CLEMENS IX. PONTIFEX MAXIMUS, CREATUS DIE XX JUNII. ANNO M. D. C. LX. VII.    

Il Cardinalismo di Santa Chiesa; OR THE HISTORY OF THE CARDINALS OF THE Roman Church, From the time of their first Creation, to the Election of the Present POPE Clement the Ninth, With a full Account of his CONCLAVE.  
In Three Parts.  
Written in Italian by the Author of the Nipotismo di Roma, and faithfully Englished by G. H.  
LONDON, Printed for John Starkey, at the Mitre betwixt the Middle-Temple-Gate, and Temple Bar in Fleetstreet. 1670.   

A SUMMARY Of the Matters contained in the Three Parts of this Book.  
THE First treats of the Essence of the Church; of the Controversies which arise betwixt the Religious Orders, the Princes, and the 〈…〉 ergy: Of the Pontifical Authority, how it is understood in Rome; and how it ought to be, by the Sovereign Princes: Of the Original, Augmentation, and Essence of the Cardinalitial Dignity; and of the manner of living of all the Cardinals in general.  
The Second shows how careless, and perfunctory the Cardinals are in defending the Church from the rapacity of the Nipotismo, with the reasons and obligations they have thereunto: As likewise the Promotions, Titles, Alliances, Qualities, Vices, and Virtues, of all the Cardinals now living.  
The Third discourses of all the Treaties, Negotiations, Differences, Disputes, and Dissensions, happened amongst the Cardinals in the Conclaves; and betwixt the Cardinals, the People, and the Emperors, in the Elections of all the Popes, and Anti-popes', from the Incarnation of our Saviour, to the Conclave in the Year 1667. in which Clement the 9th. was elected Pope: To which are added certain Politic Aphorisms, written by Cardinal Azolini, upon the Cardinals of the said Conclave.   

THE AUTHOR TO THE READER.  
Kind Reader,  
I Present you here with the Cardinalismo I promised you in my Nipotismo; Read it as your own, not as mine; for he who promises a thing, obliges himself de jure to him that expects its performance. Certain Critics who vouchsafe to throw away some moments of their time in the perusal of the Nipotismo, wondered exceedingly that I should publish that book first, having declared the Cardinalismo to be my first born. The first pangs and qualms which I endured, were (I must confess) in the Conception of my Cardinalismo; but I laid that aside, and fell upon my Nipotismo. You will ask me upon what grounds, or inducements? What necessity was there for that? I will tell you sincerely, my design was to publish them together; but upon second thoughts, I made an Esau of Jacob, and a Jacob of Esau, that is, I put forth my Nipotismo by way of Essay, resolving, if that had not had the approbation I expected, to have stifled the other, or confined it to my own Cabinet. But things succeeded according to the predictions of my Friends, and the Nipotismo relishing even amongst those Argus', and Critics, who read books only to correct them, and upbraid the Authors: I concluded forthwith to present this Cardinalismo likewise, for the benefit of the Public, presuming its reception would be no worse than the other, if the Readers judgement, and the Authors do agree: which nevertheless I cannot but apprehend, when I consider how frequently they differ.  
This I know, that if any book ever gave occasion of Censure, this will, and that not only to the Catholics, but to the Protestants also, (for even amongst them there are such as will find fault, where they do not sometimes understand.) Methinks I hear a Protestant at one of my ears, crying out already, You might have left out this, you should have omitted that, it would have been better thus, and thus, and thus: and in the other, a scandalised Catholic complaining, that I write several things superfluous to the very nature of History, and pass by others which would be proper and adequate.  
But he who should write a book, and undertake to give universal satisfaction, would but lose his time, and have his labour for his pains. Nor is it to be expected the general will submit to a particular. The Apostles were holy men, guided by the holy Spirit, and according to that direction, they writ the book of the holy Gospel: yet how many Heretics are there found, who fear not to condemn, what they ought in Conscience to adore? How many profane persons which despise the Apostolical instructions? How many Divines, that with a thousand niceties, and distinctions, do controvert and dispute against the writings of the Apostles? Now if the nature of man be so dogged and perverse, that it cannot accommodate with so sacred a book, so necessary to our Salvation, and so infallible in its Composition; how is it possible they should receive one kindly, that perhaps is contrary to their own sense and inclinations? I am satisfied it is impossible this Cardinalismo should please both Catholic and Protestant, because the one contemns what the other approves, and the other embraces what the first has rejected. Many things are inserted which are familiar amongst the Catholics, and for that reason those are contemptible to them. Many others there are which are common amongst the Protestants, and accordingly as inconsiderable to them: but all things are to be regulated with order, and the good intention of the Author is to be excused, because his design is to give general satisfaction as near as he can. Should he have writ only what had been palatable to the Catholics, the Protestants would have disgusted it; and on the other side, to have addressed himself only to the satisfaction of the Protestants, would have been as ingrateful to the Catholics.  
Seeing therefore what is acceptable to the one, is unacceptable to the other; the Catholic may read what makes for his interest, and the Protestant, what the Catholic rejects: (and I am certain he will reject what is most worthy to be read.) For my part, I advise the Protestant to read nothing but what the Catholic condemns; and the Catholic, only what the Protestant despises: that both of them may suck what honey they can, and throw away the sting which pricks them within.  
Thus far kind Reader, I have spoken in general, I shall now apply myself particularly to thee: and first I desire thee to take notice, I am not the only person concerned in the composition of this book. For these two last years I have endeavoured (notwithstanding some trouble and expense) to procure such Memoires as were necessary for my design, from the hands of other persons: so that if the book happens to be disliked, let not the whole blame be laid at my door, but let them have their share who cooperated in the work, which I cannot call mine, because my Memoires came from the hands of other people; people I may say, for I depended not upon the Relations of any one man.  
Yet there is one thing I may properly call my own, and that is the Style, and Contexture of the book, in which also you may have occasion (and perhaps in every leaf) to condemn me, as not observing the rules of the current Style. I confess I thought the trouble unnecessary to apply myself to those niceties, and punctilios, to which the writers in this age are so much addicted, and it preceded from an inclination I had to the common (not a particular) benefit to the Public, and not to any private Party. Those who writ with so much glory in this age, do it to gain applause amongst the learned, because they are learned themselves. For my part I am conscious of great insufficiency, and that I have nothing to recommend me, but an immense, and insatiable desire, to make myself intelligible to the most illiterate people in the world: for this reason (being unable to arrive at that pitch of satisfaction (which is natural to all writers) to see myself favoured by the learned, and received by them, though as the meanest of them all). I endeavour to gain the acceptance of the commoner sort, by framing myself to the capacity of every body; and the rather, because those strangers who are most curious of learning our tongue, venture not but upon such books as are easy and familiar. Thou wilt not deny, but the learned do understand what is easy, and that the common-people abhor what is difficult. He therefore who writes smoothly end plain, writes to every one's understanding; whereas he that is abstruse, designs only to please a few. Such books as these, aught to be read by many, rather than by particular persons, though but few of the Commonalty are acquainted with such things, the rigour and severity being so great in Rome, no books are permitted, but Encomiums and Panegyrics.  
Many will blame me for writing with that freedom, of persons of so great quality, and now living, and not unworthily: yet I am not the only man, if I were, I should not (I hope) deserve to be condemned, writing nothing but the truth, for it would be cruelty against nature itself, and the right of reason, and History, if verity should be persecuted. If the good Catholics will look impartially upon what I have written of the Church of Rome, they will find my aim is no other, than to admonish them of the errors into which the world imagines they are fallen, and aught therefore to encourage and commend the piety of my design, there being no greater expression of kindness, than for one to advertise his friend of a Precipice which he sees not himself. Neither have the Cardinals more reason to complain, the whole drift of this Cardinalismo being nothing, but the elevation of their authority, too much depressed by the Popes: and although they perhaps will despise such advertisements as Satyrical, yet have their Eminences no reason to be offended, if they be made acquainted with what the world says of them. And if from the variety of Pens, which co-operated in this work, they meet with any thing nettling and pungent, they are in all humility desired to gather the Rose with such artifice, as not to prick themselves with the Briars. The Princes, on the other side, are most humbly beseeched, (and their Ministers of State with them) that they would peruse this book intentively, and not make any judgement upon the information of any prejudiced Ecclesiastic: and I am of opinion (if they vouchsafe to read it themselves) they will rather applaud than explode it.  
You are desired likewise (kind Reader) to excuse the Errors of the Press: they are too numerous indeed, yet in respect of your judgement, they are the fewer, for I am confident there is nothing, but what your learning will correct as you read, and by that means cover those defects, as well as the Errors of the Author, who promises for the future to write nothing but in generals, without any particular reflections, either upon Rome, or any other place. The Books which I intent to publish, are, L'Europa Morta; and Il Christianismo Universato: Farewell.   

A Catalogue of some Books lately Printed for John Starkey Bookseller, at the Mitre in Fleet-stteet near Temple-Bar.  
THE Voyages and Travels of the Duke of Holsteins' Ambassadors into Muscovy ' Tartary, and Persia, begun in the year 1633. and finished in 1639. containing a Complete History of those Countries; whereto are added, the Travels of Mandelslo● from Persia, into the East-Indies, begun in 1638. and finished in 1640. the whole illustrated with divers accurate Maps and Figures. Written Originally, by Adam Olearius, Secretary to the Embassy; Englished by J. Davies of Kidwelly. The second Edition in Folio. 
Price bound 18 shillings.  The Present State of the Ottoman Empire in three books; containing the Maxims of the Turkish Polity, their Religion, and Military Discipline: Illustrated with divers Figures. Written by Paul Rycaut, Esq; late Secretary to the English Ambassador there, now Consul of Smyrna. The third Edition in Folio. 
Price bound 10 s.  The History of Barbados, St. Christopher's, Mevis, St. Vincents, Antego, Martinico, Monserrat, and the rest of the Caribby Islands, in all twenty eight; in two books, containing the Natural and Moral History of those Islands; Illustrated with divers pieces of Sculpture, representing the most considerable rarities therein described. Written by an Ingenious hand. In Folio. 
Price bound 10 s.  A Relation of Three Embassies, from his Majesty Charles the Second, to the Great Duke of Muscovy, the King of Sweden, and the King of Denmark, performed by the Right Honourable the Earl of Carlisle, in the years 1663., and 1664. Written by an Attendant on the Embassies. In Octavo. 
Price bound 4 s.  Il Nipotismo di Roma, or the History of the Pope's Nephews, from the time of Sixtus the 4th. 1471. to the death of the last Pope Alexander the 7th. 1667. Written in Italian, and Englished by W. A. Fellow of the Royal Society. In Octavo. 
Price bound 3 s.  The Present State of the United Provinces of the Low Countries, as to the Government, Laws, Forces, Riches, Manners, Customs, Revenue, and Territory of the Dutch. Collected out of divers Authors by W. A. Fellow of the Royal Society. In Twelves. 
Price bound 2 s. 6 d.  The Art of Chemistry as it is now practised. Written in French by P. Thybault Chemist to the French King; and Englished by W. A. Dr. in Physic, and Fellow of the Royal Society. In Octavo. 
Price bound 3 s.  Basilia Chymica & Praxis Chymiatricae, or Royal and Practical Chemistry, in three Treatises; being a Translation or Oswald Crollius his Royal Chemistry; augmented and enlarged by John Hartman. To which is added his Treaties of Signatures of Internal things, or a true and lively Anatomy of the greater and lesser World. As also the Practice of Chemistry of John Hartman, M. D. augmented and enlarged by his Son, with considerable Additions; all faithfully Englished by a Lover of Chemistry. in Folio. 
Price bound 10 s.  Accidence Commenced Grammar, and supplied with sufficient Rules; or a new and easy Method for the learning the Latin Tongue. The Author John Milton. In Twelves. 
Price bound 8 d.   

In the Press this 5th. of November, 1669.  
The Jesuits Morals, faithfully extracted from their own books which are Printed by the Permission and Approbation of the Superiors of their Society. Written in French by a Serbon Doctor, and faithfully Englished in Folio.    

Il CARDINALISMO di Santa Chiesa, OR THE HISTORY OF CARDINALS. In III. Parts.  

PART I.  

BOOK I.  

The Contents.  
In which is discoursed, concerning the weakness of Humane Understanding. The manner of God's speaking to Men in old time, and at present. The Excellencies of the H. Scripture. How R. Catholics, live in Protestant Countries, and Protestants in those of R. Catholics. Of turning from one Religion to another. Of those, who relinquish the Church wherein they were born, and know not for what reason. The promiscuous admission of Doctors in the University of Valenza, applied by a Protestant Preacher in discourse with a R. Catholic. Of some Missionary Priests who receive licentious persons for Converts. What answers the Priests and Friars of Italy make to their Superiors, when these go about to punish their Miscarriages. An Example of a certain Florentine who went to Geneva to change his Religion. Another of a Neapolitan, to the same purpose. Of those Missionary Priests who buy their Faculty of Mission from some Courtier at Rome. What remedy is requisite in these matters. Of the Protestant Ministers who are contented to live in their Pastoral charge, without thrusting themselves into matters of State. Of Liberty of Conscience, so much talked of amongst Christians. What Authority the Emperors and Magistrates, had over Churchmen in the Primitive times. In what particulars the several parties of Christian Professors lament their miseries in these days. Of the zeal of Princes towards their Subjects. What Effect the Magistrate's diligence in visiting the people's Actions produceth. Of the neglect of Princes in observing the ways and proceedings of Churchmen. How the respect given anciently by the people to Princes and Magistrates, differs from what is given to them at this day. Of Churchmen who assume authority to pry into the actions of Sovereign Princes. A Parallel between the Princes and people in reference to the Exercise of Religion. Of the Policy of Churchmen, how exquisite to preserve their Grandeur. Some Examples of Preachers as to the matter of Ecclesiastical Grandeur. Of the disaffection of ecclesiastics to the Sovereignty of Princes. Of some Differences wont to arise between R. Catholics, and Protestants, in the Elections of Preachers. The Example of Moses, appointed a Preacher to Pharaoh. Of the Vigilance of France in maintaining the Gallicane Rites. Of a Book printed at Rome in diminution of the Sovereignty of Princes. The Jesuits questioned by the Parliament of Paris, concerning the Impression of the said Book. Their Answer to the Parliament. The great Devotion of the Venetians to the service of God, and the preservation of their Liberties and Privileges. Of some pretendedly scrupulous, wh● blame the Venetians for being too jealous of their Sovereignty. Of the danger wherein all Princes would be, were it not for the resistance which France and Venice make to the ambition of Churchmen. Of some discourses concerning the Authority of the Pope. Of Jurisdiction Ecclesiastical and Temporal compared together. What effects the Excommunication of the Venetians by Paul V. produced to the Church. Of the blame those Popes incur, who by their Excommunications, forbid Subjects to obey their Natural Princes. What Obedience both people and Magistrates owe to the Pope. The Opinion of a Dominican Divine. The heady Opinions of the Roman Divines concerning the Pope's Authority. The subjection of such Princes as are constrained by the Pope to obey the caprichio of those Divines who write accommodately to the Pope's humour. How easily the Popes may Excommunicate Sovereign Princes, and what mischief that easiness produceth. How the Pope's deal with Princes who have deserved well of the Church. The chief causes which moved Paul V. and Urban VIII. to thunder out Excommunications against the Venetians, the Commonwealth of Lucca, and the Duke of Parma. In what manner the Pope ought to be honoured by Princes and their people. Of the difference betwixt being of the Church in the days of the Apostles, and now. Of the effects wrought in the persons of Popes by the H. Ghost. Of the Offences arising daily between Popes and Princes, by reason of the misdemeanours of Churchmen. What great fear Popes of the Primitive Church had of falling into any Error prejudicial to the public good of Christendom. How little now adays they regard the Universal Good. Of the great zeal wherewith of old they exercised their Pastoral charge. What Esteem all people had of Popes in consideration of their holy Lives. What kind of persons ascend the Papal Throne in these times. What persecutions they suffer, who either by tongue or pen, reprove the faults of Popes and Churchmen. Of the praises attributed to the Popes by some writers. Of the Flatteries which sound well in the Pope's ears. Of those who are looked upon well or ill by the Pope. Of those who write of the Pope's Impeccability. S●me Reasons and Instances proving the Pope fallible like other men. Some Conclusions and Disputes maintained at Paris by the Jesuits in defence of the Pope's power and Infallibility. The cause why Popes are deficient in Miracles. The corruption of the Age. Some deserving persons kept far from the Court. Of the scandals committed by Churchmen in Rome. Of a Bull of Boniface VIII. Of an Opinion written by John XXII. What was the judgement of Paul II. concerning the Infallibility of the Pope. Of a Book written by Pope Adrian VI The Error Princes commit in suffering public disputes touching the Pope's Infallibility to be held in their Dominions. Of some disgusts given by Alexander VII. to the most Christian King. A Bull put forth by the said Alexander against some Decrees of the Parliament of Paris which rejected the Pope's Infallibility. The censure of the Faculty of Sorbonne of writings which defended the Papal Infallibility. Of Odoardo Farness Duke of Parma, who of a friend became an Enemy to Urban. What the Author thinks the Pope conceives of him. The Pope's desire that no Pens were in the world, but those which write in their favour. Of the Rodomontades which the Roman Theologues write in magnification of the Pope. The Opinion of a certain Theologue, That a Pope cannot be damned though never so wicked. The Impeccability of the Pope which the Jesuits begin to teach. Of the Opinion of those who hold the Pope not subject to General Councils. Of the Title of Eternity which some Flatterers would apply to the person of the Pope. The Obligation of people to reverence and honour the Popes whilst they are good, and to blame and avoid them, when they are wicked. Divers other particulars touching the Pope's Grandeur.   

THE dulness of Humane Understanding renders us uncapable of comprehending the mysterious conduct of Divine Providence, whose Counsels and Designs are as to us involved in a most profound night of impenetrable Obscurity. The Apostle St. Paul, after a Transport even into the third Heaven, gives this plain Advice to Inquisitive Spirits, Non plus sapere quam oportet sapere, sed sapere ad sobrietatem. Which Doctrine, if received by the more speculative sort of Christians, with the same lowliness of mind wherewith the Apostle writ it, would undoubtedly free the minds of men bewildered in those perplexities wherein even the most learned have been inextricably entangled by too nice and curious Contemplation.  
But so deeply rooted in our Nature is the Insatiate Desire of Knowledge, that we are continually climbing above our own Level, though, besides the trouble of the Endeadeavour, we run a hazard of falling from the Precipice, and of losing the eyes of our minds, by tiring them in a prospect of things Invisible.  
Nature hath allotted to Birds a light body fit for flying; to Oxen a heavy one accommodate to the slower motion of progression; the former being designed to adorn the Region of the Air, and the latter for Labour and Service on the Earth.  
Mankind, not content to enjoy the Measure of Understanding given them by Divine Providence, seek to raise their heavy clods beyond their assigned Sphere by speculations of things incomprehensible, as if it were free for them to outdo Nature, and make a new Creation of Spirits.  
Many admire, and amidst the confusions of their admiration, ask why God speaks no more to men since the Incarnation of our Saviour, as he did in old time to the Israelites? But for my part I wonder more, that Men in these times cannot understand the Language of God as the Israelites did in times past; and this wonder makes me sometimes pour out very pathetical complaints.  
To the Israelites God spoke seldom; few were the words; and many times 'twas on the tops of very high Mountains, from amidst thick Clouds, and darkness; sometimes in profound sleeps, clothed with Robes of invisible Air, and sometimes with a Voice only delivered by some Celestal Messenger. Now this Seldomness enhanced the wonder and Surprise in the Israelites themselves, whilst they observed how they were favoured at times and places by measure and proportion; and they were not a little proud of these favours.  
Those who doubt at present whether it be true that God speaks no more to Men, have all the reason of the world to change that doubting thought, if they will but seriously consider that God speaks now, not from Mountains but from Pulpits, not by Night but by Day, not in Sleep but to men Awake, not in the Air but in the Church, not seldom but often, not at some definite times but continually: So that if they hear him not, they are either deaf to the Voice of God, or else nautiateth the great plenty of Celestial favours.  
The Israelites boasted that God writ the Divine Law in Tables of Stone, in order to the better preservation of the same; and why should not Christians glory of the H. Charter written by the Apostles and Evangelists, by the assistance of the H. Ghost, for the propagation of Christianity?  
God Almighty writes every day in Characters so legible, that those who cannot read them, may deservedly be called blind. But, which is worst, those that are thus blind, are the very same that take up a belief, that in these day's God neither speaks nor writes, as he did in former Ages.  
Whoso would understand the Divine Speakings, and Desires to read the Characters of Heaven, let him not be at distance with the H. Scripture, inasmuch as this is the Key of Paradise, and the H. Ghost hath left the same to us, to declare to men what the Language of Heaven is in the New Testament.  
The H. Scripture is the Book wherein God spoke to the Israelites, and speaks still to Christians. And 'tis so replete with sweet expressions, and wholesome discourses, that 'tis not possible to go away hungry from so plentiful a Table, nor sick from so efficacicious a Medicine.  
That wretched Impostor Mahomet, who to blind others made himself blind, forbade the Translation of the H. Scripture into the Turkish Language under severe penalties, as doubting lest the Doctrine thereof being so pure and holy as it is, should purify and sanctify the minds of such as should read it: And the Roman Church permit it not in any other Language but the Latin, as if the Apostles, Evangelists, and Prophets, had written for a few, and not for all men, for some peculiar persons, and not for the Universal Church.  
Where can Christians of all sorts and conditions better spend the most precious Laws of the day, where refresh themselves in afflictions, where every themselves in poverty, than in reading of the Volume of Divine Laws.  
The Political Books of the Heathens, which contain nothing but Secular Maxims, cannot furnish us with other than Worldly Knowledge; But the H. Volume which descended from Heaven brings Celestial Instruction with it, whence those that read the same with great ardour, find consolation in it amidst their greatest calamities end miseries.  
The holy, pure, clean, and simple Doctrines of Christian Religion give solace, and comfort not only the most ignorant who live by direction, but even the most learned, who give directions to others; or to express myself better, they refresh and relieve not only the most learned who teach, but even the most ignorant who are taught.  
The Catholics think to be saved by going to Ma●s, and the Heretics by hearing Sermons. Some of these to appear good Christians, read the H. Scripture, sing Psalms, and say Grace at Table; and divers Catholics make Confessions to a Priest, go in Pilgrimage, and receive Indulgences; and all this to avoid being pointed at by others, by which manner of living they intimate the difference of Religion consists in nothing but in an outward and (as I may say) constrained appearance.  
The Protestants deny not but that there are many in their Communion, who lead Atheistical Lives, making every thing lawful to themselves, and stretching liberty of Conscience, to a liberty of Sinning: So likewise the Catholics confess that many of themselves too, live as if there were neither God nor Christ, nor Law, nor Faith in the World.  
In this matter of Religion I find one Evil of which the Catholics are more to be blamed than the Protestants themselves, and 'tis this: When Catholics go into the Country of Protestants, they not only accommodate themselves to live with the liberty of the place, but assume a greater liberty of Conscience, and abstain as well from some Exercises of Religion which are not forbidden, as from such as are.  
In like manner the Protestants in Catholic Countries, not only abstain from reading the H. Scripture, singing of Psalms, and frequenting Sermons, but besides making a medley of Omissions, they forbear to pay their Devotions to Almighty God, both when they go to sleep in the Evening, or rise from bed in the Morning. 'Tis true, the Protestants well knowing the extreme rigour of the Inquisition, find themselves necessitated to dissemble their Religion for avoiding the anger of men, whereas the Catholics having greater liberty in Protestant Countries wherein they find no such rigour against themselves, grow careless of their Religious Observances, insomuch that many times they will ask for good Capons on Friday or Saturday, although they may have plenty of good Fish.  
If you ask a Catholic why he commits such faults as these, he presently answers you, Dum fueris Romae, etc. Whilst one is at Rome, one must live as they do there, out of Rome, as in other places. Nor are the Protestants unprovided of the same answer when they reside in Catholic Countries, And this is the miserable case of Religion.  
Yet I will not pronounce this Depravation general, because I have known many Catholics live with great modesty, and exemplary piety, in the Countries of Protestants, as do also many of these in the Countries of Catholics, insomuch that many Catholics do very much approve of, and are edified with the manner of living of the Protestants, and these likewise with theirs; but they are such Catholics and Protestants as have not studied the abovementioned Axiom of Rome.  
This last Easter I saw a certain Catholic, a friend of mine, in a Protestant Country, and ask him why he went not to Mass which was celebrated not above a mile off, he answered me, That when he Travelled, he carried no Religion at all along with him. Which a Protestant, who was present, overhearing, replied, You are a gallant man, I take the same course.  
But in my judgement, the thing most to be considered concerning this point of Religion, is the daily transition and change of Christians from the Catholic to the Protestant Church, and from the Protestant to the Catholic; and this by persons who oftentimes know not the cause either why they leave the one or embrace the other; but run like Goats up a precipice, whilst they behold others fall down from it at the same time: Yea some Christians have left the Religion wherein they were born, to take up another, in which they know not whether it will be fit for them to die or no; inasmuch as they go upon no other account, but the seeing others go before them. Nor is it an extravagante to compare such Christians to Brutes, since there is no greater Brute than that man who lives without the Instructions of Religion, without knowing the Obligations of Christianity; or the duty of his own Conscience.  
The Protestants are so easy to admit those that leave the Catholic Church to embrace theirs, they receive them so blindly sometimes in some places, that they do not so much as examine them concerning the Principal Grounds, and the Essential parts of the Christian Faith. I know not whether they do thus, as judging it better than to leave the Sheep to wander in the Desert, or else to populate their Church the more: but 'tis certain that for the most part they find themselves deceived, by receiving ravenous Wolves instead of gentle Lambs. Being at first not a little scandalised at such stories, I had the curiosity to inquire the reason of this slight proceeding, in a matter of so great importance, from a Protestant Minister, who answered me in the following words, Sir, We do like them in the College of Valenza in France, who give the Doctoral Cap even to Asses, sub spe futuri Studii. But 'tis true being now adays well aware of this Error, lest they should be mistaken in Wolves, they let go the Lambs also; or at least they turn and wind them so about with multiplicity of questions, that they cool their desire of changing their Fold.  
On the other side, the Catholics not only readily receive both Wolves and Lambs, but moreover they endeavour to draw from the Protestant Flock the most infected Animals of all, by promising them gifts and presents with a large hand, in order to compass the more easily the end of their purpose: and because Wolves commonly run with a more greedy appetite to the prey than Lambs, by this means they get Wolves and not Sheep, who after they have devoured the prey, return back to their first Herd more savage than before.  
There are some Missionary Priests (for I except those who are full of true zeal) who admit to the Catholic Religion, any wild-headed, indocible, and debauched persons, who think of nothing less than of leading a Christian life; and so likewise some Protestant Ministers (I speak with reverence to the good) who receive to their Communion such people, as have nothing of Man besides the shape, being otherwise, as to what concerns the Conscience and Soul, Devils incarnate.  
I could here insert a Story as long as curious on this occasion, and demonstrate by good proofs and examples, the Errors which the Catholics commit in forcing Protestants to change their Religion; and likewise the failings of Protestants in receiving amongst them fugitive Catholics. But I have neither will nor time to rub the soars of the one or the other; only, it would be great Prudence and Charity in both parties to use greater circumspection, and to have their eyes a little more open, that Christianity might not be subverted by Hypocrisy, and the Lambs exposed to the discretion of the Wolves.  
In Italy, accounted the soundest part of Christendom, yea in Rome itself, and the Papal Dominions, Bishops and Superiors of Monastic Orders, have indeed the title of Masters, but scarce any power to correct any of their refractory Subjects; for no sooner are reproofs used towards them, but the Scandalous Priests and Friars, have a common custom to retort insolently these express threatenings to their Superiors, Per Dio, per Dio, che me ne andero a fare Heretico; I will turn Heretic. But these Varlets oftentimes find themselves deceived, for the Heretics sift them so much, and examine them so with multitude of questions, that they make the Fugitives themselves confess the cause of their flight; after which confession, they find themselves obliged not without great shame, to return back with more haste than they departed, I say not from their Religion (because such wretches know not what Religion is) but from their Country; for proof of which, it will not be amiss to subjoin here a short, but very true and fresh instance.  
A certain Italian who affirmed himself born of one of the most Eminent Families of Tuscany, (although his garb spoke him rathera Hedge-bird, having nothing but the Impudence of a Friar, and the pronunciation of a Florentine) I know not out of what Caprichio, took a resolution to relinquish the Catholic Religion, to no other end, but to go to Geneva, and live there (as he said) like a very good Heretic.  
Being arrived at Geneva, he imparted his purpose to a certain man there, who might indeed have claimed alliance with him, for he was not inferior to the most subtle Snap of Sienna. After some discourse and questions concerning his resolution, the Inhabitant of Geneva asked this newcomer, What Art he was skilled in whereby to get a Subsistence after his Conversion? The honest Italian answered him boldly, That his intention was to live like an honest man.  
The Protestant smiled, as well understanding his meaning; nevertheless he made as if he understood him not, (as indeed he did not in that manner wherein he explained himself to him afterwards) and therefore he entreated him to declare himself more openly and in plain words, what he meant by living like an honest man.  
The other with a face more impudent than before, thinking to acquit himself well, and to oblige, not only the Protestant with whom he talked, but the whole City, (and perhaps too hoping to receive some present beforehand) answered him in the following words.  
Sir, I resided eighteen years at Venice, in which City I lived always like an honest man. My peculiar and most frequent employment was to serve my friends, by killing sometimes one at the request of another, and sometimes cudgelling such or such a man at the instance of this or the other. My pay was not great; for commonly I took but ten Crowns for killing a man, and five for giving one the Bastinado. But this practice of mine being by my envious Enemies signified to the Council of Ten, order was issued forth for my Imprisonment. Whereupon I found great difficulty to escape the hands of the Officers, who together with several of my ill-willers, searched for me in all the places where I used to practice. But to secure my person from a Persecution so dangerous to my life, I determined to leave not only Venice and Italy, but likewise the Catholic Religion, and to embrace Heresy, it being to me a thing indifferent to live a Catholic or Heretic. Now therefore if you will do me the honour to receive me into this City, I promise to keep myself always in the estate of a gallant man, with the same employment: and I shall say further, and engage my word for it, that I will practise here at far cheaper rates; for whereas at Venice I used to kill a man for ten Crowns, I will kill a man in this City for five, and give the Bastinado to any Body for a single Crown. And thus having an employment of my own, it will be no hard matter for me to maintain myself, and live like an honest man.  
The Protestant amazed hereat, remained a while in a manner out of himself, and took himself to be rather in a dream than awake: till after some space for recollection, he fell to consider the Orator with a more heedful eye, and observing that his whole outside gave confirmation that he was really such a Varlet as his discourse had portrayed him, he gently took up the fold of his Coat, and smelling to it between jest and indignation, he said to him, my good friend, you smell strong of the Gallows, and I shall tell you further, that if the Senate receive any intimation of your quality, they will soon create you a Knight of the Hempen Cord, and not fail to give you a passport to the Gallows, whether such gallant fellows are wont to be sent by the Justice of this place.  
At the hearing of these words of the Protestant, the blood became frozen in the veins of the Florentine, who liked not such Honours for the Commonwealth of Geneva: and if at first he thought to make his fortune by discovering his Profession, he now fell down trembling at the feet of the Protestant, praying him with tears not to discover him, and telling him that he was resolved to depart the Town; whereupon the Protestant yielding to his request, he made such haste out of Geneva, that he went not back to the Inn to fetch his Portmantle, which 'tis likely the Host keeps to this day, though I believe but little worth.  
Another not unlike Example, I will likewise set down with brevity, because more fresh than the other. It came into the head of a certain Neapolitan to change his Religion, although he had never lived in Italy with the appearance of any at all. To which purpose he went to Geneva, where at his arrival, enquiring for somebody that understood Italian well, his Host conducted him to the same Protestant mentioned in the abovementioned Story of the Florentine.  
After some common Ceremonies, the Protestant asked him concerning his quality, and what cause had brought him thither. To the first question, the Neapolitan answered that he was the Son of the Duke della Noce: and indeed his hands looked as if they had been employed in pilling walnuts. And to the second, he answered that he had left Italy out of an humour, having a fancy to try his fortune in another Climate, and to live in a travelling way without being obliged to go to Mass; and in brief he declared that he had good inspirations to become a Heretic, and was firmly resolved upon it; and therefore desired counsel and assistance in the matter.  
Whilst these two persons were talking together, the Bell chimed to Church, whereupon the Protestant took leave in order to go to the Sermon; at which the Neapolitan amazed, said to him, to the Sermon? Why, do they believe a God in this City? The Genevese laughed at the ignorance of the man, or rather the impiety of the Beast, and replied, Did you leave your Country, Sir, to go and live in some place where God is not acknowledged? If so, for my part I advise you to recommend yourself to the Devil; for there is no other place but Hell wherein there is not a God and some Religion professed. But in earnest I shall give you the counsel of a Friend, which is, to lose no time but get out of the Town as soon as possibly you can: Otherwise, you will be made to understand at the Gallows what punishment they deserve who speak in the manner as you do. The poor Neapolitan terrified at this language, was not slow to take his leave, but presently ran away on foot, lest it might be too much loss of precious time to fetch his horse; so great was his fear of being discovered and brought under a trial of dangerous questions.  
From hence one may easily gather what reason there is to deplore the calamitous state of both Religions, or rather the wretchedness of both sorts of Professors, who live without knowing the true obligations and duties of Christian Life.  
'Tis true, the Examples of this nature are more numerous in the Catholic Church, in regard of the greater multitude of Protestant Fugitives. And I know a certain Protestant who keeps above half a dozen Letters of a certain Missionary Father, which contain the agreement made between them, the sum which the Missionary offered, and that which the Protestant demanded, to leave his own, Religion, and embrace the Roman Church.  
This indeed is the practice of certain ignorant Missionaries, who buy Missions of some Servant of the Cardinal who is Head of the Congregation de Propaganda fide, and think by showing a long list of Heretics converted by their means to obtain of the Roman Court, not only Bishoprics and Mastership's, but even Cardinalships too. But those Missionaries who have wit in their heads, and zeal in their hearts, go in another road, and do things with more maturity of judgement.  
For remedy of such disorders as these, 'twere fit some persons of authority had inspection into the promoting of Religion; otherwise, the ordinary Clergymen, either through ignorance, passion, or humour, spoil all, break a sunder what ought to be joined together, and join what ought to be separated, and bring things into confusion and ruin.  
The Roman Church having resolved to assume to its self both a Spiritual and a Temporal Dominion, and to make Cardinals precede Princes, and Priests Magistrates, hath thought fit for the more easy preservation of its Grandeur, that not only the Cardinals, but the Priests too, should keep up a certain Majesty and eminent decorum, which intention been so diligently pursued, that they run even into excess; without which excess,, I believe things would not proceed so agreeably to their humour.  
On the other side the Protestants, that is to say, the Ministers and Ecclesiastical Pastors, for the better preserving their Religion in its due decorum, are contented to live with modesty suitable to their Pastoral Charge, that is, to administer the Sacraments, to Preach, to visit the Sick, to instruct the people in the power of the H. Scripture, referring Command, Authority, Temporal Dominion, and even the Protection of Religion to the secular arm of Magistrates and Princes; and teaching all to know, by proofs both Holy and Political▪ the Pre-eminence of the Majesty of Sovereigns above the Jurisdiction Ecclesiastical, and the obligation incumbent upon ecclesiastics to obey the Temporal Power.  
And indeed the Protestant Religion flourishes more, and shines with more decency in those places where the Magistrates and Secular Governors have their eyes most open over the people, taking cognisance of their actions, not only so far as concerns the duty of a Subject towards his Prince; but also in reference to Spiritual matters; and this not only by the assistance of the Pastors, but also by their own proper office, which suffers not any to exercise their Spiritual Function, but by derivative power from the Magistrate; as he that is chosen by God to preside in the midst of his people, to the end they may not run headlong without such a stay and guide, into irremediable and dangerous errors.  
The Magistrates and Princes study and endeavour, as much as possibly, to advance their Sovereignty more and more above the Jurisdiction of Churchmen, but these, aware of the design which might prejudice their independency, are not asleep in the mean time, but strive not only to preserve, but likewise to promote their jurisdiction beyond what they have already, if it be possible: and they would effect it, did not Princes and Magistrates make use of Policy, whereby without prejudicing the Church's Interests, they restrain the ambition, which in these days seems natural to all the Churchmen of the world; to say no more.  
The ecclesiastics, who take it in disdain when they see Magistrates intermeddle with their Assemblies, the Elections to Spiritual Charges, and the Orders of Spiritual Functions, have no reason at all to complain of a thing so reasonable; because, to speak truth, Churchmen are in these days so far respected by the people, as the Magistrates cause them to be respected by their secular power; and the people are so far inflamed with zeal for their own Religion, as they see the Magistrate zealous for it, and the preservation of the Common Liberty.  
For my part, I firmly believe, there can be no better course to destroy the Protestant Religion, than to sow discord between the Clergy and the Magistrate, and to bring it to pass that the ecclesiastics not contented with the degree and limits of their proper charge, may rise against the Princes and Governors; an instance whereof is to be seen in a certain Kingdom, which perhaps bewails the effects of that Policy even to this day. But the thing were impossible in these times, inasmuch as the Magistrates well aware of the project, have provided remedies against it in such sort, that the Churchmen glory in their Loyalty and Obedience towards them, if for no other reason; yet at least to avoid the involving of Religion in some Schism, or other, and the bringing of themselves into a Labyrinth, hard to get out of, without first undergoing the consequences wont to arrive upon civil broils.  
In short, the Roman Religion continues such as it is, (that is, good for the Churchmen, and bad for the Laity) on this account, that the ecclesiastics make use of an absolute and independent authority in Spirituals, and very much likewise in Temporals: and on the contrary, the Protestant Religion is so far Protestant, as the Magistrates have the supremacy both in Spirituals and Temporals.  
If Liberty of Conscience, (which is so much talked of amongst the Protestants, and the principal point of the Reformation) should any wise come to be molested by the Supreme Authority, upon the ecclesiastics ambition and invasion of the same, there would no longer be a Liberty, but a Slavery: for People seeing themselves commanded by the ecclesiastics, would think their Consciences enslaved, and not free; it being proper to Churchmen to proceed with too much Zeal, or too much Ambition, and to be displeased when they see that they are not obeyed like Angels, although in their commanding, they remember not that themselves are but men.  
And indeed the Protestants desire to serve God, not according to the Orders and Precepts of men, but according to the Divine Laws registered in the H. Scripture, which they daily read in their Assemblies public and private; and therefore they reverence their Ministers, as men who are contented to preach, without commanding.  
The Protestants doubt, I conceive, lest the ecclesiastics being addicted to study and speculation, in case the Supreme Authority should be united in them, they would reverse the old Model which is Christ's, and impose a new one upon them of their own, and of a plain Ecclesiastical Ordinance, make a new Divine Precept: and therefore they▪ are very well pleased to see the Magistrate use such great care and diligence for the preservation of that Religion which they pretend to be of Divine Institution without any additions of humane invention, although the Catholics accuse them of pinning their Faith upon Luther and Calvin; which is false; for neither Luther not Calvin instituted any new Religion.  
The Catholic Religion (or rather the Roman, as we call it) in the Primitive times, when the piety of Pastors was as conspicuous to their Flock, as the Sun, went almost in the same order, whilst the Emperors managed Ecclesiastical Elections, and the Magistrates not only preceded the Churchmen, but besides in case of deficience, obliged them to their duty, and constrained them to be diligent in feeding the flock of Christ with Charity; yea they permitted them not to exercise any public Function, but in the presence of their Deputies, and oftentimes ordained that businesses of the Church should not be handled in any other Assemblies but their own Councils, whereunto such Bishops were called, as were esteemed necessary and fit for regulating sacred matters.  
The terror which Tyrannical Emperors spread abroad in the world, so awed the ecclesiastics, that lest they should see Christianity extinguished, they humbled themselves to very Tyrants, judging it better to overcome by humility; than to break by pride. They humbled themselves to good Emperors likewise, because they saw them zealous in defence of the Faith, and the propagation of the name of Christ; and therefore they scrupled not to engage them in the care and Spiritual Government of the Church, to the end the interest of Christian Religion might have the more strength and Majesty.  
This Correspondence and Union of Secular and Spiritual Power, of Magistrate and Priest, Prince and Bishop, not only kept the Laity in awe, but obliged them to a prompt Obedience; the Subject being not a little edified by seeing his Sovereign interessed in the Government of the Christian Religion.  
And indeed how could it be otherwise, but that the Prince's zeal should produce great ardour and affection in the Breasts of the people? For generally the Subject bears a certain occult hatred (yet not so occult, but that it is discernible) against the Majesty whereunto he is subordinate; which hatred is suppressed either by force of the Sword, or by reciprocal Affection and Love, which is the less durable when it is not deeply rooted; and therefore 'tis expedient for a Prince to know with what kind of love his people is to be obliged, in order to the extinguishing of that hatred which seems naturally seated in their breasts.  
Now what greater instance of love and benignity can a Prince show to his Subjects, or a Magistrate to his Citizens, than to declare himself zealous, not only in preserving of their privileges, abstaining from lading them with impositions and taxes, dispensing favours liberally, executing justice impartially, honouring the well-deserving, and punishing the guilty, but also in watching, that together with external privileges, they may enjoy those of the Soul inviolate, which are always the dearest to the Commonalty, and consequently aptest to cause in them good or ill sentiments towards those who carefully protect them, or supinely betray them.  
There is no people in the world so barbarous, but they rejoice more to see their Religion, which concerns the good of their Souls, zealously and vigorously maintained, than the privileges of the State which refer only to the commodity of the Body; and 'tis certain that a people is more sensible of injuries done to their Consciences, than of the spoiling of their goods, which are nothing but corruptible things, whose value depends much upon humane fancy and avarice.  
Those popular Revolutions are easy to be quieted which arise from the grievances and Taxes laid by Princes upon their Subjects; for when these impositions are taken away, the arms fall out of the hands of the incensed multitude. Whereof we have seen sundry Examples in our times, particularly in the Kingdoms of Naples and Sicily, and the Duchy of Milan. But when the Subject draws his Sword against his Prince, or the Citizen against the Magistrate, upon account of Religion, 'tis a hard matter, if not impossible, to appease the tumult; because in this case, his Soul is engaged, and sets his hands on work: and suppose the Prince should promise to yield to the demands of the people, they will scarce take his word. And indeed 'tis a common saying, That the wounds given to the Conscience in matter of Religion, are hardly to be cured by the same hand that inflicted them.  
I find that two effects are produced by the diligence of a Prince or Magistrate, in taking good heed to the deportment of Churchmen, and to the preservation of the Laws and Ordinances of Religion. First it increases the people's devotion towards the service of God, and kindles more ardour in their breasts to frequent the Sacraments; and this by virtue of their Superiors example: so that when Subjects behold their Princes full of zeal, and vigilant for the good of their souls, they become so enamoured on them, that in requital, they would even spend their blood for the service of their Princes: which is for the advantage of the Prince, as well of the people. And 'tis certain, that 'tis more easy for a Soveragin, who takes care for preserving the Laws and Religion, to obtain supplies of money from his people, than for another Prince, who thinks of nothing less, than of Religion.  
The second effect is, That the spiritual service of the Church is carried on with better order, and the number of pious Souls is always more multiplied, when Churchmen find that Princes keep an eye upon them; and for the fear of being corrected in case of deviating from their duty, makes them bestir themselves to perform their charge with all imaginable zeal and diligence, and if they be not really religious, yet they become wary of being accounted scandalous or negligent. Not but that they are of a nature weak and apt to fall into great miscarriages; but they know that they are under the Magistrate's eye, and feel his goad at their sides, which keeps them both from tripping and jading.  
And to speak truth, if we compare the present obedience and respect that is paid by Subjects, to their Princes and Magistrates, with the alacrity of former times, we shall find the present to come much short, and in probability too unlikely to continue; so as (there being great Armies in some places, and strong Citadels and Fortification in others to keep them in subjection) I am of opinion that that reverence the Princes receive, is not radicated in the heart of the Subject, but proceeding as it were ab extra, may more properly be reckoned the policy of the Prince, than the affection or good nature of the Subject.  
For my part, I believe (and have many others of the same faith with me) that the respect, obedience, honour, and affection, the people of this Age do bear to their Magistrates, is either forced or miraculous. Forced, because the Prince's understanding their own Power and Supremacy, or (to speak more properly) knowing the humour of the people very little inclining to obedience, they do either actually force them by the power of their Arms, or fright and terrify them into an unwilling allegiance. Miraculous, because Religion having naturally the strongest influence upon the People, there is nothing moves and actuates them like that, either into tumult or obedience. So as the Magistrate interrupting, and even opposing that zeal and fervour of Religion the Laity ought to enjoy as freely as the ecclesiastics, no wonder if their obedience be a Miracle.  
A great reason is, that the ecclesiastics are permitted to pry and peep into the actions of Princes and Magistrates: To have a finger and intelligence in the most secret Secular Council, which in reason they ought not to come near; that the Secular Magistrate may (for the greater benefit of the people) have an eye over the actions of the ecclesiastics, and an inspection into all things transacted in their Consistories and Congregations, which they hold now so privately, the Civil Magistrate can scarce know whether it be matter of Religion that is before them, or whether they be contriving, if not the destruction, at least the subduction of the Temporal Power to the Spiritual.  
In some places these Princes do not only neglect the concerns of their own Consciences, but are much more incurious of regarding, visiting, or giving out seasonable orders, that the Sacred and Religious offices might be administered with decency and decorum, and that the Religion professed by the people might not suffer by the Critticismes or Speculations of any Melancholy Divine. But the people observing their neglect or aversion to all this, cannot be brought easily to believe that their Princes are of the Religion they profess themselves, it being impossible (in their judgements) that they who received their Authority immediately from Heaven, should be so forgetful in their returns, and so careless in matters of Devotion.  
But that which is most scandalous and blame-worthy now is, that the people do not well understand whether they be to comport themselves with more Veneration towards their Bishop, or towards their Prince, towards their Ecclesiastical Governors, or towards their Civil, for the people observing their Princes driving only at their own Interest, the ostentation of their Court, the augmentation of their Revenue, and the advancement of their power, and (in things relating to the benefit and conservation of the Church) too careless and remiss. And beholding the Bishop on the other side, with his Clergy, reforming this Statute and that, commanding Processions, renewing of Orders, introducing of Ceremonies as he pleases, assembling, excommunicating, and in short, manifesting himself not only a Minister, but a Patron and Defender of Religion, they are persuaded, that as the Soul is to be considered before the body, so their Bishop, whose Office it is to respect the profit and salvation of that, aught in reason to have more Reverence than the Prince that regards only what belongs to the body.  
To speak impartially and without passion: what is it these Princes do in their Dominions as to matters of Religion? They go to Mass on Sundays, and their Subjects do as much; They hear Sermons in Lent, and their Subjects do the same; They receive Indulgencies; They Worship the Altar, They profess themselves sons of the Church, their Subjects do no otherwise; They are afraid of being Excommunicated as their Subjects are; They regard not what is done in the Ecclesiastical Synods or Assemblies, and their Subject; are as indifferent as they. How therefore can the people respect their Princes, whilst their Princes behave themselves no otherwise, or how can they have any care of their Princes, whilst their Princes are so careless of themselves.  
If a Prince should seem zealous to his Subjects, and watchful over the safety of his people, and with his whole power to intend the Government of the Church, the propagation of Religion, showing his care and solicitude as well in Ecclesiastical Counsels, as in Civil, or at least advising and consulting with the Bishop in the administration of such things as are necessary for the Regiment and well Ordering of the Church. It is most certain, that as such a Bishop as should incite him, and put him forward in so good a design, would with just reason receive great reverence from the people, so such a Prince would receive likewise no less honour from them, and be esteemed their Lord in their Temporals and Spirituals.  
The Policy of the Churchmen has in all ages been very considerable, but for these two or three hundred years last passed, it has been very much augmented, to the prejudice and diminution of the Civil Authority, against which the ecclesiastics do principally direct their designs. And there is one thing that still perplexes the hearts and spirits of the wisest Statesmen, which is, that four little, ragged, inconsiderable Priests, should by their cunning and industry advance themselves to that height, to set their naked feet upon the Crowned heads of Monarches, whilst the whole force of their Dominions was too weak to defend their Supremacy, or to preserve them from the arrogance of the Clergy.  
And indeed so industrious have they been in the maintenance of their Grandeur and Majesty, and making themselves considerable in the World, that they have introduced several great Dignities into the Church, as Abbats, Bishops, Archbishops, Patriarches, and at last Cardinals, which is a degree so high, that the greatest Princes in Christendom do not only glory in their correspondence, but express a kind of reverence and awe they have for them whilst they give them preceedence, and receive them into their Dominions as if they were Crowned Kings, and not Persons Ministerial and Subservient in the Church.  
Nor indeed is the respect they give them improper or inexcusable, the Cardinals being not only great and magnificent, and acknowledged of principal dignity in the Church of Rome, but (which is above all) Electors of the Pope, who is one of the greatest Monarches in Christendom.  
Yet that which astonishes me most is, that both the Historians and Priests of the Roman Church are not ashamed, with their pens, as well as tongues, to inculcate into the people a business so repugnant to the reputation and right of Supremacy in Princes; a thing I cannot think of without some trouble and regret, though indeed matters of that nature are fitter to be laughed at than otherwise.  
Baronius, Peter de Prisse the Sorbonist, Gabriel Biel, Azolinus, Caluus, Cadana, and others, maintain that the Hierarchy and Divinity are of the same nature. That the Priests are more great than the Angels or Virgin Mary, and that Kings are obliged to give them preceedence, as the first born of the Kingdom of Heaven.  
In the great Church at Florence, where the Great Duke himself was present, it is not many years since, I heard a certain wooden footed Friar Preach, Orator good enough, and of the Order of St. Francis. His Text was, Super Cathedram Mosis sederunt Scribae & Pharisaei. The Scribes and the Pharisees sat in Moses Chair. which he applied only to the Sacerdotal Office, and had the day before invited his Highness thither, to oblige him (perhaps) to believe those impertinent time-spenders, the Priests, and the Friars, and such other raffle, to be such as he should persuade him in his Pulpit. The sum of all was, this excellent Orator insisted much upon the dignity of the Priesthood, amongst the rest I remember these Expressions only; Tour Princes are not to be named the same day with your Priests, I cannot but smile at their comparison, one single Priest is of more value than all the Princes in Europe, though their Principalities be reckoned into the bargain.  
Another Dominican of Placenza Preaching upon the same Text before the same Duke, reiterated three or four times, That those Princes that had the honour to wear Crowns upon their heads, ought not to come in competition with the Priests. They wearing their Mitres to show, that as the high Priest (which is God himself) entitled himself King of Heaven, so the Priests (who are but inferior Deities) ought to be received by all the world as Kings and Supreme Lords of the Earth.  
In Cenoa, in the presence of the Duke (and by consequence of the whole Senate) there was a Carmelite with great gravity, and as if he had been actuated by some Spirit, delivered this Doctrine, That Kings, Princes, and Senators, were as good as nothing; That the Priest was all in all; That if their Dignity was much greater than it was, it was to be thrown down at the feet of the Priests, forasmuch as their Office was but Humane, and the Priests Divine, they were men and not Gods, but the Priests both Gods and Men.  
Not much unlike this was the discourse held by a Franciscan in a Church in Milan, in the presence of the Marquis Caracena; having made a parallel before betwixt God and a Priest, he pronounced this very boldly, That God as he was God, had preceedence of a Priest, but that a Priest as God and Priest too, was to have preceedence of our Saviour, so as those two were to be united before a Priest could be equalled, But that which in my judgement savoured most of Buffoonery and Blasphemy in the whole Sermon, was another Comparison he had betwixt a King and a Priest in these very terms, That Kings were made up of Humane flesh, but Priests of the Spirit of God. That Kings were indeed above other men, but that Priests were Superior to Kings. That Kings did converse with their Courtiers, but Priests with Angels the Courtiers of Heaven. That Kings had a Temporal Jurisdiction, but that the Authority of the Priesthood was Spiritual. And lastly, That Kings could command the Creature 'twas true, but 'twas the Priest that commanded the Creator. That Kings had much trouble and difficulty to make the people obey them, but that the Priests by virtue of the words of Consecration, constrained God Almighty himself to descend into their hands upon the very first signal.  
Never in my whole life was my mind under greater disturbance, than at that time to hear that Beast of a Priest deseminate such Doctrine, and that which aggravated my indignation was, that I could not resolve with myself whose indiscretion was greatest, the Franciscan in preaching after that rate, or Carazens in hearing him. Before this time, I made it my business to magnify the Valour and Prudence of that person; after this, I could never have that reverence for him, to see him prostitute his attention to such wicked discourse, and with patience endure such insufferable insolence, the whole Sermon being but a drol and derision of Kings and their Ministers, as if he had designed to mock and jeer the veneration they had for their lawful Prince out of the breasts of the people.  
But this was Venial in respect of what was maintained by another Father, who deserved the next day to have ascended again, but to the Gallows; and not the Pulpit; and I am confident my Reader will be of the same mind: God Almighty be my witness if I add or diminish any thing in my Relation. Being in the City of Naples, in Lent 1647. it was my fortune to hear a Franciscan Preach in the Church dedicated to Saint Mary, but with more Volubility than Virtue. True it is, I was not present at the beginning, I came time enough to understand that the principal drift of his discourse was to evince the people, that the Religious (which he restrained to their Preachers and Priests) were obliged to reprehend the Errors and Enormities of all people, but especially of Kings; and advancing in this manner with great Oratory, he pronounced the Priests to be as Gods to all Princes, and to prove it, produced that place of Scripture where God Almighty commanded Moses to go unto Pharaoh, said this to him, I have made thee a God to Pharaoh, and Aaron thy Brother shall be thy Prophet, etc. From which words he drew several consequences, and amongst the rest this, That the Princes of this Age were the Pharaohs of Christendom, and the Priests the Gods of those Pharaohs, and in the height of his Rapture he cried out two or three times, Ah Pharaohs, Pharaohs, why will you be disobedient to the Priests that are your Gods. From such kind of discourses as this, it is that all the Tumults and Revolutions of the people do proceed, as was too lately manifest in the Kingdom of Naples. Nay would to God that furious Rebellion had not been hatched in the Studies of the Priest, where 'tis to be feared, the ruin of Secular Monarchy is principally contrived. For my part I could swear without much scruple, that the ecclesiastics are the greatest Rebels, because in their Commotions they pervert the zeal of the people towards God, joining it with their passion and indignation towards man.  
In the presence of Madam Royal in Turin, a certain Priest that is still living, and therefore I will not name him, in a Sermon he was preaching upon the Excellence of the Sacerdotal dignity, could not hold from crying out twice or thrice, Princes, Princes, so many Priests so many Princes. But that which pleased me most of all was, the conclusion of his Sermon, in which, casting up his eyes very gratefully to Heaven, he used this Expression, O Lord, I give thee thanks thou hast decreed me to be a Priest and not a Prince, I believe my Priesthood of more value than all the Principalities in the world, as I am a Priest, I am a Prince, whereas had I been a Prince, I should have been nothing.  
And these are the excellent Harangues the Italian Preachers do frequently make in the presence of their Sovereigns. From hence it is the Grandeur and Lordlyness of the Cardinals does spring. From such discourses as these it is, that the Sacerdotal Monarchy is sprung, which gnaws and devours insensibly the very bowels of Secular Principalities, whilst the ecclesiastics advance themselves daily by preaching up themselves Monarches, and Gods upon Earth, whereby they secure what they have got, are adding hourly new dignities to their Priesthood, and that to such a height, that at this time it may be said as properly at Rome, as the good Father said at Turin, Princes, Princes, as many Princes as Cardinals.  
God Almighty has been pleased I should be a poor man, not a Prince, so as my condition is to obey, not to command. Yet had the Divine Providence seen it fit to have altered my Station, and brought me forth a Prince into the world, I should not certainly have suffered such liberty of public discourse within my Dominions; or that Christians by such Gibberish should be brought into a contempt of their Sovereigns, and enslaved by a blind obedience of the Church. For my part, I think those kind of delinquencies no less than Treason, and that though such expressions appear at first sight but trifles, and rhetorical ornaments, yet 'tis not to be imagined what influence they have upon the people, how much they inflame and enamour them with the service of the Church, and how much they lessen their devotion to their Prince, whilst they persuade them that their Princes are inferior to themselves. That Race of Incendiaries is fit for nothing but the fire, or to be banished out of every Kingdom as unworthy to dispense the Oracles of God; that their Pulpits may be supplied by sober and learned men, and such as will preach the Word of God, and not the Policies of Man, the Doctrine Christ hath left us in the Gospel, and not such Insinuations and Inveglements as they make use of in their Pulpits, that thereby the affection of the people may not be perverted from their Prince, but that they may be inflamed and excited to a more cheerful Obedience.  
Had the Priesthood no designs against the Authority of Princes, their proceedings would be with more sincerity than they are, and they would give unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's. I have known contention in more than three or four Cities in Italy, betwixt the chief Magistrate and the Bishop, and the occasion was, that the Bishop pretended to the presentation of the Preacher, and the Prince would allow none of them to preach without his Licence. So as by reason of these controversies, Lent has several times passed without any News from the Preacher. I call it News, because their preaching is now adays little else but Novelties, or (which is worse) Trifles, or Sacrilegious Speculations, unworthy to be published in any Christian Church.  
Amongst the Protestants also, there are the same differences. The Clergy pretend to the Election of their Ministers, and that they can do it at their pleasure, which notwithstanding is not conceded by the Civil Magistrate, who will not suffer any to preach in his presence, but such as he chooses himself; so as in a certain City I could name, there have some Cures been void above two years together, because they could not agree in the Election of their Preacher. But from whence, I would fain know, does their pretention proceed? If the Clergy be Subjects, upon what grounds is it they would behave themselves like Princes? The privilege of Licensing or Electing of Ministers, is in my judgement absolutely politic, and therefore pertaining to the Civil Magistrate, and not to the Church, to whom the power of Ordination belongs indeed, but not the power to Present; and in this case, it is of very great importance that all Princes and Magistrates be vigilant. For the end of the Clergy in preferring their Preachers in the Cities, is nothing else, but that seeing themselves excluded from all secular jurisdiction, they would this way take their Liberty, and publish what Doctrines they please. It is convenient therefore that all Sovereigns should consider that the people are at their dispose, and that such Ministers are to be put over them as are suitable with the Genius of the people.  
Moses could not readily resolve to go and speak unto Pharaoh, till it pleased God to constrain him by the force of his power, Now therefore go, and I will be with thy mouth, and teach thee what thou shalt say. However in these times, the Prelates presume to put what Preachers they please upon their Princes, and such sometimes as are ignorant in the Fundamentals of Christianity, and that fall upon discourse nautious and unpleasant to the Palates of their Princes.  
But of all Nations, France is the happiest, for preserving entirely the privileges of that Church, it will by no means admit of that Ecclesiastical Grandeur and Authority, which the Clergy have usurped in other Countries, and which with great arrogance they do still exercise, as if they were Princes, and not subordinate at all.  
And for conservation of the privileges of the Gallican Church, the King of France loses no opportunity; in the year 1626. as soon as news arrived at Paris that there was a Scandalous Book printed at Rome the year before, entitled, Antonii Sancterelli Jesuitae de Heresi, Schismati, Apostasy, etc. in which, he spoke to the disparagement of the Power of Princes, but magnityed and exalted the Authority of the Pope. The Parliament was immediately called by his Majesty's Order, and every period of the book strictly examined, and having deliberated as was fit in a business of that importance, at last by an Arrest of the whole Parliament, it was Decreed that these following Articles should be Sealed, Subscribed, confirmed, and Sworn to by the Jesuits, in the presence of the whole Court of Parliament, to the no small disgust, and dissatisfaction of that Order. The Articles were these,  
That the King of France holds not his Kingdom from any thing, but from the bounty of God Almighty, and the power of his Sword.  
That the King in his own Dominions had no Superior, but God.  
That the Pope cannot upon any occasion whatsoever Interdict or Excommunicate either the King or his Kingdom, nor in any case dispense with the Allegiance and Fidelity his Subjects were obliged unto him.  
These Articles were received with no small compunction by the Jesuits, whose design being always to aggrandise the Pontifical Authority, by the diminution of the Regal, they could not advance the one, but by depression of the other. The Precedent of the Parliament having demanded of the said Fathers, if they did approve of that book of Santerellis, they answered, no they did not, being asked again, why then their General at Rome had approved it, they made answer, That those who were at Rome, could do no less than comply with the Court of Rome. The Precedent, to entrap them perchance, as indeed it fell out, demanded immediately, If you had been at Rome, what would you have done, to which they replied, We would have done as they have done that are there; which being heard by a Grave Person of the long Robe, he spoke out these words aloud, I believe our Father Jesuits have two Consciences at their Command, one of them for Rome, and the other for Paris.  
Venice is a place as eminent for Devotion in Religion, for Piety and Zeal in the Service of God and the Church, not only as any Republic in Christendom, but as Rome or the Pope himself. Yet when any thing is in agitation about the Pope's Authority, or the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, they will by no means permit the Clergy of their Dominions, to Entrench or Usurp upon their Supremacy, which they acknowledged only from Heaven, and the Conduct and Valour of their Ancestors.  
In Venice, the Churchmen are Subjects, not Princes, 'tis the Senate that Governs all with an effectual and Independent Authority, as well in Spiritual things as Temporal, insomuch, that the Introduction of any Novelty, is with great penalty forbidden, as well to the Bishops as Friars, they are not permitted to exercise any public Function, or to publish any Order whatsoever, though from Rome its self, without notice given to the Senate, and their Licence obtained: and from hence it is, that the Service of God, and the Majesty of the Church, is carried on with that Order, that they have made themselves Emulated at Rome, as well as in other States; and all by the Authority the Senate keeps over the Clergy, looking on them as Subjects, not Equals, as other Princes do.  
And without question, had it not pleased God by opposing the powers of those two Countries France and Spain against their ambition, and by their means to put a stop to that torrent that was overflowing all Christendom, the present Princes of Italy had been either chased out of their Dominions, or forced to have owed their Liberties to the Liberality of the Popes.  
If the Princes of Italy would but yet take their natural Liberties into consideration, and follow the Examples of France and Venice, it would not be too late; and doubtless of all Nations, they are most worthy to be imitated, though the ecclesiastics are not ashamed to asperse the former with Heresy, and the other with Atheism. But indeed the Priests and Pontificians, esteem none other Christians, but such as believe them to be as they would be believed themselves.  
Some there are, who making judgement of things from their outward appearances, do imagine the Spaniard much more Zealous for the Catholic Religion, than the French: but they are certainly mistaken, for that zeal the Spaniard pretends to the Apostolic Chair, and the Service of the Church, is but a Copy of his Countenance, and rather the formal result of his Policy and Interest, than an ingenuous effect of his piety and Devotion. The Spaniards have indeed a great Reverence for the Pope, but none at all for the Church; The French have much for the Church, but little for the Pope; for which reason, the Popes look upon the Spaniards as Saints for being on their side, and on the French as Devils for being on Gods.  
And this Influence and Authority of the Popes over the Consciences of the Spaniard, (besides a natural animosity that is betwixt them) is a great impediment to their Union in Religion: the Spaniards (as it were in a Bridle) are managed by the Pope; but the French keep close to their Gallican Church.  
Others there are, that think the Conscience of the Venetian of the largest size, but for what reason? Because in their Dominions, they will not suffer the Priesthood to Usurp that unlimited and irregular power they exercise with so much detriment to the Sovereignty of Princes in other States; and indeed what mieseries, what calamities, do we see daily spring up in Christendom by their ●●ars? what anxieties and perturbation in people's minds? and yet because the Venetian distinguishes betwixt God's Service and the Popes, betwixt the power of Princes, and the power of the Church, betwixt Spiritual things and Temporal, they are aspersed with largeness of Conscience. But would to God that Zeal and Sincerity for Religion that reigns in the hearts of that Senate, reigned also in the Courts of all other Princes in Christendom, and doubtless their affairs would have better success.  
Some few years since, it was my fortune to Travel upon the Road with two Roman Abbots, one of them, after several other discourses, happened to fall upon the Authority of the Pope, and to declare what great power God Almighty had given him over all people in the world. I (who Travelled on purpose to make observation of the proceedings of the ecclesiastics, and of the Jurisdiction every where, but especially in some principalities of Italy, to the prejudice of Princes) was very glad of the occasion, as hoping thereby to receive some matter for my pen. It is the custom of the Italians, to constrain and reserve themselves as much as possibly, and keep their opinions close from the rest of the world: but it is my humour on the other side, to speak freely what I think, and to write all I know, whether it be good or bad; which, though they look upon as imprudence, I cannot dislike. However, with these Abbots, I thought it best to conceal my own, and attend an opportunity of discovering their Judgements. At last, one of the Abbots took occasion very seriously to bewail the extravagant liberty, which the French and the Venetian assumed, concluding, that were it not for the repugnancy of these two States, the Pope would be absolute Monarch of the whole World; or at least the greatest Prince would fear the censure of the smallest Priest; whereas by observing how little the French and the Venetian regard the Authority of the Church, all others, in like manner, despise the solemnest Excommunication, though from the Pope himself.  
Being always delighted to hear other men speak, I made him no answer at all, thereby in a manner enticing him to proceed in his discourse; but, when he came to complain heavily of the French and Venetian for suffering Stationers to Print and Vend books frequently in their Dominions, so much to the prejudice of the Pontifical Authority, I could not forbear giving him this answer; Dear Sir, shall it be lawful for the Pope to cause to be printed so many thousand books at Rome in favour of his own Authority, and in prejudice of the Supremacy and Majesty of Princes, and shall it be unlawful for Princes to permit the reading of such books as are written in the defence of their falling Authority, and in diminution of the Papal? The Abbot replied, with the passion and insolence of a Priest, That Princes could not in Conscience challenge their Authority, but from the Pope's blessing and benignity, who, as Christ's Vicar upon Earth, has power to dispose of all things in this world which are bestowed by Heaven; whence Princes are styled Sons, and the Pope Father, because as a Father, he gives them their patrimony. But this, by your leave, is a mistake replied I. True it is, Princes are Sons of the Church indeed, but not of the Pope: and they are obliged to defend that Church which is their Mother, but not that Pope who is their Enemy. The Goods of this world do indeed belong unto the Lord, but not at all to the Pope, who by pretending to a Universal Dominion, is so far from being Christ's Vicar, that he goes contrary to the Doctrine of our Saviour, who (besides the command he has left us to render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's) has declared that his Kingdom is not of this world, and how then could the Pope, who is but his Vicar, confer, or take away, any Kingdoms here.  
That which nettled the Abbot most, was, my calling the Pope an Enemy to Princes, to which he answered, And why an Enemy, I pray you? I replied, may not he too properly be called my Enemy that seeks to rob me of my birthright. When Christ came down from Heaven for the Redemption of mankind, he acknowledged with his own most holy Lips, that he came not to destroy the Law, but to fulfil it. Now that Kings and Princes have been been always acknowledged as God's Ministers by the people, there are a thousand places of Scripture that prove, whereas the Popes can hardly produce one Text to confirm that Authority they challenge over Princes. And to speak impartially, and without interest, what reason have the Romanists to withdraw themselves as they do from their obedience to their Sovereigns? are they more holy than the Apostles, are they more zealous than St. Peter, or more politic than St. Paul? Yet these who were the founders of Christianity, (as I may say) and the propagators of our Faith, paid tribute to Kings, obeyed their Magistrates, never enterprised any thing without leave of the Governors of places whether they went; and in short, have not only left us their Examples to walk by, but this express precept and command, That we give Obedience to all powers, for there is no power but from God.  
The Abbot was touched to the quick, he fixed his eyes upon me, repeated my words one after another, and gave me so many tokens of his indignation, that I was very well satisfied he could have wished me in the Inquisition; however I took no notice, and he thought fit to change the discourse, and I in compliance with him, took occasion to commend the Country through which we travelled.  
By this relation, it is manifest what is the principal thing that the Churchmen drives at; namely, the ruin of the Authority of Princes, and the exaltation of the Pope who is their Prince and Supreme.  
Nor indeed, can I see with what policy (I had almost said Conscience) Princes suffer books to be printed and sold in their Territories, which speak with that liberty, or rather insolence, in behalf of the Majesty and Jurisdiction, not only of the Pope, but of all ecclesiastics, against their own Sovereignty, and such books as these are the great Volume of Sorbou, Bellarmine, Toletus, Diana, Candidus, Palavicino, and the aforesaid Santerelli, with hundreds of other Ecclesiastical Writers, whose preferrment depending upon the Church, they are by their own interest prompted to such expressions, whilst on the other side, they prohibit books which directly offend not the Church they profess, but only the Authority of the Pope, and that too in nothing but what respects their encroachments upon the Civil power.  
And in this manner, the Jurisdiction of the Pope and the ecclesiastics, and the Majesty and Sovereignty of Princes, stand as it were in a balance, the Subjects of each party contending with might and main to gain upon the other, and to make their own side preponderant: the former endeavour daily to lighten the latter, and 'twere good that the Ministers of Princes would use the like diligence to diminish the Papal power, lest in time it swallow up both Princes and Principalities too.  
That the Pope should be Reverenced as first Minister in the Church; That he should be acknowledged Superior to the rest of the Bishops; That he should be esteemed as Christ's Vicar in Spirituals, and respected as Successor to the Apostles, I do hold very reasonable; but that he should impugn the Sovereignty of Princes, justify Rebellion, exempt four pitiful ecclesiastics from Obedience to their Sovereigns, and excite others to the same height of disobedience, is in my judgement intolerable.  
St. Peter received the Keys of Ecclesiastical power from the hands of our Saviour, and his office was acknowledged independent in Spiritual affairs: Yet whilst he had the Government of the Church both at Rome and at Antioch, he was imprisoned, and several times persecuted by Temporal Princes, and yet he never threatened any Temporal Minister with his Censures and Excommunications, all which notwithstanding, the Popes at present do not only make no scruple of menacing with their Bulls and Arms the lesser Princes that are near them, but with their Armies and Excommunications, they have the confidence to infest the greatest Monarches in Europe, and such as have deserved very well of the Church.  
But the most Reverend Casuists of the Church of Rome, will tell me, the Pope may lawfully, and with a good Conscience, dispense with the Obedience a Subject owes to his Prince. What, has he Authority to invert the order of Nature? I am certain, he that fears God, will not say so. When Pope Vrban, at the instance of his Nephews, Excommunicated Odoardo Farnise Duke of Parma, a Prince that had deserved very well of the Church, he was not content to interdict him the Sacrament, but he Excommunicated all such as paid him the ordinary obedience and respect that was due to him as a Duke; decreeing expressly, that he should be looked upon as an Enemy and not as a Prince; by this means subverting his Authority, and to the universal scandal of Christendom, making a Prince a Subject, and his Subjects Princes.  
Paul the fifth did no less to the Senate of Venice, by the fulminations of his Interdict, pronouncing all people Excommunicate that should any ways obey them.  
All the Historians, and all the Orators in the world, shall never persuade me that there can be any thing more barbarous and Tyrannical, than to forbid a Subjects Obedience to his Prince, to restrain the people from communicating their interests to their Prince, to prohibit to a Magistrate the protection of his Subjects, to chase the Judges from the Throne of Justice, to shut up the doors of Churches, and give Liberty to Vice, to imprison Princes, and put their Subjects in confusion? Oh God, what greater barbarity and injustice can be thought of amongst men, than to bring a State to be without Justice, a people without a Prince, and a Prince without a people.  
Nero, Heliogabalus, Tarquin, Caligula, and Dionysius, who were in a manner the Founders and Contrivers of Tyranny, never arrived at that perfection of wickedness, as to divide betwixt the Subject and his Prince; and yet this Cruelty, which was too great to be practised amidst Barbarism, is familiar now where Holiness reigns. And perhaps the Divine providence has ordered that Christians should suffer more now in the time of Christianity, than formerly under all the Tyranny and Iniquity of Heathenish Ages.  
Whence it is, that so many Kingdoms have been lost from the Christian Faith, so many Nations have revolted from the Papal Obedience, and so many Provinces have deserted the Roman Church, but from these practices and actions of the Court of Rome.  
The Protestants make no scruple to deny both the Spiritual Authority of the Pope, and his Temporal too; and for what reason, but because they observe with what audacity and arrogance, under pretence of his Spiritual power, he Usurps upon the Temporal, as if Christ had given him Spiritual Dominion for nothing else but the subversion of the Civil. Though, for my part, I am far enough from thinking as they do.  
It is one thing to obey the Pope as he would be obeyed, that is, as head of the Church, and 'tis another thing to obey him as a Minister of Christ's Flock, as sober people account him. I can allow him to be Christ's Minister, but not head of the Church; as a Pastor like other Pastors, I can own him, as Superior to others, I cannot; as one of those that are chosen to guide and direct the Flock of Christ, I allow him, but as pretending to the principal Government of all, I reject him.  
And in this point it concerns all Christian Princes to be exceeding watchful, to prevent ill consequences that may follow; for should the Christian Princes acknowledge him head of the Church, he would infer most logically that his Excommunications are Lawful; arguing, that if the Princes be Members of the Church only, and the Pope the Head, the Members are naturally to receive their Nourishment, Life, Motion, and Orders from the Pope, as Head.  
I desire to be informed by the Grave Assertors of that Doctrine, if the Pope be Head, what place Christ has in the Church? If the Church consists only of Members and Head, if the Faithful be the one, and the Pope the other, there is no room at all left for our Saviour. In my judgement, it would be more modest in the Pope to give place, or at least not to usurp, and ravish as it were, Christ's prerogative out of his hands, but to content himself to be one of the principal Members of the Church; and certainly, his so doing, would be a great means to multiply the number of his Flock, many having left him, for no other reason, than lest they should be forced to give to him that is but Man, the Adoration that is due only to God.  
The greater part of the Roman Divines, especially those that pretend to any preferment or Prelacy, use but drolling and impertinence in their Arguments in this matter, and maintain what is contrary to their own judgements, for proof whereof, I shall by the way insert one Example.  
A few months since, it was my fortune to meet a Dominican Friar, of a very grave Aspect like a Divine, as indeed he was; we fell at first into discourse of general matters, after which I had an opportunity, as I desired, to question with him a little about the Essence and Prerogative of the Pope.  
The Friar failed not to defend the Papacy with the usual Arguments of Rome, which are already common throughout the world; denying my propositions, and railing with all the liberty that might be against the Authority of Princes. But above all, he insisted that the Pope was unquestionably the lawful and confessed Vicar of Christ, and Head of the Church: urging often, that without this belief, there could be no Salvation in the Christian Church. I (who by Natural Instinct am inclined to take part with the Interest of Princes, as supported by the most rational Arguments) desired with all reasonable respect (however he was transported) that he would please to inform me what part Kings represented in the Church, seeing the Pope was the Head? The Friar was ingenuous, and told me, that Secular Princes might lawfully pretend to be chief Members of the Church, provided they submitted themselves to the Pope as Head, from whence they were to receive their necessary Nourishment, otherwise they were to be looked upon as Members, ampulated and divided from the Body, and as such, they might easily be excommunicated, and rejected by the Head.  
This the good Father most civilly did assert, to which, I as civilly replied, that I desired to know, If the Pope were Head, and the Prince's Members, according to his opinion, what place Christ was to have? For if the Pope and Princes take up all, there will remain nothing for our Saviour.  
The truth is, his whole discourse appearing but rayllery, I made him this question in jest. He replied with the greatest Sobriety he was able, that Christ represented the whole Body of the Church, whilst the Head and the Members stand in such Union with this Body, that it was impossible to offend any of the parts, without offending the whole body. When he had thus given me his judgement, I was obliged necessarily to reply to him thus, Reverend Father, I grant what you say; but if Christ be the Body of the Church, the Pope the Head, and Princes the Members, than Princes may with good reason be called Members of Christ, but not Members of the Pope; because if the Pope be Head, he is then but a single Member of the Body: and for that reason Princes are not Members of the Head, which is a part of the Body, but Members of that Body which nourishes without difference both the Head and the Members. Now if the Pope who is Head, receive his Being from the Body, which is Christ; so the Princes who are Members, depend directly upon Christ who is the Body, and not upon the Pope who is the Head, Christ being the Body, and not the Pope, who pretends to be Head. And if so, what has the Pope to do to command, or to dilacerate the Members of this Body, to cut them off with his Excommunications; or to dis-member them with their Interdicts?  
The good Father sticking close to the Pope still, made me a long discourse for an Answer, alleging reasonless reasons the Story of Nebuchadnezars Statue, whose Head was of Gold, the Body of Silver, and the Feet of Clay. He applied this Vision to the Antitype of the Christian Church, or rather of the Church of Rome, by declaring that the Trunk or Body of the Statue, represented our Saviour, the Head the Pope, and the Princes the Feet, without allowing any part to the people.  
I was amazed at the Father's Answer, I began to suspect him a much greater fool than I thought him at first, for urging so ridiculous a comparison, so that smiling, rather than in good earnest, I subjoined, I do not wonder so much, most Reverend Father, that Princes should be the Feet of Clay to that Body of Silver, but it astonishes me to think that Christ should be that Body of Silver, and the Pope the Head of Gold, lest because from hence may Arguments prejudicial to the Deity be drawn, and I fear your Fatherhood may believe, that as Gold is of greater value than Silver, so the Pope typified by Gold, is more estimable than our Saviour, whom you denote by Silver.  
The good Father was somewhat surprised, and continued a while in a pause, as deliberating whether to deny or grant this inference, during which silence, it came into my head to ask him, how he would dispose of the people? for seeing that in the Statue which figured the Church he would have the Pope the Head, and the Princes the Members, there was nothing left for them at all? He replied hastily, that the people were Members of the Church also, as well as the Princes. How, replied I, (though I know that we are all Members of Christ, with whom there is no respect of persons) is the most vile and abject man in the world of as great esteem in the Church as the greatest Monarch? The good Father, as if he had recollected himself, and found out a most profound way of satisfying the Quaere, returned this answer, That the people were not the Members of the Church's body figured by Nebuchadnezars Statue, as he had said before, but the Guts rather, as he had found upon second thoughts.  
This Answer, set three or four Protestants that were in my Company, and had heard our discourse, into a great laughter, which indeed it deserved, and I myself having had my share, ●ook my leave, as perceiving him fuller of smoke than of meat, and indeed I entered into that Dialogue only to pass away the time, and take off the tediousness of the way.  
But I have been too long in this digression; to return therefore where I left, I must needs assert, that almost all the discourses of all the Roman Divines, are altogether of the same strain, and delivered almost in the very same words upon all occasions; for in hopes of a Cardinal's Cap, or some other preferment from the Pope, they all conspire to advance his Prerogative, contrary to the interest of Temporal Princes, whose cause is so clear, that the whole world wonders it could ever be brought in question.  
To what misery are poor Princes brought, who not only lie at the mercy of the Pope, chief Shepherd of Christ's Flock, and his Vicar General upon Earth, but are enslaved and prostituted to the caprichio and fantastical humour of every pedantic Theologer, who undertakes to assassinate their rights of Sovereignty. Nor are the Popes indeed so much to be blamed by Princes as the Theologers, and themselves; the Theologers, in that they dare infuse such principles of ambition into the Hearts of Popes, which otherwise, perhaps they had never been inclined to. And themselves, for admitting without any consideration, such Books, and such Divines, into their Dominions, as diffuse Doctrines into the people, utterly destructive to their Sovereignty.  
Nor can I imagine how Princes are able to endure so many Bulls, Decrees, Writs, and Ordinances to be pasted up daily at every corner of their Streets, and so many books to be printed and published expressly against their Supremacy; neither can I on the other side conceive, why the Pope should suffer himself to be flattered by his Divines, to the perpetual disturbance of all the Princes of Christendom, by the entrenchment their discourses and writings make upon their Sovereignty.  
How deplorable a thing is it, and almost above the patience of a Saint; to see a Prince, though never so good, never so holy, and never so innocent, Excommunicated by a Pope perhaps a thousand times more wicked and perverse, who nevertheless cannot be Excommunicated by any other. That is should be lawful for the Pope to inhibit the Subjects conversation with his Prince, though never so worthy, and no body should have power to prohibit Subjects conversing with the Pope, though never so bad. I remember, being in discourse with a great Churchman of Spolito about ten years since, he told me, That the Pope had not only an Arbitrary Power of Excommunicating what Princes he pleased without any occasion, but that his Authority was so great, that he could fetch a Saint out of Paradise, if he thought good, and cast him headlong into Hell. I gave him no answer, but smiled to myself, and wished him in Paradise, and some Pope his Enemy, who might remove his Quarters for him, and give him the gentle toss to the Devil.  
For these two last Ages especially, there have been Barbarous, Tyrannical, Cruel, Scandalous, and Lascivious Popes in the Church of God, that flayed and devoured this Flock, instead of nourishing and preserving them. Yet the people were constrained, not only to obey and converse with them, but upon their very knees to adore them. Yet during this time, even such Popes have taken the liberty to Excommunicate Princes motu proprio, to interdict the people, to suspend the proceeding of Courts, to forbid Commerce, and in short, to form a new Scheme of Government, rendering the people without a Prince, and the Prince without a people; than which, if a greater Calamity can befall any Nation, let the world judge. In respect therefore of these manner of peoceeding with Christian Princes, it is obvious that the Subjects in the Dominions of the Church, have better times of it, and enjoy more privileges, than Temporal Princes themselves do; for these, though born to command, rather than to obey, may fall under the displeasure of some capricious Pope, be Excommunicated, and deprived of the Obedience of their Subjects, as Odoardo Duke of Parma, was for not condescending to the humour of the Barbarini; whereas the Pope's Subjects know no such matter. Because, though the Pope may dispense with the Obedience of other Prince's Subjects, yet 'tis not to be imagined he is so foolish as to Excommunicate himself, and discharge his own Subjects from their Allegiance.  
Pope Alexander the sixth, whose memory is scandalous to the Church to this day, Tyrannised over the people at his pleasure, took delight to threaten his Neighbour Princes, and clapped several great Prelates in prison, and all to satisfy the impetuosity of his Revenge, and took away the Jewels and Plate from the Altars to enrich his Bastards, so that those miserable poor Romans that lived in the time of Nero, and seemed born for nothing, but to see their own Bowels pulled out by their Governors, were not under half that affliction that the Church was under in the time of this Pope.  
The Cries of the people for the innumerable Extortions and Oppressions that were committed upon them, and the Tears and Compassionate Groans that were heard for the Expulsion of Justice and Equity, were enough to have melted and wrought pity in the very Marble itself. But alas! are there such great Iniquities committed, and shall no punishment follow? Shall the Pope satisfy the Exorbitance of his nature in the destruction of the people, and no remedy? 'tis too true. Is there no Temporal Prince that will appear, for the Glory of God, for the Honour of the Church, and for the Interest of the Saints? Fie, say his Theologers, what against the Head of the Church, Christ's Vicar, and God's Vicegerent upon Earth? God forbid; he cannot sin, by virtue of his being Pope (so they believe) and those actions that to humane appearance seem wicked, are indeed effects of Sanctity in the person of Alexander the sixth, and such like Popes.  
A Churchman of Note Travelling in Cardinal Chigi's Train into France, had occasion one day to discourse with certain Protestants of that Kingdom, with whom himself introduced a dispute about the power and impeccability of the Pope. The Protestants declined it as much as they could, knowing very well it could not be done without exasperating the Churchman, but at last being pressed on all sides, they were obliged to say something against the Churchman's positions, which were, that the Pope could not be deceived, nor err in any matter whatsoever, to the public prejudice of Christianity; but being unable to oppose the numerous examples brought by the Protestants, of Popes that had erred, he concluded at last, that though the Pope should commit a considerable error, or be a Tyrant, yet being Superior to all other people of the world, there was no body had Authority enough to correct him; and therefore, that in such cases, both Princes and people were to commit that matter to God Almighty, who had the sole power to chastise him.  
An excellent remedy indeed, and of great Comfort to the Afflicted! If things were to go after this manner, Judges would have no more to do but to pardon the Malefactors, and allege for their excuse to the people, that God will revenge all in the other world. Christ himself knew very well the State of the Case, and yet he advises St. Peter to repent and bewail his offences, not in the next world, but in this, not in the presence of Angels, but of Men, in the sight of the Church Militant, and not in the sight of the Church Triumphant.  
What greater injustice can the heart of man imagine, than to see a wicked Pope Governing the Church ill, the People worse, but the Princes and Magistrates worst of all, and yet be secure and uncapable of Correction, not enduring the least injury himself, and yet committing all insufferable outrages upon others, crying up his own wicked actions as Sanctify'd and good, and decrying other people's good actions as unholy?  
Whoever will but reflect upon the Excommunication published against the State of Venice, and the Duke of Parma, and the Commonwealth of Lucca, will without doubt find them full of nothing but carnal passion.  
The Venetians were Excommunicated by Paul the fifth, for zealously preserving their ancient privileges pertaining to them both by Humane and Divine right, and ratified by so many Emperors and Popes; but that which is the principal remark is, that Paul the fifth, who went about to destroy the said privileges, was a great hater of this Commonwealth, although it had deserved so well of the Church, so that his actions towards them were not like those of a Father, but of a particular and professed Enemy.  
The Commonwealth of Lucca's case was no better; I may say indeed, it was worse: for where the Popes find weaker resistance, they laid about them so impetuously that they resemble Furies; as the poor Luccesses experienced, who were forced to defend themselves against the Rage which urban the 8. had conceived against them, for no other reason, but for taking the courage to chastise the insolences of some Priests, who under pretence of being exempt from the Jurisdiction of that Commonwealth, had committed more Villainies than they had said Masses in their lives.  
But all this is nothing in respect of Barbarini's usage of Odoardo Farnise Duke of Parma, whom he Excommunicated, Interdicted, Declared an Apostate from the Church, and Deprived of his Duchy, and for what reason? Marry, because the Duke did not as he passed from Capraruola to Rome to see the Pope, give a visit to Donna Anna Barbarina, Wife of Don Tadco his Nephew (who had a great ambition to see him at her house) which his Highness for some reasons did not judge convenient at that time. And this was the true occasion which the Barbarini took to persecute the Duke, and still to this day they swear they will be revenged of him. This was the original of the Ecclesiastical Excommunications, and this is the manner of the Pope's proceedings with Princes; let the world judge whether they can deal worse with their Slaves.  
It were indeed to be wished, that Princes would always seek occasions to testify to the world the great respect they bear to the visible Head of the Catholics Church; were it not that experiences teaches them, that the Pope's exaltation to St. Peter's Chair, or rather the transfiguration of a Man into a Pope, does not extinguish all humane passions, nor quench that fire of ambition and revenge, which is wont to consume even Holiness itself, much more in those persons that borrow only the title of Holiness, most of whose actions are very contrary to that quality.  
Upon very good grounds therefore, and for good reasons of State, are the Princes obliged to distinguish betwixt the effects of the Pope's power, and those of his passion, and not confound and mingle as the Popes would fain have them, Divine things with Humane, Spiritual with Temporal, the Church with the World, the Gown with the Sword, and Priests with Princes.  
I could wish that the Princes would receive these Orders, Bulls, and Decrees of the Pope, which respect the Edification of the Church, and the Salvation of the people, with all Reverence and Submission, but not that they prostitute and debase themselves to the pleasure and humours of the Pope in matters conducting to their honour, and to the conservation of their Temporal Majesty, which the Popes with all diligence endeavour to destroy.  
As the Popes are St. Peter's Successors (though like nothing less than St. Peter) and as they are Shepherds of the Flock of Christ, (though they have nothing of Shepherds but the Shears to clip) and as they are endued with a great Dignity and Character, it is fit they should be honoured by Princes. But I would not have them forget that the Election of a Pope is made by the Cardinals, who are but men, and swayed too by a thousand worldly interests and designs; there being scarce a person, not only in Italy, but in the whole world, that is ignorant of the intrigues and canvasings in the Conclave; so that that Sentence of the Apostle St. Paul is fit to be remembered, as in a manner expressly intended for instruction of Princes, Omnis Pontifex ex hominibus assumptus, circumdatus est infirmitate.  
I think it fit that Princes should own and acknowledge the good actions of the Popes before the people, but 'tis fit too that they take notice of their wicked actions, which the people perhaps imagine to be good; according to St. Leo's judgement, That 'tis not enough to oblige the Faithful to respect the Pope as lawful Successor of St. Peter, but the Successor of St. Peter should endeavour to imitate the good works of St. Peter, as his works of justice and piety, to the end they may be really styled his true and lawful Successors: Manet Petri privilegium quoties ex ejus aequitate fertur judicium.  
I would know whether any Court of Justice in Christendom, or elsewhere, would declare a man Heir, without obliging him to perform the duties, and discharge the debts of the Inheritance. Certainly I think not; because Justice requires always that the Heir be charged with the debts upon the Estate, otherwise he is to be excluded, and the Inheritance divided amongst the Creditors.  
But this Law seems to be repealed at Rome; the Pope can be contented with St. Peter's Inheritance, but he is unwilling to be declared Heir to those duties and obligations which the said St. Peter has left upon him to the Church: he can be content to be owned his Successor, but 'tis in what only relates to the Authority, Majesty, and Jurisdiction of the Church, and to the power of opening and shutting the Gates of Paradise which St. Peter had; but with this difference, that the Apostle refused to admit those that offered money for the power of working Miracles, whereas the Pope does nothing without ready money.  
In short, the Pope's boast themselves Heirs of what is profitable and beneficial, but as to debts, obligations, and incumbent charges, they speak not a word, these things are not comprehended in the Inheritance: Do the Pope's pay Tribute to Temporal Princes as St. Peter did? Not a penny; they received not the Inheritance forsooth, upon such terms. Do they pay that respect to Princes which St. Peter did? No, they are not his Heirs in this point. Do they comport themselves with St. Peter's zeal and humility? No. Do they leave the Government of the people in Temporals to their Princes as St. Peter did? No, by no means; these are too great burdens and encumbrances for Popes, who would rather renounce the whole Sacred inheritance, than charge themselves with any such obligations. 'Tis sufficient for them, that they are called Christ's Vicars, and that they hold the Keys fast in their hand, which they say our Saviour gave to St. Peter, with power to dispose of them at his death as he pleased.  
Many times have I been ruminating of the great difference betwixt the primitive and the present Church. Nowadays there is nothing but Threats, Sword, War, Extortion, Theft, Luxury, Blasphemy, Scandal, Malice, and Enmities. On the contrary, in the primitive times, nothing was seen but Martyrs and Saints, whose blood, shed in defence of their Faith, made Rivulets in the Streets; no discourse was heard then, but of Miracles, of the Cross, and of Edification; nothing was regarded, but good examples, nothing thought of, but fasting and praying, and holiness of life.  
In those days, great reverence was given to the Sacerdotal Function, because their Priests were pious, and of very good lives. In these days, it is undervalved and despised, because the Priests are Devils (I speak with exception of the good.) In those days, when they saw the Cross of Christ waved gently over their heads by the hand of the Pope, they prostrated themselves reverently in his presence; but now they are forced to kneel, because they see a menacing Sword in the Pope's hands. It was then the care of Christ's Vicars, to win the Secular Princes, and work themselves into their affections by their good Deeds; now their design is nothing, but to be feared by Princes for their threats. Then they affected and endeavoured peace and friendship amongst Christian Princes; but now they are grown Martial, and think of nothing but War. Then they were so devoted to the Service of the Altar, that they took no care of their kindred, whom they kept at distance from the Vatican; but now are so wholly addicted to the advancement of their families, that they never think of the Altar. Then they were meek and humble; now proud and imperious. It was their glory then to administer the Sacrament with their own hands; now they will scarce vouchsafe to have it taken in their presence. Then they had golden Consciences and wooden Walls; but now they have wooden Consciences and golden Walls. Lastly, Then their Arithmetic was employed in reckoning up the Miracles and good Actions of the Saints; and now 'tis of no other use, but to count out their Money to their Kindred.  
A difference so great and deplorable, 'tis enough to force tears from the eyes of all the faithful that consider it.  
But why do not the Popes at this day work Miracles? Why do not they practise that holy and severe way of living which they did formerly? or why have they laid aside those rules that conduce so much to the edification of the Church? It will be answered perhaps, that in those days, Miracles were necessary for the establishment of the Church, but that being now established, there needs nothing but Faith for its conservation; but this is mere equivocation, and a gild of Pills to disguise their bitterness. If in the Infancy of the Church there was need of Holy men to establish it, there is as great need now of Miracles to reform it; and this opinion of mine, is founded upon the opinion of certain of the H. Fathers, who assert the Conversion of one Sinner, to be a greater Miracle than the Creation of the whole World, because there is more difficulty in the Conversion of an old Sinner, than in the Creation of a new Man.  
And from whence is it that this vast difference proceeds? I know not, unless that the Pope's minds are so taken up in the enjoyment of their unmeasurable wealth, they have no leisure to look over the sufferings of their Predecessors, or to consider the benefit those holy men brought to Christianity by their Mortifications, and the injury themselves bring to it, by their Luxury and excess.  
Can it possibly be believed, that the Holy Spirit should not have that influence in the creation and guiding of the Modern Popes, as it had formerly upon the Ancient? But Experience tells us, that the nature of Pope's being now changed, they are contented to die Martyrs of their own passions, rather than to live triumphantly with Christ; so frequently are interests of this world preferred by them, before those of Heaven and the Church.  
Some there are, who believe that Miracles are not ceased, but the Modern Popes thinking that which was the glory of their Predecessors, their shame, will not trouble themselves to perform them. Others are of opinion, that our Saviour has taken away that power from them, lest they should fall into the temptation of Lucifer and Adam, and the addition of Sanctity of life to the title of God's Vicegerent, should induce the people to pay them the adoration of a Deity. And others believe, that the Popes cannot do Miracles, because their Nephews hinder them.  
I am of opinion contrary to all these, that the same Spirit that governed and directed Popes heretofore, still guides, and will guide them to the end of the world. I am persuaded they are no sooner in the Vatican, but they are pricked forward, and instimulated to good deeds by the Divine Spirit, their hearts cleansed from bad thoughts, and impregnated with an affection to the Church of Christ.  
In short, I hold it as an Article of my Faith, that the Popes are not the primary Authors of those Scandals and Controversies that fall out daily betwixt the Temporal Princes, and the Popes who are holy men, nor yet of any of the Calamities of the Church; but rather those Churchmen who are Devils; it being most true, that the Pope's sin so far as the good ecclesiastics make them sin, by putting thoughts into their heads which otherwise had never come there.  
But who are those audacious ecclesiastics that dare to put ill thoughts into the heart of his Holiness? What Devil possesses them with such wicked designs? What Malignant Star is it that guides them? what Land that bears, what Heaven that nourishes them; Let them be known, let them be discovered, that the eyes of the Faithful be blinded no longer.  
And yet indeed in some respects they are to be excused; 'tis contrary to their intention if they do any hurt; they sin by striving to do too well; 'tis their great zeal to the Church and the Pope, that makes them ill servants to both: They are like the Ape that hugs and embraces what it loves, so hard, that it many times kills with its kindness; and I am afraid one day they will bring an old house over their heads. But you will ask who these are? The Divines. What Divines? Those Divines, who being Partisans of the Court of Rome, employ a thousand Artifices for the depression of Secular Authority, and elevation of the Papal. Whence in hopes of a Cardinal's Cap, will with great impudence maintain that the Pope is not only infallible, but also impeccable. This is the Source of all the mischief and Heresy in the Church; hence proceeds the sorrow of Christians, the failing of Miracles, and the Scandal of the See of Rome.  
In the Primitive days, when there were no such Doctors, but such whose business was to correct, not to flatter the Governors of the Church in their iniquities, holiness flourished, miracles were frequent, zeal and sincerity was always in the Hearts, mortification in the Countenances, and edification in the Mouths of the Saints. Piety was showered as it were from Heaven, and perfumed the Altars in the Churches, whilst the Priests by their good lives, won over the people to Devotion.  
Those Popes that were inwardly holy, forbore not to confess themselves Sinners publicly, and because those Divines that writ then as with pens from Heaven, did not ascribe to them that outward appellation holiness, they endeavoured to attain inward holiness by Mortifications and Sackcloth, and all imaginable subduing themselves, lest (as the Apostle admonishes his followers) preaching to others, they themselves should become cast away.  
Those Primitive Popes were in such fear of erring, that they undertook not any business of importance, but after long fasting, and severe penance; they willingly followed the advice of the most pious Prelates, and submitted with humility to the judgements of such as had more zeal in their hearts, than honey in their tongues. They gave ear always with so great attention of mind, that bystanders conceived them rapped into an ecstasy, but not to such as flattered them with panegyrics, or tickled them with stories of the people's applause; not to such as cried up the grandeur of their charge, the holiness of their lives, and happiness of the people, in being under such holy Pastors; not to such as strained their wits for far-fetched adulations to tickle their ears, losing themselves some times in magnifications of their virtues, as false as tedious.  
Such as these, were not suffered in Rome, were not received into the Vatican, were not admitted into the presence of the Pope, but were chased from the Court, banished from the Church, suspended from the Ministry, and deprived of their Priesthood; and why? Because the Popes in those days being holy as David, would not hearken to any of their Doctors, but such as were like the Prophet, who dared to rebuke iniquity even in David himself.  
They would sit whole days together in the Chair of St. Peter hearing such Divines, Ambassadors, and Ministers, as with tears in their eyes recounted the miseries of the people, the afflictions of the Faithful, the necessities of the Church, the ill administration of Officers, the irreverence of Priests, the scandals of Prelates, and the little care which Churchmen took of the Service of God.  
Oh! What effect did these complaints work in the hearts of the Popes in those times? With what haste would they apply themselves to the finding a remedy? How they would embrace those that gave them such informations, and with what ardour and zeal would they implore the Divine assistance?  
How blessed a sight was it to see Criminals reverently fall upon their knees in the presence of those Popes that reprehended them? And what heart could be so stony as not to melt at their pious and humble admonitions? They did not threaten, but embrace Offenders; and if they threatened, their threats awakened repentance, as being affectionate and void of worldly design. When those Popes admonished Sinners, they did it not to revile them with reproachful and injurious language; but acknowledging that themselves also had their frailties, and were subject to errors as other men, said, We are all Sinners, not, you are all Sinners. Our flesh is liable to Sin, we are not Angels but Men: with which meek and humble expressions, they wrought themselves first into the hearts of Sinners, and afterwards applied all fitting remedies to their condition.  
Such was the holy Church in the Primitive times, such were the Popes; whose piety was a great cause of miracles being so frequent, and of the universal holiness of that age. But now let us see the difference of times, and the reasons why no Popes do miracles now adays, nor holy men shine any longer in the Church.  
God forgive those Divines that have been the chief occasion of that loss to the Church. Before the Divines turned Parasites, the Popes were holy, but they became Devils after the Court of Rome was once filled with those Virmin, who are become the very Plague of all Christendom.  
Let us ask those Courtiers, that from Sun rising, to Sun setting, walk up and down in the public Chambers of the Pontifical Palace, expecting, when by the favour of the Nephews, a Cardinal's Cap should fall upon some of their always uncovered heads. They can tell us, if they please, and give us a list of what persons are admitted now adays into Ecclesiastical charges, and who have the most familiar and frequent access to the Pope's presence: which if they would do, I am confident the Faithful would be no longer at a loss in seeking the cause of the cessation of miracles, provided those persons would be exact in relating the truth.  
Miracles! From whence should they come, if Sanctity be banished from Rome, and the Popes follow not those excellent examples that were left them by their Predecessors? In the Vatican, there is now nobody to be seen, but people crowding in with their offerings, and full of hopes of obtaining those dignities by their money, which they could never have expected from their merits, whilst out of the City Gates are to be seen melancholy and afflicted troops of the best deserving persons unprovided for, the places which they had merited, being given to the unworthy Simoniacs.  
Miracles! And how should that be, if they who rebuke the iniquities of the scandalous are persecuted to the death, if it be not permitted to any body to put his hand to the Plough, and discover the calamities of the people: if the most able Preacher be not allowed to reprehend Sin either in the Pope or his Nephews, if iniquity that runs like a Torrent through the Streets of Rome, and the Chambers of the Vatican, must be winked at, and past by, if the wicked must be adored, and the holy man despised, if those must be clapped in Prison, that were worthier to be Judges, if the ignorant be advanced, and the learned be banished, if the Thefts of the Priests be more numerous than their Masses, and if there be no distinction betwixt good and evil.  
Miracles! How, whilst they who come to complain of the hourly oppressions of the Pope's Ministers, cannot be admitted into the Gate of the Vatican; if the Cardinal's Horses be fed with more care than the poor of Jesus Christ; if the walls of Churches be left naked to adorn the Palaces of the Nephews; if the Inheritances left by Religious persons for pious uses, be employed to buy Principalities to satisfy the pomp and pride of the Pope's kindred; If the Clergy spend more time at Plays and Brothel-houses, than they do at Church, or at Prayers.  
But how would he that should dare to give these informations to the Pope, be welcomed in Rome, with Kindness and Love? 'Tis madness to imagine it. Chains, Manacles, Prisons, and Faggots, would be the recompense of his Zeal, and his entertainment sooner with the Hangman, than with the Pope.  
In Rome, in the Vatican, those Divines are well looked upon that write great Volumes in defence of the infallibility and impeccability of the Pope; that Canonize the actions of his Nephews; that cry up the Glory of his Family to the Skies, pronouncing him one of the greatest Monarches in the World; that insinuate into his ear the satisfaction of the people with his Government, and what necessity they had of such a Pastor; that make comparisons in their writings, and parallels between God and the Pope; with a thousand other extravagant flatteries, enough to ●urn the stomach of all Religious Men.  
Oh how sweet are these notes in the Ears of the Popes! How harmoniously do they Echo within the walls of the Vatican! In this manner are things now carried at Rome; he that doubts it, had best go see, for my part I am satisfied with what I have seen already. I am no flatterer of that Court, and therefore not like to be so welcome, as to take a new Journey. However, I may perhaps do better service to the Church, by blaming and pointing out the Corruptions of its Ministers, than the false Priests do with all their Adulation and Oratory.  
But whether do my thoughts wander? He who makes the Pope equal with God, may be a favourite of Pope; but he that compares a Prince to the Pope, shall be laid by the heels. He which maintains the dignity of a Prince to be inferior and subordinate to a Popes, may be rewarded; but he that says Princes are independent, is sure to be persecuted. He that asserts the Decrees of a Council to be of more Authority than the Pope's, may be Excommunicated for his pains; but he that affirms all Counsels subject to the Pope, shall receive his Benediction: he that affirms the Pope's power to be Monarchical, and depending of God alone, may be a favourite; but he that pronounces him inferior to the Church, shall be sure to be hated: he that holds the Pope to be infallible, shall have a Bishopric, whilst he that holds the other side, is sent a Slave to the Galleys: he that preaches up the Pope's power of Excommunicating and deposing of Kings, shall be sure to be protected from receiving punishment from his Prince; but he that says that Doctrine is false, shall be hanged in spite of the intercession of Kings.  
Thus you behold the present State of Rome, the Corruptions of this Age, the Iniquities in the Church, and the pernicious degeneracy of the Popes. Those very Divines that think to make the Pope's holy by declaring them infallible, render them guilty even to their own Consciences, whilst the innocent Popes trusting to the flatteries and adulations of these Divines, walk on careless and inconsiderate of what they do, mistaking even evil for good.  
Pope Sextus the fifth, caused the Bible to be printed, and by a very severe Bull, required not only that it should be read, but that it should be used in perpetuum. In a few years after, Clement the seventh succeeds him, and with another Bull as rigid as the former, suppressed Sextus' Edition, and commanded all the Copies that could be found, to be burnt in the Inquisition.  
John the two and twentieth, with his own hands writ and published, That the Souls of the Saints enjoyed not the Beatifical Vision till after the day of Judgement. This opinion being contrary to the formulary of the Church, and his Holiness being advised of his error, he disclaimed it himself, and published a Bull (which is at this day to be seen in the 15th. Tom of the Ecclesiastical Annals) against the erroniousness of that Opinion.  
Boniface the eight, in that wild and extravagant Bull, which begins, Vnam Sanctam, pronounced it as one of the principal Articles of Faith, that Kings in Temporals, as well as Spirituals, are absolutely dependant upon the Pope. But his Successor▪ Clement the fifth, finding the ill effects it had upon the people, revoked that Bull some few years after, as pernicious, and published another in favour of the Sovereignty of Princes.  
And now let that Reverend Father Diana tell me, (that Diana, who in hope to have been Worshipped like an Idol, hath made himself ridiculous by his works, I mean that great Diana that was Examiner of the Bishops, and took more pains than all of them to defend the impeccability of the Pope) let him tell me, whereas he writes the Pope cannot err; these Pope's Sextus Quintus, or Clement the seventh, Boniface the eighth, or Clement the fifth, did err; it cannot be denied but one of them did err, and i● that be clear, why must the people be deluded any longer with so false an opinion? but that which is of most importance is, that they deceive the Popes themselves whom they cry up for Infallible: and of this Innocent the tenth in an instance; who when the people complained to him of the Oppression and ill Government of his Ministers, replied, That his Officers must of necessity be just, because he that was infallible, ●ad chosen them; whereupon the oppressed people returned home, cursing that opinion, and those Divines that had persuaded them to't.  
Paul the fourth was not of that Judgement, for being supplicated by a person of great quality, in the year 1557. to dissolve a Contract that had been made by words de presenti, he refused it absolutely, and declared, That his Predecessors had many times deceived themselves in matters of that Nature, but for his part he would not continue in an Error with the rest.  
Adrian the sixth, before he was Pope, writ in his fourth Book of Sentences, That the Pope may err even in matters of Faith, by asserting of Heresy either by his particular determination, or by a Decretal, there being really several Heretics ●o be found in the Catalogue of Popes. His words are these, Certum est quod Romanus Pontefex possit errare etiam in his quae longunt fidem, Haeresim per suam determinationem aut decretale asserendo, plures enim fuere Romani Pontifices Haeretici.  
After he was Pope, he ordered his book to be reprinted in the Vatican printing house, at the charge of the Church, without expunging the least word of what he had writ before. And being importuned by the Cardinals, at least to correct that passage, as being scandalous to the Pontifical Dignity, he replied, That it had been always his opinion in the times of other Popes, and he would not be contrary to himself.  
When Opinions are directly contrary to one another, 'tis impossible but one of the parties that maintain them must be mistaken; and of the Roman Popes, there have been many that have acknowledged themselves subject to err, and inferior to Counsels, and that for twelve entire Ages together. On the contrary, in these last Ages, especially for these last fifty years, they admit not any such thing, but (which is still more absurd) they maintain the whole body of the Church to be inferior to the Pope, and not the Pope to the Church.  
Which of these Opinions is the wrong, I leave to the Judicious to determine. Whether they were deceived whose ashes the people do worship at this day for their Piety and Devotion, celebrating their memories with Divine Offices, or the other that were scarce dead before they were condemned by all the World, I leave the very Romanists to judge.  
And indeed these abuses are so great, and so frequent, that if the Temporal Princes do not look to themselves, God knows what will follow, considering the temper of the Court of Rome. The Popes never punishing any body, but to advantage themselves, most of the Writers to comply with his humour, and multiply their Estates, heap privilege upon privilege, title upon title, and authority upon authority. There are notwithstanding many sober and solid Divines amongst them, of good principles, and such as abominate this kind of flattery, but they dare not speak their Opinions openly, knowing how vindicative the Court of Rome is. And I believe, did not Secular Princes protect these kind of Divines, as the Pope does the other, it would go very ill with the dignity of Princes in a short time.  
I do not wonder that the Roman Divines maintain the Pope's infallibility at Rome, but I am astonished that they should be allowed to do it in the Dominions of other Princes, and that to their no small detriment, since to permit such books, is in a manner to confirm them; and to confirm the Pope's infallibility, is to weaken and diminish the Authority of Princes. From whence it will follow, that they must patiently sit down with what injuries any capricious Popes shall please to lay upon them, it being irrational to complain of one they have owned to be infallible.  
About two years since, some certain Jesuits disobliged by some check which they had received in Paris about Santarelli's Book, fell publicly to maintain, before the King's face, the question of the infallibility and impeccability of the Pope.  
The Gallican Divines thought themselves concerned for the honour of the Crown, and conservation of the ancient privileges of their Church, to answer them with a most just and well grounded censure, wherewith they rigorously condemned the Doctrine of the Jesuits, as too remote from the general Opinion, and of great prejudice to the Sovereignty of Princes.  
Pope Alexander the seventh, having notice of what past, testified to the most Christian King his dislike of this proceeding. The King recommending the examination of the matter to the wisdom of the Parliament of Paris, they upon mature deliberation, concluded that the Pope's infallibility was not to be admitted in France, as being an innovation and inconsistent with the ancient privilege of that Church; and therefore they saw no reason to admit a new opinion known only to such as depended on the Court of Rome, and reject that which was of greater antiquity, and had been owned by so many Religious Popes, which determination so nettled his Holiness, that he fell immediately to his Bulls, and with great threatening and curses, forbade the printing or reading of the above said Censures.  
Amongst other Expressions in his Bull, there were these, Praefatas censuras uti praesumptuo sas, temerarias, at que scandalasas. It is very well known, that those censures were made by the Sorbonists, by the King's principal Divines, by the Parliament itself, which is as much as to say, by the King himself. Notwithstanding the Pope does not spare any revile, but throws forth peals of invectives indiscriminately, as if nothing were injurious from a Pope; and this is the respect they bear to such Princes as the most Christian King, and to such a State as France.  
But if the Popes will persist in cursing and reviling of those that take part with Princes, let them not take it ill, if the Princes take such into their protection, as publish the Pope's injustice, and the rights of Princes.  
Let the Princes lay aside all scruples, when the Interest of their States is in question. The Pope is but a man, and as such may err: let them respect, honour, and reverence him, as he does them; and let them stand always upon their guards, especially whilst he is in amity with them, for 'tis the ordinary practice of the Divines, in such times of tranquillity to disseminate their Doctrines of Papal infallibility and impeccability, whereof they reap the profit in time of difference: so that in all policy they are obliged to have a care of the dangerous insinuations of the Roman ecclesiastics.  
Odoardo Farnese Duke of Parma, whilst Vrban the eight was his friend, condescended to all his Holiness desired; he gave liberty for the public preaching up of his infallibility; he gave no refuge or shelter to such as writ against him; he ordered their books to be burnt, or at least prohibited such as spoke ill of Rome, in short he advanced the Pope's Interest, by the diminution of his own; but when afterward they were at variance, he found his error, and he had much ado to disentangle himself from those troubles which he had created to himself.  
I am very well satisfied that the Court of Rome had much rather see me a Martyr than a Prophet; otherwise I could presage many things that will fall out unfortunately to the quiet of the Church, if no stop be given to that torrent of false Doctrine, that overflows not only the brains, but the pens of the Roman Divines.  
The Pope's indeed do labour to give a remedy to these things, but how? by persecuting and perplexing of such, as by their writings would remedy them: nevertheless that remedy they apply (which is neither Christian nor politic) instead of doing good, causes great hurt both to themselves, and to the Church; for the pens of the Censurists, are like the head of Hercules his Hydra; cut one off, and there will succeed seven in its place, and those much worse than the former.  
To take away this unhappy effect, the best way would be to remove the cause; The Theologist should be forbidden to write such Rodomontads, and not the Censurists to Censure. It were strange if things should by this course succeed as they desire and design! The Popes would suffer no body in Rome to write, but only such as write of their Holiness, their Majesty, their Authority, their Infallibility, and their Impeccability. Those on the other side, that write in defence of the Jurisdiction and Supremacy of Princes, must be banished, persecuted, and exterminated; but 'tis to small purpose in my judgement; for whilst the Pope incourages his party to write in his praise, the Princes will not want Assertors of their prerogatives, and perhaps in greater numbers than his Holiness.  
If the Roman Theologists should go on as they have begun, whether would things go? For these thirty years, they have added every day new Degrees, new Titles, new Authority, new Sovereignty to the Pope; now those that shall come after, observing the writings of their Predecessors, rewarded either with Abbeys, Bishoprics, Cardinalships, or good Pensions, will in all probability set their brains upon the tenters for an invention of enlarging his authority, and not knowing any nearer way, will attempt to take the Sovereignty away from the Temporal Princes, and confer it on the Pope.  
A certain Confessor I met lately by the City, in a conference I had with him about the Authority of the Pope, told me in these very terms, Sir, I believe it as an Article of my Faith that a Pope cannot possibly be damned.  
I desired his reason, with as much respect as I could, but he gave me this answer only, That many Divines now adays in Rome did assert and write so, and likewise many of the Faithful began to believe it.  
For my part, I believed he said true; and would to God the Jesuits were not in the way of maintaining this Opinion publicly every where, it being the highest compliment they can use to him; for if he be not liable to damnation, by consequence he is not subject to the sentence which God Almighty shall pass at the last day upon the Souls of Mankind. Which Opinion being received, the Pope is not only exempt from the Censures of Counsels, and of the Church, but from the Judgement of God himself; and in times to come having gained this point, they may perhaps persuade the people he is Eternal also; But I am confident if Princes will gainsay his other pretences, God Almighty will not grant him this of Eternity, reserved as a peculiar attribute, and prerogative to himself.  
But I hope the prudence of the Popes will not suffer them to admit such Doctrine into the Church, and then whilst they are good and just to the People, the Princes, and the Church, I doubt not but they will be respected and reverenced by them all.  
Too great a wind bruises or breaks a Vessel to pieces, by a too hasty and violent concussion against the Shore, though in the very Harbour it thought itself safe. If the Popes had been contented to carry themselves with mediocrity, they had never run that hazard of losing all, and Christendom had been of larger extent than it is.  
Whilst the Popes were satisfied within the limits of their Authority, the Church increased to that wideness, that the most barbarous Nations from the remotest parts of the Earth, came to Rome to pay their Devotion to the Church. Since they found things altered, and all tending either to vanity or pride, not only new accessions have ceased, but those have withdrawn themselves, who had been settled in the Church before. The Divines are so insatiate to heap up honour upon honour upon the Pope, that I fear they will one day make him lose all.  
In short, let the Theologists say what they please, both Prince and people will always take the liberty 〈…〉 commend the good, and find fault with the bad actions of the Popes. But some will say perhaps, since they cannot regulate the Pope, it would be their best way to restrain the people, because 'tis more easy for a person to contain himself from upbraiding then from committing a Sin. In former times, the Popes served for examples to draw people to works of piety and holiness, and the Saints in their private Assemblies and Conversations, took great pleasure to discourse of the charity of this Pope, and the Martyrdom, Zeal, and Goodness, of the other. Now they talk indeed of their Popes, but 'tis to their reproach and disparagement, not of their Sanctity, but of their zeal to the preferment of their Nephews. Formerly, their discourse was only of their Virtues, now it is only of their Errors. God Almighty put it into the Hearts of the Cardinals to create holy Popes, and into the hearts of the Popes to continue as the Cardinals create them.      

