It is bold and Impious, [Pag. 7.] Were he either Christian or Man enough, [Pag. 9] He that would know more of him, needs but inquire of any Honest man that knows him; unless he had rather read him further in Himself, and Then his Narrative against Dr. Busbie does the Business: A Perfon, not only Eminent and Exemplary for Piety, Justice, Learning, and Hospitality, but his most Indulgent, and Bountiful Master; One that Comforted him in his Disgrace (he knows what I mean; That, which made him quit the Proctorship to Carpinder) One that Relieved, ☞ and Entertained him in his Distress: and yet This Venerable Person, does Mr. Bagshaw endeavour to supplant by his Interest with Bradshaw, (and had well-nigh Effected it) Reproaching him at last, with Perjury, Treachery; as a man Covetous, Cruel, Void of Conscience, Violent, Dissembling, Corrupt, Ambitious, Tyrannical, etc. In his Preface to This Pamphlet, he falls foul upon Dr. Pierce: And to conclude; after his Invectives against Majesty, Episcopacy, The Right Reverend, and the Reverend, his Learned Indignation Descends upon Me; Recommending me to mine own Whip; which, if his Forehead were not Wainscot, he would not Name without a Blush, it being only a Temperate Reply upon a Scurrilous Li●el of his against the Bishop of Wor'ster. Truly the Quality of my Adversary might very well dispense Me the Trouble of a Vindication; and yet methinks it looks like something; to be charged with Wickedness by so competent a Judge of it, as Mr. Bagshaw; and it is not without Colour, that bradshaw's Property should be able to give some Account of Cromwel's Intelligencers. Wherefore to stop the mouth of Calumny it se●f; or which is more, to Silence Mr. Bagshaw: I defy the whole world to Contradict any One Syllable of This Ensuing Relation, which I make a little Tedious, to save myself a further, and a double Labour. FRom the first Expedition of the Scots, in 1639. to This Instant, I never declined any Hazzard, Travail, or Expense, within the Compass of my Nature or Power, in reference to my Duty to the Royal Interest. In 1644. I was Condemned to Die for his Majesty. Dr. Mills (than Judg-A●vocate of the Court, and now Chancellor to the Bishop of Norwich) pronounced my Sentence; (None of my Friend, either Then, or since) let him say, if at the B●rr I disowned the Cause for which I was adjudged to Dy. Being thrown into Newgate, I was Visited by Mr. Thorowgood, and Mr. Arrowsmith, (Two of the Synod) who very kindly offered me their utmost Interest, if I would but make some Petitionary Acknowledgement, and submit to take the Covenant. These Gentlemen (if Living, as I suppose they are) will acquit me, that I Refused it. In Order to my Reprieve, I wrote several Letters, to The Earl of N●rthumb●rland, the Earl of Stanford, (and others of the Nobility that are since Dead) From which Noble Persons I received all Honourable Justice, and Favour. In the House of Commons', I was Particularly Obliged (among others) to Sir I●hn C●r●et, and Sir H●nry Ch●●mond●y: who can bear me witness that I used no Unworthy means to save my Life: But Reprieved I was, and in Order to a Further Hearing, in appearance; though effectually, during Pleasure. After almost Thirty Months spent in vain Endeavours either to come to a Hearing, or to put myself into an Exchangeable Condition; I Printed This following State of my Case, and Dedicated my Charge and Defence, as an Appeal fr●m the Court-Martial, to the Lords and Comm●ns. Entitled, L'Estrange his Appeal from the Court-Martial to the Parliament. My Lords and Gentlemen, HE that suffers without a Precedent, is not bound to act by one; if I be the only man, in whose behalf no man will m●ve, blame me not (I beseech you) if I be the only man too, that moves for himself. My Application must be singular, as my Fortune; which (I think) is peculiarly mine own. After thirty months' patience, at least a hundred Petitions; (but for ●reathing room) not so few Letters of Thanks to your Members: (only for saying, 'tis hard.) After all this, and more, (and to no purpose) I am told, my Case is different from other men's. I am condemned; and there's nothing to be done in my business. Am I then becalmed in Newgate? Truth it is, I was condemned by a Court of War, but by your Honours Reprieved, and with some check to the temerity to the Court. For I was (in effect) tried by one Committee, and sentenced by another. Since that, I have awaited my promised Hearing, and can now expect no longer, (unless I make it a Business of the next World,) being (at this instant) reduced almost to my first Principles, by a Consumptive, Hectic Distemper: I shall therefore immediately bring my self to the Bar, and Appeal to you as my Judges. My charge was taken in Characters from the mouth of the Judg-Advocate, and this is exactly the same with that, whereupon I stand condemned. My Answer to it, I present you with it; and with that, my Desires; which are, that either upon security, or my Parole, I may enjoy a seasonable Liberty; upon Conditions either of rendering myself a Prisoner within what time you fix: or indefinitely, when you demand it. If any man shall yet scruple my freedom upon the old score, I offer my self to any charge he shall pretend against me: But if thus I must perish, as I have been civil to you, I shall be just to my self, and find at last some way to vindicate my Ashes from the reproach and infamy of a Gaol. Be pleased now to take as fair a view of my Crime, as you have of my punishment, and then to measure them. The Judge Advocate having read the several Examinations and the Commission, thus gins. Judg-Advocate. Sir John Corbet, I have now done with the Evidence, I shall only crave leave now to make some few Observations. First, That this Commission of the Prisoner, is not the Commission of a Soldier, to raise, or conduct any strength, or men of War; but a Commission of mere Bribery and corruption, to make a party with Money and Preferment. Secondly, The Prisoner came with this Commission from the Enemy, into the Quarters of the Parliament, without Drum, Trumpet, or Pass; which alone brings him within the danger and penalty of a Spy. Thirdly, He came attended with no manner of Forces as an Enemy, but alone, in a secret manner, and made choice of a solitary place (near Lynne) to obscure himself, the better to effect his Treacherous Design. Fourthly, That he relied not on the strength of his own Party, to have surprised Lynne, but used unwarrantable and treacherous means to accomplish the s●me, promising Leman 1000 l. and