Il CARDINALISMO di Santa Chiesa, OR THE HISTORY OF CARDINALS. In III. Parts.  

PART I.  

BOOK II.  

The Contents.  
Wherein is discoursed of the place proportioned to the Fabric of Cardinalism. Of some particularities about the Essence of the Greek, the Roman, and the Jewish Churches. Of the obligations upon the Church of Rome to banish and persecute the Jewish Church with more severity than the Greek. Of the name of Church, and what it signifies. Of the distinctions in Rome betwixt the Catholic Church and the Roman. Of the infallibility of the Church. Of the Liberty of Conscience in their Divines. The reason why they are punished more strictly that offend against the Pope, than the Church. Of the coldness of the Popes in remunerating those that serve the Church, and their liberality to those that are serviceable to them. Of the true remedy to hinder the Divines from flattering the Popes. Of the Ecclesiastical charges, and by whom they are to be dispensed. An efficacious way to prevent murmuring against the Pope. Of the way in which the Popes served the Church in the primitive times, and of the honour they received by being called heads of the Christian Commonwealth. Of the great necessity of taking from the Popes il motu Proprio, and of the way to effect it. Of the Election of Cardinals in the primitive times. Of the age of Poverty, and of the age of Riches. Of the submission wherewith the Popes now adays are treated by the Cardinals. Of the great Errors into which the Church of Israel fell. Of a certain Father that preached up the infallibility of the Pope. That the Church of Rome is subject to several Errors. Of a discourse betwixt a Priest and a Protestant. Of the difficulty of knowing the signs of the true Church, and that by reason of so many differences and disputes. Antiquity believed a true sign of the purity of the Church. Of the signs our Saviour left to distinguish the true Church from the false. Of a certain Protestant Prince that invited the Pope's Nuntio to Supper in Paris. Of the great vanity in the Habits of the Cardinals, and Priests. Of a strange Sermon preached in the Church of Araceli in the presence of certain Cardinals. Of the answer the Catholic and Protestant give, when they are asked whether they shall be saved or no. Of the Confession of sins, and the manner how it is used in the Church by Christians. Discourses betwixt the Papist and the Protestant about the purity of the Church. How tedious afflictions are now to Christians. Of the great affluence in which the Popes and the Cardinals live. Of the quality of the sufferings of the ecclesiastics. Of the beggerlyness of certain poor Bishops. Of a Bishop that complained of the great pride of the Cardinals. Of the great number of discontented Prelates in Rome, and for what they are so. Of the pernicious examples the Seculars take from the Clergy. Of the misery the Church is in. Of a Priest that desired to see the Riches of the Cardinals increased. Of a Protestant that desired the power of working of Miracles, that he might turn water into wine. Of the Persecutions suffered by the Church. Of the number of Schisms, and the place where they happened. Of certain Schismatics. Of Synods and Counsels called for the suppression of Heresy that did daily increase. Of the obligation that lies upon the Popes to acknowledge their Grandeur from the bounty of Charles the Great. Of the weight of the Ecclesiastical dignity, and of the honour. Of the difference betwixt Schism and Heresy. Of the Schisms that are nourished in the Church by the Pastors thereof. Of the excuses the ecclesiastics do use to cover their faults. Of the difference betwixt the Dominicans and the Franciscans. Of the true way of converting of Heretics. Of certain Heretics that go to Rome to observe the conversations of the Catholics. Of the great number of Murders committed in Rome, and of the trouble their Consciences receive thereby. Of the Divines and Confessors being called Domestic Enemies of the Church. Of the carelessness of the Bishops in making the Friar's Confessors. Of a penance given by a Friar to a Merchant. Of a Jesuits answer to a young man that had confessed himself to him. Of the example of Judas perverted by the ecclesiastics to their own advantage. Of the Aristocracy of the Church. Of the Evils of the Clergy compared to a Wart, which increases the more, the more it is cut. Of the maxim among the Italians in disposing of their Children, and of their sending the most dissolute of them to the Cloisters. Of the orders of Religious that regard not quality, but quantity in their Convents. Of the Picture of Saint Francis with a Church upon his shoulders, and the reason. Of a Vision Saint Francis is reported to have seen, very prejudicial to the Cardinals. Of the great honour they attribute to Saint Francis Saverius. Of the great number of persons he is said to have Baptised with his own hands. That the Church ought to be sustained by the Zeal and good Government of the Cardinals and the Pope. Of the Liberty that is given to the Jesuits to enrich themselves. Of Saint Francis Saverius that is believed to have gone to the Indies to bring the Indies back to the Jesuits. Of a Jew that was Baptised in Rome. Of the way how Saints are to be Reverenced. Of the Scandals committed in the Church by the Friars, being so numerous; and many other particulars.   

THE Critics of this Age being numerous, and most Writers under the Tyranny of their censures, I thought it but prudence to look about me, and for the security of this Fabric, against such Storms, to choose a place for its foundation, as solid and suitable to the Nature of Cardinalism as was possible; for Cardinalism receiving its form and essence from the Power of the Pope, and the Grandeur of the Church (of which the Cardinals call themselves Princess (I thought it methodical to begin first with the Papal Power, and after that, to make some reflection upon the Nature and Grandeur of the Church. For as the quality of water is not to be known, but by discovery of the Fountain, so the true medium, and end of a thing, is not to be found, without some notion of the Principle. To me therefore it seems not improper to distinguish, not only the good Church from the false, but also the number of the Churches, which almost confound the good people of Christendom.  
Though there have been some Popes that have scarce known the nature of their own Church, yet there are others, or (more properly) their Theologists for them, that give us an account of three, viz. the Jewish, the Greek, and the Roman. The Jewish being permitted in most Ecclesiastic States to have their Temples and Synagogues open in the face of the strictest Christians. But the consequence of this liberty is not foreseen.  
The Jewish Church is dispersed here and there through the whole Universe, and in Italy, is much more numerous than the Greek, though in other places the Greek has whole Provinces to its self: whereas the Jews are only permitted in some Cities only with free exercise of their Religion, as in Rome where they have their Rabines that preach to them, and many Christians to hear them, whose curiosity sways more with them, than the express prohibition of the Inquisition.  
The Greek Church, on the other side, which is the elder Sister of the Roman, lies weeping like a deflowered Virgin, and afflicted like a disconsolate Widow, to see her Birthright, without knowing how, ravished from her by force, and that by her too, the foundation of whose present greatness she had laid: but by this, it is easily distinguished, which is the true Jacob, and which the counterfeit Esau.  
These two Churches, the Greek, and the Jewish, that had formerly flourished so much, are now to their no small sorrow, become Slaves to the Roman: for she having perverted the natural course, has made herself first, that was last, and usurped a Sovereignty and Dominion over the rest, and has so well managed her affairs, that she has secluded the other two, who very hungry and distressed, would fain be sucking of that Milk, which she unnaturally has ingross'd to herself.  
'Tis against all Moral reason, all Order Ecclesiastic, all Humane and Divine Rules, that the Jewish Church should be permitted by the Roman, and the Greek Church persecuted: and the reasons are clear; in the Greek Church Christianity is professed, the Rules and Precepts of the Gospel observed, the Mass celebrated, and (except some Ceremonies rejected as innovations by that Church) they conform in all things to the Primitive Practice both in the Eastern Church, and even that of Rome, where Christianity was at first in its greatest Purity, and would doubtless be again, had not the Corruption of the times brought a scandal upon it, even amongst Christians themselves: I call it modestly the corruption of the times, though I am sensible, the introduction of so many idle and Superfluous▪ Ceremonies into the Church, has been an occasion of corrupting the times, and with them, Christianity itself.  
The Jewish Church, as I have said, being a professed Enemy to Christ, Preaching and Blaspheming in their Synagogues against the Crucify'd Redeemer, and by their false Doctrine, debauching and perverting poor Christians from their Faith, aught in all equity to be banished from the Roman, for their perverseness or ignorance (be it which you will) being invincible. They are not to be satisfied of the coming of our Saviour, or the redemption of the World, the only point and ground of our Salvation, and therefore unfit not only for Protection at Rome, but for any Conversation in Christendom: it being nothing else, but to make a mixture of Gold and Dirt, Glory and Blame, Praise and Blasphemy.  
The Christian Policy indeed (and I wish I could say, Humane also) of the Spaniards, is to be commended: in their Dominions, they will not allow any Religion, but the Catholic: it is a Principle with them, in a State should be but unus Dominus & una Fides, which is the reason that the Spaniards are not troubled with those Schisms and Factions in their Church, as they are in other States, to the confusion of the greatest Doctors, who are able to distinguish betwixt good and evil, much more of the poor ignorant people, who are guided only by the outward appearances which they see in others.  
But because the Interests of Religion are oftentimes overpowered in the minds of men, by sensual passions, and worldly interests, which should rather be subdued by them; hence things are brought to a contrary posture, and the Jews have greater liberty than the Greeks, not in Italy only, but in Rome itself, the Pope's carrying a stricter eye over the Actions and Ceremonies of the Greek Church, than over the pernicious Doctrines of the Hebrews. For the Jews being of a perverse and refractory humour, in matters of Religion, are in Humane things so complacent and flexible, that by their Tributes and Insinuations, they have so wrought themselves into the conversation of the Christians, that they are treated by them as the nearest of their Kindred and Friends.  
And I could wish that this were the worst, but such is the force and incantation of their money, that the very Popes have been persuaded, not only to give them Protection in the Dominions of the Church, but to suffer them to erect their Temples and Altars, to Preach, to Celebrate their Paschal with all possible Solemnity, and to hold their Synagogues in all places: whereas the Grecians wanting that Subtlety and Compliance, and not thinking it just to pay Tribute where they are Strangers, (though in other places they have whole Provinces, enough to evince the antiquity of their Rights, which are in many things inconformable with the Roman) they are forced to be contented with the exercise of some small pittance of their Ceremonies, though under the eye of the Bishop of Rome.  
But before we proceed any farther, in the particularities of the Church of Rome, from whence our Cardinalisme deduces its original, to satisfy the curiosity of the Reader, and to facilitate his understanding, it is fit to consider the Universality of the Church, which is particular in the Universal, although universal and particular too, as the ecclesiastics believe.  
The word Church (as it has been declared by several Learned men, and aught to be acknowledged by all Christians) signifies nothing but an Assembly of many persons; and the Scripture uses it in four principal senses.  
In the first, it signifies only the Elect, and those Blessed Souls that are separated from the Corruption of the world, and taken into the fruition of Eternal happiness, to wit the Glorified Saints, or the Church Triumphant (which is so much talked of in the world, and so much aspired to by the Righteous.)  
Secondly, it denotes in general the Universal visible Church, comprehending Protestants (though the Pope calls them Heretics) as well as the Catholics; and of this Church St. Paul speaks, when he writes to Timothy, that in a great City there are not only vessels of Gold and of Silver, but of Wood also, and of Earth; by this Rhetorical and Figurative way of speaking, insinuating, that the Church is composed of bad, as well as good, of those predestinated to Damnation, as those decreed to be Saved. Yet so it is, with the Roman Divines (as if they know not what St. Paul had writ, or pretended to know more) will admit into the Pale of their Church (which ought to be Universal) only such particulars as can truckle and condescend to the Kissing of the Priest's Hand, and the Pope's Toe.  
Thirdly, it signifies the Assembly and Congregation of the Pastors, and principal Governors of Christ's Flock, and in this acceptation, it was our Saviour speaking of Brotherly correction, admonishes, that if the party offending be pertinacious in his fault, and worthy of reprehension, the party offended should apply himself for reparation to the Church. From whence it is plain, that our Saviour intended the Congregations and Synods of Bishops, and other Rulers in the Church, whose office it is to inspect the affairs thereof, and negotiate for its benefit and accommodation. Though some there are, that believe Christ meant by the Word; a Complete and Universal Assembly of the Godly, which in my judgement is improbable, because the Gospel (our principal light) declares expressly, that the power of Correction was in the Rulers only, and not in them.  
By the fourth and last signification of the word Church, every particular Congregation of Christians is intended; which though it seem in appearance to be separated, yet it is indeed a Member joined and fastened by an indivisible knot to the entire and universal body of the visible Church. And in the Infancy of Christianity, when the Apostles writ their Epistles to Corinth, Ephesus, and Rome, those Churches were such. And I suppose our Saviour intended no otherwise in those words, Where two or three are met together in my name. I will be in the midst of them. And indeed, when two or three are met together, either in the Church, in Prison, in the Streets, or elsewhere, if it be to read the Scriptures, to send up their Prayers to Heaven, or for any other action of devotion, whether Protestant or Papist, they are in my judgement a Church, and Christ is in the midst of them: for it is not the number of persons, but the intention of their meeting, which denominates them a Church. Otherwise an Assembly of Gamesters would have as much right to that honourable appellation as they.  
But there is one thing very necessary to be determined; the Romans, or the Churchmen of Rome, are accustomed to call their Church, sometimes the Roman, and othertimes the Catholic Church, the greatest part of them being unable to show any reason at all for this distinction. Now the word Catholic importing universal, and Roman on the other side particular, it cannot be Catholic and Roman too; for if 'tis Roman, then 'tis particular, and if so, than not Catholic. To take away this Confusion therefore, and bring things to a consistence, one of the two names is to be laid aside, and the other retained; and in my judgement, that of Universal Church will be best to be kept, and that of Roman left.  
The Roman Divines, are so troubled and perplexed to find some new argument for proving the Pope's Infallibility (which I have sufficiently discoursed in my first book) and have so twisted and entangled themselves in that opinion, that they have no time to consider, whether the Church itself be Infallible or not, which would be a great ease to the scruples of the Faithful.  
If the Church were derived from the Pope, it might with great reason be questioned whether the Pope be Infallible; but since the Pope hath his being and existence from the Church, the question must be concerning the Infallibility of the Church.  
There is a saying, so common amongst Christians, that it has passed into a Proverb, I know not upon what reason: If a person at any time be of a lame Conscience, and inclined to some false belief, the common saying is▪ that he has the Conscience of a Divine, as if Divines had no Consciences at all: which I fear is too true, for they write as they think good, and teach what they please, but believe not themselves what they write or teach. And if there were not this latitude amongst them, 'tis not probable they would assert the Pope to be the Churches Elder Brother▪ and in respect of his primogeniture▪ to be the more venerable. A Prodigy I could not have believed, had I not known it by experience; for the irreverences committed against the Church, being punished with some ordinary Correction, and those against the Pope with death, it is plain his Authority is the greater, and he has been no ill husband of his Prerogative.  
But this opinion is not only ridiculous (as several other of their tenants are) but so weak and unstable, that it threatens the whole Fabric with destruction; true it is, they do fortify themselves very much with that expression, which our Saviour used to Saint Peter, Thou art Peter, and upon this Rock will I build my Church. From whence, they argue that the Church being built upon St. Peter, St. Peter (as its foundation) supported the Church, inferring, and upon pain of sinning mortally, enjoining the people to believe, that Christ by that expression had pronounced the Pope chief Shepherd of his Flock, and absolute Bishop of all Christian people; that from that time he began to build up his Church upon the Shoulders of St. Peter, and he might lawfully claim his prerogative; as if the rest of the Apostles had been laid aside, and had not unanimously cooperated to the common good.  
That St. Peter was the foundation of the Church, I can easily grant, nor do I think there is any will deny it, provided the same prerogative be allowed to the rest of the Apostles (who were comprehended also in that expression) and to those other Pastors and Rulers that succeeded, and are still subservient in the Church. And to this our Saviour alludes, when he says, if the Shepherd be smitten, the Flock is dispersed, intimating, that the care of the Church lies upon the Ministers, without which, they would be but like a Flock without any body to look to them▪  
But that the Pope should usurp to himself the Primogeniture, and instead of raising the Church upon himself, abase it: destroying the Apostolical manner of proceeding, and making for himself a particular Apostleship; and asserting the Church to be made for him, not he for the Church, is a subject worthy the consideration of all Christians, because it gives occasion of so many Scruples and Schisms.  
What should be the reason, that the Roman Divines find it much easier to prove the Pope's infallibility, than the Churches, I cannot imagine, unless, that observing the difficulty of finding arguments for either, and yet being obliged to write something of Ecclesiastical matters, they choose rather to indulge that vanity in the Pope who is able to reward them, than to speak any thing of the Church's infallibility, which would conduce so much to the ed 〈…〉 of the Faithful who are ignorant of the matter.  
Now every good office requiring a reward, and every reward a public acknowledgement; the Divines therefore taking notice with what slowness and difficulty those that promote the interest of the Church (though with never so much zeal) are advanced, and on the other side, how free and prodigal the Popes are in their remunerations to such as drive on their designs; hence they choose not the Church's side which is poor, but the Popes who is rich, and hath the disposing of all Bishoprics, Abbeys, and Cardinalships in his power.  
I am of opinion, (and I think no body but some Sycophant Friar will deny it) that if the Election into Ecclesiastical preferments depended upon the universal body of the Church, or else upon each particular Member of it; for example, the dignity of a Cardinal upon the Consistory of Cardinals, the Office of Bishops upon the Synod of Bishops, and so through all Offices, and that with the order of the same secret votes, as is used in the Senate at Venice, I am confident there would be few Divines found, (even of those that now with so much vehemence exalt him) that would flatter the Pope, but apply themselves entirely to the service of the Church.  
And unless the ancient zeal for Religion (which at present is not to be found in the breast of a Cardinal) do revive; or Secular Princes do suddenly apply themselves to the finding out a remedy; it is most certain, things can never proceed, but with great scandal to the Church, not only amongst Heretics, who are always prying and observing the actions of the Catholics, but of the Heathens also, who as yet have but little knowledge of the Roman transactions.  
Were the tongues of people restrained, were all innovations exploded, and things honestly restored to the Primitive way; that fugitive Flock that is dispersed at present in the Wilderness of Heresy, would return to its Fold; Schismatical controversies would cease, the differences betwixt Christian Princes would be composed, and their united forces be directed against the Turk: In short, were that absolute and despotical power in the Pope restrained, or taken away, or at least, the right of Election (which for five ages was observed constantly in the Church) restored to the Congregations, Synods, and Consistories, Christianity would be advanced, Heresy depressed, and things reduced again to that Primitive Sanctity, when every man's whole business was the salvation of his Soul.  
In the Primitive Church, the Popes (as may be seen in their lives) did not intermeddle or pry into any body's actions, but for the advantage of the Church, that the Bishops might be holy in their conversations, as their function was holy, and the Sacraments administered with decency.  
In those days, the Bishops made the Election to vacant Bishoprics, and by degrees came in Cardinals, who also had the creation of Cardinals. There was no discourse then, but of the miraculous Sanctity of the Popes. No importunity of their Kindred, pressing, and soliciting them, to turn out such a good man, and advance a much wickeder to his place.  
It was then the Glory of the Pope to be called the head of the Christian Commonwealth, and indeed the Counsels, Consistories, and Synods, having the Election of all Officers, and the disposal of all Dignities, it was no other but a Commonwealth; but how the present Writers in their Volumes can call Christendom a Republic, I cannot understand, whilst it is enslayed to his Holiness, and under the Tyranny of his Arms, Excommunications, and Inquisitions, and forced by the irrational opinions of Priests, to an adoration of the Pope in Rome, as if he were a God in Heaven.  
It were much to be desired, and would be much to the advantage of the Church, if that motu proprio, or Arbitrary power of the Pope were taken away, Christendom reduced again to a Republic, and the Church set once more at Liberty. I mean, if the Election of Cardinals were performed as secretly as possible in the Consistory, by the Cardinals themselves, and so that of Bishops by a Provincial Synod to be called upon the death or translation of any of them, or (if that should be too expensive) by the Consistory of Cardinals, and not left to the single disposition of the Pope, who regards nothing but the interest and satisfaction of his Family.  
When Judas his place amongst the Apostles became void, St. Peter (from whom the Popes derive the power of the Keys) proceeded not to the nomination of another himself, or declared his Successor without more ado, but he called the College of Apostles together, by whose Lots St. Matthew was chosen to succeed him, without any mention of St. Peter, or of any body's Preceedency there. The Apostles were all first, and all last, without any difference of priority. But this Chapter is left out of their Bibles, they will read nothing but for their own advantage.  
And this is manifest, because when a Cardinal dies, the Pope calls not the College of Cardinals together, to create a Successor, but in spite of the example of the Apostles, in spite of all Justice and Equity, he chooses one himself, and declares him Cardinal, usurping in this manner the right of the Cardinals, who are Successors to the Apostles also, and to whom that right of Election doth belong.  
This inconvenience seems at first sight very hard to be remedied, but upon serious consideration it will be easy. For in the vacancy of the Chair, when they are Absolute and Supreme, when the Church is a kind of Republic, and all the Jurisdiction is in their hands, what should hinder them (if they had any regard to their lawful and just Privileges) from resuming that power which they have been robbed of, and constraining his Holiness to confirm it.  
Would the Cardinals but once undertake this, those Princes that have any zeal for the liberty of the Church, would not fail to undertake it too, and second them with Arms upon occasion, as the Emperors both of the East and West have formerly done; then they might new model the Laws, settle the preceedency of the Synods and Consistories before the Pope, as it was in the Primitive days, renounce the Pope's Decrees, and establish their own, declare him as an Apostle indeed amongst the rest of the Apostles, but not as a God, and in short, clip the wings of his Authority, so as to leave him Head only of a Commonwealth.  
Nor indeed, were this well executed, would the Popes have any reason to complain, for what can they pretend, but that they be allowed as much Authority as St. Peter had, and why should not the Cardinals have as much as the rest of the Apostles, whose true Heirs they are; if the Pope therefore be as St. Peter, why should not they be as the rest of the Apostles.  
I have said before, that to fill up the vacancy that was made by the Treason of Judas, St. Peter did not by his Papal Authority make Election of another, but by the Prayers and Assembly of the rest of the Apostles, who were as it were the Pilots and Steers-men in the Ship of the Church.  
Moreover Christ being dead, St. Peter could not hope for any greater Authority than he had left him in these words, What thou bindest on Earth, shall be bound in Heaven, so as from that time he had power to exercise his authority, which (say they) was to preside in Elections, to command in their Assemblies, and to exercise over the Apostles, the same authority which the Popes do now over the Cardinals.  
But in those day's things were well managed, however they go now. Then the Church was truly Apostolical, and obedient exactly to the Laws of the Apostles, now it is Roman, and conformable only to the Interest or Capriccio of the Pope. St. Peter then had no money to distribute, nor no offices to bestow, and therefore there were no books, nor no Authors to be found that flattered him, or attributed more to him, than Christ had given him; now they are so rich, and have so many preferments to bestow, that they can debauch their Divines, and make them write as they please. In that age there was nothing but poverty and piety; in this, there is nothing but craftiness and wealth; then there was nothing but Christ in the thoughts of St. Peter, and the Apostles, and now in the Pope's minds, there is nothing but their Nephews.  
It is not to be found in any place of the Scripture, that St. Peter commanded the rest of the Apostles, or that they acknowledged him head of the Church, or Superior to themselves. Whereas on the contrary, 'tis to be seen in the Acts of the Apostles, that Peter was sent by the rest of the Apostles, in the company of St. John, to preach the Gospel in Samaria, and St. Paul not only writes, that he was not esteemed inferior to the best of the Apostles, but he went up and down ordering all things as he thought necessary for the advantage of the Church, without communicating any thing with St. Peter of what he judged convenient to do.  
Things being so, upon what grounds is it that the Popes keep the Cardinals at that distance? Christ recommended his Church to the Apostles in general, without any exception, as appears by those words in St. John, As my Father sent me, so have I also sent you; and whose sins soever you pardon, shall be pardoned; and again in St. Matthew, Be not in any case called Masters, because there is one that is your Master, but be as if you were all Brothers. Can any thing be more clear? can any thing be of greater proof?  
When Christ spoke these words to his Apostles, St. Peter was present, and therefore like, but not Superior to the rest. So as, what authority is that the present Divines give to St. Peter over the Apostles, and by consequence to the Popes over the Cardinals? In my judgement, both sides are too blame, the Popes to usurp, and exalt themselves so much, and the Cardinals to prostitute and debase themselves. These are the errors that occasion, if not the greatest part of our Heresies, at least the most stubborn and perverse part of them, it being most certain, that a great part of their Passion and Acrimony against the Church would be taken away, could they but see things honestly administered by an equal concurrence both in Cardinals and Pope.  
But to return from this point (from which also we have in some measure been forced to digress) I will speak now of the infallibility of the Church. Let us first examine if there be, or ever was, such a Church in the world, to whom God had vouchsafed out of his profound Counsels to bestow any such privilege.  
There is no need of studying or using any long and elaborate arguments, to prove that all Churches whatsoever have been subject to Error, daily experience presenting us with continnal examples, that they have fallen into error, as great as can be imagined by man.  
The Jewish Church, that flourished so long under their Patriarches and Prophets, that before the coming of our Saviour had the honour to be called the only visible Church of God, though it was governed by pious and experienced Pastors, Err notwithstanding, and was most miserably involved in the puddle of Idolatry, so as we read in the Chrenicles, That for many days together, the Israelites had neither God, nor Law, nor Priest, amongst them all to direct them. And the Prophet Esau with Tears in his Eyes, and Sorrow in his Heart, complains, That all their Governors were blind: And the Prophet Ezechiel tells us, that this Idolatry overspread the Church, as well in Egypt as in Israel.  
But we need not trouble our brains for an instance of their erring, the Golden Calf the people made to themselves, and worshipped as a God, in spite of Aaron and Moses, (who went up into the Mount to receive the Tables of the Law) is too sad an evidence.  
Jeremiah complains with great anguish of the miseries of Juda, that was fallen into that profound and bottomless impiety, it was a question whether there were more Cities or Idols in her Dominions. And at the time of our Saviour's coming into the world, he found the Church infected with an infinite number of Heresies and Innovations, introduced by the false Doctrines disseminated by those very Scribes and Pharisees that governed it.  
Let the Scriptures be looked over never so seriously, let the Ecclesiastical Histories be examined never so strictly, I am sure there is not any particular Church to be found, since the time of the Apostles, that retains its proper and Primitive Purity, and has not deviated by some corruption or other from its first method and form. So as St. Paul had very good reason, in the beginning of his Epistle to the Romans, to exhort them to have a care they did not wander from the truth.  
The Church of Rome (notwithstanding all this) believes herself infallible; or at least some Divines would persuade her so. In Genoa, there was a Priest called Father Zachary, as I remember, (I am sure he was a Dominican) that Preached upon that Subject; he was a great Orator, and had a vast memory, he used all the arguments were possible to prove it, and amongst the rest, this one in St. Matthew, And the Gates of Hell shall not prevail against it, which he urged with that vehemence, that he declared, that as often, and every time the Church did err, so often should Christ himself break his promise with the Church.  
The Father being himself both Opponent and Respondent, there was no answer given to that position; yet it may be very well allege▪ d, that Christ in those words spoke not of any particular Church, but only of the Church of his Elect; and therefore, assures us also in other places, that all the Machinations, Persecutions, and Conspiracres, of the three implacable Enemies of mankind united, shall not be able to extinguish and irradicate that Church, because God's Foundations are firm and unmoveable, and he knows who are his own. As it is in the Apostle to Timothy, to which may be added those words of our Saviour, The Heaven and the Earth shall pass away, but my Word shall not fail; intending thereby, the Church where the word of God is preached. And if it happens at any time that any particular Church deviates from the right way, which is the way of truth, the only foundation of the Church, and upon which our Salvation is built, God of his mercy will raise up another to convince that of the error it is fallen into.  
Amongst all the Churches, since the beginning of the world, there has not been found that unconstancy and confusion as in the Church of Rome; so many Anti-popes', Schisms, Heresies, Controversies, Confusions, Suspensions, Persecutions, so many false Opinions, Scandals, Tyrannies, and Intestine Quarrels, as there.  
Several times have they been known to adore two Popes, in the same Province, at once, at another time three, of several Nations; the very College of Cardinals being divided, some of them favouring one side, some another, and some of them believing, neither of them lawful. This I am sure, that at the Election of one Pope, there grew such Schism in the Church, the people were in great perplexity and confusion, and not knowing, by reason of the difference amongst the Cardinals, which was the true Christian Church they were to follow, they remained, not only months, but years, in that irresolution, as if they had belonged neither to God nor the Devil.  
Is it not too true? Their ecclesiastics themselves, do not only dispute in their Counsels, but fall out and quarrel with that vehemence and passion, they will sooner leave the Council, than their Opinions, so pertinaciously proud are they of any thing that is their own, though with the greatest scandal to the people, who in that uncertainty of the truth, forsake not only their fiery and unreasonable Opinions, but their Religion itself. But what shall I say? Are there not Bishops that Preach false Doctrine in their Diocese, chaulking out Rules of living to the people, contrary to the meaning of the Gospel, and what is taught in Rome? And have there not been Popes that have been disclaimed by their Clergy?  
From hence it may be easily concluded, that their Opinion that hold the Church infallible, is false and erroneous, and if the Church be fallible, much more the Pope, who, though Governor of the Church, founded by our Saviour, and propagated by the Apostles through the whole world in great Sanctity and Holiness, yet with a possibility of falling, otherwise, forasmuch as the Church consists of men only, it would have been necessary to have Sanctified them all both Ecclesiastic and Secular.  
In Rome they speak with great Reverence of the Council of Trent, the Divines and Preachers crying it up as a thing absolutely infallible. Yet the Pope makes no bones to break and violate the Decrees established by so many venerable men, and the unanimous consent of all the Churches in Christendom, dispensing with things at his own pleasure.  
It is not many years since, I obtained a dispensation for a friend of mine, in a thing forbidden expressly in two Sessions of that Council, and all for the sum of ten Crowns, and some little bribe by the buy to a Clerk in the Registers Office, a friend in Court being as necessary in Rome, as a penny in a man's purse.  
Those the Church of Rome call Heretics, cannot hear with patience, that the Pope alone should have authority to defeat and invalidate in a moment, what a General Assembly of the Church has been so many years about. A certain Priest discoursing one day with a Protestant of France, with design to draw him over to the Church of Rome, he thought he had brought him into a very hopeful way, when the Protestant had told him that all the Protestants in France would submit themselves to the Pope, if the Pope would submit himself to the Counsels; to which the Priest replied, it will be necessary than a Council be called, and such rules established by common consent, as shall be thought necessary for the Government of the Church; to which the Protestant replied a little fiercely, How a Devil will the Pope observe the Decrees of a Council, that cannot be kept from violating the Precepts of the Gospel, but if you will undertake to bring the Pope to a submission to them, I do not question to convert all of my Religion to the Pope, for to tell you the truth Sir, I hold one as feasible as the other.  
At first sight indeed it appears something probable, that though a particular Church may err, yet in respect that Christ has promised where two or three are met together in his name, he will be in the midst of them, and that in this case there are not only two or three, but two or three hundred, and those, choice men and select for their Piety and Learning; it seems not impossible, I say, but a Congregation Consistory, or Council, composed of the chief Heads and Governors of all the Churches in general, may be infallible.  
Were there a Council called in the name of Christ only, and for the real interest of the Church, and did it consist of such Members, and no other, as had their eyes fixed wholly upon Heaven, I could almost acknowledge that Council infallible; but we know very well, and our constant experience confirms it, that passion, blood-thirstiness, interest, ambition, desire of dignity, capriciousness in the Prelates, Bishops, Cardinals, and Popes, are the principal things that sway in Counsels, so as it is manifest, Christ is not in their hearts, and where he is not to direct them, there can be no infallibility.  
The Church of Israel was reputed even to the death of our Saviour, a good and a holy Church, for which reason Christ himself conversed often with the Scribes and Pharisees, rebuking such as profaned their Temples with their buying and selling, not with words only, but blows, declaiming against them, that they had made his Father's house a Den of Thiefs. His heart not being able to endure that they should use that place as a Market, where the Jews met daily to sing praises to their God.  
The Scribes and Pharisees of the Jewish Church (when there was any tumult or division amongst the people, about the works our Saviour had wrought, some believing them miraculous, and others not) they met in Council with the Principal Rulers and Governors, and having debated upon all the works he had wrought in Judea, after long argumentation and dispute, they concluded, and condemned him as a Seducer, and a Blasphemer, and that was the result of that Council of the Jews.  
Many Counsels there have been in the Christian Church, that have not only erred, but undone and revoaked what another had Decreed, so as several of them have been declared Null, though the Church had made use of their Statutes many years, as in the late Council of Trent there were four others condemned, so as the Council of the Apostles was the only infallible Council that ever was in the Church, and that because it was managed and directed immediately by the Holy Ghost according to Christ's promise, as is recorded in the Gospel of St. John.  
But here is one question will arise, the solution of which, would be a great satisfaction to the Reader, and that is, whether Anabaptists, and others that have their several Religions and Sects apart, may in reason challenge the honourable Title of a Church, some of them conforming themselves to the documents of the Scripture, and drawing the rules of their conversations from thence, others (and the more wicked) spinning out their own methods and ordinances out of their own fancies, and yet not very dissimular to the direction of the Gospel, it being as it were proper to mankind to gild and colour over evil with pretences of good.  
Many there are, that believe that our Saviour in those words, In my Father's House are many Mansions, intended to comprehend all the Church Militant, and that he did not mean it as a figure only of the Celestial Beatitude; for which cause, he drove the Buyers and Sellers, as I have said before, out of the Temple, calling it his Father's house, because in that, the Jews celebrated all their Holy and Divine Functions that were necessary to give the form to a true Church Militant.  
If it be so, it must needs be acknowledged there is but one true Church that can be called justly the house of God, though there may be several Chambers and Mansions divided from one another, that may pass under that name.  
The Church of Rome refuses to give the Title of Church to any but itself, as if there was no Church in being but that, cozening and deluding its self in the very Title they assume, for by calling themselves the Church of Rome, they do tacitly suppose there is some other Church, that is not of Rome.  
It is certain, and beyond all dispute, that all the Counsels and Assemblies of Heretics may be called Churches, but with the distinctions of corrupt and incorrupt, of sound and unsound, of polluted and pure; for a man, though afflicted with never so many diseases, back and blue with never so many stripes, eaten up as it were with worms and putrefaction, ceases not notwithstanding to remain a man, till the Soul be separated from his Body, though otherwise he may have lost something of his shape.  
In like manner, the Title Cof hurch, cannot without violence or ignorance in Religion, be taken from those Churches, who are straggled out of the right way, and will not be subjected to their true Mother. Lucifer's Pride was such, it tumbled him down headlong from Heaven into Hell, yet he retains the Title of Angel, with this difference only, that he was then called an Angel of Light, but now of Darkness. The Church of Israel, though overwhelmed most miserably in Idolatry, had the Title of Church continued to them still by the Prophets themselves, but with the distinction of Good and Holy then, of Wicked and Idolatrous after. So as it ought to be sufficient for the Churchmen of Rome to allow them to be Churches, though they think them depraved▪ and though it be not impossible that those Churches they think so, may be most holy and sound.  
The matters of Religion appear so ordinary and low, the simplest Idiot thinks himself a Master in them, whereas indeed they are so deep and profound, they are enough almost to break the brain, as well as the sleep of the poor Christian, that confounded with this scruple, and that dispute, is oftentimes forced to go on in his ignorance, and precipitates himself into obscurities, by the very means he was searching after light.  
Every one believes his own Religion the best, and that he is predestinated to be saved, but his Neighbour to be damned. If you inquire of a Roman Catholic, he will assure you with plenty of asseverations, that there is no Salvation out of that Pale. Ask a Lutheran of his, and he will tell you, the true way to Heaven is his way. And so the Calvenist, with great Learning, and no few Texts of Scripture, will persuade you his Doctrine comes nearest the Apostles.  
A certain Friend of mine, whose head is full of those niceties in Religion, being in a merry humour told me one day, if he might have his wish, he would wish himself in Paradise for one day, and in Hell for a month: I enquired of him the reason why his stay in Paradise should be so short; he replied, That he would fain be satisfied which Religion sent most souls to Heaven, and which most to Hell; that in Paradise he knew there were no throngs, and therefore he could dispatch there in a day; but that Hell was better planted, and would require a longer visit. I asked him why he would profane his own Religion with such discourse; he answered, Dear Friend, to tell you the truth I am of opinion, that here below it is impossible to be satisfied who shall be saved, and who not; because for aught we know, they that appear most beautiful in this world, may be most deformed in the next; and though we look upon blackness here as a defect, yet there as amongst the Moors it may be counted a perfection.  
He stopped there, and I made some reflections by the buy upon his raillery; yet certainly that providence that governs the World, has reserved the knowledge of Salvation and Damnation as a secret to himself, to prevent those censures that are yet too frequent among Christians; some condemning this man, some saving of that, as if either of them were in the power of Man.  
I am of opinion, (by the leave of the Divines both Protestant and Papist)▪ that as to their Fundamentals all Religions are good; yet withal, I believe there is none of them without their defects and corruptions: The Catholic holds the Protestant Church for a Compendium of Hell; but for what reason? marry they cannot tell; and it is best of all that they cannot. But what follows? when any of those that are so much possessed against it by the violence of their Preachers, (who cry out against them in their Pulpits, as if they had Horns upon their heads like the Devil) have occasion to travel and converse amongst them, they are amazed and confounded to see there is no such things amongst them, that their practices are honest, their preaching against vice, the Psalms of David their music; that for the better instruction of the people, they read the Scriptures in their own tongue, and that swearing and blasphemy is punished severely.  
And this is that Church the Catholic calls the Epitome of Hell, and the wickedest Society amongst men. I will not say notwithstanding, but amongst them also there are some dissolute and profane; it is enough that as to the Essence of their Church, and their Divine Service, they are assured that the Catholics themselves, nay those very Priests that kindle and foment the differences betwixt them, cannot but commend them when they see them.  
The Protestant on the other side speaks against the Catholic, with as much passion and zeal as against the Jews. Though indeed for the most part, their indignation is rather directed against the Pope, than the Church, as believing him the occasion of all their corruption: But be it how it will, they also are to blame when they censure the Catholic, without distinction made betwixt the Church and the Pope.  
The Church of Rome in respect of its original was good and holy, and therefore with good reason St. Paul directed his first Epistle to the Romans.  
The iniquity that is crept into it, proceeds from the corruption of those that have polluted it. Under ashes that seem extinct, there many times lies fire concealed; the outward appearance does not destroy the inward excellence. A Vizard may give a man the similitude of a Beast, but not the nature. Let the disguise of sin (which is that which makes Lucifer painted so deformed) be taken away, and he will again become an Angel of Light.  
If those abuses that are daily introduced into the Church of Rome, sometimes by the Capriccio of the Pope, sometimes by the fallacy of the Priest, were but taken away, let the Adversary say what he pleases, I do not doubt but all the rest would be well. For my part I am of opinion, and will declare it, (let both Papist and Protestant take it never so ill) that there is Salvation to be found in any Christian Church whatsoever, provided they live piously, according to the natural precepts of our consciences, and the express directions in the Old and New Testament. And on the other side, I believe as confidently there is no Church but one may be damned in, if we suffer the contrary corruption to prevail▪ And this I write as an Historian, and not a Divine.  
About the beginning of May 1667. there was a Priest of the Country of the Grisons passing by this City, was very curious to know the state of the Protestants, enquiring of this man, and of that; and now and then having no capacity for greater, he would fall into some little arguments or disputes about it. A certain Advocate of Crimona, a learned and exemplary man, to whom also he was recommended, gave him satisfaction immediately in all his scruples, whether of curiosity or conscience; and indeed he could not have had better satisfaction from any body.  
From general and more common discourse, they came by degrees into some little dispute, and after that into familiar. The Priest at last having his curiosity inflamed by the readiness of the Advocate, desired he would tell him what number he thought the Protestants might be: The Advocate replied, that was impossible; but if one might judge by the Provinces and Dominions they were possessed of, they could not be less than forty Millions.  
The Priest was amazed to hear them so numerous, for being not over-well skilled in matters of Religion, no wonder if he could not see very far into business of State. However he returned this answer to the Advocate, to his great satisfaction; Sir, the multitude of Protestants as you call them, and of Heretics as we, proceeds not so much from any excellence in the Orders of their Church, as from the defect and iniquity in the Governors of ours, which is commonly too great; And the Protestants beholding the luxury and dissoluteness of our Prelates, but taking no notice of those blessed consequences that would follow, were it governed according to those Holy Rules that were given at its first institution, do upon this score grow numerous daily. Whereas if our Cardinals, Bishops, and Religious men, would like the Apostles, as much as in them lay, observe the Commandments of God, the number of Catholics would quickly increase, and the number of Protestants decline.  
I was present at this time, and surprised to hear the Priest discourse in that manner; however his words (though spoke with some kind of haste and immaturity) gave me occasion to reflect upon these conferences and arguments, that happened daily betwixt the Protestant and Papist; it being no hard matter to find out the defects both of the one side and the other.  
Amongst these disputes both public and private, it seems impossible to point out the true Church, every one boasting of his own, and proving it from Scripture.  
'Tis not many years since I also had the same curiosity, breaking my brains as it were to inform myself in matters of Religion, conceiving by the instruction of Learned men, I might become a Master at length, of those things that confounded me whilst I was but a Scholar. But certainly I had better have been contented with my ignorance, my inquiry did but confound me the more. For the future I am resolved to leave all disputes, and to believe that Church the best, that is most conformable to the documents of the Gospel, and gives most obedience to the Word of God.  
When the Catholic is in combat with the Protestant in matters of Religion, the solidest argument they have against them, is to charge them as having embraced a new and modern Religion and separated themselves from theirs that was more ancient. The Protestant returns his own argument upon him, and pronounces himself the ancienter of the two, as retaining those Ceremonies and Orders only which the Apostles observed themselves, and left in writing to the Church; whereas the Catholic makes use of this Ceremony, and that Ordinance, brought in by this Pope, and by that. To which the Catholic replies again, We can show you in the Bible, in your own language and translation, where St. Paul makes mention of the Church of Rome, but you cannot show us the least mention of the Church of Geneva, that you admire so much. The Protestant replies to that; Show us any thing in St. Paul to the Romans of your Purgatory, Mass, Invocation of Saints, or Adoration of the Pope? St. Paul writ indeed to the Romans, but not to the Pope; so as you can expect no privilege from thence, because you obey the commands of the Pope, sooner than the writings of St. Paul. Besides, St. Paul writ also to the Hebrews, and if a Letter from the Apostles was enough, they might as well plead it for their purity as you.  
True it is, Antiquity is a common sign, yet the Anabaptists themselves, and the most desperate Heretics in the world, will assert with great confidence their Church to be the ancientest, deducing its antiquity from our Saviour himself.  
To confound the Heretics therefore in their disputations, one is not so much to insist upon the antiquity of his Church, for they commonly do urge that against their Adversaries too▪ besides such arguments, would prove the Church to be nothing but a Custom, which would be an error disallowed by our very Enemies, who endeavour to prove us always, because Christ did not say, I am a Custom, but I am the truth.  
There are many ancient Families, both in Italy, and other Countries, that derive themselves from Emperors, Kings, and Princes, and I believe them. Yet having lost those Kingdoms and Principalities, the memory of their greatness serves for nothing but to increase their sadness for the loss of it.  
What advantage is it to a Church to be admired for its antiquity, if its present Condition does not correspond. To what purpose is it to say, I am descended from Christ, if I observe not his Commands, or to boast myself an Heir of the Apostles, and never follow their Examples.  
As often as I think of those Princes that entitle themselves to the Dominions that are in the possession of others, and though they have no more Power nor Jurisdiction there than I have, will by no means part with the Title: so often do I think of the several Churches and Religions in Christendom, that retain only the name, but are in other things corrupt, and abominable. For example, what other thing has the Church of Rome, more than the bare honour of being mentioned in the Epistle of St. Paul? As to other matters, the Epistle was not writ on purpose for them, though directed to them. So also, if the Protestant lives like a Devil, 'tis in vain to brag that he is descended from the Apostles. In short, we live in an age, in which, two Princes will contend perhaps for the Title of a Principality, that possibly is in the possession of neither of them. And the Catholic and Protestant will fall out, and quarrel in defence of their Religions, when there is nothing but name and title only in their possession. As if the habit of a Monk were sufficient to make one.  
But our Blessed Saviour (to prevent occasion of error in a thing so necessary, and that we might be able to distinguish betwixt the true Church and the false) left us a clear Character, as St. John testifies, My Sheep know my Voice, and follow me; and in another place, the same Evangelist, he says to the same purpose, If you abide my words, you shall be my Disciples indeed.  
That is the true Church, and that the true Religion, that with its whole heart and affection, makes use of David's direction, Declina a malo, & fac bonum. For my part, I will not judge of the scruples of other Christians; but this I must say, I am glutted with the daily controversies and disputes between the Protestant and Catholic Churches to no purpose, and so glutted, as to make sport of them. They will not make me a Saint, and I suffer them not to come near my heart, lest they should make me a Devil. Let the Catholic Divines write as they think good, and the Protestants do the same, I am resolved to be unconcerned, and sit down with this Doctrine of St. Paul, Non plus sapere, quam oportet sapere, sed sapere ad Sobrietatem.  
And why should we go look for our Church in the Volumes of the Divines, whether Protestant or Papist, if we can find it out ourselves in the Gospel of Christ. This is to condemn ourselves by our own folly, to hire an other man's Horse to leap down a precipice withal, to borrow Spectacles that we may see more plainly the way to our damnation, and in short, it is to believe our Divines have more Judgement than Christ, and more Holiness than the Apostles.  
The true Church of the Saints, according to the true Doctrine of the Apostles, consists in doing good, and abstaining from evil, to imitate our Saviour in good works.  
And let the Divines alone with their new Opinions, to make the present time conform to the ancient, and not suffer the modern to destroy the ancient, for if we walk not in the same way they did in the beginning, antiquity does but distract the present proceedings. And this puts me in mind of an Example, no less moral than curious, which I shall insert in this place.  
In the time of Henry the Great, a certain Protestant Prince, invited the Pope's Nuntio, that was then in Paris, to Supper. The Nuntio refused the invitation, excusing himself with many pretences, but at last, overcome by the Civility of the Prince, he makes bold with his Ecclesiastical reasons that obliged him to the contrary, and went with his whole Court to visit him.  
In the Chamber they were to Sup, the Prince had caused on one side of the Wall the twelve Apostles to be hung in excellent Tapestry, and wrought with that Artifice, they seemed to want nothing but words to be alive, but withal they were unshod, ungirt, ill habited, and in every thing conformable to the Poverty of the Apostles. On the other side, with the same exactness, he placed twelve Cardinals on Horse back, clothed in Scarlet, their Trappings embossed very rich, their Foot-cloth of Silk, their Bridles of Gold, and their Spurs of the finest Silver.  
As soon as the Nuntio entered the Chamber, casting his eyes about, as one experienced in those things, he presently apprehended there was some mystery in the business. He was surprised, and could not but show some confusion in his looks, however, he counterfeited as much as he could, turning his eyes this way, and that way, and pretending to look on every thing but the Hangings, till at last having washed, as is usual amongst great Persons, the Prince observing he would needs set on the Apostles side, that he might have them on his back, and the Cardinals in his eye, the Prince, with no small Ceremony, would persuade him to the other side, telling him pleasantly in Italian, but with the grace of a true Frenchman, By your favour Sir, do me not that disgrace to turn your back upon my Religion, but turn it rather upon your own.  
The Nuntio observing the Prince to smile, he smiled a little himself, but it was but from the teeth outward, however he replied immediately, Your Excellence believes me of a Religion, I am not of, and yourself of another, you are not of neither. To which the Prince answered facetiously, Then there will be no difficulty in ending our Ceremonies, the difference will be decided, if every one takes which side he pleases. And with this they sat down, the Nuntio at the end of the Table, where he had the prospect both of the Apostles and Cardinals too.  
But for the Readers better understanding, it will not be unnecessary to explain what the Nuntio meant, when he told the Prince, That his Excellence believed him to be of a Religion that he was not of, and that he himself was not of that Religion he did believe. I suppose he alluded thereby to the State of the Cardinalship, and the exemplary life of the Apostles. And therefore the Prince having desired him not to turn his back upon the Apostles, but upon the Cardinals, of whom he understood the Nuntio to be one▪ the Nuntio that was no Cardinal, replied, that he was not of the Religion his Excellence took him to be, and withal, added a little sharply, that the Prince himself was not of the Religion he supposed; though the Prince had signified to the Nuntio, that his Religion was Protestant, and founded upon the Example and Doctrine of the Apostles.  
The Prince's words were smooth, and delivered with a good grace, yet no less pungent than the other; they troubled the Nuntio a little, but nothing so much as the unavoidable sight of those Hangings, which he conceived, (as indeed they were) hung there in design. Had it been any Nuntio but he, they would have probably taken it so ill, as to have left the Prince's Supper to himself; but this Nuntio being a prudent man, and considering how inconvenient it would be for his affairs to disgust the Prince at that time, he passed away the Supper very well, with the variety of dishes, driving both the Pictures, and Expressions, out of his mind. At Rome however it was ill taken, and the Nuntio severely rebuked by the Pope, for supping with a Heretic; but he was so well acquainted in the Policies of the World, and the Intrigues of the Court of Rome, that he knew well enough how to excuse himself to his Holiness.  
The Cardinals truly, and the Prelates in the Church of Rome, are so exorbitant in their Expenses, not only for their clothes and Liveries, but their Diet and Houses, that the Protestants who are always prying, and making their observations, cannot believe that Church to be good, in which they find such excess of Luxury and Pride. For it is most certain, (and most Catholics will confess it) that it is not the outward Pomp and Splendour of a Church, that denotes it a true one, as some of their Divines would maintain. And indeed, Christ did not promise Pomp, Magnificence, Gold, Riches, or Honour to his Church, but Poverty, Affliction, and Persecution. For my part, I believe that the truest Church, in which the poor Members are the least bewitched and carried away with the interest of the World, especially the ecclesiastics, who ought to give example: insomuch, as in my judgement, there are many Catholics in Rome, of very good reason, that live there, and yet believe Rome to be the most polluted and defiled Church in the Universe; and for what cause think you? Because they find the Prelates, and Popes themselves, so wedged and linked to Secular advantages, they have not time to think upon God, nor Religion, nor Faith.  
In the year 1657. being by accident at Rome, to see the solemn Entry of the Queen of Sweedland, I heard an Expression of a Roman, that gave me so great scandal, that from my Cradle I was not in greater perplexity, than at that time, and all upon occasion of the Grandeur the Pope had usurped under pretence of Religion. Being one day in St. Peter's Church, to see the aforesaid Queen Baptised, and observing the Pope and Cardinals with most incredible Majesty, walking about in most sumptuous Habits, I turned about to my Comrade, and told him, in my judgement I did believe there could not be richer clothes seen in the whole World. The Roman heard me, and crowding himself towards us, gave me this answer, The Habits Sir of the Pope, Cardinals, and Prelates, are very rich indeed, but my Wife shows her bare breech for it. Neither my Comrade, nor I, gave him any answer, suspecting him for some Court Spy, that use to insinuate themselves as it were by accident into people's company, and speak ill of the Pope to make discovery of what their affections are. But this poor Roman spoke as he thought, by the rest of his discourse, making it plain, how miserable the people of Rome were, that were forced to deny themselves bread, to enable them to pay the Taxes, and Impositions, laid upon them by the Pope. So as the poor man concluded, that the Catholic Religion in the Ecclesiastic State, was the cause of the distress of the people, and of all the pleasures and extravagancies in the ecclesiastics.  
To this purpose, I remember a certain Sermon I heard in a Covent in Rome, and in the presence of two Cardinals, one of them Sacchetti, but the others name I have forgot. The Sermon, and the whole design of it, made such an impression in me, I think of it a hundred times a day, and shall in this place insert the most memorable part of it.  
The Preacher was a barefooted Franciscan, he seemed a poor pitiful creature to look on, but he was the more experienced in morality, and declaimed with that zeal and vigour against vice, he raised devotion in the hearts of his whole Auditory.  
The first Sunday in Lent, this Holy Father being got into the Pulpit, in the presence of two Cardinals, and a very great Auditory besides, after an Ave Maria, and two or three cringes with his knee, as is usual, rising up again upon his feet, he put his Cappuce or Cowle upon his head, and pulling it down so low, that we could scarce see his eyes; in which posture, having paused a while without speaking a word, fixing his eyes upon the Cardinals that stood before him, without naming any Text at all, he breaks out abruptly into these words, St. Peter was a fool, St. Paul was a fool, all the Apostles were fools, the Martyrs were fools, and all the Primitive Saints of the Church of Jesus Christ our Redeemer, were fools.  
The Cardinals at these words, grew as insensible as Statues; the people on the other side, stood gaping in expectation of what would follow, most of us imagining there was some mystery in the business, and I among the rest admiring what freak this should be, was very well contented to attend, whilst the Father, after some moments of silence, which he had used, on purpose to observe the distraction of the people, began his discourse as followeth;  
You that are Prelates, do not you believe you shall be saved? Yes good Father we do, I know your answer. And you of the common sort of people, you are certain of Paradise? Without question you will say yes. Yes say I? By turning night into day, by feasting, sporting, and luxury? with travelling all day in your Coaches, and seeing Comedies at night? with wearing of Purple and Scarlet, Silver and Gold, and having your Silken trains carried after you in the Street? yes, by spoiling the Walls of the Church, to adorn the Walls of your Chambers, and by taking from Christ, to bestow upon the World? is it in this manner O Romans you would be Saved?  
The Apostles certainly, and all the Saints of the Primitive Church, might have been Saved the same way, and then as certainly they were madmen and fools, to wander up and down in solitude and misery, begging their bread for the love of God. They were out of their wits to run up and down barefoot and barelegged preaching of Repentance, and lying whole weeks together upon the ground, and at last endure Injuries, Imprisonments, Persecutions, and Death? you are mistaken, O Romans, the Apostles, and Primitive Saints, were full of Sanctity and Prudence? it is you are the fools to propose a new way of Salvation to yourselves, invented by your own intemperance and vanity: you, you are the fools, you are the madmen, that think to save your Souls by ways, not only contrary to the Precepts of the Gospel, but against all reason whatsoever.  
And these were the express words that he used, which as soon as I went home I set down in writing, lest I should forget them. After this the Father named this Text, Ductus est Jesus in Desertum, admiring his patience, which he applied with several places of Scripture, and arguments of his own (very proper for such select matter) to us with great fervour and zeal.  
I went home very well satisfied with the Preacher, but in great apprehension for him, believing as an Article of my Faith, he would have been burnt next day in the Inquisition. I was beginning a Psalm of Mercy for his Soul, but my memory was too weak to go thorough with it; but if I had, my labour had been but lost, the good Father had no need of it at all; for he continued his Preaching in the same Church, and with a greater concourse than before, to my no small admiration: for this I am certain of, a Heretic, nor the worst Enemy the Church of Rome had, not only durst not, but could not have found out more ignominious language against the City of Rome, when two Cardinals were present.  
To speak the truth, that Sermon put a thousand thoughts into my head about matters of Religion, which indeed are those I do most naturally apply myself to. I would willingly have given any thing I had been absent, and have repent me several times of going to Church that day; and not without reason, for from that day to this, it has still run in my thoughts with what difference and contrariety they live now, to the manner they lived in the minority of the Church, when this City flourished with Godly men and Martyrs.  
If a Heretic be asked, whether he thinks to be saved or not, I mean such a one as would cheat his own Father, minds nothing but Roguery, a continual Swearer and Debaucher, one that goes to Church only for fear of the Magistrate; ask such a one what he thinks of his Salvation, and he will tell you, he is most certain of it; if you ask, by what means, he will answer with greater arrogance still, by virtue of the blood of our Saviour that was shed for us; as if Christ's blood were shed for any but the penitent and virtuous.  
If a Catholic on the other side be asked the same question, one that is a Fornicator, a Murderer, a violater of all Law, a despiser of Ordinances, and one that has not God before his eyes, he will answer with the same security, That God had brought him forth within the Pale of the Church on purpose to save him, and that there is nothing more certain than that he shall be saved. If one pursues his curiosity, and inquires upon what grounds he believes it, he will tell you, by virtue of the many Indulgences his Holiness has granted him; as if Christ had given the Keys of Heaven to St. Peter to let in Malefactors only.  
To what a sad and deplorable condition is the Church of God reduced? All people would be saved, all people believe themselves Saints: but none of them will confess his iniquities, unless it be before the Confessors face only, and that more out of custom than contrition. The Protestant confesses his with his Hat before his eyes, lest any object unexpected should draw aside his thoughts. The Catholic says his Confiteor Deo in Latin, (which he understands not one word of) with his eyes fixed upon a wooden Grate; both of them perhaps thinking more of what they are looking on, than what they are saying, or to whom.  
The Protestant will tell you with great reason of the purity of the Church, and the exact Rules of living in Christianity; but withal, that to live proportionably to those Rules, and according to the purity of the Church, is impossible, and beyond the efficacy of the most eloquent Preacher in the world.  
The Catholic understands not his own Religion, yet he is sure of his Salvation by the good Works he performs daily: Yet he is more delighted to discourse of his Pilgrimages, his Sackcloth, Fast, and such exterior Mortifications, than of the Fundamentals of Christianity, or of the Church.  
There are a sort of blind and perverse Heretics, that place the whole substance and energy of Religion in fair words. They will not speak but of the Scriptures, of Christ, and his most precious blood that was shed for us; of the Psalms, Commandments, mercies of God, and light of the Gospel, when indeed there is nothing of all this in their heart; that is taken up with designs upon their Neighbours, and machinations of revenge, shutting up their breast against pity, at the same time they discourse most earnestly of the mercies of God.  
How many Catholics are there that like Wolves in Sheep's clothing, will speak of nothing but the Privileges of the privileged Altar, of Saint Mary Maggiore, of the plenary Indulgence of Madonna del Popolo, of the Disciplines of Good-Friday, of the Communion at Easter, of the abstinence of Saint Macario, the humility of Saint Francis, the Martyrdom of Saint Laurence, the Miracles of Saint Anthony of Lisbon, and in short, that talk more of the Sanctity, Authority, and Impeccability of the Pope, than of Christ himself: So sad a condition is the Church of God in in our times.  
I have been several times to see the Jews at their devotions in their Synagognes', and the Turks in their Mosques; and truly as to their exterior morality, I found great occasion of satisfaction, observing so great exactness and reverence in their Service, as would draw tears from the eyes of a Christian: And for my part, by what I saw amongst them, I think I may boldly pronounce them the Devils Saints, and ourselves Christ's Devils; for to speak truth, they express more reverence to the Devil, than we do to Christ himself.  
A certain Turk that traveled for some time in Italy, and perhaps to make observation of the ways of the Christians, being in the Church of St. Mark one day in Venice, in the company of several, and amongst the rest a Christian, who observing him to look with great intention on that marvellous structure, he had the curiosity to ask him, what he thought of it? To which the Turk returned this answer, Sir, were I sure the Conscienoes' of you Christians were as neat and as clean, as the Walls and Altars of this Church, I would turn Christian to morrow. To which the Christian replied, What need other people's Consciences concern you, so you accommodate your own to our Churches.  
All the Christians of this age could be contented to be glorified with St. Paul, but not a word of the afflictions or torments he endured for his love of Christ. I cannot but be much pleased to hear the Divines now a-dayes, both Papist and Protestant, arguing with great cunning, that in the infancy of the Church, indeed outward Penitence was necessary to provoke those poor sinners that were straggled to return, and to kindle such a flame in the heart of Christians, as might excite them to travel the World round for the propagation of the Gospel, in spite of the Persecution of Tyrants. But that the Gospel being now planted, it was sufficient if a Christian be holy in his heart, and had an intention to goodness; because in the Primitive time there was a necessity they should labour towards the planting of the Cross, which being planted now, we are only to enjoy.  
Should it please God to throw down riches and afflictions together from Heaven, the Christians would not so much as touch one of the afflictions in curiosity, but fall a scrambling for wealth, as if every one were desirous of the greatest share: and if by chance one drachma of affliction happened to be gathered up with the riches, they would presently bestow that upon their Neighbours. So noble are we in that kind at this day.  
And this (if we except with the Popes themselves) is manifest in the Cardinals, who live in Rome in all affluence imaginable; they study nothing but erecting of Palaces, that may contend with the Heavens in height, and making such Gardens as may outvie, if possible, that of Paradise that was made by God himself; and in the greatness and splendour of their Courts, outbraving the greatest Monarch in Christendom.  
Riches, Felicity, Plenty, and Magnificence▪ have in large showers been poured down upon the Church, that Christians perhaps might be the more confounded at their wickedness; but what follows? Why the Popes, the Cardinals, (and we may join their Nephews with them) they with m 〈…〉 unreasonable avarice sweep up all, engrossing what God meant for the whole Church to their own particulars: and if amongst this Treasure, there falls out any affliction, inconvenience, or trouble, to be found, they lay that a side as a present for the poor Priests and Capucins.  
But what are those incommodities the ecclesiastics do suffer in general? The Cure of Souls, rising at midnight to say Mass, and administer the Sacrament to the Sick, disputing with Infidels, conversing with Heretics, serving in the Hospitals, and celebrating Divine Functions in the Choir, But to whom do these troubles belong? to the Cardinals? no, to certain poor Priests that can scarce keep themselves alive with their allowance. These, these are they, that study all night, and labour all day for the Conversion of a Soul, whilst the Cardinals swagger it up and down in their Coaches, play the Epicures with Music as well as Meat, refreshing and recreating themselves with the verdure of their Gardens in the Spring, and attended with the State and Magnificence of Princes.  
It is enough to move compassion in the heart of any man, to see so many poor drudgeing Bishops and Priests, that carp and moil all day long, and are forced to go begging up and down to the Seculars gates for their Victuals, whilst the profits of their Bishoprics and Cures, are paid away in Pensions, that are sometimes greater than their very Revenues. For which cause, many of them, for the quiet of their Consciences, will choose rather to resign them, than to have the smoke in their eyes, and none of the flesh in their stomach.  
In a Journey I took once from Rome to Naples, in the beginning of Alexander the seventh's Papacy, I over-took a Bishop upon the way, incognito, as it was, without Pages, or any kind of Attendance. I knew his Dignity by his Habit immediately, and gave him all the honour and respect that was due to him: we discoursed, as Travellers do, of several things, and at last, about the present State of the Church, and the Government of the Chigi; but they being but new come to the Vatican, we had not many particulars against them.  
But the poor Bishop being much unsatisfied with the Court of Rome, and the Governors of the Church, he cried out with great sentiment, against the extravagant Grandeur of the Popes, and the intolerable Pride of the Cardinals; whilst I, suspecting him to be a Spy, and supposing it impossible he could speak with that liberty of the Church of Rome from his heart, I now and then would endeavour to excuse them, but he believing me to be otherwise than I was, replied still with more indignation than before, complaining of the Management of the Church Revenues, and the Officers that disposed of them. That the Church having laid aside the Primitive rules of Sanctity, in which they lived without difference or exception of persons, was now become so partial, it allowed more for the fattening a Cardinal's Horse in the Stable, than for the sustaining a poor Bishop, or Curate, that pined and toiled themselves out for the preservation of Souls, it being most certain, that one Cardinal spent more on his Coach, than two Bishops received for their Revenues.  
It made me weep almost to hear those expressions from the poor Bishop. I endeavoured what I could to comfort him, I told him that Christ would reward those that were serviceable to the Church, before those that made the Church subservient to them; he replied, the poor would hardly have patience, Despair assaulting them with most violence whose Poverty was greatest.  
This poor Bishop was not the only man in Rome, nor out of it neither, that had talked to me at that rate. There are many more of them in the Court of Rome, and it was well if they would keep there; the worst is, they run all Christendom over, crying out against Rome and the Vatican, finding no consolation, but in seeing misery multiply in the Church, which of itself is not guilty at all; it not being her intention that one should be robbed, for the inrichment of another; that of two Twins, one should be a Prince, and the other a Beggar; that the meat should be taken from his mouth that labours and sweats to bring Christ's Flock to his Fold, and that he should go away with the wealth that employs it only to the service of the world; that so many Abbeys should be disposed to one Abbot, so many Revenues to one Cardinal, and the poor Bishops want wherewithal to subsist; that they should heap sorrow upon sorrow on the poor Prelate, and riches upon riches on the Cardinals; that they should have all that do nothing, and they should have nothing that do all.  
God knows what those hundreds, not poor only, but Mendicant Bishops, do say, when they find the Revenue of their Bishoprics (which is indeed but the sweat of their Brows, and the labour of their Brains) perverted and misapplyed. When they see the Horses, in the Cardinals, the Nephews, and the Pope's Stables, kept by the hundreds, and bought with the money good Christians gave to ransom their poor Souls (as they thought) out of the torments in Purgatory, or to relieve the necessities of the poor. Nay which is more, the very Horses and Mules of the Pope and his Nephews, have more privilege in Rome, than they; the Prelates are not permitted to complain of their grievances, of the insupportableness of their Pensions, and of the necessity that is upon them; whereas their Horses neigh, and domineer, and threaten with their noise, as it were their Keeper, if they want but their Oats; which perhaps was the occasion of that saying, 'Tis better to be the Pope's Mule, than the Bishop of Orvietto.  
These miseries, to which the Pope and his Cardinals will by no means hearken, are of extraordinary prejudice to the Church; for the people framing their own lives generally by the comportment of others, taking example by the ecclesiastics, will practise the same among themselves, robbing and ruining one another as they do, and which is yet more lamentable, behave themselves with the same licentiousness and liberty, as if there was no Church upon Earth, nor no God in Heaven, to take notice of, and revenge the iniquities of mankind, who with their irreligious discourses, does many times profane that very Gospel, which they at other times pervert in the defence of their sensuality and looseness.  
A certain Neapolitan Priest being invited to Supper in Bolyna one night, and I, with several other strangers, being invited to the same place. The Priest being a facetious man, began to discourse at the Table of this thing, and of that, and by little and little, he fell upon the miseries of the poor Bishops and Curates; but that which was most remarkable, was his excellence of disguising his thoughts, and making black seem white; and the contrary, like the Bee, dispensing his sting and his honey together, smiling with his mouth, but weeping at his heart, in short, pretending to speak that in raillery, that he spoke with indignation. Whilst he was entertaining the Company with this kind of discourse, there was one that told him, that all that he had said was very strange; to which the Priest replied, he wished with all his heart those days would return again in which our Saviour ●ed and satisfied so great a number with so little bread. The other desiring his reason, he answered, That I might pray to God Almighty that he would vouchsafe in like manner to multiply the riches of the Cardinals, as he had done the five barley Leaves, for I perceive we are not to have any thing but what the Cardinal's leave.  
Another (but a Protestant) who was a pleasant Companion, would wish often he had the power of doing Miracles for one day, or (rather than fail) for a moment. Having occasion to talk with him one day, and by degrees, of the power of working Miracles which he desired so earnestly, I had the curiosity to ask him, what he would do with that virtue if he had it, he answered me suddenly, He would turn water into wine, a● Christ himself had done at the Marriage of Cana in Galilea; and he had reason for what he said, for at that time Wine was very dear in that Country, and he had a custom of being drunk once a year, but that fit lasted three hundred sixty five days together.  
And in this condition is the Church at that time, replete with a wicked and perverse Generation, and therefore no wonder if the faculty of working Miracles be ceased, that in the days of the Apostles was so frequent and conspicuous. Now adays, every one drives at his own interest, and prefers his particular profit before the advantage of the Church; so as I am persuaded, should God Almighty permit Miracles again, the people are so bewitched with their own interest, and so inveterated in iniquity, it would be of small benefit to the Church.  
I remember to this purpose what is recorded of Sextus the fifth, who being created Pope, would have a General Chapter of the Fathers of his Order celebrated at Rome, where several Religious men should be present, and he himself was present in some of the principal Transactions. The Convocation being met, and the General made, the Pope as a token of his affection, gave order that before their departure from Rome, the Fathers of the Chapter should attend his Holiness and kiss his Foot; and withal, that they should each of them have liberty to ask a Boon, and the said Sextus promised them it should be granted.  
The good Friars were very punctual, coming in Procession one by one into the Pope's presence in the Vatican. The Pope standing upon his Throne, they advanced to kiss his Toe, and when that was performed, every one a part demanded his Boon. There was three hundred and more Friars that entered to kiss his Toe, three hundred and more Boons desired, and a Secretary stood by on purpose to register them as they were granted; but what was it they desired? one asked to be a Provincial, another a Vicar, another a Guardian, this a Bishop, this a Cardinal, this one thing, this another, but every one for their private advantage.  
At last comes in a poor Lay-Brother of a Religious Order, that had served forty years in a Monastery, only to draw water from morning to night out of a very deep Well, for the use of the Kitchen, which had spoiled the softness of his Palm: This poor overwrought creature (the Pope having made no exceptions of persons) comes in, and with great reverence desires in these words: Most Holy Father, if your Holiness shall please to vouchsafe me my request, it shall be that you would condescend to bring a Fountain into our Covent, for the benefit of our Fraternity, who are very much put to it for want of water, every Bucket full being to be drawn up from the bottom of a deep Well, from whence your Holiness for your own use drew your share, when you were formerly a Friar in that Covent; and truly I am troubled for the poor man that succeeds me in my office, which I have executed this forty years, as your Holiness may most graciously remember, having often seen me at work from morning to night.  
The Pope smiled, but mysteriously, and as if there was something more than ordinary in the matter; casting his eyes about, sometimes on this Brother, and sometimes on that; (for he had given order none should depart out of his presence till the whole business was concluded) at last he casts them up to Heaven, and cries out, Blessed be Almighty God, that amongst so many Friars that seek their own interest only, there is one found that supplicates for the public benefit of his Covent. And having with some vehemence for a time declaimed against the Corruption in their Religion, he took his leave of the Fraternity in these words; We were very bountiful in promising you your demands, because we were of opinion you would be as zealous in desiring something for the public advantage of your Orders: But for as much as you have postponed the public interest to your own, We cannot think it just to gratify your particular requests, that are so remote from the benefit of the public. And with this answer he returned them to their Covents, full of indignation and wrath; but for the satisfaction of the other, he gave order immediately to have three or four Fountains made in the Apostles Monastery of the Order of St. Francis; and one of them particularly in the Kitchen, which he that is at Rome, and has as much curiosity as I had, may see at this day.  
And in this manner, in my judgement, it will always happen, whilst those words of our Saviour, Ask and ye shall receive, seek and ye shall find, knock and it shall be opened unto you, be applied by every one to his particular interest; every one petitioning for his private advantage only, without the least thought of the common good of Christendom. And if every one complains and repines that his prayer is not heard, the fault is in themselves, that they pray not for the Public, whose interest is always prae-considered by our Saviour. In the Primitive times the Saints understanding what was fit for them to ask, and seeking the common good of Christendom, were always gratified in what they did ask: but at present all the Cardinal's desire is to be Popes; the Abbots, to be Bishops; the simple Priests, Canons; the Gentlemen, Princes; the private Shoulders, the Governors of Towns; the Merchants, success in their affairs, all riches and wealth; but of the prosperity of the Church, of the destruction of Heresy▪ of the propagation of the Gospel, not one word: So as it is no wonder if Christ deals with them after the same rate as Sextus the fifth did with his Friars.  
But it is time to leave these common considerations, and with brevity to fall upon the most remarkable occurrences in the Church, deducing them from its very Creation to this day; it being necessary for the comfort, and better information of the Reader, to premise some general proofs of what we say; and that because such discourses as are interlarded as it were with matter of History, and examples drawn from certain Experience, (as mine I conceive are) do awaken, and with more efficacy excite the devotion of the Reader.  
Though by the impiety of the Tyrants in those days, the Church was bitterly persecuted in the persons of the Apostles; yet all their violence and barbarity could not hinder but they went on still, serving God with all sincerity of conscience, till at last they became forced to encounter the Heresies of Menander the Samaritan, Ebioni and Cherinthus, (obstinate Heretics, and perverse Adversaries to the Apostles, and so popular they denominated their parties with their own several Names) and gave the Church great trouble and perplexity: But St. John (who writ his Epistles about that time) though he was at a great distance, by the assistance of some of his Disciples, refuted their false Doctrine, and silenced them.  
After them succeeded Carpocrates of Alexandria, and Epiphanes his son, the Authors of the damnable Heresy of the Gnostics; and the Jews were about the same time routed out of Jerusalem, and St. Mark made Bishop thereof about the year 137.  
In the year 161. Martion the Heretic gave great disturbance to the Church, but he was encountered, and partly convinced by Bardesanus and Rodosianus, two learned men, and well skilled in the Holy Scriptures; but he was totally refuted by Musanus and Modestus, who writ against Tatianus the Syrian, an impious Heretic, and a great sower of dissension amongst young Christians.  
In the year 174. there sprang up a new Heresy, by the means of Montanus Phrygius, which was afterwards called the Cataphrygian Heresy, and there were some worse Heretics than himself joined with him; but it pleased God by opposing the Learning and Sanctity of Irenaus' Bishop of Lions against it, to stop the violence of that torrent with the Books he writ in 184.  
Against which Artemonus, one of the greatest Heretics of that age, writ also. And in the year 246. there were new Heretics broached in Arabia, that were called Arabians; but they were in a short time suppressed by the industry of St. Origen.  
The Clergy being divided, Novatianus the Roman was by faction created Antipope, in opposition to Cornelius; which was the occasion of the first Schism in the Church, besides the fall of two Bishops, Basilides Astaniansis, and Martialis Emeritensis; and therefore to remedy and reconcile those disturbances, that gave great scandal to Christendom, it was thought necessary a General Council should be called. In the year 258. Noetus and Sabellius appeared, Heretics both of them in their Doctrine, and arrogant in their Lives. In 270. Paulus Samosatenus discovered himself, who was so much the more scandalous in his Heresy, by how much he had been formerly a stout propugnor of the Faith: But he was convinced by Machion a Priest of Antioch, a learned man, and one that writ several things with great judgement towards unity in the Church.  
The second Schism began in Africa, and was called the Schism of the Donatists. Antro a Priest of Alexandria, from whom the Heresy of the Arrians had its original began to preach it up in the year 324. and to prevent the spreading of those execrable blasphemies, a General Council was called, because this Heresy of the Arrians (allowing I know not what liberty in their lives) had perverted and debauched several Bishops from the Church of Christ. And indeed the Church was never in that danger of being swallowed up and submerged, as in the days of Arrius, in so much as there was nothing but tears to be seen in the eyes of the Saints that stood firm, according to that expression, Ingemiscens orbis terrarum Arrianum se esse miratus est.  
The third Schism was betwixt Damasus and Vrsicinus in the year 366. and though that also had perverted the good orders in the Church, yet it was inconsiderable in comparison of what the Church suffered in the year 407. there being then Heresies on foot, and Rome sacked at the same time by Alaricus King of the Goths, who gave shelter and protection to those Heretics that afflicted the Church.  
About this time, Venice was begun to be built by those that fled from the fury of the Goths, and particularly of Attila, whose actions were so barbarous, he was called (and gloried in it) Flagellum Dei; as if by laying the foundation of Venice, God Almighty intended to demonstrate the effect of his Divine Providence, raising up as it were by Miracle, a Republic that should be a bulwark of defence, not to the liberties of Italy only, but of all the Church of Christ; and indeed her actions have expressed her so ever since, having been always ready to spend the blood of her dearest Citizens in defence of Christendom.  
According as Heresy (protected by several Princes, and embraced by several great Cities) did propagate and increase; and according as any new and more dangerous sprung up, the Church applied all seasonable and miraculous remedies, to repel their audacity, but in spite of all that could be done, they were forced to call a general Council at Constantinople to suppress the Heresy of the Monothelites, which they condemned there, and made many good Laws for the better regiment of the Church.  
In short, 'tis not to be comprehended by humane imagination, with how many sorts of Heresies and Schisms, the Church of God in those days was afflicted and torn, being for eight hundred years together in perpetual perplexity; during which time, several Counsels and Synods both general and particular were called, more especially two at Rome, one at Antioch, two at Carthage, one of them to determine, whether Heretics that repented and would return again to the Church, were to be rebaptised or not; the other, to conclude upon the manner of baptising of Infants in cases of necessity: two more there were in Asia, one in Licaonia, the other in Phrygia, to consult upon the manner of receiving such Heretics into the Church again as had a desire to return, which cost great argument and dispute before it could be concluded.  
During these eight hundred years, the Church was exposed to several Persecutions, under the Tyranny of several Emperors; but nine of them were more bloody than the rest, for thrusting and tearing into the very bowels of the Church, the poor Saints were constrained either to lay themselves down as Sacrifices at the feet of their Persecutors, or to fly from their barbarity, to the protection of the Woods. But that just God (who had promised the Gates of Hell should never prevail against the Glory of his Church) sent Charles the Son of Pipin King of France, as a special gift from Heaven, to command the Empire of the West. Which being found and acknowledged by the Romans, they ordered these words to be publicly Proclaimed through all the Streets in Rome, To Charles the Great, the most Pious and Peaceful Emperor Created by God, be Life and Victory.  
The Church that for so many years had been afflicted with Heresies and Schisms, Wars both Intestine and Foreign, Ecclesiastic and Civil, found not only ease and protection under the Government of this great Emperor, but was propagated exceedingly; most of all the Cities of Europe, especially in Italy and France, abounding with multitudes of new Christians won by the example of Charles, who thought the Christian Faith more glory to him than his Crown; by the force of his Arms, and the zeal of his Heart, profligating and confounding those Heresies that were overrunning the Church; for which reason, the Popes of Rome are in gratitude obliged to acknowledge the greatest part of their Grandeur from the munificence of that Emperor.  
And indeed the Popes are bound in Conscience daily to pay their Tribute o● respect to the memory of that Emperor that gave them their Grandeur, and to the present State of the Venetians, that with so much pains and expense has preserved it; and indeed, were the Pope's obligations to both of them compared, I am of opinion (with Reverence be it spoken to the memory of so great a Monarch) they would appear greater to that Republic, because though Charles indeed gave them their Grandeur and Wealth, yet they could not have enjoyed either without their Liberty, which Liberty they owe only to that Commonwealth. All Christendom was in tears at the death of Charles the Great, but the Pope above all, who had lost, as he thought, whatever had been given him by the liberality of that Emperor: nor was it without reason he was lamented, for within few years, the Enemies of the Church finding no impediment, and the Christians grown curious of novelties, there began new Heresies and Schisms to spread more fierce and dangerous than before, even the Pope's differing and quarrelling among themselves for the Papacy; insomuch that the Church was constrained as it were to keep Counsels constantly open, Leo the ninth having called four; one in Rome, called the Lateran Council, the Council of Pavia in Lombardy, of Rheims in France, and of Munster in Germany.  
In Antioch (where by the pains and vigilance of St. Peter, and where he was Bishop for ten years together) the Cross of Christ was set up and flourished with so great a number of Christians, that they became emulated by their Neighbours; yet after the year 400. Christianity began to stagger, and the Flock of Christ to wander by degrees, so as where before it was a hard matter to find an Infidel, it was then much more difficult to meet a Christian, to so small a number were they reduced; and in this condition did they stand, till the Christians of the West put the Eastern Saracens to flight, and restored Antioch to her Primitive Liberty, and all this under the command of Godfrey of Bollen, (who refused to be Crowned King with a Crown of Gold, where our Saviour had been Crowned with Thorns) in the year 1098.  
Great was the Schism in the Church in the time of Alexander the third (as shall be more particularly and more properly expressed in my third Book) and all of them reconciled either by Counsels or Congregations, only that which gave him the greatest trouble, was an Assembly of Bishops at Pavia, congregated by orders from the Emperor, but by the zeal and valour of the Venetian, that was dissolved, and Alexander restored to the Chair, in despite of the Emperor, who having lost his Army, was constrained by the Venetian to come in Person to Venice to kiss the Pope's Toe. So as God knows what condition the Church would have been in, had not the valour of the Venetian interposed.  
It would not be an easy matter to make an end of this History, nor would it be easy for the best memory that is to retain them, should I enumerate every particular Schism, and Heresy, every Dispute, every Persecution, every piece of Cruelty, and every Mutation in the Church, and the Remedies that were so seasonably and so miraculously applied, (as it were from Heaven) to her afflictions.  
And if it should be done, it would be only a renovation and revivement of the memory of the ancient sorrows and afflictions of the Church: yet I am persuaded, that as the relation and repetition of their suffering, would enforce tears from the eyes of many a Christian; so am I satisfied on the other side, the remedies and deliverances sent down to them from Heaven, would be a great comfort and corroboration to the Godly. For which reason, I have in my third Book in larged upon the miseries of the Church; not so much to commemorate the unhappy and scandalous Schisms wherewith several Anti-popes' had infested it, as to evince and make the Divine Providence more conspicuous to the understanding of the Devout.  
The Clergy of Rome, as well the smaller, as those of greatest Dignity, do believe that they endure all the troubles and burdens of the Church, but those burdens, as they call it, are accompanied with so much Honour and Grandeur, 'tis not possible to discover the trouble they pretend to lie under. And forasmuch as the Faithful do suffer most commonly by the Churchmen, it may be said, it is the Clergy that enjoy, and the Laity that suffers; and indeed one of their greatest troubles is, that they are constrained to endure silently the insolences of the ecclesiastics, which they commit with as much confidence, and security, as if Honesty, and Justice, and Christianity, were intended for other people, and not for them.  
According to my natural inclination, I had the curiosity a while ago to read over the Ecclesiastical History, and I made this observation, that all the Schisms and Heresies in the Church, arose either from some profound and undeterminable Disputes betwixt the Governors and Pastors in the Church, or from the Envy that is too frequent amongst them, or from the Scandalousness of their Lives, or from the Exaltation of their Kindred, or from some blind passion that precipitates the people in general, and the Clergy in particular, and reigns most especially in such persons as are dedicated to Divine Offices, not that the Priesthood communicates any such thing to the Priest, but that the Priest profaning the Priesthood, lives as he were under no such charge.  
And this being the true Mother and Original of Schism, it behoves every good Christian to apply what remedy he is able, not of Council and Admonition only (because so obstinate is the nature of the ecclesiastics, they will sooner adhere to their own wicked opinions, than be persuaded by the best advice in the world) but with Arms in their hands, to struggle and contend in preservation of the just prerogative of the Church.  
But since we have had occasion to speak so frequently of Schism and Heresy; to prevent confusion in such as have not been well instructed, it will not be amiss in this place to give some description by the buy of the difference betwixt them; and not without reason, for it is not two months since, that a certain Franciscan Preacher, a Missionary against Heretics, being asked what the difference was, could not make him an answer.  
Schism it originally a Greek word, and signifies in our Tongue, a cutting separation, or division; and indeed, though there appears some little difference betwixt Heresy and that, it is not much; both of them importing such a division, as tares and distracts the Body and Members of the Church, that was formerly united with so much order and decorum.  
Notwithstanding all this, if we consider well the qualities of them both, we shall find some variety in their manner of Operation. By Heresy is meant, not only a difference in matters of Discipline, but of Faith also; and of this kind was the division introduced in the Primitive times by the Ebionites, Marcionites, and more particularly the Arrians. Whereas by Schism, is meant a difference or disagreement in the Orders and Exterior Policy of the Church, and such was the dis-union the Donatists occasioned in the Church in Africa, by reason of Cecilianus his being chosen Bishop of Carthage, they pretending he was illegally advanced to that Bishopric, and contrary to Ecclesiastical Rules, so as they began at that time to write against their proceedings in that Case, without meddling at all with any principal of Religion.  
But this difference does not always hold in the same manner as I have stated it; and the reason is, because as Faith and Charity (the two principal Theological virtues) are observed to go always and inseparably together, so Schism and Heresy (the two professed diametrical Enemies of those virtues) go usually hand in hand; insomuch as he that has no Charity, will have but little Faith, and he that has no Faith, will have less Charity, and upon this score, St. Austin (with the greatest part of the Doctors of the Church) doubts not to pronounce Heresy nothing else but an old and inveterated Schism.  
Schismatics commonly are Domestic Enemies, and by consequence more mischievous than Heresy, which is as it were an open and declared Enemy. And this Schism is many times nourished in the Church by the very Pastors that govern it; so that Schism is often times the root from whence the Tree of Heresy grows to such a height, it becomes very difficult to pull it up, and hurts the hands of those that endeavour it. And certainly, he that has not the power or caution to suppress Schism, must with more difficulty attempt the eradication of Heresy, because if Schism in its Infancy as it was, be found difficult to be suppressed, Heresy (that is but Schism adult) will be more difficult.  
I have already declared, that the greatest Schism that at this time reigns in the Church, and insensibly tares the Bowels of it out, is the observation all good Christians make of the great Scandals and Impieties of the Clergy; and if any should be so far over-seen as to undertake their defence, I would ask them but these questions.  
To pass from the embraces of a wicked and meritricious woman, to the Sacred Duties of the Altar, is not that Schism? to see the Priest of God celebrate Mass with Daggers at their Girdles, and Pistols under their Vests, is it not Schism? To see (I speak it with horror) that Boy serving and attending the Priest as his Disciple in the Holiest part of his Office, with whom he lay the night before, and must again the next, is not that Schism? To hear hourly of Murders, and other execrable Villainies committed in the very Cloisters, is not that Schism? To sell Benefices at a dear rate, to keep open shop to negotiate for Simoney, to take the Rings off the Virgin mary's fingers, and to put them upon a Harlots, is not that Schism? to fatten up the Pope's Nephews with the Wealth of the Church, is not that Schism? In short, what is this but a separation of themselves from the Rules and good Orders of the Church? Is it not a dis-uniting of Faith and Charity? a taring of the Church out of the Arms of our Saviour? and a practising of things contrary to the practice of the Apostles?  
And indeed, things may be as they will in other parts of Christendom, if we restrain them no better at Rome, in which place there are thousands of these Schisms that will ruin the Church infallibly, without some speedy remedy be applied, their Corruption being at that height, it is almost impossible to look upon a Priest with patience.  
If the zeal of any good Christian carries him on so far, as to correct or reprehend any of them for their Exorbitancies, they will answer in their Excuse, that even among the Apostles there was a Judas, a Traitor, and therefore as they would have them believe, they ought not to be scandalised at the ill example the Clergy gives to them.  
These kind of excuses may seem good to those that use them, but not to those that hear them. I would to God amongst twelve ecclesiastics, there was but one Judas to be found; but I am afraid, amongst a hundred of them that imitate Judas in their lives, there will be scarce one found that lives like the rest of the Apostles.  
Is it not Schism to hear a thousand of quarrels and disputes betwixt the Bishops and the Civil Magistrates, betwixt Princes and Cardinals, Priest and Priest, Order and Order, in the very Heart and Bosom of the Church!  
The Religion or Order of Dominicans contends very fiercely with the Franciscan about Original Sin, and will have the Virgin Mary as liable to it, as any other Creature whatever, which they maintain very furiously in their Schools, but with more Arrogance than Argument. The Franciscan on the other side, with the same Ardour pronouncing her immacculate. I myself have, upon several occasions, heard poor ignorant Dominicans discoursing with that Insolence, a poor Secular would have been burnt for half of it. But these good Fathers are exempt from all punishment because they can command the Inquisition as they please, chastising who they think fit, and passing by such as deserve it, being Judges to others, and Princes to themselves.  
Can there be greater Schism, than to hear them disputing daily, and contending about the preceedence of one Order before another, and sometimes with such passion, that they fall together by the Ears, battering one another in their very processions with the Crosses they bear, to the no small Scandal of the Laity, that to prevent Homicide, and Bloodshed, are forced to interpose. Nor has this happened once or twice, but a thousand times, not in one City, but a hundred. I remember myself such a Combat one Corpus Christi day in the Lands of the Church, betwixt the Agustins, and another Order of Friars, whose name I have forgot; as they were passing out of the Cathedral with their lighted Candles in their hands, and the Bishop's Vicar carrying the Host, they fell into some difference about the preceedency, and at last (in spite of all exhortation to the contrary) to blows; striking one another with their Candles, and burning one another's Beards, so as the Vicar had no other way, but to command them home again to their Covents, and adjourn the Procession a full hour.  
Nor is there any Schism, not only more scandalous, but ridiculous in the Church, than that betwixt the Conventual Fathers of the Order of St. Francis, and the Cappuchins, and for what great business? (I speak these things to Foreigners, for those that live in Italy, have them hourly before their Eyes) For I know not what Devil with a horn. The Cappuchins will needs have it that St. Francis wore a Cap with a horn upon his head; the Coventuals on the other side, will have it a Hood or Cappuce like theirs: in short, these Schismatics are so Religious in these trifles, they Preach and Inculcate them into their Disciples, that they may be ready upon all occasion to rifle the Arguments of the other; whilst the People, either out of ignorance or partiality, run up and down the Streets, sometimes crying up the Hood, and sometimes the Horn, as their affection to either side leads them.  
The Popes by several Decrees, as their Conscience or Passion directed them, endeavoured to reconcile them, but all to no purpose, they rather exasperated than appeased them. Vrban the eight, in compliance with his Brother Cardinal Saint Onofrius his humour, set forth several Bulls in favour of the Cappuchins, upon which the Franciscans took occasion to defend themselves in Print. And accordingly, a certain Father called Catalanus, writ a large Volume against the Cappuchins, that put all Italy into a Convulsion, so as it seemed as if the days of the Guelphs and Ghebelli●s were returned again, the Cardinals, as well as common People, falling into Parties. The Cappuchins also (though the book was prohibited to be bought or read under penalty of Excommunication) published several Manifesto's against it, though it was Dedicated to a Cardinal. Now can there be a greater or vainer Schism in the Church? Yet these Venerable Schismatical Fathers of the Church, will persuade you that all this is no Schism, but a Virtue, a laudable and necessary Vindication of their Rights, under which Title they comprehend all their Schisms and Heresies.  
The Heretics that are now in Europe in such great numbers, or in any other part of the World, have not separated themselves from the Church out of any Fundamental Exception, as if the Foundation of that Building was not good, Oh no! They will not say so themselves; on the contrary, they acknowledged them Excellent, but observing Corruption and Scandal increasing daily in the Church, they conclude the Edifice cannot stand long, but by a precipitate destruction must of necessity fall, and bury its Foundation in its own Ruins; thereby taking occasion to insinuate into the People, that God Almighty will prosper the Reformers, and make their Labour and Industry instrumental in re-clearing the Foundations, and re-establishing the Church.  
He that is so curious to trace out the Original of Heresy, especially those which abound in these days, he shall find, that from idle and impertinent Feuds and Disputes amongst the ecclesiastics (which nobody regarded, or if they did, they looked upon them as inconsiderable) came Schism, and from Schism, Heresy, which has multiplied like Corn. The least spark of fire, meeting matter proper for combustion, kindles immediately, and if not timely extinguished, will hazard the whole City. The Scandal the ecclesiastics give; is like such a spark, it seems yet inconsiderable, but if not seasonably quenched, for aught I know, it may put the whole Church into a Flame.  
One of the greatest miseries I have observed in the Church, is, that in spite of our own reason and judgement, we are forced and compelled to applaud the Impieties of the Clergy; and if any person's Conscience be so tender, and so true to the Religion he professes, as to refuse it, he is pronounced a Heretic immediately, and accordingly condemned to the Flames.  
The Popes think they do a great matter, when they raise three hundred thousand Crowns upon the people, under pretence of extirpating the Heretics in Germany, and yet send the Emperor but thirty thousand of them; and in the mean time, they entertain such multitudes of Schismatics in Rome, whose scandalous lives disturb the peace of all Christendom.  
Would the Pope with his Authority, and the Cardinals with their Advice, instead of Persecuting the Heretics, reform not only the general Abuses in the Church which are numerous, but the innumerable Scandals committed by the Prelates in their Palaces, and the Friars in their Cloisters, in the face and defiance as it were of all Christian people, the Church would be not only in a better condition, but the Heretics that cannot now be reduced with force, nor persuasion, would humble themselves, come into the Church, and throw themselves into her Arms.  
Some Popes are zealous for the Persecution of Heretics, but Heretics do but sport themselves at the Persecution of the Popes; and indeed the Heretics have more reason to jest at it, than the Popes have to Persecute, for in the punishing of one, they do but raise up a thousand; if they burn one in some place that is remote from Rome, there will twenty turn Heretics for it in Rome; in short, if they chastise one, a thousand will be awakened to inform themselves of the reason, and turn Heretics too.  
This one thing I may say, that perhaps there is not a man in Christendom better acquainted with the Juggle of the Roman Catholics, or the Impieties of the Heretics, than I am. I have weighed and considered them both, and will boldly aver● there is not any way more ready for the Conversion of Heretics, than the good example of Catholics, and especially the Churchmen; nor better means to restrain those that in Rome itself do write against the iniquities of Rome, than to take away those iniquities once for all.  
What I say, I can speak with confidence, my own experience having evinced it. Let Rome but Persecute one Tongue, and she shall raise up a hundred; let her but put one good Heretic to death, and she creates a hundred perverse Heretics in his place.  
But some may ask me the difference betwixt a perverse Heretic, and a good one? I will declare myself; by a perverse Heretic, I mean those the Catholics calls good; and by a good one, him that he thinks perverse. The perverse one praises, and flatters the Clergy in Rome, and Rome in the Clergy; the good Heretics on the contrary, condemn the defects both in the one and the other, not out of malice, but zeal, not to foment wickedness, but to remove it.  
When the ecclesiastics do meet with any Treatise that checks and rebukes the Exorbitancy of their Lives, they think not of any Reformation of themselves, but cry out presently 'tis the invention of Heretics; but the good Catholic, that with sorrow observes the ecclesiastics Conversations, know too well it is otherwise.  
The Heretics abhor me to death, and why? Because with Gentleness and Charity, I rebuke the Extravagan●es of the Churchmen of Rome; for they making their advantage of the disorders there, would be glad to have all things run to ruin: and indeed, had I any design to do Rome a prejudice, I would let them go on in their own ways, without giving them any notice of the Precipice. A Chirurgeon that hates his Patient, troubles not himself about his recovery; but he which loves him, will put his Probe to the Wound, to remove the Corruption.  
I call God to witness, I speak not what I say out of passion; my desire is to see the Church in Charity and Union within itself, for this is certain that violence, and commination, and force, have no other effect upon the Heretics, than to exasperate and incense them.  
All other applications are vain: to remove the crudeties and ill humours in the Stomach, inward Medecines are to be taken, and those humours that tore and gnaw the very Bowels of the Church, are to be removed, before that which corrupts the habit and outward parts only: if the Physician purges the body thoroughly within, he is assured the outward part cannot remain ill. The Governors of the Church, the Prelates, and the Priests, are the Vitals and Interior parts of that Body, let them be well purged of their Enormities, and the Exterior will soon recover. If Rome would Cure Rome, the Heretics would be cured by their example.  
I have often said it, and will assert it again, that Heretics do daily repair from their several Countries to the City of Rome, to observe the Conversation of the Catholics, and embrace what they esteem most conducible. But with what success? They come forth Christians, they return Turks; they enter into Rome with a scrupulous and unsettled Conscience, and they go out with a Diabolical; they come forth with a desire to become Holy, and they go back with a resolution to become Devils; for in a word, the most part of those that come thither, return Atheists home again. And all by reason of the innumerable Scandals and Transgressions they observe in the ecclesiastics; so as there could be nothing more Charitable and Expedient for the Conversion of Heretics, than for the Pope and Cardinals in their great Prudence, to begin and effect a thorough Reformation in their Clergy.  
A certain Protestant of Bearne, that had been long in Italy, and was my particular friend, would often tell me, He would sooner choose to be a Devil in Hell, than a Catholic in Rome; and his reason was, Because the Devils believe and tremble, but the Catholics did but laugh at it, committing greater faults in the Church than they.  
For my better satisfaction, I entreated him one day to give me a clearer prospect of his Judgement, which willingly he granted, and delivered it in this manner▪ Sir, Homicide is forbidden in the Old Law by God's express command, and by Christ's particular Order in the new; in short, God as God, Christ as God and Christ, all Laws both Divine and Humane, both Natural and Celestial, have forbidden Murder. Non Occides.  
Yet in Italy, nay in Rome itself, thousands of Murders are committed, and which is worse, the Murderer has no more to do, than to betake himself to their Churches. I have seen myself, some of those Homicides walking in State for their Recreation in those very Churches, where but a while before, the dead body of him that they had murdered, was buried, and can any thing be found more Diabolical than this? No, and without doubt I have good reason for my Resolution of being a▪ Devil, rather than a Catholic.  
I did not fail to suggest all the Arguments the Pope and the Church use for the defence of their Sanctuaries, but to no purpose, for he answered, and not without passion, That the Pope could not make the house of God a refuge for Murderers, expressly against his commands without making the world believe God's Commandments were false. And truly a good Conscience cannot be without some regret, as often as he thinks upon God's express command, Thou shalt not kill; and on the other side, observes the Violators of that Law sheltered and protected in his house, as if the presence of Christ served only chiefly to secure Murderers. I know there are many Divines, that with great zeal will endeavour to defend it; but I would to God there were fewer of them in the Church, perhaps things would be better managed in the Service of God with their native simplicity, whereas now the minds of poor Christians are confounded with the Opinion of this Divine, and the Explication of the other. Schism, and Heresy, and Schismatical Conventicles, from whence had they their Original, but from the brains and niceties of the Theologists? But let them defend their Sanctuaries, and argue against the Precepts of God as they please, the Day of Judgement will come, and they will have their reward.  
Poor Princes, must it needs be that the Arms of your Justice must be held, and the safety of the people impugned, by an Opinion that is without doubt Diabolical.  
A certain friend of mine that had seen the world, did use to call the Divines and Confessors, the two Domestic Enemies of the Church; and truly I cannot resolve myself, which of the two are the least necessary in the Service of God. Amongst scrupulous persons, I know these words will be thought Heretical; but certainly they are full of Pious Sentiment and Catholic. The Divines, that will be disputing beyond what the simplicity of Faith requires, are Devils, not Divines; and the Confessors that make Sport and Comedy with the Confessions of their Penitents, are the same. The Theologists with their Arguments, turn Unity into Schism, and the Confessors on the other side, turn the Confessions into Farces. Were the Government of the Church (instead of being Monarchical, and dependant only upon the Pope, as it is now) Aristocratical, and committed to the care and jurisdiction of such Cardinals, as would serve the Church, and not his Holiness, the Divines would not be so quarrelsome, nor the Confessors as profane as the Divines. But Confession now adays is nothing but derision, the Confessors drolling only and playing upon their Penitents, and cheating both them and themselves.  
And all this evil proceeds from the carelessness of the Bishops, in Selecting fit persons for the taking Confessions, I am confident there are in Italy at this time, above two thousand Confessors that can neither read nor understand one verse in the Scriptures, and yet most of them Masters or Bachelors of Divinity; and God knows then how the poor Sinner is absolved. Two instances I can give of their Capacities, not Chosen, or Select, but taken up by chance out of a thousand more that I have heard. The first is of a certain Merchant of Parma that went to Confession to a barefooted Friar of the Order of St. Francis, and had this Penance enjoined him, That he should eat three Ounces of Chaff. To ease himself a little of the disgust he had taken at the indiscretion of his Penance, he comes to me and tells me the whole story; I had the curiosity to ask him what his sins were that he had confessed, and he protested to me nothing but that he had had an intention to have kissed his Maid.  
Now I leave the Reader to be judge in this case, what proportion there was betwixt the Sin and the Penance. His heart should have been punished, not his mouth, because 'twas that, not this, had offended. But 'tis ignorance and indiscretion that causes all this, and should the like case happen to me, I could very well make the Father an answer. The other was of a certain young Student that went to a Jesuit to Confession; amongst other of his Confessions, he told him that he had lain a whole night with his Fatherships' Niece, and began to faint almost under the shame and apprehension of his Sin, so that he had no mind to proceed, but the good Father to encourage him, told him, That it was no such great matter to lie a night with the Niece, for he had lain ten years together with the Mother. And with this good exhortation, he sent the young man back to his house. And this second Example I heard myself in a Sermon in a certain Town in the Territories of the Venetian, Preached by an Augustine Friar, who by his face, looked as like to do such a business as the Jesuit.  
And thousands of these instances may be heard daily in their Pulpits; the Church of Rome, by reason of the licentiousness of its Ministers, being the laughingstock of the Catholics, and the obloquy of the Protestant. And truly 'tis sad, that those Confessions that were at first required, as conducing to the Salvation of Souls, should be turned now (by the iniquity of the Confessors) into the scandal of the Church. The Bishops shut their eyes at every thing, because the Cardinals connive at them. The Cardinals commit all things to the Pope, contenting themselves with the magnificence of their Station. The Pope (because they let him alone in a Pinnacle of Grandeur above all exhalation of scandal) leaves them to themselves, and retains his opinion of their Piety; not regarding what Heresies the Ignorance, Malice, or Lasciviousness of his Confessors, may create.  
To this the Ecclesiastic answers, that we ought not to look so severely to the faults of the scandalous, because they are but frailties, and so will be judged by the Divine Justice itself. And for instance they allege the example of Judas, who was a Traitor even in the company of the Holy Apostles, so as our eye they say, ought not to be upon him, but upon the rest. To which I answer, that if there were indeed but one ill Churchman in twelve, all Heretics both Jew and Gentile, would be converted to the Faith; but as the case stands, there is scarce one good to be found in ten thousand bad, and therefore how can they be converted, that have so many scandals in their prospect.  
But some will say perhaps, how can these things be redressed? I answer, with the greatest facility in the world, if the Cardinals pleased. I speak not of the Pope, because (let the Divines say what they will for His absoluteness) to speak the truth, the Church of God is not a Monarchy, but a Republic, the Cardinals and Bishops being Supreme and Sovereign Senators, and the Pope, as Christ's Vicar, Precedent of the Senate; for though Christ created St. Peter his Vicar, he took not away the Authority from the rest of the Apostles, they always with Supreme Authority in their College, decreeing what ever they thought necessary for the benefit of the Church, St. Peter being allowed no more than his single voice. So that the Care and Government of the Church, belonging by legal succession to the Cardinals, the right of appointing remedies against such scandals as do afflict us, belongs likewise to them. And indeed, whilst the Church was under a kind of Aristocracy, Miracles, and Holiness, and Goodness, were observed to flourish. But since the Priests began to flatter the Popes, conceiving preferment and advantages easilier obtained by the adulation of one person, than a Senate, they put all into the hands of the Pope, and made him a Monarch; so that Miracles were lost immediately, Sanctity was banished, and a thousand wickednesses introduced, because that which was Monarchy in the hands of the Pope, became Tyranny in those of the Nephews. Insomuch that to reduce the Church to its Primitive Holiness, it will be necessary to restore it to its ancient Aristocracy.  
Since my being at Rome, I heard of hundreds of Decrees put out by the Congregation of Regolars, but I never heard of any of them put in Execution as they ought to have been, the Popes for the most part having dashed them motu proprio; besides▪ the application being superficial and only to the top branches of the Tree, it was impossible it should reach the Corruption that was in the Root. The wickedness of the Churchmen, is like a Wart upon a man's hand, the more you cut it, unless you cut it to the bottom, the greater it grows. To put out fire, it is necessary to remove that matter that sustains it; and if the Cardinals would apply any remedy to the scandals that throng daily out of the Cloisters, to the detriment of the Church, they ought not to consider the nature of the Friars, after they are made Friars, so much as the qualities of those who make themselves Friars.  
The Method of the Italians in this age (I speak not of other Countries) is good indeed for the advancement of their Arms, but not at all for the benefit of the Church, For example, an Italian that has three Sons, picks out the wisest and most gentile, and Marries him to keep up his Family; him that is most sprightly and vigorous, he sends to the Wars; and if any be more foolish, or extravagant than other, he is sent to the Covent. In short, those Fathers whose Sons are given to Theft, to Drunkenness, Lust, Dissoluteness, or Prodigality; if they be Liars, Swearers, Cheats, Blasphemers, etc. do presently devote them to the Cloister, where putting on the Habit of a Friar, they put them out of their sight indeed, but put them into a Religious house, where they become Devils, because wickedness, or rather a heap of wickedness, cannot be taken away by fifteen yards of Cloth.  
Were these disorders but regulated, a great part of the scandal that lies at present upon the Church, would be taken away. 'tis a shame the worst should be given to God, and the best to the Devil: 'twere better to suppress Cloisters and Friars, than to suffer such Friars to be made. In the Church of Rome, the quality of the persons that are to enter into Religious Habits, is not so much considered, as their quantity; so their number be great, no matter for the rest, Cheats, Backbiters, the Hunch-backed, the Lame, and the Blind, are all admitted into the Cloisters, as if the number, not the qualities, made the Religion. O most diabolical policy, and fit to be exploded!  
Did it belong to me to supplicate the Pope, and the College of Cardinals, I would do it upon my knees, because I observe goodness and piety declining in the Church, and all by reason of the multitudes of Priests, whose qualities ought to be more regarded, than their numbers. One truly Religious man, is worth a thousand wicked, and edifies the Church more with the explinariness of his life, than all the rest with their Religious formalities.  
When first I saw the picture of St. Francis, with a Church upon his Shoulders, and this Inscription about it, Vade Francisce repara domum meum quae labitur. I was amazed, especially when having the reason of it from a Father of that Order, he told me that St. Francis had seen our Saviour one night in a Dream, who admonished him, in the same words to go and repair his Church. And in this, the cunning of the Friars wherewith they lull and cajole the Popes and the Cardinals, is seen. This I may boldly affirm, that that Inscription is a dishonour to them all; to what end serve the Pope, the Cardinals, and the Bishops? If this be true, the Pope cannot deny but his Government is naught, because he has suffered the Church to fall into those Errors. Upon the day that is dedicated to St. Francis Saverius, in the presence of four or five Cardinals, and in Rome itself, I heard a Jesuit Preach in praise of that Saint, among the rest of his Elegies, this was one, That he had Baptised a million, and a hundred, and eight thousand Souls in the Indies. I wondered not so much at the Priest that Preached this, as at the Cardinals that stood gaping to hear him. To believe that Saverius did not Baptise more into the Faith of Christ, than the whole College of Apostles may, I hope is no Heresy; and indeed if I speak my judgement, I am of opinion he scarce Baptised any, and my reason is, because at this time there is not a hundred thousand Christians in the whole Indies. So that had it been true, that St. Francis Saverius had Baptised so many, the number would have been increased, especially the way having been open since that time to the Spaniard, Portugal, English, Hollander, and all other Christians whatsoever. But for my part, I dare affirm 'tis but a politic Stratagem of the Friars, to besot, and inveigle, the Pope and Cardinals into an opinion of their Piety, and to shut their ears against the report of their Wickedness.  
The Church is to be supported by the Zeal and good Government of the Popes and their Cardinals, who are absolute Governors of the Flock of Christ, and no others; the Saints are to honour and respect them as Servants of God: but the consequence will not hold, that out of respect to St. Francis, the Church should be filled up with thousands of Franciscans, in which they do more mischief than good. And if it were true, that St. Francis Baptised so many thousand Souls as they pretend, it would be unfit to give the Jesuits that great liberty to enrich themselves, as if St. Francis his Voyage to the Indies, had been to have brought the Indies back to the College of Jesuits. But why these multitudes of Religions? Why these numbers of Priests? Half a dozen good Christians, would do more towards the Conversion of Infidels, than thousands of such, as devour up the bread from the people, and impoverish Princes, for the inrichment of themselves.  
Pope Innocent the tenth, suspended the Superiors of all orders from investing of Friars, but the intention of that Pope not being seconded by his Successors, it was not executed long before the Gate he had opened was shut up again, and it may be it was out of fear of their railing, for being naturally vindicative, they have more sting than honey in their tongues. If the Cardinal's Projectors of the several orders about Rome, would take the pains but to Visit the Covents under their Charge, in five and twenty Friars, they would scarce find fifteen that could read, nor three amongst them that were fit to converse with an honest man. To what purpose then is this loss of bread upon an unprofitable Generation? To what purpose does the Church despoil herself of her own Garments, to cover the shoulders of a race of people that do nothing for her interest? It is the Pope is the greatest gainer by these multitudes of Clergy; the Princes in the mean time lose so many of their Subjects, and so much of their Revenue, giving out of their own Stock to the Church, whilst the Pope sucks up at long run whatsoever they give.  
I shall conclude this Book with a Jew that was baptised in Rome; to whom I asked this Question, If there were many more of his Nation converted to the Faith; to which he replied, The Jews might be easily made Christians, if the lives of the Churchmen were not so scandalous, I answered, If you that are now a Christian, do retain still such good thoughts of the Religious; 'tis a sign your Baptism has no profound root in your heart. The Jew smiled, and leaving that discourse, it was all the answer he gave me. In the mean time, let him that pleases imagine the rest. I shall proceed to discourse more nearly of the Cardinals, who are the Legal Supporters of the Church of Christ.      

Il CARDINALISMO di Santa Chiesa, OR THE HISTORY OF CARDINALS. In III. Parts.  

PART I.  

BOOK III.  

The Contents.  
Which is treated of the sweetness of that Fortune, that receives its original from the Riches of the Church. Of the contemptibleness of Ecclesiastical dignity in the Primitive times, the reason why the wealth of the Church is the sweeter now, for being bitter at first. That the Court of Rome is the most capable of enriching their Families, and by what means. Of the diversity of degrees in Rome. Of the Cardinalitial dignity, and its Grandeur. Of the immoderate desire of Prelates to become Cardinals. How much the Popes have exceeded in aggrandizing of Cardinals. Of the illustrious name of a Cardinal. Of the original of the Cardinalitial dignity, and the Etymology of the word. Of the Assistants Saint Peter had in the Execution of his Charge. Of the first Titles given and conserved to the Cardinals. Of the distribution of Orders and Degrees in the time of the Papacy of Higinus. Of the distinction at first betwixt Bishops, Priests, and Deacons. Of some reasons that prove there were Cardinals in the Infancy of the Church, and that in good veneration and esteem. Of the Opinion of those that would have Cardinals to be no more than simple Curates in the beginning of the Church, That Religion is made by men and not by places. Of the Division of Offices in the Republics of Greece. Of the manner in which the Ministers of the Church were formerly ordered. Of the name of Cardinal given first to the place where they served, and afterwards to the person that served. Of the Ecclesiastical Ministry exercised in Caves in the beginning of Christianity for fear of the Tyrants. Of the great esteem they had formerly of the Title of Brother, and the correspondence that passed betwixt the Ministers of the Church. Of the strange Tragedies that fell oftentimes out, in the Counsels, and in the Election of Bishops, and the cause. Of the number of persons killed in Rome, upon a difference at the Election of Damascus and Ursinus. Of the Persecutions of the Emperors overcome by the Church with the force of patience. Of the preceedency of the Bishops and Cardinals, and how the Cardinalship was a step to the degree of a Bishop. Of the effects that the blending and confusion of Temporal things with Spiritual brought into the Church. Of the Ecclesiastical Government, and its policies. Of the resemblance of the Church with the Galley of Salamin. How the Supreme Government of the Church was taken from the Bishops, and transferred to the Cardinals. How ambition first flourished in the Church. Of the Election of Cardinals, and the quality of their Electors. Of the great ardour with which the Italian Prelates negotiated the Cardinalitial Dignity. Of the Honours and Dignities invented by the World, and by fortune. Of the Titles the Cardinals enjoy at present. Of the number that forms the College of Cardinals. Of the great Prerogative that follow the Majesty of Cardinals. Of the time the Popes create their Cardinals. Of the manner of their creation formerly, and of the way they are created at present. Of a certain example of a Catholic and a Protestant, about the manner of creating of Cardinals, Of Maldochino's promotion to the Cardinalship. Of the seven Offices in the persons of the Cardinals. Of the Pension and Jurisdiction of the Pope's Vicar. Of the charge and antiquity of the Vice-chancellorship. Of the number of Congregations the Cardinals hold. Of the three Arch-Priestship in the persons of the Cardinals. Of the order observed at the death of a Cardinal, and of the ceremonies at their Funerals. Of the diminution of the Cardinalitian authority by the Popes. Of the manner in which they receive their Caps. Of the ceremony of stopping the mouths of the Cardinals. Of the Cardinalitial Habits. Of their Cavalcades. Of the usual Function when the Pope sends a Cap to a Cardinal out of Rome. Of the visits the Cardinals receive and return. Of the manner how the Prelates of the Church are received by the Cardinal Padron. Of the scandal taken by the Protestants, by the irregular lives of some of the Cardinals. Of the manner of their stopping their Coaches. Of the civility amongst the ecclesiastics. Of the Cardinal's courtesy to Strangers, when they are Legates of Provinces. Of the Presents the new Cardinals give to the Officers of the Pope's Court, and the Cardinal Nephew's Court, and to others. Of the manner observed by the Cardinal Legates, when they receive the relations of any Serene Prince. The manner how the Cardinals receive the great Ladies as they pass by their houses. Of the Pope's Titles, resemblance with the Titles of Christ. Of the great contempt the Popes in the Primitive times had of Honours and Titles. Of the introduction of Titles amongst the ecclesiastics, according as Riches were introduced. Of the Titles the Popes used anciently. Of the Title of Servant of the Servants of God, introduced by Gregory. That Schism and Heresy were begot in the Church by the introduction of so many several Titles. Of the variation of many Titles in the persons of the Cardinals. Of the Title of Eminence invented by Urban the eight, and upon what occasion. Of his first design to have conferred that Title upon his Nephews only. Of the troubles brought into the Church, by the assignation of the Title of Eminence to the Cardinals. Of the Title of Highness assumed by the Princes, after the Cardinals had taken upon them the Title of Eminence. How common the Title of Excellence became after that time. Of a Prince's Secretary that refused a Letter from a Cardinal to his Prince, because it was not directed with the Title of Highness. Of the Divines the Cardinals keep always about them. Of the office of a Theologist, how honourable it is, when exercised by a person of Learning and Worth▪ Of a certain Divine, and his impious Services to his Cardinal. Of the honour good Servants bring to the persons of the Cardinals, and of the dishonour, if they be wicked; and of other particularities.   