Corporal Haggar 100 l. and a Canoniers place, (both of the Garrison) if they would contribute their assistance therein. Lastly, His Design was of that nature, and carried on in so clandestine a way, as that himself thought not fit to Treat upon it, without a strict Obligation of Secrecy. By all which it appears, that as the Prisoner came not into our Quarterss as a fair and open Enemy, but with Treacherous ends and practices; so being now taken in the manner, he may not expect the privilege of a just Enemy, but rather the condign punishment, which by the Law and Custom of Arms, belongs to Spies and Treacherous Conspirators. To These I Answer in Order, and for Satisfaction, refer you to the Commission itself. The Commission. Charles R. WE having received from our Trusty and Wellbeloved Roger L'Estrange, Declarations of the Good Affections of divers of our well-affected Subjects of our Counties of Norfolk and Suffolk, and particularly of our Town of Lynne, as also some overtures concerning the reducing of our said Town of Lynne,: We have thought ●it forthwith to return our Royal Thanks unto our said well-affected Subjects, and particularly to give our said Trusty and wellbeloved Roger L'Estrange these encouragements to proceed in our Service, and principally in the work of Reducing the said Town of Lynne. First, That in case, that attempt shall be gone through withal, he the said Roger L'Estrange shall have the Government of the Place. Secondly, That what Engagements shall be made unto the Inhabitants of the said Place, or any other person capable of contributing effectually to that Service, by way of Reward, either in employment in his Majesty's Navy, or Forts; or in moneys not exceeding the sum of 5000 l. the service being performed, shall be punctually made good unto them. Thirdly, That they shall in this Work receive what Assistance may be given them from any our nearest Garrisons. Fourthly, That when●our said Town shall be reduced unto Our Obedience, We shall forthwith send thither such a considerable Power, as shall be sufficient to Relieve and Preserve them, We being a● present (even without this) fully resolved to send a considerable Power, to encourage our faithful Subjects in those parts, and to regain our Rights and Interests there. By his Majesty's Command, GEORGE DIGBY. Oxford, Novemb. 28. 1644. Now to my Charge. L'Estrange. FIrst, This Commission is the Commission of a Soldier, enabling me to raise and conduct such a Party, as should attempt the surprisal of the Town. The matter of Money and preferment is in the Commission expressly propounded by way of reward; and to pay the Soldier, is neither Bribery, nor Corruption. Secondly, The Article runs, Within the Quarters of the Army, not Parliament. But I was not apprehended within the Quarters of the Army, therefore no Spy. Thirdly, I came attended as an Enemy; that is, enabled to any Act of Hostility whatsoever. Fourthly, I relied upon the strength of mine own Party, and used warrantable means to accomplish the surprise. Leman was not of the Garrison; Haggar was, but appeared not to me under that Notion. Admit them both, what you would have them; I could have justified it. They voluntarily proffered to assist me, and I had been a Traitor or a Fool, if I had either discouraged, or dissuaded them. Lastly, The Design was of that nature, that if discovered it were lost, (the quality and hazard of all surprises) I therefore thought fit not to Treat, without a strict Obligation of Secrecy. By all which it appears; First, That I came not into your Quarters at all; that is, not the Quarters of the Army. Next, That I came as a fair and open Enemy (never pretending to be any other than I was.) Lastly, That I had no Treacherous ends. Being thus apprehended, by the Laws and Customs of War, I am a just Enemy, and Prisoner of War; no Spy, or Treacherous conspirator. Upon my desire of a day's respite to prepare and digest my Defence, the Judg-Advocate enterposed in these words. Judg-Advocate. Sir John Corbet, whereas the Prisoner desires time to make his Defence, alleging that he hath Witnesses to purge himself, that are necessary for his Defence; I conceive that altogether unnecessary, because we proceed only upon his own confession, and there being no Witnesses against him, we take the Case as he hath set it forth, and committed it to your judgement; you may perceive, and he might have remembered, that his Charge was founded not only upon the special Articles, and Ordinances of Parliament, but upon the general Rules and Customs of War, which every Soldier ought to be knowing of. And (Sir) so far as I understand any thing of the Customs of War, It's a known Rule, that for any to come into the Enemy's Quarters, without a Pass, Drum, or Trumpet, that makes him a Spy; and then to Treat with them of the Garrison, or to draw them to Treat to betray the Garririson, this makes him a Treacherous conspirator. L'Estr. If my Charge be founded upon mine own Confession, produce those clauses, thence, whereupon this Charge is to be made good. My whole Confession is (in substance) This; that I had ever been of the King's Party, and that I intended to execute this Commission. I urged then, the impossibility of Betraying a Trust I never received; and to my self; and that I should be both Enemy, and Traitor: And again; how inconsistent it was with the Equity, and Reason, of the Law of Arms, (which is uniform, and universal) that the same Law which punishes the Deser●our of his Trust with Death, should with Death also punish the Assertour of it. To This Judg-Advocate. Sir, the Prisoner mistakes the Point, he is not charged with breach of Trust: It is not said, he had any Trust, or broke any, ●ut that he did endeavour to procure them to betray, which had a Trust, and so he did plot, and those were to be his Confederates. L'Estr. By this Rule, he that Summons, Assaults, or Besieges a Place (because in so doing, he endeavours the surrendering and yielding it up to the Enemy) shall be arraigned as an Apostate, or a Traitor: The very Article involving him in the same danger with him that endeavours the betraying of it. Again, the Article says expressly, it must be contrary to the Rules of War: Rules (certainly) preceding this, and which it self is not: Rules positive and known, not Arbitrary. Now show that Positive, known Law, which I have Transgressed. In one word: The Court-Martial by its own Laws cannot Try an Enemy. Judg-Advocate. Sir you see the Case, it is not what he says is Law, nor what I say is Law; but what