THere are some Ages passed already, since all Europe (not to restrain myself to Italy which has found the greatest sweetness of it) had had experience how pleasant that Fortune is, that receives its. Original from the Church. For from thence it is, that that which before was despised by the most abject Citizens, is now eagerly aspired to by the most considerable Families in Europe.  
Some ten Ages past, there was not a Mendicant, or Artificer much more, that could be persuaded to leave his Cabane, or his Shop, to take upon him the Authority of a Prince, in the Territory of the Church. The Pastors in those days, choosing rather to sweat and toil like a Husbandman at Plough, than like a Prince to command the Monarchy of Christ.  
At present (or for these two last Ages rather) the nature of things has been altered so much, there seems no Room left in the Ministry of the Church, but for the Richest, and most Illustrious Families that are, Princes themselves aspiring to those preferments, changing willingly their Sword, for a Gown, and their Mantle Royal, for a Friars Cowle.  
Amongst the Protestants also, I observe no small alteration; in former Ages, one of the most able and eminent Ministers of the Gospel, could not without great difficulty get a Wife, even amongst the meanest people of the City. Now a days the Tables are turned, and the greatest Ladies are ambitious to marry themselves to the most abject and ignorant of that Ministry.  
To the Catholic and Protestant both, this matter appears wonderful, yet if it be considered narrowly, the mystery is not impenetrable: the truth is, the Pay of the Church that before was bitter, is now sweet and easy A Preacher of the Gospel has now no more to do, than to furnish himself with a dozen Sermons aforehand, and (according to the revolution of the year) to beat them over and over again into the Ears of the People? whereas formerly it was their custom to study early and late, from morning to night, and be always ready, not to expose only, but spend their blood in the Service of the Church. Formerly, the Clergy thought of nothing but executing the duty of their Functions, taking no care nor pleasure in the world, and therefore the world despised them. At present they are so far inveighed and enamoured with the world, they show but little affection to the Church, and the world respects them for it. Anciently they served the Church for no other end, but to gain Souls to Heaven; but now they served it only to gain applause and riches to themselves; then they were 〈…〉 ●●d despised, now they are rich and adored.  
In those days the Popes were constrained with tears in their eyes to beseech such and such that they would vouchsafe to take the Ecclesiastical Habit upon them, because than their humility and meekness made them contemptible to the world. Now the Scene is changed, and people beg and entreat with their Memorials and Petitions (not to say Bribes) that his Holiness would graciously confer the Cassock of a Prelate upon them; their humility being turned into pride, and their meekness into magnificence.  
Oh how many Families of them would beg their bread of those very people they despise, had not this great wealth been brought into the Church, and with suitable dignity been conferred upon the Clergy?  
There is not in the whole Universe, a Court more capable nor more likely to enable and enrich a mean family, than Rome, and all by its introducing so great a number of Prelates into the Church: for every man being by natural instinct desirous of the advancement of his own family, betakes himself to Rome, with confidence he shall raise himself one day to some considerable dignity.  
There are several qualities and degrees in Rome; all of them together make up that Lather as it were, by which the Cardinalship is to be ascended to; there being none at present able to make one hope for a greater dignity.  
To aspire to so great an honour, is an argument of great ambition in the heart of that man; nor can any man of the Gown desire greater advancement in this Age, than to be made a Cardinal, because with the dignity he receives an immediate pre-eminence over all those that were his Companions before; is made a Brother of God's Vicegerent upon the Earth, and ally's himself with what Kings or Princes he pleases, every one being ambitious to call a Cardinal his Couzen.  
Caesar for a long time had a desire to wear a perpetual Laurel, but his desire is nothing to that ardour and fury wherewith the Prelates of Italy, and all Europe do aspire to so eminent a dignity.  
How deep a place this desire has got in the hearts of the Prelates, may be argued from hence, that they oftentimes die with joy that they have arrived at such honour, that others die for sorrow that they cannot attain it; and others think their labour well bestowed, if by forty years fawning upon this Prelate and that, they can but reach it last.  
For prevention of contempt which usually accompanies common things, they have with good reason annexed both to their Secular and Ecclesiastical Dignities, certain Titles of honour, not only that they might be known to the people, but to communicate and infuse into their hearts such an awe and respect as is due to their Majesty and Power.  
But the Popes have of late years, very much exceeded in aggrandizing the Cardinals, but the smoke is more than the meat, for the Pope's encroaching hourly upon the real authority that belongs to the Cardinals, they have heaped great Titles of Majesty upon them, that they might not at one time be cheated of both.  
Some there are, that believe the dignity of Cardinals had their beginning from the very foundation of the Church, agreeable to what Eugenius quartus intimates in a Letter to Henry Archbishop of Canterbury; besides whom a great number of Canonical Authors have believed they were instituted by him, that irrigated the foundation of the Church with his own blood, that the Sacred Purple might flourish therein, as I have read and heard preached in St. Peter's in Rome.  
But 'tis manifest all that is but flattery, for we know the Illustrious Title of Cardinal with which the Popes have invested the chief of the Church, was not in use till the time of Pope Silvester, who called them Cardinals as hinges upon which the Church Militant was to turn.  
The design of Silvester was good, intending thereby to put the Cardinals in mind, that if they would render themselves worthy of the esteem they expected, they ought as Senators both Spiritual and Temporal of that Commonwealth, have the fear of God, and a zeal for the Flock of Christ in their minds, and by the piety and exemplariness of their Conversation, provoke, and excite other Christians to the reformation of theirs.  
St. Peter, 'tis true, had Linus, Cletus, Clement, Anacletus, Mark the Evangelist, and others, as his Assistants, and most Religiously executing the Offices they were under, bearing a great share in the Government and Superintendency over the whole Church, but the name of Cardinals was not given them, nor as then known.  
There are furthermore divers ancient Records that tell us, that Pope Cletus did institute five and twenty Titular Priests, and Anacletus seven Deacons, in commemoration of those instituted by the Apostles in the Infancy of the Church, which were without doubt the first Titles that were conferred, and since conserved by the Cardinals.  
Pope Evaristus who succeeded Anacletus, confirmed that holy institution, and to render it the more complete, he limited, and distinguished, the several places and Parishes that were assigned to the Government of those first Ministers of State in the Church.  
In the year 156. Saint Higinus being Pope, and desirous to give a greater and more august form to his Clergy, he divided them into orders and degrees, placing one under the other in a just rule of Inferiority and Superiority. The chief were called Cardinals, as principals at the first foundation of orders in the Church; the rest had only Priest and Deacon for their Titles.  
Some there were that have believed, and some there be that do think so still, that in the Primitive times, Bishops had the Title of Cardinals, but they do not assure us whether that name was given them in the Papacy of Higinus, or of some other Pope. However that shows the super-intendency they had over the rest of the Priests and Deacons of the Church, as they had over the rest that had the care of particular Parishes.  
They add also, that they were distinguished in that manner, by reason of their Titles; that the Cardinal Bishops had belonging to their Titles, the principal Churches both without and within Rome, to the number of eighteen, but they were afterwards reduced to six; that the Cardinals had assigned to them the other Parochial Churches and Cimeteries in Rome, where the Priests that were under them, did execute their several charges with great Decorum; their particular offices consisting in the care of Souls, in the admistration of the Sacraments of the Church, and in a charitable regard of the Burial of the Dead, and of Martyrs. The Cardinal Deacons had the Hospitals, and other Religious houses, assigned to them, whilst the simple Deacons under them, had the oversight of Orphans, Widows, and the Poor. The Chapels that were ordinarily united to these Religious houses, being called Deaconries', and in the beginning, exceeded not the number of seven, according to the number of the Cardinal Deacons, and the number of Parishes remaining in Rome after the dismal Conflagration caused by Nero the Tyrant.  
But it must needs be confessed, that with the revolution of time, this first order and manner of Government founded principally upon actions and exercises of Piety, have been very much changed, so as by degrees, both Bishops, Priests, and Deacons (who composed the Sacred College of the Church of Christ) began to be ambitious of the Title of Cardinals; and for this reason, Saint Silvester in the Council held in Rome 324. called them so in common, discriminating them by that Title from the rest of the Faithful, who began now to look upon the Cardinals, as Cardinals indeed.  
And it is clearly demonstrable by all these reasons, that there were Cardinals in the very infancy of the Church, and that in good esteem, and veneration, because they were always possessed of the most eminent and conspicuous dignities.  
Their opinion does not please me at all, that hold the Cardinals were nothing else but simple Curates distinguished by Titles or Parishes of Rome, grounding that fancy upon an Epistle of Pope Gregory's, in which he speaks of them, as those that had the cure and inspection over the Parishes; as likewise upon an Expression of Platina, where he says, that Leo the fourth degraded and deposed a Cardinal from the Title of St. Marcellus, for having been five years absent from his Parish.  
But this the Order and Chronology of the Church History will clearly refute, because in Saint Silvesters time they speak of the Grandeur of the Cardinals, and then how can Platina's opinion be true? How is it possible the Cardinals should be but simple Curates in the time of Pope Gregory, who was above three hundred years after Saint Silvester, and yet in Silvesters time be in great dignity and esteem.  
It will not therefore be improper to enlarge a little, and by an ampler description, to satisfy in some measure the curiosity of the Reader; for which reason, I will give an account of what ever I have collected out of the most eminent Authors.  
Religion truly was not made for places, but for men, however the Ministers of the Church have been always distinguished by the offices in which they exercised their Ministry; upon which consideration, as they were more eminent or illustrious, they were ordained Bishops, or Priests, or at least Deacons, who were no more than Assistants and Coadjutors to the Bishops and Priests. And the fourteenth Canon of the Council of Nio Caesaria, declares seven Deacons enough for the greatest City in Christendom.  
The Church never wanted orders and degrees of dignities, but had always a distinction and separation of preferments in which every one co-operated according to his Knowledge or Zeal.  
In the Commonwealth of Greece, all offices were distinct, Epaminondas commanded the Armies Pitagoras, taught, Socrates argued, Lycurgus made Laws, and Trasibolus executed without them; so in this visible Monarchy of the Church, some command, others obey, some pray, others teach, some sing, others watch. The Bishop Ordains, the Priest Baptises; The Bishop Confirms, the Priest Consecrates; the Deacon distributes the Eucharist, inspects the Ceremonies, looks to the necessities of the Poor, and sees that all people approach the Communion with requisite devotion.  
In the Primitive times, the Ministers were ordained according to the quality of their Cures. Those in which the first Functions of Christianity were exercised, viz. where most Gentiles were converted, where the Word of God was Preached, or where the Sacrament was administered, were called by way of Excellence the Cardinal Churches. A word taken from a Latin word which signifies a Hinge upon which a door turns, importing that upon the vigilance and conduct of the Cardinals the whole service of God and the Church moves as upon a Hinge.  
So that the Title of Cardinal was first given to the Places, that is, to the Cardinal Churches, but applied afterwards to the persons that Governed them; at first they were called The Holy Cardinal Churches, but now Cardinals of the Holy Church.  
And from hence was the original of Bishops, Priests, Deacons, and Cardinals; there being several Titles and Cardinal Churches in Rome. The Priests that were Rectors over them, were called Cardinal Priests, and some time there were two or three at a time with the same Title, as there are sometimes two or three together of principal dignity in some Collegial Churches.  
In the like manner there were other Titles in several Quarters of the City of Rome, which were called Deaconries', where the Cardinals had their Residence, and those that had the charge in the principal Churches in this quality, were called Cardinal Deacons, because of their residence in the Deaconry.  
So also the six Bishops, chosen out of all the Bishops of Christendom for the Election of the Pope, were chosen in the same order, but with this condition, that the Election of the Pope should not be their only Province, but that they should be assistant to them in their private and general Counsels, and be called Cardinal Bishops.  
In the Infancy of the Church, these Titles were not used notwithstanding; in the Apostles days, and for some Ages after, there was no mention of Cardinal Churches, nor Cardinal Ministers. The Priests and Deacons were then forced to exercise their Ministry in Caves, and the privatest places they could find, to evade the persecution of those times; so that there could be no such Titles allowed, all of them living in unity, the chief being ambitious to show himself as the least, and every one congratulating the lowest as the first.  
And whilst the Church was under this form of administration, the Ministers having no other Titles amongst them, but Brothers, were assistant to one another in the distribution of the Sacrament, and all other offices of the Church, the light of the Gospel, and the holiness of humility shined over all; and for what reason? Because there was not in those days the distinction of persons that there is now, to the great scandal and prejudice of the Church.  
Cornelius, who lived in the year 200. writing to the Clergy in Rome, he makes no mention but of Priests and Deacons; and though indeed there was some sort of difference and distinction in their offices, yet there was no disputes or emulations amongst them, all of them living with great unanimity, and all of them being Cardinals, all of them Deacons, and all of them Priests.  
In the Election of Bishops, and in their Counsels, the Priests and Deacons only assembled with the people, so that many times great quarrels happened betwixt them and the people; and in the year 356. there were six hundred slain in the City of Rome at the Election of Damascus, and Vrsinus; upon which it was forbidden by the general Council at Laodicia, that the people should have any voices for the future in the Election of Ministers and Prelates of the Church.  
After the Church, by the virtue of a long patience, had overcome the persecutions of the Emperors, trod Paganism and Idolatry under her feet, and set up the Standards of Christianity upon the seven hills at Rome, the number of Ministers began to increase, out of which, in process of time, they chose the best and most learned for the Senate and Council of the Church, and so the distinction of places began; they that had the greatest employments were called Cardinals, and they that had the lesser, Priests and Deacons.  
Insomuch, that whereas heretofore the Priests and Deacons promiscuously, and without any distinction, were admitted into their Ecclesiastical Assemblies, they were after this resolution excluded, and the greater and principal of the Clergy only received, to their no small dis-satisfaction, which they were forced to put up, le●t they should otherwise disturb that repose they were in pursuit of amongst the sorrows and calamities of the Church.  
In those times the Bishops had the preceedence before the Priests, and Cardinal Deacons, the Cardinalship being only a scale and step towards Episcopacy, conformable to what is mentioned in the life of St. Gregory, where it is said several Cardinal Priests were preferred to be Bishops. And because there was great difference betwixt their orders, there was great difference in their corrections also. For the conviction of a Bishop, there was seventy two witnesses required, and if of that whole number, there wanted but one, the whole accusation was void: whereas for the conviction of a Cardinal Priest, forty was enough, and for a Deacon twenty seven. But the Ecclesiastical orders and degrees have changed daily with the times, and their dignities have been more considered for their Titles, than any reality of advantage.  
The Cardinals since found means to advance themselves before the Bishops, and Episcopacy now is but a degree towards the Cardinalship, whereas formerly, for the space of eight hundred year they had (as principal Ministers of the Church) managed all her affairs.  
The chief causes of these changes and revolutions, was from the same mutations in the Monarchy of the Popes, and from the medley and confusion of Temporal affairs with Spiritual, and of the Ecclesiastic Government with the Civil. For the Pope having ●●larg'd his Dominions by the annection of several Provinces in the time of Pippin, and Charles the Great, his Successors found themselves forced upon another Model, because so many Secular Principalities being added to the Church, several important affairs did daily arise that could not be deferred to the next Council of Bishops, which me● not but every two or three years.  
The Church in its minority was like the Galley of Salamin, that by the appointment of the Athenians, was never to sail but upon some Religious design, it being sufficient now and then upon occasion to call their Counsels, to negotiate and regulate the most important affairs of Christendom; but after the acquisition of so many States and Seignories, they were forced upon new ways for the conservation of their Temporals. For this reason, it was judged necessary to establish a Council or Senate that should be always near his Holiness, and that it should be composed of Cardinal Priests, and Deacons, and Rectors of the principal Parishes of Rome, as those that were more capable to consult and determine in matters of greatest importance both in Spirituals and Temporals; which succeeded without much difficulty; the Ministers of Rome (to prevent any resentment in the Bishops that the administration of the affairs of the Church was taken out of their hands) endeavouring to persuade them, that what was done, was for the benefit of Christendom, that it was unfit the Bishops should leave their charges▪ with so much inconvenience to the people, and come so often to Rome to treat of affairs that more poperly belonged to those who had no Cures to distract them; and thus were the poor Bishops constrained to truckle to the Cardinals, and become inferior, that had been superior so long.  
The Cardinals being advanced in this manner, and the Bishops excluded from the Government of the Church; they continued very dexterously to wrest the Election of their Popes out of the hands of the Emperors, the People, and the Bishops, and not contented with that, they presumed to encroach also upon the Election of the Emperor, so as the authority of Electing the two principal dignities of the world being in their power, in spite of their former subordination, they advanced themselves so far above the Bishops, that the Bishops are now but Slaves as it were to the Cardinals, and by some of them employed with great arrogance in Mechanic affairs.  
Anciently there was no greater esteem of a Cardinal, than there is now of a Deacon, or Archdeacon, in comparison of a Prelate, because they had no other authority in the Election of Bishops (who were then the principal Ministers in the Church) than the common Clergy and People of Rome, without any difference or exception, bearing an equal share with the rest of the Clergy in the Service of the Church.  
But when the world began to take notice that they made and unmade Popes at their pleasure, choosing them always out of the College of Cardinals, they became so incensed in a short time, that the dignity of Cardinal grew the most envied, yet the most covered and ambitioned dignity in the world.  
And this ambition which was derived from the exaltation of Cardinals in the Church, hath been the Parent and Hydra of all the mischiefs and calamities in the Church.  
And this ambition (that was so detestable even among the Pagans, that Lucian desired that all they that aspired to any thing above their sphere, might perish before the year went about) is indeed the source and nourishment of all the Wars, Schisms, and Heresies that have sprang up in the bosom of the Church.  
At first the Cardinals were chosen out of such Priests and Ministers only, as served in the particular Churches in Rome, and that custom lasted for about an Age and a half; that is to say, till the Bishops taking notice at last of the injury was done them, and that they were excluded from any concurrence in the Election of the Pope, they did very much insist that the Cardinals might not be chosen any longer out of the Romans only, but out of the number of all the Bishops of Italy, excluding Foreigners.  
The Church increasing after this manner extraordinarily, and the number of Bishops multiplying in all parts both of Europe and Asia, it was resolved that the Cardinals should be chosen out of all the Provinces in Europe and Asia, without exemption of any, it being but reasonable as St. Bernard says, That they who judge the whole world, should be chosen out of all parts thereof.  
In the same manner the Rules for Election of Popes were observed (as we shall relate in the third part of this Work) the Priest of Rome not permitting any stranger to be created Pope for the space of above nine hundred years, electing only such persons, as were beneficed in some Church in Rome; till that in the year 891, there happened a great contest betwixt the Romans, and the Foreign Bishops, these last pretending to a concurrence in the Election of Popes; the other refusing as obstinately the infringement of so ancient a custom; but at last, the Foreign Bishops prevailed, and chose Formosus Bishop of Porto.  
For some years successively, the Italians that had a great part in the Election of the Pope, would by no means consent that any body should be Elected, but such as was either a Bishop in Italy, or a Priest in Rome, and the people joined with them in it; but but the Emperor opposed it, who had also a great party in the Election.  
After this, the number of Bishops increasing in all quarters of the world, the Electors were constrained to recede from their obstinate resolution of having their Popes Italians, or at least such as had some Church to serve in Italy; they esteeming it but just to take the most worthy and meritorious person for their Pope wherever he was to be found, without any regard to the place where he was born; so that there were of all Nations advanced to the Papacy, now Germane, now French, Spaniards, English, and from all parts of the World.  
At length, the Italians who pass for the most quick witted people in the Universe, (to say no more of them) have known so well how to accommodate the Church to their own private interest, that for an Age last passed, they have banished both French, English, Spaniards, and Dutch, etc. out of the Vatican, reserving that bit of Electing of Popes to themselves; which though it does not absolutely satiate their appetites, yet it keeps them from needing or desiring any other meat for the nourishment or fattening of their Families, to the shame and indignation of those Crowns that had given great riches to the Church for maintenance of their Popes, and stand now excluded from any possibility of creating one of their own Countries.  
Nor is it wonderful to any body that the Italians have reserved the Election of Popes for the particular advantage of their own Families; seeing there is scarce a Citizen in Rome, nor a man in all Europe, but observes or understands that the Popedom is not so much aspired to for any zeal they have to the service of the Church, as for their designs of aggrandizing their Families; so that a Cardinal is no sooner chosen Pope, but the first thing he does, (before he begins in any kind to be beneficial to the Church) is to ●noble his own Kindred, as is amply declared in the Nipotismo of Rome.  
It is not therefore to be admired if the dignity of Cardinals be affected and pursued with that ardour as it is; if all the Princes of the Universe employ all possible recommendations, and the Popes themselves with so much care and dexterity advance the nearest of their Kindred thereunto; little regarding the incongruity of their age, or the disproportion of their deserts, as Julius the third did, who gave a Cardinal's Cap to a little youth of his Kindred; and Clement the eight, to a son of his Nephew not above fourteen years of age; and Innocent the tenth, to that ignorant Maldachini: which fewness of years would have been more excusable to the rest of the Cardinals, had he brought any merit along with him.  
And indeed the dignity of a Cardinal is so great, it is no miracle if the chief Families of Christendom do account themselves much honoured if they can obtain a Cap, and the chief Crowns in the Universe do rejoice if their Heirs can add a Red Cap to their Imperial Crown; there being many that do willingly resign their Temporal Principalities, to be made Cardinals.  
But what shall I say of these Italian Prelates, that are ambitious and drive at this dignity with so much ardour and passion? to whom all their watching, and labour, and expense is but pleasant, when considered with the dignity they aim at? they can endure their Inferiors to go before them, in hopes it will come to their turn also to go before their Superiors; so that some of them are not concerned with the loss of their Prelacy in other places, if they have but any voice left towards the Election of Cardinals, swallowing as it were any injury so long as they have any possibility of a Cap; it being most certain, the desire of that dignity is more poteut upon them, than any danger of losing those preferments they already enjoy: And if I may speak my opinion, I believe confidently that invention of Bishops and Prelates to wear Green Tufts in their Caps, was only a token of their ambition, intimating a desire in them to have them sometime or other exchanged for a Red.  
But all this is but vanity, the shadow of the body is never the greater for having the head covered with Green Laurel, or a Cardinals Cap. To see the Cardinals marching in great state through the Streets of Rome, with a train of Prelates at their heels, and their Robes of Scarlet, looks in my judgement as if the World were made only for them, and that there was no greater felicity in it, than that which they enjoy; and all is because they are not sensible of the vanity of that honour, which will prove at last but imaginary, and but outward appearance. They would not be worshipped and adored as they are, if they understood what great returns are expected for the disbursement of such profuse and extravagant venerations. They would not clothe themselves with that curiosity in Scarlet, if they considered what that Cloth cost them by the yard; but they reckon the price of it according to what they pay to the Merchant only, and never think of the account they are to make to Heaven. But those that have made the best calculation, have had no desire to the purchase of a Cardinalship, no not if they might have it at the bare price of their merits, choosing oftentimes to leave Rome rather than to accept of a Cardinals Cap.  
Honours and Dignities are certain advantages invented by the World and Fortune, for which reason the same are charged with so many Taxes and Imposts, and with a reserve of so many troubles, and solicitudes, that some times are more eligible to get rid of them.  
I could say something in this place of the Titles in the present possession of the Cardinals, but I will not involve myself in a thing not altogether necessary to the principal drift of this History; it is enough to understand that every Cardinal receives his Title from some Church or other, though it affords him not a farthing of profit.  
There are six Cardinal Bishops, fifty Cardinal Priests, and fourteen Cardinal Deacons, having fourteen Churches assigned them to give them their Titles; fifty to the Priests, and six to the Bishops, every one of which may be a Bishop with a Cure, so that he be a Priest, and in that case he keeps the Title of the Church that is assigned him with his Cardinal's Cap: and these Titles do daily increase according to the number of Cardinals, who from six at first, came to be twelve, from twelve to thirty, so to fifty, and from thence to seventy, which number (in memory of the Seventy Disciples of Christ) Pope Sectus the fifth ordered should never be exceeded. But when the Pope pleases, they may be more, for there is no body can give him Laws, that dissolves Counsels, repeals or destroys Laws, and makes new ones at his pleasure; but no Pope has attempted it yet, neither is that number always complete, some vacancies being still left to recompense the deserts of some great man, or to gratify the desires of some King.  
To enumerate the prerogative of the Cardinals exactly, it would be convenient to insert at large a letter written by Eugenius quarius, which places them in a Region so high, the Cardinals themselves cannot desire a higher. But I shall content myself to say only with him, that all the Cardinals, both Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, have the pre-eminence over all Bishops, Arch-Bishops, Primats, and Patriarches, who are all obliged to acknowledge them for their Supreme Judges, as Assistants to the Pope, as the Supreme Council of the Church, and principal Citizens in the Christian Commonwealth, as parts and members of the Pontifical body; as Organs of their power, as Lieutenants to God's Vicegerent, and Coadjutors in a Monarchy that is both Spiritual and Temporal.  
The greatest good fortune that can befall a man, is to be made a Cardinal, a dignity many aspire to, but obtained by few; and those commonly that think least of it. And what I have read and seen in several promotions in Rome, about those Creations, I shall set down in this place.  
The Popes are accustomed to create their Cardinals four times a year, in imitation, as some think, of those ancient Fathers that at those times did Order their Priests should be consecrated to the service of God, as they are at this day.  
I observed very great difference betwixt the Pope's manner of creating Cardinals heretofore, and the way they use now. Formerly the Popes never created a Cardinal, but by the advice of his Consistory, and if the major part of the Cardinals concurred, they proceeded to nomination, otherwise the Pope was to have patience.  
But if the major voice was affirmative, the Pope declared the names of those he thought proper, displaying before them, the merits of their persons, and their recommendations from Foreign Princes, upon which the Cardinals consulted, and brought in their Votes privately. If the greater part consented, the persons named were declared Cardinals by his Holiness, otherwise they were excluded, and the Pope constrained to begin again, and name new.  
At this present, things are carried in another way, the Cardinals taking no care of preserving their Authority, have lost a great share of it, and that of the Popes, by the same negligence, is so far increased, that the Cardinals cannot now hinder the Pope from making Cardinals as he pleases; the Popes at present making but a laughingstock of the Consistory, and creating them often without their consent.  
I could instance in several examples for the proof of my assertion, but for brevity sake I shall speak only of one. When Innocent created Maldachino Cardinal, in a Congregation where there were but few Cardinals that were his Creatures, or Adherents, he spoke something of it, but as it were by the buy, and without any expectation of their advice, he pronounced him Cardinal. The rest of their Eminencies were all astonished at the Election of such a person, and I know above forty of them were displeased, and would willingly have gone out of Rome to have avoided the sight of him; but in spite of their indignation, they were forced to be content to visit him as the rest, and to swallow that bitter Pill in the Cup of Patience, without speaking one word to the Pope against it. And this is the manner of creating of Cardinals at present; this is that their Eminencies are come to, all the Liberty and Grandeur they formerly possessed, being reduced to their bare wearing of Purple.  
Paul the fourth, was the first that encroached upon the Consistory of Cardinals, usurping the Authority they had formerly of Electing new persons into the Cardinalship, and creating some of them, without the least word of it to the Consistory; since that time, the other Popes successively have taken liberty to do the same, and with the more confidence, because they had no obstruction; for the Cardinals apprehending to oppose themselves against their Usurpations (though they know very well it was their Interest) they chose rather to be deficient to that, and to prostitute the liberty of the Consistory, than to justify the jurisdiction they had so long enjoyed.  
But Sextus the fifth, more than all the rest, managed his affairs like an absolute Monarch, sporting himself with the Consistory, and Cardinals, promoting whom he pleased, and forcing the Cardinals to a concurrence with what ever he proposed to them, the sweetness of which, being found by his Successors, they resolved to follow his steps, so that to this very day, they promote, and determine, they nominate and elect, whom they think good themselves, without any impediment whatsoever.  
But some may interrupt me in this place, and affirm that the Consistory must of necessity have some share in the Election of Cardinals, because the Pope never creates a Cardinal, but in the Consistory, which is true indeed; but it is to be considered, that whereas formerly the Popes proposed only such and such persons to the Consistory, leaving the reception or rejection of them to the suffrage of the Cardinals; it is contrary now, and the Pope does not propound, but pronounces them Cardinals, so as they who were at first principal Electors, are become now but simple witnesses, having neither affirmative nor negative voice, and serving for no more than like witnesses called in by a Notary to attest the reading of some contract; the Pope's troubling themselves no further, than to advertise the Cardinals what they resolved in their Chambers, and therefore let it not seem so great a matter to declare a man Cardinal in the Consistory, for where would you have him declare it, in a Tavern? or the Piazza del Ponte?  
Five years together I was resident in Rome, in a time perhaps so proper for the observation of the Customs and Interest of that Court, that I may say without vanity, that I continued there with more profit (as to my inspection into those affairs) than another would have done in twenty, for my genius directing me, my whole prospect was that way: for whilst others were visiting the Gardens, and the Courtesans, I was at home still, making my Annotations of what I heard, or said, about the affairs of Court, whether Ecclesiastical or Civil. But amongst all, my observation was most curious about the promotion of Cardinals, which I took notice to be performed in two ways, which I shall describe with as much brevity as I can.  
Those persons the Pope designed to be Cardinals, if they be in Rome, are advertised by the Cardinal Nephew to be ready next morning at the wont hour in the Palace. The Pope being entered privately into the secret Consistory at the same time, he imparts to the Cardinals his resolution of choosing such a number of New ones, and immediately, without attending any answer or advice from them, he pronounces them Cardinals, and calling them into the Consistory forthwith, they clap themselves down upon their knees, and his Holiness taking the red Cap into his Sacred hands, puts it upon their Heads with these words, Esto Cardinalis.  
But I cannot omit inserting an example that will be very proper in this place, there happened a great dispute one day betwixt a certain Picket-beard (as they call them in Italy) or Protestant, as they name them in other parts; or in the Ecclesiastic Style of Rome, Heretic, and a Catholic that had been many years in Rome, and in Orders. The dispute was (at Pignorole) about the great error the Catholics were in, in believing the Pope Christ's Vicar upon Earth. The Protestant would allow it by no means; the Catholic asserted it, and would have him not only Christ's Vicar, but like another Christ, absolute and uncontrollable in the Government of the Church.  
The dispute lasted above half an hour, in which time, many fine things were spoke both of one side and tother. The Catholic cited the Authority of several modern Divines, as Bellarmine, Tolido, and I know not who; the Protestant quoted places of Scripture, backing his arguments with some expression or other in the Epistles of St. Paul, or St. Peter. At last, the Catholic turning to the Protestant, told him; now will I make you yourself confess my proposition true, and give you so clear and perspicuous a reason for it, as will leave you nothing to reply.  
I was present, and began to open my ears, the better to understand so efficacious a proof; I gave God thanks that I had found one at last that could satisfy me in a point that was always running in my head, and of which I had seriously desired to be informed; and whilst with great attention I expected the result of the dispute, the Catholic (that was my Comrade in that Journey) told the Protestant, Sir, You know the Omnipotent God, by the virtue of two words only, created out of nothing, the vast mass of the World which we enjoy: and with two words, his Holiness the Pope, like another Deity, creates Cardinals: God said Fiat Caelum only, and on sudden the Heavens were framed, and the Light, and all other, the works of his Divine hand: In like manner, the Pope by the power of two words, Esto Cardinalis, raises as one may say from nothing to the highest dignity in the Church, a person who perhaps had not so much as the least hopes or thoughts of it. Judge then if the Pope be not another God upon Earth, seeing in his admirable administrations in the Church, he uses the same power and methods God Almighty observed in the Creation of the World.  
I do not remember in my whole life I was ever so surprised; instead of a solid and convincing Argument, to be drawn out of the secrets of Theology as I imagined, to hear a thing that made me laugh not only then, but every time I have thought of it since. The Protestant had enough to burst himself also, and replied presently, You are in the right on't, I am satisfied, come let us go drink together. But the other, perceiving not only the Protestant, but all the rest of the Company to laugh, he pursued his discourse, recounting after what manner the Pope's created Cardinals, and the great efficacy of those two words, Esto Cardinalis, comparing them in every thing with those words of God, Fiat Lux; as if God Almighty had left it as an Inheritance to the Popes, that they should have the power with those two words Esto Cardinalis, to work as miraculously as he did with his Fiat Lux. I have spoke this only by the buy, and the Reader may make application as he pleases.  
But to return to our business; it is already understood, that let the difference of the persons be what they will, they all of them, without distinction, kneel down in the presence of the Pope, when he gives them the Cap: which when he has received, the new Cardinal takes it gently off of his head, and kisses the Pope's feet; and having done that, he rises to go and embrace, and acknowledge, all the rest of the Cardinals for his Brothers, one by one, as they are then present in the Consistory.  
The second way of creating of Cardinals is this; the Pope having nominated the persons he intended to create in the Consistory, in the manner abovesaid, he gives a List of their Names to the Cardinal Nephew, who sends immediately the first Gentleman of his Bedchamber with his own Coach, to search through the whole City for the persons named, (but there is no great pains to be taken in the search, for they know well enough where to find them) having found them, he brings them away to his Eminencies Chamber, where the Nephew's Barber gives them the Cardinals cut, for which, each of them gives him 25 Crowns as a Fee; after which, the Chamber-men of the said Nephew put on their Cardinalitial habits, their other habits remaining with the Chamber-men for their Fees.  
This done, the Cardinal Nephew treats them; and after Dinner (in which they drink the Pope's health and his Nephews) he conducts them to his Holiness; being come into his presence, having been thrice upon their knees, they advance to kiss his foot, whilst he puts on the red Cap upon their heads one after another with these words, Esto Cardinalis. Some Popes did use to inform them with great gravity, not only of the dignity they were promoted to, but of their excellence and pre-eminence, exhorting them very earnestly, that they would render themselves worthy thereof: and so after an humble reply and acknowledgement, they depart in the same habits of Cardinals, to make their visits to his Holinesses kindred, as well Ladies, as men; that visit being over, they return to their houses, and remain there till the next public Consistory; to which they much with very great Trains, to receive the red Cap from the hands of his Holiness.  
If in the time of their retirement in expectation of a public Consistory, any Cardinal, Ambassador, or other Minister, sends, or comes himself, to give him a visit, they are received with as much kindness as may be, but they stir not out of the Chamber he gives them their Audience in, neither to meet them, nor to accompany them back. 'Tis a good Rule therefore the Cardinals observe, not to make any visit to new ones, till they have appeared in the public Consistory; and if by reason of their Alliance, or any such occasion, they do visit them, 'tis commonly in the night, and free from the discovery of the People.  
To those that are absent from Rome, after they have been declared in the Consistory, the Cardinal Nephew dispatches a Messenger immediately with the news of their promotion, and afterwards, one of the Pope's Chamberlains of honour is sent to them with the red Cap, and a Breve from the Pope, to which Chamberlain, such honour is to be given, as befits the quality both of the sender and receiver, and a good Present to boot.  
As soon as they have advice by the first Messenger aforesaid, they cause their Barbers to shave them as aforesaid, and put themselves into the habit of Cardinals, and subscribe themselves so; but they put not on their Scarlet Robes, nor their red Caps, till they be brought them by the Chamberlain, and then they may habit themselves in Scarlet; but the red Pontifical Cap, if they have not received it from the Popes own hands, or from some other person sent by his particular favour with a special Breve, they cannot use.  
His Holiness sometimes commits this Ceremony of putting the Cap upon his head to the Nuntio, or Bishop of the place, or some secular Prince, as he pleases, in whose presence the Cardinal knelt down, and receives the Cap with these words, Esto Cardinalis, but kisses not their feet; and this Ceremony is usually performed in the Church after a simple or a solemn Mass.  
In the first private Consistory after the public, the Pope did use to stop up the mouths as it were of the new Cardinals, by putting his finger upon them; by that Ceremony, forbidding them to speak their opinions in the Consistories or Congregations for some time, and depriving them both of their active and passive voices. Before the Papacy of Pius the fifth, the Popes did use to leave some Cardinals from time to time in this manner to take their voices from them in the Election of the Popes, but they were mistaken, for the College of Cardinals, as soon as the Pope was dead, discharged them. Pius quintus notwithstanding, by a Decree made in the year 1571. declared, that by the said shutting of their mouths, it was not intended to take away the voices of those Cardinals, but only a simple Ceremony and no more. So that in the next Consistory, the Pope opened their mouths, put the Ring upon their fingers, and declared their Titles, as he declared theirs that were absent.  
But as the Popes had then found out a good way of stopping the mouths of the Cardinals, so we may say still, that though their mouths are opened by the Popes, yet they do shut them as they think good, for they dare not oppose themselves to the ill Government either of the Pope or his Nephews, but choose rather to expose, or ruin the Church, than according to their duty and obligation, to make any defence. But of this in its proper place; we will say something now of the preceedence and habits of the new Cardinals, and of their gratuities to the Pope's Court, and the Cardinal Nepews.  
As to their Fees, it is to be understood, that as soon as the new Cardinals are created, and received into the public Consistory, they are obliged by ancient custom, to give to the Pope's Vestry-keeper, or rather to his Vestry, five and twenty Ducats; to the Master of the Ceremonies in waiting, a hundred Ducats; to them out of waiting, thirity six; to the Secretary, Clerk, and Computist of the Sacred College, each of them twenty five; to the Pope's Domestic Chaplains, twenty Ducats; to the Keeper General of the Pontifical Robes, ten Ducats; to the Pope's Chanters or Singing-men, thirty Ducats; to the two Clerks of the Pope's private Chapel, six; to the inferior Officers of the Pope's Chamber, six; to the Deans, and Sub-Deans of the Pope's Chapel, four; to the Clerk of the Chapel, two; to his Grooms, five and twenty; to his Mace-bearers, fifteen; to his Messengers, ten; to the Keeper of the Iron Gate, six; to the Keeper of his Privy Garden, four; to the Keeper of the Chains, three; to the Harbinger, five; to the four private Sweeper's, each of them one; To the Musicians of the Castle of St. Angelo, six; to the Masters of the Ceremonies for their Mantelets in the public Consistory, twelve; to the Officers of the Pope's Privy Chamber, the least they give at their Creation in Rome is, five hundred Ducats; to them that deliver them the Cap, out of Rome (besides a thousand they pay for that) three hundred Ducats. And the Cardinal Princes give much more, to four and sometimes six thousand Ducats; but beside the Ducats aforesaid, which are all in Gold, the new Cardinals are obliged to be as noble to the Officers of the Cardinal Nephew's Chamber, who receive no share of this, and are therefore to have a proportion of their own.  
The aforesaid New Cardinals, to prevent the trouble of distributing them themselves, do usually give their presents to the Master of the Ceremonies, to be disposed according to just order. But one Author that writ of the State of the Court of Rome, did advise, that the Pope would do well to oblige every new Cardinal, besides the presents aforesaid, to give a piece of Ordanance to the State, to furnish it with those Arms, that as then they were very much unprovided with, though Vrban the eighth, had made a hundred pieces of the brass Pillars taken out of the Church Rotonda.  
Alexander the seventh, seemed to be of the same opinion, when he ordered the Arsenal di Tivoli for the making of Arms and Ammunition of War, and accordingly intimated his judgement to the present Pope, who was then Cardinal Rospigliosi, and Secretary of State. But that design vanished I know not which way, perhaps because Alexander was unwilling to lay the first charge of that nature, upon the many Cardinals he resolved to put into the Consistory; but it is certain it would be very well if other Popes that are to succeed him, would enjoin it, because it appears unreasonable, so many particular persons should receive advantage by the Creation of Cardinals, and the Universal Church get nothing. I am satisfied the Cardinals would give a hundred Ducats or more, for the making of such a thing as should remain in some Arsenal o● Fort, as a perpetual monument of their Families, it being but reasonable to cast them with the Arms of those Cardinals that gave them, which without doubt would create an affection in the people towards the Cardinals; whereas now they have too great reason to complain, to see the Church its self receive no benefit by their creations.  
There are other little gifts also distributed here and there, as I suppose, for dispatch of their Bulls, every Cardinal having his Bull for his Cardinalship, subscribed by the Pope, and all the Cardinals then present in Rome, and Sealed with the usual impression of the Piscatory Ring; so that the Bulls that are designed for the Cardinal Princes, or other of greatest quality, have their impressions in gold, and to all those that are concerned in that trouble, there are some small distributions, but to the public nothing at all.  
I have already mentioned, that the Sacred College, which is as much as to say, the whose University of Cardinals, is divided into three Orders, of Bishops, of Priests, and of Deacons; amongst them, those Bishops precede, that are of longest standing in the Episcopal Order, and amongst the Priests and Deacons, those that are first promoted to the Cardinalship; and because it falls out sometimes, that there are several made at one promotion, in that case, they have the preceedence that are first named. But when it happens that he that was but a Cardinal Deacon, becomes a Priest, he passes presently into the place of his promotion, above all the Cardinal Priests that shall be promoted after him, but not above those that were created before him. The consequence is not the same amongst the Cardinal Bishops, for if they from Deacons are advanced to be Bishops, they take place according to the date of their orders, or promotion.  
As to the Cardinal's habits, which are altogether Majestic, they have been prescribed them at several times, by several Popes. For a long tract of time, they went habited like simple Priests or Monks, till at last Innocent the fourth, in the year 1250. ordered them to wear the red Cap, in token of their readiness to spend their blood for the service of Christ the head of the Church; a while after him, succeeded Boniface the ninth, who enjoined them to wear Red and Purple habits, in the fashion they wear them now, saving that they are a little larger than formerly: Paulus the second a Venetian, that took great care of the Pontifical habits, to make them the more splendid, he added the Silken Mitre, the Red Bonnet, the Red Cloth for their Mules, and the Gilt Staff; Gregory the fourteenth gave the Red Bonnet to the Regular Cardinals, allowing them as to the rest to go habited in the same colour as others of their Order did, but as to the fashion and matter, they were constrained to go like the rest of the Cardinals, that is, without Rochets, or Cassocks of Cloth, and when others had their Caps of Red, they had theirs of watered Chamblet, and when others wore their Purple, theirs was without watering, but their Cap and Bonnet both of a fashion.  
There are three colours the Cardinals make use of; Purple, Red, and Murrey, but of this last they make use but two days in a year, which are the fourth Sunday in Lent, and the third of Advent. The substance commonly is waved Chamblet, or Wool, according to the season of the year; they wear Cassocks also, but very light always, and either of Taffeta or Sarsenet.  
I could set down the times also the Cardinals wear Purple, and Scarlet, but I look upon it as superfluous, and not much material to the Reader. Only this I shall mention, that though the Cardinals be in Mourning, they leave not off notwithstanding their Scarlet habits, or Red Cap in the exercise of all those Functions that others do wear them in; with this difference only, that whereas others wear Purple Chamblet, they wear Purple Says. But upon their solemn Festivals they are constantly in Red, unless they be in very deep Mourning, walking up and down the City, or making their Visits in that habit, though there are several Visits they are obliged to make in their Scarlet Robes.  
The same measures they observe in their Cavalcades, or solemn Ridings; they affect much to have the Trappings of their Mules of the same colour with their Clothes. They use not to wear Black upon any occasion of Mourning, either in their Clothes, Coaches, or Furniture of their Houses; nor do the New Cardinals wear Mourning often, and if they should, they must pull them off till they have made, received, and returned their Visits.  
The Cardinals have commonly a Silver or Gilt Mace carried before them, not so much to signify the greatness of their Dignity, as the excellence of it. The Barber of the house, or some other Assistant of the Chamber, do carry it ordinarily, as often as the Red Cloak is carried abroad; unless it be when they go to preach in the Palace, or upon Good Friday, than a Groom carries it covered to the place where he goes; and when the Cardinal takes his Cloak, the Barber takes the Mace.  
Their Cavalcades, whether Pontifical or private, are pompous and magnificent; when they ride in their Pontificalibus, they have their Mantles, and Red Caps upon their heads, and their Footcloths and Trappings of their Mules suitable with their Clothes, the splendour and magnificence of which sight, puts the poor Prelate (that has not necessary accoutrements perhaps) out of his wits. A certain Bishop of Naples, that happened upon such a solemn occasion to be a spectator with me, observing some of their Mules to be furnished so richly, he turned to me and told me, that In Rome it is better to be a Cardinal's Mule, than a Prelate of the Church.  
And the times of these Pontifical Ridings are not seldom; every time his Holiness rides with any solemnity, they are obliged to attend him in their Robes; on the Annunciation day they do the same; the day the Pope is invested they do so too; upon occasion of any public Consistory, if a Cap be given to any Cardinal, when they accompany any Cardinal that goes Legat a latere to any Foreign State, and when he returns; when they are to meet any King or Queen; and lastly, when they go to any Chapel, or particular Consistory, they march with the same magnificence and decorum.  
They ride privately, when they accompany his Holiness either out or into the City; if the Pope be a Horseback, or in his Litter, the Cardinals ride in colours suitable to the season, and the garniture of the Mules are but ordinary.  
The Ceremony of sending the Cap to such Cardinals as are absent from Rome, is very curious, and happens but rarely; because for the most part the Popes will have them to receive them from their own hands; not that it is necessary to the Orders of the Church; but out of an ambition they have to receive their thanks and acknowledgements from the new Cardinals from their own mouths, and to treat with them about the interest of their Families, and the obligations they have to their Kindred; for which reason, some Popes do give the new Cardinals to understand, that they took the resolution of creating them Cardinals upon several considerations, but especially at the instant request of their Nephews, though indeed there was no such matter.  
But when by the incessant importunity of some King, the Pope is constrained to send a Cap to some Cardinal out of Rome, he sends it by one of his Chamber, or some other Gentleman express, with a Breve directed to the Nuntio, Bishop, or other Prelate of that place where the Cardinal is that is to receive it; who is obliged to go forth to meet it with all his Family and Friends, as not regarding the person that brings it, but the quality of him that sends it; and entering the City again, the Cap is carried before him upon a Mace, exposed to the sight of all people, as it is usually done, when the Pope makes his Cavalcade to take possession in Saint John de Lateran the day of the Annunciation.  
Being entered into the City in this manner, and lodged at the expense of the Cardinal, the first Festival day that happens, they come all to the Cardinal's house, as well he that brought the Cap, as he that is to give it him; and in short, all such as are desirous to serve the Cardinal in the performance of that ceremony. The Cardinal, in the mean time, riding with his Cappuchins hood, and a black Cap upon his head, with all his Train, and the Mace before (by express order from his Holiness) to Church; where being arrived, he makes a short prayer at the Altar, and hears Mass. That done, the Prelate designed for that office, dresses him in his Robes very solemnly, and then disposes him into some eminent place where all the people may see him. Then he that carries the Mace (who is the same that brought it from Rome) puts it upon the Altar, and presents the Prelate with the Bull, who receiving it with great reverence, and ordering it to be read by one of his Familiars, he makes an Oration in praise of his Holiness, and of his own readiness to execute his commands.  
That Oration being ended, which must be short, if it be thought good, the Cardinal advances to the Altar, and falling down upon his knees, he swears to all the particulars contained in the Pope's Bull in manner and form as is ordained at Rome. The Prelate order the Mitre to be taken out upon this, and says some prayers over the Cardinal, which are to be found in the Ritual for that purpose; that done, the Cardinal puts off his hood, and the Prelate the Mitre; and then he that brought the Cap, delivers it to the Prelate, who receives it, and puts it upon the Cardinal's head, and gives him an Osculum Pacis; which Cap is presently taken off again, and given to him that brought it. After which, they sing a Te Deum, and blesses the people; and then all of them accompany him back to his house, he riding with his red Cap upon his head, and showing all courtesy imaginable to such as have favoured him in that ceremony, feasting and entertaining them within, whilst the Conduits run with Wine at his Gate.  
The Cardinals receive and make visits with the greatest circumspection in the world; their Masters of Ceremonies studying and contriving from morning to night, after what manner it is to be done, lest they should be any way defective in their office. Those who go to Audience of the Pope, wear the same habits they do when they go to any Congregation held in the presence of the Pope; at which times they kiss not his feet, unless at their first Audience only; or when they have been six months at least out of Rome; or when they take their leaves, and are sent Legates into any place; or when they return. The Pope gives them the privilege of setting before him upon a backed chair, he makes them be covered, and uses them as Brethren; whereas the Ambassadors of Princes do commonly stand bare, and if at any time they be permitted to sit down, it is upon a chair without a back.  
Many do much admire the manner of receiving Ambassadors at Rome, and I much more, that Kings should be obliged to receive and treat his Nuntios like their equals almosts, suffering them to be covered in their presence always, and placing them in the most honourable seats; whilst the good Pope, without any reflection upon the Majesty of a King, entertains their Ambassadors with so little Decorum, that one would in his presence believe them some inferior Officers of the King's Chamber, rather than the Representatives of the Majesty of a King.  
In my judgement, it was sufficient if the Ambassadors looked upon them as God's Vice-Gerents upon Earth, whilst they are upon matters of Religion, or dressed up in their Pontificalibus, and performing some Ecclesiastical duty; at such times, I could allow them to advance themselves above other people. But that as a Temporal Prince he should receive Ambassadors, and negotiate with them of matters of Policy and State only, without paying them that honour one Prince does usually to the Ministers of another, in my opinion is not suitable to the dignity of a King; for what greater indecency can there be, than to see a Cardinal, the most wretched and despicable creature perhaps that is to be seen, standing with his Cap on his head, or else sitting on his backed Chair, cheek by jowl with his Holiness; and the Ambassador of a King, and one of the greatest Lords of his Kingdom, to stand sneaking at a distance, and uncovered, or else setting on a a stool like a Schoolboy. But I shall leave the care of these things to themselves, who if they saw the difference that is made, they would doubtless find out some way to redress it; and proceed to the ceremonies the Cardinals use commonly in their visits.  
If at any time the Cardinals be ill, they receive no visits, unless their distempers be such, as will permit them to receive their Visitants in habits suitable to such visits; and 'tis the same case at the death of any of their kindred, though never so near, they seldom give audience to any body; for which reason, some of them (to avoid the importunity of such as will visit them, though they know the custom to the contrary) do retire into some private place either within the City or without. I speak this of the generality of Cardinals, for there are some of them, in spite of all customs will be visited, in case of sickness, or condoling; and without any great absurdity, it being at their choice to receive them or not; though others with good reason forbear it.  
If they that make the visit be Cardinals, the Cardinal meets them in the waiting Chamber, or perhaps a little further; but no further to be sure than the top of the Stairs: if they be Princes, with the Title of Serenissimo, they are received as the Cardinals: if they be Ambassadors of some King, two or three Chambers off, if there be so many, if less, they go but to the first, which is that that is next the Chamber of his Audience: if they be Brothers or Nephews of the Pope that is living, they receive them as they do the Ambassadors of Kings: if they be Ambassadors from Savoy, Tuscany, Dukes and Peers of France, Grandees of Spain, Nephews to precedent Popes, Generals for the Church, or Heads of some of the most eminent Families in Rome; they meet them a Chamber and a half, and no more. The Agents of Serene Princes, the Ambassadors of Malta, Bologna, and Ferara, have half a Stanza, or a little more; but the Malta Ambassador has usually some paces more, than those of Bologna, and Ferara, and not without reason  
All these are permitted to sit down, and be covered without any distinction; yet the Cardinals, and Serene Princes, set always right against the Cardinal that they visit, both of them with their sides towards the door; but the rest sit a little of one side, and not directly over against the Cardinal. For the Bishops, Arch-Bishops, and Prelates, he receives them as he pleases himself; for some of them, he stirs not out of his own Chamber; for others, he goes as far as the Antichamber, according to the quality of the Prelate; but he gives them all liberty indifferently to set down.  
The Cardinal Nephew of the then living Pope, suffers not any Prelate to set before him, but treats them as his Subjects, which savours too much of Tyranny, for the Church is a Republic, and not a Monarchy, and the Prelates are Ministers of the Church, and no Slaves to any body. 'Tis a fine sight, is it not? to fee a grave Prelate with his beard as white as snow, after forty years spent in the service of Christ in his Church, to be forced to stand in the presence of an ignorant young Nephew of the Popes? But if they would use persons of worth with more respect than they do, the Church would be better served, and God's Service not so slighted as it is.  
But that which is most considerable is, that the Cardinal Nephews have no reason at all to treat them of the Clergy so ill, since the Office of the Cardinal Nephew, whom they call Padrone, (and indeed he has too much of the Master) extends no further than to the Civil Government. His principal business is to assist the Pope His Uncle in Temporal things, and he is therefore called Patron, for in Spirituals they have no greater authority than other Cardinals have; so that those Cardinals that were created before them, have the preceedence, to signify that the Pope's Nephew let him be Nephew as much as he can, ceases not to be equal, and sometimes inferior, to their Seniors in all things relating to the Ecclesiastical administrations of the Church.  
Things being so, what is the reason the Cardinal Nephews use not the Prelates of the Church with the same respect as other Cardinals do? What pretence can there be, that a Cardinal that has preceedence of the Pope's Nephew, should give a Prelate liberty to sit in his presence, and the Nephew that is preceded, and is by consequence inferior to the other, will make him stand like his Servant? This is no other; than to advance a younger Brother before an elder. If a Prince that is the first born, should permit a Baron of his Realm to stand covered before him, and his second Brother make him stand bare, would it not be undecent, and ridiculous? It is the same case with the Prelates in Rome, whilst they receive more honour from the greater Cardinals, than from the lesser.  
If the Pope be God's Vicegerent, he cannot create another Vicegerent, and if his Nephew be not his Vicegerent, how comes he to slight and despise the true Ministers of God? But things are now at that pass, those Prelates are contemned that are Servants and Friends to the Church, and by those very persons that are her greatest Enemies; so that it is believed, there is more to be got at present, by perplexing and persecuting of the Church, than by serving it never so faithfully.  
But I will return now to speak of the Ceremony when they take their leaves. If they be Cardinals or Serene Princes, the Cardinal attends them to their Coaches, but with this difference; if they be Cardinals, he suffers their Coaches to be gone, before he offers to return to his Chamber; but if Princes, he turns about, and goes back before the Coach be gone. The Ambassadors of Kings, and the living Pope's Nephews, he accompanies to the top of the Stairs, leaves them there, and returns first towards his Chamber; and the same custom he uses to all that visit him, especially to those whose entrances I have mentioned, of whom it is not necessary I should speak again; it is sufficient to know the Cardinals do ordinarily accompany them at their departure, some Chambers or Paces further than he met them at their entrance: that is, those that were received in the first Chamber, are accompanied to the second when they go away; and so forward according to the quality of their reception.  
The Cardinals do usually accompany the ordinary Prelates one Chamber, the Bishops two, the Arch-Bishops, Patriarches, Treasurers, and Auditors of the Chamber, three, and the Governor of Rome more; and all this is to be understood of Rome, or in some place out of the Jurisdiction of the Bishops, or Arch-Bishops; for if a Cardinal happens to be within the Diocese of a Bishop, Archbishop, or Patriarch, and is visited by them, he receives them with greater civility, as being in their Jurisdiction; in the Ceremony of meeting or accompanying back, the Cardinals do regulate themselves according to the number of Rooms that there are. In a house therefore where there are many, they meet and accompany them a little farther than ordinary; and where there be but few, he accompanies them the less, for fear of being driven into a necessity of going with them into their outward Room.  
The Gentlemen and Servants of the Cardinal that is visited, do always attend the person that is accompanied by their Master. For example, those that are brought by the Cardinal to the top of the Stairs, are by them waited upon to their Coach; those that he brings to the waiting Chamber, they attend to the bottom of the Stairs; and in short, they always go two or three Rooms further than the Cardinals do. And if it happens at any time one be visited by several Cardinals at a time, and one or more of them will not go with the rest, the Cardinal that is visited, leaves some of his Gentlemen or Prelates to entertain those that stay, and goes himself with him, that is going to his Coach.  
As to their manner of returning of visits, you must know the new Cardinals return their visits in their habits, with a great train of several Coaches, to the Ambassadors of Kings; and to the Ambassadors of Savoy, and Tuscany, they make their visits in Cassocks, Rochets, and riding Cloaks, as they usually do.  
The other Cardinals make their visits indifferently to those Royal Ambassadors that are Resident in Rome, as to extraordinary Ambassadors, and that is, in their habits; they do the same also to all Ambassadors of Princes, that are admitted at any time into the Consistory, as likewise to the Republic Ambassadors, not taking off their Mantles in their houses. They render their visits likewise to the Ambassadors of Princes that have the Title of Highness, although they are not admitted into a public Consistory, with this difference only, that they visit them in their Cassocks and long Cloaks.  
Those Cardinals that are returned from some Legation de latere ultra montes, and do make a visit, they do it in the same manner as they have been received by other Cardinals, that is, with as great a train of Coaches as they can possibly make.  
To those Barons or persons of quality, that the Cardinals cannot without too great condescension make a visit to, they find out some other way of signifying an amicable correspondence, taking some opportunity or other to congratulate them, or if that be not to be found, they can vouchsafe a visit to their wives, or what other Ladies of their Family are nearest in relation to them. The Cardinals (if not all of them) for the most part are very liberal in their visits to Ladies, giving them extraordinary honours, both at their coming in, and going out. But those Cardinals that have the Papcy in their prospect, live a little more recluse, receiving no visits from the Ladies, nor making any to them, supposing thereby to gain an applause among the people, and a reputation in the Church.  
But those that never aim at any such thing, do but laugh at, and deride that outward formality, passing away their time with all pleasures imaginable, making their visits not only to Ladies of nobler extraction, but receiving ordinary persons into their houses, and using them with great familiarity, as if the honour and reputation of the Church consisted in such things as those.  
But that which scandaliseth the Protestant most, is the small Edification they find amongst the Catholics, and the Conversation of some Cardinals, not at all agreeable with the Habits they wear. I say some Cardinals, because there are some in the Sacred College that live good lives, serve the Church with great zeal, or devotion at least, abstaining from the Commission of any sin that may become scandalous to their Neighbours. But the Romans being well insinuated by the examples of their Hypocrisy, that have lived with all the pretence of severity imaginable for several years, with design to come at last to the triple Crown; whether being arrived, instead of professing of Holiness, they become Devils; will no more believe the outward appearance or hypocrisy they use to delude the world withal, in order to make themselves Popes; whilst every body knows, that at the Election of Popes, 'tis interest and passion only that bears the sway.  
Many Cardinals therefore, either because they will not change their own natures to satisfy the world, or because they think by maintaining the same to satisfy the world, or because they abhor Hypocrisy, or have not judgement proportionable to the dignity they possess, or because they would make use of the Majesty of a Cardinal to gratify the liberty of their own humours, run into extravagant courses, and think themselves honourable in their Luxury, great in their Pleasures, and majestic in their Excesses; in short, they believe they batten in their Scandals, and they do grow fat because they believe it. They have the chief places at a Play, and they are the first that laugh and applaud any Buffoonery. They are not the last at your Balls, and to any kind of play they need not a second invitation.  
But that which is most to be lamented is, that some of them do consume the greatest part of their Revenues to have Comedies in their houses, as if the Decorum of the Church, consisted in the neatness of their Plays, and if in Carnival time they forbear having troops of Players in their Chambers, they do but reserve their money for some more scandalous use.  
How many are there of them, that spend the whole night with a pack of Cards in their hands? that from morning to night play at any Profane Sport, but forget the Divine Office of a Cardinal? Oh that it pleased Heaven that they had but any consideration of place or time! But they give themselves over to their sensualities without any such thought, accommodating those circumstances to their pleasures; and this I can affirm, because I myself saw a Cardinal now living, play a whole night together with a Lady, and suffered her willingly to win, that she might be induced to play the oftener with him.  
The Apostles of Christ were not such men, nor were his Disciples like them at all; nor can I tell why they that pretend to that Title, and to be included in the Apostolic College, should do so. But we must not therefore seem to be scandalised at that, which is looked upon as an ornament by the ecclesiastics of Rome.  
But it concerns us to turn away our eyes from such as those, and fix them upon them that refrain from those scandals, making it their care, that the people be edified by their examples, the Church well served by their practices, and all ecclesiastics satisfied with the sincerity of the Conversations; amongst which number of Cardinals, I am sure some of them are good, if not at the heart (which God only knows) at least in appearance, and in the judgement of man.  
And now it is convenient to say something about the stopping of their Coaches, and the Customs they observe when they are Legates of some City or Province, or when they do enter with, or accompany any Prince either Ecclesiastical or Civil.  
I shall tell you in brief, that a Cardinal stops his Coach to another that is his Senior; for it is to be taken notice of, that the most ancient Cardinal is the last always that stops, and the first that goes forward. To the Ladies, they are the first that stop, and the last that go, it being but civil to give the preceedence to the Ladies; but to all other persons, under the quality of a Crowned head, they are the last that stop, and the first that depart.  
It many times falls out, that they meet the Sacrament or Host as they pass along the Streets in their Coaches, if they do so, they come out immediately, and accompany the Priest that carries it to the very Altar, where they fall down upon their knees, make a short Prayer, and return to their Coaches. And if the Priest by accident goes to the house of any sick person, they bear him company to the Gate, where they fall down upon their knees, till the Priest be entered, and then they come back to their Coaches. The same Custom the Cardinals observe when it is carried in any Procession, or other Solemnity. If a Cardinal, as he passes in or out of the City, sees another Cardinal on foot, he dismounts immediately to make the usual Compliments; and being parted, he mounts not into his Coach, till he has gone some certain Paces on foot. To other persons, he seldom lights out of his Coach, unless upon some particular business. But when there is any malice or animosity betwixt Cardinals, as it happens too often, they express it by passing whole years by one another without saluting or speaking a word, so as that Rule has this exception, for if one Cardinal meets another that he has a Piqueto, he not only will not alight from his Coach, but lets him go by, and pretends not to see him, and this is nothing but what I have seen; but the more prudent avoid all occasions of meeting their Enemies.  
There is great civility to be found amongst the ecclesiastics of the Church of Rome, as to their entertainment of Strangers, and Humane Conversation, I speak in general; as to particulars, there are some will shrug up their shoulders to their greatest Benefactors, that they may not be constrained to make them some sort of Compliment against their wills. It is sufficient, that amongst all the Christian Clergy, the Church of Rome does far exceed the Protestants in their entertainment of Strangers, though they force themselves as much as is possible to satisfy them. The reason is, the Protestant has a heart good enough, but his purse is too weak, and that little he gets by the sweat (as it were) of his brows, must of necessity be applied to the maintenance of his Family, not to the acquiring the applause of Travellers, to the nourishment of his Children, and not to the entertainment of Strangers: but those of the Church of Rome have that plenty of riches, it would be a miracle if they should not gain themselves some friends by their superfluity; though they have Nephews and— to enrich instead of Children, yet they may do all that without any inconvenience, for they knew well enough out of what Treasury to take money to create themselves friends, and to show themselves Courteous; besides from their Civility and Gentileness they express to Strangers, they draw no small profit in Alms; it being more than true, that the ecclesiastics are in that point like the Bell of Manfridonia, which when it sounds, makes this Echo, by common report, Dammi e dotti, etc. Give me and I'll give thee, Give me and I'll give thee, Give me and I'll give thee. Great is the Civility the Cardinal's use to any Ambassador they find in any City or State of the Church, receiving strangers with all possible courtesy; insomuch that some Protestants themselves have gone away very well satisfied with their humanity. I will not say much of their comportment to Serene Princes who have their Orders from Rome, to the end they may be entertained at his Holiness his charge, and are therefore received by the Cardinal Legates with the greatest honour imaginable. And by this extraordinary courtesy, the State of the Church feels no small inconvenience, because they take occasion upon any pretence whatsoever to lay new imposts upon the people, as they did upon the arrival of the Queen of Sweden, which remains (as a perpetual memorial of Alexander the seventh) upon their shoulders to this day; and I have heard some people exclaim, 'Tis we that suffer for the Generosity of the Popes.  
To meet the eldest son of any Prince, any Royal Ambassadors, or the Ambassadors of the Dukes of Savoy or Tuscany, the Cardinals are wont to go as far as the Gates of the City, with as great a Train of Coaches as they can possibly get, or the largeness of the place will bear. They first send one of the chief of their Families to meet them, and with a fine Summer Coach to invite them from their own. After that they send a company of Lances half a day's journey more or less; and a mile or two out of the City, they send their Vice-legates with some small number of Coaches.  
But this common Rule has its exceptions likewise; for there are some Cardinals that treat and caress such persons according to the animosity or inclination they have for their Masters. For example, a Cardinal of the French faction will receive an Ambassador from France, with greater Pomp than an Ambassador from Spain, and it is the same on the other side. But those that are indifferent, observe their Rules, and measure their Paces exactly, both for the one and the other, having a care always to express something more of honour to the Royal Ambassadors, than to the Ambassadors from Savoy and Tuscany, nor indeed without reason. Sometimes the Cardinals will pretend I know not what excuses, sending great Trains to meet them, but staying themselves at home, where they receive them at the top of the Stairs without their Rochets. Which custom is never used to the eldest Son of any Serene Prince, they receiving them always at the Gate of the Town, unless the Legate be sick in Bed. In the same manner they receive their Brother Cardinals as they pass by.  
The Relations of Serene Princes, and some principal Barons, are received some few miles off (by the Cardinal Legates appointment.) by the Master of his Chamber, and sometimes by his Vice-Legat, who conducts them to the bottom of the Stairs, where they are received by his Eminence; sometimes he pretends for their greater honour to walk out into the City, and as soon as he has notice that the Prince is near at hand, he marches into the Street by which he is to pass, and (pretending to have met him by accident) takes him up into his Coach, and conducts him to the Palace prepared for him.  
Neither the Cardinal Legates, nor any other Cardinal in Rome, does use to make any invitation to Marquesses, Counts, or other persons of quality, that are passing about their own particular affairs. Yet the Cardinal Legat, if they make him a visit (to return them some expressions of favour) will invite them to Dinner or Supper, and appoint some of his Gentlemen afterward to accompany him, and show him what is most considerable in the Town. The principal Ladies, as Ambassadors Wives and the like, the Cardinals do always invite, and send the meanest of their Relations to meet them, if they have any (which they seldom want) or at least their Major Domo, some miles out of the Town, and that more or less, according to the design they have to do them honour; besides which, they do usually entreat some of the principal Ladies of the City to go and receive them, and accompany them to the Palace, where the Cardinal receives them at the Stairs head, and conveys them to the apartment ordained them.  
The particularities of their Visits, and Receptions, I have thought good to insert in this Cardinalism, for the satisfaction of some Outlandish Gentlemen that did earnestly desire it. For my own part, I had no other design, but to speak of matters appertaining to their politics: however it seems not improper, seeing in these times the policy of the Cardinals run so much into Ceremony.  
I shall now speak of the eight Offices that are peculiar to the persons of the Cardinals, which are the Pope's Vicar; The chief Penitentiary; The Vicechancellor; The Chamberlain; The Perfect of the Signature di Justitia; The Perfect of the Signature di Gratia; The Perfect of the Breves; The Bibliothecary. And first I shall begin with the Pope's Vicar, which office is the most ancient of all, and was for a long time executed by Bishops, and other Prelates. But Pius the fourth, transferred that dignity upon the Sacred College, declaring the Cardinal Giacomo Savelli Vicar, about the year 1565. after which time it was always conferred upon Cardinals. The jurisdiction of this Vicar, is over the Priests and Regulars in Rome, and the Territories belonging to it. He has authority also over Societies of Laics, Religious Houses, Hospitals, Jews, and Courtesans, besides I know not what power over the concourses of Curates for Benefices in Rome, which are not in partibus; and this Office affords the Cardinal Vicar for his Pension, a hundred Ducats of Gold a month, paid him out of the Chamber. This Vicar has in his Court two Deputies, one for Civil Causes, the other for Criminal, and a Vicegerent who is a Titulary Bishop, and can exercise all the Episcopal Functions in Rome; and he has the Superintendancy, and Care of the Monasteries and Nuns; he has his Provost Marshal, and a certain number of Sergeants, and comes with the rest of his Officials into the Congregations held before the Vicar about matters belonging to his Court. Besides these, there are four Notaries belonging to that Office, each of which executes his charge apart, and has eight or ten Clerks under him perpetually.  
The office of chief Penitentiary is given by the Pope to a Cardinal always, and yields him that has it, a yearly Rent of about five thousand Ducats of Gold. His jurisdiction lies in cases reserved for the Pope, in giving absolution gratis ubique, and giving faculty to absolve in Parchment Sealed with the Penitentiary Seal, to such Confessors as he approves. This Penetentiary has a Prelate under him, that is called the Regent of the Penitentiary office, to whom the Confessors repair upon occasion, if they cannot have immediate dispatch from the Cardinal. And here it is to be advertised, that this Penitentiary assigns penance according to the quality of the offence, though the Confessor perhaps conceals the person. This Penitentiary sits in great state, sometimes in the Cathedral of Saint John de Lateran, sometimes of St Peter in the Vatican, and sometimes in the Church of Sancta Maria Maggiore, upon a kind Throne or Tribunal four or five steps high, with a wand in his hand, to hear the Confessions of reserved Cases. I had once occasion to make use of him, but I would not go to Cardinal Francisco that was chief Penitentiary to confess myself, lest all that were present in the Church, should understand the quality of my Conscience; for as soon as they observe any body at the feet of the Cardinal, they imagine immediately he has some great load upon his Conscience, which makes many people forbear going thither. This Penitentiary can call a Congregation, and (by the assistance and intervention of his Regent (who keeps the Seal) two or three Jesuit Priests, and some few Canonists) deliberate about the interest and affairs of the office, the History of whose Original follows.  
About two hundred years after Christ's Incarnation, Saint Cornelius being Pope, and many Christians having Sacrificed to Idols, there was a great controversy, whether those that were lapsed might be reconciled, and readmitted again, which was the Foundation of the Novatian Schism. After long dispute, it was concluded by the major part, that they might; but because some were less Sinners than others, some had not Sacrificed, others had endured Persecution, but were not able to persevere. There were certain Priests deputed, who, Pro modo culpae admissam Paenitentiam indulgerent; That is, Proportion the Penance to the quality of the Crime. And from hence sprang the Penitentiaries, who after the Church was in peace, and tranquillity, extended their jurisdiction by degrees, to other delinquents; for which reason it was established, that in every Patriarchical Church in Rome, there should be two Priests, who should have the care of imposing of Penances according to the Penitential Canons, which are very ancient, by the testimony of the Keeper of the Library. And this is all is written, or recorded in the case; from whence they argue, that in probability these Priests had a head or chief to whom they repaired to communicate their business of importance to the Pope, and this they would have to be their chief Penitentiary; who if so, must be very ancient, though there be no Records of it, as Pauvinus says, before Gregory the tenth.  
The ancientest memorial of the Office of the Vicechancellor, is to be found in an Epistle about Monarchy written by Saint Jerome, who was then Chancellor, ad Gerontiam: It is most certain the Pope is the only Chancellor of the Church, so as the other are called Vicechancellors only; yet there are some that believe it is only out of respect to Saint Laurence, that was formerly Chancellor, that they suffer not his Successors to enjoy the same title that he did. Anciently the Chancellor writ whatever belonged to the Pope to write, and sometimes he answered those queries and scruples in matters of Faith, as were made him by the Bishops and others; he writ also of the Spiritual Dominion of the Pope, and had the same Authority the Secretary of the Breves, or the Secretary ab intimis, have now. Besides which he had the same Jurisdiction the Chancellors have now in France, or any other Principality, as Luca de Penna affirms in an Epistle of his to Isidore, in which he sets down distinctly the particular faculties of this Office. He had under him twelve Scrineraries, and one Proto-Scrinerary, all of them assisting him to undergo the weight of his Charge according to orders: others were to have a care of the draughts, and others to transcribe them. This Office till the time of Gregory the 7th. which was in the year 1187. was ordinarily conferred upon Bishops, or Cardinals; and in the year 1100. the Cardinal Bishop of Saint Ruffina was Chancellor, by concession of Benedict the eight; during the Papacy of Alexander the second, it came to be disused, which was in the year 1071. and so it continued to Gregory the eights time, being frequently given to Cardinal Priests, or Cardinal Deacons. The said Gregory having that Office, as soon as he was made Pope, took it away from the College of Cardinals, and put into it a Canon of Lateran, who because he was no Cardinal, was called Cancellarii vicem agens; and so it continued for a hundred years, out of the hands of the College of Cardinals; the Ministers instead of vicem agens, calling him that executed it Vicechancellor, by degrees, as a more commodious name. Under Boniface the eight this Office returned to the Sacred College again, being given to Richardo Padroni a Noble man of Sienna, who afterwards was made Cardinal as some think, but forgetting the ancient institution, he continued Vicechancellor, by inadvertency taking the name of the Office upon him.  
They that had this Office called themselves either Chancellors, or Library-keepers, as they pleased, because Praeerat Bibliothecae. Whilst the Emperor had the nomination of the Popes, the keeper of the Records was called Archicancellarius Imperii pro Italia, & Apostolicae sedis Bibliothecarius, vel Cancellarius, vel Archicancellarins; and they that were in Rome said, Datum Romae per manum N. Diaconi Cardinalis, Vicecancellarii, Archiepiscopi Coloniensis, Apostolica sedis Bibliothecarii seu Cancellarii. Where is to be noted, the Date was made by the same Chancellor at that time the Vice-Chancellorship was executed by a Cardinal, who got at least nine thousand Ducats of Gold by it. It's Jurisdiction is principally about the dispatch of all the Apostolical Letters, which are all signed by the Pope, except such as pass by Brief sub annulo Piscatoris.  
Three times a Week, viz. Tuesday, Thursday, and Sunday, there meet in his Palace all the Officers of the Apostolical Chancery, that is, the Regent, and the Abbreviatori di Parco Maggiore, which are twelve in number, besides the Regent in his Purple habit like a Prelate; all which Offices are sold, the Regent's for twelve thousand Ducats of Gold and more; and the Abbreviatori di Parco for six thousand at least; which money yields the purchaser eight or ten per Cent. six of the Abbreviators places are in the Gift of the Cardinal Vicechancellor, and the Regent's is in his Eminencies. These thirteen Prelates have their places in his Holiness his Chapel: But the Regent comes seldom thither, in respect of his precedente before other Prelates. These thirteen Prelates are called Referendaries, or Remembrancers of the one and the other Court, and the Regent has power to refer all Causes of Appeal to Rome, which he refers to the Auditors of the Rota and Referendaries, distributing their Orders with great equality, that every one might have his part.  
The Office of Chamberlain yields one year with another six thousand Crowns of Gold; the Jurisdiction is to take cognisance of all Causes, that fall under the discussion of the Apostolic Chamber and their Clerks, being present at all transactions in that Chamber, unless he be hindered by the Consistory, passing the greatest part of the dispatches under his own Name, though examined and subscribed by the Clerks.  
It is observable also in the Apostolic Chamber, that the Cardinal Chamberlain, and all the other Prelates, do come thither with their Purple Pontifical Cloaks over their Rochets, and the other Officers with habits different from what they ordinarily do wear. Besides, the Chamberlain is Judge of Appeals, as likewise of the Judgements passed of the Surveyors of the Streets, and with those Surveyors he takes cognisance of Cau●yes, Buildings, Bridges, Streets, and other things. Furthermore, in the vacancy of the Chair, he resides in the Palace in the Pope's apartment, walks up and down Rome with his Guard of Swisses, who are always attending his person; he coins money also with his own Arms and Impression upon it: It being his charge to see the Conclave made, it remains at his disposing afterwards; he has a Key to the Treasury in Saint Angelo, of which there are but three, one for the Pope, an other for him, and the third for the Cardinal Deacon. Some few Ages since the head of the Deacons was the Archdeacon, who was a Cardinal, and had the ear of the Revenue; his dignity was very Noble, and continued till the year 1100. about which time for the excess of his Greatness, that dignity was taken away, and another instituted in its room, which is the Chamberlainship, upon condition it should be conferred upon Cardinals only; and they had their Coadjutors assigned them, who are Clerks in the Apostolic Chamber, and whose Office in the first institution was the same with the Chamberlains. Now they have the Treasurer joined to them, and the Precedent, in respect of some late difference betwixt the Pope and his Chamberlains.  
The office of the Perfect of the Signature of Justice, is executed by a Cardinal also, who receives out of the Chamber, for his Pension, a hundred Ducats a Month. His business is to underwrite answers to all Petitions and References, and every Thursday, except in Vacations, the Signature of Justice is held before the Perfect in his own Palace, for determining references; where also twelve Prelates assist with Votes, and besides them, all other Prelates that are Referendaries. Moreover, there are present, but without power of Voting, the Auditor of the Rota and the Lieutenant Civil of the Cardinal Vicar, to the end, no thing to prejudice the jurisdiction of their Tribunals.  
The Perfect of the Signature di Gratia, is a Cardinal likewise, who has a hundred Ducats a month for his Pension also. His office is to be present always at the Signature di Gratia, which is constantly held before his Holiness, and it is he that seals all the Petitions and Pardons that pass there. There are twelve Prelates also that have their votes there, which use to be the same that were present at the Signature of Justice; as likewise the Cardinal Vicar, the Cardinal Perfect of the Breves, the datary, and more or fewer of the Cardinals, according as more or fewer of them are deputed by the Pope; however, they are never fewer than twelve.  
There are present also at that Seal, the Auditor of the Chamber, the Lieutenant Civil of the Cardinal Vicar, the Treasurer General, one of the Auditors di Rota, a Protonotary, one of the Clerks of the Chamber, one of the Abbreviatori del Parco Maggiore, and the Regent of the Chancery, all of them appearing for the defence of their particular jurisdictions and offices. This Seal is kept constantly once a week before his Holiness, on Sunday, or Tuesday, if it falls not on a Holy day.  
The Cardinals likewise are Prefects of the Breves, and the Library Keepers; the Perfect has an allowance out of the Chamber for his Pension of a hundeed Ducats a Month; and his office is to overlook and sign all the draughts of the Briefs that go under a Tax. The business of the keeper of the Library (that has his hundred Ducats a month out of the Chamber likewise) is to superintend the Press, and the Library in the Vatican, and the people that work there, in Printing Classic writings in the Oriental Tongues.  
Out of this College of Cardinals, there are several Congregations form, that are called for that reason, the Congregations of Cardinals. and are fifteen in number, viz. of the Holy Office, of the affairs of the Bishops and Regulars of the Council, of the immunities of the Church, of the State, de propaganda Fide, of Rights, of Water, of Streets, of the Index, of Consultation for the Government of the Church, of good Regiment, and of easing of grievances, of the Mint, of examination of such as are designed to be Bishops, and of the affairs of the Consistory; but for these Congregations, the Cardinals have only their labour for their pains, and some little honour that signifies nothing.  
The Congregation of the Holy Office, meet twice a week, on Tuesday in the Covent of Minerva, where the Inquisition is kept by the Father Dominicans, and on Thursday before his Holiness, where causes of Heresy are heard before twelve Cardinals at the least, deputed according to the pleasure of the Pope, and a good number of Divines of several Religious Orders.  
The Congregation of the affairs of the Bishops and Regulars, has a particular jurisdiction over the differences which arise betwixt the Bishops, and their Subjects, and betwixt the Bishops, and the Regulars. This Congregation meets the Friday in every week, in the Cardinal's house that is head of that Congregation, and that with no small trouble, for they have so many Letters of complaints sometimes, it is scarce possible to read them.  
The Congregation of the Council, has the power of interpreting the Orders and Decrees of the Council of Trent, so that if any difference happens in Christendom about that, they apply themselves to this Congregation, which gives them all seasonable resolution. It is held in the ancientest Cardinals house, though the head be another Cardinal, and that he has the power of assembling them: they meet ordinarily once a week, that is on Sunday, or Thursday, if it be no Holiday.  
The Congregation of the Ecclesiastical immunities, was instituted by Vrban the eight, who having had many controversies of that nature whilst he was Nuntio, and before he was Pope, he took an Oath as soon he was created, to erect this Court, to prevent those inconveniences for the future. Which Congregation has power to resolve such doubts as happen in the confusion and diversity of offences, and to determine who are, and who are not to enjoy the privileges of the Church. This Congregation meets every Tuesday, in the eldest Cardinals house, in which there are present, several Cardinals, one Auditor di Rota, one Clerk of the Chamber, one out of each Signature, and a Secretary that uses to be a Referendary to one Signature or the other. The Perfect of this Congregation has for his Pension about seven hundred Ducats a year, and the keeping of those Seals that are necessary.  
In the Congregation of State, all those Cardinals that have been Apostolical Nuntios are present, and the Secretary of State to his Holiness with them, and it is generally held before the Pope, or the Cardinal Nephew.  
The Congregation de propaganda fide, was erected by Gregory the fifteenth of happy memory, to investigate and find out all possible ways for the propagating the Catholic Faith in all parts of the World, and to advise what may be conducible to so profitable a work. It uses to meet on Mundays once a month before the Pope, and many times in the Palace de propaganda fide. There are present several Cardinals, the Apostolic Protonotary, his Holiness, his Secretary of State, one Judge that uses to be Referendary of one of the Signatures, the Assessor of the Holy Office, the Secretary of the same Congregation, who has built a Palace of no ordinary greatness in the Piazza della Santissima Trinita di monti, for the entertainment of all those that have received the Catholic Faith, and come to see Rome; besides that they lodge several poor Bishops there, and provide them with all things necessary for a livelihood. There is a Press in this Congregation also, for all Foreign Languages, where they print daily their Missals, Breviaries, and such other Books.  
The Jurisdiction of the Congregation of Rights, respects the differences in Rights, Ceremonies, Preceedencies, Canonization of Saints, and such like affairs. The ancientest of the deputed Cardinals, is head of this Congregation, and has power to convene them in his own house once a month, or oftener as he pleases; and it is to be observed, that all Congregations are conveed by their Heads.  
The Congregation del Acque, has the care of all Rivers, Bridges, and such things. The ancientest Cardinal is head of it, and calls it upon occasion at his own house, there being no precise or determinate day appointed.  
The Cardinal Chamberlain is head of the Congregations di fonte & di strade, and there being no fixed day, he calls them too as he thinks it convenient; but they meet in the ancientest deputed Cardinals house always, and being assembled, they consider of the Aquaducts and Conveyances of water into Rome, and the manner of distributing it through the whole City, as also the Commodities of the Streets.  
The Congregation del Judices, hath Jurisdiction in over-seeing the Press, in printing and correcting of books; it has a Cardinal to its head, who assembles them at his own house as occasion requires, though there be a day appointed.  
There is the Congregation della Consulta, for the Government of the Church, and the head of that is the Cardinal Nephew of the present Pope, they meet twice a week in his house, viz. Tuesdays, and Fridays. There are present, six Cardinals, six Prelates, a Secretary that uses to be a great Confident of the Nephews; in this Congregation they consult of the Government of the Church, all Deputies, Prefects, Governors, Provosts, and other Officers whatever, directing their accounts thither, of any thing considerable that happens in their Governments, and this Congregation deliberates and decrees what is to be done in the case: The Secretary draws up the Order, and the Cardinal that is head, subscribes it first, and then the rest of the Prelates that are present. The several Provinces are divided amongst them, and every one reads the Letters in the Council that come out of their particular Provinces; but it is to be understood, the Legate of Avignon, the Governor of Benevento in the Kingdom of Naples, and of the City of Ceneda, in the Dominions of the Venetian, being all free Governments, are not subject to the Decrees of this Council; the Governor di Fermo, and that State, and the Governor of Spoleti, are exempt likewise. The Prelates of this Congregation have three parts of the Palace, and each of them a thousand crowns a year entertainment, and the Secretary two thousand, that is Roman crowns.  
The Cardinal Nephew to the Pope is head also of the Congregation of Grace, and good Government; the Communities upon any grievance or oppression, repair thither for remedy with other Subjects for present relief, and determinations in writing manu Regia. This Congregation meets on Sundays (at the same place where the Congregation della Consulta meets) by turns, that is, the Congregation for good Government one Sunday, and the Congregation for Relief another. There are five or six Cardinals present always, seven or eight Prelates, one Secretary; (which is always the same with the Secretary in the other Congregation) all the Letters or Orders that pass in this Congregation, are signed by the Cardinal Nephew; all the Prelates have the same Emolument the Prelates of the Congregation della Consulta have; they are habited in Purple, and have the Title of his Holinesses familiar and Domestic Congregation.  
The Congregation of the Treasury have a particular Jurisdiction over all Moneys to be coined in that State, as likewise of Foreign Moneys, to observe which way they may be spent in the Territories of the Church. There are present four Cardinals, chosen all of them at the discretion of the Pope, and some Officers of his Chamber. The head of them is he the Pope thinks good to depute, and that head has power to assemble them at his own house as oft as he pleases, for there is no set day appointed.  
The Congregation for the examination of New Bishops, was instituted by Clement the eight of happy memory, who examined several persons himself, especially if they were towards the Law; for the Professors of Divinity were examined by Bellarmine only. This Congregation is held always before the Pope, in the presence of eight or ten Cardinals, a certain number of Prelates, and some Theologists of several Opinions; in which all persons the Pope intends to promote to Bishoprics are examined; but it is to be understood the Bishoprics belonging to the Church in Italy, for the rest are not subject to the jurisdiction of that Court. The Person examined knelt upon a Cushion before the Pope, and all that are present in the Congregation have power to examine him; after he is examined and approved, it is entered into a Book that the Secretary of that Congregation keeps, that that person has been examined, and if it happens he be removed to any other Church, he need not be examined again. If one has been Bishop in some Foreign Province never so long, and by accident is translated to some Bishopric in Italy, he must submit to the examination of that Congregation, except he be a Cardinal, for they are exempt from all examination when they are admitted to any Church. But here it is to be understood, that though they be examined and approved, they are not immediately Bishops. The person designed, makes profession first of the Catholic Faith before the Cardinal chosen by his Holiness, to propose him to the rest of the Cardinals: that done, they give an Oath to the Witnesses that are to be examined about the State of that Church, and about the quality, extraction, and custom of the person designed to be Bishop of that Church: that past, the Cardinal gives order to his Auditor to make Protess, which is presently drawn up, either by the Cardinal Vicar's Notary, or the Auditor of that Chamber; whilst they are drawing the Process, the person recommended is to produce the Testimonies of his Doctorship, and after that, what other privileges he has, as Patents, Depositions, or Testimonials from him that Ordained him, which are very proper, and will much facilitate his dispatch.  
After the Testimonies, they are to swear they were born in lawful Marriage, and that their Parents were not suspected for Heretics, and that he is above thirty years of age, according to the Canons of the Council of Trent. After this, there are other Witnesses examined about the State, Revenue, and quality of the Sea, in what Province the City is, whether it be immediately subject to the Apostolic Sea, or the Suffragan of some Archbishopric, what Lands or ●owns there are within its Diocese, how many thousand Souls, how many Monasteries there are, how many Relics of Saints, how much the Church yields yearly, how many Clerks, how many Canons, how many Colleges or Schools, how many Covents of Monk, how many Priests, how many Steeples, Bells, and such like things. The Presentation being finished, the Cardinal Ponente (which is he the Pope chose to present the person) subscribes it, and then gives it to the three principal Cardinals of that Order, who having perused it, subscribe it in like manner, and return it to the Cardinal Fonente, where it remains.  
In the next private Consistory he publishes it, and in the next, he presents him, and recites in a short Latin Speech the whole contents of the Process, but before the Cardinal Ponente assigns his Church, the Provost gives two blank Schedules to the Auditor of the Sacred College at the instance of the person Elected, in which he promises to pay the Cardinal Ponente, the Sacred College, the Reverend Chamber, and all the Officers of the Chancery, all that is due to them for the dispatch of that business. The day before the Consistory for determining, the Cardinal Ponente sends a memorial to all the rest of the Cardinals, in which, he succinctly recites the manner of the whole Process, to the end, that if any Cardinal could make any exception, he knew against whom he was to speak, and as soon as the Presentation is over by the Cardinal Ponente, the Pope turns to the Cardinal Deacon, and demands if he has any thing to say to the contrary, if he has any, he declares it, if not, he rises up, says no, and approves what the Cardinal Ponente has done, and so his Holiness decrees, and gives the person that Church, which is entered immediately into a Note by the Cardinal Vicechancellor, and Sealed with his Seal. Upon this Decree, the Cardinal Ponente draws up a Schedule, Subscribes it with his own Hand, and Seals it with his own Seal; and by virtue of this Schedule, and another which they call the Counterpart under the Hand and Seal of the Cardinal Vicechancellor, the Bull is immediately dispatched: The Cardinal Ponente receives ordinarily as his Right, fifteen Ducats per Cent. out of the Chamber of all the Revenues of that Church, that person is recommended to: if he be presented by the Pope himself, the said sum is to be paid to the College of the Apostolic Secretaries: if one be presented by a Cardinal that has not been formerly in Rome, the Cardinal is to pay the fifteen per Cent, but if the Cardinal be present, or has been in Rome, he is freed from that payment. The person presented, stirs not out of his house that morning, but shaves his head, and after Dinner puts himself into his Pontifical Habit like a Bishop, with his black Hat, Hatband, and a green welt about the brims. After this, he is to go into the Pope's Palace, where (introduced by the Master of the Chamber) he is to kiss the Pope's foot, who with his own hands puts his Rochet over him, such a one as the Bishops are wont to wear of their own. The new Bishop is then to visit the whole College of Cardinals, and without any order or precedence, he may visit them next he thinks most convenient, provided he begins with the Cardinal Deacon. Those that are presented to any See out of Italia, are obliged to all these things but examination, and if they be absent, they do all per procuratorem.  
The Cardinal Deacon is head of the Congregation de negotii Consistoriali, but having no particular business, only such things as his Holiness particularly refers to them, which are usually, renuntiations of Bishoprics, the Taxes of the Church, and such things; they meet but seldom. This Congregation is called by the Cardinal its head, and held in his house.  
In all the aforementioned Congregations, there are several Cardinals, sometime more, sometime fewer, as we have said, but the greatest number of all is in the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars, where there are sometime four and wenty present. Every Congregation has its particular Secretary, whose care it is to draw up the Orders exactly to the Decrees that are made in full Congregations, every Cardinal Subscribing them, and Sealing them with his own Seal. But it is to be understood, that when there is a Consistory, there is never any Congregation, for upon any intimation from the Pope that he would have a Consistory, they leave the Congregation and repair thither.  
The three Arch-Priestships of the three Cathedrals in Rome, that is of Saint John de Lateran, of Saint Peter, and of Santa Maria Maggiore, are always in the persons of the Cardinals. And of the dignity of these three Offices we may judge, if we consider that there is not any of them falls, but the present Pope bestows it immediately upon one of his Cardinal Nephews, and the Popes do seldom confer any thing upon them, but the best and most profitable offices in the Church. Each of these Archpriests has his Deputy, and he assigns him what profit he pleases, which for the most part is the Revenue of a Canon. They have each of them power indulged them to dispose of what Benefices, Clerkships, Chaplainships, and other things that fall within their several Churches. Every Pope also does usually allow each of them a Canonship.  
The Archpriest of Saint John de Lateran administers Justice both in cases Criminal and Civil, to all such persons that live within a certain distance from his Cathedral according to his Jurisdiction. In the year of Jubily, the Archpriest goes in his Pontificalibus, with a great train on horseback to his own Church to open the Holy Gate. The Cardinal Deacon observes the same order in the Church of Saint Paul, and the same Ceremony is used when the Holy Gate is shut again. This is to be understood of the two Archpriests of St. John de Lateran, and of Santa Maria Maggiore, for the Pope in St. Peter's Church, opens and shuts the Holy Gate himself, and no●●he Archpriest. In all these great Churches, there are Penitentiaries, that is to say, the Jesuits in the Church of St. Peter, the Franciscans in the Church of S▪ John de Lateran, and the Dominicans in the Church di Santa Maria Maggiore. The Penitentiaries have good Lodgings and accommodations in each of the●e places; where they live comfortably at the charge of the Pope, or rather of the Church, being obliged to be constantly in the Church to receive the Confessions of all that come thither to confess themselves. Amongst these Fathers, there are some that confess people in divers Languages, and one of them in each Church has the Title of Rector.  
All these Offices and Dignities that belong to the Cardinals only, besides honour, they bring great advantages to them; but the Congregations have nothing but trouble, and if they have any profit at all, it is accompanied with so many inconveniences, that many had rather be without it, for those incommodities would be more tolerable, were they not joined with something that is incompatible, by the communication of continual disgusts and peevishness into the Breasts of those Cardinals that are deputed thither by his Holiness; there being some of them of two or three several Congregations, as if it were on purpose to multiply the inconveniences that do follow that appearance of honour.  
Let it not seem strange if I say the Cardinals are sometime transported with rage in their Congregations, because the Popes give them but too much occasion, in not suffering any thing but their profit and advantage to be consulted, and which is worse, the Pope's Nephews do spoil all their Politics, and after they are tired and lost in the business, they turn it over upon the mature prudence, as they call it, of the Congregations and Consistory; as if the Cardinals, like Tailors, were only to patch up what the Nephews had torn in the Church.  
The business of Castro has been so sifted and bandied about in the Congregations and Consistories, that some of the Cardinals (as is writ to me from Rome) have it ringing perpetually in their ears, so as they cannot sleep in their beds for it. Others there are, whose minds and imaginations are so full of it, they run from one thing to another in their discourse, and talk of Castro, when they would have talked of Constantinople.  
But some will ask me from whence comes this delay, perhaps from the irresolution of the Cardinals? No Sir, from the irregular authority of the Popes, who will do things in spite of the advice of the Cardinals; but of that we have said enough already, and shall not by a superfluous repetition rub up those old Sores that afflict the Church, as well as the hearts of the Cardinals. It is sufficient, if I say his Holiness erected so many Congregations to conceal the infinite Enormities committed by the Nephews in the Government of the Church: And these are the Congregation at Rome. The Popes pretend, and indeed will do all things; and if the Cardinals know how to comply with the Wills of the Popes, all is well, otherwise he turns and winds them, till at last they come about to the humour of the Pope and his Nephews. In short, the Cardinals consult in Rome, and the Pope decrees according as he is advised by his Council. But the Cardinals do not so much as consult about any thing that is proposed by the Pope, and which he is resolved to decree.  
I was asked lately by a friend that was an outlandish man, what share the Cardinals had in the Canonization of a Saint; to which I replied, that they had a great deal of trouble by reason of the many Consistories that were held, of which it will not be amiss to speak something by the buy. The Popes before they proceeded to Canonization, are wont to have four Consistories of Cardinals, the two first are in private, the third public, and the fourth betwixt both; in the first, the Pope gives answer to such Petitions as they have received from some Prince, Province, or City, and refers it to three Auditors di Rota to examine the Process diligently, who having made their report that it was well, his Holiness recommends it again to three Cardinals to be re-examined whether it be agreeable to the Auditor's report. In the second Consistory, the Cardinals to whom it is referred, do declare that they have seen and considered the Process, and that they find the report of the Auditors to be true. The third Consistory (which is public) is in the Sala Reggia, where the Cardinals render their obedience, and where the Advocate of the Consistory makes an Harangue of the Life and Miracles of the Saint. In the fourth Consistory that is but half public, and held in the Sala Ducale, the Pope comes with his Mitre upon his head, and his single Rochet upon his shoulders, and there are present, not only the Cardinals, but the Patriarches, Arch-Bishops, Bishops, Auditor's di Rota, and Protonotaries.  
The Pope inquires after every man's opinion whether that Canonization be to be made or not, and if the Major part say yes, he degrees him esse Canonizandum, and appoints the day for his Canonization, on which there are many Ceremonies used. The Pope, and the Cardinals, are all in their Surplices, with every one a lighted Torch in his hand, in which posture they go in Procession through the Piazza, where the Guards of light Horse are drawn up, as soon as they are come into the Church, the Cardinals pay their Reverences, and then there is a Hymn sung in the Choir; that done, three Instances are made by the Procurator of that Prince, Province, or City, upon whose request the Canonization is made, a Mass is sung, and his Holiness presented with two young Turtles, and other little Birds, in two Silver Baskets, many of which Birds are let go. Mass being ended, the Cardinals put off their Habits, and attend his Holiness back again.  
We have spoken thus far of what is done whilst the Cardinals are living; it will not be amiss to observe something now that passes at their death. A Cardinal being dead, he is carried to the next Church to the place where he died; his body is laid upon a high Scaffold built on purpose, on a quilt of Cloth of Gold, dressed in the same Habit he wore when he was admitted into that Order, that is, if he was a Bishop, in his Rocher, if he was a Priest, in his Chopines, if a Deacon, in his Cassock, with his wont Mitre at his head, and two Pontifical red Caps at his feet. After Dinner, all the Fryeries go to that Church, and there say the Offices for the dead, and cause a Nocturral to be rehearsed, during which, the Cardinals are in their Purple Habits, and entering into the Church, they put on their Copes of the same colour; and that done, they go and pray to the Host, after that, they advance to the feet of the Corpse, where saying a Pater Noster, they sprinkle the Carcase with Holy water, repeating some usual Ver●●s and Prayers for the dead, and then they return to their places, and this is performed by every Cardinal that is present; but if there come more Cardinals than ordinary, the anuentest performs the Ceremony for the rest, they sitting still in their orders in the Church till the service is done. The four Masters of the Ceremonies are assisting in like manner with their upper Garment of Purple Serge, the Sergeants also in their long Purple Gowns, with their Silver Maces in their hands, with every one of them a Priest's Cap given them for a present. There are also two of the dead Cardinal's Crowns standing by in mourning, with two Bannerols of black Taffeta, with his Arms painted upon them, in their hands; the Church is hung also with black, with the Cardinal's Scutcheons fastened upon them, and such Trophies as are usual at the Funerals of great Persons.  
They are buried for the most part in the Churches of their Titles, with great Pomp, the Friars marching with great Tapers in their hands, and after them the Major Domo, the Bishops, the Apostolical Protonatories on Mules pontifically, with the Masters of the Ceremonies, and his Holinesses Family in long red Robes; and this Ceremony is always performed about the four and twentieth hour. But those that desire to be buried without any Pomp, are carried privately in a Coach about two a Clock in the morning to the place where they are to be interred. Those Cardinals that are descended from great Families, and have rich Relations, have their Exchequer in the Church where they are buried, with noble Hearses, where the whole College of Cardinals are assistant at the singing of Mass, making Orations in praise of the Cardinal departed, and performing other Ceremonies not unlike those before mentioned.  
It is now time I return, and say something to the general satisfaction; and indeed, though I may wander a little in some particulars, my chief design is common satisfaction; above all things else, I think convenient to touch something in this place upon the Original of the Title of Eminence, which is of that value now adays amongst the Cardinals, they would think him almost a Heretic, that should deprive them of it.  
But before we pass to the Titles of the Cardinals, it will be requisite to say somewhat of the Titles of the Popes, which are as great, if not greater, than the Titles of our Saviour, differing only in point of duration, ●ur Saviour's being Eternal, and the Popes but Momentary. By the Law of Nature, the Popes must leave their Title of Holiness taken up in the Vatican, and die like a corruptible worm, whereas our Saviour, whose Holiness is natural to him, remains to all Eternity: for what cause is it then, that the Popes take such pains themselves, and their flatterers also lay about them, to heap Title upon Title upon them; seeing in spite of all they can do, they must die, and return to their first principals of dust and vanity.  
The Holy Scripture pronounces Christ Impeccable, the Books and Theologists of Rome, do the same for the Pope; Christ was called Holy, so is his Holiness, Blessed, and so is he. In the infancy of Christianity, the light of Holiness shined out in the Consciences of Christians, blessedness in their minds, and their Impeccability in their Zeal and Ardour for the service of the Church, which rewarded their labours with a Crown of Martyrdom. Those Titles that are now in such esteem, were not only undervalued then, but with a Pious Zeal despised and abhorred, the Popes and the ecclesiastics taking more glory in the humility of their Lives, than in all the variety of Titles could be given them; and upon what grounds? Because being instructed by the Celestial love of the Holy Spirit, they understood very well, that giving way to the outward applause of the people, it could not but communicate something of the venom of Ambition within, which is the Harbinger of all the mischiefs in the Church.  
Had any one in those days gone into the Pope's presence with those Titles that are in such request at this present in Rome, and the Vatican, that is, with the Titles of Blessed, or Holy; he would have been looked upon as a most pestilent flatterer, and have been banished the Vatican, and made uncapable of any part of the benignity of the Pope, or of any preferment in the Apostolic Sea; and for what reason? Because the Popes had then no need of begging those Titles from man, when by their Repentance, and Sackcloth, their Fasting and Prayers, their Mortifications and good Works that overflowed, like a River the banks of the Church, they both challenged and deserved them. The good Popes did then labour from morning to night by their good works, to demonstrate that they were blessed already by that God that can alone give blessedness to man; and therefore they despised that happiness that was got by ambition, which make people happy only in the sight of the world. They abominated as a Serpent that Holiness was given them by the Priests, because they knew that that Holiness in the Tongue, would be a pernicious Poison in their Hearts.  
Many there are, as well devote as ingenious, that have broke their brains almost to find out the reason for the introduction of such throngs of Titles into the Church, and after no small toil, they observed that the Pope and the ecclesiastics have scrambled as it were for them, since there was brought in so much Riches to the Church; so that the Wealth being increased, their Ambition and Vanity is increased with it; the lustre of Gold, and the splendour of Silver, do illustrate the Majesty of the Popes, and gild over the comeliness of the Ecclesiastic. And this Metal, that with so much labour both of Prince and People, is drawn out of the Bowels of the Earth where it was buried, as if it had been ashamed to appear before the face of the Church, as conscious of corrupting it at the very first sight, and being entered. of making such a noise in the breasts of those ecclesiastics that embrace it so greedily, that in a short time there should be nothing but Echoes of flatrery heard in the Church, every one striving with emulation to tickle the ears of the Pope; who, lulled as it were with the Harmony, delighted himself in that imaginary glory, which by degrees raised up a whole Army of Vices to beleaguer the Rock of the Holy Church, labouring by all means possible, to banish Piety and Holiness of life, from the Sanctuary of the Church.  
For four Ages together, the Popes lived without the least tincture of Vanity or Pride, Humility and Modesty was all their practice, whereby they kindled and excited Devotion in the hearts of the Faithful, who had the good fortune to see the Church Governed by Pastors, whose thoughts were humble, and whose actions were modest. The Titles the Popes than chose to distinguish themselves from the people, were so poor and abject, it inflamed them with Obedience, and communicated a Zeal to the most obstinate Sinners, who could not but triumph in their Obedience to such Superiors, as took more pleasure to serve, than to command the Church.  
What Heart of Stone, what Conscience of Flint, what Rock of Pride or Obstinacy, would not have been reduced to powder, to hear the Popes, Christ's Vicars, God's Vicegerents upon Earth, Heads of the Church, Supreme Ministers of Christianity, and Pastors of the Flock of Christ, call themselves with so much humility, Poor Sinners, Humble Servants of God, and Servants of his Servants? These were the Titles of Honour the Holy Popes in the blessed time of the Church's Infancy, did so much glory in; with these Titles (which our present ecclesiastics do so much abominate) did those Primitive Pastors draw millions of Sinners to repentance: whereas now in this Age, that abounds with so many Ecclesiastical Titles, there is scarce one Proselyte made after several months' pains, with all the Menaces of their Arms, nor all the power of their whole Troops of Apostolical Missionaries; but who could have been able to have resisted the Tears of those Popes that humbled themselves to all men? Who would not willingly have turned to the Church of Christ, to see the Governors of it so Humble, Holy, Devout, and Pious?  
Pope Gregory (who was the first that took upon him the Title of Servant to the Servants of God) presaged very well when he gave this answer to a Cardinal that advised him against speaking so humbly of himself, That there was not a more efficacious way to be found out to call sinners to Repentance, than the humility in the ecclesiastics that had the care of them; and another time, it being told him by a Bishop, that it was a prejudice to the Majesty of the Vicarship of Christ, to debase himself as he did, his thoughts being fixed wholly upon humility, he returned this answer, And how? Christ our King saved the World by his Humiliation, and shall we that are but his Servants, govern it with Pride?  
Experience teaches us, so that we cannot pretend ignorance in this case; and I know the Prelates that are enemies to flattery, and zealous in the Service of God, will not oblige me to lie, they understanding very well the detriment the Church has received by the introduction of ambition into the hearts of the ecclesiastics, and if they be silent, it is because they are fearful of disgusting those that command in Rome.  
Every one knows, that whilst the Popes lived with their low and humble, their abject and contemptible Titles, Holiness of life did blaze as it were in the Lap of the Church; the Christians living with a certain devout simplicity, and glorying with just reason to acknowledge them for true and lawful Vicars of Christ, and for worthy Successors to St. Peter, those Popes that aspired not to the Papacy for the augmentation of the wealth of their Families, or for multiplying worldly honours upon their own persons; but as Servants of God, to be serviceable to his Flock. Those Popes I say that sought the Popedom, not to domineer or insult to the prejudice of Princes, but to humble themselves in favour of the people. Who is it that is ignorant of the great miseries the poor Church has suffered? Who is it that is not sensible of the dangers with which it has been many times overwhelmed, since that time in which the Popes began with so much vanity to disdain those low and humble, those holy and devout Titles; and to take upon them the most arrogant and lofty ones imaginable, passing from Modesty, to Pride, from Humility to Haughtiness, and from Ecclesiastical simplicity, to the vanity of the World, which at this present is too predominant.  
Schisms, Heresies, and the destruction of Kingdoms, from whence had they their original, but from the invention and vanity of so many Titles that seemed to be invented on purpose to disturb the peace of the Church? Many do observe, and that with no small displeasure, that the Christian Church began to abate and fall off from its original splendour, from that very time the Popes began to usurp the Titles of Holiness, and Blessedness; with these Titles were scruples brought amongst Christians, so that what the faithful did before affectionately, and with all their hearts, worshipping and owning the Popes to be Christ's true Vicar upon Earth, they could not afterwards be brought to, by all their promises, entreaties or threats; being fearful they should err, in calling the Pope Holy, that had no Holiness, and Blessed, that had no Blessedness; but what the Commodities of the world do usually afford.  
The same thing (or very like it) is happened in the person of the Cardinals, by the introduction and heaping of Titles upon Titles. In the first Ages of the Church's Infancy, the Cardinals were so humble and modest, they thought the Title of Fratello nel Signore observandissimo, most observant Brother in the Lord, too high, too great, too eminent and fastigious for them; yet the same Title that the Cardinals took so much glory in then, is now despised as too low, by the vilest of the Clergy, and the most abject Cook, or Butler of the Cloister.  
The first Ebullitions of humility being over, and the Rays of modesty that glittered formerly in the persons of the Cardinals, beginning to decay, they looked out for Titles correspondent to the ambition of their hearts, with which they studied to advance themselves to the degrees and honours of this world; and therefore laying aside the Title (which was ordinary to the Cardinals) of Reverendo, they took that of Reverendissimo, upon them, which they kept for the space of eight in●re Ages, till at length the simple Prelates growing ambitious (for they had already usurped the Title of Reverend, which the Cardinals had rejected) they gave them occasion to take the Title of Illustrissimo in exchange, which was very well liked of by the Cardinals, they believing that Title sufficient to illustrate the actions of a Cardinal, whether good or bad. And so the Cardinals having rejected the Title of Reverendissimo, and assumed that of Illustrissimo, all the Abbots and Prelates began to make bold with the Title of Reverendissimo, which is grown at present so common amongst the ecclesiastics, the Canonists themselves disdain it, and the most vile and inconsiderable little Priests, will challenge and expect it.  
The Cardinals were contented with the Title of Illustrissimo, and they show it by experience; living for much above two Ages in that manner, not regarding the acquisition of greater Titles and Prerogatives, they changed as it were a little smoke, for a great piece of meat. But if the Cardinals were contented, Pope Vrban the eight was not; who in the beginning of his Papacy, not being satisfied to pervert and misapply the riches of the Church, to the advancing the Fortunes of his languishing Family, he would go further yet, and upon the Anvil of Ambition forge a higher and more sublime Title, than that with which the Cardinals were contented; and which is worse, not moved by any respect to the Decorum of the Church, or the Majesty of the Cardinalship, but for the greater honour of his own Nephews only.  
Many and various were the thoughts of Pope Vrban about this matter, troubling and distracting himself (as is reported) several hours in the night, to find out greater Titles and Prerogatives. At first he thought to have given the Title of Highness to the Cardinals, as knowing he could not ennoble his Nephews with a greater Title than the rest, so that under pretence of advancing them all, he engrandized his own Nephews amongst them. But desirous to give the Cardinals some Title that might be peculiar to their Dignity, it was some trouble to his spirits to consider that Title was common to other Princes; at last after much watching, and ambitious study, he found out the Title of Eminence, which was received with great applause by all the Cardinals, who gave the Pope solemn thanks that they were made Eminentissimi in his Papacy; and to take away all suspicion of ingratitude, they suffered him to dispose of the Treasure of the Church at his pleasure, of which price of gratitude the Church is sensible at this day.  
The improvident and capricious introduction of the Title of Eminence in the persons of the Cardinals, gave not only occasion of argument and dispute amongst the People, but discomposed and subverted (as one may say) the repose of all the Princes of Christendom, and especially of Italy; for they being jealous to see the Cardinals so exalted in their Titles, that they might not become their Inferiors that had been their Superiors so long, especially in the excellence of their Titles, they began to hold conferences, and to consider of ways to restrain the pride of the Cardinals ' and at last after several debates, they resolved to leave the Title of Excellence, and take up the Title of Highness, which is used at this day in Christendom as the Highest of Titles, and assumed by many Princes without State, or Principality, or merit, or money, who are transported to hear themselves called by the Title of Highness; as if the ambition of a bare Title were sufficient to maintain that grandeur they aspired to; and which is worse, those persons are more ambitious of those Titles that enjoy them by force, than those that are possessed of them by their merit.  
Of the Title of Excellence I say nothing, holding my peace for my reputation sake, because 'tis become now so common, I will not say in all Europe, but in all Italy, that 'tis usurped by Marquess', or rather Counts, that have nothing else to Count (I speak it with reverence to their Dignity) but Lice; and I can speak it with good reason, that I have heard in the State of Saint Mark only (for I will not restrain myself to the City of Venice) the Title of Excellence given to above six hundred persons, (if I should say eight I should not exceed;) yet fifty years since there were not a hundred in all Italy, men and women and all, that carried the Title of Excellence: And the reason was, because that Title was then in so great esteem, it was given only to Princes, whereas now a-dayes it is given even to the Staffieri; besides the Doctors, those especially that have least Learning, will not give you an answer if you call them not Excellentissimi Signori.  
And from whence is this unmeasurable inundation, or corruption rather, of Titles amongst Secular Princes, but from the ambition of the ecclesiastics in Rome, who forgetful of the humility the Ecclesiastical habits did formerly show, are given up wholly to the study of Pride, and guided by an ambition that has been always connatural to them that believe they can alter the order, even of Nature itself. It is certainly a great shame to all Christendom, to say that the Secular State is constrained to beg Examples of humane greatness, from the worldly greatness that is in the possession of the Ecclesiastic? It is a great and deplorable misery, to observe Princes obliged to leave their proper Titles, to beg new of others, if not improper to their Births, at least lofty, and contrary to ancient Custom; and all for the conservation of the Majesty of their persons, being persecuted by the pride and insolence of those ecclesiastics, that ought rather to have given them Examples of humility.  
But that which is most curious and remarkable, is that at the same time that the Princes began to treat of, assuming (with just reason) the Title of Altezza, lest they should be wanting to the dignity of their Characters, the Cardinals being jealous of becoming inferior in the degrees of honour that they so much aspired to, with great passion, and violence of words, they endeavoured to obstruct them; from whence it is that Pope Vrban the eight (as if all Titles, and Honours, had depended upon him) declared that he would give the Princes no other Title than that of Excellence: which they had so long enjoyed.  
But they despising with good reason his irrational threats, betook themselves also to threatening, and protested they would not give the Cardinals the Title of Eminence, if they did not give them first the Title of Highness. And this I know that a certain Secretary of State having received a Letter one day directed from a Cardinal to his Prince, with no other Title but Excellence, he sent it back again with this writ in a Note, My Master receives no Letters from him that knows not his Merit. And a Prince receiving a Letter that was sent to him from a Cardinal (that is now alive) without the Title of Highness, having read the Superscription, he returned it to the person that brought it, and told him, That the Cardinal had a drunken Secretary, and one that did not know what Titles Princes deserved. I could instance in several examples of this kind, but I forbear, left it should render my History too prolix: it is enough to let you know, that the Cardinals (to prevent the loss of the Title of Eminence, which had been already denied them by many) did find themselves obliged to give the Princes the Title of Highness.  
I had spoke of the Chamberlains of the Holy College, when I spoke of his Holiness his Chamberlains; but I thought it convenient to discourse of it in particular, but with brevity. It is to be understood then amongst the Cardinals, there is always one of them Chamberlains of the Sacred College. which is altogether distinct from the other Chamberlain I mentioned among the Offices belonging to the persons of the Cardinals. The chiefest difference lies in this, that the Pope's Chamberlain is for life, but this of the Sacred College but for a year; the Cardinals that are present in the Court, succeeding one another according to their Seniority. His business is to take care of the the Revenue of the Sacred College, and at the years end, when he is to resign up his Office, he gives every CArdinal his proportion; but those that are absent enjoy their share but for 6. months after their departure from Rome.  
There are many other things I could have inserted sufficiently pertinent to the Cardinalship; but that would be to ingulf myself in an Ocean too far off from any Port: for the Majesty of the Cardinals being really so ample, and so considerable in the Church, it follows by consequence that they must have an infinity of considerable particularities; however I think what is spoken already, sufficient to give the Reader full satisfaction. For the abbreviation therefore of my History, I shall pass to the particular of the Divines which the Cardinals have always about them, and indeed it is a point of no small concernment.  
Before we proceed therefore to find out the cause why the customs of keeping Champion Divines, was first introduced, it is to be understood, that the Cardinals are obliged by the nature of their dignity, to defend the Church from all those Heretical molestations with which it has from its infancy been disturbed; and are besides bound to propugne and maintain the excellence of the Roman Religion, with such arguments as are necessary for the conviction of all contrary opinions. And forasmuch as to a small number of learned Cardinals (as is mentioned in another place) there is a much greater number of ignorant ones, that are not only unable to defend the Church of Christ, but to understand the Essence of the Religion they possess; to prevent any danger that might occur, they do keep their several Divines ready upon all occasions in their behalf with the two Swords of their Tongue and their Pen, to justify the verity of the Catholic Faith, that it be not swallowed up and overwhelmed with Heresy.  
But to speak the truth, all this is but a Ceremony, whilst the Cardinals instead of choosing learned persons and exemplary for their Champions, they many times choose such as are more ignorant than themselves, and like those that have read Divinity in the Kitchen, having nothing but the Beard and the Conscience of a Divine. Yet it is true, there are some of them so prudent notwithstanding, that they will oftentimes withdraw themselves from disputes, under pretence of some Office they are to recite for the dead; so that instead of giving the Heretics a sight of their Errors, they suffer them to diffuse and disseminate their false Doctrines, even in the very Court of the poor Cardinals, who are guilty of no other fault, than to have received such a generation of people into their Service.  
Ordinarily these Divines are of the Regular Orders, and sometimes Priests and Secular Canons; but whether they be of the one side or the other, they know very well to make the best use, and perhaps too much, of the charge that is given them, not for their merit, for that is but little regarded in Rome (and that in the very Election of the Pope also) but for some great and violent recommendation, which is that which preva●●● most now adays amongst Christians, and ecclesiastics in all Europe, but especially in Rome, where this Proverb is very frequent, Che gli offici, fanno gl● amici.  
And from hence it comes, that the charges of Divines are most commonly bestowed upon ignorant, insolent, proud, vainglorious, and perverse persons; because the virtuous, modest, worthy, and good ones, will not prostitute their deserts, but choose rather to lie languishing in their Cells, believing the merit of their virtue, and other good qualities, will some time or other knock at the door of the Cardinal's Consciences, to demand them; but they die in their Errors, for living too much in that hope, and why so? Because the most ignorant are privately conscious of their ignorance, and will not have it exposed to the eyes of all the world, nor suffer their insufficiency to be too far known; besides being refractory and untractable, as it is the nature of ignorant people to be, they endeavour what they can to free themselves from the obedience of the Cloister, in consideration of some respect that is given to them, or to their pretended office They run up and down from morning to night, at all hours whatsoever, traversing of Rome, and the greatest part of the Prince's Courts in Christendom, to get Letters of recommendation, and they are mightily deficient if it goes no further than Prayers; the worst is, they promise this Secretary a dozen of Silk Stockings, and that Major Domo a purse of Gold stolen out of the Alms of the poor Cloister of which they boast themselves to be Sons, which Sonship, is oftentimes purchased notwithstanding. With these ways they obtain their desired Offices, under the shelter of which, they commit a thousand enormities either out of ignorance, or malice, all of them falling heavy upon the reputation of the Cardinals, who deserve to be paid by such people, in such coin; that is, for so easily believing a bundle of recommendations, in matters of that importance.  
This office of Cardinals Divine, were it exercised by some true and able School Divine, with its just decency and decorum, and not rudely and ignorantly by those Kitchen Divines, certainly it would be honourable to the person that executed it, profitable for the affairs of the Church, and no small assistance to the Cardinal that maintains it. But whilst Election is still made of unworthy persons, and such as are only recommended, Adieu all Theological dignity, Adieu the Advantage of the Church, Adieu all Assistance to the Cardinals.  
That which some of very good judgements admire, is, that ordinarily that office of a Divine, has the office of a Consultor joined with it, and indeed the Theologist ought to consult of the roughest and most intricate matters that occur in the Congregations; but because he oftentimes, without Counsel, not to say judgement; instead of advising his Cardinals, opposes the good Counsels of him, who seems obliged to find fault with them that had recommended him. And would to God things would stop here: I would to God they would not pass the bounds of all honesty, nor give any further scandal either to Rome, or Christendom. He that knows the affairs, and intrigues of the Court, understands me without more ado; but I will make myself understood by those also that are ignorant of them.  
There are some of these Cardinal's Divines, that knowing their own inabilities, and incapacities to serve their Padroni in matters of Theology, either with the pains of their Pens, or the frequency of good Counsels, they endeavour to obtain the favour of the Cardinals they serve, by inveighing him to dishonesty, and opening the Gate for him to Sensuality and Lust. I could produce several examples of this Nature, and cite such Divines as are of the same humour, but I will forbear it out of several respects; Yet I cannot forbear telling of a certain Divine now living, who besides his Theological Service, having received I know not what Benefice or Dignity by the recommendation of the Cardinal he served, he did him other good service too as a Pimp, conveying into the Cardinal's Chamber, most nights, a certain paltry Queen in man's apparel, that would pass for a Lady amongst the rest of the Whores, the good Divine keeping the Chambermaid for his own use in the mean time; but the best part of the History was, that he did confess and absolve the Cardinal and the Lady, and her Maid; those Courtiers receiving no small offence, that were constrained to be Spectators of such actions as these.  
I will not say for all this, but there are some of these Cardinal's Divines in Rome, that are worthy Theologists, and accomplished with all things requisite for the edification of the Court, for the defence of Christianity, and for the reputation of those Cardinals that have received them into their houses; but they are so rare, one must fix his eyes very well that searches for them, or walk up and down like the Philosopher with his Lantern, that was seeking an honest man in that posture at noon day.  
Some Cardinals there are, that have none of these Divines at all in their Courts, for being doubtful of finding a good one, they will avoid the danger of having a bad. Certainly those Cardinals deserve great commendations, that are so careful to Elect their Divines; as well virtuous and learned in Theology, as zealous in the Divine Worship, fearful of God, and of their own Consciences, whilst by the Council of their Divines, and the advice of their Councillors that serve them on purpose, they may be able to serve the Church in her need, that gave them their greatness, and bring great advantage to Christianity, that is, in want of such Protectors as they, if they will employ them as they ought; for to say the truth, it is not enough to make choice of a virtuous Divine, but it is necessary also to know which way to employ him suitably to the charge that is given him. On the other side, how much greater praise do they deserve that, endeavour to call the Divines to their duties as loud as they can. Others are as much to be condemned, that suffer themselves to be served by such Divines as are accustomed to write all day in the Chimney-corner with the Pen of a Ladle, upon the Paper of a Pipkin.  
The Courts of the Cardinals are they, that either honour or dishonour the Cardinals themselves, the scandals of their ill Courtiers being oftentimes like poison, that though pleasant in the palate, yet taken down into the Body, gripes and torments the reputation of the Cardinal that had no other fault perhaps, than to suffer himself to be served by so unworthy a person; and on the other side, it falls out as often, that the good and modest actions of deserving and meritorious Courtiers, do make the people believe a bad Cardinal, a good one, so that the ecclesiastics ought to use great caution, especially the Cardinals in the Election of their Courtiers, that they may not suffer by other people's offences.  
But some will say, the Cardinals have no need of such advice, they know their own business better that are in Rome, than they that are at a distance. I answer, that that Rule is fallable, for the Cardinals see what is before their faces, but not that which is behind their backs. Let that Censurist consider a little, that believes all that I have writ to be erroneous. There departed from Rome not many years since, a certain person that had served a Cardinal above six years, being arrived in Holland, he changed his Religion, and his discretion also, and ran up and down the Streets all day long, publishing of things that reflected very much upon the Reputation of the Cardinal whom he had served.  
But for my part, I believed not the Satirical relations of that person, as not conceiving it possible a Cardinal should be so weak to commit matters of great consequence to such a person. But let it be as it will, it is sufficient that the ecclesiastics use no small diligence in the Election of their Courtiers, lest their private errors become public offences.  
Ancient custom has not permitted the Cardinals to keep young Pages that may give occasion of scandal to the Court; notwithstanding there are some Cardinals (that know very well the Papacy is not for them) who break those Customs and Laws, because several Popes had by express order applied remedies thereunto, which thing ought not to be; not that I can charge the Cardinals with making any ill use of it; but that the rest of the Courtiers make none of the best. It edifies exceedingly both Strangers and Citizens to see a Cardinal's Court full of grave, and wise, and modest men; and on the contrary, it gives as much scandal to the world, to see a Court consisting of scandalous, rash, and insolent Courtiers, as it happens for the most part. There have been some Cardinals have been seen taking distaste at other Cardinals their friends, others have fallen quite out in defence of the rogueries of some of their Servants, that under the name of the Cardinal they served, broke up the doors of the most honourable Matrons.  
God knows at what price those wicked Courtiers do sell the reputation of the Cardinals; God knows how many untruths they tell in a day, to make it be believed, that they do nothing but by order from their Patron, although they be for the most part but the taste of their wickedness; I know a Canon, who to obtain his Canonship, had served a Cardinal formerly several years, but the way that he served him was strange, he went very often to the handsomest and most famous Courtesans in Rome, pretending that he was sent by the Cardinal his Master (that lives yet) to let them understand the affection he bore them, and his great desire of entertaining them in private. To others, he gave hopes that they should enjoy the Cardinal, for above two months' time, during which space, he forbore not to enjoy them under the name of his Patron, who thought of nothing less than a Woman. In short, this good Courtier understood the mystery very well to make the name of the Cardinal subservient to his Lusts, and which makes it the better, without the expense of a shilling, whilst the Courtesans of Rome would give themselves willingly to the Devil, so that they might obtain the favour of any Cardinal, or of the Nephew of any Governing Pope. This Canon has not been the only man that has done such exploits. There are others that go up and down doing a great deal worse, and with that secrecy, that they pretend themselves Confessors, but act like Pimps, and which is more, playing the Pimp and the Whoremaster together: I know what I say, because I have heard it whispered a thousand times in Rome; but I hold my peace, that I may not at this time appear to be a Roman.      

THE ITALIAN PRINTER TO THE READER.  
THE Second Part of Cardinalismo, to speak truth, hath been Printed abruptly, and twice or thrice laid aside, the Author (by reason of the difficulty of receiving the memoirs) not being able to send me his Manuscripts in due time, however (though it be not without its share of Errors) it is notwithstanding more correct than the rest; the principal faults is (and which he could not possibly avoid) the confusion in matters of Order and Preceedence, which he promised to observe; but that in my judgement is not of much importance; it being no great Error in History, if a Cardinal of the first Rank be mistaken, and put in the second. Another is, that there is no Alphabetical Order observed, which could not be done, because the Author received not his Memoires in an Alphabetical way, and besides he was in expectation of the promotion of these last Cardinals. One thing kind Reader I can assure you, and swear before the Divine Majesty, that the Author being uninterested and impartial, has mollyfyed and sweetened several expressions that were very bitter and pungent in the Memoires he received from Rome. For it is too well known through the whole world, that the Shears wherewith the Romans cut out the Habits of the Clergy, have as many teeth as a Handsaw. Nay I will go yet further, and affirm, that the ecclesiastics, even among themselves, do write oftentimes so invectively, that they give great occasion of scandal to the Protestants. I that have been a Printer this fifty years and more, can with a good Conscience say, I have Printed many Manuscripts concerning the State of Rome, consigned me by both Protestant and Catholic Authors; but the Catholics Writings have still dissatisfied me more than the Protestants; insomuch, that I have oftentimes, contrary to the Author's mind, taken upon me to expunge several injurious and undecent expressions. The Catholics for the most part being Satirical in their Writings against Rome, the Protestants only Historical; so as I would choose rather to Print a Protestants works, than a Catholics. But let us leave these kind of Complaints, the Catholics knowing much better how things are carried amongst themselves, than the Protestants do. Thus far only I shall advertise the Reader, that I am about putting a History into the Press, that is well worth the reading in this Age.  
All that have read the Manuscript, have told me, I did well to Print it, and that it could not but take. And the Author assured me, that having found several curious Manuscripts in Ascoli, he was encouraged to undertake the whole trouble, and that he had spent more than ten years in searching of ancient Records. In short, kind Reader, it is the Life of Sextus Quintus, a Work replete, with infinite political Annotations, and multitudes of Curiosities, and Copies of Letters, both written and received by the said Sextus, besides thousand other things very grateful to the understanding of the Learned Virtuoso; I shall only add, that if you read it with attention, and it proves not delightful, wish a thousand ill years to the Author, and he will be contented. But I will say no more, lest I should lose time, for my desire is to have it extant within two Months.   

Il CARDINALISMO di Santa Chiesa, OR THE HISTORY OF CARDINALS. In III. Parts.  

PART II.  

BOOK I.  

The Contents.  
In which is treated, of the protection of Crowns given to the Cardinals in Rome. Of the reasons moving those Crowns to declare their Protectors in the Court of Rome. Of the advantages the said Protections do bring to such as exercise them. Of the Protection of the Regular Orders. Of the Causes for which they have introduced the said Protection. Of the reputation the Regulars have lost by the introduction of the said Protection. Of the Protectors that cannot with a safe Conscience protect the Friars, and the reason why. Of a Friar that writ several private Letters to a Protector, as well against his Friends, as his Enemies. Of the Roguery committed in the Cloisters, and the reason thereof. Of the manner by which the Religious advance themselves to preferments Of the Letters of recommendation to the Cardinal Protectors, which are obtained with very great cost by the Friars from the hands of the Courtiers, Of the Cardinals that dare not disoblige the Pope in what concerns the Protection of the Regulars. Of a Letter written by Cardinal Sachetti before his death, and directed to Pope Alexander the seventh. Of all the particulars contained in the said Letter, Of the effects occasioned by zeal in the hearts of the ecclesiastics that is not mixed with a holy magnanimity. Of the affliction the Cardinals suffer, to see the Wealth and Substance of the Church embezzled and destroyed. Of the Bishops that purchase their Mitres with ready money. Of the Cognisance the Cardinals have of the evils that happen daily to the Church, and of the small care they take to prevent them. Of the pretences the Cardinals use to make themselves to be thought innocent. Of the evils that Rome endures. Of an opinion of St. Jeromes, about such as are more sorrowful to see themselves condemned for other people's offences, than for their own. Of that which will be replied to the Cardinals at the day of Judgement, when they shall endeavour to excuse themselves with pretences. Of the torments those Cardinals have suffered, that would not consent to thr infamous desires of Alexander the sixth's Bastards. Of the proud and imperious humour of Paul the fourth. Of certain Congregations called by the Cardinals for the disposing of Urban the eight from the Papacy, and of the course he took to evade that conspiracy. Of the chastisement received by Alexander the sixth for having treated the Cardinals so ill. Of the small zeal those Cardinals expressed that endeavoured to depose Pope Urban. Of the great commendations Cardinal Pallavicino (before he received the purple Robe) gave Pope Alexander, because he kept his kindred so far from Rome, and of his opinion after they were brought in. Of the principal points the said Cardinal Pallavicino left in writing in the last period of his life. Of the Title of Prince of the Holy Church which the Cardinals at present enjoy. Of certain annotations upon that particular. Of the Authority the Popes have wrested out of the hands of the Cardinals. Of an example of Paul the second mentioned by Platina in the lives of the Popes. Of the common opinion about the Government exercised by the Pope's Nephews over the Church. Of Saint Peter that would never commit the command of the Church to any of his Kindred or Relations. Of the Cardinal's true Successors of the Apostles. Of the necessity of restraining the Nephews. Of a Letter written by the most Christian King to the Cardinals, about the accident that happened to his Ambassador in Rome, Of the answer the Cardinals returned to his most Christian Majesty; and of certain other particulars beside.   

AMong all the Cities of the Universe, Rome alone can boast itself, not only the Mother of Nations, and the Head of the World, but (which is more) a true Court of Kings, for as many Cardinals as are promoted in the Church, so many Kings are created in Rome. The two Monarchies, France, and Spain, that are as it were the two Poles of Christendom, do labour and tire themselves out with Arms in their hands, to defend that Church of which they are Sons and Protectors, and without whose protection, it would have certainly been sucked to the very Soul, by the ravenous and unsatiable lips of those ecclesiastics, who forbear not notwithstanding to engross great part of its nourishment, in spite of all their Royal diligence. But that which is most worthy of admiration is, that these two Monarches which pretend to the Protection of the Church, and do indeed protect it, do yet beg and implore, as it were, to have their interests protected by some Cardinal or other in the Court of Rome, as if their own merits were not sufficient to defend the interests of those Monarches, who are the very founders of the Monarchy of Rome. But that the Reader may be the better informed, I shall acquaint him, that at present it is the custom for every Crown to give the protection of its affairs to some of the Cardinals that are resident in Rome; and this protection is with good reason aspired to by the Cardinals in the highest degree. Insomuch as Alexander the seventh before he died, used his utmost endeavour to have Cardinal Chigi his Nephew declared Protector of Spain; but he could not obtain his desire, the Spaniard deluding him, sometimes with fair promises, and sometimes with excuses. Of all the protections of Crowns, which are five, the Empire, France, Spain, Poland, and Portugal; that of Spain is the most considerable, and by consequence most ambitioned. Not that Spain has merited more than the rest, and particularly than France; but in respect of the Territories they possess in Italy, in which it seems the Protector has great authority, disposing of many things at his pleasure, if not by an absolute jurisdiction, at least by his recommendations to the Governors of the Provinces, who do seldom omit to gratify his desires, and to acknowledge him the Protector of their King; besides which, there are a thousand other considerations that make the said protection so much coveted and aspired to by the Cardinals.  
And many are the reasons that induce those Crowns to declare their several Protectors in Rome; but if my judgement may pass, the greatest of all is to satisfy the ambition of those Cardinals, that from morning to night, study no other book, than the augmentation of their own Grandeur; and this is most certain, there is no greater dignity that a Cardinal can attain to, than to be made protector of some Crown. And to speak truth, there is something of magnificence in the Name of Protector, implying, that he which protects, has some superiority over him that is protected: however that rule does not hold in this case, for those Kings bestow not those Protectorships upon the Cardinals to receive, but to confer honour upon them, the Cardinals ordinarily making great application for the protection of a Crown, whereas in other protections, they are sought to themselves. It is not many years ago, since these protections of Crowns were introduced into the College of Cardinals,; in former times the Kings disdained them, their swords being their sufficient protections, the Pens of their Secretary doing that office, upon any emergence, gave immediate notice to the Court of Rome of their Master's pretensions. But since the Popes began to advance themselves so high to confound the Church and the World, Politics and Morals, Spiritual things with Temporal, the Sword and the Cross, and in short, to transferr all the interest of Secular Princes to Rome, those Crowns have been obliged to have, not only their Ambassadors, but their Protectors in Rome, and that not so much for the defence of their Kingdoms, defended by themselves, nor of their persons defended by their Kingdoms; but for the protection only of those interests that have been sto●● as it were from the Princes, and carried to Rome.  
This protection is no small advantage to the interest of the protected Crown; but 'tis much greater to the Cardinal that is its Protector, because things are not managed with that order they ought to be, the Cardinals for the most part having one hand upon the Rudder, and the other upon the Sails. The Crowns may do what they please, oblige their Protectors with their Benefices and Abbeys, yet they will never move out of their Sphere, nor give those Crowns more than an outward appearance of protection, reserving the substance for the benefit of the Pope. And indeed many examples might be brought out of hundreds of Histories to confirm what I say, I having for many years read much, and made frequent observations upon this point. The Princes are deceived, if (in the controversies that happen betwixt them and the Popes, or the Nephews) they believe to have their interests protected by those Cardinals, that are their Protectors. The protection a Cardinal gives to his Crown, goes to a certain pitch, and no farther; if the Grandeur of the Pope be not diminished, nor the Ecclesiastical privileges entrenched upon, all things go well, as much protection as you please; but if these be touched in the least, the Cardinal instead of being a Protector, becomes a Councillor, instead of defending the interest of his Crown against the Pope, he maintains the Pope's interest against his Crown; exhorting him to comply, and to give up some part of his Right, in Testimony of the cheerfulness of his obedience to the common Father of Christendom. And this is so far from being a wonder, that it cannot be otherwise, the Cardinals growing great with the Popes, their Reputation and Honour increaseth with theirs also, so that the Majesty of the Cardinals cannot be lessened by any other means, than by the diminution of the Popes; forth conservation of which they are most diligently vigilant, they themselves being Protectors of the Grandeur of the Popes, as the Popes are Protectors of theirs. And now I leave it to the consideration of any man of reason ●f any Cardinal Protector, let him be never so much obliged to the Crown he protect, will do any prejudice to the Pope to satisfy the desires of that Crown. True it is, they will as near as they can manage their affairs so, as the Honour and Reputation of the Crown they are obliged to serve, shall not be violated; yet so it is, the interest of the Pope is always more dear to them, for reasons both Politic, Moral, and Ecclesiastic; nor ought Princes to expect the contrary.  
There is another thing likewise introduced into the Court of Rome, as some think to render the Cardinalitial dignity more majestic, and that is the protection of Religious orders, every order having power to elect a Cardinal for its Protector; sometimes some Cardinals a●e Protectors of several orders; and one of that sort is Cardinal Francisco Barbarino, as I take it, by reason of the long time he continued Cardinal Nephew, and Padrone; the several Fraternities being ambitious to have him for their Protector that was nearest the Pope, eight several orders chose this Nephew for their Protector; 'tis true the Popes sometimes will assign them Protectors, contrary to the desire of the orders, so as it happens too often they have Cardinals appointed them, that have so little affection for their orders, they would willingly change them; but it is not always allowed them, nor to all, and particularly in the times of Innocent the tenth, and Alexander the seventh. For my part I cannot imagine this kind of Protection was introduced for the benefit and advantage of the poor Religious, but to subject them the more rather to ●he Court of Rome, and by that means as with a Bridle to manage and ride them. For indeed, before these protections of orders in the persons of the Cardinals were introduced, the Religious were so venerable in Rome, and in such esteem for their devotion, that the Popes did take delight to employ great numbers of Friars out of the Cloisters in the most considerable offices of the Church, and with eminent men to fill up the Sacred College of Cardinals, which was thought incomplete, if a good number of Friars in their Purple, were not seen amongst the rest of the Cardinals; but since the Cardinals began to assume the protections of Religious orders, and to work and insinuate themselves into the intrigues of their Convents, the Religious Friars are become the scorn of the World, the obloquy of Nations, the scandal of the Church, the dishonour of Rome, and that to such a height, that whereas heretofore the Cardinals thought they gave Testmonies of a good Conscience, as often as they gave their Votes for any poor Friar in Purple: at present the Popes do believe they offend God and the Church, every time they are as it were forced by the accumulated merits of some Friar that is eminent in Learning and Piety, to admit him into the College of Cardinals; insomuch, that if no other interest does move the heart of the Popes, it is most certain their Goodness, their Virtue, nor their Sanctity itself, will be too weak to prefer them, I will not say to the Popedom (for of that they took their last leave with the person of Sextus the fifth who was in spite of all envy, the greatest Pope that was ever seen in the Vatican) but to the College of Cardinals, from whence also they seem to be banished; and God knows whether they will ever be recalled, whilst the malice of those Priests that have Saint Peter's Keys, and St Paul's Sword in their hands, is so fierce against the poor Friars, that they have not so much as wherewithal to knock at the door.  
But some may wonder at this, and think it impossible that the protections of the orders given to the Cardinals, should have been the occasion of lessening the Reputation of the Religious; to remove therefore this miracle, and make the business more clear. I shall inform them, that during the time the Friars lived without Protectors, the iniquities of the Cloisters, went no further, but lay concealed amongst themselves, because the underlings went only to their Prior for Justice, the Prior to the Provincial, the Provincial to the Visitor, the Visitor to the General, and if things could not be accommodated by them, the Chapters, and Congregations, applied their remedies, with absolute authority. And whilst the affairs of the Religious were carried in this manner, neither the world, nor Rome, nor the Court, saw any thing but their outward actions of Piety and Religion, which kindled a flame of devotion in the hearts of the people. But no sooner were the protections introduced, but their vices became public, every Friar, either to destroy the reputation of his Superior, to revenge himself of his Enemies, or to demand Justice, upon every inconsiderable occasion, battering the ears of their Protectors, with informations of their Rogueries, that perhaps would have been better determined in the Cloisters amongst the Friars, than in the Courts of the Protectors amongst those Courtiers.  
But to speak truth, how can the Protectors of these orders, with a good Conscience, protect these Friars? How is it possible to edify by them, if every Post-day they send them whole dozen of Pacquets of Letters, not mentioning the Discipline of that Friar, nor the abstinence of this; but the rogueries and cheats of all together. For in these times, one of them no sooner receives any disgust from his Superior, but to discredit him for ever, after having recorded it in the Congregations and Chapters, he writes immediately to the Protector of it, Baptising him as it were in Satyrical Ink, so as every Character appears an Original Sin (both in the one and the other) in the mind of the Protector. I myself know an Augustin Friar that I could name, if I were sure of his life, that took delight to write every year forty or fifty private Letters to the Cardinal Protector, sometimes against one, and sometimes against another, and which is worst, sometimes against his friends, with so incredible secrecy inventing his lies, that Lucifer himself could not in that point have outdone him.  
These Letters pass from the hands of the Protectors, to their Secretaries, and from their Secretaries, to the rest of their Court, who give what judgement, and inflict what punishment they think good, mocking and deriding the whole orders in general; so as it fares with them in Rome, as with Mice, who are all persecuted and endangered, though it be one only that devoured the Cheese. Every Letter that any Friar writes to his Protector, to the prejudice of his Companion, is like an Axe that cuts off a Bow from the Tree of the reputation of the whole order; and hence it is, that the Cardinals (who are all of them as it were Protectors of some order or other) taking offence in this manner, instead of protecting, they persecute them. Alexander the seventh suppressed two, and (had not greater affairs diverted him) he had doubtless destroyed more than four orders of Friars, so full was his heart with the scandals of the Friars, and so desirous the Cardinals to see those Friars further from Rome, that they did seem to defend. In short, either by their Letters, or their own persons, the Friars do nothing but molest, and disturb the Gates, and the Spirits of the Cardinals, not regarding the repulses that are given them, but labouring and persisting with new importunities to arrive at their designs; which makes the Cardinals sometimes resolve upon violent courses to disincumber themselves.  
But this that I have said hitherto of the ill consequences of the protections of orders that are given to the Cardinals, is but a slight and superficial scandal; there is another (and perhaps unknown to the very Cardinals themselves) that unless timely remedy be applied, will grow up to that greatness, as to beget new Schisms and Heresies in the Church: an evil which appears but little being upon earth, but is really so great, as to make War upon Heaven itself: an evil that gives so much occasion of scandal to the Heretics, that it fortifies them in their false opinions, and makes them give God thanks that they have no Friars in their Religion. But the Reader will ask what evil this is? why it is this; in the Cloisters of the Friars they rob their Treasury, they break open the Alms-box, they steal away the Mass money, they tear down the Silver Tablets from the Walls, they plunder their Altars of the richest of their Consecrated Ornaments, selling them privately when they have done, even to the Vest of the Virgin Mary.  
But to what end is all this? possibly, to employ the money in the Christians Wars against the Turks? Oh no, 'tis to give presents to the Courtiers of their Cardinal Protector, to procure them Letters of Recommendation. It seems incredible to all people, the manner in which these Friars advance themselves to preferments, there being whole bundles of recommendatory Letters, and all of them driving at the principal preferment. I know myself that in one Chapter of Augustin Friars held in Romania, there were two and twenty Friars, each of them with his Letters of recommendation, this to be made a Vicar, that a Prior, a third a Provincial, this for one office, that for another; And all these are purchased at a dear rate. Are they bought of the Cardinals themselves? No sure, they are most of them innocent▪ but of their mercenary and self-interested Courtiers that sell them, for so many pair of Silk Stockings, such a present of Plate, or perhaps so much in ready money; I knew a Secretary that distributed in this nature above fifty Letters a year, in the name of the Cardinal he served, who is (if I be not mistaken) the Protector of two Orders. He got great sums of money by the means (and it went as freely in the Stews) but the Cardinal was unconcerned in the business, unless it be, that he must give an account to God Almighty for his neglect, in not watching more narrowly over the actions of his Servants.  
In short, I find no great advantage that these Friars receive by the Protections the orders have from the Cardinals, and yet the evil is manifest. For to what purpose are Protectors, if they protect them only in trifles? Not that they want a good will; I know several Cardinals, that (weighing the honour (which is not small) with the duty of their office) would with all their hearts upon sundry occasions, act according to their obligations, and defend the orders under their protections; but they are fearful of displeasing his Holiness. The Cardinalitial Authority is great, but the Cardinals are unwilling to put it in execution: they are afraid of their own shadows, and lest they should disgust him, they leave all things to the management of the Pope, and had rather burst in silence, than ease themselves by a Declaration of their troubles; for which reason, Cardinal Sachetti never durst speak to Pope Alexander against those errors he knew in his Conscience were too frequent; till at last for the discharge of his duty, he writ a Letter to him in the last period of his life, which I think will not be amiss to insert, for the greater satisfaction of the Reader, and for the stronger confirmation of what I have asserted, viz. that the Cardinals are afraid to speak. The Letter follows.  

A Letter written by Cardinal Sachetti a little before his death, and directed to Pope Alexander the Seventh.  
Most Blessed Father,  
IF before your Holiness fixes your benign eyes upon these lines, you consider by whom, and for what end they are writ, you will find them sent from a faithful and most humble Servant to your Holiness, to give (in the last Article of his life) new testimonies of his affection and passion for the glory of your Holiness.  
The zeal and obligation of a Cardinal have put this pen into my hand, and 'tis possible death may take it out again before I have thoroughly displayed, that (which for the greater honour of your Holiness and the Apostolic See, and the greater benefit of Christendom, and the poor people of the Church) God Almighty has dictated to my languishing mind.  
Being risen from my bed, with great anguish and pain, my sentiments disturbed, my hands trembling, and my head not able to rest upon my shoulders, and having got myself to the Table, I do first of all protest before my Crucified Redeemer, whom I embrace with all dutiful affection, that I have no other end than his Sacred Service, the satisfying that debt which is due from all such as his Divine Majesty has appointed as Collaterals or Councillors to his Vicar upon Earth and that I might not have occasion to cry out at the day of Judgement when there is no remedy to be had, Vae mihi tacui. Hoping likewise that other Cardinals my Colleagues, seeing things ●●n so violently to destruction, may be induced likewise to the discharge of that charitable duty, that they owe to God, to your Holiness, and to all Christian people. I do hope also from the innate benignity of your Holiness, that these my most humble demonstrations will not be unacceptable, as proceeding from a sincere heart passionately affected to your Honour, driving only at the Establishment of the high opinion the world has conceived of your virtue, and to stop the mouths of those Heretics, whose invectives will be obstreperous and high, when they see your Holiness (contrary to your protestations and promises both within the Conclave and without) going on in the same road with those, that with so much scandal to the world, and so much desolation to the people, have called in their Kindred, have destroyed the Patrimony of Christ, and built themselves Palaces for their Luxury, out of the rubbish of the Church, and with an insatiable appetite suck up the very blood of her Subjects.  
But that I may not consume the little time I have left, in superfluous discourses with a Prince so pious as your Holiness, I shall principally beseech you in visceribus Christi, that you would out of your profound prudence find out some way to extinguish those sparks, that otherwise will break out into such a flame, as may put the whole world into a combustion.  
The Apostolic See, did never commit a greater fault against its honour and authority, than when desirous to act like a Temporal Prince, it quarrelled with those Princes that were as it were the Arms that sustained, and rendered it formidable and respected. Examples of this kind are too frequent, and which is worse, too well known to every body; so that if it did not belong to me to judge of the actions of the Popes (which indeed ought rather to be reverenced than rebuked) yet with your Holiness I may take the confidence to lay before your eyes the example of Urban the eight, one of the worthiest amongst all the Popes, whose memory is immortal, and to whom I do confess myself a servant with all my heart.  
That good old man suffered himself, to our great misfortune, to be engaged into a troublesome war, the success of which will be sadly remembered for several reasons, but particularly for the expense of fourteen millions of money, for the indigence it brought upon the Treasury, for the total desolation of the Ecclesiastic State, for the oppression of the people, for the disesteem brought upon the Apostolic See, and the Pontifical dignity, by so dishonourable a peace, for shortening the life of so great a Pope, who for his Heroic virtues deserved to have lived several ages. What advantages that War left to his family, the whole world is witness of; thence it was from the highest achme of authority, from a long and absolute dominion, it became the laughingstock of fortune, the contempt of the whole world, and reduced into a little Kingdom, amongst the storms and calamities of the War, to seek Sanctuary for their lives, against the universal hatred and persecution of its Enemies, and forced to beg patronage and restauration from a Prince that was not at all satisfied with their proceedings.  
The great and undaunted courage your Holiness expressed, in not truckling to their threats, nor suffering yourself to be affrighted by any violence, is commendable indeed, yet let me with all humility suggest, we live not now in that age which immortalised the magnanimity of Alexander the third, Gregory the seventh, and other Popes, who armed themselves with invincible constancy in defence of that which belonged to God and his Spouse. At this time the world is so possessed with an opinion of the wickedness (or frailties rather) of the Clergy, and that the cause is but Temporal and Capricious; that the case is quite altered, and I do easily foresee it will be the greater diminution to your Holinesses honour, the longer you delay with the Sword of Prudence to cut asunder that knot, that will otherwise grow daily more inextricable. And this your Holiness is obliged to do in imitation of him whose person you represent, Discite a me quia milis sum, & humilis Cord, in charity to his exhausted Flock, for the safety of your own Family, and for the suppression of a Malignant report, that the present disorder in your Holinesses Court, is but the effect of a visit the French Ambassador denied to your Nephews. God forgive them that persuaded your Holiness to Arms, how contrary to the judgement of the Consistory, your Holiness cannot but remember, by the humble instances of your faithful servants. God knows when the fatal consequences will be removed, which portend so much mischief and calamity, that make me desirous to end my days quickly, rather than live to be a spectator of so lamentable a Catastrophe.  
Your Holiness is alone against a Powerful, Victorious, Rich, and Fortunate Monarch, that declares himself affended, the Cardinals (by misfortune, rather than by any fault of yours) dissatisfied, the Treasure exhaust, the people drawn dry and discontented, so as there are hardly any of them that will espouse the interest of the Nephews, when they will do so little for your own. In these great advantages, your Holiness knows very well how often I have reminded you (and I do it more earnestly than ever) of that Parable in the Gospel, Quis Rex iturus committere bellum adversus alium regem, non sedens prius cogitat si possit cum decem millibus, occurrere illi, qui cum viginti millibus venit? and who knows but the Princes themselves (that bear so little affection to the Temporal power of the Popes, that they are always undermining its foundations) do for politic reasons encourage and foment those murmurs, and (though they promise your Holiness their assistance to engage you) but that they will afterwards desert you as they did Paul the fifth in his a●fference with the Venetians. Or else your Holiness relying upon some of them (and they perhaps weak and declining) upon any sudden or unhappy accident what strange resolution will be taken?  
But if by the benefit of things confederacy should succeed well what would the world say, when it sees, that to oppose the satisfaction desired by the first born Son of the Church, in reparation of certain injuries pretended, it was not valued, though there was a new rupture occasioned between the two Crowns that had been but lately united after so many years' Wars? and perhaps it would fall to the share of your Holinesses family to remain exposed to the indignation of a Prince, whose authority extends as far as Europe itself.  
Especially if (which God forbid) it makes not its reconciliation in your Holiness his days, because your Holiness being tired with delay in a business that ought to have been composed as soon as it was begun will leave the care of it to your Successor, with great hazard of seeing the Tragedy of the house of Caraffa; so memorable to all ages, acted over again. The Princes also are dissatisfied to see the Popes, after they had opposed the Temporal Sword against every body, pretend at last to recover themselves under the Standard of the Cross, and to shield themselves with the dignity of the chief Priesthood: Now begins contempts, irreverences, murmurs, and many times seditions to arise the Laity by little and little losing the veneration and opinion they had formerly of the Ecclesiastic Piety and Justice. And of this you have a good instance and account in the banishment of the Ministers of the Apostolical See, out of France, in the commotions at Avignon, in the audacious liberty of those people, that heretofore were obsequious and reverend in the whisper and murmurs of all the other subjects of the Ecclesiastic State, and in Schisms and Separations in all the rest, both in Italy and other Nations.  
These are the things, the memory of which, is a sharper affliction to my mind, than my infirmites' are to my body.  
Our Divine Master, most Holy Father, taught us in that command Mitte gladium in vagina, that there was nothing more undecent in him that had the Government of our Holy, Innocent, and meek Mother the Church, than Temporal Arms, and that she ought not to defended More Castrorum. From hence it is, I am greatly afraid that God Almighty being offended at our manifest diffidence in him, and our making use of improper means, and contrary to the practice of the famous Popes of former ages, will leave us to ourselves, and suffer us to be reduced to one of these straits, either to be forced by our own necessities, or our Enemy's power, to some disadvantageous agreement or else by a long and excessive expense, be reduced to extreme misery and distress. To give way to time and necessity was always the Doctrine of a very wise Prince. Paulus quintus undertook (but merely for the cause of God) to proceed against the Venetian with his Spiritual Arms, and was firmly resolved to have joined his Temporal with them, but at last out of his great prudence and compassion, and upon consideration of his want of money, the incapacity of the people to supply him, the danger of overrunning Italy with Foreigners, and perhaps with some new Heresy or other, for fear lest by the loss of the liberty of the Italians, he should kindle an unextinguishable fire in all Europe, and lest he should create too great animosittes against his own Family, he suffered himself to be brought to a milder temper, and perhaps not without some scruples and remorses of Conscience, if the Church of God should by his fault receive any considerable damage and diminution.  
Convert (most Holy Father) your Courage and Arms against the perils of Christendom, and the pride of the Turk, who as I hear to my extreme sorrow, is marching into Transilvania and Hungary, to overwhelm those Countries as it were with an inundation; against the Turk, against the Turk, let your magnanimity be opposed, and with a generous emulation of Pius the second, your most renowned fellow Citizen, lay aside all unprofitable controversies with your well deserving Son, and let him and the other Princes of Christendom unite in a firm League, and your Holiness be the Head and the Author of it.  
What better occasion can there be than this to render your Name and Honour Immortal in all Ages. If of late necessity constrained the impositions of some light Taxes upon those Religions that are now suppressed, forced you to make other use of the tenths imposed upon the Clergy for the assistance of the Emperor, and of the two hundred thousand Crowns left by the late Cardinal Mazarin, to be expended in the War against the Turks, tying up your hands as it were from actions of Charity and Alms, with how much more glory and merit may you do it now. Besides in so great and just an opportunity, the application of the assignments to other use, will open a large field to the maledictions of the people, that the Flock of Christ is forsaken, and exposed to the capacity of that Wolf of the East, the Patrimony of Christ destroyed, and all to maintain a private, and merely Temporal quarrel, and to feather your own nest in the mean while.  
And since by way of incidence, I have spoken of Alms, I will not omit representing to your Holiness the great trouble I receive by the relations of several Orders, and Parishes in Rome, of the great miseries that many poor families suffer, which I shall not for brevity sake name, though I am sure it would break your very heart, and enforce you to tears, should I give you an honest and sincere narrative of what they endure. Oh how oft do I remember what before your happy Exaltation your Holiness used to tell me, when inflamed with a most charitable zeal, you deplored the Exaltations that in the preceding Pope's time were obtained by the advancing of twenty thousand Crowns out of the Alms-money; as if they would have it be believ●d (as your Holiness said then) that there was no poor to be found in Rome, and for that reason it was lawful to put that into their own purses, which for their sustenance was gathered daily from the Charity of the Faithful. They took likewise out of the Office de●la Componenda (as your Holiness very well knows) the Pontifical Alms-money, against which the Heretics have writ whole Volumes of Invectives, and Satyrs, not knowing perhaps that the Componenda is nothing but a kind of wholesome Penance imposed by the Popes upon such persons as have received from them some considerable favour (not to be granted by any body else) which said sum is afterwards to be dristributed amongst the poor, or disposed for the nourishment of those that embrace our most Holy Religion. And so I remember Pope Urban the eight was wont to say, that the Pope's Purse ought to be opened freely, and administered faithfully. I humbly beseech your Holiness to take care that the same thing be observed in your Holiness his Papacy.  
This Office della Componenda invites me to say something of the Dataria, and other Tribunals, your Holiness knowing very well, that the most noble, and most deserving quality that the people admire in any Prince, is his generosity and munificence.  
May your Holiness advert, that neither the superfluous zeal, nor the forward severity of your Ministers be suffered to obscure, or eclipse your Glory, remembering always that amongst the disadvantages in Elective Principalities, it is one of the greatest, the leaving so much liberty to the Ministers to raise their own fortunes, at the charge of their Prince, as Pope Innocent knew how to do very well to one of his own. That the good or bad report of either Pope or Prince proceeds from the mo●ths of their Friends or Domestics, was the saying of Urban the eight, and all the Court of Rome, by reason that as they were ill or well satisfied, so they spread their Characters about the world either to the prejudice or advantage of their Masters.  
To keep the Cardinal's poor, abject, and contemptible, the Prelates idle, without esteem or reward, the Nobility neglected, the Courtiers without hopes to see any recompense of their labours, and all to bestow that upon a few, and many times the most undeserving, that by distributive justice ought to be divided amongst all, can certainly be the production of no good. To leave virtue itself after a long and painful peregrination, unrewarded and forsaken, cannot sound well in the ears nor heart of an Ecclesiastical Prince, that aught to be a Protection, and Assylum to the learned, and deserving, especially your Holiness who has raised the Fabric of your fortunes, upon the foundation of virtue and worth.  
Rome abounds with persons of all sorts of Learning at this day more than ever, but they want encouragement, and are buried as it were in sorrow, there being no body that will so much as trouble themselves, to represent their parts and capacities to him that can reward them. Your Holiness that in the beginning of your Papacy, with so much praise to yourself, did own and caress them, will find what advantage it will be to continue the b 〈…〉 actions of a Maecenas, and to allure them by your countenance and esteem (which is the most grateful aliment of virtue) encouraging them with favours, and providing them employments, that they may not consume and pine away in the Lethargy of idleness.  
I speak not most Holy Father of those Pensions wherewith the Bishoprics and Parishes are by the Ministers of your Holiness so extravagantly charged, that (to the scard●l of the whole world, to the disparagement and contempt of the innocent Clergy, and to the prejudice of the reputation of the Church) several poor Bishops are rendered subject to interdictions and censures, or reduced to that indigence they are forced, of loving Shepherds to become ravenous Wolveses, by their rapacities and extortions, to satisfy the exorbitant pensions that are charged upon them, squeezing as it were out of the extreme necessities of the Church, and her already too much afflicted and exhausted Flock, all that are constrained to contribute to the Profit, Luxury, Lasciviousness, and Intemperance of those who God know, had but little virtue to advance them. May your Holiness for the love of Christ open your eyes in a business of that importance, which carries along with it consequences so pernicious to the Church.  
Let not your Holiness for the love of God suffer so many poor Churches, Spouses of Christ, to remain robbed and despoiled of their Dower, nor that at the Lords Table, U●us ess●riet, alius vero ebrius sit; but rather let the bread of the Church be distributed equally amongst her Ministers according to their merits. Although in the Courts of Rome there are many Prelates and Ministers to be seen, that have integrity of manners joyn●d to the nobility of their birth; he nevertheless, that for so many years (though undeservedly) has had the direction of the Signiture, may perhaps have seen further into some things than they v●z. that the Dependencies and Relations of the Popes and Cardinals, do not suffer the poor Prelates to act according to the Dictates of Equity and Conscience. I do most humbly beseech that your Holiness in your great Prudence, would provide for the extirpating of this custom of recommendation, that the condition of all people may be considered, and that Liberetur pauper a Potente, & pauper cui non adest Adjutor.  
Neither would it be less grateful to God Almighty, if your Holiness would provide against the tediousness and delays in matters of Law, which sometimes are so long, that besides the ruin and extinguishment of many Families, they become the dishonour of the Courts of Rome, when those causes that might have been determined in a few days, are by several years' suspense grown old and inveterate.  
Though I believe the Ministers, and Governors of the State, and all they that administer justice to the people in our Ecclesiastic Jurisdiction, are of themselves inclined to do all things equitable and right, yet it would be a greater stimulation if your Holiness would cause it to be inculcated into them, that justice is not attended by interest or passion, but is the only instrument for the conservation of peace, quiet, and human Society, and that they search all enormity to the bottom, and destroy it root and branch. Legibus enim delicta 〈…〉 r, quanto melius provideri ne p●ccare●●r.  
But above all, let that scandalous authority that the Ministers arrogate to themselves of making Butts and Marks for their Persecutions of all such as have recourse to the highest Tribunals at Rome, oftentimes making use of threats to deter them from such appeals.  
This in my judgement is a matter of great consequence, th' 〈…〉 s the Supreme Authority of the Prince, and takes away without cause the confidence his Subjects have in him▪ or otherwise occasions such jealousies as have been the subverson of States and Kingdoms both Protestant and Catholic.  
Above all, it is necessary that care be taken not to afflict the poor people with their severities, and vexations (as they have formerly) nor with their Cavalcades their troubles being too much already with their Subsidies, and Taxes, with the frequent Com●●ssions to the Commissaries of the Buildings, of the Archives, of Saltpetre, of Gunpowder, of the Streets, with their solemn Ridings, Reprisals, and other cruel inventions to exact innumerable sums from the people, which being little or no advantage to the Pope, are of no other use, but by the inrichment of some few ill Conscienced Ministers, to contract the Odium of the people, and employ the tongues of the discontented.  
These afflictions do very much exceed what the people of Israel suffered in Egypt, they cannot be mentioned, but with admiration and scandal to Foreign Nations, especially if they consider them as effects of the immoderate inclinations of the Popes to their own Kindred and Families. And your Holiness may ascribe it to your good fortune, that you employed your gracious care in Foreign parts, that they might not have so full and exact notice of it, as would have drawn tears of pity and compassion from the eyes of all that heard it, and perhaps for the better, because the wound thereby would have been opened, and rendered more cas●c for the Cure.  
And indeed who is there that could hear with dry eyes, that a people not conquered by the Sword, but by the Munisicence and Piety of some Prince, by way of Donation annexed to the Patrimony of Saint Peter, or that otherwise in confidence of the Piety of their Successors, submitted themselves freely to the See of Rome, should be now under a harder and more insufferable Yoke, and treated with more inhumanity, than the very Slaves in afric, or Syria.  
The Debt upon the Chamber, according to the account I made of it some nights since by myself, amounts to above fifty millions of Roman Crowns, and that not only without any hopes of lessening, but with assurance it will be increased; insomuch that the People, not being able to comport themselves under so excessive a burden, desperate of any relief, do many of them leave their Native Countries, wand'ring up and down in great indigence with their whole Families, perishing with hunger in the fields, begging in other Countries, or submitting themselves to other Princes, to our great reproach. And indeed for the reasons aforesaid, there are not now above half the number of Subjects in the Ecclesiastic State, that there has formerly been, and in the numbers of his people, consists the power and riches of a Prince.  
The Genoeses that are found to have employed above fourteen millions of our money, though they were careful enough in their affairs, do now perceive it desperate, either from our disability to pay it, or from some urging necessity upon the people, that incites them to shake off from their necks, so insufferable and tyrannical a Yoke.  
God Almighty forgive the Ministers of that time, who with so little Prudence and Equity, persuaded your Holiness (in the Infancy as it were of your Papacy) without any necessity at all, to the reduction of the Banks, out of which so many millions were drawn, as would have immortalised your Holiness his name, had they been applied to the satisfaction of those debts, in part, if not in the whole.  
Your Holiness had not those sentiments heretofore, when it pleased God to give us you for our Pastor, and I dare affirm, as I have done often, and that to more than one, that the first stings and compunctions that disturbed your generous breast, was those of compassion towards the exhausted people: to that purpose you deputed a Congregation to inspect their grievances, and was more than one time present there yourself, so that not only the Cardinals, but all the rest of the Prelates expected an universal redress.  
But God did not permit that your Holiness his good mind, should be seconded by the good practices of your Ministers, who opposed themselves against it, to the great dissatisfaction of all that were well inclined. It is now time most Holy Father to reap the fruits of it, as you did when you provided against the abuses introduced in the administration of the Annona, or annual provision of Corn, which arrived to that excess, as might have irritated the minds of the people to such disorders as would have been beyond all remedy.  
But the exemplary chastisement of a single Minister only, that for several years has with great corruption, and universal dissatisfaction, executed his office, is no competent provision, unless the cause be removed, all occasions for others to do the same be prevented, and the opinion that the Cardinals have their share, be pulled up and irradicated out of the hearts of the people. The authority of these Officers is arrived at that height, that in spite of all Laws, both Humane and Divine, and all rules of Charity and Justice, they endeavour to make the name of your Holiness odious to the world, by their sque●zings and extortions out of Corn, Oil, Flesh, and whatever is most necessary to the life of man, it deserves certainly a severe reprehension, if for no other end, than that your Holiness might not appear consenting thereunto.  
But although your Holiness, even to these open and pernicious Enemies of the public, has been pleased to abound in your most admirable Clemency, I could wish nevertheless your Holiness would in a particular manner regulate the affairs of the Annona for the future, that those Subjects which your Holiness is obliged to provide for, both as the Shepherd of their Souls, and their Temporal Prince, be not brought into a worse condition than the Beasts of the field, who feed and sustain themselves with the Fruits of the Earth, as their Creator ordained, without being cozened and defeated by the malicious covetousness of others.  
In the Congregations (that I might not be wanting to my charge, as being one deputed amongst the rest) I have endeavoured to display my opinion in this matter, and as to the particular of keeping the City of Rome, and the whole Ecclesiastic State likewise, if not in a plentiful, at least in a competent provision of Corn, I have nothing to add to the report I made by your Holinesses Commission in the very beginning of your Papacy. This I shall only say, that if no relief be immediately applied to the sufferings of your Subjects, their ruin and destruction I see most eminently and unavoidably at hand  
Your Holiness would do well to take off part of the impositions upon Edibles, and to restrain the insatiable voracity of the Treasurers of Provinces, and other public Ministers, who to Monopolise and forestall the Markets, by a barbarous invention, do render the people miserable, and not so much as Masters of that, which by the blessing of God, they do gather upon their own ground.  
It would be a great relief to your Subjects likewise, if the Commerce with the Venetian (which with much detriment has been interdicted till now) were opened again; nor would those most prudent Senators make any difficulty to consent, as well for the mutual advantage it would bring, as that it would be a means to make the Apostolic See more ready and disposed, upon any Exigence of theirs, to tax its own Subjects to relieve them.  
In short, a Prince that desires the relief and ease of his Subjects, cannot want ways to effect it. And this your Holiness may do, by encouraging and introducing arts into several places in the State, by making Civita Vecchia, and Ancona, free Ports, by favouring Agriculture, that is almost forgotten in most places, by employing able and dexterous men in all Governments and Offices, and not call in so many strangers to usurp and engross, what belongs naturally to your Subjects. By this means, your State would be repeopled, the golden Age restored, and your Treasury recruited.  
I should have had something to say about the affairs of Portugal, but finding my breath to fail me, my head (no less than my hand) to tremble, and that I might not be any longer tedious to your Holiness, I will only beseech you to ponder and deliberate with yourself in a business of so great consequence, and having asked Counsel of God, rather than of man, (who is swayed and actuated by passion) that you resolve, and perform that zealously, that shall be directed by his infinite wisdom.  
It troubled my very Soul to consider the small hopes with which you suffered the English Gentleman to depart, that was sent to your Holiness to endeavour the promotion of the Abbot Aubigny, a person so qualified by his Birth, Abilities, and Piety, that he would without doubt have become a Pillar and Support to the tottering Catholics in England, as Cardinal Poole did formerly.  
Having heretofore with great vehemence and fervour supplicated your Holiness, to bestow upon a person so honourable, and so necessary to the Church, that Cap that has so long (though unworthily) adorned my head, and which still I would with all my heart lay down at your Holiness his feet, for the investure of such a person. I do now with all my heart reiterate those Prayers, that it being likely to be vacant in a few hours by my death, it may be conferred upon so worthy a person, that the malevolent may have no occasion to say, it is reserved for him that will give most, without respect to any one's merits, or to the necessities of our Religion in that Kingdom.  
It remains that I should speak something about easiness of access, which is a thing that gives a Prince good intelligence of his affairs, makes his Government easy, prevents the corruptions of his Ministers, and conciliates love and veneration in the people.  
Your Holiness who in the beginning of your Papacy did imitate herein the laudable Customs of your Predecessors Pius quintus, and Clement the eight, by the continuation of it, will make yourself admired, Interpellantibus faciles praebendo aures, nor will you be at any time upbraided with the saying of that importunate old Woman that cried out to Philip of Macedon, Si non vis audire, nec regnes.  
In this case only I shall be bold to supplicate your Holiness, and that with a most humble and devout zeal, that you would permit yourself to be diverted from that melancholy retirement, and not suffer yourself to be immured as it were betwixt four Walls, and kept at that distance from the knowledge of the affairs of your State, and the condition of your Subjects; because that is the highest of all errors in a Prince, and an occasion that Justice is ill administered, the Ministers corrupt, the people ill governed, and oppressed, and the Prince no more beloved nor respected; Colligunt se quatuor vel quinquies, aut unum Consilium ad decipiendum Imperatorem capiunt. Dicunt quod probandus sit Imperator, qui domi clausus est, vera non novit, cogitur hoc tantum facere quod illi loquuntur, facit Judices, quod fieri non oportet, amovet a Republica quod debeat obtinere, quid plura? bonus, cautus, optimus venditur Imperator, was the saying of Dioclesian, and God grant it may never be verified in the happy time of your Holiness his Government.  
And here it would not be improper to speak something relating to the Election of Ministers and Counsellors, for though a Princes ill fortune may have some share in the miscarriages, yet for the most part mala electio est in culpa, it being great difficulty to err, where all necessary diligence and circumspection is used.  
The profound Judgement of your Holiness, renders all advertisement in this affair superfluous, however I will not omit supplicating you with Gregory Nazianzen, and to admonish, that in those that are by their Counsels and endeavours to assist in the management of the most weighty affairs of State, these three signal Qualifications be resplendent, Rerum usus, Ingens charitas, Os ●berum.  
As to what concerns Spiritual things, they ought to have been treated on in the first place, (but God knows whether the greatness of the people's afflictions will suffer them to think on Heaven) yet if I should have touched upon them, I could not have done it without reflection on the great Piety of your Holiness, who from your very assumption, has made them appear to be the principal objects of your Pastoral care.  
Nevertheless it will not be amiss to renew your Holiness Orders, to such as have the superintendance and custody of Souls, even to the Parish Priests and Confessors, as well Regulars as Priests, that they give no scandal themselves, that they restrain the exorbitant liberty of sinning, that they persecute and extirpate Blasphemy, grown too common and familiar amongst the people in these unhappy times; that they observe due reverence in the Church, and set with more zeal and devotion in the Confessionaries, Ne Deus iram suam effundat super nos.  
The Evangelical Law, most holy Father, is at this day too much depressed, and the observation of the Divine Precepts, with great blindness neglected, in so much that Saint Cyprian, and Saint Eusebius Bishop of Caesaria, would with more justice have bewailed the corruption of our age, than they did of their own, seeing now a days, student augendo Patrimonia singuli, & obliti, quid creden●es, aut sub Apostolis ante fuissent, aut semper facere deberent, insatiabili cupiditatis ardore, ampliandis facultatibus incumbant. Non in Sacerdotibus religio devota, non in Ministris fides integra, non in Operibus misericordia, non in Moribus disciplina, ad decipiendum corda simplicium, callide frauds, circumveniendis fratribus, subdolas voluntates, non jurare tantum temere, sed adh●● etiam pejus perjurare.  
And what can be expected from such detestable causes, but those lamentable effects, which Jeremiah prognosticated with so many tears, Obscuravit in ira sua filiam Zion, & dejecit de coelo gloriam Israel; Non est recordatus Scabelli pedum ejus in die irae suae, sed demersit Dominus omnem decorem Israel, & demolitus est omnes spes ejus, so as we may too justly cry out with Policarpe, Bone Deus, ad quae nos tempora reservasti?  
God grant that our Church one day be not forsaken by the Divine protection, by reason of the faults and enormities of the Ministers that govern it so ill; and that she have not t●o just cause to cry out with tears in her eyes, Deus, Deus meus, ut quid dereliquisti me?  
Hence it is that (being more afflicted with the unhappy condition of the World, of Christianity, and of Religion, than with the bitterness and atrocity of my dis●ase) I betake myself to our Saviour, and cry out from the very bottom of my heart, Cupio dissolvi, & esse tecum.  
And now finding my spirits failing me, I lay by my pen, (that I had taken up again three or four times) and prostrate myself with all Reverence, begging your Holiness his Benediction, and recommending to your Paternal charity the soul of your most sincerely devoted Servant, who (being in a short time to appear before the Tribunal of God, to give an account of every one of his thoughts) is certain he never had the least, of deceiving your Holiness by these faithful representations.  
I do on the other side assure your Holiness, that in the very life to come I will not cease to pray to our most loving Father, ut sis longaevus super terram; and that he would preserve your Holiness from all dangers, and from the malice of Flatterers, that are the plague and destruction of all Kingdoms and Principalities, that he would give you, Cor docile, & sedium suarum assistricem sapientiam; and the same special grace, as to the rest of his Servants, ut si● transeatis per bona temporalia, ut non ami●●atis aeter●●a. May that infinite Goodness that governs all things, assist and alleviate with his Divine arm the great weight of your Holiness his charge, that you may not be obliged to rely upon the help of Man. And thus with most tender and entire Reverence I bid your Holiness adieu, embracing and kissing your most sacred Feet.  
From my house the 17 June 1664. Your Holiness' most humble, most devoted, and most obliged Servant, G. Cardinal Sacchetti.   