you judge to be Law. You see the Case is plain, he came without Trumpet, Drum, or Pass, into our Quarters from the Enemy; There, he dealt with the Garrison of Lynne, and in that case, he came not with the face of an Enemy, but as a Spy. L'Estr. To the Business of a Spy, Thus. First, I was not Spy. Next, I had not been Tryable in this Court, if I had been one. I was none, being apprehended neither in your Garrison, nor Quarters; for by the Quarters of the Army, is intended the place where the Army lies enquartered at the time of the Apprehension of such a person; but where no Forces are, there is neither use, nor possibility of a Spy. Upon this Assertion, that this Court took no Cognizance of Spies. The Judg-Advocate, thus: Judg-Advocate. Sir John Corbet, the Gentleman might have saved a labour, and not limited the Power of this Court: for they proceed upon a Law, common, betwixt the enemy and us. L'Estr. If this Court-Martial proceed upon a Law common betwixt the two Armies, what mean those restrictive Clauses, so frequent in those Ordinances, by virtue whereof they sit and determine; where they are expressly * The letter of of the Ordinance. limited and appointed, to proceed according to the Articles there specified? Again, what needs the annexion of five particular Articles of the Earl of Essex his, with Ordinances virtuating them to proceed according to those Articles? what need these Ordinances, if the Court could proceed without them? And why are but five Articles expressed, if their Power extends to all? Now if the Court be limited to those Articles, there being no Article against Spies among them, I have proved what I desire. Judg-Advocate. Sir John Corbet, to take away all Dispute about the Power and Authority of the Court, and the rules upon which they proceed, I shall read the last Ordinance of Parliament that was made in this particular case of Mr. L'Estrange. The ORDER. IT is this day Ordered by the Lords and Commons, That Roger L'Estrange be referred to the Commissioners for Martial-Law, and to be speedily proceeded against, according to the proceed of Martial-Law, for being taken with a Commission from the King, for the delivering of the Town of Lynne to the King, and endeavouring accordingly to d● it. John Brown. By this Ordinance you are not limited to any particular Article, but are left to the latitude and scope of Martial-Law in general, and this Court hath made choice to proceed against the Prisoner upon a known and common Rule of Martial proceed, by which the other side proceed against ours; therefore he hath no cause of complaining against the equity of this Rule. R. L'Estr. True, this Order refers me to the Commissioners for Martial-Law, to be proceeded against according to the proceed of Martial-Law; that is, Such Martial-Law as they are Commissioners f●r; and what that is, those Ordinances which enable them, will best determine; they are there, as well as here, styled Commissioners for, and Executors of Martial Law, yet not in the latitude; now if they be not Commissioners for Martial-Law in the latitude, neither must their proceed be in the latitude. Something more, to the same purpose, was (a while) bandied and retorted, but (in substance) the Dispute closed here. The Commissioners withdrew to Weavers-hall, whence (after some half-hours Debate) returning, the Judg-Advocate admonished me to acknowledge the fair respects of the Court, in that they had afforded me till Saturday at three afternoon, to form and strengthen my Defence (this being Thursday.) Upon Saturday late at night, I was brought to the Bar, not suffered to speak, Condemned, For endeavouring the Betraying of the Town and Garrison of Lynne, etc. Adjudged to be hanged; and many persons contributed to this Vote, who had not heard one syllable of my Trial. After I had received my sentence, I threw a paper among them, adding withal, that it was my Defence; which, since they would not hear, they might read: A Wilts. Gentleman burned it. I was thence conducted to Newgate; and here the story falls into a Circle, Sir John Corbet was Precedent of the Court, and in that relation, I have often to do with his Name, I would leave it as fair as I found it; I never believed the Gentleman my Enemy. Newgate June 1647. After almost Four years' Imprisonment, (with ●y Keeper's Privity) I slipped into Kent; and after the Dissolution of That Affair, with much difficulty I got Beyond-Sea. About the Latter end of August, 1653. The Long-Parliament being Routed by Oliver, I returned into England. And now I come to Mr. Bagshaw's Particular Charge. [K] E. B. Pag. 8. & 9 I Would not willingly, while I plead for the keeping of ●ur Laws by others, be found a Transgressor of them myself; yet since he doth bear himself so much upon his Innocence, as if he needed not th● Laws protection; I must crave leave to repeat what I know your Lordship is fully acquainted with, that this very Pamphleter did heretofore frequently solicit that he might be admitted to private conference with Oliver, and humbled himself to so low an ebb of baseness, that he often brought his Fiddle under his Cloak to facilitate his entry; and when he saw th●t crafty Tyrant would not admit of one, whom he knew unfit for the management of a serious Treason; he then by little Bribes, bestowed upon his nearest Attendants, shown how willing he was to purchase Access at any Rate; All which Attempts were n●thing else, but so much unfledged Treason; which would not so long have fluttered in the dark, had but that Tyrant thought him worthy of employment, and added wings un●o his waxed disposition. R. L'S. 'TIs Truth, I bear myself so much upon my Innocence, that I disclaim the Benefit of the Pardon; and (if I know myself) the Punishment would be less Grievous to me then the Crime, if I were Guilty. B●t Mr. Bagshaw says, I am; tells his Story; and has the Face to affirm, that 'tis no more than to his knowledge, my Lord Chancellor is fully acquainted with. To which in Answer; I must inform the world, that my Lord Chancellor has, not long since, upon his Honour, professed himself a Stranger to the very Rumour of what is here laid down in charge against me. (Yet (with my Libelers Leave) to be fully acquainted with a Matter, goes further than the hearing of a Report; and Implies, so to know a thing, a● to know the Truth, and Bottom of it.) His Lordship was pleased likewise at the same time, to Declare, that he never did, or could believe me Capable of so great a Baseness: and that he thought me a very Honest man. So that Mr. Bagshaw stands now upon his single Testimony, to prove what he has said. He will have it, that I frequently solicited a Private Conference with Oliver. I would not care if I had done so; for I could make twenty fair Pretences to warrant it; But I do utterly, and to all purposes deny it. In soothe his next is a choice Piece. He says, That I often brought my Fiddle under my Cloak to facilitate my Entry. Surely this same Edward Bagshaw has been Pastor to a Graves-end-Boat, he has the vein so right. A Fiddle under my Cloak? Truly my Fiddle is a Base-Viol; and that's somewhat a troublesome Instrument under a Cloak. 'Twas a Great Oversight he did not tell my Lord to what Company I belonged too; but a man may see what a Libeler is when the Devil leaves him to himself. In earnest, This Device, is not worth a Serious Word. But we'll to That that is. Behold the Glorious Champion of the Pretended Holy Cause, and by what Crooked Shifts The Miserable Wretch strives to Mainteyn it: Think Then what kind of Cause it is that needs or owns the Aid of so Infamous a Method, or so shameless a Patron. Take all that ever dropped from his Pen upon This Subject; What is it but a Flux of Poison? and totally directed either to Propagate Error, or Deprave Virtue; to make Some Really Wicked, and to make Others Appear so. Is This the Office of God's Minister, or of Satan's? or, Whether is it God's Cause, or Satan's, that supports itself by Forgery, and Scandal? I am now to account for the little Bribes I bestowed upon Cromwell 's nearest Attendants. I suppose, Those People had Names that received Them. Let him say, Who, What, When, and let the Infamy stick upon me if he Proves what he says. Let it Rest upon him, if he does not; and yet I am of Opinion, that I might have requited a Common Civility with a Common Gratuity, and that with a very good Conscience. In fine, the Tyrant would not vouchsafe to Employ me, and from thence, Bagshaw infers, that I was Cromwell 's Spy. Now hear the Truth in a plain Tale. Upon the Dissolution of the Long Rump, in 1653. I returned from beyond-Seas into England, and presently advertised the Council then sitting at White-Hall, that finding myself within the Protection of the Act of Indemnity, I thought it Convenient to give them notice of my Return; This was about the Latter end of August, soon after which time, I was served with This following Order, the Copy whereof I have still by me. Wednesday 7th of Septem●er, 1653. At the Council of State at White-Hall. Ordered, THat Roger L'Estrange be sent unto, to attend the Committee of this Council for Examinations. Ex. Jo. Thurloe, Secretary This Order brought me under a Necessity of Attending for my dispatch, but perceiving my Business to advance very slowly, and my Father lying at that time Ill of his Death-Sickness; I did my endeavour to hasten my Discharge what I could, that I might pay my Duty to my Father, (whom I had not seen for many years before) and receive his last Blessing. Mr. Strickland was one of the Commissioners appointed for my Examination; and the Person from whom (in the Judgement of my Friends) I was to expect the least of Courtesy. Wherefore the better to dispose him to my Convenience, I gave him the Respect of a Visit, telling him frankly, that I was returned upon the Invitation of the Act of Indemnity; and laying before him how much it concerned me both in point of Comfort, and Interest, to see my dying Father. Instead of Complying with my Proposition, his Answer wa●, that I would find myself mistaken, and that My Case was not Comprehended in That Act: My Reply to him was, that I might have been safe among the Turks, upon the same Terms: and so I left him. From That time, matters beginning to look worse and worse, I concluded upon it as my best course to speak to Cromwell himself. After Several disappointments (for want of Opportunity) I spoke to him at last in the Cockpit, and the Sum of my Desire was either a Speedy Examination, or that it might be deferred till I had seen my Father. He told me of the Restlessness of our Party; that Rigour was not at all his Inclination; that he was but one Man, and could do little by Himself; and that Our Party should do well to give some better Testimony of their quiet and Peaceable Intentions. I told him, that every man was to Answer for his own Actions, at his own Peril: and so he went his way. A while after, I prevailed to be called, and Mr. Strickland, with another Gentleman (whose name I have forgotten) were my Examiner's; but the Latter pressed nothing against me: Mr. Strickland indeed insisted upon my Condemnation, and would have cast me out of the Compass of the Act; telling me at last, that I had given no Evidence of the Change of my mind, without which I was not to be trusted. My final Answer was to this Effect: That it was my Interest to Change my Opinion, if I could; and that whenever I found Reason so to do, I would do it. Some few days after This, I was discharged according to the Tenor of This Ensuing Order. Monday the 31th of October, 1653. At the Council of State at White-Hall. Ordered, THat Mr. Roger L'Estrange be dismissed from his further attendance upon the Council, he giving in Two Thousand pounds' security to appear when shall be summoned so to do, and to act Nothing Prejudicial to the Commonwealth. Ex. Jo. Thurloe, Secretary During the dependency of This Affair, I might well be seen at White-Hall, but that I spoke to Cromwell of any other Business than This; That I either sought, or pretended to any Privacy with him, or that I ever spoke to him after This Time, I do absolutely disown; and Mr. Bagshaw will find as much Difficulty to prove the Contrary, as to Deny Those Treasonous and Schismatical Principles which I have now raised in Judgement against him, out of his own Papers. Concerning the Story of the Fiddle, This I suppose might be the Rise of it. Being in St. James his Park, I heard an Organ Touched in a little Low Room of one Mr. Hinckson's. I went in, and found a Private Company of some five or six Persons. They desired me to take up a Viol, and bear a Part. I did so; and That, a Part too not much to advance the Reputa- of my Cunning. By and By, (without the least colour of a Design, or Expectation) In comes Cromwell; He found us Playing, and (as I remember) so he lef● us. This is it which Mr. Bagshaw Amplifies to the Report of Often bringing my Fiddle under my Cloak to Facilitate my Entry. [Often] he says; which is False, for 'twas never but This Once. [Bringing of my Fiddle] That's Right again. I neither