Oh how true is it, that fire may be buried and preserved under ashes, but with an effect contrary to the very nature of fire; to what purpose is a spark of zeal in the breast of a Minister, if he has not the devout courage to blow it up into a flame. Where are now a days those Prophets that were not afraid to reprehend the faults of King David, even to his own face? God forgive those Cardinals, that have rendered the Cardinalitial dignity so abject and timorous, (to say no worse) that there is scarce any thing left of Greatness in it, but the Title. He who is silent at the iniquities of his Neighbour, and exhorts him not to leave them; he that may rebuke them with Authority, and does it not, gives not only manifest evidence of defect in his duty, but charges himself clearly with the same faults, as fearing to correct offences in other people, lest his own (some time or other) should be found out and chastised.  
I do not doubt but the Cardinals may have judgement, and conscience, and insight enough, to penetrate and discern the evils that for many years the Church has lain under, and which are hourly multiplied by the Nephews of the Popes. I am satisfied that in the secret of their hearts, they are afflicted to the very soul, as often as they see the substance and subsistence imbezel'd, that belongs to the poor Subjects of the Ecclesiastic State, if those may be called Subjects, that are every day like Slaves constrained to truckle to the barbarous insolences of so many new Ministers, that by the favour of the Nepotisme, do revive as a man may say a new N●ronisme of Tyranny. I do certainly believe, that the most zealous of the Cardinals are fully informed of the Scandals the Heretics receive, to see from time to time Gabels added to Bulls, Taxes to Breves, Tenths to Pensions, Customs upon the People, Impositions upon Religious Orders, and the very ground itself where people are to be buried. I am persuaded they cannot be ignorant of proceedings at Rome, seeing there is not a Bishop at present but may thank Simony for his Mitre, nor a Prelate, nor other Minister of the Church that has not gained his preferment by money or interest. They know, they know very well almost all the Cardinals, that they who embrace the Ecclesiastical habit in these days, whether it be Secular or Regular, they do it not to consecrate themselves to God, but to gratify their ambition and covetousness, and to establish greater foundations to their hopes, of which design they give daily and most evident tokens to the people.  
But what advantage is it that they know it? To what purpose is it if the Physician understands his Patient's disease, if he has not courage enough to apply such remedy as is necessary? It seems to me an aggravation, and renders the Cardinals more Criminal, whilst they see the precipice the Church is upon, and either take no care to deliver her, or pretend they did not see it at all. That one Brother should suffer another to run headlong upon his own destruction, may be written in the Politics of the World; but there is no such toleration in the Law of God. I would ask the Cardinals, if they should see a Thief breaking (in their presence) into their Houses, would they let him ransack and rifle all without speaking a word? No certainly, they would sooner awake all Rome to have him stopped, and make the Judge's thunder out their Proclamations for his apprehension, though their loss was never so small: Notwithstanding all this the Cardinals can behold the Church of Christ robbed, the people of the Church ruined, the blood of the poor sucked up, the propriety of the City invaded and taken away, to raise lofty and new Palaces for the Nephews, yet dare not speak one word in behalf of the Public, for the recovery of the Poor, for the edification of the People, or for the glory of the Church, but leave them all abandoned to destruction.  
But they are not without their excuses, using always a hundred pretences to conceal their hypocrisies; and indeed the people (that judge every thing by appearance) are satisfied with the multitude of excuses the Cardinals bring to convince the World of their innocence, and to make it appear they are not at all accessary to the Extorsions committed by the Nephews, upon all the afflicted Subjects of the Ecclesiastic State. They say, but what? Shall we (say they) disgust his Holiness, the acknowledged Head of the Church, and upon that score adored by the whole World? Shall we oppose ourselves to his pleasure, the actions and resolutions of whose Government are directed by the Holy Spirit? Shall we dare to make resistance against one, before whose feet the greatest Monarches do throw themselves with Reverence.  
To these they add many other excuses, full of policy and cunning, but they are not sufficient to satisfy Heaven and Earth too; the Cardinals must give an account to God, as well as the World; To God I say, in whose presence no excuse, or pretence, is received: There are no Rhetorical flourishes, no circumgiration of words, no fictions or pretences there; the Process is read openly there, in which not only they which rob are condemned, but they which connive, that had ability to hinder it, and did not; and therefore it is that Saint Jerome says, that those souls endure more pain that see themselves condemned for other people's faults, that they pretended not to see lest they might disgust those who committed them, than for their own proper offences. And God grant the Cardinals be not of this number, who I fear will be able to give but a small account of the damage the Church does daily receive, by the ill Government of the Popes, that are themselves but a prey to their own ravenous Nephews. Nor will all their excuses be able to clear them, because our Redeemer knowing the secrets of all hearts, will have his answers ready, and perhaps reply to them in this manner.  
Do you believe therefore that I am inferior to your Pope, because you are more fearful of offending against his Courts that are but Temporal and momentary, than mine that is most holy and eternal? My Apostles were not afraid, even in my own presence, with great confidence to rebuke the good Woman, who with a little oil was come to refresh my feet after so long and so many journeys; and you, you can every day behold Assassinations, Robberies, Sacking, Burnings in the Church; my blood (represented in the blood of the poor) swallowed down and devoured; my bowels (in the bowels of the Church) torn in p●●ces; my nourishment (in the nourishment of the people) perverted; my Patrimony (which is the Patrimony of Saint Peter) misapplyed, without speaking one word, pretending not to know, pretending not to see it? Would you, would you, who are afraid to defend the interest of the Church in the presence of your Popes, that suffer it to be destroyed by the insatiable hands of their Nephews, would you bear the Title of Apostles? God grant the Cardinals meet not with these interrogations at the day of Judgement. I know there are some that are partial in defence of the Cardinals, who will produce hundreds of examples to prove their zeal towards the Church, and instance in several tortures and injuries have been suffered, for opposing the ill Government (to speak no worse) of the Popes, of whose wickednesses all Christendom rings to this very day.  
Is it not true (will they say) that by Alexander the sixth those Cardinals were miserably afflicted, that would not consent to the barbarous will of his Bastard, that tyrannised over the world, and imagined by fear and violence to make the Popedom hereditary to the house of Borgia; so that according as the zeal and constancy of the Cardinals was augmented, so did indignation increase in the Breast of the Pope; insomuch that every word, and intimation of their resentment to the Pope, begat in him fresh thoughts of revenge, till at last to remove and free himself from all opposition, that Table was prepared, in which, instead of seeing the destruction of the Cardinals, and the establishment of his own house, Rome recovered her liberty by the death of the Pope, who was poisoned with the same potion he had provided for the Cardinals.  
Is it not true, that the proud humour of Paul the fourth, not being able to endure a Companion in the Government, to stop the mouths of those Cardinals that, excited by their zeal, reprehended the barbarous deportment of the Carafechi, gave himself over to the destruction of all respect, and confounding his spiritual weapons with his Temporal, he threatened them sometimes with Excommunications, and sometimes tormented them with Imprisonment, without any regard to the scandal Christianity received thereby; so as he had but room for his revenge, he cared not how any thing went, by which means, all the Prisons in Rome were full of innocent Prelates and Cardinals.  
Is it not true, that several Cardinals (and those the most Catholic and Zealous amongst them all) foreseeing the detriment the Church would, and indeed did receive, by the tedious Pontificacy of urban, to prevent further inconveniences that were like to follow upon all Christendom, assembled themselves many times, and had several Congregations, for the deposing the said urban from the Papacy, which he had already enjoyed for the space of thirteen years, with small satisfaction to the Cardinals, though with much advantage to his own Family. Insomuch, that whilst his Holiness under pretence of change of Air after a long indisposition, had removed himself to the Castle of Gondolfo, the Cardinals had secretly assembled a Congregation, for the Election of Cardinal Zacchia Pope, upon pretence of urban Barbarino's indisposition, with resolution to shut up the said urban in the Castle of Saint Angelo. But their design miscarried, for the Pope having intelligence of all, returned privately to Rome, and calling a Consistory, in which all the Cardinals were present, the said urban with a loud voice demanded Where was their new Pope, that he might pay him his respect? An expression that struck confusion into the hearts of those Cardinals that had conspired his deposal, and found themselves so unexpectedly discovered. And this gave so great occasion of Revenge to the Pope, that he immediately published a Bull, in which he commanded all the Cardinal Bishops, and Arch-Bishops, and all such as had the Cure of Souls, to repair forthwith to their several Churches and Residences, upon pain not only of Excommunication, but of being deprived also of their Dignities and Benefices; so that all those who were assisting in the foresaid Congregation, were in great trouble and perplexity, and particularly the Cardinal Ludovitio, and Zacchia, being principal contrivers of the design, fell into so great melancholy for the miscarriage of it, that they died with very apprehension that it was discovered.  
To this it may be answered, that Alexander the sixth received the punishment he deserved, by which it may be clearly discerned, that God Almighty fails not to justify the cause of his Church, and protect such as address themselves to its defence, and to the ruin of such as endeavour to trouble the repose of those that go about to defend it. So that the example of Alexander (who was poisoned by the same Cup he had provided for those Cardinals that had opposed him with so much zeal) may rather excite that Sacred College to the encouragement and protection of the people, and the Church, being secure, that if they shall be persecuted by the Popes, they shall on the other side be rewarded by God himself. In the same manner it happened to Paul the fourth, though he was a severe Enemy to those that with great and continual acclamations cried out against his Nephews, to the end that Rome might be delivered from so great a Plague; nevertheless that Pope (by the means of the continual twinges and compunctions that he felt) recollected himself, discovered his error, and not only banished his Nephews from the Vatican, but seemed likewise to own and gratify their importunities, that had opened his eyes, and given him occasion to discover the danger his own Person, and the Church were in.  
Of Urbans Case I shall speak but little, for though he was a Pope indeed too much addicted to the interest of his Kindred, who governed the Church with that insolence and pride, that rendered them odious to the whole world. Nevertheless in matters relating to the benefit of Souls, he was very solicitous to give general satisfaction, whilst the mischief from his Nephews extended no further than to the Ecclesiastic Treasure, which is the Patrimony of Saint Peter.  
Besides this, those Cardinals that negotiated his deposal, did it not so much out of any Christian zeal, or ardent instigation from their duty, but rather in compliance with the Spanish Interest, which was then thought with great reason to be offended, and therefore in all this conspiracy there were none but the Spanish Cardinals concerned; so that if the crime be considered, the punishment was but small, for when the hand is once put to the Plough, there is no looking back. He that attempts to correct the Errors of the Pope, must divest himself of all Humane interest, and arm himself with the Celestial only. The Cardinals must lay aside particular interests, in the defence of the Church, and have regard to nothing but the Public. 'Tis the glory of God, and not the love of the World, that aught to animate them to the protection of Christ's flock, lest they be devoured by those Shepherds, that are too often no better than Wolves. If in the hearts of the Cardinals a flame of Divine zeal be kindled, in vain will all the tempests and calamities of this World endeavour to quench it. To what purpose is it to expose one's self to Martyrdom; To what purpose to pass so many Seas to preach up the Name of Christ, with so much peril in the most remote parts of the Earth, amongst the greatest Infidels, if it be depis'd even in Christendom, in the very bowels of Religion, and in the midst not only of Rome, but the Vatican itself. And now I would fain know what likelihood there is, that the Cardinals should oppose their own breasts against that violence of the Barbarians, that seem to threaten so nearly the destruction of Christendom, if they be afraid to speak one word to the Pope against those Governors, that by fleecing the people do bring the State into great misery and distress? How shall they take the Sword into their hands to encounter those Heretics, that destroy our Images, and violate our Holy Temples, if they can patiently behold the plundering of our Altars, and the robbing of the Alms that is given to the poor? How shall they defend the Christian Faith, that suffer the blood of Christ to be devoured? How shall they dare to preach to such as are in Rebellion, and Enmity, if they be afraid to speak to the Popes that are their Friends? How shall they be faithful keepers of the flock of Christ, if they be fearful as Lambs, toward those Wolves that devour his flock? In short, how can they stop the mouths of those (with a good conscience) that do blame the defects of the Popes, when they themselves are the causes of those defects? This I am sure of, the Purple they wear would be much more honourable, did they take more care to preserve the Treasure of the Church; and for my part I am of opinion, the Popes would be more wary of introducing their Kindred into the Vatican, if they observed the Cardinals more vigilant; nor would the Nephews commit such notorious robberies, if they did but see that their eyes were upon them.  
The Cardinal Pallavicino the Jesuit, who in plain terms was a person that could frame and accommodate himself to another man's humour, thereby to work him over to his own; he was one of those that cried up Alexander in the beginning of his Papacy, above the Skies, and all because he would not admit his Nephews into Rome. Insomuch, that in his History of the Council of Trent, that came out from the Press about that time, he made a Parallel betwixt his Holiness, and his Saviour; and upon this ground, because being asked by a certain public Ambassador, if he would not receive his Kindred, his Holiness replied in the words of our Saviour, Who are my Brothers? but they that do the will of the Lord.  
It is not possible to imagine the great and extravagant praises he gave the Pope in all quarters of Rome, for his aversion to the Nipotisme, extolling him for the greatest Pope that ever sat in the Vatican; he prophesied a golden Age again to the Church in a short time, and supplies of Inhabitants to the City; he went up and down all the Courts of the Cardinals, giving God thanks for his great mercy towards the Church, in sending it a Pope so clearly disinterested, and unaddicted to the advancement of his private Family. In short, he exhorted them all by the authority his reputation and intimacy with the Pope gave him, that it was the duty of the Cardinals themselves to conserve that great benefit to the Church, and in case Alexander should relapse, that they should oblige his Successors to keep their Nephews out of the Vatican.  
But the humour of the Pope being altered at length in this point, and instead of his former aversion, he become most partial to his Nephews; Pallavicino also began to change his note, and harp no more upon that string, he found himself obliged to stop his mouth in all things, and to sanctify the defects of the Nephews (as he was the Pope's Confessor) or else to ruin and precipitate his own fortunes, and those of his Order.  
This politic deportment was a great affliction to his Conscience, for he was indeed a well meaning man, and entirely devoted to the benefit of the Church. He found out a hundred quirks and pretences to excuse the commendations he had formerly given the Pope; and being one day in discourse, and asked by a Cardinal that was his Confident, if he would magnify no more his Holiness his impartiality to his Relation; he courageously replied, That he than had spoke of the Pope, as Pope, and did now speak of Alexander as Alexander. He endeavoured by all possible means to force his own nature, and not to be concerned at those evils which he was too sensible did hourly increase, to the great detriment of the Church, by the ill Government of the Nephews. But notwithstanding all this, the more he saw Don Mario advanced, the more did indignation swell in his Bowels, to think that there could be no remedy found, to quench that fire that seemed formerly extinct; insomuch that he many times shut himself up alone in his Chamber, and made as many Soliloquies as King Midas his Barber.  
At last it pleased God (as he himself declared to a friend of his upon his death bed) by his special grace to take away his life in the vacancy of the Apostolic Chair. He was much affected with the great affairs of the Church, as he signified in a paper he left written with his own hand, wherein he protested his intentions were always so far from defending the errors of the Nephews, that he would not so much as excuse them.  
The writing contained five principal points. The first was, that the Church would never find any repose in her afflictions, nor be free from the Calumnies of the Heretics, till the Nephews were banished from Rome.  
The second was, that whilst every Pope had liberty to enrich his own Kindred as they did, the Treasure of the Church in a short time would be embezzled, and dispersed into Foreign Countries.  
The third was, that there was no hopes of seeing the Charity and Benevolence of the faithful increased, for they being scandalised to see the Charitable Alms (bestowed and left by other people to the Church) dissipated and consumed, did choose to squander away themselves what they had, rather than by giving it to the Church, to increase the number of Extravagants there.  
The fourth, that the Cardinals could not with a safe Conscience suffer the dissipation of the Treasure of the Church, by the prodigality of the Nephews, and that they were obliged therefore as his Holiness Assistants, to endeavour to remedy it.  
And in the last place, by good arguments he showed which was the most proper time for the application of so necessary an expedient, and he concluded the vacancy of the Chair would be the most convenient, because if a new Pope was once Created, and a new Nepotism set up, it would be impossible to compass their ends.  
This writing fell into the hands of the Cardinals, who called a particular Congregation on purpose, to find a remedy in some measure for the disorders the Nepotismo occasioned in the Church. But their words were more than their deeds, for though some were of opinion a definitive decree should be passed, by which all succeeding Popes should be obliged from calling their Relations to Rome without the consent of the Sacred College. Nevertheless the major part thought it more convenient not to meddle in it at all, lest they should give fresh occasion of scandal and derision to the Heretics. So that Pallavicino's Paper had no better success, than the resolution of Cardinal Cena, who had fancied to himself the extinguishment of the Nephews a ●●dicul●●us fancy; because in my judgement the extinction of the Nephews would be a great prejudice to the common re 〈…〉 of Rome, if the Pope was constrained to trust himself rather to the Counsels of his Enemies, than his friends, and to introduce persons unknown to him, into the Vatican.  
The Duty of Cardinals, as they are Senators of the Church, should be to watch over the Nephews, that of Governors, they become not Princes, of Keepers of the Patrimony of Saint Peter, they prove not barbarous devourers of the very blood of Christ; and indeed if the Cardinals pleased, they might do wonders for the benefit of the Church. Were they all unanimous for the destruction of all corruption, they would give the Pope and his Nephew's matter to think upon; but they have no mind to it, this for one consideration, that for another, this for this interest, that for that; so that faction, and division, ruins the Church, and gives opportunity to the Popes in the mean time, to prosecute the advancement of their own Families.  
Some few years since, the Cardinals amongst other Titles, called themselves Princes of the Holy Church, which gave sober men great occasion to wonder; for my own part, I look upon it as so strange and incongruous an usurpation, I cannot tell which way to excuse it. That they call themselves Senators of the Christian Commonwealth, Counsellors of the Supreme Senate of Christ upon Earth, Apostles of the Catholic Religion, Assistants to Christ's Vicar, Supreme Ministers of the Gospel, I can allow, as what they may reasonably deserve, but I know not how they can assume the Title of Princes of the Church. Are they Princes, that are many times used worse than Slaves by the Nephews? Are they Princes, that are forced to wait from morning to night, not upon Christ's Vicar, but the Pope's Nephews? Are they Princes of the Church, that know not so much as where her Treasure is? Are they Princes of the Church, that suffer her to be ransacked, and ravished, before their own eyes? Are they Princes, that can see their Principalities destroyed with so much patience?  
Your true Princes, from the rising to the setting of the Sun, and from its setting to its rising again, do study nothing more than the conservation of their proper Principalities; they endeavour with all possible care the augmentation of the number of their Subjects; they suffer not their people to be pressed or overlayed with more grievances than the condition of his Principality does necessarily require. If any go about to disturb the peace of their Neighbours, they arm themselves immediately, marching up and down their Dominions to hear the grievances and complaints of their Subjects, and to comfort them with his presence, and due execution of Justice; and these are Princes indeed: But what kind of Princes are your Cardinals? Or what service do they do the Church, to deserve that Title?  
But their Sovereignty, or (to speak more properly) their Dominion and Government is not in spiritual things; forasmuch as the Pope is he that dispenses indulgences, gives dispensations, sends out his Bulls, and creates Bishops and Cardinals as he pleases, so that the Pope only is Prince of the Church, and not the Cardinals; and although they may seem to have some share in the creation of Bishops, because they are examined usually in a Congregation of Cardinals, yet that is only form, and outward appearance, for in strictness the Pope can make whom he thinks good, and without the consent or knowledge of the Cardinals, send a Bishop into any City, whether the whole College of Cardinals dare not so much as send a Deacon, to recite the Offices for the dead, withcut the Pope's permission.  
And this is a thing that gives me no small discomposure as often as I think of it; for indeed we all know, and all History both Ecclesiastic and Profane do confirm it, that Saint Peter never did any thing but by the concurrence of the Apostolic College, but the College often without Saint Peter; nor can I tell how the face of things came to be changed, for above twelve Centuries the Popes never insinuated, or pretended to the creation of Bishops, Cardinals, or other Officers of the Church, that belonging always, to the Synod, and College. But now the Popes do all things as they list themselves; and yet the Cardinals must needs have the Title of Princes of the Holy Church, which the Popes do willingly allow them, as not caring who have the smoke, whilst they themselves run away with the roast.  
But if the Popes have usurped upon the Cardinal's Jurisdiction in Spiritual things, much more have they robbed them of it in Temporal. One of them being taken away, drew the other after it: Whilst the Popes began at first by degrees to entrench upon that Authority in Spirituals that the Sacred College was legally possessed of, and finding by little and little that they parted with patience, with what they usurped with pride, the good Popes took courage and seized upon all, driving them out both of their Spiritual and Temporal Authority too, so that at this present the Cardinals have nothing left them but the benevolence of the Pope. The worst is, the Cardinals cannot yet tell in what manner they came to be robbed of those Privileges they in former times were possessed of; but for my part I believe it was from nothing else but their negligence, and too little care they took of the conservation of that Authority that was given them by God, by the Church, by the Emperors, and by the People; for seeing their Authority very great, they used not sufficient diligence to preserve it; whereas the Pope's being conscious of the weakness of their own, they made it their business to enlarge it, and they have done it so effectually, they have left the other none at all. Platina in his first impression of the Life of Paul the second, gives an account, that amongst others being accused of I know not what, and brought Prisoner before the said Pope, he petitioned his Holiness that he might be tried before the College of Cardinals, in whose Judgement he would willingly acquiesce. But the Pope enraged at the request, told him, What do you talk of Judgement? know you not that I am infallible, and carry all their Judgements and Reason in the Cabinet of my breast? I consider no man's person: I am Pope, and 'tis in my power to null or confirm their Acts, as I think good myself.  
Let not the Cardinals inquire now, what means the Popes made use of, to invade and usurp the authority they formerly enjoyed, because they are sure to be answered with nothing but violence, insolence, and threats: against which, they having not courage enough to defend themselves, do sit down contented only with the Title and appearance: and it is certain at this day, that the Cardinals have no more authority over the Church, than the Duke of Savoy has over the Kingdom of Cyprus, of which he will be called King notwithstanding; so the Cardinals will be called Princes of the Church, whilst the Pope runs away with the power, doing, and undoing, as he pleases, giving offices and preferments at his pleasure, and imposing his own Laws without contradiction; insomuch that the Consistories, Congregations, and Colleges, are only for the service and assistance of the Pope, who suffers not the Cardinals to transact any thing but by his direction, and if they do, he revoaks it; so that it is too true they have nothing left but a bare outside authority.  
All this would be passed over nevertheless, and their affliction would not be so great, were it the Pope's only that commanded the Cardinals; but the misery is for more than an age past, so many Nephews as have been in Rome, so many Popes have there been to command them; for the Pope's communicating the authority they usurped, with each of their Nephews, they know very well which way to put in execution, and have no need to be taught how to make their advantages. Is it not a melancholy and most deplorable sight to see two sorry little-headed Nephews, make so many Loggerheaded Cardinals to tremble? that one poor single Nephew, should keep the whole College in awe? That two pitiful Relations of the Pope's, born, and brought up in obscurity, should be more considerable in Rome, than so many Princes of most noble Extraction? That the Popes should give more ear to the advice of a Nephew, newly taken from School, and many times from the Shop, than to the Counsels of so many Cardinals, used and accustomed to public affairs, and zealous of the Service of God? That they should command, that know not how to command, and they be forced to obey those, they ought in all equity to command? That the foreign and extraneous Nephews should have freer and more uninterrupted access to the Vatican, than the Cardinals that are born in Rome?  
Now if affairs be carried in this manner in the Court of Rome, in respect of Spiritual and Temporal Things, how can the Cardinals be properly called Princes, that leave the Church in the hands of other people? It is the Nephews that are the Princes, that hold the Patrimony of Saint Peter in their possession, that divide it from the Church without any resistance, and appropriate it as a Patrimony for their particular Families. Nor ought the Nephews on the other side to permit (seeing they have the authority in them) the Cardinals to bear the Title of Princes of the Church, lest very ill consequences should follow. They have no other right of Dominion over them, than by Usurpation and Tyranny, and Tyranny is sometimes raised above the Majesty of Princes; Now if the Cardinals be Princes of the Church without any Sovereignty, the Nephews that have got that Sovereignty without any title must be Tyrants; and therefore to remove this inconvenience, it is necessary either to leave the Dominion of the Church to the Cardinals that have the Title, or to give the Nephews the Title that have the Power already, and exercise it with great Authority.  
There is not a Heretic, a Gentile, a Jew, a Catholic, nor a Protestant, but knows the Government of the Church by the Nephews is Tyrannical, because the Authority they have to govern it, is derived only from the Popes, who have no Authority to dispose of that which belongs legally to the Cardinals; Christ (as if on purpose to prevent disputes) said expressly, when he gave the power of the Keys to Saint Peter, Tibi dabo claves Regni coelorum: observe the word Tibi, to Thee, that is, to Peter I give the Keys of my Church, and not to his Nephews: It is my pleasure that you Command, and give Laws, not your Relations and Kindred, Tibi dabo claves Regni coelorum. And therefore Saint Peter, who understood his duty very well, would never admit any of his own Relations to the Government of the Church, but only such as were called by the Divine mouth of our most blessed Saviour. Now a days the Popes proceed quite contrary, glozing as they please upon the Gospel, robbing them (as soon as they are entered into the Vatican) of all their Authority, and giving it to their Nephews; and instead of governing the Church with the assistance of the Cardinals, (in whom the power is directly from our Saviour) they govern with the assistance of their Nephews, that cannot with any justice enter into the Vatican, nor take possession of an Authority that belongs only to the Cardinals.  
It is clear the Cardinals are the true successors of the Apostles, so that if the Apostles received none of their Jurisdiction from Saint Peter, but immediately from God; and if Saint Peter did never command them, neither can nor ought the Popes to command the Cardinals; nor are they obliged to obey them in what relates to the Government of the Church, seeing they have as much power in those affairs as the Popes: For my part when I shall see the Popes hold the same correspondence with the Cardinals, that Saint Peter did with the Apostles, I shall believe them true Popes; so on the other side, I shall believe the Cardinal's true Princes of the Holy Church, when I shall see them replete with holy zeal, and labouring for the recovery of that Jurisidiction which hath been so unjustly taken from them. If they shall at any time be restored to the exercise of that Authority, they formerly for several ages possessed, they will make the Popes, the Church, and themselves happy, and fortunate, and blessed; themselves blessed, because that respect which at present is given by the Faithful to the Purple only, will be kindled in the hearts of all Christendom, and break out into a flame of devotion, to behold them with such passion and solicitousness endeavouring the good of Christianity, the Church fortunate, because it shall be no more worryed nor tormented with the tongues and pens of Historians, but see every day new Christians sprouting up in her bosom. And lastly, the Popes shall be happy, in having Companions in the care of the Flock of Christ, in discharging themselves of a part of that burden, that is not to be sustained by one, but with great danger of sinking under it. Let not the Cardinals therefore any longer delay the wresting again that Dominion out of the hands of the Nephews, that by Divine ordination belongs to themselves. Let them force themselves, and endeavour the repose of the Church; let them have an eye over the affairs of the poor, whose lawful Princes they are; and let them not (as they value the praise of the World, and the benediction of Christ) forget the Jurisdiction that was given them by him.  
If the Popes by debasing the Authority of the Cardinals, have erected their own Monarchy, why do not the Cardinals (by depressing that of the Pope) exalt themselves to the condition of Senators in the Christian Commonwealth? If the Popes have thought good for the private advantage of their particular Families, to change (to the great detriment of the Cardinals) the Republic of Christ, into a Monarchy for their Nephews, why shall not the Cardinals for the benefit of the Church, subvert that Monarchy, and re-establish the Republic of Christ? Christ did not call them to the Apostleship, to make them Deacons of Apostles, but that they should watch over, and superintend, that the Offices of the Deacons were executed well. In Republics the Dukes are not chosen to destroy the Senators, but on the contrary, they keep up the Grandeur of the Senators, to render their own Authority the more Majestic. Let the Cardinals therefore have a care it fares not with them, as it did with a Soldier of Alexander, who being asked his Name by the Emperor, and answering Alexander, his actions being not answerable to his Name, the Emperor replied, Either leave the Name of Alexander, or do as Alexander does.  
And certainly the Cardinals ought either to act like Cardinals, and vindicate that dignity God has given them as principal Ministers in his Church, or relinquish that Eminent Title. The habit makes not a Monk, nor the Purple Robe a Cardinal; if that were so, there would not want Purple to make Cardinals, nor habits to make Monks. The zeal of Religion, the safety of the Christian Commonwealth, the protection of the People, the care of the Cures, the administration of the wealth of the Church, the banishment of Vice, Sweatings, and Labouring, and Watchings for the augmentation of the number of the Faithful, and the propagation of Christianity, are as the Poles upon which the Wheel of Cardinalism ought to turn. If a Cardinal goes this way to work, tires and harrasseth out himself in prosecution of the virtues aforesaid, he will be a Cardinal indeed, though he wears no Purple; but if he shuts his eyes, and leaves all things forsaken and deserted, he may have as much of the Purple as he please, but he will have nothing of the Cardinal. The Cardinals tremble at the very Name of the Pope, and yet it is they themselves that give him his Papacy: They humble themselves at the beck of him, who proceeds from their own bowels; they are contented to be stripped of their Authority, to invest him with it that robbed them.  
The Protestants deny the whole power of the Pope, and in their Schools bring many arguments to refute it; yet they allow more dignity to the Cardinals, than they know how to ask of his Holiness. They say that if the Pope could be contented to be a Cardinal amongst the Cardinals, and the Cardinals as Popes with the Pope, the Church of God would be restored to the true form in which it was created in the infancy of Christianity, when the Apostles were Peter's, and Peter as the Apostles; and they would not find that difficulty of closing with our Church, which by that means would be Universal, and not particular; whereas now they are glad of any opportunity to distract it, because they see it particular, by reason of the absolute Authority that is given to the Pope.  
I was a while since invited to dinner by a Friend of mine, and by accident there were several Protestants, and some Catholics at the Table. About the latter end of dinner, the Catholics with great freedom began to discourse (it was in the time of the vacancy of the Chair) of the discord and dissension amongst the Cardinals; one of them instanced the example of the Apostles, who when the Holy Spirit descended upon them, were Congregati in unum; applying all to the difference betwixt the Apostolic College in these times, in which they are at variance; and what it was in the Primitive, when there was nothing but meekness, and charity, and love.  
Amongst the rest there was a French Gentleman indifferently well learned, and of a pleasant conversation, who taking the word from the other, replied smilingly, that those words Congregati in unum, might very justly be applied to the Apostolic College in being, with this difference only, that the Apostles than were Congregati in unum with Christ, and now they are Congregati in unum with the Pope. And ●e had gone further, had he not been interrupted, and forced to rise from the Table, upon an unexpected visit that was made, which altered the whole discourse.  
I who had then this Cardinalism in my head, and resolved to make an end of it, and publish it to the world, began to make some reflection upon what the French man had said, and I found his opinion was not ●ll grounded, so much did it correspond with mine. For in truth in Rome where the Congregations are infinite, the Cardinals are Congregati in unum, not in their judgements or desires (in which many times there is so much discrepancy, that every Cardinal has a several opinion) but in a resolution to do whatever his Holiness commands them. They are Congregati in unum, because in the Consistories they conclude of nothing, but what is dictated by the Pope. From whence it happened that a Cardinal of a very profound judgement, that lived in the time of Innocent the tenth, being asked one day whether he went, he answered, To Donna Olimpia's Congregation, implying, that that Lady having the absolute management of his Holiness, her Cousin, it was necessary to observe her orders exactly whether they were good or bad: and indeed, some few that would needs peevishly and obstinately withstand her Commands, found but little ease or advantage by it. Were the Cardinal's Congregati in unum, for a good understanding amongst themselves, as they are Congregati in unum, to do what ever they are commanded by the Pope, the Church would be better served than it is, the State would flourish in plenty and peace, and the Nephews reduced to their primitive indigence and necessity. The Popes do rejoice (if not contrive) to see the minds of the Cardinals divided, as much fearing the consequence of their unity; and a certain great Pope that lived in our age, was wont to say, That the division of the Cardinals, was the exaltation of the Popes; a saying, as Diabolical as Politic, which discovered clearly, that the intentions of the Popes were fixed upon the Supremacy they enjoy, that is, to keep and conserve the Monarchy of the Church, in their own absolute Dominion, though to the utter destruction of all that opposed them; and because there is no visible opposition to be made, but from the Society of Cardinals (who are indeed the true Senators of the Christian Commonwealth) for that reason the good Popes make use of a thousand wheedles and pretences, to bereave them of that Senatorial dignity, and to bring the absolute Dominion both in Temporals and Spirituals, to depend upon their own pleasures and wills.  
But here it may be objected, that I do contradict something I have said in another place, viz. that many Popes have by their particular vigilance, endeavoured to aggrandise the Cardinalitial Majesty; sometimes by magnifying the reputation and credit of the Cardinals, sometimes by declaring them to be like Kings, and sometimes by advancing their Titles. To which I answer, that if things be examined nea●ly, there will no contradiction be found. True it is, the Popes have taken great pains to increase the Grandeur of the Cardinals, but not to raise by that Grandeur any real profit to the Cardinals; but that the Majesty of the Cardinals may contribute to the augmentation of their own Grandeur. The Popes allow the Cardinals as much authority as is sufficient to render them serviceable to them; but in other things they regard them not a jo●. They are not so weak to divide that Monarchy that in their hands is entire, to give it to the Cardinals, by whom they will be served. That Pope that declared the Cardinal's equal to Kings, had no regard but to his own ambition, to the end, the height of his Pontificacy might be the more illustrious, by how much he had Kings in his Service.  
In short, the Popes are very liberal in conceeding ample Privileges, and outward Magnificences to the Cardinals. Let them have the preceedence of Princes, let them go Cheek by Jowl with Kings, let them have the Prelates for their Slaves, and transcend the Episcopal dignity, all is well, these things shall be allowed them by the Popes, and the people obliged under pain of Excommunication to be contented. But let them have a care withal, that they meddle not with the public Treasure; that they touch not the Alms-money; that they question not the actions of the Pope; that they do not recommend the causes of the afflicted; that they press not the disposal of offices and preferments to persons of merit; that they look no further than they are desired; that they do not work or insinuate themselves into any command, but as they are directed; and in a word, not so much as to mention the Robberies and Extortions of the Nephews; if they do, they will be banished the Court, frowned upon by the Nephews, turned out of their Offices, and treated as the vilest of their Subjects, without any respect at all to the Purple they wear. And of this, several examples have been seen in our days. I could name more than four Cardinals that are now alive; (and perhaps I shall name them when I come to speak of them in particular) who, for having followed the dictates of their own reason, and for refusing to comply with the extravagant desires of the Nephews, were reduced to that exigence, they were forced to beg their protection from Foreign Princes. So implicitly do the Popes pretend the Cardinals are to obey them, without ask so much as why or wherefore.  
This method of proceeding was very well known to a certain Cardinal Padrone, or Nephew of a Pope that died not full thirty years since, who being in discourse one day with his Uncle about certain persons that were to be promoted to the Cardinalship, his Uncle insisting upon the merits of some persons, and the service they had done to the Church. The Nephew did what possible he could to put them out of his Holinesses mind, and to recommend others that were in his head, if not in his purse; and because the Pope considered his Pastoral obligation, he would not turn from his resolution, but to pacify his Nephew, began with sober and grave reasons to demonstrate the advantage that would accrue to his Family, by obliging persons of that virtue and merit to his party. But the Nephew that was of another opinion, replied boldly to his Uncle, That be had no need of Cardinals but in the Conclave, so that it was of little importance to him whether his Creatures were virtuous or otherwise, if they were but wise enough to give their voices there.  
I doubt not but if there are already none, there will be others of this opinion, and which is worse, the Cardinals will not know what remedy to apply, the evil being ulcerated, and gone too far. But that would be done by the trial of one single medicine which should be by renewing that Congregati in unum, not in unum with the Pope, but in unum with Christ; by serving the Church before the Pope, and the Flock of Christ before his Nephews; otherwise to repeat what I said before, let their names be changed, and instead of Cardinals of the Holy Church, let them be called the Pope's Cardinals, as indeed they are. If the Pope creates them for his own service only, and his Nephews, let them not pretend to the Apostolic office; and if they be created for the Church's service, why do they stick so close to the interest of the Nephews? if the affairs of the world go on with the same vicissitude as formerly, other things will be seen in time. However, either death must follow, or some remedy must be applied; a disease that increases so fast, can never last long; but perhaps that which men are afraid to do, lest they should prejudice their own interest, may be done by God Almighty himself, who takes the only care of the interest of the Church.  
I was upon a time in a Stationer's Shop in Bolognia, in which they were discoursing of the insatiable desire the Nephews had of heaping up wealth, and of the carelessness of the Cardinals in preserving the Treasure of the Church as they ought: and to speak truth, I had a particular fancy to understand an expression of an Academic of Bolognia, who said the Cardinals were of three sorts; the first, were such as aimed to be Popes, the second, of meaner designs, and the third, the Princes. That the Cardinal Princes took that habit upon them, for the interest and advantage of their particular houses, and took but little care of the Church, because they had little from her but their bare Titles; the poorer and more interested Cardinals, looked no further than the gaining of some Abbeys or Bishoprics for their own conveniences, laying aside all other considerations, lest they might lose their designs; the Cardinals that pretended to the Papacy (that they might not hazard that fortune that depended upon the votes of other people) would pretend not to see the Turks themselves, should they come to take possession of the State. And of this opinion, I suppose there are many more in Rome, than in Bolognia.  
But that which seems most strange to me is, that the Cardinals should have all the trouble, and the Nephews go away with the profit. That the Nephews break Treaties, and the Cardinals are left to make them up again. If there be any business of importance transacted in Rome, and it succeeds well, though done by the advice of the Cardinals, the Nephews have the honour of it; if the Nephews interrupt or break off any important Negotiation, without the knowledge of the Cardinals, the miscarriage and disgrace is taken from the Nephews, and imputed to the Cardinals; though the good Nephews do ordinarily declare and profess the spoiling, and perplexing of whatever they manage, to give the Cardinals the trouble to find out a remedy by their frequent consultations, which they are forced to do, though to their very great affliction.  
Paulus quintuses (as a certain Politician of our time writes) being brought to an exigence in a business of great importance, by the ill conduct, or at least, the ill fortune of the Cardinal Borghese his Nephew, in great melancholy and distress told him, Nephew, you have brought this affair into a very ill condition; to save your Reputation, it must be turned over to the Cardinals, if they can remedy it, it shall be our care to see you have the honour who began it so ill, and not the Cardinals that accomplished it. Such Presents as these the Pope's Nephews send the Cardinals very often; though generally by their insufficiencies they ruin what ever comes before them, and then send the business they have broken to pieces, to be patched up again in their Congregations and Consistories.  
The Cardinals are enraged, and like to burst with indignation, and indeed they can do no less than be angry with those that ruin their affairs, by not advising with them, or by thinking themselves not obliged to do so; but when they consider that the Cardinals their Predecessors took but little care of rectifying the ill ways of the Court, they leave things at six and seven as they found, according to the example of others that were before them.  
The Nephews do but laugh and mock at all this, they live with that latitude and licentiousness, as if there were neither God, nor Justice for them. If the Church has any thing that is good, they know how to make the profit on't; if any thing evil, let the Cardinals look to that. It is reported, that Donna Olimpia being in a fear one day that the Cardinals would not espouse the interest of the Duke, out of animosity to the Pope her Cousin, he pacified her with these words, Cousin, the Cardinals will be of our side in spite of their teeth, and defend the State for their own interest, although we would ruin it for ours.  
Another Prelate, of a sound Judgement, and Zeal towards the worship of God, and no less experienced in the Intrigues of the Court, was asked by a Gentleman of his acquaintance that travelled with him, what it was the Cardinals did treat on in their Congregations, to which he answered, Sir, Let me advise you not to trouble your head about the actions or interest of that Court, for it is enough to confound the understanding of the most experienced Minister in the world: the less you know the better, yet in few words I will satisfy your curiosity; know then, that the Congregations (which are very numerous) serve only as a pretence to the Pope, whereby he would persuade, that his affairs are managed with great prudence, seeing he has the judgement of so many Cardinals in Council.  
If an old Prelate of that Court spoke in this manner to a stranger, it is a sign he was well acquainted with the Intrigues of that City; and therefore there may some reflection be made upon those words. There is certainly great difference betwixt saying, and doing, betwixt acting and advising: I believe really the Popes do consult with the Cardinals, but they act with their Nephews; that is, if the Pope find the Counsels of the Cardinal's profitable to their Families, in the name of God their Counsels are received, they are good Counsels, and the Cardinals are commended as learned Councillors; but if it falls out on the other side, that the Cardinals to satisfy their Consciences, advise any thing for the public advantage of the Church, and of Christendom, and contrary to the immoderate increase of Riches and Grandeur in the Nephews. In this case, the Pope's laying aside all reason, turn tail upon the Council of the Cardinals, and aspersing them with inexperience, they call their Nephews to the Cabal, with whom they do not so much deliberate, as operate, in spite of whatever was propounded by the Cardinals; and which is worse, the Popes in all these cases pretend and excuse themselves with the advice of their Cardinals, though the business be resolved with their Nephews only, and of this I shall give you an example.  
Paul the fifth envying the Sovereign Authority that was given to the Venetian by God, Nature, and the liberality of the Emperors, and Popes, as soon as he had assumed the Papacy, he began to search out for ways to subvert it, supposing by his threatening, to gain some part of his unjust pretensions from that Commonwealth; and having a fair opportunity, by the means of some ecclesiastics that were legally imprisoned by the mature deliberation and prudence of that Senate, to bridle the insolence of those that pretended to be exempt from the Supremacy they had gained, with Sword in hand, in defence of the Christian liberty. The good Pope thinking this a fair occasion to disgorge the hatred which he had kept so long in his stomach against this Republic, he began to thunder out his Excommunications and Interdictions against their Subjects, and the liberty of the Senate, without any regard to the trouble and disquiet it gave, not to Italy only, but to all Europe, to see that Republic used at that rate, which God had so miraculously erected to be a Bulwark to Christendom, a defence to the Liberties of the Italian Princes, a protection and re-establishment to those Popes that were chased out of Rome, and persecuted by the Barbarians; the ornament of Europe, and the terror of Asia. The most Christian King Henry the fourth, who had a particular esteem for this Republic, dispatched away an Ambassador Extraordinary, to divert his Holiness from a Resolution so dangerously prejudicial to the interest of the Public. The Ambassador failed not to perform his duty with all sincerity, and being one day in private discourse with his Holiness, he told him freely, He wondered how his Holiness came to be so easily transported into a resolution, that would be so transcendently prejudicial to the reputation of the Church. To which the Pope answered with some indignation, That that resolution could not be called light, which came from the breast of God's Vicegerent on Earth, and who was acted by Divine inspiration, and assisted by the counsel and deliberation of so many Cardinals. Thus do they ordinarily excuse themselves, thus do they pretend the advice of the Cardinals; thus are the guilty made innocent, and the innocent guilty. However if the Pope did really believe so, the Ambassador was of another opinion; he knew very well, that when his Holiness called that Consistory, in which Pope Paulus resolution of Excommunicating the Venetian was for several days in debate, there were three factions of Cardinals; one of them denied absolutely to concur, and with good reasons demonstrated the Error his Holiness was in; the second was of opinion to protract a while, to consider more of it, and to try if by another means the Venetian might be brought to accommodate with his Holiness his demands: The third faction (which consisted of Cardinals either created by him, or obliged to him for some Bishoprics, Offices, or Preferments) gave their voices clearly for the Interdiction. Not but that they knew in their Consciences the prejudice the Church would receive, and the danger of introducing some new Heresy into Italy; but seeing the Pope resolute, and impatient to be thundering his Excommunications amongst them, to satisfy his designs, they stuck close to him; and would have done the same to the detriment of the whole World, if the Pope had desired it. And therefore it was that Paulus insinuated, that he had done nothing but with the advice of his Cardinals; but he said not, that he had followed the bad part of them, and neglected the good.  
The case of urban the eighth is not much unlike it; he was a Pope otherwise of great worth, and had left a nobler memory of his actions, had he not (towards the end of his Papacy) obscured the splendour of his labours, by suffering himself to be transported by the furious counsel of his Nephews, to a certain violence, destructive to the Ecclesiastical Decorum, the reputation of his own person, and the peace and repose of all Italy. I say, then when he undertook the invasion of the Duke of Parma, who had deserved very well of the Church; turning all Europe as it were topsiturvy, and obliging all the Princes in Italy to stand upon their guard, against those Arms that were taken up and managed with passion. Vrban at that time excused himself, with the same pretence that Paulus did, assuring all the Ministers that were then in his Court, negotiating a Peace, That he was certain he had not erred, for besides that as he was Christ's Vicar he could not err himself, he had not resolved upon that War without the deliberation and advice of the whole Consistory of Cardinals. Which thing was so said, but not so done, for the least thing that prevailed with his Holiness, was the opinion of his Cardinals, who with all the prayers and exhortations imaginable, beseeched him to desist, laying before him the universal scandal it would give to all Christendom, and the insufferable calamities it would bring upon the people; but there was no room for such arguments in the breast of the Pope, the Nephews had resolved to turn the Cross into a Sword, and the Rochet into a Mantle de la guerre; not at all regarding those counsels that were inclining to peace. But let us leave this, and grant that that War was undertaken by the advice of the greatest part of the Cardinals; Let it be as Vrban said: but what then? shall the Pope be excusable by that? or the Cardinals blamed? Oh no: I affirm, that though the Cardinals had given their voices for the undertaking of that War, it would have been to be pardoned. And that this is true, let us see what kind of Cardinals they were that were present when Vrban proposed this War against the Duke of Parma? They were either Cardinals created at the instance of Francisco, or Anthonio; Cardinals obliged for their Caps to the whole House of the Barbarini. Now what could such Cardinals do? deny to satisfy the desires of the Barbarini, who had given them their Dignity? refuse to give their voices for the War, if Francisco and Anthonio recommended it? I know very well Reason aught to take place of Passion; that God's interest is to be preferred before Man's; the universal advantage, to the particular; the honour of the Church, before any private person: and I know again, there is not any of the Cardinals so weak, but they know it; but the business is, the ecclesiastics are fed with Flesh, and not with Divinity: and the interest of this world outweighs the interest of the next, and the reason is, they are not Angels but Men.  
Afterwards Alexander, who was (I speak under the permission of the House of Chigi) Master of the turnings and equivocations, the juggle and pretences that he used, understood this point better than the rest; and some are of opinion, that for many years backward there was not to be found in the Vatican a Pope more inclined to Monarchy than he, taking no small pleasure in humouring and indulging himself, according to the dictates of his own fancy; nevertheless he broke the brains as it were of the Consistories, and hourly tormented the Congregations, and by his usual equivocations and fallacies, he appeared disinterested in all things, committing all things to the Counsels of the Cardinals; in so much that in the beginning of his Papacy, there was a certain Cardinal so far deluded by his outward appearance, that he cried out one day in company where he was, God be praised we have at last found a Pope, that is a lover of good Council. But when the sack came to be shaked, there was nothing but dust; for whilst he said all the trouble upon the Cardinals, to lull and inebriate the World, he himself went away with the wealth, not deviating in the least from the Capricious Monarchy that was exercised by his Predecessors, unless it were in this, that he did it with more neatness and cunning. And indeed he not only left his Treaties, and matters of greatest importance, to be lifted in the Congregations and Consistories, but his common and more ordinary affairs; and yet he did but refer the cause from Herod to Pilate, by a Maxim of policy spun and contrived in his own brain. If the Judgements and Votes of the Cardinals did not agree with his desires, though the business was determined and concluded in this Consistory, or in that Congregation, he would still refer it to another; but if they were suitable with his designs, than there was an end of the business, and the Cardinals discharged from any further trouble. In short, Alexander made the affairs that were to be discussed, to be so much tumbled and tossed in the Consistories, that at last things would of necessity fall out as he would have them.  
It happened one day a Consistory being called, for I know not what business, already examined, and perhaps several times decided, two of the Cardinals going together to the said Consistory, and discoursing of the subject they were again to deliberate, the one said to the other, The Pope will make us come and go in this manner, till we guess out his mind; 'tis better to make an end of it quickly and be at ease, then to let him tire us out, and at last carry the victory. It is not ten months since I met in a Journey with two Roman Gentlemen, one a Priest, and the other a Secular, who were discoursing betwixt themselves about the business of Castro, the Priest swearing that upon that single subject, there had been more than two hundred Consistories held; I who had already wrought myself into the discourse, (for to speak truth when any thing is spoken of the interest of Rome, I open my ears as wide as is possible) had the curiosity to desire the cause of it; to whom he answered like a true Roman, though not like a good Priest, You must know the Pope does nothing in Rome but what is conformable to his own designs, so that the Cardinals not all of them agreeing with his resolutions in the business of Castro, the Pope to weary them out tumbles them up and down at that rate; and I am persuaded there will never be an end of their Consistories, till they comply with his Holiness his pleasure; and you shall yet see this affair of Castro brought about again to the Congregations and Consistories, which is as much as to say, kept in a perpetual dependence in Rome. True it is, Alexander found out a good way to excuse his obstinacy, and in that he outdid both Innocent and Vrban; nor indeed was there ever any Pope knew better how to wound himself out, and throw the fault upon the backs of the Congregations and Consistories. When that infamous affront was offered to the persons of the Duke and Duchess of Crequy, the King of France being himself injured in the person of his Ambassador, writ many Letters full of resentment, and amongst the rest one to the Queen of Sweden, which is inserted at large in the Nepotismo, complaining not so much of the Pope as Pope, as of Alexander and Fabius, that is to say, of his Kindred. A Cardinal of no small authority and zeal being informed of it, forbore not upon a good occasion to speak to the Pope himself in these words; Most Holy Father, his most Christian Majesty does not complain of your person who is Christ's Vicar, and Head of the Church so much as of your Brother and Nephews, who have too great inj●unce upon you. Alexander answered, That he had not received his Kindred into Rome but upon the persuasions of the Sacred College. Which being told the Cardinal Albici when he was at his Table, he replied in the absence of the Pope, what the other Cardinal omitted in his presence, That 'tis true the Holy College had entreated him to bring his Nephews to Rome, but not to destroy both Rome, and the Church too, to advance them. All this was told me by a Gentleman of credit that was then present in the Cardinal Albici's Chamber when the words were spoke; and it is no hard matter to believe it, to them that know the humour of his Eminence, who freely discharges himself of whatever is in his mind, and justifies reason in spite of the World.  
It must needs be confessed then, having so many examples to corroborate, and so many experiments to attest it, that the Pope's use the Cardinals in the Government of the Church for a pretence, and no otherwise, laying the fault upon those Cardinals rather that comply with the desires of the Pope, than upon themselves that act according to the pleasures of their Nephews, or for satisfaction of their own private passions. Of this kind of proceeding I dare not for my part accuse the Popes, who are forced to do what they can for the preservation of their Monarchy: But the Cardinals I dare, who can so easily suffer themselves to be robbed of their Authority, be contented to take Eggs (as it were) for their money, and either out of mere pusillanimity, or some other thing, part with that which is legally their own, and permit their private passions to overrule the interest of the Public.  
The Church without doubt would be a hundred times better served, and the Court in greater esteem, if the Cardinals would restrain the Nephews, and not ●nff●r the Pope to operate as he pleases. When the attempt was made upon the Duke of Crequy, his most Christian Majesty (supposing it able to oblige the Pope to give him a proportionable reparation) applied himself to the Sacred College for redress, and his Letter was exactly as follows.   

Cousin,  
THe assault that was made the twentieth Currant upon the person of my Cousin the Duke of Crequy, my Ambassador Extraordinary, his Lady, and all the French the Corsi of Rome could meet with in the Streets that day, is an enormity so great in all its circumstances, that perhaps in no time, nor place, even amongst the Barbarians themselves, can an instance be found in which the jus Gentium hath been with so much inhumanity violated and abused: And for as much as your Eminence is a Member of that Sacred Body, that is the natural Council of the Popes, I have encharged Monsignor Burlemont, Auditor of the Rota, to wait upon you in this conjuncture, and acquaint you with my resentment of so great an offence, to the end that by your interposition, (which I doubt not but you will willingly undertake as far as you shall be able) I may receive a satisfaction adequate to the quality and extravagance of the affront. But if your Eminences good offices should happen to be ineffectual, they shall not be imputed to me (after this application) whatever mischiefs or calamities shall happen, assuring myself I shall be excusable both to God▪ and to Man, whatever the consequences be; and thus referring the rest to what Mr. Burlemont will present to you by word of mouth, I beseech God my good Cousin to preserve you in his holy favour.  
LEWIS. St. Germane en Ley, 20 Aug. 1662. De Lominie.   

This Letter was read and deliberated in the Sacred College, but only in the particulars relating to the satisfying of the King, not in his Majesty's Compliment in these words, Of the Sacred College which is the Natural Council of the Popes. The Cardinals spent no long time in reflecting upon that which was the principal point, and aught well to have been considered, because when one of the greatest Monarches in Christendom does Canonize the Sacred College for the Natural Council of the Popes, what is it but to remember and excite them to maintain that Station God Almighty has placed them in, that is, to have a care the Popes usurp not an absolute authority over the Church, and that they do not, and undo not at their pleasure, without any respect to the quality of the person they offend. What is natural to the Church, is by special favour from God, if the Council of Cardinals be the natural Council of the Popes, the Popes ought not to usurp any jurisdiction over the Cardinals, so as not being at any time subordinate to the Popes, when they are united and assembled in the Sacred College, it must of necessity be granted that the Popes are inferior to that Council, so that the Cardinals as Members of a Supreme Council, and depending only upon the power of God, and the protection of Princes, are obliged to constrain the Popes to an obedience of those Counsels, that proceed from that Council that indeed is natural. But the Cardinals will not understand this, but turning the Natural Council into a Bastard, they advise nothing that in their Consciences they think necessary for the Service of God, for the Honour of the Church, or the Repose of the Faithful, but only sift out the Counsels, Advices, Sentences, and Opinions of their Popes, and then making their Decrees as they desire them, they take but little care of the rest, not that they want good will, but courage, and audacity, to put that good will in execution, which is a thing so prejudicial to their Grandeur, that it detracts and lessens their dignity. This I am sure of, that would they once take up a resolution of resuming that authority they formerly enjoyed, and renounce the Tyranny of the Nephews, the greatest Princes of Christendom would take their parts, and provide them with all manner of assistance. But let us see the Cardinals Answer to the King's Letter, which in my judgement will not improperly be inserted in this place.   

Most Christian and most Royal Sir,  
I Am very sensible of the transcendent favour your Majesty has done me, in vouchsafing to impart to me your resentment for the unhappy accident betwixt the Corpse's, and certain of the Duke of Crequy's train; besides the honour you have done me by the benign confidence expressed in your Letter, and by the mouth of Mr. Burlemont, your Majesty has also given me occasion with all reverence to represent the great displeasure conceived by our whole Court, but more especially his Holiness, in whose heart there is already so great an impression of esteem, and so tender an affection for your Majesty, produced and augmented by so many glorious actions, so many perpetual testimonies of your Valour and Piety, in demolishing the Garrisons of the Heretics, and shutting their Churches in places under their command: so that his Holiness could not evidence with more paternal demonstration the disgust that action has given him; which he has not only declar'● publicly in his Briefs upon that occasion, but in the Consistory also, and in his private discourse, but much more in his actions, bending all his thoughts to your Majesty's satisfaction, as he has always designed. I hope therefore your Majesty, with your wont generosity, will reflect upon the just motives, and remain satisfied even for the entire quiet and consolation of your Servants, amongst which, I being not inferior to any in point of observance, neither have, nor will fail in my obedience to your Majesty, nor in employing myself to the utmost of my abilities in your Majesty's Service. On the other side likewise I shall rejoice, if in your Majesty's resolutions, your Majesty's Royal Bounty and Prudence does more and more show. So that to make me perfectly happy, there remains nothing but your Majesty's fresh commands, which I most obsequiously do beg of your Majesty, and make my most humble Obeisance.  
Rome the 24. of Sept. 1662.   

Had these Cardinals have been to write in Paris, as they were in Rome, the Letter would perhaps have been otherwise, and not have flattered his Holiness as it did; and indeed in any public Conflagration, people run with water, and not with wood. Yet it is no such wonder to me, that the Cardinals sided with the Pope, as that they rob themselves of their authority, and make show of certain independency, giving the world to understand, that the composure and accommodation of the business belonged wholly to the Pope. There would not so many scandalous offences be committed in Rome; there would not be so many Murders in the State; the Church would not be ha●ra●'d as it is, nor thousands of Families run away from the Tyranny of the Popes; the Court would not swarm so much with dissolute and ignorant persons, nor the people be so deplorably miserable; Virtue would not be banished the Vatican, nor Flattery received into the Capital; Mitres would not be bestowed upon Asses, nor Monkeys introduced into the College; Caps would not be sold at that rate, nor Offices conferred upon him that bids most; in short, all things would go well, if the Cardinals would exercise the authority that God has given them, and not depend upon the Humour, and Capriccio of this Nephew, or of that; did the Popes see the Cardinal's vigilant over their actions; were they sure of their diligence and sincerity towards the well governing of the Church, they would consider of it a hundred times before they would call their Kindred to Rome, and put their whole Dominion into their hands; they would make many a serious reflection before they would disoblige any Prince, and not suffer themselves to be drawn by their Nephews into the displeasure of one or the other. But in short, if they meet no impediment, if they see the Cardinals loitering and asleep, why should they go about to satisfy their wills. Whilst the Popes are sure to have the Cadinals Canonize their errors, why should they forbear to commit them.  
I shall tell one Story very lamentable for the Catholic Church, though in this only, that it makes sport for the ignorant and pragmatic Heretics; for those of better judgement, are troubled at any misery that befalls the Catholics, and which is more, do give God thanks when he delivers them from any extraordinary calamity; but because what I am about to say, is sufficient to break a man's heart, I shall for this reason accompany it with such examples and arguments, as I have been able to draw from the discourse of some persons it was my fortune to be amongst, and particularly two Divines, but both married, which is enough to prove they were no Catholics.  
These two reading of a Gazet one day (do not wonder kind Reader if I say they were reading a Gazet, for we live in an age in which the ecclesiastics spend more time about the affairs of the world, than about their Sermons; and of this sort I knew one myself, that in public was reserved and grave, and in company a very honest man; however he privately translated out of Italian into French, a book so Profane and Satirical, that even the worst of Christians are afraid to read it) these two Preachers then being reading a Gazet, in the time of the vacancy of the See, they found in it, That the Cardinals had concluded upon certain Ordinances and Rules to be observed by the Pope, when he shall be created, and that they had propounded in the Vestry of Saint Peter the abolishment of the Nipotismo. One of the two (which was he that was attending) with a grave voice, that seemed to proceed from a heart full of zeal, said, God Almighty remove those good thoughts out of the minds of the Cardinals, for the scandals of their Church, are the edi●ications of ours; disturbances in their Church, giving ours repose.  
He that has ears to hear let him hear, he that has zeal enough to make reflection upon these words, let him make it, whilst I betake myself to more deep considerations. It is not above a hundred and sixty years, since this Nipotismo began to Lord it over the Church and the Cardinals in Rome.  
They insinuated by degrees, and multiplied their authority daily to that pass, that at present of a custom, it is become a necessity; there being little difference either in their Grandeur or Command, betwixt a Pope and a Nephew; so strangely is their Majesty confounded.  
About the same time Luther, and Calvin, one after another began to appear, preaching with great vehemence against the errors of the Catholic Church, and the exorbitant covetousness of those that governed it, and in a short time putting the whole world into disorder, introducing Reformations in those very Kingdoms that were thought the most Catholic.  
Against this Torrent that ran down with great Victory and Triumph, the Emperor Charles the fifth thought good to oppose his zeal, perhaps more ambitious of gaining Success to his arms, than Provinces to the Pope; so that with his Sword in his hand, Triumphing through Germany, he conquered their Captains, but not their Preachers; he subdued their Soldiers, but not their Consciences; the Reformists increasing every day.  
It was not Luther and Calvin only that opposed themselves against the abuses in the Church, or that made themselves heads of the Religious, and Reformists. There were other persons that appeared, of greater learning, of better extraction, and of more eminence and credit. Nevertheless the Popes of those times knew how to find a remedy, and with most accurate diligence they hindered its growth, crushing the Brat as it were in the Cradle. And yet the Popes than had not so many thousands of men, were not in that esteem amongst the Princes, had not so many Cities and Provinces under their Dominion, nor so many thousand Crowns to expend, nor in short, made use of their Spiritual and Temporal arms so easily.  
And O God, who is it that can dive into the secrets of Heaven, or understand why the Church should in its poverty be able to oppose itself to the very face of its Persecutors, and so weak and unable now the Popes are grown rich, to put a stop to an inundation, that sprang from so small a beginning? Oh God, why have the Popes, that pretend to an universal Monarchy, given place and submitted to too weak and unarmed men? that their hearts should be able to endure to see themselves devoured without so much as speaking a word? that they should be contented to condescend though with shame, rather than to contend with honour.  
In this condition do things stand, though it ought to be otherwise; did not our experience teach us all this, it would very hardly be believed; did not example confirm our Faith, our Faith would stagger to believe it; did not our eyes behold the Enemies of Rome multiplied daily, and Rome itself neglected, these relations would be counted false, though they be never so true.  
But let admiration cease, when reason appears; the minds of the faithful are disturbed, and wander in the very sight of that light that directs them. Let all amazement cease, seeing the cause of these eaves is so manifest. He that would know why the Popes for so many ages have shown themselves so zealous in defence of the Church that is committed to their custody; let him go no further than Rome; Let him visit the Coffers of the Popes, and he shall see that, and the reason why (being really besotted and asleep, notwithstanding their pretences of vigilance) they have been this hundred and fifty years purging the Church of Christ of so many Persecutors, to the great scandal of Christendom, and the great derision of the Heretics.  
Before the said hundred and fifty years, the Popes had no other thoughts than the espousing the interest of the Church; so far have some of them been from preferring their own Families, that they would sooner have exposed all their Kindred to the greatest misfortune, than in the least have been deficient in their Pastoral Cure. As soon as they were sensible of any new Heresy that was broached, they stirred up immediately zeal in their breasts, and indignation in their hearts, they united their Prayers, sent Ambassadors every where, and opened their Treasures of Indulgences to the Reformists, and of Gold to the Soldiers.  
The people being fortified in this manner, and the Princes excited, they cheerfully drew their Swords against the Heretics, postponing their own, to defend the interest of Christ. They gloried in exposing themselves to a thousand inconveniencies and disasters, and to spend their bloods in the preservation of the Christian Faith. They emptied their Chests of their Treasure, to replenish the Flock of Christ. They raised Armies of Christians, to destroy the barbarous Enemies of Christendom. And in a word, they thought of nothing but following the example of those Bishops, that followed the example of Christ.  
But for these hundred and fifty years' last passed, things have gone clear otherwise; the Princes are grown cold, the Infidels multiplied, the Heretics increased, the Credit of the Clergy diminished, and the Church on all sides afflicted; and why so? because the Popes, of Pastors of Christ's Flock, being become Monarches of the Church▪ have had no other thoughts but to make Princes of their Nephews; casting off God's Interest, lest they should destroy the Interest of their Kindred.  
History does show us (as the curious may observe in a hundred places) and clearly evince, that for the space of fifteen ages, the Princes took a pride to spend their Treasure in opposition of those that opposed the Religion of Christ: the reason that excited them, was the example of the Popes, who having but little, gave all they had notwithstanding, to the supply and reimbursement of those Princes that employed theirs against the Enemies of Christ. And in truth, till within these fifteen hundred years, the Emperors, Kings, Princes, and Commonwealths, did strive and contend to join themselves in Leagues with the Popes, against the Heretics and Infidels; and rejoiced more to be acknowledged Defendors of the Faith, and Persecutors of the Infidels with their Swords in their hands, than Princes with their Sceptres; and the same glory the Popes took likewise, not spending their days in pleasure in their Castle of Gondolfo, nor strutting in their Gardens of Monte Cavallo, but in soliciting and uniting the Princes in a League against the Infidels, offering on their part for their supply, not only to sell their Consecrated Vessels from their Altars, but their very Clothes from their backs. But how comes it, things being thus managed, that the Arms of the Christians advanced not victoriously to the farthest extremities of Asia? How could Heresy reign so long, if the Sword of the Catholics was always ready drawn against it?  
But one may ask here, how it comes to pass that the zeal of the Princes is grown so cold, seeing that for a hundred and fifty years' last passed, they have been more ready to persecute the interest of the Popes, than to defend the Faith of Christ. To this it may be answered, That the Princes are grown cold, because the Popes are so; whilst they were zealous for the good of the Church, so were the Princes; but since they began to throw Religion behind their backs, and give themselves over to the aggrandizement of their Nephews; since they began to empty the Coffers of the Church, to fill the bags of their own Kindred, the Princes are fallen off, as not conceiving it prudence to strip themselves of their Clothes, to cover the nakedness of that Church, that is robbed and despoiled by the Popes her Governors, or to supply their Nephews, who are Enemies to the Princes.  
It would certainly be ridiculous, not only to the Infidels, but to the Christians themselves, should the Princes suffer the Nephews of the Popes in Rome, to batten with the Blood of Christ; and they consume the Treasure of their Subjects, in making War upon those that do not so much mischief to the Popes, as their Nephews do to all Christendom.  
When the Knights of Malta took the Grand Sultaness, (which was the occasion without doubt of the War with the Venetian) I was present in Rome, where they discoursed generally, that the Turks would not fail to be revenged, to the detriment of all Christendom. And one day above all the rest, as they were talking in this manner, a certain Roman adventured to say in these very words: I would to Heavens the Turks would take Rome; for 'tis most certain the Slaves in Constantinople are better treated by the Grand Signior, than the poor free▪ born Romans are in Rome.  
And another discoursing likewise upon the same subject, in the company (amongst the rest) of a Prelate that was discontented, and talking that there was a necessity of the Princes joining in a firm League against the Turk; the Roman replied, That it would be a better deed to drive the Nephews out of Rome, than the Turk out of Constantinople, because the Turk had never done so much mischief to Christendom, as the Nephews had done to the Church.  
A Friend of mine had the curiosity to calculate the Money that has been given to the Nephews, and he began at the year 1500. and after a great deal of pains, he found issuing from the Treasury of the Church, above seventy Millions of double Ducats, all delivered into the hands of their Kindred; and this is to be understood of visible Moneys, for of private and invisible sums there may perhaps be twenty Millions more: And those Romans that are within the Town, and have more time to cast up what has been extorted from them, if they would take the pains to examine it more strictly, I am satisfied would find it much more.  
Now if these seventy Millions of double Ducats had been spent in persecuting Heretics, or in making War upon Infidels, where would any Infidels be? where would any Heretics be? Those seventy Millions would have been enough to have overrun all Asia. And (which is of importance too) the Princes would have contributed as much more, had they seen the Pope's more tenacious against their Kindred, and more free to the Soldiers that were fight for Christ.  
The Protestants apply all this to a Miracle of the Divine providence; for God Almighty, say they, began to send Popes that were zealous and passionate for the enrichment of their Kindred, from the very time the Reformists began to appear, to the end that the Pope's having given all to their Nephews, and wanting money, they should have no mind to assist those Princes that would willingly have made War against the Reformists; and hence it was that it was said by the Minister that read the Gazet, That he desired that God would put it out of the minds of the Cardinals, to oblige the Pope to turn the Nipotisme out of Rome. And not without reason, as fearing those great Sums that have been robbed from the Church, and hoarded up by the Nephews, should be employed afterwards to their ruin and destruction. I leave it to the zeal of the Cardinals to make reflection, who if they cannot obtain from the Popes that no more moneys of the Church be given to the Nephews, let them at least prevail so far, as that they would pretend no longer to any Wars with the Heretics and Turks, which would be more reputation to the Church, and give less scandal to the Catholics: Who are engaged upon any tidings of War with the Heretics, and in that rapture cry out, How a Devil should we make War with the Heretics, whilst the Nephews run away with the means, applying that money to their private use▪ that was given by the Faithful for maintenance of the Christian Religion, and the destruction of the Enemies of Christ.  
Hundreds of Examples we have to confirm these opinions; What Succours were sent to the Emperor Ferdinand (who was then fight against the Protestants in Germany) by Pope Vrban? plenary Indulgences, hortatory Epistles, and dilatory Excuses: Yet it is certain there never went in all the times above 200000 Crowns in ready money, and most of that was kept in the hands of the Nuntios, or Merchants; and whenever his Imperial Majesty demanded supply, he was answered with pitiful Remonstrances, and tedious Representations of the miserable Estate of the Church, the poverty of the people, and the emptiness of their Treasury. However the Barbarini were in Rome at the same time, and enjoyed an annual rent of 400000 Crowns, and yet in a War of that importance to the Catholic Religion, they could not find above 40000. But oh God (I speak it with tears in my eyes) against the most Catholic Princes of Italy, whole Millions were nothing; they could turn the Cross into a Sword, to revenge their particular injuries; but in relief of the Emperor, who was vindicating the Christian Faith against the Enemies thereof, they could not find so much as a few Hundreds.  
Innocent the tenth, to satisfy the fancy of a Kinswoman, spent a hundred thousand Crowns upon a Fountain, yet with great difficulty could scarce find 40000 for the supply of the Emperor, who seeing himself abandoned by his Holiness in his Wars with the Protestants, he was forced to patch up a Peace, with no small disadvantage to the Catholic Religion. And yet this good Pope could leave to his Cousin, to the House of Pamphilia, and other Houses allied to that, above eight Millions of Crowns, with which sums they flourish in Rome to this very day.  
The same story is reported of the King of Poland, besieged as one may say by the Protestants of that Kingdom, and brought to a necessity of lo●ing that Crown from the Catholics, or the Catholic Religion from that Crown: And yet for all this both urban and Innocent thought of nothing less than relieving him, because perhaps the Religion of the Nephews (which was nothing but riches and honour) was dearer to him than the Religion of Christ. In short, (and let those Parasites not prosper that write the contrary) the Church of God was never so harassed in Poland and Germany, as in the time of those Popes. Not that the Emperor wanted heart, or the King of Poland courage, but because they saw the Pipes (that conveyed the Supplies formerly from Rome) broken and cut off, and those two Popes resolved to spin out and protract the War, with bare hopes of relief; that they might not bring the rest of the Catholics into an extremity of misery, they concluded to leave the Church of Rome to its self, and make the best use of their own policies, though to the prejudice of Religion, seeing Rome took no care of the Church, nor the Popes of any thing but their Nephews: He that hath judgement, and zeal, and understands affairs, let him correct me if I speak amiss.  
But what shall I say of the Venetians, who have spent the dearest blood of their Citizens in defence of the Faith, of Religion, of Christ, and even of the Popes themselves, and yet many times for all that have they been deserted, and persecuted by the Popes; of which ingratitude I shall not speak much in this place, as hoping for the consolation of all zealous Catholics to publish ere long a Book entitled, The ingratitude of Princes towards the sole Virgin of Christendom.  
This Republic, that for the Glory of God, and the Benefit of the Church, undertook so memorable a War against the Emperor Frederick, and all to restore the Vicar of Christ to the Apostolic Chair, out of which he had been chased, could not notwithstanding obtain for the maintenance of its Armies employed against the Enemies of Christianity, any thing but a pittance of supply drawn by Prayers and Supplications, not from the purse of the Popes, who had sworn to bestow all the Riches of the Church upon their Nephews, but from the tears of the ecclesiastics that were destroyed.  
To that Republic that spent ten millions of Crowns and more, in two years' time for the Service of his Holiness in a War against Frederick the Emperor, the Popes ought in all reason to have given at least two millions in ten years; that those Senators that want neither courage, nor zeal, might have been completely enabled to have defended the Interest of Christ. Oh God to what purpose will they keep so many Jewels at Loretto, so much consecrated Plate in Rome, so many Abbeys for their Nephews, so many Benefices for the Cardinals, so much Wealth for the Popes; if abandoning this Commonwealth, and refusing it that Humane supply that is necessary for the maintenance of the Celestial Glory, it be constrained to submit and truckle to the Ottoman power, which threatens it now with its greatest effect. If the Wealth of the Popes be devoured, the Benefices of the Cardinals given to the Priest of Mahomet, the Abbeys of the Nephews usurped by the Turks, the Sacred Vessels in Rome profaned by those Infidels, and the Seraglio adorned with the Gems of Loretto. God grant my eyes may never see that spectacle.  
Against this, your zeal, most eminent Princes, against this you care, is to watch. In our days (or rather) yours, we have seen the victorious Swede entering into Germany to the great detriment of the Catholics, because the Popes were pleased to have it so, that fattened up their Nephews with that nourishment, that aught to have been reserved for the beating back the Swede to the very walls of Stockholme. God grant, that for want of our utmost assistance the Turk be not seen triumphing in the middle of Italy, nay of Rome itself.  
The Ottoman Emperor knows very well that Popes think of nothing but shearing the Flock of Christ, and giving the Wool to their Nephews; and this it is that secures the Turk that little assistance is to be expected from the Popes, and less from the Princes; concluding rationally enough, that the Princes will not do much, when the Popes that are Christ's Vicars, do so little for his service.  
The Infidels laugh, and the Heretics rejoice, to see the Wealth of the Church so irreligiously devoured, whilst the poor Christian weeps at their merriment. They know they are safe enough for having any more Leagues made against them; and understand the emulations and dissensions amongst the Cardinals. The Protestants are much more liberal of their utmost supplies to those Princes that make War upon the Catholics, than the Popes are of their assistance to those that fight against the Protestants: and from hence it is, the Turks are so victorious over the Christians, and the Heretics over the Catholics at this day. That heat and passion which the Pope's show hourly for their Nephews; to gain Principalities for them, to bestow Pension upon Pension upon them, to build Palace upon Palace for them, and to fill their Coffers with Treasure to the Brims, is that which cools the resolutions of the zealousest Prince, and exasperates the Infidels in their wicked designs. A great shame it is indeed, that the Heretics should have more ground to accuse the Catholics, than the Catholic has to impeach the Heretic. And of this the Cardinals are obliged seriously to consider, as persons thought worthy to be Members of that Sacred Body, that is, the Natural Council of the Vicar of Christ.       

Il CARDINALISMO di Santa Chiesa, OR THE HISTORY OF CARDINALS. In III. Parts.  

PART II.  

BOOK II.  

The Contents.  
In which several particularities of the magnificence of the College of Cardinals are treated. Of the manner in which the Popes have endeavoured to debase the Cardinalitial Majesty Of the ill usage Cardinal Astalli received of Innocent the tenth. Of a remarkable saying of a certain Cardinal, upon the ill usage the Cardinals receive from the Popes. Of certain Popes that have had thoughts of increasing the number of Cardinals to a hundred, and the causes that moved them thereunto. Of certain politic reasons, about this advancement, and diminution. Of the causes why the Pope's delay to make Promotions till towards the latter end of their days. Of the reasons that moved Urban the eighth to continue seven years without creating one Cardinal. Of the industry of the Nephews in raising their Fortunes, and procuring wealth to their Families. A parallel betwixt the Families of the Medici and Barbarini, in the time that Florence was a Republic. Of the small esteem they had at Rome, before the creation of Urban. Of the promotion of Francisco Barbarino to the Cardinalship. Of the time that Urban alone governed the Monarchy of the Church. Of the causes that moved him to leave the whole Dominion in the hands of his Nephews. Of the natural inclination of the Romans to count all the Pope's Nephew's Devils. Of the number of voices Cardinal Francisco had in one scrutiny. Of the false opinion some people had, that Cardinal Francisco bought the Papacy in the last Conclave, with the disbursement of a round sum of money. Of Cardinal Ginetti, of the difference of his manners and inclinations, from Cardinal Barbarino's. Of his immoderate covetousness. Of the Vicarship, and other Benefices conferred upon him by Pope Urban the eighth. Of the number of Nephews that he hath, and of their virtues and vices. Of some particulars of Cardinal d'Arach, and how little he was regarded in the Court of Rome. Of his zeal in the reprehension of the iniquities of that Court, in their secret Congregations. Of Cardinal Antonio Barbarino, and the reason why he was called Romano. Of the Dignities conferred upon him before his Cardinalship. Of his inclination towards Women. Of the prudence he used in defence of the French Interest. Of the grëat severity Cardinal Palotta used in his administrations of justice. Of his sentencing Cecca Buffona, a famous Courtesan, and Cardinal Anthonio's Mistress, to be whipped. Of the animosities it begot, and the great persecutions that followed thereupon. Of the disinterest he showed towards the Crowns. Of the manner how Cardinal Brancaccio obtained the Cap. Of a notable saying of a witty man. Of the great number of his Kindred. Of the assiduity wherewith Cardinal Carpegna was always ready to serve the Barbarini. Of his humour that was something melancholy. Of one of his Brothers called Don Mario. Of the difference betwixt the Youth, and the Age of Cardinal Durazzo. Of the way by which he arrived at the Cardinalship. Of his affability in conversation, and other particulars of his nature. Of his death. Of the advancement of Mr. Julio gabrieli, from being Clerk of the Chamber, to the Cardinalship. Of his Bishopric of Ascoli, and his Legation from Urban. Of his nature, and his ignorance in letters. Of the great merit of the House of Ursino, and the promotion of Virginio Ursino to the Cardinalship. Of his protection of Portugal, and the great ardour with which he defended the Interest of France. Of the good life of Cardinal d' Este. Of his art in equivocating, and his affability in conversation. Of Cardinal Facchinetti, and his reputation in the College. Of Urbans promotion of Girolamo Grimaldi, a Genoese, to the Cardinalship. Of the esteem they had for him in the Court of Rome, and in Paris. Of Cardinal Rosetti, and his Negotiation into England. Of that which exalted Cardinal Donghi to the Cardinalship, and of the reputation he got in his Legation to Ferrara. Of the principal causes that moved the Pope to confer a Cap upon Monsignor Rondanini. Of the fortune Nicolo Ludovisi had to he advanced to the Cardinalship, and other particulars of his nature. Of the kindness Innocent had for the Cardinal Cibo, and of the esteem he had in the Court for his good behaviour. Of the great respect and reputation Cardinal Sforza is in. Of his humour, that has more of a Soldier in it, than of a Prelate. Of the Cap that was given to Cardinal Odescalco, upon the importunity of Donna Olimpia, and of the opinion they have of him at the Court. Of the promotion of Monsignor Raggi to the Cardinalship, of his comportment, and what they thought of him at Court before his promotion. Of Cardinal Maldachini his humour, his promotion, and other particulars of his life. Of the promotion and Persecution of Cardinal Rhetz. Of the ambition Cardinal Homodei had for the Cardinalship, and of his virtues. Of Cardinal Ottobuono, and his qualities. Of the Cardinal Imperial, and his qualities. Of Cardinal Borromeo, and of his promotion. Of Cardinal Santa Croce. Of the Cardinal d'Hassia. Of the Cardinal Charles Barbarino. Of the Cardinal Spada. Of Cardinal Albici. Of Cardinal Aquaviva. Of Cardinal Pio. Of Cardinal Gualtieri. Of Cardinal Azolini, and several particulars of the Cardinal's aforesaid. Of the number of Cardinals created by Pope Urban the eight. Of the saying of a great Wit upon the number of those Cardinals. Of the number of Cardinals created by Pope Innocent. Of the principal end the Popes ought to have in the promotion of Cardinals. Of the causes that render the Court of Rome so Majestic. Of the opinion of a Tuscan Gentleman thereupon. Of the glory wherewith Innocent began his promotions. Of the Cardinal Princes created by Innocent the tenth. Of the little inclination Urban had for the creation of Cardinal Princes, and the disgust given to the creatures of Paul the fifth. Of the zeal wherewith Alexander the seventh began his Papacy. Of his intention at first to make many Cardinal Princes. Of the discourse he held thereupon with his Domestiques. Of the power given to Signior Majetta Ambassador from the Duke of Savoy. Of the misery the College is in at this present, for not having a greater number of Cardinal Princes. Of the great pleasure the Popes take at the news of the death of any Cardinal. Of the Cardinals that are created by the Douzanes, and obliged to follow the interest of the Nephews. Of the cause why the Cardinal Princes do wear the Purple, and of the great honour to receive it.   