Brought it, nor was it My Fiddle. [Under my Cloak] That's Licentia Presbyteriana. [To Facilitate my Entry] Whereas instead of my going to Oliver, He came to Me. After All; I do profess here, that I would have made no Scruple on the Earth to have given Cromwell a Lesson for my Liberty. But I affirm, that I did it not however. As to the Bribing of his Attendants; I disclaim it. I never spoke to Mr. Thurloe but Once, in my Life; and That was about my Discharge. Nor did I ever give Bribe, Little or Great, in the Family. In These Late Revolutions, I dare undertake to make it appear, that I have Engaged myself as Frequently, and as Far, upon the King's Account as any Subject his Majesty has of my Condition in his Three Kingdoms; and This I can Prove by Several, and Eminent Persons in the City; and elsewhere: Only having been Honest through the whole Course of his Sacred Majesty, and his blessed Father's Adversities; It is held convenient, that I should pass for a Rascal in the King's Prosperity. But I shall remit my Innocence to Justice, Time, and Reason. [L] ANd thus, my Lord, though perhaps with more brevity, E. B. Pag. 9 & 10▪ than the Cause, yet greater length than your Lordship's Occasions will bear, I have not o●ly defended myself, but likewise uncased my Accuser; for whom while I implore your Lordship's Mercy; (for as he stands thus naked in his colours. Justice will never spare him) I beg nothing for myself, but so much Equity, thate ● may have leave to plead my own cause at your Lordship's Bar, bes●re you conclu●e me guilty; and since, I doubt not, 〈◊〉 your Lordship will allow, that difference in Opinion about Religious Matters, m●y easily be reconciled to a candid persuance of the same Civil Interests: since diversity in Habits, need not alter the disposition in hearts; and since he that desires sincerely to serve God, ought not to be cou●ted a stranger, because he serves him not in his neighbour's fashion: As long as there is an Eternal Truth in such kind of Principles, and Moderation enough in your Lordship to close with them, I shall not so much wrong your Goodness, as to despair of your Favour. MR. Bagshaw makes his Boast here of his Defence, R. L'S. and his Discovery; but so far is he from defending himself, that he does not so much as mention his Charge: and so far likewise from uncasing Me, that he only casts his own Cloak upon My Shoulders, P●tting L'Estrange his Name to Bagshaw's Character. His Moderation, of begging only leave to plead; I must confess, is laudable: but he mistakes the Bar; for his Business lies at Common Law, not in the Chancery. He is pleased to Implore on my behalf, rather Mercy, than Justice; I'll do as much for him. I have the Charity to look upon his Railing, but as a fit of Vomiting: His stomach's foul, and it must up. Nor would I understand his Seditious, and Bold Imposing upon Law, and Government, to be any Other then the Ebullitions of his Pride. And his Phantastiques in Religion, what are they, but the mere Dotages and Resveries of a conceited fever? Most certainly, his Crimes narrowly Scanned would Endanger his Head; but (without Malice to his Life) when Preachers become Libelers, Some mark, in earnest, were not amiss to the People, that they might distinguish betwixt a Churchman, and a Buffoon: And to comply with Mr. Bagshaw in his own way, methinks a Yellow Coat would become him as well as a Black; and much more suitable, it were to his Employment. I speak with Reverence to his Function. We come now to his Masterpiece, where very slily he winds off, as if the Reconcilement of Differing Opinions about Religious Matters, to a Candid Persuance of the same Civil Interests, were the Thing in Question. But that's a Juggle. He takes the power from the King, and gives it to the People: He Charges his Majesty with Usurpation: Reckons Him among Impious Pretenders: Contradicts and Opposes Him even against the Confessed Dictates of his Proper Conscience. And what's all This now to difference of Opinion about Religious Matters? We have brought him now to his last Compliment, where, (with Sir Philip Sidney's Spaniel) he bemires with fawning. Yet see with what a face of Dignity, and Virtue, the Servile Trifle Menages his Bold, and Vain Pretensions. 'Tis not with Him you'll find, as▪ with [the greatest part of my Lords followers]. In Truth, if it were so with Them, as 'tis with Him, my Lord would have great Cause to be ashamed of his Retinue. But Mr. Bagshaw's Picture is best drawn by his own hand, and His Humour best expressed in his own words. * E. B. Pag. 10. ANd though the greatest part of your Lordship's Followers, may perhaps crowd to you for the Eminence of your Place, and the Height of your Power; Yet I can assure your Lordship, that your great Personal Worth, and the Excellence of your Civil Accomplishments, together with That strict league of Friendship, which such Resemblance of Virtuous Qualities must needs produce, between your Lordship, and That Right Honourable, and truly Noble Person, to whom I am Related, are solely reflected upon by Me, when I take leave thus publicly to profess myself My LORD, Your Lordship's most humble and most obedient Servant, EDWARD BAGSHAW. 〈◊〉▪ La●e, May▪ 10▪ 1662. Here's Mr. Bagshaw's Glozing Reverence to my Lord Chancellor; now let the Reader only cast his eye upon the next Column, and he shall fee this very Edward Bagshaw doing more Honour, and Professing D●●per to the most abominable Monster in Nature. † Epist. Ded. to God's Decrees, etc. To the Honourable My Lord BRADSHAW, Lord Chief Justice of Chester. I Have no one outward motive more▪ Prevailing with Me, than my, perhaps, too great Ambition of presenting something to your Lordship, whereby I might testify to the World, not only▪ That real esteem I have of your Lordship's Singular Worth, and Eminence in General, but likewise to manifest in Particular, how mindful I am of those many Signal and Unparalleled Marquis of Favour, which You have been pleased to confer upon myself; for which, though the Service of my whole life will be too Poor, and mean a Sacrifice, and no endeavour can amount to deserve the name of Requital; yet I could not but think it my duty to study an acknowledgement: which Zeal of mine, if your Lordship pleases either to accept, or pardon, I have attained my end; For I aim at nothing more than the Honour of being owned for▪ My Noble Lord, Your Lordship's most obliged, most thankful, and most humble devoted Servant, EDW. BAGSHAWE. Ch. Ch. Dec. ●0. 16●9. I shall now give Mr. Bagshaw leisure to Reconcile his Contradictions; and to Prove that the Enemy of Hierarchy is a Friend to the Order of Bishops: That the disclaimer of the King's Authority has a most Affectionate Esteem for his Majesty's Person and Government; and that his Adorations of the Late King's Murderer, will admit a fair and equitable Plea, under the Government of his Royal Successor. I am still in Mr. bagshaw's Debt for an Answer to his Second, and Third Exceptions, to my Memento; Concerning the Defamers of the Government, that scape better than their Accusers; and Those that can come off for Printing, and Publishing downright Treason, when I have much ado to scape for Telling it.] That shall be Cleared in due Season: Only there lies a General Cavil in my way to it, and I shall speak ●o That First; for since my Pen is in Course, I think I had as good do all at a Heat. I am suspected to Write, out of a Love of Scribbling; and Traduced, as if I meddled further than belongs to me, with the Government of Church and State. Those very Persons that Think so, I am content to make my Judges; and here's my Case. Upon his Majesty's Return, there were Printed, and Reprinted, New and Old, divers Seditious Pamphlets, of most Pestilent Reflection upon the King's Honour and Justice; and directly Libellous against the Government of the Church. Some of the Fouleft of them I delivered into the Hands of certain Parliament-men, (naming the Stationer for whom they were Printed) and, as I am informed, Compleint was made of them in the House of Commons, which notwithstanding, they were still publicly sold in Westminster-hall, and There the matter rested without any further Prosecution. This Freedom of the Press, had so manifest an Influence upon the minds of the People, that in a short time, That Unanimous Proneness of Affection, which upon the King's Restauration was most remarqueably evident in the Generality of the Nation, was so far altered, and wrought upon, by the means of these poisonous Discourses, that the Presbyterian Ca●se was grown to be the Common Argument of Public Meetings, and the Power of the Two Houses coordinate with his Majesty not obscurely defended. Finding so many Bitter and Infectious Writings to escape, not only unpunished, but unanswered, to the daily Encouragement of the Faction, and the Scandal of the Government: I reckoned it my Duty (since no body else would meddle) to supply the Place of a Better Defendant. My first Engagement was a Reply (by way of Observation) upon a Treatise; Entitled, The Interest of England in the Matter of Religion: Written by I. C. Wherein, without any Provocation, He Justifies the Presbyterian Cause of 1641. [Pag. 10.] He excludes the Royal Party that served the late King from having any hand in the Restoring of This, [Pag. 13.] He revives the Pretended Misdemeanures of the Bishops, as Occasional to the last War, [Pag. 31. & 32.] He mainteins the Actings of the Presbyterians according to the Covenant, [Pag. 44.] He makes the Two Houses Participant of the Sovereignty, [Pag. 49.] He denies the Lawfulness of the English Ceremonies, [Pag. 88] These Positions, and Others like These, over and over urged, were the Occasion of my Holy Cheat. The next Pamphlet I wrote was called a Caveat, etc. and Drawn from me by a desire to clear the Cavaliers from some Officious and well-meaning Imputations cast upon Them by I. H. in His Cordial. Some Passages therein being otherwise Represented than I meant them; and to my Disadvantage, I was forced to follow it with Another, by way of Explanation, and that I called A Modest Plea, etc. My Relapsed Apostate, was an Answer to a Seditious and Schismatical Pamphlet, Entitled A Petition for Peace; with the Reformation of the Liturgy. And the following Supplement, was only a Discovery of the Malice of Some Other Presbyterian Pamphlets. My next Discourse was a Vindication of the Bishop of Worcester, from a Libel of Mr. Bagshaw's. And This, now under my Hand, carries the Necessity of it along with it: So that Thus far, my Pen has only been Defensive, either of the King, the Church, or, in the last place, of My own Honour. My Memento, it's Truth, is a Mixed Discourse, and the Greater part of it, Effectually, rather a Paraphrase upon Sir Francis Bacon, than my Proper Text. It is written with more Honesty, than skill; and it has (the Common Fate of other Things) Friends, and Enemies. He that understands it as I meant it, shall do Me no hurt; and he that takes it otherwise, is the more likely of the Two to miss my Meaning. Such Venomous Natures there may be, as to Blast All they Touch; Draw Poison from the Holy Writ, and Turn the very Decalogue into a Libel. If it Displeases Such, the matter is not great, for it was beside my Purpose to Oblige Them. I shall now be as good as my word concerning Defamers of the Government, etc. Since the Burning of the Covenant; was Published a Book, Entitled, A PHOENIX; or The Sole●n LEAGUE and COVENANT; Pretended to be Printed at Edinburgh; and Dated [In the year of COVENANT-BREAKING] The Drift of the Whole is to Justify the last War; to disaffect the People to his Majesty now in Being; and to Enforce the Obligation of the Covenant, out of an old Sermon of Mr. Edm. Calamie's, called, The Great Danger of COVENANT-REFUSING, and COVENANT-BREAKING. This Book being brought to my Hand, I procured a Warrant to search for it, and Retrieved about 120 Copies, which I seized, together with the Printer, Disperser, and One Stationer (of the Three that were Partners in the Impression) I Brought These People to His Majesty's Principal Secretary, Sir Edward Nichola●; by whose Order, the Printer, and Stationer were Committed; and the Disperser, being Poor to Extremity, was upon certain Conditions left at Liberty. Concerning the Printer, it appeared that he acted rather upon Necessity, than Malice: but for Two of the Three Stationers, to wit, Giles Calvert (who was Apprehended) and Livewell Chapman: (who was now fled) No men whatever of their Profession have more Constantly, and Maliciously prosecuted the Destruction of the Royal Family. The Third Stationer's Name is Thomas Brewster, who absented himself for a while, and is since returned. Francis-Tyton was one of the Pu●lis●ers (as Right as any of the Rest). At the same Time, I Seized the first Two sheets of the Book of Prodigies, then newly put to the Press, and for the same Booksellers. Giles Calvert did not only come off for This, but during his Imprisonment, (which continued till the Adjournment of the Parliament) his Wife went on with the Prodigies; upon