THE Magnificence of the Cardinalitial College is so great, and its splendour so immense, the Cardinals themselves could not wish it to be greater. The respect and observance that is paid them, is very little different from what is given to Kings, and in some things they exceed the condition of Princes. Yet the Grandeur of the Sacred College would have been much greater, if (after its first institution, or at least after the multitude of Prerogatives conferred upon it by so many several Popes, by whom it hath been enriched) it had maintained and continued its ancient virtue and decorum. But I know not how it is come to pass, that the Popes either repenting that they had raised the Cardinals to so high a pitch of magnificence, or that they did not regard (as it is too likely) the pulique benefit of the Church, postponing it to their own private interests. It is sufficient that they have endeavoured not the conservation or advancement of the Cardinalitial Majesty, but the abasement and destruction of it, and that two several ways, but one much more pernicious than the other.  
The first is, in having admitted into the College persons of mean extraction, and of as little virtue, with which they are not able to cover in the least the baseness of their birth, for certainly it would be a less evil, had they either virtue or learning to atone for their natural defects. Nor would this be so despicable and dishonourable for the reputation of the College, were the Caps given only to persons of mean extraction, but the worst is, they are conferred upon most infamous persons, abounding with all wickedness and mischief, and perhaps fitter for the Galleys, than the College.  
The second is, that the same Popes (who with so many Bulls and Ordinances have ing●andiz'd the College) either forgetful of their former policy, or blinded by some Mundane passion, have for a certain time passed given themselves over to lessen and abuse them, as has been many times seen, not only in the times of Paulus quartus, and Sexi●s quintus, and other Popes; but in the milder and more moderate days of Innocent the tenth, who upon a single relation (whether true or false) received by Azoleni, against the person of Cardinal Astalli (as shall be related in its proper place) without process, or information, nay I may say without any offence, prejudicial to the Church, or scandalous to the Court, he used the said Cardinal Astalli so ill, he could not have used the greatest Rogue or Criminal worse; to which may be added the same usage that Cardinal Anthonio received from the same Pope.  
And after this manner it is, that the Cardinalitial dignity is brought into great obscurity by the Popes themselves, which serves as an example likewise to the greater Princes, who seeing the Cardinals handled at that rate by the Popes, they in time take their opportunities to entrench upon their authority, and usurp upon them, inspite of all the clatter of Rome. Insomuch that there are some Cardinal's ashamed as it were of their Purples, to see themselves subjected to the insolences of mean persons, that for the most part are they that are advanced to the Papacy. To this purpose I remember, that one day two Cardinals of great judgement, talking together about the above said ill usage of the Cardidinal of Rhetz in France, the elder of them, told the other, That it is better to be abused by a great Monarch, than a great Clown. Nor is this dignity ambitioned by Princes to add honour to their birth, but only because it is the office of the Cardinals as I have said before, to make election of their Popes. For this reason the greatest Monarches are glad to have them their friends, and to oblige them with large pensions, which custom was introduced by the Spaniards, amongst whom it is practised with more liberality; that the Popes may thereby be made the more inclinable to their party. There have been some Popes that have had it in design, to incraase the number of Cardinals, from seventy to a hundred, according to the example of Romulus the founder of Rome, who elected a hunhred persons, the most excellent in the whole City, and called them Fathers.  
But the Popes of this Age, who are so taken up, and devoted to the interest of their private Families, would with more readiness reduce, than increase them, in respect of the great reverences that are requisite to the dignity they possess, it being necessary they should leave some considerable subsistence to persons obliged to live in Pomp and Grandeur. Yet the augmentation of their number would be more advantage, because if their number was greater, the more frequent would their promotions be, and by consequence they would be the more able to create more creatures to for their Families and Nephews, which is the only thing their Holinesses think on.  
But on the other side, if things be considered more nearly, the smaller the number of the Cardinals is, the better for the Purse of the Nephews, for by that means they receive the profits of all vacancies, the Popes not making a promotion, but with a great deal of trouble, whilst they bestow all the vacant Rents of the Cardinals upon their Nephews▪ who knowing very well there can be no better supply than ready money, they part with any thing that may furnish them with that. However they are zealously industrious to get whatever they can; the Popes whilst they are vigorous and strong, and free from infirmities and diseases, do keep their Cardinalships vacant and unsupplyed, drawing the whole profits to themselves; but when they find themselves sick, or in extremity, they fill them up immediately, as Vrban the eight did, who for seven years together did not create one Cardinal; but afterwards, towards the latter end of his Papacy, he created fifteen at one Ordination, and eleven at another. And Alexander the seventh, would have put it off likewise to the last; yet the truth is, he left not the Sacred College long unsupplyed, because he had no other way to fortify and sustain his own Family, but by augmenting the number of Cardinals with his own creatures.  
But it is time now we discourse something of the qualities, merits, customs and adherences of all the Cardinals, to give the greater perfection to our Cardinalism, and the greater light and illustration to the Reader, by consideration of the natures and humours of all them that make up the Apostolical College, which are in all sixty eight, viz. of the creatures of urban, sixteen, of Innocent the tenths, twenty, and of Alexander's, thirty two (of Clement the ninths addition we shall speak in its proper place) and to avoid confusion, we shall proceed according to the order of preceedence, beginning with the creatures of urban, amongst whom FRANCISCO BARBARINO presents himself first to our consideration.  
This Cardinal is at present Dean of the Sacred College, to which dignity he arrived after the death of Cardinal Carlo de Medici, Uncle to the Great Duke. I shall not enlarge myself here by the description of the Family of the Barbarini, which considered in the time when Florence was a Republic, appeared to be equal, and in competition with the house of Medici, that had the preceedence of them all, which Family, increasing in Riches and Grandeur, and growing by degrees to the Supremacy in command, the other could not brook the Tyranny of the Medici's, but dispersed his branches here and there, and particularly in Rome; where Maffeo Barbarino being made Cardinal, Francisco, and Anthonio, two Brothers, and Sons of the said Maffeo's Brother, were put to study in a certain College, in which, the esteem they had of them was so small, that the Sons of Artificers would scarce give them the place, especially to Francisco, who was so little known, so ill shaped, and of so unrefined a wit, they could not believe him to be the Nephew of a Cardinal who was witty and judicious indeed, but otherwise fit for any thing else than to make a Pope.  
Fortune notwithstanding, who sport's herself with whom she pleases, disposed things in that manner, that she rendered Cardinal Maffeo worthy of that dignity, in spite of the whole College (if it be lawful for me to say so) who little thought of making such a man Pope as was induced with so arrogant and haughty a mind. No sooner therefore was Maffeo leaped into the Vatican by the name of urban, but he promoted Francisco to the dignity of a Cardinal in the very first Consistory, which was in the year 1623. on the second of October, with the Title of Saint Onofrio first, and then of Saint Agata, to the wonder of all those that would have thought it an injury to him, should they have said that he was in so short a time to leap over their heads. And Pope Vrban understanding how unfit this Nephew was for Council, how little read in politic affairs, and in the interest of the Court, he kept him a while from the management of business, and did not suffer him to be present at any debate; and under the Title of Master of his Chamber, he gave him Monsignour Filo Marini to be his Tutor and Governor, which Filo Marini had served the said urban in the same Character of Maestro di Camera.  
But it was not possible for Barbarino to submit himself to the Tutelage of Filo Marini, although he was but three and twenty years of age, he avoided not only his Counsels as much as he could, but his Conversation and Company, having conceived so great an aversion to his person, that forgetting all the services he had done him, he endeavoured to hinder his exaltation to the Cardinalship: a few months after he gave Filo Marini to understand that he should not take too much upon him, or behave himself as his Schoolmaster, for he had judgement enough to govern himself and other people too. And indeed he began to govern after his own fancy, and with so much insolence, that he little regarded the displeasure either of the Court, or his Uncle, who to satisfy his pride and ambition, gave him the quality of Cardinal Padrone, that was never known in Rome before, nor usurped by any Nephew of the Popes.  
About the same time Vrban created Anthonio Brother to the said Francisco Cardinal, and sent both of them his Legates a Latere, Francisco into Spain, and Anthonio into France, one of them taking upon him the protection of one Kingdom, and the other of the other. Francisco obtained much more in Spain, than Anthonio did in France, returning with great presents and pensions, and with an affection wholly devoted to the service of that King, whom he afterwards always observed with much more punctuality, than Anthonio did the French King.  
For the space of ten years' urban governed all the Dominions of the Church, as well Spiritual as Temporal alone, in which time he got the reputation of being one of the most renowned Popes that ever was in the Vatican, not permitting his Nephews to thrust themselves into any business, till they had twice received his commands from his own mouth; so that the Cardinal Barbarino, who had the Title of Padrone, could not dispose of so much as one flower in the Garden of the Vatican without his Uncle's knowledge; but the ten years being expired, and Vrban growing infirm, and overlayed with so many cares, and diseases, Francisco began to lift up his head, and to take the whole Government of the Church into his hands, and to manage it with great Magistery and Dominion. But this absoluteness of his, brought him no small disrepute, for thereby he palpably disgusted all the Princes of Christendom, even the King of Spain himself, upon his own private Capriccio, opposing the Abbot Perretti's having a Cap, though that King did earnestly desire it.  
But in this, Barbarino showed his great policy, revenging himself for a long time of Perretti, and preventing his having the Cap so cunningly, that the King had not the least shadow of suspicion that it was he, but believed the fault to proceed rather from another.  
However this I sha●l say, that had not the Papacy of urban been so long, Francisco had not had so many occasions of disgusting the Princes, he having otherwise qualities worthy of a Pope, both in respect of his Learning, his Prudence, and the Candour of his Converse, which (though some people conceived to be counterfeit and forced) I could never imagine, he having given so many evident proofs to the contrary. The truth is, it being the nature of the Romans to look upon the Nephews as so many Devils, though they be never so good men (which notwithstanding happens but seldom) Francisco could not during the Pontificate of his Uncle obtain the least air of reputation, unless from the common people, in respect of the great alms that were given them, not only from his own house, but from the Coffers of the Church.  
Innocent the tenth, a sworn Enemy of the house of Barbarini, endeavoured to debase it, and reduce it to its primitive State; so that not contented with the process made against Anthonio, he would needs take out new against Francisco, but there were not so many Articles against this, as against the other. However this persecution proved at last to the glory of the Barbarini, Pope Innocent recalling them from their Banishment in France, he made an alliance with them, and made use of them in the management of his principal affairs so much, that in his time Francisco began to get great credit, reconciling himself to all the Princes, and to the College of Cardinals, so that after the death of the said Innocent, he wanted but little of leaping into the Vatican, having received in several Scrutinies, thirty four voices or more.  
Certainly, considered as a private person, this Cardinal deserves so much praise, as is not possible to describe; he is reckoned of so immaculate and untainted a virtue, that he is by many people supposed to be a Virgin, and indeed I never heard the least scandal or aspersion upon his Chastity, he being always a great Enemy of all sort of scandal.  
His manners were of that uprightness and integrity, that all those gifts that Saint Paul recommended to the Pastors of the Church, were applicable to him. There was never the least Oath or Blasphemy known to come out of his mouth; and if at any time he chanced to be transported with anger, he was never so far overcome, as to be carried out of his road of Modesty, for which he had always a great value, abroad, as well as in his own Court. There is not a day but he performs his Divine Offices, as well of Charity as Devotion, and so frequently, and so devoutly visits the Church, that he makes all people believe him a Saint.  
Amongst all his Virtues, his Charity towards his Neighbour is most conspicuous, he relieves very liberally, not only those whose necessities are visible to every one, but such as are privately in misery, giving several largesses of Alms to the Widows, and Fatherless, and such poorer Families, as being ashamed to beg, are wont to starve betwixt four walls, before they can ask.  
In short, these works of Piety in him have so captivated the affections of the people, that 'tis verily believed, were the Election now in them, they would pull the present Pope out of the Vatican, to put Francisco in his place. But if we consider him as a Prince, his qualities are much different from his qualities as a private person, and I believe in those, few Cardinals can compare with him. In his irresolution he had no Peer, being so much unresolved, he can scarce be brought to a resolution after very long debates: his fear lest things should not succeed well, keeps him in so great a suspense, that he forgets still to come to a conclusion. He believes no man so wise as himself, and therefore can hardly be brought to take advice from any body else, and if he does, he spoils all commonly with his arguments thereupon.  
The weakness of his judgement does not suffer him to undertake great matters, so that he always endeavours to oppose them that would, contrary to his Brother Cardinal Anthonio, whose judgement is so strong, that it is an easy matter for him to believe the whole world may be put into his hands: besides, if at any time he has taken an impression of any thing, whether good or bad, into his mind, which indeed happens but seldom; the power of God only is able to remove it, and not the Council of man. His love to his Family is so great, that he advanceth them as if he Idolised them, and thinks them impeccable, even at the same time he sees them offending.  
But all this would be nothing, were he not overruled by a great desire of revenge, as being an implacable Enemy to all that he hates: however he is no Hypocrite to his Enemies, for he carries that malice always in his brow, that is rooted in his heart. Notwithstanding all this, the defects that he has as a Prince, are obscured by his virtues as a private person, with which virtues he has so effascinated the hearts of the Court, that he is generally thought worthy of the Apostolic Chair.  
There are four things considerable in him, and capable to advance him to the Throne of the Vatican.  
The first, is the affection of the people, purchased as I have said by so many actions of Charity, that they do firmly believe he would not fail to find out some expedient, to ease the people of those grievances in which they are so miserably involved.  
The second, is his long practice and experience in public affairs, there being not one Cardinal to be found more skilful in the Intrigues of governing the Church; in the time of his Uncle, he Governed all, and in the time of Innocent, he did it further, who towards the latter end brought him into no small reputatation, and though he had had some slips when he was Cardinal Padrone, and disobliged several Princes, however 'tis now believed, being advanced in years, he will administer with greater maturity and judgement.  
The third, is the great Wealth of the Family of the Barbarini, besides vast sums of money lying by them, so as this argument of E●ecting a Pope, whose Family has no need of greater supplies, as being already on the Pinnacle of Felicity, may perhaps induce the Cardinals to exalt him, to stop the mouths of all Christendom which murmurs incessantly against the Popes, who for the inrichment of their Families, give themselves over to the destruction of the Church.  
In short, if the Chair were vacant, his pretensions would probably bring it happily about, especially if with his infinite wealth, and above all, with his ready money, he should resolve to follow the example of Alexander the seventh, a most barbarous and abominable Pope, that made it lawful, at a very dear rate to purchase the voices of the Cardinals; and this infamous Merchandizing, was by many people believed to be shut up in this last Conclave; but it has been found clear contrary by all people, and but the invention of false and malignant tongues, to pollute the reputation of the Barbarini, and the Conclave; such a thing being not to be believed in honesty, or piety (reasons of too weak foundation when a Kingdom is the price) or rather because Barbarino is studious of appearing as he is, would not, nor never will, by so foul an action, defile the lustre of his Virtues.  
And there wants not another way for him to make his utmost attempt, and that is, by endeavouring to get the Chigi to his side, that they may cooperate with the rest of his Creatures, the Spaniards being with him already, or at least not against him; but observing new rubs in his way, he betook himself to his Politics, and prevailed to have the Papacy thrown upon Rospigliosi, that is older and more infirm than he, as not despairing but he may outlive him, and have a new push with his pretences; but I will say as another man did.  
Evecchio Barbarino, ed e Decano, Dean Barbarino is an ancient man, Ma e troppo d●ro, e saria gran fortuna, 'Tis hard, and would be strange, if ere he can Calcar due volte il soglio Vaticano. Twice get possession of the Vatican.  
GINETTI is the next in order of preceedence to Barbarino, a person in his converse, and inclination, different from him to a wonder, there being no conformity betwixt them, but in the integrity of their lives, and the irreprehensible preservation of their Chastity, both of them being believed to be Virgins. For other things, Ginetti contrary to Barbarino, would be a good Prince, as loving good Council without an obstinate adhaesion to his own opinion, a great enemy to Revenge, and a friend to all good Resolution.  
But on the other side, as a private person, he is very unfit in many respects, but especially for his extraordinary Avarice, for which he is called by an Antonomasia il Giud●o, a vice that is, and will be much to his prejudice, having already rendered him ungrateful to all good people, and subject to many falsities and lies: and it may be said very truly, that this height and extravagance of Covetousness, has twice snatched the Papacy out of his hands. That Cardinals not thinking it possible he can be a good Prince that is so polluted with a desire of gain, though otherwise of very great virtues and endowments.  
He was born in the City of Velletri, the Son of a Merchant▪ of but small fortune, yet very industrious in the acquisition of Wealth, and trading in trifles, so he might but turn the Penny; and from him it was Ginetti learned his Covetousness, and proved his Fathers own Son.  
His name of Martio, made him never the more Martial, his inclinations bending him to Peace and not War, to idleness rather than labour; and finding the scarcity in his own house not agreeing with his desires, he came to Rome, and took upon him the Ecclesiastical Habit, as proper to conceal the defects of his nature; and it fell out very well, for after he had courted certain Cardinals, he gave himself wholly to the service of the Barbarini, serving Cardinal Francisco, as he would have him himself, and with as much humility as was possible. And Barbarino well satisfied with his service, and approving the entireness of his dependence upon his Beck, made him be created a Cardinal, that he might be sure of one that would be true to his interest. And Vrban moreover, that he might stick the closer to his Family, declared him his Vicar in Rome, which is a considerable charge; and for life, he gave him several other Benefices likewise, and great authority in the Apostolical Palace, and made him Protector of the Order of the Carmelits besides.  
Vrban also would needs have him acknowledged amongst the Princes, but 'tis most certain he had better have suffered him to have stayed in Rome, than to have sent him his Legate into Germany to negotiate an universal peace amongst the Princes, seeing that Legation turned to his perpetual dishonour, by reason that he addicted himself more to the interest of his own Family, than of Christendom; but that which is most strange is, that at his return (as if to do the Church ill service, was to merit reward) he was declared Legate of Ferrara, where for three years' time he heaped up much wealth, and transacted underhand with the Jews themselves, and all to leave his Kindred rich, if he should die before he arrived at the Popedom: he having not omitted any thing imaginable to advance them to divers offices, and civilize that rusticity that was natural to them.  
The affection he hath for his Family, and the desire he hath to advance them both in Honour and Wealth, though in him it be very exorbitant, yet 'tis a fault rather of the age, than of his person particularly: for in the Sacred College at this very time (by the secret judgement of God perhaps) there is scarce one person to be found that is not overwhelmed with that abominable Vice, and would not be glad to see the whole Treasure of the Church in his private Coffers.  
Ginetti has three Nephews, and two Nieces, the elder that is a Prelate, helps much towards the expiation of his Uncle's miserableness, by the lustre of his own liberality; he is Chierico di Camera, and in his inclinations as bountiful, as his Uncle is sordid, noble in his conversation, studious, intelligent in matters of Law, and not ignorant in Politics, and the art of Government; so that many believe the Papacy would be very happy in the hands of Ginetti, because this Nephew would be as it were chief Minister, and ma●e good the defects of his Uncle.  
The other Nephew is a Prelate likewise, and in his nature resembles his Uncle, but not in his ablities; for that reason he is not much considered, every one being satisfied, that though his Uncle should be elected Pope, he would never make much use of such a man as he.  
The third is a Secular, an honest man, but of very small parts, however his Uncle is pleased that he has married him into the Family of Emilio Cavalieri, forasmuch as great Alliances carry no small advantages along with them.  
What to presage of him further I cannot tell, because he is fourscore and two years of age, and the Pope that was made not above three months since, is but seventy: and yet it happens many times the Lamb dies before the Sheep; but though they have leaped over his head twice already, he may live to be leaped over again, though the Spaniard be his friend, he having always carried himself with great circumspection towards him, and the Barbarini must acknowledge him their constant creature.  
If he should live to see another Conclave, in respect of his great age, he might possibly have a great party, though otherwise his extravagant parsimony would be no small impediment; for it may be said with Pasquin;  
Echo che nella giostra entra Ginetto, Ginetto for the Popedom (like a Dog) Grave d'eta, ne sperarebbe in va●o, Does wait, nor would he meet with any clog, Se il Consistoro sifac●sse all Ghetto. Were but the Consist'ry a Synagogue.  
ERNESTO ALDALBERTO d'ARACH, a Dutchman, troubles himself not much with the Court of Rome, for divers reasons, but especially because he finds the Romans to have as little regard for him; not but they have an opinion of his merits, but because he observes his Country to be almost always infested with wars and troubles, so that every time he appears in Rome, he fills them with a thousand jealousies and suspicions; and therefore with great prudence he keeps himself at a distance, and never comes to Rome, but upon a Vacancy, and then only to keep up the interest of the Emperor, to whom he has always been a most affectionate Subject, and not ingrateful for the benefits he has received.  
He was a Priest at the time Pope Vrban the eight conferred the Cap upon him at the instance of the Emperor, to whom he had done so many transcendent services, that he seemed obliged to advance him to a Cardinalship, there being nobody more worthy, both in respect of the greatness of his parts, and the goodness of his life; which qualities, gained him the Archbishopric of Prague also; which office he exercises so well, that the people adore him, all Nations reverence him, and the Germans acknowledge him a person of great Morality and Virtue.  
He has a great aversion to the artifices and dissimulations of the Court of Rome, and in the last Consistory for Clement the ninth, it astonished some of the Cardinals that were present, and had their residence in Rome, to hear with what frankness and integrity, he reprehended (in their private Congregations) those iniquities that afflict the Court, and are a scandal to the Church.  
This Cardinal in his converse is very affable, and familiar with every body; he is very generous to his Servants, and no less charitable to the poor. He was promoted in the year 1626. the 19 o● January.  
ANTONIO BARBARINO, a Floretine, is Brother to Cardinal Francisco, is Chamberlain of the Holy Church, has an infinite number of Abbeys, and Protections of Orders, and is Archpriest of Santa Maria Maggiore; he was born in Rome, and for that reason was called Romano. His Uncle made him Prior and Grand Croce di Malta; not being willing to violate the Decrees of the Popes, who do expressly forbid the making of two Brothers Cardinals.  
But Antonio being impatienty ambitious of a Cap, solicited his Uncle so earnestly, that he declared him Cardinal in the year 1628. though Francisco was not pleased with his preferment, and privately opposed it as much as he could. Great were the employments Pope Vrban conferred upon Antonio, being much pleased with the gallantry and generosity of his deportment; he was declared Generalissimo in the States of Bolonia, Ferrara, and Romania, against the Venetian, the Great Duke of Tuscany, of Parma, and Modena, and behaved himself very honourably in his charge; but the people that were satiated with the Government of the Barbarini, and looked upon that War with an ill eye, and as an affliction both to their Bodies and Souls, approved not the manner of his proceedings, though in truth he knew well enough how to manage his affairs.  
The great inclination he has had to women, hath been no small blemish to his reputation, nevertheless he knew how to wash out that stain. At first he was a great Enemy to learning, but he is since grown a great lover, and protector of it.  
Splendour and Generosity are so natural to him, he has gained off several creatures from other persons, by his liberality and magnificence, and although in the the opinion of the people he be fallen into some errors, yet he is so far from being hateful, he is exceedingly grateful to the people of Rome.  
He uses great prudence in defending the interest of France, to which Crown he is infinitely obliged; he speaks of the French with very great respect, but so, as to give no just offence to the Spaniard. Though he receives great emoluments from France, yet he spends much more than he receives in regaling the French.  
GIO. BATTISTA PALLOTTA of Cald●rola in the Province of Marca, is the Nephew of the late Cardinal Pallotta, who left him not only his Estate, which was great, but his Maxims also: and a certain austere way of proceeding, in his distribution of Justice.  
The house of Pallotta deduces its nobility no further, than from the dignity of these two Cardinals, and particularly of him that is living, who had Benefices and dignities conferred on him, as soon as he had taken the Ecclesiastical Habit upon him. Vrban the eight loved him so well, he thought him a proper person to do the Church good Service, and therefore, as it were in the beginning of his Papacy, he declared him Governor of the City of Rome, in which office he gained the affection of the whole City, exercising all things impartially, without respect of persons, not regarding so much as the Nephews themselves; which was evident enough, when he ordered Cecca Buffona (a famous Courtesan, and very dear to to Cardinal Antonio) to be whipped through Rome▪ Cecca Buffona believed, under the protection of that Cardinal, she might do what she pleased, so that she made no scruple to transgress against a severe order of the Governor Pallotta, but he was not long in revenging it; and that he might do it with the less trouble, and impediment, he charged his Servants, that for the space of two hours, nobody should be introduced to his Cabinet, where he shut himself up, whilst justice was executing upon her. Cardinal Antonio having the news of her Imprisonment, dispatched a Gentleman to Pallotta, who was very civilly entertained by his Domestics, till the two hours were expired, and then he being brought into the presence of Pallotta, presented him with an order from the Cardinal Antonio, for the immediate enlargement of the Prisoner Cecca; Pallotta replied, his Eminence was his Padrone, and without more ado, gave order for her dismission. He arrived with his order at the Prison, just as the Officer brought her back from being whipped, which put the Cardinal into such a rage, he swore he would be revenged. Pallotta owned all to his Holiness, who was well pleased with the action; but knowing well his Nephew's humour, to prevent any mischief he might contrive against Pallotta he sent him in the quality of Collettore into Portugal, where in the maintenance of some Punctilio of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, he excommunicated the Royal Council of the City of Lisbon; who sending their Officers to carry him to Prison, he was forced to leap out of a window to escape, with no small danger of breaking his neck: and so posting to Rome, a few months after his arrival, he was promoted to the Cardinalship, in spite of Cardinal Antonio, who did his utmost to prevent it.  
But his promotion notwithstanding did not secure him against persecution, for he did not only meet with many troubles, and affronts, during the time of Pope Vrban, by means of Cardinal Antonio, who studied day and night which way to do him an injury; but was forced likewise to retire out of Rome in the Papacy of Innocent the tenth, by the contumelyes he received from Donna Olimpia, incensed against him for being one of those that endeavoured her expulsion. His great zeal not enduring to see a woman domineering in the Vatican.  
In the Congregations, and Consistories, his judgement is as much regarded as any man's, nay even by the Barbarini his professed Enemies themselves: his conversation is pleasant, his life Angelical, and retired from all vain company.  
He is inclined to do good to all people; there is no body comes to him, but he goes satisfied away; he gives his Letters of recommendation very freely, provided it be not to restrain the hand of Justice; in that case he by no means concerns himself for any one, nor will hinder the course of Justice that is always to be free.  
In his Legation of Ferrara he gained the ill will of the Venetian, by some controversies that they had, but certainly they had no reason to complain of him, because he upon all occasions speaks well of them: For the Crowns indeed he shows no great concern, as shunning all occasions of giving jealousy either to the one or the other: yet 'tis generally believed he is inclining to the Spanish party. He is more feared than beloved in the Court; he is a man of great integrity, and irreprehensible in his conversation. In his transactions he is something too long and irresolute, and too much given to the affairs of the Friars: Not only his Lodgings, but his Palace is perpetually full of Solicitors, in private affairs as well as public; and it is believed by every body, that if he were Pope, he would go very far in the reformation of the Friars.  
But this tediousness and delay in his affairs, may be excused by a certain abhorrence, and impatience of idleness that he has in his nature, that spurs him on to be doing, though it be never so little, and raises him business out of every trifle. Yet were his employments greater, he would appear no less resolute than he was in his Government of Rome. For my part I think him not likely to come to the Papacy, and that out of chastisement to the People, that are not worthy of so good a Pope; for this I dare affirm, that in the whole College of Cardinals there are not any more deserving the Chair than Pallotta, Farnese, and Elci, for their integrity, justice, love of the people, for their impartiality, and that they are not lovers of their Kindred; only Pallotta is seventy years old, and were it not for the Gout wherewith he is often tormented, he would be very healthful and strong.  
FRANCISCO MARIA BRANCACCIO is a great Lord, and Knight of Nido in Naples, which is as much as to say, one of the principal Nobility. He received the Cap from Vrban the eighth, at a time when he little expected it, and was created, more in despite of the Spaniard, than for any merits of his own; for they going about to violate some of the Immunities of the Church, Brancaccio undertook to defend them, and caused the Captain of a Company of Spanish Foot, that was overactive against him, to be shot. The Spaniards resenting much the death of their Captain, (who was Nephew to the Precedent of that Province) sent out immediately to take the Cardinal (that was then Bishop of Carpasio) Prisoner; but he to avoid the violence of the King's Officers, escaped by night, and arrived safely at Rome, where within certain months he was made Cardinal, and gave occasion to a witty person to say, That he who kills one Spaniard is made a Cardinal, and he that kills two a Pope.  
Vrban did this to animate the rest of the Prelates against the Spaniards, and one there was that attempted in the same nature, but he was clapped in Prison, and came not out but with his heels forward. Brancaccio is a great Lord, moderately generous, but irresolute and inconstant.  
He loves Learning well enough, but gives not much countenance to learned men; he is a good Lawyer, and sustains only such causes as are equitable and just, which makes him to be thought worthy of the Papacy, though his excessive kindness to his Kindred, makes him not take the right way to attain it.  
The number of his Relations is infinite; for the House of the Brancaccio is so numerous, and divided into so many several Families in that Kingdom, as will supply (upon occasion of his Exaltation) all the Charges and Dignities of the Church. So as should he live to see another vacancy, there would be but little hopes for him, the Spaniards having no great affection for him, though they pretend to be reconciled; and besides he has but a very small party of his own. He is about 69 years of age, much addicted to his pleasures, and too frequent at Balls and Comedies, though his age takes him off very much.  
VLDERIGO CARPEGNA of Vrbino, in regard of his Nobility, has some small respect in his own Country, but his poverty obscures it; and to the end he might not always remain so, he devoted himself with great assiduity to the service of the Barbarini: and they to remunerate his services, and add another Creature of their to the College, got him created Cardinal in the year 1633. the 28. of November.  
He is a great lover of Learning, and Learned men; he is a good man, of an exemplary life, but his parts not extraordinary; in affairs of State he is competently well practised, but the best is, he knows well enough he is not the most experienced man in the World, and therefore hearkens very readily to other people's counsel, as having wit and judgement sufficient, to choose and select the most proper for his own affairs.  
His humour is something melancholy, but without asperity or moroseness, speaking always kindly to every body; to the poor he is very charitable, and would be more, if his Estate would bear it.  
His complexion is weak, and his age about seventy: He is a most partial Friend to the Great Duke and his Family, who would govern all in case of his exaltation to the Papacy: And the truth is, the Barbarini and the Grand Duke have endeavoured his exaltation to the utmost in the Conclave of Chigi, but in this last there was no great mention of him, because there were no Cardinals of the House of Medici to promote his interest.  
He has a Brother called Comte Mario, a name not at all acceptable in Rome, for Don Mario Chigi's sake, though he be of a humour clearly different; for this Count is of a good nature, and a profound judgement, so that were his Brother Pope, 'tis probable he would have the Government of all things. But if the Chair should come to be vacant, I know not what to say of him, he having nothing to recommend him but his being a Cardinal, nor nothing to support him but the Grand Duke; so as I shall say of him as they did in the last Conclave, Carpegna c'ha una debil complessione Carpegna's of a weak complexion, Si tien spedito, perch questa volta And may despair of his Election, Li Medici non fanno ordinatione. Since Medici give no direction.  
STEPHANO DURAZZO, was born in Genoa, of a Noble Family, and considerable amongst the greatest and most ancient in that State, though his Order be but modern; his youth and his age were very different, for he may pray with all the reason in the world, Delicta juvent●tis mea, & ignorantias meas ne memineris Domine.  
And indeed before he was Cardinal, that is whilst he was a Prelate only, he regarded nothing but his pleasures, and indulging his Genius, playing from morning to night very often at Cards and other recreations, both with men and women, but especially with women, his nature inclining him more particularly to that sex; in so much that whilst he was young and under thirty, he was more than once or twice constrained to kiss the Holy Cross, and keep Lent with Biscuit and hard Eggs only; nor can he now he is old number the money that he has spent upon Ladies, and Luxury.  
But as soon as he was made a Cardinal, he altered his humour so much, that it may be said, there are very few equal to him, in the unblamableness and devotion of his present life. As soon as he took upon him the Ecclesiastic habit, he bought the Office of Chierico di Camera, and a while after that of Tesoriere Generale Apostolico; but he enjoyed that but a short time, for the Barbarini that they might have it to ●ell to another, made Durazzo a Cardinal, and as report goes at this day in Rome, there was a Present extraordinary in the case.  
Vrban the eighth having no mind he should be idle, gave him employments good store, and particularly he made him Legate of Bolonia, in which Office he deported himself so well, he gained the universal affection of the people. But the Nobility looked not so kindly upon him, because when Justice was in action he considered not the difference of degrees. He was likewise Legate of Ferrara, but he stayed not his full time there, being obliged to give place to Cardinal Antonio, during the Wars with the Princes of Italy; so that he retired to his Archbishopric of Genoa, from whence he seldom came forth unless it were to the Conclave.  
There is nobody, but he perhaps could have told how to have disintangled himself from those many difficulties he met with in that Archiepiscopacy; he having upon sundry occasions disobliged the Senate. In his Conversation he is affable, but not always of the same humour; so that oftentimes the best way is to comply with that, and they that know how to do it, obtain what they please themselves.  
He is accessible enough, but not too liberal to the poor, especially for a person of his fortune. He has not been over happy in the Election of his Vicars, there having been some of them that have served him very ill. He seems to interest himself zealously for the Crown of Spain; but when it comes to an Election of the Pope, he does no great matter, which makes some people of opinion, he is for the French at his heart. If he has had hitherto any thoughts of being Pope, having past the seventy fifth year of his age, I imagine he has laid them by now. In the last Scrutiny he had seventen voices, and had he had thirty more, 'tis probable he might have carried it. But I shall speak no more of him, for at this very time▪ when I am concluding the aforesaid particulars, I have news that he died the tenth of July; God Almighty send him peace, for he has left a great number of Masses for his Soul.  
GIULIO gabrieli a Roman, from the Chiericatura di Camera, was advanced to the Cardinalitial dignity without any merits of his own, only the good disposition of urban would have it so; and the Nephews were resolved to sell his place to another.  
He was made Bishop of Ascoli a while after, nobody else being to be found that would accept it, because it was so unreasonably overcharged with Pensions. But he ventured on it, merely that he might have his residence out of Rome; according to the judgement of many, believing, that the less a Cardinal is present at Court, the more likely he is to arrive at the Papacy; he is a true Roman, when he has a mind to discover himself freely, (which he does but seldom) he uses great variety of Compliments, which at first were looked upon as very great instances of his goodness by some persons, but since it has been generally known, that it was only to imitate and revive the Modes of Innocent the tenth, they have for the most part changed their opinion.  
In the time that he was Legate of Urbin, under the Government of Vrban the eight, he showed no small rapacity, or (to give it a milder name) avidity; so it is, by his parsimony, and other ways, he has known how to enrich his own Family vastly, and would do it more, should it come into the Cardinal's heads but to make him Pope; but I see no great probability of that now, for Clement the ninth, that is but lately Elected, is a year younger than gabrieli, and will scarce leave him his place so soon. It is true, he has the Spaniard on his side, with whom he holds correspendence; but for the future 'tis supposed his intelligence may be greater with the French, in respect of an alliance he pretends to have with the Cardinal Vandome.  
He has many other noble Kindred, as being allied to several of the principal Families in Rome, as the Altieri, Lancelotti, Coccini, and others.  
The people of his Diocese are not wes● satisfied with him, not for any defect in the exercise of his Pastoral Cure, but because he pressed and exacted several Taxes that were imposed by the Pope.  
His virtues are, that being conscious of his own ignorance, he endeavours what he can to improve himself, and to that purpose disdains not the conversation of learned men, in whose company he is very sweet and affable, but something too ceremonious. Some there are, that look upon him as malacious, and revengeful, and truly I think him so, but it is only in great and serious matters that he shows it, for small things he passes over with gentleness enough. He was promoted in the year 1641.  
VIRGINIO ORSINO a Roman, known all Europe over, as well as in the Court, is esteemed by all that understand the merits of the house of Orsino; this Family of Orsino has for several ages past, kept the Barbarians from Rome, and preserved the Apostolic Chair in tranquillity, so that with good reason may it be said, that the whole Church of God are particularly obliged to the Orsini, and that the Popes will be very ingrateful, if they suffer not them to have a Cap now, as they have formerly had, there having been above three hundred Cardinals in that Family.  
He was an Abbot; and whilst it was in agitation to make him relinquish his Abbey, to qualify him to marry the Princess Ludovisi, Pope Vrban being alarmed at the conjunction of two such Families, to prevent the match, promoted him to the Cardinal●● p, as soon as he understood the design.  
Some there are that imagine he was made a Cardinal at the great instance of Cardinal Antonio, who induced by the importunity and presents of the Duke of Bracciano, Uncle to the Cardinal Orsino, who being troubled to see his Family without a Cap, applied himself so effectually to the Cardinal Antonio, that at length he obtained his desire.  
But for my part I cannot believe it, for his Nephew the Abbot, by his virtue, and his parts, did sufficiently deserve a Cap, besides the nobility of his house; and in truth the College of Cardinals receives more honour to have one of the house of Orsino, to be a Member thereof, than the house of Orsino to have a Cardinalship; and therefore 'tis not to be believed that those advantages can have made him purchase that so dearly, that was due to him without it.  
Formerly the house of Orsino was of the Spanish faction, but now it has the Protection of France, and his most Christian Majesty has Cardinal Orsino in great estimation, and not unreasonably, for there is not any body that regards the interest of that Crown with more ardour and integrity, than that Cardinal does.  
Some years since, to the great dissatisfaction of the Spaniard, he was declared Protector of Portugal, yet the Marquis of St. Romano forbore not to invite him amongst the rest of the Cardinals when he made his Entry into Rome; but repenting of it afterwards, he sent to him that he should not incommode himself, unless he would declare upon what score he would send his Coach, lest afterwards he should give out he sent it as Protector of Portugal. This was reckoned a great weakness in the Ambassador, and a thing that might have produced ill consequences to himself; but all was pacified and set right again before the Entrade, by the interposition of Monsignor Burlemont, a person of great worth, that by the prudence of his deportment does the French great honour in Rome.  
This Cardinal is much respected in Rome, because he is much feared, some people believing him vindicative, but his anger is only a sudden impetus, not lasting or durable at all.  
In one of the Congregations held during the vacancy of the See after Alexander, the revocation of the Decree made by the Congregation of Ceremonies, about the Title and Entertainment the Cardinals were to give the Roman Princes, being proposed and pressed by the Cardinal Aquaviva, Orsino was so much disgusted, that he departed an hour before the Congregation did rise, and continued in open defiance with the said Cardinal.  
He lives splendidly enough, if we consider what he has, and keeps up that Grandeur, and Liberality, that have been always connatural to his Predecessors.  
There are some that asperse him with Pride, but unjustly; for he is very civil to all persons that come near him, and particularly obliging in his Letters, which he vouchsafes to return in very familiar language to all that write to him, especially if they be of any quality.  
RINALDO d'ESTE a Modenese, is a Prince of an Angelical life, a great Enemy to Epicurism, and voluptuousness, which in some Cardinal's Princes seems to be their only design, they being oftentimes ambitious to be Cardinals for no other end, but to live profusely and high.  
Yet is not this Cardinal so severe, but that he uses such recreations and divertisements as are honourable, and may consist with the dignity of his place.  
Amongst the rest of the Virtues in this Prince▪ there are two more especially resplendent: one is his affability in treating readily with all such as come to him, making no scruple, as others do, to give access to every body, and to dispatch them with good satisfaction: the other, is the great affection and alacrity with which he protects all such as have their recourse to him, and to be protected by such a person, is not amiss.  
All the world holds him very well read in the Art of dissembling, and keeping his designs close and reserved: yet he could not dissemble at the news that was brought him, that the Admiral of Castille, Ambassador extraordinary from the Crown of Spain, had declared at his arrival at Rome, that he would visit all the Sacred College, but the Cardinal d'Este; which the Cardinal disdaining, he took a resolution to go immediately to Rome, where having entered into some difference with the Ambassador, they both fell to their Arms, and as some Histories report, put the whole City into confusion. Nor could he dissemble any more when Pope Vrban told him, that he did believe, that he having been formerly against the Family of the Barbarini, and now tacked about to their side, did it only to obtain the Abbey he desired, with which the Cardinal was very much nettled, and replied hastily, I suppose your Holiness likes not my being in Rome, if I were sure of it, I should depart immediately; and the Pope having told him, God be your speed, the Cardinal took Coach forthwith, and returned to Modena.  
This Abbey of Nonantola came into his hands by means of the Marriage the Barbarini made with the Duke of Modena his Nephew, the Barbarini having given nothing to that Cardinal, but that Abbey which yields him but twenty thousand Crowns a year at the most. He was promoted to the Cardinalship in the year 1641. the 16. of December.  
CESARE FACCHINETTI, is a Gentleman of Bolonia, Innocent the ninths Nephews son. He is a worthy person, and lives with the reputation of an honest and prudent man. He hath been employed in the principal offices of the Court, and has shown great judgement and dexterity in them all, but especially when he was Nuntio in Spain, where he carried himself so well, he got the applause of the whole Nation, the King declaring him a person of worth, and recommending him to his Holiness, so as upon his return, he was made a Cardinal by Pope Vrban.  
He was afterwards made Bishop of Si●gaglia, a strong City and Port in the Duchy of Urbin; but his merits being more worthy, he had the Bishopric of Spol●to given him in exchange, where he now remains, to avoid all occasion of involving himself in the interests of the Court, which are too often but a prejudice to such persons of desert, as think that way to advance their fortunes, though many believe the way to arrive at the Papacy, is to keep out of Rome.  
He has no Cardinals his Enemies in the whole College: the Spaniards are his friends, and the French have no reason to complain on him; his merits also are so great, that if the See were vacant, he would have no small party for his Election. But the mischief is, an unlucky custom that is lately introduced, and that is, that the Nephews of the last Pope, will have one of their own creatures to succeed him. He was promoted to the Cardinalship in the year 1643. the 13. of July.  
GIROLAMO GRIMALDI a Genoese, was promoted to the Cardinalship by Pope Vrban, and that for four reasons. The first was, because he was born of one of the principal Families of Genoa, with the quality of Sovereign, as he was Prince of Monaco. The second was, to recompense the office of Chierico di Camera that was purchased by the said Grimaldi, and devolved afterwards to the benefit of the Pope. The third was, the prudence of his carriage in his Government of Rome, with which he gained the affection of the whole people, as also when he was Nuntio in France, and began with all integrity imaginable to incline to the interest of that Crown. And the fourth was, to find him so firm to the service of the Barbarini his Nephews.  
By several persons I have been informed of his qualities and humour, in the relation of which, his virtues and his frailties have been described as follow.  
He is said to be very thoughtful and cogitative, a great designor, jealous of himself, bold in his enterprises, and full of tricks and windings to support them, inclined to his own accommodation, though with never so much inconvenience to his Neighbour, a friend to Novelties, pleased to hear his enemies ill spoken off, a free discoverer of his own mind, and not a little given to the conversation of Ladies.  
As to his Virtues, they say he has many likewise, with which the French were much taken; and particularly he is loving and courteous, and desires with gentleness to satisfy all that have business with him; he is respectful to all people, without exception of persons, that is, every one according to his degree; he rewards his servants liberally, and willingly receives the recommendations of his friends; he loves learned men, and delights himself to converse with them in the time of his recreations; he has a quick judgement, and discerns very well betwixt what is to be retained, and what is to be rejected; in short, he is well beloved both at Rome, and at Paris, as a person dexterous inbusiness, and exquisite in the most eminent affairs.  
CARLO ROSSETTI of Ferrara, was a wild and dissolute young man, and insolent in all the Company he came; and because ordinarily the Italians believe, to put a Religious habit upon such shoulders as his, is to consecrate a Sacrifice to God, Rosetti was advised to repair to Rome, and take the Ecclesiastic habit upon him; which he did immediately, and applied himself to the service of the Barbarini, who were then regnant, and particularly to Francisco, who took so extraordinary an affection to him, that he provided him such employments as might lead and introduce him into the College of Cardinals.  
He was sent in the quality of Nuntio into England, to negotiate with that Kingdom for the ease of the Catholics, but his Negotiation had but little success, his life being in no small danger amongst those tumults; and indeed he would have withdrawn himself with more reputation, had he been wiser: but he had much ado to scape with his life.  
When he was Nuntio at Colen with Chigi, he spoiled all that transaction, by the too much partiality he showed to the Spaniard, and had not the prudence and conduct of Chigi been interposed, all things had gone topsiturvy: At which he took so great a displeasure, that he alone opposed the Election of the said Chigi, although he saw the Barbarini on his side, to which Family he was grateful only in this, that he opposed himself publicly against Pamsilio's Election, and for no other reason but that the Barbarini were against him.  
In short, in the person of this Cardinal, there are two things considerable, his moral virtue, and his politic dexterity; as to the last he never had any great success in all his Negotiations, either that he had no fortune, (which oftentimes has its share in the greatest transactions) or that he had not that subtlety or sagacity in business as is necessary. It is enough that he deserved not the Title of an Excellent Politician, though some of his Friends, and particularly in the Grand Duke's Court, do cry him up for an Arch Politician: But they that look nearer upon him, do but laugh at those Eulogiums.  
As to his morals, he is indeed worthy of commendation, not having given the least scandal since he took the habit upon him. He is inclined to do justice impartially, and therefore in the Bishopric of Faenza where he is ordinarily resident, he is beloved of all people; he is charitabls to the poor, especially if they be sick; he is zealous of the Worship of God, and has other virtues that render him worthy of being Cardinal and Bishop, but not Pope, which is no less Prince. He was promoted to the Cardinalship 1643. the 13. of July.  
GIO. STEPHANO DONGHI is a Gentleman of Genoa, worthy of the Purple from the very time he took upon him the Ecclesiastical habit, yet it was not his worth, but his wealth, that opened the door to his promotion to the Cardinalship.  
He first bought one of the Clerkships di Camera, and a while after Cardinal Spadas negotiation proving unhappy, he was sent into Lombardy in the quality of Nuntio and Plenipotentiary, to agitate the Peace with the Princes of Italy, in which employment he spent above fifty thousand Crowns of his own money, and being returned to Rome, he complained very much of the Barbarini, that so many persons of less merit than he, were preferred before him that had done such service to the Church, and that Family, at his own trouble and expense. In so much that urban to avoid the imputation of ingratitude, and that he might have the Clerkship di Camera to dispose of again, promoted him to the Cardinalship on the 13. of July 1643. in which Dignity he behaves himself with so general applause, that they have good reason to bless God for his promotion.  
In his Legation of Ferrara he acquired immortal reputation, as a person that understood which way to distribute justice, with sweetness; and upon several occasions he obliged the Venetian so, that they give him the greatest commendation imaginable.  
He is apparently engaged to follow the interest of Spain, his whole Family depending upon the protection of that Crown, yet he manages himself with that prudence, that he gives no disgust by his expressions, to the other party.  
As he is rich, his expenses are great, but it is in things that are honourable and necessary, not in vanities and trifles. He is of a benign, affable, and pleasant nature, and charitable above all, so that were it not for his unhappiness in being a Genoese, he would be very worthy of the Popedom.  
PAULO EMILIO RONDANINI, the last Cardinal of Pope Urbans Creatures, he was promoted the 13. of July 1643. and that for two reasons especially: The first was the desire the Barbarini had to be selling his Office of Chierico di Camera, and fingering the money. The other was, to recompense the several services he had done them, particularly when at his own charges he raised a Troop of Cuirasiers for the service of the Barbarini, against the Princes of the League.  
He has many virtues that render him worthy of the Dignity he possesses, but those virtues are eclipsed by certain natural defects, and above all by his pride, he disdaining to take notice of the salutes that are given him; but he is striving by art to correct these infirmities in his nature: he loves to be accosted, and comes not with the last to Comedies and Pastimes. In matters of business he is not much considerable, his brain is too weak to receive any thing of consequence, though he should engage himself in any such affair, so as I fancy he will die before he will arrive at the Papacy, and be content rather to enjoy what he desires.  
It follows now that we speak of the Cardinals created by Innocent the tenth at several promotions, which are now living, and the first that presents himself is NICOLO LUDOVISI a Bolonian, who was advanced to the Cardinalship on the sixth of March 1645.  
This Lord obtained the Cap by fortune merely, his merits not rendering him worthy of that honour, though he was endued with judgement and other qualities good enough for a Prelate.  
The Cardinal Colonna about the beginning of the Papacy of Innocent, resigned the Archbishopric of Bolonia to him, but so overcharged with Pensions, there remained not a thousand Crowns clear, for the maintenance of himself and his Court. His friends advised him not to engage himself in that manner, nor to undertake so troublesome a Cure, where the profit and reputation was so small; for it was the general discourse that Colonna had a long time sought out for a person that would accept of it, and could find none, it seeming impossible to most people to live with so great a charge. So that it may be rationally concluded, that the Archbishopric was not conferred upon him in consideration of his merits, so much as of the Pensions that were upon it; however the Nephews out of an ambition of having an Archbishopric at their devotion in their own Country, encouraged him to take it, and he did so.  
The Prince Ludovisi being about this time married to a Niece of Pope Innocents', was consequently introduced into the favour of the said Pope, though but indifferently, (Donna Olimpia not suffering his greatest graces to depend upon any but her own authority;) he began to imagine it would be convenient to have a Cardinal in his own Family, that he might have the better intelligence of the secrets of the Court; and ruminating with himself of this, and of that, the Archbishop came at last into his mind, who was his Cousin by the Mother's side, and carried the Name of Nicolo Albergati; so that he entreated his Holiness at his request to confer a Cap upon the said Albergati, but upon condition he should renounce the Name of Albergati, and be called Cardinal Ludovisi.  
His Holiness satisfied the desires of the Prince, and dispatched away a Brief immediately with the conditions proposed by the Prince; which Albergati made no difficulty to accept, and to take upon him the Name of Ludovisi and the Cardinalship together, which in Honour and Nobility exceeded much the Name of Albergati; and these were the degrees by which this person ascended to the Purple.  
All the expenses that are usual in such cases, were defrayed by the Prince, for his own poverty affording him little to spend, he made use of the House of the Prince, his Cousin, as if he had been his own Brother.  
The Pope having an eye upon his indigence, gave him some other means to sustain himself, and among the rest made him Chief Penitentiary, and sent him Apostolic Legate to Florence, to christian a Son of the Great Dukes. In which Legation he was presented with very fine Arras Hangings, and other curiosities for his Chamber, the Grand Duke very well understanding what he had principally need of.  
Many believe that in time, being a little ripened with age, he may raise his fortunes in some Conclave or other; and this their opinion is founded upon the exemplanariness of life which he pretends to (though many suspect it to be but forced from the exactness with which he has governed his own Church) upon the reputation all his Brothers carry in Bolonia, being esteemed persons of judgement and integrity, and upon the affection the Spaniards bear to him, whose interest upon all occasion he takes great glory to espouse.  
These reasons amongst the common people do ascertain him to be Pope, but they that understand him better, and converse with him often, are of another opinion, and do find him uncapable of governing such a Kingdom, by reason of his invincible obstinacy, which is so natural, and so great in him, that amongst many it is counted perfect madness; for he renders himself thereby unacceptable to all that deal with him, especially when they treat of matters of Conscience, he is so refractory, all the arguments in the world are not able ●o alter his opinion.  
This is the judgement of him amongst the Cardinals; but it may be when he grows riper in years, this obstacle may be removed, for excessive obstinacy is doubtless an obstacle to any that pretend to the Papacy, as may easily be proved by the example of Sextus the fifth, who was the most fantastical and g●ddy headed person in all the Cloisters; yet when he came to be Cardinal, ambitious of fishing in the Sea of Saint Peter, he offered violence to his nature, counterfeiting meekness so much, that he was counted ignorant, submitting always his own opinion to the judgement of the other Cardinals.  
If he will do so, the Papacy 'tis possible may fall into his hands, whereas otherwise he will fall out of the hands of the Papacy, as he fell out of the Padronage. When Innocent took his resolution to create a Cardinal Padrone, for his assistance in his Pastoral Cure, the Prince with all the importunity he was able, recommended the said Cardinal Ludovisi his Kinsman; but Innocent knew him too well, denied to satisfy the Prince, and promoted Astalli to the peace, not that his Talents were greater than the others; but because Panzirolo (who had great influence upon his Holiness) had told him, that he was a person able to distinguish betwixt good and evil, that he was solid in his Councils, and not peremptory in his opinions as Ludovisi was; it is enough to say that Ludovisi was laid aside, and Astalli, received into the place; and indeed it was better for him to have been rejected, than to have run the same fortune with Astalli, which will be memorable in all Ages.  
ALDARANO CIBO da Massa di Carrara, was promoted to the Cardinalship the 6. of March 1645.  
Innocent always loved him very well, and looked upon him as worthy of preferment; insomuch, that as soon as he was created Pope, he declared him Maggiordomo of the Apostolical Palace, he having in his Prelacy gained some reputation; and afterwards made him Cardinal in the year aforesaid, both for his particular inclination to his person, and a respect he bore him as he was descended from the Noble Family of the Cibo in Genoa, from whence Innocent the eighth was descended. But the principal motive, according to the common opinion was, because Innocent was persuaded by Donna Olimpia to get Monsignor Cibo's Palace that was joining ● his own, and laying them together, to make a magnificent one for the Family of Pamfilio: which design being apprehended by Cibo, he made his Holiness a present of it, refuring any consideration. And though the Pope paid for it, would by no means accept it as a gift; yet it left an obligation upon him, that he was offered it, so that for this reason, and the other, he created him a Cardinal, in which dignity he has comported himself so well, he has the applause of the whole Court, and will increase i● daily, he being esteemed a person of great justice and integrity; and in his Church di J●si, where he ordinarily resides, his reputation is so great amongst the people of that Country, that they swear there cannot a more worthy Pastor be found in the whole Universe.  
In two L●gations that he performed, he signalised himself so, that he acquired the reputation of a great Statesman, and a person proper for the highest employments.  
He is very studious, and indeed a little too much, for his study makes him something Melancholy; his diversion is Music, which delights him exceedingly, especially if it be Spiritual Music. He is Spaniard both in his inclination, and interest, his Family being all under the protection of that Crown.  
He is as retired, as he can possibly, which makes all people suspect he aspires to the Papacy, and in my opinion, were merits rightly considered, he might obtain it; but the mischief is, in the Conclaves at present, the interest of factions, and nor the merit of the person, carries it, would the Cardinal satisfy their own Consciences, and give their voices for so worthy a person, there might be some good expected from such an Election, the Church would certainly be better served, and the State better governed; provided he changed not his humour as Alexander the seventh did, who of a Saint of a Cardinal, became a Devil of a Pope as soon as he received the Keys; which will make the Cardinals consider for the time to come, before they give their Votes for an honest man, that is, for such an one as counterfeits, and pretends honesty only, which I cannot believe of this person.  
FEDERICO SFORZA a Roman, is a most considerable person in respect of the Nobility of his Family, that have formerly been Dukes of Milan, with the Title of Sovereignty, besides an infinite number of Cardinals, that have rendered it conspicuous with their Scarlet.  
In the Pontificate of urban, he took upon him the Habit of a Prelate, with hopes to obtain what he has now got; but he could not reach it in that Pope's days, nor get any higher than to be Vice-Legal of Avignon, which was given him by Cardinal Antonio, with promise also of a Cap; but that promise vanished into smoke, Cardinal Antonio finding excuses enough, to withdraw himself from his word.  
Innocent the tenth, that so noble a Family might not be without that Purple, created him a Cardinal 1645. and because he knew he was disgusted at the manner of Antonio's proceeding with him, he gave him the office of Chamberlain, which the said Antonio was possessed of, but rather in despite to Antonio, than affection to Sforza; who (without regard to those benefits, being unable to bridle his nature, that was always inclined to speak his Sentiments freely against whoever it was) fell a murmuring against Donna Olimpia the Pope's Cousin, with such Satirical arguments, that she not being able to bear them, was forced to put him out of favour with his Holiness, who discharged him of his office of Chamberlain (which was no small honour and advantage to him) and obliged him to retire to his Bishopric of Rimini.  
He was always thought a Frenchman in his humour, by the activity of his spirit, and the liberty of his tongue, besides, that his residence at Avignon, had contributed its share.  
But for all this, he followed the Spanish interest, in which he prospered very well; several were the causes that moved him thereto; the first inducement was the rich Ecclesiastical preferments that were given him by the Spaniard; the second, in aversion he had to Mazarine, with whom he could not possibly hold correspondence, if he were for the French; the third was, that he could not (as he said himself) go along with the designs of the Cardinal Antonio; and the last, because his Father held several Feuditary Lands, as Heir to a Milanese Lord, that was his Kinsman, in the Duchy of Milan.  
The Cardinal Antonio did really show this Cardinal Sforza a Roman trick, and that was the reason of his animosity: he kept him in so sly a suspense for the Cardinalship, that Sforza resolved to let him have his Palace of Sforza, as it were for a song, Antonio persuading him he should not fail of his Cap; but the contract being made and secured, not a word of the Cap more, which nettled Sforza to the quick.  
At present things seem to be composed, yet every time that Sforza looks upon that Palace, that is since given by the Cardinal Antonio to the Crown of France, for a Residence to the French Ambassadors, it troubles him to the heart.  
In short, this Cardinal has a head more for a Soldier than a Priest, is feared at Court rather than beloved, and given to all kind of pleasure.  
BENEDETTO ODESCALCO of Como, was promoted with Sforza, and the rest, the 6. of March 1645.  
His design was from his youth to put himself into the Prelacy, and therefore in the beginning of Urbans Pontificate, he began to court the Cardinal Barbarino, with hopes to obtain the Clerkship di Camera; to which end, he not only gave him moneys by way of advance, but quickened and reminded him daily by some new present or other, so that Barbarino was obliged to procure him that office, in which he left him for a while, and designed to promote him to the Cardinalship, which was the principal thing Odescalco aimed at.  
Pope Vrban being dead, ambition augmented in the breast of this person, that could not sleep for contriving which way he should arrive at the Cardinalship; he knew he was well enough provided with wealth, and therefore thought it best to take that way, to ingratiate himself with Donna Olimpia, Cousin to Innocent that succeeded urban; he presented her several times very nobly, and amongst the rest, he gave her a most stately Cupboard of Silver Plate, which was the thing indeed that opened the way to his Cardinalship: for Donna Olimpia being obliged by his presents, that she might not be taxed with ingratitude, and that she might give encouragement to other pretendors in the Court, to address themselves to her in the same way, she went to her Cousin the Pope, and begged a Cap for Odescalco, which she obtained, but not without the intercession of Cardinal Pallotta also.  
Whilst he was but a Prelate, he took great delight in Comedies, and Balls, and such recreations; but since he has been a Cardinal, he has altered his ways, and taken such as are more necessary and direct for the acquiring the Papacy: many people wonder at the great charge in him, from so great a liberty in his life (yet not to vice) to see him retired to that degree, as if he hated now, what he formerly loved. He is of the humour of the Lombard's, free, and without Hypocrisy, and cannot hold from speaking his mind whether it be good or bad; resembling Cardinal Sforza very much in that point, with whom he is a great correspondent, and is often seen in his company. But Sforza is more fierce and violent, which passion over-masters his judgement, whereas Odescalco is more moderate. He is no great Politician, yet he is wise enough to make use of the policies of other people.  
The Spaniards love him very well, because he professes himself their true Subject, and in the whole College, I believe he has scarce an Enemy, unless it be the Cardinal Imperial▪ and that by reason he was one of those that decreed his Banishment, upon the attempt that was made upon the French Ambassador in Rome, which so disgusted Imperiale, that in the last Conclave he did Odescalco all the mischief that he could, who paid him again in his own Coin according as he was able.  
LORENZO RAGGI Bishop of Casania in Sicily, is descended of a new Family in Genoa, not many years since introduced into the number of the Noble houses.  
In the time of urban the eighth, he had the Treasurership General of the Church given him, at the request of his Uncle Cardinal Raggi, who went under the name of Ottaviano, and was one of the most ridiculous persons that ever was seen in the College; he was ignorant, dissolute, and malicious, and so impertment, he ordered a Cardinal's Habit to be made for him (before he was promoted to the Cardinalship) and put it on two or three times a day in the presence of his Servants, commanding them to tell him how it sat upon his back, who could do no less than to give him such answers as he would like: animated therefore by an ambition of that dignity, he went to the Pope one night late, in the habit of a Cardinal, who loved him very well for several reasons, but especially for the simplicity he observed in him: as soon as he came into his presence, and had kissed his foot, he told him, Most Holy Father, I beseech you to vouchsafe to gratify the Old man my Father, and make me a Cardinal, 'tis a thing he desires very much, but I ten times more.  
In the next Promotion after this gentile visit, Vrban created him a Cardinal, whereupon, as soon as he had received his Cap, he went immediately to giver his Holiness thanks, and embraced him in the most ridiculous manner in the world. The Pope desired him to desist, and told him, That he hurt him, to which he replied, I am so glad that I am made a Cardinal, that I could eat you for joy. In short, he that would recount all the impertinencies of this person, would make the best far●e in the world, and worthy to be recited at a Carneval.  
When the Nephew Lorenzo was made Treasurer as aforesaid, he called him to him, and in the presence of all his Courtiers told him, Nephew, if you have a desire to arrive at that dignity I am at, you must study, and be sure you follow my steps: which words of his, set not only his Servants a laughing, but the Nephew himself.  
This Nephew, who at present is Cardinal Raggi, his Uncle being dead, was by the Barbarini made Superintendant General of the Gabels, through the whole State Ecclesiastic, and that for no other reason, but because he was known to be a great friend to Parsimony and Thrift: and the Barbarini believing that he being ambitious of a Cap, he would not fail to be a friend to their Coffers; nor were they mistaken, for Monsignor Raggi that he might be serviceable to them in heaping up money, and to satisfy himself in his covetous humour, carried himself so ill in his employment, that he gave occasion to several disorders, and particularly in the raising Arms against the Duke of Parma, and the Princes of the League, at which time the Soldiers could not receive their money, though the Pope had given express order they should have four Musters pay: In so much that the next day after the Election of Innocent the tenth, the Soldiers appointed as a Guard to the Conclave, fell a plundering whatever they met with, and because Raggi would give them but one half of their pay, they took it so ill, they with great fury fell upon the place where their money was, broke up the Chests, and carried all away they could find; and in that rage, they assaulted the Palace of Don Tadeo, searching every where up and down for Raggi; but he having notice of their designs, leaped out of a window to save his life: And indeed so highly were they incensed, every body was afraid of some popular revolution, which had certainly fallen out, had not Pope Innocent (who was but newly elected) applied remedy immediately.  
Such a business as this, could do no less than give offence to the whole Court, and to imprint a disgust against the person of Raggi, in the breast of the Pope; so that every one believed his Office would be taken away, because it was privately hinted to him, that he should offer to resign it: But it happened clear contrary, for in the year 1647. in the month of October, he was created Cardinal, to the admiration of the whole Court; though afterwards, when he was promoted to that Dignity, he framed himself exceedingly to the Customs of the Court of Rome, which in him appeared more remarkable than in any other person, because he understood how to accompany them with such Ceremonies, as allure and inveigle the hearts of all such as have business with him. But when it comes to the drawing of his purse-strings, he does no great matter; all that is to be got, is but civility and good words: he has a smattering in Learning, and if he would study more, he would become more considerable.  
His manners and humour would not be ill, were they not obscured by his ambition and avarice, vices that have too great dominion over him.  
In the Court he passes for an indifferent person, and is spoken of only as he makes himself notorious by his defending the interest of Spain, he being one of the most Spaniolized Cardinals of them all.  
To be short, he is about 45. years of age; he abounds not over much with charity; he is a Genoese, and by consequence out of all hope of being Pope, unless the face of affairs be altered. But he seems not to have any ambition for it, because he does not take the right way to arrive at the Papacy; so that though the face of affairs should alter, there would be but little hopes for him.  
FRANCISCO MALDACHINO, is the Son of Marquis Andrea Maldachino, that was Collateral General to all the State of the Church; he was promoted to the Cardinalship, out of the great affection his Holiness bore to Donna Olimpia, Sister to the said Marquis, and Cousin to the Pope, the seventh of October 1647. to the wonder not only of the Court, but of all Christendom.  
His Holiness to speak the truth was with great difficulty brought to condescend, for six months together he refused all the importunities his Cousin could make, as not willing to burden his Conscience, by admitting such a Monster in Nature, into the number of so great Princes, and into a College of worthy men; but he could not resist her multiplied prayers any longer, but as it were blindfold he created him Cardinal, in the 18th. year of his age.  
But that which is most strange is, that Donna Olimpia not contented to see her Nephew in Scarlet, (notwithstanding the irregularities both of his person and manners) would needs introduce him to the Government of the Ecclesiastic State, and give him possession of the same credit and authority, that Cardinal Barbarino had, during the Popedom of urban the eighth; seeing his Holiness her Cousin resolved (that he might have assistance in the sustaining so great a weight) to adopt a counterfeit Nephew, because he could have no real one, since Pamfilio that was his Nephew indeed, had renounced the Cardinalship, to marry the Princess of Rosanno, as noble a resolution perhaps as ever fell into the heart of man, though disliked both by his Uncle the Pope, and Donna Olimpia his Mother; he having by that marriage perpetuated the Name of Pamfilio, by two little Sons that he has, worthy of such a Princess to their Mother, and which do contribute much to the honour of Rome.  
Donna Olimpia employed her utmost interest with the Pope, to have made him Cardinal Padrone, or Cardinal Nephew; and because his Holiness was I know not how engaged in his affections to this Lady his Kinswoman, and durst not absolutely deny her, so on the other side being unwilling to promise it, he temporised and dallied with her, that he might not displease her: But she to make all sure, by his Holiness consent, put him under the institution of the Cardinals Panzirolo, and Cherubino, that he might be well instructed in the affairs of Court. But this was no more than to sow Corn upon a Rock; Maldachini had no capacity to receive any thing at all, having brought an incredible stupidity along with him, even from his Mother's belly.  
Panzirolo that understood very well the humour of Maldachini, and the Pope's resolution not to entertain such a Statue into business of State, advised his Holiness to create Astalli Cardinal Nephew, and he did so, but with so much dissatisfaction to Donna Olimpia when she heard it, that she fell almost mad upon it, thundering out her maledictions and invectives against Panzirolo with such fury, that it was a great cause of her falling out of favour with his Holiness.  
All the while Innocent lived after the Creation of Maldachini, he expressed great regret for having made such a person a Cardinal, and could not endure to have it mentioned upon any occasion. Alexander the seventh was not well pleased neither to see him cheek by jowl amongst so many select persons, and therefore gave himself over to use him ill, sending him away without any respect to a place that was a greater distance from Rome; but the rest of the Cardinals looking upon the misusage of his person, as a reflection upon the Order in general, they made their complaint to his Holiness, and he was immediately set at liberty.  
Donna Olimpia persuaded him to espouse the interest of Spain, which he did, but (finding by degrees the little esteem the Spaniards had for him, by their several times neglecting to call him to their Assemblies, in which the intrigues of that Court were transacted, and all because they knew he had not judgement enough to give them any Council;) he turned to the French, who received him very readily, (if for no other reason) to secure his voice in the Conclave. And this is certain, his negotiating with the French has not a little instructed him in his Compliments; it being the general observation of the Court, that since his Voyage into France, he is grown much more conversable than formerly.  
In the last Conclave of Rospigliosi he suffered himself to be transported into some expressions (rather dictated to him, than spoken by him) against the Spaniards. The Spaniards were nettled, and bit their thumbs (as the Italians use to do) in private, though in public they seemed but to laugh at it: Some say the Spanish Ambassador having notice of it from one of the Conclave, who being no great friend of Maldachini's, had told the story a little too sharply, replied laughing, The voice of an Ass reaches not to Heaven; which coming likewise to Maldachini's ears, displeased him exceedingly, so that he fell a railing against all that belonged to Spain; which the Spaniards likewise understanding, (for the Spies in Rome will not fail to do that good office) to mortify and rebuke him, they resolved to stop the Rents of those Abbeys and Benefices that he held in the Kingdom of Naples, and other Catholic States; and he finding himself in this manner necessitated to renounce, has within few months resigned three Abbeys into the hands of the Pope; one of which is given to Monsignor Strada, the second to Monsignor Polini, both of them of the Privy-Chamber, and the third to a Son of the Marquis Astalli, Nephew to the Cardinal aforesaid, whose Father is of the Faction of Spain. In short, I would not swear this Cardinal should not be Pope, if there was need of nothing but his own single voice; but otherwise I fear he will die without it.  
GIO. FRANCISCO GONDI a Frenchman, called Cardinal di Retz, he was promoted to the Cardinalship the 19th. of February▪ in the year 1652. at the instance of the King of France, with whom he was afterwards disgusted, having received some considerable affronts, though he was Archbishop of Paris.  
The Court cried out exceedingly against Mazarine, who governed all at that time, and was the principal cause of the persecuting this person, and that upon good grounds. The ecclesiastics pretended, that the greatest Princes that are, cannot repress the power of a Cardinal, when they are treating of matters of State, no though the Cardinals be contriving the ruin or disturbance of the Public Peace: But this is a doctrine the Princes do but laugh at, and amongst the rest, the Kings of France, who upon any such occasion do fly presently to their Gallican Rites.  
It was strange to Innocent, that after the Crown of France had with so much instance and importunity, recommended this person to be promoted, and after he was advanced to so honourable a Dignity, he should be slighted, and ill used immediately by the same Crown, of which he made frequent complaints to Mazarine, who wanted not his pretences to excuse them. However the Politicians looked upon it as a great oversight in Mazarine, to present that person to the Cardinalship, without pre-considering what might follow; and indeed they that understood the Spirit of the man, inclined always to disturb and perplex the quiet of his Superiors, were much scandalised to see Mazarine instead of keeping him at a distance, by some politic pretence, to endeavour to make him equal in Dignity to himself; and by consequence to give him greater opportunity and encouragement to undertake what in effect he did enterprise.  
But Mazarine was obliged to do what he did, for private and occult reasons, not imagining the said person could have been able to have kindled so great a Conflagration as he did.  
The timid, though unquiet Nature, with which he observed Gondi to be governed, persuaded him that he was not to be parted from that Country where he managed all; so as the judgement of so great a Head-piece as Mazarine, is many times deceived, he finding by experience, that the most timorous man, if backed and supported, grows most troublesome and ambitious.  
The Spaniards endeavoured what they could to fetch over this Cardinal to their party, promising him, as is reported▪ much more than he could hope for in France; but he that had his aim upon France, and not upon Spain, kept himself close to the interest of that Crown, demonstrating upon several occasions, that his adherance to the Malcontents, was not from any animosity to that Kingdom, but only from a desire to humble the fortunes of Cardinal Mazarine.  
At the time that accident happened to the Duke of Crequy in Rome, which was the twentieth of August 63. amongst all the Cardinals there was none that stuck so zealously to the French party as he; to the admiration of every body, that a person that had been turned out of his Church, and other Benefices, had been imprisoned, persecuted, and banished, should appear with such ardour in defence of that interest, that was the cause of his troubles, and (which is worse) resolved never to readmit him to the Dignities he had lost. But his proceedings in this point were prudent enough, for having voluntarily disobliged his Most Christian Majesty, it was but reason he should be voluntarily obliged. And the King of France unwilling to let the constancy, or generosity of Retz, with which he maintained the just Privileges of his Crown, to go unrewarded, he admitted him again into his favour, which he enjoys to this day, but with some conditional limitations, as retaining still in his mind the prejudice he did formerly to the Crown, though he often declared, that all his designs were against Mazarine.  
LVIGI HOMODEI, from his very first entrance into the Prelacy, had an ambitious hankering after a Cap, and it cost him and his Family no small quantity of money before he did compass his ends.  
It was thought very strange, his Family being like to extinguish for want of Heirs, that he would suffer it to perish, rather than marry; it is reported, that a friend of his advising him to marry, he replied, That he had higher thoughts. However, things have succeeded to his desires, and that without any disadvantage to his house, which had Children afterwards, and is become one of the most conspicuous, richest, and best allied Families in Spain.  
He had first the Archbishopric of Milan given him, which was in his own Country, where he was resident for some time, and performed his Pastoral Function like a good Shepherd; at last, on the nineteenth of February 1652. he was promoted to the Cardinalship by Innocent the tenth, a while after discharging himself of his Bishopric, and in good part, by the means of the Spaniards, who have this for a particular Maxim to make their Cardinals live in Rome as much as possibly they can: and though he was a Spaniard both in respect of his Family, and Inclination, yet in the Conclave of Innocent, where Alexander was created, he went against the judgement of the Spaniards, but they took not much notice of it, because there were so many concerned in the Conspiracy.  
This Cardinal is in short of a noble Extraction, of an exemplary life, and good manners, having shown himself in all Congregations and Offices, a person of much worth, and one that sticks close to the business that belongs to him. However in his obstinacy he is a 〈…〉 to blame, yet he yields if he be pressed with good words; he is otherwise of a merry disposition, and by the sweetness of his Conversation, shows that he has no secret grudge against any body. For which I would not answer, though he be a good Lombard, which is as much as to say, an enemy to Hypocrisy.  
He would be no ill Pope, but I much fear he will die a Cardinal, yet not without some hopes of the Papacy, in which so many of them die.  
PETRO OTTOBVONO a noble Venetian, was created Cardinal at the same promotion on the 19 of February 1652. being Clerk of the Chamber; but he was promoted at the instance of the Commonwealth of Venice, and his own, in that promotion in which the Pope was desirous to satisfy all the Catholic Crowns, and Potentates, amongst which, after the two Crowns of France, and Spain, Venice has much the greater place; the Pope's being obliged to give them as much honour in Rome, as is due to the greatest Crowns, seeing God has made that Commonwealth as a Bulwark to all Christendom.  
The nature of this Cardinal is, to carry himself with all possible complaisance to his own Republic in whatsoever he is employed.  
He is not very rich, but endued with good qualities, and his parts are more than ordinary. The Venetians look upon him as a person of great worth, but the Court that believes nothing but what they see, have not that opinion of him, as not having had any experience of him in any considerable affair, he having been confined as it were to his Church at Brescia, and kept at ● distance from the Court, without ever being employed in any Legation. His friends say, that from that very thing proceeding from the envy they have for him at Court, the transcendent worth of his person may be known; which indeed is not unlikely, for Princes trouble not themselves so much to find out persons of any excellent endowments, as to find such weak poor spirited persons as they can command at their pleasures: from whence it happens, that they which preside, do suffer them to be discontented, that are otherwise in favour.  
In the Conclave of Alexander, he had a great share in uniting that party that thwarted and crossed the designs of the Crowns, who were not at all satisfied, either with him, or his party. And in this last Conclave of Clements, he had a great part in facilitating the Election of that Pope, who as soon as he was possessed of the Pontificate, to show his gratitude to the Senate, and to Ottobuono, declared him Datary, so that the said Ottobuono having been Auditor di Rota, he may execute that charge very well, and demonstrate his worth to the Court, he having given them already some Essays of his Virtues.  
LORENZO IMPERIALE of Genoa, was promoted the second of March 1654.▪ being Governor of Rome. It was a great wonder to many people, to see so many persons of much more merit than he, passed by, and a person made choice of, that had done so little service for the Church.  
But those that looked deeper into the business, ceased immediately to wonder, as knowing the riches of his Family, and the great ambition they had to have a Cap: nor was that juncture of time amiss, for Donna Olimpia being again received into favour, designed to re-establish herself by getting of moneys, which is all that can be said for his exaltation. He is of an affable and pleasant nature, and of great frankness and candour in his conversation, and doubtless he would be much more acceptable to all that converse with him, were not he a little too tedious in tracing out other people's thoughts.  
His judgement could not have been more dexterous in finding out defects, than it is, nor his judgement accompanied with more prudence in applying seasonable remedies to them, so that from hence it may be argued that he is a person fit for the management of great affairs.  
There are but few so well acquainted with the interest of the Court, as himself, having spent a good time of his Prelacy therein; he is so constant in his resolutions, that it passes almost to obduracy. Yet his judgement being very good, he hardens not himself, but where he has reason on his side, and in that case the whole world cannot move him.  
Did he design any higher than his Cardinalship, which I can hardly believe he will, he would meet with many rubs in his way: it being almost impossible to succeed, he being known so well by the Kings, Princes, and Cardinals, to be a man of such high thoughts, as would attempt that in a short time, which other Princes have laboured at for several ages, and without effect; which is sufficient to obstruct his pretensions, were not the Spaniards likewise who are his friends, likely to give him greater impediment, than the French that are his Enemies; the Spaniards being never inclined to those persons, that will enterprise too high.  
In the two last Conclaves, he managed himself so with his flying Squadron, that it gave no little disgust to the Crowns, to see such a Combination of Cardinals driving with great resolution at the destruction of their interest, to make the Papacy wholly dependant upon their own. But in the last Conclave, and in the Exaltation of his Nephew Bonetti, he made it more clear than it was before, that he cared not to verify the Opinion the Court had on him, viz. that he was inclined to attempt impossibilities, in despite of any body that should oppose him.  
The affront he received in his banishment, not only out of the lands of the Church, but out of all Italy, for the Insolences committed by the Corsi upon the Duke and Duchess of Crequi, kept him under for a while, all his judgement and sagacity being too weak to clear him of his accusations; the others having found out evasions, and tricks to shift the fault of their own backs, and lay it upon poor Astalli, who was constrained to suffer the greatest part of the French indignation towards which King he was forced to address himself, by his mediation to obtain the favour of having that sentence revoaked: and yet for all that, he retains an animosity against the French, though he promised his most Christian Majesty to be his particular servant; and accordingly some few months since, with most inconsiderate audacity, and contrary to the judgement of Cardinal Farnese, he opposed the validity of the Bull for the incameration of Castro; for which he was sufficiently blamed, and in danger of experimenting the effects of that King's indignation: which will always be recorded of his manner of proceeding.  
GIBERTO BORROMEI of Milan, was created Cardinal in the resolution of the Pope, at the promotion on the 19 of Frebruary 1652. with Cardinal Imperiale; but they were not effectively declared till the 2d. of March 1654.  
This Cardinal being great Grandchild to San Carlo Borromeo, he deported himself modestly in all his actions, not at all degenerating from those virtues that are natural to that Noble Family, which has always given conspicuous examples of their goodness. From the time he took upon him the Prelatical Habit, he has in all the offices he has gone through, given great Testimonies of his modesty, sincerity, and justice, qualities too rarely visible in persons of that authority and command.  
In his Legation of Romania, he behaved himself so well, there was not the least complaint against him; though some of his Court fell into some kind of errors, as having more mind to get money, than reputation: however they abstained from many acts of injustice, for very fear of falling into the Legates displeasure, who they knew was averse to such inequitable designs.  
In short, the whole Court unanimously gives a good Character of his Sentiments towards the Public; yet there wants not some Critics that suspect him of some degree of Hypocrisy. It is enough he would make a Pope answerable to the desires of the Spaniard, which is, to keep what they have got, and not trouble themselves to acquire what ever is possible, as too many do.  
But there is no great hopes for him whilst Milan is the Spaniards; for in the Conclave, they look not so much upon the merits of the person, as the interest of State.  
MARCELLO SANTA▪ CROCE a Roman, is a person that has added virtue and desert to the Nobility of his Birth; confirming daily by a hundred examples, the inclinations he hath for the public good, insomuch that in the Congregations and Consistories he is one of those, that laying aside all private passion, devote themselves wholly to the advantage of the Public; and therefore many are of opinion, in time there will be great hopes for him in the Conclave.  
He was promoted to the Cardinalship the 19 of Febr. 1652. and the principal reasons that moved Innocent to promote him, were two, a General, and a particular; the General reason was, because the Pope had taken a resolution to re-advance all the Noble Families in Rome, that began to lessen and decay in their splendour, that thereby he might render the City more Pompous and Majestic: but whether he was induced to this out of pure generosity, or out of an ambition he had to oblige all those reinvigorated Families to his own, I cannot tell; be it one or the other, the design was noble, and had been executed more exactly, had not the importunity of his Cousin diverted him, and forced him to sell that which he pretended to give.  
The particular was, that several occasions being given to Santa Croce, to defend and represent ●in his Holinesses presence, certain intricate and difficult points, he did it with that plainness and facility, it made such an impression upon the Genius of the Pope, that he thought him worthy of the Cap. And declared many times before certain of his Cardinals, that he never gave sentence with less injury to his Conscience, than after he had consulted and been well informed by Santa Croce; and yet Innocent was esteemed a good Lawyer, as he was indeed, yet his understanding was but dull and obtuse, and therefore he loved them best that could make things most easy and perspicuous to his capacity; but whether it was for one reason or the other, this I know his advancing Santa Croce to the Cardinalship, was much commended.  
FEDERICO d'HASSIA a Germane, created the 19 of Jan. 1652. is a person of spirit and generosity suitable to the nobleness of his extraction.  
He is very just and exact in his judgement, distinguishing betwixt good and bad to a hair; so that it may be said with reason, his commendations are without flattery, his reprehensions without envy, because his praises, or rebukes, (void of all passion) are exactly proportioned to the merits of the Party.  
He was translated from the Camp to the Cloister, from the Sword to the Cross, from the Protestant Religion to the Catholic, which at the beginning of his promotion, made several persons believe that he would gain but little honour by the Cardinalship, supposing he had imbibed too much of the confused principles of the Protestant, and Soldier; but they were undeceived when they saw him give such Testimonies of himself, by expressing himself a good Catholic, and a true observer of the Maxims of the Court of Rome. However the general opinion is, that his Talon would have been better employed in matters of Arms, than the Gown, which seems to be something forced and unnatural to him, because imposed, not generated with him, whereas this inclination to Arms was born with him, and he has retained it from his Cradle.  
The being utterly without, or at least not over-well furnished with the ornaments of learning, which do oftentimes work upon the hearts of the Popes, to confe● subsidies extraordinary upon such Cardinals as are Foreigners, is the reason that he wants more conveniencies than he enjoys, every one withdrawing himself from his supply, because that to relieve him according to the largeness of his own thoughts, would require too much. The Spaniards themselves, whose Maxim it is to enlarge their hands to persons of that quality, have been close enough as to him, because they see that to maintain him in his original Grandeur, would ask as much as to maintain six others, so as they have rather chose to oblige many than one; and hence it is that this Cardinal is necessitated to hunt after Foreign assistance, as he did for two years' time, that he was in Rome, after the creation of Pope Alexander, so straightened and distressed by the disappointment of his Assignments, that were promised him but not paid, that to avoid falling into greater, he was forced to retire into Germany, to attend some fortune that might put him into a condition to live again according to his desires in Rome; to which he has a great inclination, as thinking that place more pleasant than Germany: But the truth is, when he is in Germany, his inclinations are after Rome, and when in Rome, they are the same for Germany.  
CARLO BARBARINI a Roman, was designed in the promotion the 19th. of February 1652. and afterwards declared Cardinal alone, on the 25. of June 1653. to the admiration of all the World, that by such an excess of favour, he should admit three Cardinals living at one time, of one Family, a thing never seen nor heard of in former times; and that which magnified their astonishment more was, that they saw them initiated into the favour of that Pope, who looked upon it as a matter of great importance to destroy, or at least to debase that Family, as knowing how strong their interest was in gaining the people, and working over the hearts of the discontented to themselves.  
The Reconciliation was brought about by means of an Alliance contrived by Donna Olimpia, who foreseeing the death of the Pope her Cousin approaching, and considering there was no body of her party that could sustain her, upon any accident or adversity, she having disobliged even her own Sons, she resolved to undertake something extraordinary, and that was to negotiate an Alliance with the Barbarini. And the Princess her Daughter, that was married to the Prince Justinian, having at that time a Daughter that was marriageable, she entered into treaty with Cardinal Francisco Barbarino, for the Prince di Palestrina their Nephew, and promised restitution of whatever had been sequestered from them.  
The Barbarini though they had need enough to have businesses accommodated, were not so weak nevertheless as to give them their eldest Son, but they told her, that he was inclined to take the Prelacy upon him, (which was as much as to say he desired a Cap) and that he would resign his Prefectship to the Abbot his Brother, and take the Abbey to himself, as it afterwards happened, with advantage to them both; and in this manner Charles having resigned his Primogeniture to Maffeo Barbarino his Brother, the marriage was concluded, and the said Charles created Cardinal in respect of the said Match.  
Yet this accumulation of honour upon honour, was not to be blamed in the Pope, if the excellent qualities of this young Cardinal be considered; his modesty is so conspicuous, and his life so unblamable, that he constrains the very Enemies of his Family to love him, and draws respect from every person in the Court.  
Cardinal Francisco's virtues are visible in the virtues of such a Nephew, who depends so entirely upon the beck of his Uncle, that his obedience appears little less than adoration.  
The greatest part of the day he addicts either to Study, Devotion, or other Spiritual exercises, retaining some time also for politic affairs, under the direction of his Uncle Cardinal Francisco, a person of great experience in those things, to whose model and example he frames himself exactly.  
In short, he takes the same way with his Predecessors that pretended to the Papacy; but I shall say no more of him, because he is not above forty years old, but in time he may be elected, as soon as the greatest pretender of them all.  
GIO. BATTISTA SPADA, a Luchese, (otherwise called di Santa S●sanna) was in his Prelacy entrusted by Vrban the eighth, with certain great and considerable Offices, which he discharged to his commendations; yet though Vrban promised him a Cap, he was not so good as his word. But Innocent being informed of the excellency of his qualities, that the services that he had done to the Public might remain unrewarded no longer, he created him Cardinal the 2. of March 1654.  
He is a person of great prudence, of a good humour, skilled well enough in the Law, and of no small experience in the Court: Cardinal Barbarino (that loves him at his heart) cries him up for one of the greatest Politicians in the World, and adds many things more than that to his commendations.  
The Spaniards have great confidence in him, as looking upon him of a quiet nature, and not given to novelties. But his being so strangely united in affection with Barbarino, has given the Grand Duke occasion of Jealousy, and so much the more, because they have espoused the interest of their Country.  
In his Legation of Ferrara he was a little faulty, but they were rather of Omission than of Commission, he leaving the Reins too loose to his Ministers to be corrupt, in so much that they who had any business in his Tribunal, complained of the rapacity of his Officers, and the too great goodness of the Cardinal.  
FRANCISCO ALBICI of Cesena, is a well deserving and well affected Servant to the Duke of Tuscany, whose Vassal he is originally, though was born in Cesena, where having exercised his pragmatical humour for some time, and according to the usual impetuosity of his nature, he constrained a Gentleman of that Country to handle him like a Vassal indeed: and after such an affront, not being able to stay longer in those parts, he came to Rome, and entered himself into the family of Panzirolo, who carried him along with him into Spain, in spite of several of his Court that were unwilling to have associated with so extravagant a brain.  
At his return from Spain, he was employed by Innocent in the business of the Jansenists, which he transacted so well, that he was looked upon as a person of great abilities, and cunning, if for no other reason, for complying so tightly with the humour of the Pope, that he made him a Cardinal on the 2d. of March 1654. which otherwise, with all Panzirolo's interest he could never obtain. But the principal cause that some will have for his promotion, was the known animosity betwixt him and Cardinal Maculano, a person exceedingly odious to Donna Olimpia, and the whole house of Pamphilia; pretending that by introducing into the Conclave a person of his temper and vehemence, all the hopes Maculano had, would be dashed; so that it it may be said, he was not advanced upon the score of his merits, but that he might be an impediment to all such practices as should be used in favour of the said Maculano.  
The Tongue of this Cardinal is extremely Satirical, and he utters many times things that are insufferably sharp; he has utterly disobliged the Chigi with his talking, against whom, now they are out of authority, he speaks more frankly than formerly.  
But he reckons that a virtue in himself, pretending he does it not out of any malevolence, but justice, as being naturally averse to the corruptions of the Age, not of the Court; and therefore he cannot content himself to reprehend the vices of other people at their private meetings, but in his public Orations he takes delight to ostentate his eloquence in that manner; every body admiring that he (that is not without his defects himself) should give himself over to the censuring of other persons, without any respect.  
This Satirical way of proceeding, obscures the lustre of his learning, and the great experience he has in the affairs of the world; for other things he has a very good head, and is therefore hated by the Spaniard, who is always jealous of such persons, as they that by their contrivances are able to disturb the repose of the whole Universe.  
OTTAVIO AQVAVIVA a Neapolitan, has a general applause, as a person that has virtue sufficient to render him worthy of that honour, besides that the Nobility of his Birth makes him as illustrious as his virtues.  
He is very well practised in the politics of the Court, and indeed so much, he needs no addition to qualify him for the Congregations, or other offices; but as to the Supremacy, he could not in any manner attain merely by that experience he has already; it would be necessary for him to look out for assistance, which he could scarce want having no small number of Allies, and Kindred, who (whether good or bad) are they which govern the Church in behalf of the Pope.  
He retains much of the Neapolitan still, though he has been a long time out of that Country, that is, he is liberal of his tongue, but very sparing of his ●urse. Not that he does no generous actions, but only that he wants judgement to distribute them with discretion, giving all sometimes to one, and to another nothing, and commonly he offers more than he can give, and then gives less than he promised.  
He obtained the Cap the 2d. of March 1654. but I know not whether of Pope Innocent, or of his Cousin Donna Olimpia; For of two persons, one of them was beloved by the Pope, and hated by Donna Olimpia, and the other beloved by Donna Olimpia, and abhorred by his Holiness; this Lady was able to eradicate from the Pope's heart the person he affected, and place her own favourite there, sooner than his Holiness could put her friend out of her mind, to make room for his own.  
But that which gave greatest occasion of wonder to the Court was, to see that Lady that was wont to regard nothing but money, without thinking on the merits of the persons recommended, that she should fix her eye upon a person of his worth and deserts, without a feeling in the hand.  
Her considerations were politic and good, and so allowed by Innocent himself, for Donna Olimpia having got money enough, she thought it time to lay about her for friends; and therefore seeing his Holiness declining a pace, she betook herself to her politics, endeavouring to fortify her Family and person, by obliging such persons of worth and nobility, as could upon any sinister occasion give them protection.  
Many believe that this Aquaviva being so generous a person, left not so great a benefit unrewarded; but be it as it will, this is most certain, that upon the bare score of the Cap, there was not the least present made: and if afterward he was created Cardinal, he did any thing in that kind (which I do not believe) it was not for that reason, but some other; for this I am sure of, he knew so well the worth of his Family, that he would a thousand times sooner have been contented to have remained without a Cap as he was before, than to have tainted it, with the least thought of Simony.  
The Spaniards love him, and honour him; but I know not whether they be thoroughly satisfied with him, or not, because in many things he behaves himself as a Neuter, not expressing that ardour and zeal, he ought to do, as he is a subject to that Crown; besides in the Conclaves he gave them no perfect content.  
CARLO PIO of Ferrara, was Nephew to the lately deceased Cardinal of that name, who by his ill life, left occasion to many people to discourse of him, with no great advantage to his reputation.  
This Nephew of whom we are speaking was Tresoriere di Camera, an office that cost eighty thousand Crowns; and therefore in the vacancy of such offices, they advanced persons not for their merits, but their moneys. The same case exactly happened in the promotion of Carlo Pio, for Innocent decaying dally, his Cousin was still at his elbow, egging and soliciting him perpetually to some new way of drawing more sums to her Coffers; and to give her content, he created him Cardinal the 2d. of March 1654. selling the Treasurer's place to another, and so two several ways augmenting the Treasury of his Cousin.  
The Family of this Lord, for its nobility and deserts, might well have deserved a Cap, without this manner of dealing; however he did well to come by it as he did, otherwise he might have gone without it as long as he lived.  
Many things might be said of the nature of this person, if the number of them would not confound both the Writer, and Reader; he never enjoyed his health perfectly from his youth, he was troubled with many infirmities, that disabled him for several functions; but he finding himself incurable, forced his nature by some kind of exercise▪ as much as was possible, and with success above the opinions of those Physicians that governed him.  
He had the Church of Ferrara given him, in consideration rather of his Family than his person; but it would have been better for him to have refused it, and continued in Rome, than by accepting it to render that pittance and remainder of his health more weakly and infirm, by the labour of his Pastoral Cure, and to let the people of his own Country know, the quality of his complexion.  
The principal cause that put him upon that resolution, was, that he also had imbibed that common Maxim, That the less a Cardinal is present in the Court; with the more case will he in time arrive at the Papacy: which saying, though it be universal▪ bears no place in the Politics of the Romans, who being become Masters of experience, they can easily see through their designs that think that way to conceal them, and do give precedence rather to those that comport themselves handsomely at Court, than those that retire themselves into the Country. This Cardinal therefore observing, that by reason of his Youth, or at least the immaturity of his age for the Popedom, those hopes were too remote from him, he concluded to resign his Church of Ferrara, and to change his principals under pretence that the air of Rome was more agreeable to his health.  
And now to come to the particulars of his humour, I shall say, that the most politic do think him very blamable, as being excessively severe, and untractable in extremity. He would fain have reformed all the Clergy in his Diocese, upon the mere authority of a Bishop; beginning not with Fatherly exhortations, so much as with comminations and threatenings, in so much that he has taken a course to publish certain offences, that were but private before, and to divide those he designed to have united, only to get the reputation of a good Magistrate.  
But he intended to have done all this to a good end, having an ambition to make himself thought an honest man, and zealous for the Church, without observing, that when Zeal is not accompanied with moral Prudence, to moderate the impulses of Nature, it becomes odious even to good men, and instead of Zeal, discovers itself to be Tyranny.  
But this is an infirmity peculiar in this present age to those ecclesiastics, that if by weakness of Age, or strength of Continence, they forbear those public scandals of the Flesh, they presently swell, and boast up the excellency of their Nature, with which they come afterwards to a certain heat, and arrogance, they call Zeal: and of this sort is the Zeal of this Cardinal esteemed, who to speak truth has but few frailties to correct, either that his infirmities do debilitate his Nature, or his virtue overpower it; it is sufficient that there are no considerable faults to be found in him, unless it be that he is but little inclined to do kindnesses for any body, and that he is too fierce in the confutation of him that refuses to yield at the first dash, especially if it be in matters of Conscience, in which he is scrupulous to the highest.  
As for his Negotiations he cannot expect much, having had no occasion to be exercised in great affairs; besides his temper is too tender, and would not suffer him to take such employments upon him, though perhaps he would force himself rather than be behind the rest, his brain being stimulated by the same thing, that excites the whole College to the Papacy: In time he might make an offer at the Papacy, as others do, I know not whether he would obtain it; but this I know, that many persons inferior to him have leaped into the Vatican.  
CARLO GVALTIERI of Orvietta, was by the mediation of Donna Olimpia promoted to the Cardinalship, the 2. of March 1654. not that he was a person worthy of a Cap, or that the Pope had made use of him in any considerable affair, but because it was his fortune to be allied to the House of Pamphilia.  
Innocent was really in his own mind averse from introducing persons of so small virtue as this, and Maldachino, into the Sacred College, amongst so many Eminent persons, and so many great Princes. But Donna Olimpia, who was Paramount and did what she pleased, cast such a mist before the eyes of that Innocent Pope, that he discerned not what he did himself, by the promotion of those two persons, uniting them and fixing them upon her, and which is of greater importance, leaving so many persons that for many years together had worn themselves out in the service of the Church; which his poor Holiness forgot, till the error was committed, and all the Streets of Rome in a tumult to have it remedied. If the qualities of Maldachino and Gualtieri were compared, Gualtieri's though they are good for little or nothing, are yet less ridiculous than the former.  
Donna Olimpia employed him in her secret affairs, that is, she made him negotiate the selling of Benefices, in which she did very ill, to entrust things of great importance in the hands of a person of no experience, and less judgement; but as bad as he was, he knew well enough to make his advantages of the Election she gave him, from whom he learned also a great dexterity in shearing of his Flock; and in his Church of Fermo, (of which he is Bishop) he disdains not from time to time to receive presents from his Clerks, not that he demands them, but when they are offered he never refuses them.  
The Pope gave him this Bishopric, not to recompense any desert he had found in him, nor that he thought him worthy to execute that Pastoral charge, but only to send him packing from Rome, it going against the hair to see in the Consistories and public meetings, such a creature sitting amongst so many Cardinals of renown; and he had done better yet, had he by as honourable a banishment sent Maldachino as far from the Court.  
If there be any thing good in this Gualtieri, it is that he is not envious, and that knowing his own ignorance, he takes kindly the advice of any one that knows more than himself; being very seldom obstinate in his opinion, but in case of anger, or some particular passion.  
DECIO AZZOLINI is the last Cardinal of the Creation of Innocent the tenth; he is of a Sicilian Race, though born in the City of Fermo in the Marquisat of Ancona, where we have said Gualtieri was Bishop.  
It would be a long story, if we should set down the whole cause of his Exaltation, and we should be forced to repeat much of what has been said already; I shall only say, that being conscious of his incapacity of arriving at that Grandeur his ambition prompted him to, as having no means nor merits to advance him, nor any thing besides a simple Prelature, he took upon him that way which takes very oft in the Court of Rome, and that is in plain terms he turned Spy; in which he improved himself so well, it was generally believed there was not any one more dexterous in discovering the corruptions of others than he; and this he manifested, when Pope Innocent was in transaction of something with the Barbarini, upon the acquisition of the Kingdom of Naples, the Barbarini having a great thirst after certain Principalities of that Crown, which falling into the hands of the Church, they doubted not by the power of their purse to have a competent share thereof. Cardinal Astalli having notice of all (though the Barbarini had rendered him so suspicious to the Pope, that he was kept at a distance from this design) he gave immediate intelligence to the Spaniard, with whom he kept a strict correspondence. Which being smelled by Azzolini after his wont manner being Clerk of the Breves, a charge of no ordinary importance, and confidence, he gave a private account of it to the Pope, who used Astalli very ill upon it, depriving him (as every body knows) of all he had given him, except his Cap; by way of recompense making Azzolini Cardinal the 2d. of March 1654. and so it was first discovered, that the ruin and fall of Astalli was occasioned in great part by the Relations, whether true or false of this person, who has since made the mystery of a Spy so honourable, that at present, in hopes of great rewards, there are Prelates of greater reputation than he have undertaken the same way.  
But most of them find themselves mistaken, every one not being of Innocents' mind, to love the Treason and not the Traitor.  
In the last Conclave he bestirred himself very much for the interest of Rospigliosi, to whom he gave relation several times of all the obstructions he met with▪ wherewith Rospigliosi was so well satisfied, that the very night of his Election, he declared the said Azzolini his Secretary of State, a place of great trust, and which he had executed himself through the whole Pontificate of Alexander.  
The friends of this Azzolini do cry him up for a person of very great judgement and experience in politic affairs; but those that have tried him in business, do say there is nothing in him extraordinary, but a certain dexterity of the pen, which he has acquired by long conversation in the Secretary's place.  
But if there were any thing in him more than ordinarily conspicuous, it would be eclipsed by certain defects that overrule him, and particularly by his amours to all kind of Ladies, both Virgins, and Wives, he passing most of his time in caressing of them, not regarding whether the Republic receives any advantage, or no.  
Of how poor and abject a spirit he is, appears by this, that even whilst he was a Cardinal, he hath yielded himself up to certain Doxeys brought into his Chamber, by a certain Friar his Pander; but since he began to have familiar converse in the Court of the Queen of Sweden, his thoughts are somewhat advanced.  
Alexander not enduring the publiqueness of this Cardinal's amours, sent him Legate to Ravenna, rather to remove him out of his sight, than for any thing else; after his departure there were many things discovered, which gave great occasion of discourse about the Court. Yet it is as true, he was no sooner returned, but his very presence stopped the mouths of the people, if not of the Court.  
The whole number of Cardinals created by Vrban the eight, were 72. which made a good wit of the Court say, That amongst all the Popes of Rome, Vrban was the only Vicar of Christ; for as Christ had chosen for the service of the Church 72 Disciples, so had Vrban called 72 Cardinals to the Apostleship; with this difference only, that the first were made by our Saviour to be serviceable to the Christians, but the last to make the Christian serviceable to them: which gives the Protestants occasion to laugh both at Cardinals and Pope too.  
These Cardinals were created in eleven several Ordinations, and to speak the truth, the greatest part of those that were promoted, were but ordinary persons, of no eminence, either for learning, or extraction, having more regard to advance the interest of his own Family, than the Ornament of the Church. True it is, his intention was to have filled the College with persons of eminence, but he was either diverted by his Nephews, or repented himself of those inclinations, and gave the Cap to such, as had scarce wit enough to know which way 'twas to be worn.  
Innocent the tenth made 39 in ten Ordinations, making as many Ordinations in ten years, as Vrban did in twenty; yet if the merit of the persons be compared that were created in Innocents' time, and in Urbans, those that were promoted by Innocent, will doubtless transcend those very much that were created by Vrban, though Innocent himself had his failings too, and introduced persons into the College that were fit to wear the habit of a poor Friar in a Cloister, rather than the Robes of a Cardinal in the College. But this is certain, had it not been for Donna Olimpia, Innocent would have chosen such as had been worthy of the College; for those that he created himself, of his own proper motion, and without the advice of his Cousin, were all persons of eminence; whereas all that were promoted by her means (except one or two at the most) were rather to fill up the number, than to adorn the Church.  
The principal care of the Popes should be to fill up the College with such persons, as should be an honour and reputation to their Robes, and not with such as stand gaping in hopes to receive honour by them. A great shame it is for the Church of Christ to say, that for an age backward, the Popes have had no other design but to make their Grooms and their Footmen Cardinals, and to pass by Princes, and persons of worth, and such as have with so much labour and sweat, endeavoured the advancement, not of the Nepotismo, but Christianity itself.  
For my part I cannot see by what policy it is, that the Popes of our days (to go no further) have in their Creations of Cardinals, had more regard to the number than the qualifications of them, although their qualities be of much more importance than their number, and of more benefit both to the Church and Pope.  
Two Cardinal Princes, of quality, of birth, and esteem, are more capable of adorning the Cardinalitial dignity, of defending the interest of the Church, and of adding splendour to the Court, than a dozen such Clowns, as (be it spoken with reverence) are too often to be seen in the College, with the Scarlet upon their shoulders. He that receives a Cap, to do it honour, force's himself what he can to let the world see he is able to do it, and that he be not indebted to his dignity; but he that receives his Robes to be honoured by them, looks no further than his own interest; it is sufficient to him he is accounted a Cardinal, as if the Cardinalship were in him, not he in the Cardinalship; so great a difference is there betwixt receiving the Purple, and being received by it.  
There is no doubt but it would be more for the advantage of the Popes, to create their Cardinals, few in number, and great in worth, than it is to have whole Troops of them, inconsiderable in their qualities, and great only in their number. The principal end of the Popes (as I have said in another place) in the creation of Cardinals, (unless it be the filling of his purse) is nothing but the supporting the fortunes of his Family, and the leaving his Nephews such Friends in the Conclave and College, as may stand by them in case of persecution, and be Advocates in their causes.  
Nor is this (if it be considered nearly) ill policy; yet it would be much more profitable, if instead of making inferior persons Protectors of the Nephews, they would choose such potent Cardinals, as could defend them by the greatness of their own Families, and not by the virtue only of another man's Gown. Great persons are always great, and their words are valued accordingly, so that if the Purple be but added, they throw flame and lustre about every thing: Those that are but ordinary, and of but moderate Talents, though they have the honour of the Purple, yet they can do nothing but meanly, because the lustre they cast is unnatural and forced, and turns all their glory into smoke. Moreover, it would be much more for the advantage of the Popes, to create few Cardinals, and those Great, than to create many, and those ordinary and mean; when I say Great, I mean Princes, that not only honour the Purple with their persons, but spare the money of the Chamber, (I should have said, of the Popes) whereas poor Cardinals do weaken and disable the Datary, the Pope's being obliged with Pensions, Benefices, and Bishoprics, to maintain and put them into a capacity of supporting their Cardinalship honourably: But all that money would be reserved, either for the Chamber, or for the Nephews, or for the Pope; because Princes receive not the Cap, out of any regard to the profit of the Cardinalship, but by their being Cardinals to add profit to the Church.  
On the other side, the Court of Rome is so far Majestic, and reckoned among the principal of the World, by how far the Cardinals do render it so; for by how much the persons are considerable, that carry the Purple, by so much is the Court more splendid and magnificent, because the Court is made magnificent by the Cardinals.  
To this purpose I remember I was speaking one day with a Foreign Gentleman, of the Grandeur of the Court of Rome, and I having said, that its greatest ornament and glory, consisted in the persons of the Cardinals, who resembling Kings, the Court by consequence was adorned with as many Kings, as Cardinals: But he having been in Rome, and holding particular intelligence, had good information of the interests and policies of the Popes, answered me thus; Sir, the habit makes not the Monk, but the Monk the habit: An ill man though he wears a Religious habit, is but an ill man still; but a good man in the worst habit, shall be esteemed good notwithstanding. In like manner, it is not the Purple that makes the Cardinal, but the Cardinal the Purple; so that the Cardinals would be Kings indeed, if the Popes would choose them amongst the Princes, and not amongst such as they too often do.  
To speak the truth, how can that Cardinal be an honour to the Court, that cannot read? how can he add splendour to the Papacy, that cannot write? how can he give Majesty to an Imperial City, that is but the offspring of a Country Village? how can he merit the Title of a King, that never conversed but with the vilest of the people? Yet of such kind of stuff the Popes make their Cardinals too often; and then how can that Court be thought great, or serviceable to the Church, if they that serve it are Kings indeed by name, but Scoundrils in fact? Let that Cap be bestowed on those that know how to wear it; let him be advanced to the Cardinalship, that has deserved to be a King: In short, those Popes that desire to see the Church and the Court shining in Majesty and splendour, let not them confer that honour upon the quantity, but the quality of the Persons.  
Innocent the tenth began his promotions with the greatest glory in the World, having opened his Creation, by giving his first Cap to the most Serene Prince Gio. Carlo di Medici, Brother to the Great Duke of Tuscany, and that on the 14th. of November 1644. a person of that worth, that for those twenty years he lived a Cardinal, he may be said to have been the glory of the College. The next year continuing in that good humour, he created Francisco Maria Farnese, Brother to the Duke of Parma; who joining the Highness of his Birth, to the Eminence of the Cardinalship, added honour to the Order, and had done it more, had not the untimeliness of his death prevented it. The third year he gave the Cap to Giovanni Casimiro, the King of Poland's Brother, which he afterwards resigned in the year 1648. being called back to receive that Crown in the room of his Brother, that was lately dead; by that means making it clear, that the Purple can produce a Sceptre, if the Purple be taken from the Sceptres. And last of all, in the last year but one of his Pontificate, ambitious perhaps to immortalize his Name, by admitting the most Eminent persons into the College, he created Prince Frederick Landgrave of Hassia Cardinal, of whom we have spoken already in his proper place.  
Paul the fifth had a particular aim thorough the whole course of his Popedom, to ennoble the Court, to add new Majesty to the College, and to select such persons as were proper by their own grandeur, to defend the honour of the Church; and accordingly in three promotions, he advanced five Princes of very great quality to the Cardinalship; viz. Mauritio Son to the Duke of Savoy, who renounced it afterwards, to marry one of the Nieces, holding it less scandal to subject himself to a Lady, than to be a slave to the Nipotisme of urban the eighth; Ferdinando, and Vicenzo Gonsaga, both Sons to the Duke of Mantoa; Carlo di Medici, Son to the Duke of Tuscany; and Ferdinando Infante di Spagna, who as Histories report, immortalised the honour of the Cardinalship, by fight for the Faith of Christ.  
Vrban the eighth that lived Pope so long, although he created three Princes Cardinals, viz. Nicolo Francisco, Brother to the Duke of Lorain; Gio. Alberto, Brother to the King of Poland; and Rinaldo d'Este, Brother to the Duke of Modena; yet for all that he was either diverted by his Kindred afterwards, or else his own inclinations were not fixed upon such Noble objects, and he endeavoured to keep at a distance from the College such persons as deserved the Cap, not only for the glory of their Birth, but for the many services they had performed for the Church: In this manner Vrban kept several Princes as far from the Cardinalship as was possible, and amongst the rest Francisco Maria Farnese, Brother to the Duke of Parma, who as many ways deserved it, as any one: But the Pope postponing the public interest of the Church, to the fancy and Capriccio of his Kindred, deprived the College of so Honourable a Member, the Church of so considerable a Protector, his own Family of so potent a support, and his own person of the acquisition of a Fame, more immortal than that of his being Pope: For when the Popes do give occasion and matter to have it immortalised, they immortalize their own Names themselves; nor can they find any more honourable way, than by filling the Cardinalitial College with persons of Honour.  
But that which is most considerable is, he not only disobliged the Cardinal Princes that were created by Paulus, but those few also that he created himself, being forced thereto for certain pitiful and poor-spirited reasons, in so much that they were leaving of the Court, and retiring out of Rome, rather than to see the Prerogative of their Births, prostituted to a few persons that had not wit nor education enough to use them civilly, especially such as had deserved their promotion by their other virtues. And it is most certain, (I beg the pardon of their relations that are living, because I write only the common opinion, and what is declared in several Histories) the Church would have been in great perplexity, to see itself out of all hopes of being served by Princes, if another urban had succeeded the former, and not an Innocent. But that God that governs all things, above the comprehension of man, put clear other thoughts into the heart of Innocent, (who by his Divine providence, was called to the Papacy) than what were in urban; for as the one endeavoured what he could to keep the Purple from the shoulders of the Princes, the more did the other labour to place it there.  
Alexander the seventh, that began his Pontificate with the zeal of a Saint, and the magnificence of Alexander the Great, expressed a great ambition that he had, to see in his time the Court more Majestic than ever; and he sought out all the ways he could to adorn it, not only by endeavouring the number of Ambassadors of Foreign Princes might be increased, (who do add indeed great splendour to a Court) but he declared also, he would fill up the College with more Eminent persons, than had ever been seen there before; and at this rate he discoursed frequently, not only with the Cardinals themselves, but with his Familiars and Domestics, protesting his whole design was to promote half a dozen Princes at the least; which being related to an old Courtier, he told a Friend of his, that had a mind to a Cap; Sir, till now I looked upon you as a Cardinal, because Cardinals were made formerly of any thing, but now the Pope is resolved to make them of the best only, there is but little hopes for you. I understand you, (replied the other) and I had rather wave the services I have done to the Church for the sake of a Prince, than of an ignoble Competitor.  
To the Marquis of Majetta, Ambassador from the Duke of Savoy, Alexander made no small protestations, that he was very sorry he could not find one person in that Royal Family of the Duke, that was capable of the Cardinalitial Dignity, whereby he might satisfy his natural inclination, of adding new splendour to the College, by introducing persons of that eminence, and extraction.  
And such pretences as these he used to the Ambassadors of other Princes, that is, of such in whose Families he saw no hopes of finding a person proper for so great an honour. But it was known very well, he used no such discourses but in mere hypocrisy, because he never made any such Propositions to those Princes that were able to have furnished him. And this piece of dissimulation, for which he was suspected at Court, was verified towards his latter end, when as there being two Cardinals of the House of Medici dead, who without doubt had been the greatest Ornament of that Sacred College, and it being in his power to have immortalised his Name, by the promotion of others out of the same; he shut his eyes, and his ears, against all the overtures that were made, so that instead of readmitting one at least of the said Family into the vacancy, he filled them both up with sienneses, choosing rather to rob the Church of so great an honour, than deny himself the latitude of his passions, in so much as after his last promotion, which he made dying as it were, and in his Bed, many people began to cry out, that it was but fit the Church should remain a Widow, without a Pastor, seeing it was his will, the College should remain a Widow, without any more of the House of Medici.  
And indeed for a whole age to this time, there has not been found in the College so few Cardinal Princes, as at present, especially of the House of Medici, the Cardinals of which, have not only laboured by their outward magnificence to preserve the splendour of the Court, but upon several occasions have demonstrated to the Popes, that it was necessary to continue such persons in the College, for defence of the reputation of the Popedom, and the honour of the Church; and this the House of Chigi above all others would acknowledge, did not their passions blind their belief, for without the assistance of the two Cardinals of the House of Medici, Alexander would have found himself more than once, or twice either, in such a Labyrinth of business, as would have been prejudicial not only to his own Family, but to the common good of Christendom; and particularly, in the time of that accident to the Duke of Crequy: But for all that, he regarded not to deprive his own House, of the protection of that; it being the custom (by natural instinct) of such as are born Subjects, to kick and repine against their natural Lords; and this was manifest in Pope Alexander, who in the beginning of his Papacy, spoke of nothing more in all his Consistories both public and private, than of the transcendent worth in the House and Person of the Great Duke; but afterwards towards his latter end, having opportunity of showing the effects of his pretended affection, and the obligations he ought to him, as his Subject, by promoting some person of the House of Medici to the Cardinalship, forgetting what he had talked in the beginning, the Grand Duke was the last person in his thoughts.  
It is most certain, that for these hundred years and more, there has not been a Pope like Alexander in the Church, so little inclined to make Cardinal Princes, he not having had the honour to have created one in his whole time, a thing that has not happened in a whole age before; some Pope's having created two, some three, some more, some less, as is to be seen in the Catalogue of the Popes, only Alexander alone created not one. But this I cannot attribute so much to the ill disposition of Alexander, as to the ill fortune of his Pontificate, that could not accommodate the times to the will of Alexander, nor the will of Alexander to the times; in so much that the Church was the greatest sufferer.  
When the Cardinal Princes die, the Popes may well mourn, especially if they have not an intention to fill up their places with new Princes.  
And now I speak of mourning, I will be bold to say, before I pass any further, that instead of that, the greatest pleasure the Popes receive at any time, is the news of the death of a Cardinal; and on the other side, the Cardinals are as glad at the death of the Pope, and that either out of hopes to arrive at the Popedom themselves, or at least by virtue of their own negotiations, to prefer some person depending upon their amity and beck. The Popes rejoice to have vacancies in the College, out of a desire to leave great numbers of Creatures obliged to follow the interest of the Nipotisme: And because the Cardinal Princes do usually walk in ways that are independent, and most agreeable to the interest of their own Families, and to the public advantage of the Church; or rather because they are ashamed to give their Votes at the direction of the Nephews, therefore are the Popes so careful of their interest, so shy and cautious in promoting them, holding this as a Maxim, that so many Caps as are given to the Princes, so many Votes are given away from the Nephews: And this it is, that inclines them to make Cardinals rather of such persons as will (with Reverence be it spoken) be led by the Nose by the Nipotisme, than of the Princes, that would certainly make the Pope's Nephews to follow them.  
Nor is it a wonder, seeing in truth, the more those Cardinals that are made by the dozen, are obliged to follow the Commands of the Nipotisme, the more are the Cardinal Princes concerned to preserve the liberty of the College, and to endeavour that the Nephews do follow their steps. The ordinary Cardinals receive the Cap, because it suits with the interest of the Nipotisme: The Princes receive the Purple, because the Majesty of Christendom, and the reputation of the Sacred College requires it; and besides these are obliged to defend the privileges of the College, and the honour of the Church; whereas the other are tied only to gratify the Nipotisme, and show themselves slaves as it were to their wills. The Pope's therefore being well instructed in this kind of learning, do for the most part fill up the College with persons fit to be commanded, and in spite of the honour of the Church, keep off those that are able to Command, and that indeed have deserved it.  
At least if the Popes be not inclined to the honour of the Church, and the glory of the Cardinalitial College, and do not therefore create them Cardinals that are Princes born; yet they ought to take care to advance such as are learned, for their own private reputations, the Church having great need of them; for seeing the Heretics write so learnedly against it, it is necessary it should be defended with learning.  
The College of Cardinals was never so ill provided with learned men, as now; 'tis true, it abounds in imaginary learning enough, every one believing himself wiser than Solomon; and these are not my Sentiments only, but the opinion of such as are daily in Rome, and nearly conversant with the Cardinals themselves, and have frequent opportunities to make the experiment.  
When I first took a resolution of publishing this Work, which I had before conceived in my mind, I writ several Letters to my Friends in Rome, and in other places, that they should give me a relation of the several Cardinals, and of their virtues and vices; particularly I requested, with reiterated instances, that they would give me advice, what Learning there was amongst them, which of the Cardinals had the most of it, and whether any of them was more learned than other people.  
The Answers were different in this particular, but they agreed well enough in the main: One writ me word, That learning was so rare amongst them, that with all the diligence he could use, he could not find the least print of it. Another writ, That there were so many ignorant Cardinals, they would not suffer a learned one to be seen. There was one, and (which is more considerable) a Priest, that sent me word, That he could not find a Cardinal in the Sacred College, that had spent so much time at School, as he had lost in enquiring what improvements they had made by their study. An Academic returned me this answer; That Literature was out of fashion at Court, because every one pretended to be learned, in so much that the Cardinals valued not to be so, because they looked upon learning as Pedantic and beneath them. A Roman all wit, and indifferently well learned▪ returns me this answer, That the Cardinals were created by the Popes, and their Nephews, and they had rather find rich persons, than learned. Not unlike to this was the answer of one of my greatest Confidents, who writ to me in this manner.  
SIR, Your humour is not at all corresponding with the humour of the Nephews, they look for money from the Cardinals, and you for learning; but I can assure you the Nephews understand them better than you, because money is easier found amongst them▪ than learning: had the Church the power of electing her Cardinals, I am sure the College would be of another mould; but the Nephews having the creation of them at their pleasures, is the reason why there are so many ignorant ones; because they think not so much of the advantage of the Church▪ as of their own. Formerly they chose persons eminent in all sorts of learning, because the genius of that age was inclined to virtue, but at present, virtuous men may lie and rot in their studies, it is an age of gold in Rome, I mean for the Popes, who have absolute power to make▪ and unmake, and to bestow his Caps, as he pleases. Forbear I beseech you to inquire after learned Cardinals any further, lest you yourself be thought ignorant, for with us everybody knows there is nothing less thought on in Rome.  
With this Letter, I received another at the same time, but from another of my friends, that writ thus, Among the Cardinals there are many ignorant to be found, few that understand latin, but of ●hose that you call moderately learned, the number is so small, I am ashamed to give you an account on't; nevertheless I would force myself to endure that discouragement (for 'tis certainly a discouragement for a man to seek a thing in a place, where it is not to be found) if their virtue was accompanied with modesty; for to say the truth, those few Cardinals that have any learning, have so overlayed it with vice, that ignorance would be more desirable with a good conversation, than the greatest depth of learning with an ill one.  
And this is the discourse at Rome of the Scholarship of the Cardinals; a thing that brings no small incommodity to the Christian Religion, because it cannot support itself without the assistance of learned men, who are they indeed that serve as banks against the impetuosity of that torrent, that springs daily from the Fountain of Heresy, by a stream of false opinions, endangering the pollution of that pure Evangelical River, that purls so sweetly and sonorously in the ears of the Faithful.  
And this is demonstrated by sundry eminent persons, that by the labour of their hands, and the sweat of their brains, have confuted thousand of Heresies; and it is well enough known to our age that has had the fortune to see those two Lamps of learning▪ Bellarmine and Toledo, combating with so much ardour against Heretics, and spending more sweat in the service of the Church, than can easily be imagined.  
At present, such as they seem to be banished out of the Church, as well as from the Consistory of Cardinals, for there is not any one now adays that undertakes the defence of Christianity against its enemies: yet I am unwilling to think that learning is banished out of the Church, but rather out of the hearts of the Popes, who forgetting their duties in the promotions of Cardinals, have no other aim, than to accommodate their own Families, before the Church of Christ; so that they not only take no care, to find out learned men, but they despise them when they are offered.  
This is the reason that all that are in Rome do strive to be aforehand with the world, and to obtain the good will of his Holiness, not by such means as were formerly used; for of old, the Popes required nothing but learning of those persons that desired to pass to the most conspicuous degree in the Church; and therefore no body durst so much as pretend to any office or dignity, that was not largely endued with that, and the more Scholarship they had, the sooner were they received by his Holiness. At present they have other methods; learning is so ineffectual in the Vatican, that there is no one dares venture to carry it thither, it being much better to batter their Gates that rule the roast now with Gold, than with any thing else, for 'tis that which will open them soon.  
It is not many months since, I asked a certain Curate that was reading these words, In principio erat Verbum, the cause why ignorance reigned so much amongst the Priests, and he answered me in these words; Men would be beasts to study to be Priests, whilst the Pope's makes Cardinals of Asses: Every body knows, that if it be easy for the beast of a Priest to obtain a Cap, 'twill be much more easy for a Secular Ass to be made a Canon.  
The Religious, that are in so little request at the Court (I mean those of any reading) retire themselves from their Studies, with hopes, that by forbearing to prosecute and improve their learning, they shall be able to advance themselves, because they observe 'tis ignorance, not learning, bestows the places in the Vatican. In short, I find the strictest account the Popes are to give at the Tribunal of God's Justice, is, that they have discouraged learning, and promoted ignorant. I know all this is better known to the Popes, than to me; but the misery is, they will not know what they are obliged to do, and which would immortallize their names much better than the Gold they leave to their Nephews.  
Their Gold will fail them, but their good names will never, and yet this good name is nothing so dear to the Popes, as the other; but if they would content themselves with a little of both, the business would be something tolerable.  
If the number of the Cardinals were but six or seven, as they were in the infancy of the Church, the Popes indeed might have some excuse, that might satisfy such Princes as deserve Caps, and such learned persons as the Church have need of; but what can they say now for refusing to introduce learned men, and Princes, into the College? I will not stand here to make an Epilogue, nor recite many places in the History of the Popes, in which they speak of dozen of Cardinals created without so much as one Prince, or one learned man; there being no other design, but the satisfaction of private interest.  
He that understands the History of the Court of Rome, let him have the curiosity to see whether I lie or not; let him read the description of the Promotions, that would know the quality of the persons that are created Cardinals. Vrban the eighth, after he had created seventy and more, towards the latter end of his life resolved to make one person a Cardinal, out of pure consideration of his learning, and that was Father Gio. di Lug● a Spanish Jesuit; but if the truth were known, there were other reasons beside, for that would have scarcely been sufficient. In short, it is necessary that we pray to Almighty God to inspire the Popes to search out for persons worthy of their Promotions, and proper by the Majesty of their person, and the excellence of their parts, to defend the Church of Christ, that lies afflicted both within and without; without by its public Enemies, and within by its private; without by the Heretics, that torture her with their false opinion, within by the Nephews, that destroy and devour her. He that hath ears to hear, let him hear.      