Proof whereof, She was likewise Committed, and is come off too. See now the Temper and Design of These Pamphlets. A King abusing his Power, to the overthrow of Religion, Phoenix Pag. 52. Laws and Liberties, which are the very Fundamentals of this Contract and Covenant, may ●e Controlled and Opposed: and if he set himself to overthrow all These by Arms, than they who have power, as the Estates of a Land, may and aught to resist by Arms; Because he d●th, ●y that opposition, break the very ●onds, and overthrow the essentials of this Contract and Covenant. This may serve to justify the proceed of this Kingdom against the late King, ☜ who in an Hostile way set himself to overthrow Religion, Parliaments, Laws, and Liberties. Among the H●llish rout of Profane, and Ungodly men, preface to the Prodigies. let especially the Oppressors and Persecutors of the True Church look to themselves, when the hand of the Lord in the strange Signs and Wonders is lifted among them; for then let them know assuredly that the day of their Calamity is at hand, and the things that shall come upon them make haste. Deut. 32.35. The retale and final overthrow of Pharaoh and the Egyptians (those cruel Taskmasters and Oppressors of the Israelites) did bear date not long after the Wonderful and the Prodigious Signs which the Lord had shown in the midst of them. ☞ Prodigies Pa. 1. Two Suns seen ne●r Hertford, etc.] The like in the Beginning of Queen Mary, and about the Time of the Persecution in Germany. It portends a●s● the Fall of Great men from their Power. Ibid. Pag. 11. & 12. Armies were seen in Sussex, etc.] This happened a while before the King of Swede routed the Imperial Army:— and here in England in 1640. A Terrible Tempest and Raging Tides] This in the Low-Countries, Pag. 42. a little before they threw off the Yoke of the King of Spain. A River dried up, etc.] This portends a Revolt and Division of the People. Ibid. Pag. 53. Let what I have said, serve to satisfy Mr. Bags●a●, that Defamers of the Government, and the Publishers of Tre●son may c●me off; and better too then their Accusers: for I am exposed to daily Menaces, Libels, Violences, only for Asserting the King's Interest, and Discovering his Enemies. It's time now to draw to a Conclusion, and I cannot end better than with giving the World a Particular View of some few of Those Many Treasonous, Seditious, and Schismatical Pieces, which have been Published Since his Sacred majesty's Return: and with That I shall wind up my Justification. Wherein, I shall observe in Order, how they Treat the Church, and the King's Cause, and his Authority. Upon the Restoring of the King, Mr. Manton Publishes Smectymnuus, The Smectym●●●ns. and in his Preface to the Reader, [I suppose (says he) the Reverend Authors were willing to lie hid under this ONOMASTICK; partly that their work might not be received with prejudice; the Faction, against which they dealt, arrogating to themselves a Monopoly of Learning, and condemning all others as Ignorants and Novices not worthy to be heard, etc. Now see the Judgement of his Reverend Authors, and what Stuffe Mr. Manton Publishes for the Reception of His Majesty, he himself calling the Episcopal Party a Faction. Do we not know, the Drunkenness, Profaneness, Superstition, Popishness of the English Clergy rings at Rome already? Smectym. Pag. 58. Yes undoubtedly; and there is no way to vindicate the Honour of our Nation, Ministry, Parliaments, Sovereign, Religion, God; but by Causing the Punishment to ring as far as the sin hath done; that our Adversary's that have triumphed in their sin, may be confounded at their Punishment. Note. Do not your Honours know that the plastring or palliating of these rotten Members, will be a greater dishonour to the Nation and Church, than their cutting off; and that the personal acts of these Sons of Belial, being connived at, become National sins? Here's Episcopacy, Root and Branch, with all Circumstances, Suitable to a Presbyterian Modesty, Published by a Pardoned Nonconformist, for the Welcome of H●s Sacred Majesty. How com●s it to pass that in England there is such increase of Popery, Superstition, Arminianism, Ibid. Pag. 66. and Profaneness, more than in all other Reformed Churches? Doth not the Root of These Disorders proceed from the Bishops, and their adherents? We have chosen rather to subjoin by way of Appendix, Ibid. Pag. 68 and Historical Narration of those bitter fruits, Pride, Rebellions, Treason, Unthankefulness, etc. which have Issued from Episcopacy, while it hath stood under the continued influences of Sovereign Goodness. Here's Presbyterian Gratitude for his Majefties Declaration from Breda, See now a seasonable, and Modest Quaere. Covenanters Plea, Pag. 52. Whether the Lords and Commons of England assembled in Parliament, have not a power to make a new Oath, and impose it upon the People, unless the King first consent. Now see Gelaspies D●spute against the English Popish Ceremonies; a Book formerly condemned by the Secret Counsel in Scotland to be burnt by the Hand of the Common Hangman, and now lately Published by Philip Chetwynd. In his Epistle to the Reform Churches, Thus. Pag. 9 1. Be not deceived, to think that they who so eagerly press this Course of Conformity, have any such end as God's Glory, or the Good of his Church, and profit of Religion. 2. Let not the pretence of Peace, and Unity, cool your fervour, Pag. 11. or make you spare to oppose yourselves unto those Idle and Idolized Ceremonies, against which we dispute. 3. If once you yield to these English Ceremonies, think not that thereafter you can keep yourselves back fr●m any greater evils, Pag. 16. or grosser corruptions, which they draw after them. Ibid. Pag. 20. 4. Among the Laws of Solon, there was one which pronounced him defamed and unhonest, who in a Civil uproar among the Citizens sitteth still, a Looker on, and Neuter: much more deserve they to be so accounted of, who s●un to m●ddle with any controversy which disquieteth the Church, whereas they should labour to win the Adversaries' of the Truth, and if they prove obstinate, to defend and propugne the Truth against th●m. Pag. 245. 5. Whensoever you may omit that which Princes enjoin, without violating the Law of Charity, you are not holden to obey them, for the Majesty of Princely Authority. Pag. 266. 6. The Lawfulness of our conforming unto the Ceremonies in question, can be no way warranted by any Ordinance of the Supreme Magistrate, or any Power which he hath in things Spiritual, or Ecclesiastical. Here's first the very Intention of Authority uncharitably Defamed. Secondly, the People Animated to Disobedience. In the Third place Here's a Jealousy injected of more Mischeives to follow. Fourthly, Not only Argument, but Violence itself not obscurely Encouraged. Fifthly, Here's the King's Prerogative rendered dependent upon the Good Pleasure of his People. And Lastly, here's an Absolute denial of his majesty's Supreme Authority. The same Things over again are Maintained in The Old Nonconformist. The Trial of the English Lyturgy. Mr. Crofton 's Pamphlets; The Interest of England; The Presbyterian Account from the Savoy. Their Petition for Peace, and Their Two Pap●rs of Proposals, Mr. Bagshaw 's Treatises; and finally, Where not? See next Mr. Watson's Word of Comfort, of but the other day. Now (saith he) because the Church of God appears in his Cause, and loseth Blood in his Quarrel, Pag. 8. therefore God is in the midst of Her.] This was Calculated for Corbet, and Berkstead, etc. Take h●ed of Idolatry; yea, and of Superstition too, Pag. 28. which is a Bridge leading ov●r to it. Superstition is an intermixing our fancies and inventions with Divine Institutions; 'tis an Affront offered to God, as if he were not wise enough to appoint the manner of his own Worship.] Is not God upon the Threshold of his Temple ready to fly? Pag. 30. Are not the Shadows of the Evening Stretched ou●? And may we not fear the Sunsetting of the Gospel? And again. The Lord may let his Church be a while under Hatches, Pag. 39 to Punish her security, and to awaken her out of her slumbering fits; yet surely the storm will not continue long. What can This Gentleman mean here now by Superstition, but the Rites of the Church? What by the Sunsetting of the Gospel? but the Approaching settlement of Conformity? And what by the short continuance of the Storm? but the speedy Subversion of The Present Authority? And in Truth, their Pulpits do Generally speak the same Language. [Christians: (says Mr. Jenkins, some five weeks since) you do not know what God has Reserved to be done For you, and BY you; only wait the Lord's Leisure. David had saul's life in his Power, but far be it from him (he would not say to lift up his hand against the Lord's Anointed, but) to anticipate God's time. Who knows but the Lord may smite him, or he may descend into the Battle, and fall by the Edge of the Sword. Look behind ye, and ye must All confess that God has relieved ye in your distresses, when ye have most desponded.] In short; he might as well have said to his Congregation, Remember the last Turn, and Rely upon Another. Nor is This any Uncharitable Gloss upon his Meaning, who may very well be suspected to be no great Friend to the Son, having Publicly absolved the Nation of the Blood of the Father. Observe now, in the Last Place, how Bold the Press is with the King's Cause, and Authority. When as a part of the Legislative Power resides in the Two Houses, Interest of Eng. Pag. 49. as also a Power to redress Grievances, and to call into Question all Ministers of State and Justice, and all Subjects of whatsoever degree, in case of Delinquency, it might be thought that a Part of the Supreme Power doth reside in them, though they have not the honorary Title.] Here is Coordination asserted, which is Destructive of the King's Imperial Title. Hear now the Publishers of the Speeches of some of the late King's Judges, viz. Harrison, Carew, etc.— In his preface to the Reader, He calls them the Servants of Christ; and Publishes the Story, (as he says) that men may see what it is to have an Interest in Christ, ☞ in a dying hour, and to be faithful to his Cause.] If These People Suffered for God's Cause, by what Authority did They Act that put them to Death? Pag. 11. Mr. Carew could have Escaped (he says) but would not; knowing how much the Name and Glory of God was concerned in his Faithful Witness to the Cause of Christ, for which he was in Bonds.] In another Place, a Letter is pretended to be written to a Christian Friend by Mr. Justice Cook. I look upon it as the most Noble and High Act of Justice, Pag. 41. that our Story can Parallel, and so far as I had a hand in it, never any one Action in all my life comes to my mind with less Regret, or Trouble of Conscience, then that does: for the Blood must lie upon Him (meaning the King) or upon the Parliament.] More of This Stuff there is, but it would be too tedious. Proceed now to the Narrative of John James. If there hath been any undue Combination against this poor man, preface. if for some Reason of State, rather than for any real Gild on his part, he was made an Example; if his Judgement and Conscience, rather than any Just Crime, were the cause of his Condemnation, as he so often declared; if, submitting to a Trial by the Word of God, he was judged contrary thereto; the Lord in his due time will Manifest, and his Blood will most certainly be required, etc.] And again, He was Tried in so high a Court, Pag. 36. there being several Judge's before him, and four of the King's Counselors, besides the Attorney, and Solicitor General, pleading against him to take away his Life; and a Jewry of Knights and Gentlemen, all of the same spirit, thirsting after his Blood, etc.] Take now for a Close, the Miserable Madness of another Pamphlet, against the King's Proclamation Prohibiting Conventicles. Oh it is sad to Consider, that the Proclamation of a poor Worm, should not only Command men's persons, Loud Call, Pag. 16. ●ut their very Spirits also. If any King or Powers dare off●r to entrench on men's Consciences, to their utmost Peril be it; and if men give way to their Usurped Authorities, to their uttermost Perils be it also; No Governors nor Rulers have any more Power as from God, to give Laws in matters of Religion, or to Rule over men's Consciences, than they have to sit in God's Throne in Heaven, Ibid. Pag. 17. or to pluck him from his Throne. Stand up for your Meetings, and holy Services, let Men and Powers Decree never so Contrary. Ibid. I might Insist upon divers other Seditious Pamphlets, but let This Suffice. Here is the Sacred Government of the Church Vilifyed; the Rulers of it Reviled; the People Animated and Inflamed against the Magistrate. Here is the Prerogative of his Most Gracious Majesty, not only questioned, but Disclaimed; his Indulgence Trampled upon; and the Execrable Murderers of his Royal Father Sainted. Let the World now Determine, Whether it be not highly Necessary that These Bold and Pestilent Defamations, should be either Punished, or Confuted. FINIS.