Il CARDINALISMO di Santa Chiesa, OR THE HISTORY OF CARDINALS. In III. Parts.  

PART II.  

BOOK III.  

The Contents.  
Wherein is discoursed of the birth and advancement of Cardinal Flavio Chigi, Nepew to Pope Alexander. Of the intention of Don Mario his Father to Marry him. Of the arrival of the said Don Mario at Rome. The declaration of a Cardinal Padrone, in the person of Chigi. Of his abilities in the beginning of his Padronship. Of the little covetousness he showed to laying up money. Of his Legation into France. Of Cardinal Bonvisi, and of his design to remove himself to Rome, to try his fortunes. Of his resolutions to keep from the Court. Of the renuntiation of the Prefectship. Of his being declared Maestro di Camera, and of his promotion to the Cardinalship. Of his good qualities, and the ill actions of Francisco Bonvisi his Nephew. Of the evident tokens of virtue Cardinal Elci showed from his youth. Of the satisfaction that he gave to the Senate, when he was Nuntio at Venice. Of his passage from Venice into Germany. Of the great esteem Innocent the tenth had of the person of Cardinal Farnese. Of what he had done in favour of the house of Chigi. Of the prejudice he might have had against it, in case of a vacancy. Of his disgust with Cardinal Barbarino. Of the animosity betwixt him and Cardinal Imperiale. Of his great obstinacy in defending his opinions. Of the promotion of Anthonio Bichi of Sienna to the Cardinalship. Of the great pains the Chigi took to exclude Prior Bichi from the College, and the reasons of that exclusion. Of the fair entertainment this Cardinal gives to those that have business with him. Of the means by which Cardinal Giacomo Franzone arrived at the Purple. Of his offices before he was made a Cardinal. Of his Love to Justice, and of his Charity to the Poor. Of his Kindred in Genoa. Of Cardinal Bonelli. And of the authority Cardinal Imperiale has over him. Of the promotion of Celio Piccolomini to the Cardinalship. Of his leaving of Paris. Of what befell him by the way. Of his conference with the Spanish Ambassador. Of a Letter written by Monsignor Tellier. Of the trouble it was to his most Christian Majesty, to be obliged to use the Nuntio so severely, and yet it was but just. Of the opinion of the Court, that he would be made a Cardinal as soon as he arrived at Rome. Of the deserts and qualities of Cardinal Caraffa. Of the great dexterity wherewith he negotiated the return of the Jesuits to Venice, when he was Nuntio. Of his Legation of Bolonia. Of Cardinal Angelo Celsi a Roman. Of certain faults that he fell into in his Youth. Of his abilities in politic affairs, and how great they are. Of the Family of the Savelli, and how much it is esteemed. Of Cardinal Paulo Savelli. Of his great knowledge in affairs of State. Of Cardinal Litta, Archbishop of Milan. Of the excellence of his life. Of the Pique he had to the Spaniards, and of the common opinion about it. Of Cardinal Nerio Corsini a Florentine. Of his qualities. Of his Legation to Ferrara. Of the great pains wherewith Cardinal Paluzzi has served the Church. Of his goodness and decrepitage. Of the qualities of Cardinal Rasponi. Of the conclusion of his Nuntiature in France. Of his clear and unbyass'd judgement of the Abbot Rasponi his Nephew. Of Cardinal Conti, and of the worthy persons that Family has afforded several times. Of his qualities that are an ornament to the Ecclesiastical Habit. Of Cardinal Pietro Vidoni of Cremona. Of Cardinal Barbarigo a Venetian. Of Cardinal Pascale d'Aragona a Spaniard. Of Cardinal Mancini a Roman. Of Cardinal Buon Compagni a Bolonese. Of Cardinal Nini of Sienna. Of Cardinal Roberti a Roman. Of Cardinal Spinola of Genoa. Of Cardinal Visconti of Milan. Of Cardinal Caraccioli a Neapolitan. Of Cardinal Delfini a Venetian. Of Cardinal Baldo de Tun a German. Of Cardinal Vendosme a Frenchman. Of Cardinal Moncada a Sicilian. Of the last Cardinals made by Clement the ninth, and of some other particulars.   

I Ought not to omit in this place to enter upon an Anatomy of the customs, qualities, effects, and inclinations of the Cardinals created by Alexander the seventh, for several respects, but more particularly, because the greatest part of them are but little known in the Court▪ as having worn the Cardinalitial habit no long time in Rome, as well as because they profess there to make their inclinations investigable; however, having hitherto taken great pains to procure Memoires from all parts, that the work I exhibit might not be altogether imperfect, I shall with that taste taken from the Memoires that were sent me by several persons actually in the service of Cardinals, proceed in the relation following in this book; but so, that in the multiplicity of occurrences touching the Cardinals created by Alexander the seventh, I shall endeavour to be short, and that the impression may be the greater in the memory of the Reader, I shall restrain myself only to the most substantial and material things. I shall begin therefore according to the order of precedence with those that were first promoted to the Cardinalship.  
FLAVIO CHIGI Nephew to Alexander the seventh, born in the year 1631. in the City of Sienna, was the eldest Son of Don Mario, Brother to Alexander, and Donna Berenice a Lady of Sienna of the Family of Ciaia, who always had a particular affection for Flavio her son. Don Mario took what care he could to have him brought up to learning, but his inclinations leading him another way, he made small progress in that; but contrary to the documents of his Father, he applied himself to divert amongst other young men, rather than to converse amongst books: and that the more, because he found himself to be the only male of the Family of the Chigi, and therefore was sure he should be married to keep up the house.  
Don Mario though he was inclined for several respects to marry him▪ he endeavoured nevertheless to ease himself of that charge, by recommending him to his Brother Cardinal Chigi, who was afterwards Alexander the seventh, to the end, that being near him he might be instructed in such politic Maxims, as passed daily through his hands, as he was Secretary; an office the said Cardinal Chigi, had enjoyed for some time in Rome.  
But he whose designs were wholly bend upon the Vatican, most hypocritically pretended, not only to show himself impartial and disinterested to his own Family, but their enemy rather, refusing to admit any of them about him▪ especially his Nephew Flavio, who he knew wanted such parts as were worthy to be seen in the Court of Rome. Don Mario perceiving which way things went, resolved by all means possible to provide some advantageous match for his Son, and had several of the most considerable Ladies of Sienna in his eye; though he was sure enough in respect of the smallness of his Estate, he was not likely to carry them. In short, Flavio lived there, making of love, Courting of this Lady and of that, and minding nothing but his amours, without the least thought of ever being a Cardinal; and indeed, had any one told him he should one day be one of the principal Cardinals in the College, and provided with so many Benefices and preferments, he would have thought without doubt he had but drolled: so small an opinion his Associates had of his person.  
But fortune that goes far in Rome, and is as it were Arbitrator of all the Families in Sienna, changed the face of affairs in such manner, that by the help of some small merit that was found in the person of Cardinal Chigi, he was assumed to the Papacy, under the name of Alexander the seventh. This news was so welcome to Don Mario, he almost ran mad at the hearing it, and would have been marching immediately to Rome; but the Pope (keeping close to his Hypocrisy, as he had promised long before he was exalted) declared, he would by no means admit any of his Relations into Rome. And this whimsy continued for some months to the great displeasure of Don Mario, who went fretting, and distracted up and down, to see his younger Brother the greatest Monarch in the world, abounding in all manner of wealth, and himself to live poorly in Sienna without any command or authority. Wherefore, besides his own, he desired the prayers of the Religious Mendicants, that God Almighty would change that obstinate humour in his Brother; and accordingly by the Prayers of the one or the other, it was changed, and all of them called to the Vatican.  
No sooner did Don Mario appear triumphantly in Rome, with the pre-eminence that was due to a person so nearly related to the Pope, but he began by the impulsion of his own ambitious Spirit, to endeavour the advancement of his Son; he pretended that himself as the most ancient, and his Son as the eldest of all the youth of the Family of the Chigi, aught to take upon them the perpetuation of their name; intending thereby to do his utmost that his Son might marry some Princess or other, according to his own request, who was much more inclined to a Wife than a Cap; but the Pope would not hear of that ear, but commanded Flavio to be contented with a Cap, having resolved to find out a Wife for Don Agostino, a Nephew of the Popes likewise, but by another brother, whose memory had more influence with his Holiness, because he had received greater kindness from him than from Don Mario, and would therefore renew his memory in the person of Don Agostino, whom he declared head of the Chigi, to the no small displeasure of Flavio, that was made a Cardinal at the first Promotion, and retained in his heart some sparks of envy towards his Cousin; but his Holiness to extinguish them, comported himself so, that by showing them favour alternately, he took away all occasion of Jealousy and emulation.  
Flavio being declared Cardinal, and which is more Cardinal Padrone, with power to give audience to Ambassadors, and with authority to negotiate the greatest affairs of the Church, in case of any indisposition in the Pope; he began by little and little to take upon him exceedingly, and apply himself wholly to the execution of it, But the Pope his Uncle, who understood his debility too well to commit such a charge entirely to him, he left him no liberty at all, but in appearance, dispatching all things himself, and using all possible care to instruct him in such things as were requisite in that place. It seemed to the Cardinal, that with the authority and superintendency that was given him, he had received trouble enough to break his brain, a thing he abhorred in his very nature; insomuch, that as often as his business increased, so often would he be disgusted, and repine at his Cousin Agostino, that enjoyed all the felicities and applauses of the Court, without the least disturbance at all: and therefore without any respect to the admonitions of his Father, who exhorted him to acquaint himself by all possible diligence in the mysteries of the Court, he exercised the office of Padrone only, in taking recreations, and turning his back upon all business that would give him any trouble, to the no small dissatisfaction of his Uncle, who was forced thereby to swallow more of it himself.  
In short, he began to be so well known to all the public Ministers that were resident in the Court, for his weakness and indexterity in politic affairs, that in matters of importance, they thought it better to make their addresses immediately to his Holiness, than to make use of the interposition of the Cardinal Padrone, who for the most part was entertaining himself with his ordinary pastimes, to which he was inclined more naturally, than to the troubles of the Court; and indeed all those that had a mind to try their fortunes, and to negotiate with him, lost their labour and their time, he forgetting every circumstance of what he was informed, so strange an addiction he had to his sports, and so strange an aversion to any thing of business.  
Towards the latter end of the Pontificate of his Uncle (by reason he was tired with the multitudes of business he had undertaken at the beginning of his Papacy, and began to allow his Nephew more reins) he showed himself diligent enough in his office of Padronancy, but yet without renouncing his ordinary recreations. He is indifferently well versed in the History of Italy▪ and discourses of it upon occasion, with some sort of judgement. They that have business, go away contented still, but not satisfied, for being very civil, and courtly, he sends them off well furnished with compliments and good words, though in strictness, they signify nothing: yet some few months before the death of his Uncle, when he had absolute authority to dispose of things as he pleased, he precipitated as it were, the businesses that were before him, using at that time more deeds than words, and yet nevertheless the greatest satisfaction any of them had, was fair promises, and civil usage, he showing himself indifferent to all, though otherwise he was of a nature that would truckle to the first difficulty that appeared.  
In the time of the Padronancy of this Cardinal, he showed no great covetousness, but chose rather to spend, than to lay up, and that, as was supposed for two reasons; the first, for that he had no other Nephew for his Brother, his branch determining in himself, and envying also on the other side Don Agostino his Cousin, he contented himself to be careless of getting, lest thereby he should render his Cousin's branch more considerable. The other reason was, because he saw his Father Don Mario so anxious and greedy, whose Estate he knew would fall to him, as the only Male of his time, as indeed afterwards it did. But the last year he changed his opinion, and gave himself with that fury to the filling his Coffers, as if he cared not for the ill name he would leave amongst the people.  
In his Legation into France, he gave more instances of generosity, then of any thing else, endeavouring to give every body satisfaction; and truly all the French that had any thing to do with him, were well pleased with the humanity of his entertainment; though in strictness he kept not his word with his Majesty in the business of Castro, and of the next Conclave. At the beginning of his Uncle's Pontificate, not knowing which way was most fit for him to follow, whether the interest of France, or of Spain, he carried himself with a certain indifference to both. But the Spaniards found a way, though not wholly, yet in great part, to gain him, so that in many things he favoured the Spanish interest, to the utmost of his power, yet so as not to disoblige the French, whom if he did not love, he did not hate at all. But after the attempt upon the Duke of Crequy, he became for the Spaniard clearly at his heart, though he durst not do any thing to provoke the King of France, whose anger he dreads exceedingly. After the death of his Uncle, it was impossible but he must receive some affront both from the people, and the College; yet he knew how to swallow all with prudence, endeavouring with large presents, to gain the favour of the Nephew's regnant.  
GIROLAMO BONVISI, a Noble man of Lucca, repaired to Rome with design to try his fortune, as others of his Countrymen were wont; to that end he applied himself to the courting of the Barbarini then regnant, with all patience and assiduity, for he knew very well how to gain their affection. Cardinal Antonio knowing him to be inclined to secrecy; began to have confidence in him, and to entrust him in matters of no ordinary importance, and particularly in the time of the Wars with the Princes of Italy, he made use of him as of a well-affected Minister; which being ill understood by some Courtiers, they made sport with it in their discourse.  
He bought the Chiericatura di Camera, in which he gained some reputation, especially in the Assemblies da Cameranti, being very well practised in matters concerning the profession of Law. Afterwards being grown into particular favour, he discharged himself in several Offices that he executed with good reputation. But being troubled at the inconstancy of the Court, to see persons preferred to eminent degrees, that were less deserving than himself, he took a resolution to leave them, and return into his own Country, as he did afterwards, and remained for a long time out of Rome, to the great admiration of many, because he had at first expressed such constancy to the Court.  
The principal cause of his absence was, because he could not endure that insatiable liberty, that Donna Olimpia used in getting of money, with so much diminution of the Treasure of the Church; and particularly, when he saw the bartering for the Taxes upon Provisions, he generously refused the Prefecture, that he might not be instrumental in so infamous a business; which Innocent, and Donna Olimpia especially, taking in dudgeon, they began to contrive some way of doing him a displeasure: which he having notice of, retired, and thereby escaped that Rock he might otherwise have fallen upon.  
This renuntiation of the Prefecture, gave Bonvisi a great reputation in the Court, and made him be looked upon as a person of great conscience and integrity. But amongst all, Cardinal Chigi took a particular kindness for him, and as soon as he was made Pope, by the name of Alexander the seventh, without any supplication or intercession at all, he called him into his service; he being satisfied thereby, that Alexander looked no further than the merits, and qualities of the persons, he began to rejoice, and revive those hopes he thought had been utterly extinct.  
Being arrived at Rome, it was not long before he was declared Maestro di Camera to his Holiness; in which he gave so good satisfaction to the Pope, that in the first promotion he (with five others so qualified) were created Cardinals, to the great joy of the whole Court.  
The qualities of this Cardinal are commended every where, he having all the virtues and good parts that are requisite, to make a man esteemed; he loving, and respecting every one again, endeavouring by the sweetness of his converse to gain the affections of the Court, but of the Princes especially; using all dexterity, and avoiding with all possible caution to show himself devoted to either of the Crowns. So that amongst all the Cardinals that desired to live in a Neutrality, this may be most properly said to have managed it the best. He negotiates with every body, with great candour, gives audience ●o such as have business with him, with incredible benignity; and which is more, he endeavours by all means to send them satisfied away, at least with good words, in which he does not a little abound; but not with that flattering and complimental stile that is used in Rome, for to that he is a very great enemy, though there be many other Cardinals and Prelates of that Court, which follow nothing else.  
But all the lustre of his good qualities, is in some measure adumbrated by certain defects that are observed in him. He being indisposed, and naturally disinclined to business, loves his ease, and sometimes to the prejudice of affairs, which he pursues not with that vigour and assiduity that is necessary. So that many believe he will scarce arrive at the Papacy, and that the rather because he has a Nephew that he loves exceedingly, called Francisco Bonvisi, Maestro di Camera to Chigi, a cruel and barbarous person, full of a thousand vices, who in case of his Uncle's exaltation, would be the Protoquamquam in Rome. But for all this Bonvisi may have a pull for it in his turn.  
SCIPIONE DE CONTI d'ELCI, of Sienna, from the beginning of his youth, gave great tokens of his capacity to try his fortune in the habit of a Prelate; by his own inclination therefore, and to satisfy his Parents that put him forward, as thinking so great ingenuity would be injured in not doing it, he went to Rome, where by degrees he wrought himself into the most conspicuous and most intricate affairs there.  
He was sent Nuntio to Venice, and carried himself so much to the satisfaction of the Senate, that he was adored amongst them as an Oracle. Yet his negotiation for the Churches, for provision for the Bishops, succeeded not so well, some of them remaining without Pastors all the time of his Nuntiature, by reason of the differences betwixt the Pope, and the Senate; but this was no small trouble to the Nuntio, especially being by frequent Letters solicited by his Holiness, as if he could have turned and wound the Venetians about, as he had pleased: but they are too careful and vigilant, to suffer Rome to set his foot upon any Privilege of theirs.  
About the end of his Pontificate, Pope Innocent sent him Nuntio from thence into Germany, whose departure displeased the Senate in some measure, as being doubtful to have some giddy Capricious Nuntio sent in his place, that would be fitter to foment, than extinguish their differences; whereas Monsignor Elci, had for many years managed the business with that prudence, that if the quarrels were not absolutely composed, they were at least kept from increasing, by a peculiar and Noble way he had of transacting.  
He remained about two years in Germany, in which time Alexander the seventh his Kinsman, being made Pope, he thought he could not discharge his Conscience, as he declared to several, without promoting a person of his worth to the Cardinalship; yet he would not promote him for his Title of Nuntio, but as he was a grateful man, and worthy of that honour; and besides, he was desirous his Kindred should have their share in that Promotion. This is most certain, this Cardinal's qualities do render him worthy not of the Purple only, but of the Popedom; in the obtaining of which, (if the Election happened in his time) he could meet no impediment but his being of Sienna: for to speak truth, the Court has been glutted with Popes from Sienna. He is charitable, kind, and a great lover of his Friend: He intends his business is of great Authority in the Consistory, and his opinion in the Congregations more respected than any ones. His Kindred trouble him not much, but perhaps would do more if he were Pope: He can dissemble well, and seems to take no notice of an injury, though it be written very deep in his heart.  
GIROLAMO FARNESE a Roman, has made a shift, without any Foreign assistance, to scramble into several Honours. In his youth he was thought wild and unconstant, and he was so indeed; but he grew more discreet, and prudently by degrees wrought off all those imputations that might hurt him, reserving only, or endeavouring to acquire, those virtues that are necessary in Rome to the gaining of a Cap; which design breaks the sleep of many a good Prelate.  
Innocent the tenth, who was so difficult to accommodate with another man's opinion, had so great an esteem for this person, that in all his affairs he would have his judgement still, and prized it so, as to prefer it to his own; and which is more, to give him further credit in the Court, he declared publicly to all that he conversed with, that the Counsels of that man were worthy to be embraced by any Pope whatsoever, because they were delivered with prudence, integrity, and learning, which are in effect the virtues that ought to illustrate the Councillors of a Pope.  
This great affection of the Pope, gave no small jealousy to the rest of the Prelates who pretended to have deserved better than those for which Farnese was called to the new Cardinalship, every body being assured that Pope Innocent would promote him. But this I shall say more, that some wits that envied his good fortune, made Libels on him, call him most commonly the fifth Evangelist.  
But those persons that were sounder in their judgements, did but laugh at these reports, and the reputation Farnese had amongst the people; knowing the inconstancy of his Spirit, they were patient, and cried still, observe the end. And indeed it succeeded as they presaged, for Innocent being disgusted by him, that he had before looked upon as an Oracle, either because he would not sing as he would have him, or that Donna Olimpia had given him a lift, or for other considerations unknown, he not only made no use of him in his affairs, but turned his love into disdain, reviling that person as extravagantly as ever he had commended him.  
Alexander the seventh, that pretended to understand the merits of a man, as well as any body, and was resolved to use no man's judgement but his own in the Election of his Cardinals, was no sooner leaped into the Chair, but he made him his Maggior domo; and because he knew this person to have a brain capable to dispatch several businesses at once, he gave him a hundred employments, there being never a Congregation; where there was any affair of importance to be transacted, but he was present, and yet he discharged exactly his duty, as he was Maggior domo, to the satisfaction of the Pope, endeavouring with might and main to secure himself of the affection of the house of Chigi, by whose favour he facilitated the acquisition of the Terra Farnese, which was his own jurisdiction, and found out a way to exclude the Duke of Parma, who was to succeed him in case the right line failed.  
All these things considered, the Pope resolved to give him a Cap, and at the same time sent him Legate to Bologna, in which, he carried himself to his Holinesses satisfaction; but he found things well disposed, by the good management of Lomelini his Predecessor, who had governed that City to the incredible satisfaction of the People.  
He is a man of a very great brain, which perhaps would be a prejudice to him if the Chair was vacant, because they all know too much wind does more hurt to a Ship, than too little. In all his Negotiations he has behaved himself like a true Roman. It is a hard matter to find a man so devoted to business as he. He administers justice with such exactness, that it appears severity. He is old, and of a weakly complexion, and yet of a strange extravagant life, going to supper, either when other people rise, or go to bed.  
He is not much inclined to Piety, nor Charity; he gives Alms sometimes, but 'tis more out of policy, than any thing else: all the injuries that are done him, stick close at his heart, so that he does best that offends him not at all, and so much the rather, because he can dissemble his malice so well.  
For some months past, he has forborn coming to the Congregations deal Annona, upon a disgust that Cardinal Barbarino gave him, by obstructing some resolutions of his, under pretence that it was necessary to stay till the Abbot Rospigliosi was present; but he had a greater quarrel with Imperiale, because he opposed himself in one of the Congregations against Farnese, about the validity of the Bull for the Incameration of Castro, for which Imperiale had no great thanks, he having thereby exposed himself to the indignation of the Crown of France. In short, Farnese is something refractory in his opinion, and is angry with every body, when things go not as he advises; and sometimes he is angry alone.  
He has but few Kindred, and those he has, have so little esteem for him, that they do not care to trouble him; yet some suspect that all is but Hypocrisy, and like that of Alexander the sevenths, who always express great alienation to his, till he was Pope, and then he changed his mind to some purpose, so that the more he hated them when he was a Cardinal, the more he loved them when he was Pope; and just so it is believed Farnese would do, were he in that quality. He is moreover no great rewarder of his Servants, nor do his Friends receive much benefit by his protection, he showing himself but indifferent in the affairs of his greatest Confidents.  
ANTHONIO BICHI of Sienna, is Nephew to the Sister of Alexander the seventh, and Brother to Prior Bichi, a Knight of Malta, and one that has the commendations of a very worthy man. The Pope's design was to make a Cardinal of the Knight, and to leave the other alone in his Bishopric of Osimo; but to prevent that, the whole Family of the Chigi conspired, I mean the branches of Don Mario, and Don Agostino.  
The Knight had intelligence of all, and made all imaginable submission to redintigrate with Cardinal Flavio, and Don Agostino, and such as perhaps the worst Servant he had would have scorned to have done; but ambition was too predominant in his heart, and the extreme desire he had to be a Cardinal, would have made him do ten times worse to obtain it. However he was not so fortunate, for the Chigi were too positive for his exclusion, though they seemed well enough satisfied with his obsequiousness.  
The principal cause of this opposition of the Nephews, proceeded from a suspicion they had, that if that Cousin of theirs should arrive at the Cardinalship, that is, into such an eminent degree, as would authorise him to speak his mind freely, he would not fail to create some differences betwixt them, and that the rather, because they had already more jealousies of one another, than the Pope, or their Consanguinity would allow: nor indeed was their fear without reason; for though he be outwardly civil, he has a strange dexterity at setting other people by the ears.  
In this manner the Cavalier being excluded, with no little satisfaction to the Chigi, who thought they had achieved a great matter; the other Brother's interest was set on foot, against which the Chigi made not only no opposition, but recommended him to his Holiness, who to revive the memory of his Sister, was resolved to make of them a Cardinal. Alexander having resolved from the beginning of his Papacy to give the Cavalier a Cap, could not without some repugnancy be persuaded to quit that resolution, and give it to the other Brother, that he never intended; nor was it a wonder, for the Cavalier knew well enough by acts of submission, and obsequiousness of behaviour, how to gain upon his Uncle: whereas the other remaining as it were shut up in his Church at Osnno, had not those opportunities to ingratiate with him that had the power to advance him to the degree he is now in, perhaps by the ill fate of his Brother the Cavalier.  
Whilst he was Bishop of Osimo, he gave good demonstration of his ability in governing the Church; having wrought himself into the hearts of all people, especially the Clergy, who magnified him for one of the best Bishops that ever was in that place. After he was promoted to the Cardinalship, his Holiness began to employ him in several important and politic affairs. But in a short time it was plain, that what credit he got in his Pastoral Cure, he lost in his Negotiations, insomuch that in many Congregations he was almost ridiculous. The Pope understood very well, that his parts were but indifferent, and therefore he gave him some leisure to improve himself, which he has done so effectually, that if in the Congregations his Vote be not the first, it is not most certainly the last, he having grown to a capacity of penetrating into the good and bad of an affair, and of choosing the best when he has done.  
He receives all persons that come to him, with great civility, and endeavours to ingratiate with the Ministers of Princes, without giving occasion of jealon●ie either to one or other. He seems a great enemy to tumults and noise, yet fails not upon occasion to speak his own sense, and that with some violence of words. He was very devout and pious when he was a Bishop, and they are much increased since he was made a Cardinal. In short, he also is driving at the Popedom, but I fear he will miscarry, as all the rest have done that have taken his way.  
GIACOMO FRANZONI of Genoa, Cardinal with the Title of Santa Maria in Aquino, advanced himself to the Cardinalship by the same means which are commonly used by his Countrymen. In the Popedom of Innocent he had several Offices, besides the Tesorieria della Camera, which he bought with ready money; for the Pope either at the request of his Cousin, or because he knew him a person of worth, would not suffer him to be idle, but heaped Governments upon him continually: He was made General of the Holy Church, Keeper of the Castle of Saint Angels, General of the Pope's Galleys, and Commissioner for the Arms, all of them executed by him at a time. By reason his Employments were so many, he was thought by some to be too tedious in his resolutions, and not unjustly, he himself not knowing sometimes which way to turn him, but mistaking his business, he dispatched that which was last, having forgot what was before. By this many people suffered not a little in their affairs, and complained much of his delay, which proceeded not so much from any ill principle in him, as from a torrent of business that overwhelmed him, and left him scarce time to take his breath: in one Scene, like a Comedian, acting two persons, the Soldier and the Prelate, not only to the admiration of the people, but the indignation of other persons of merit, that were left idle, without any employment at all.  
This Cardinal in all the Congregations where he came, was very doubtful and irresolute, and all from a certain subtlety that he has, in penetrating into the affairs that are before him, sifting and deliberating what is to be done, without considering it will be determined without him.  
He is a great lover of Justice, very zealous, and a particular favourer of the poor, in so much that when he was Legate of Ferrara, (which he exercised to his praise) he recommended daily to the Judges, that they should have special regard, that the Poor should not be oppressed by the Potent, in their Trials at Law; and hearing upon a time that there was a Suit betwixt a Noble man, and a Commoner, he would not trust it to the Judges, but took it into his own hands, lest the Noble man some way or other might have wrought upon the Judges to have given sentence in his favour.  
This Cardinal has store of good qualities, he is a person of a good Conscience, candid, subtle, and has not those scruples, that make other Cardinals be thought hypocrites, rather than honest men; he is very well read in the Rules of Friendship, studies what he can to preserve it, and it is good therefore to have him for one Friend. He is very chaste, and therefore it was never heard that he committed any sensual sin: Towards the Princes he is indifferent, keeping himself equally betwixt both the Crowns, and without giving the least token or inclination of depending more upon one than the other, keeping the middle way. He is not prodigal, but liberal enough in rewarding his Servants. In short, he is not over covetous, though he be a Genoese. The Ecclesiastical habit sits well upon his back, because his manners and humour is proper to ennoble it; he is employed in rectifying the abuses in his Bishopric of Camerino. His age is about 55. and he is not much subject to infirmities.  
As to his Kindred, he has two Brothers, one married, the other not; he has a Nephew also, the Son of the elder of the two Brothers, who is called Anfrano Franzoni, a youth of good humour, studious, and much addicted to Learning. Of the two Brothers one of them is called Agostino Franzoni, a person of good conversation too, particularly intent upon the discharge of such Offices as are given him by that Republic, and very curious in the liberal Arts; but he spends his money alla Genoese. The other Brother is called Paulo Geronimo, and wholly devoted to the interest of that Commonwealth. I will not say whether this Cardinal aims at the Ppoedom, because he is a Genoese, which is as much as to say, he does not.  
CARLO BONELLI corresponds in great part with his Name, which signifies little goodness; he offends in many things, more out of an affected simplicity that he pretends to, to be counted Holy, than for any thing else: But he has one great fault indeed, and that is, that he suffers himself to be led by the Nose in matters of greatest consequence, and in trifles and things of no importance he is so peremptory, fifty yoke of Oxon cannot remove him.  
Cardinal Imperiale his Uncle manages him, as a Rider does a great Horse, making him gallop, and change as he pleases, so that his Vote depends clearly on his Uncle, to whom to speak truth, Bonelli is bound by all obligations to be obsequious, because it was by his contrivance and intercession the Cap fell upon Bonelli's head, he never being able to have obtained it himself. This is certain, there has not been a relation to be found that has shown more zeal in the advancement of another, than Imperiale has demonstrated to Bonelli; for as if he were not contented to have made him a Cardinal, he endeavoured what he could to make him Pope, and if he had succeeded, Bonelli would have had the honour, but Imperiale would have gone away with the profit.  
This Cardinal before he obtained his Cap, was put very young upon the principal employments of the Court; he was made Governor, and sent Nuntio into Spain, more at the instance and intercession of Imperiale, who had a great interest at that time, than for any merits of his own. In which charges he neither diminished, nor increased his reputation amongst them that knew him. And indeed his parts are as small, as his stature, though Imperiale cries him up for one of the greatest Politicians in the Court. Alexander had never any great opinion of him, nevertheless he created him in the quality of Cardinal Nuntio▪ under the Title of Santa Anastasia.  
CELIO PICCOLOMINI, of a very good Family in Sienna, is descended of a Pontifical branch, though its leaves are much fallen. In the Popedom of Innocent, he went up and down courting those with great submission, that were in any esteem with the Pope, to advance himself to the place he is now in. He obtained some charges which he executed well; his talon is but small; he is full of good words, but loves always to cross the stream; he sticks close enough to his Relations, but has not the liberality to give them any thing; he has no faults that make him unworthy of his honour, the Ecclesiastical Habit sitting well upon his back▪ Most of his Countrymen envy him, and especially they that have not prospered so well: he departed from his Nuntiature of France with no little disgust, of which it will not be impertinent to give a short description.  
The 20th. of August, there arrived a Courier from the French Ambassador, the Duke of Crequy, with an account of the accident that happened betwixt his Excellences Servants, and the Corsi. The King of France called a Council immediately, which lasted for two hours and more, after which, the Comti di Brienne was sent to the Nuntio in his Majesty's name to command him to leave Paris the next morning, and to retire to Meaux, and not to stir from thence till further order from his Majesty; pretending it as an expedient to secure his person▪ against some such tumult as happened in Rome.  
Piccolomini replied with all possible respect, that he would obey his Majesty's order but he desired first to be heard, and went therefore that very night to Court; but being heard with nobody but Mounsieur Lion, he declared the Sentiments of the Pope, the order he had taken for the punishment of the offenders, the demonstrations of kindness the Pope had made to the Ambassador; endeavouring with all the art of Rhetoric, to clear the business, and by contrary relations to what came before, to let him understand he could not receive a Relegation. The next morning, the Nuntio retired to Saint Germans, and stirred not out of the Castle, that he might not seem to disobey the Orders of the King. Mounsieur Tellier came to speak with him by his Majesty's permission, but being stiff and inflexible to the requests of the Nuntio, who by all his submissions, by laying before him the reflection, the ill usage of his person, would have upon the Church, not being able to prevail for the Protraction of his departure, as soon as he was returned to his house, he writ him this Letter.  

Most Excellent Sir,  
I Can by no means admit that the King's religation of me is a favour, if it be said that 'tis in order to my security, how great a reflection will it have upon the Grandeur of his Majesty, when it is reported that an innocent person, and his Holinesses Nuntio, could not be safe in Paris Let it be lawful therefore for me with all due reverence and submission to say, that indeed it is at the King's pleasure to retain or command me whither he pleases, but it is not in my power to consent without particular permission from his Holiness, or at least an apparent necessity for me to do it: His Majesty cannot ascribe it to any want of profound Obedience in me▪ which for my part I shall always show with the greatest demonstrations of humility and service I am able, and therefore I conceive he cannot in justice impose any penalty upon a Nuntio, for so contingent an accident, especially his Holiness having already declared his resolution to chastise the offenders, and begun to execute that resolution. I hope your Excellence will have so much compassion, as in this case to endeavour the protection of  
Yours   

The Nuntio persisted that there ought to be an apparent and precise necessity for his departure; and accordingly on the 31. he received Letters from Monsieur de Lion, with reiterated orders from his Majesty, for his removal to Meaux; so that all the intercession of Foreign Ministers, who endeavoured to mitigate the business, being in vain, by their advice he went out of Paris, but went instead of Meaux, to Saint Dennis, that he might not seem to consent to his dismission, and by the mediation of the Ministers about the King, and the interposition of Foreign Representatives, he obtained, that his resolution was allowed at Court, without further irritation to his Majesty. It was reported at first, that the Duke of Crequy had orders to be gone out of the Territories of the Church, and to retire to Sienna; and when that order should be known to be executed, the Nuntio was to be dispatched likewise out of France.  
On the seventh of September, the Nuntio found himself beset by a party of forty Soldiers a horseback, drawn by order out of his Majesty's Musquetoons, who guarded all the passages into the Covent of the Dominicans, where he lodged, and accompanied the Nuntio and all his Servants when ever they went forth. He complained to the Court of this action, but he was answered that they knew nothing of it. The Nuntio dissembling the business, pretended to take no notice of it, but gave orders that the Soldiers as strangers should be invited to dinner, and to what civilities the house could afford, but they accepted not the invitation, but refused it with reciprocal civility.  
The same night there arrived a Courier to the Nuntio from Rome, with his Holiness his first Breve written to the King, with more distinct information of what was passed against the delinquents there by the Pope's orders, as the price that was set upon their heads, the deputation of two Congregations, the visit Cardinal Chigi made to the Duke of Crequy, and a long Letter of narration to Monsieur de Lyon.  
The next morning the Nuntio dispatched it to Monsieur Lion, with a Billet of his own, desiring him to present the Breve to his Majesty, give him an account of the rest, and to prevail that the Nuntio might be admitted to speak with himself. Monsieur Lion receiving the Billet, said he could do no less; he carried both the one and the other to his Majesty, expecting what he would please to command; after he had read the Breve to his Majesty, he returned him this answer, That he should read the rest of the dispatch that day to his Majesty; and accordingly he appointed a Conference with the Nuntio at Turrene, whether the Nuntio passed the same night attended by 40. Musquetiers.  
The Conference was long, the Nuntio laying before him, what upon the foundation of truth, reason, and the paternal inclination of his Holiness, was like to mitigate his Majesty. The Sieur de Lion assured the Nuntio that he had endeavoured to quench, not to kindle the fire. That his Majesty at the reading of the Brief, expressed much satisfaction to see his Holiness so well disposed to an accommodation, and at last it was concluded, that on Sunday the tenth of December he should have an answer. The Nuntio had intelligence, that the Brief being read in Council, they began to be appeased; but at the same time a Gentleman arriving from the Duke of Crequy, with advice that he was commanded out of the Territories of the Church, incensed his Majesty so much, that as soon as he was gone out of the Council, orders were dispatched immediately to the Nuntio to depart that Kingdom the next day; and though he sent another Breve from his Holiness, and an answer to Mr. Lion from himself, there was no further Treaty to be had.  
The Letters from the Nuntio to Seignour Lion and Tellier, were not opened at all. The 14 in the morning before he departed, he made another overture, but could not be heard, so that then he prepared himself to obey, and accordingly departed under the conduct of 50 Musquetiers on horseback, 25 before his Coach, and as many behind, not suffering him to discourse with any body, forcing him to march ten leagues a day, and carrying him every night out of the Road, without acquainting him which way he was to pass. In ten day's time he arrived in Savoy, and stayed there for some time in the Chambery, till he could receive further orders from his Holiness, to whom he had given particular advice of all that had past.  
Whilst the Nuntio was marching in this posture, the Marquis de Fuentes, Ambassador from the Crown of Spain, came to give him a visit, but the guards denied him admission; Fuentes persisted, and pressed very hard, but all that he could get, was liberty to enter with two guards with him, who understanding neither Italian nor Spanish would needs have obliged the Nuntio and Fuentes to have spoken in French; but they could not be persuaded, but discoursed three hours together in the presence of the guards, that understood not a word that they said. The news that was brought by the Gentleman from the Duke of Crequy, was, that he was forced to go out of Rome for the security of his person, that he was limited in his Victuals, and tied up to a certain allowance every day; but this in time was found to be false, and only an invention to exasperate his Majesty the more.  
His Majesty was troubled to find himself in a necessity of using the Nuntio accordingly, because he had been not a little pleased with his proceedings during his Nuntiature. Many believed, that as soon as these difficulties should be composed, and due satisfaction be given to the King, that Piccolomini would be remanded into France; but with this general opinion, the policy of the ecclesiastics did not agree: it was imagined likewise, that the Pope (for his own reputation, and to recompense the Nuntios disgrace in being turned out of France) would send him a Cap before his entrance into Rome, which would have been very acceptable to Piccolomini. But there were other reasons that diverted his Holiness from such thoughts; however he was with other Nuntios promoted to the Cardinalship 1664 with the Title of San Pietro all Monte d'oro. Were he better furnished with humility, it would be better for him, for he is generally reckoned a very proud man.  
CARLO CARAFF A a Neapolitan, is a person of great parts, and worthy of higher advancement, did not the memory of Paul the fourth (who was not at all propitious to the Spaniard) give some obstruction to the maturity of his years, he being yet fresh, healthful, and vigorous. He was sent Nuntio to Venice by Innocent the tenth, and confirmed by Alexander the seventh, who employed him in a business of the greatest difficulty perhaps, that ever Nuntio was imploy●d in; and that was the re-establishment of the Jesuits in the State of Venice, which the said Alexander recommended to him with the greatest earnestness imaginable.  
Caraffa to satisfy the ardency of the Pope's desire, undertook that Negotiation, but he met with so many obstacles, he despaired of it himself, though in his Letter to Rome, he dissembled it as much as he could, writing always ambiguously, lest he should put his Holiness too into despair, who had a great fancy he should weather that point. In short, he behaved himself so subtly in the Senate, and knew so well how to manage his affairs, that he brought the Venetian to his Luer, and willingly to condescend to the importunities of the Pope.  
In this transaction, Caraffa's parts, and dexterity in great affairs, was very well known: he having received several testimonies of commendation from the Pope himself. But yet things did not follow the expectations of the Court; where it was reported, that if he happened to effect the re-establishment of the Jesuit sin Venice, the Pope would without doubt reward him with a Cap; and this was writ in a Letter from Rome, to one of the principal in the Nuntios Court. But the Jesuits were restored, the Pope pleased, and the Senate satisfied, yet the Nuntio uncapt for some time, and not one word to be heard of his promotion.  
From Venice, he was sent Nuntio to the Emperor of Germany; where he met likewise with several difficult affairs, but they lasted not long, because he knew very well how to disentangle himself with honour; and certainly he is a person sufficiently dexterous, active, and proper for the management of the most considerable transactions. Though he be pleasant always, and merry in the conversation of Ladies; he lies under no great imputation of vice; he protects his friends cheerfully, and rejoices to do good offices for all that desire him; he has many Kindred in Naples, and not few in Rome: if he transgresses any way, 'tis in his severity, his justice having too often more of rigour than mercy. He was promoted with the other Nuntii, 1664. with the Title of Santa Susanna. At present he is Legate at Bolognia, from whence it is hoped he will come away with the applause of the people, he having given already an essay of his good Government.  
ANGELO CELSI a Roman, was created Cardinal with the Title of Saint George in the year 1664. being Auditor di Rota, in which office he made himself some Enemies, things for no considerable reasons. In his youth he fell into some faults, suitable but little wore the Ecclesiastical habit which he wore; for though he was a Priest, he could not abstain from several sensualities, many people believing him given over so much to luxury, that he was fitter to have been a Husband than a Priest. However he now restrains his natural inclinations with great prudence, or at least transgresses in secret.  
He is very much inclined to revenge, but has not the faculty to dissemble it, for where he is an enemy, he professes it, and where he is a friend, he does the same. He is ancient, but of a strong complexion, though subject to infirmities. He is severe in his nature, and inclined to justice with too much punctilio. In certain Congregations, his Vo●e has been almost Tyrannical, and all to do justice, so as the concerned and offended parties have said, that he was a Phalaris, or a person of a cruel and carnal nature; because ordinarily they go together, and your cruel people are observed to be most carnal.  
Many are of opinion, that if his life corresponded to his parts, there would not be a more worthy person in the whole College. He has certainly a sound judgement, a brain capable of any thing; he is more learned than ordinary, curious in all kind of History, politic, dextrous in treaties and business, assiduous in what he undertakes, not obstinate in his opinion; in short, he is a person of general parts, which in the Congregations, and Consistories, he daily discovers.  
He has but one Brother, an ancient man too, but inclined as much to pleasure, as this is to severity. He has great store of friends and adherents in Rome; his nearest are Caraffelli, and Capranica, with whom he holds very good correspondence; the great affection he bears to Ravizza (a person odious to the Romans) has given some check to his reputation, and the rather, because he appeared in his defence against Cardinal Chigi.  
PAULO SAVELLI a Roman, is the Nephew of the late Cardinal Fabrisio Savelli, that served a long time in the wars of Germany, in the quality of General. This Family is the most considerable in Rome, and that not only for its antientness and nobility, but for the great Prerogatives it enjoys, as the office of Marisciallo di Santa Chiesa, and to that Marshalship, belongs the keeping of the Conclave. During the vacation of the See, the said Savelli has no small authority and jurisdiction in Rome. He may raise Soldiers for a Guard for himself, at the charge of the Apostolical Chamber, upon any emergency or apprehension, and chastise those that transgress the orders of the Conclave; as he did in the Conclave of urban the eight, when he sent several little Clarks to the Galeys, for conveying Letters to the Cardinals in the Conclave, and threatened others with death.  
Though this Family has had two Popes of it, and a great number of Cardinals, yet it has been in great danger of falling; and this is most certain, had it not been for the inheritance of Montalto, it would have been very low. But so opulent an estate falling to them by a marriage contracted with a Sister of Montalto, (that happened to be the last of the house of Perretii) and the Prince Savelli, was sufficient to make him lift up his head again, though to speak truth, he had never abated of his usual splendour, unless in some small retrenchments of his Court.  
This Paulo that we speak of, purchased the Chiericatura di Camera, with firm confidence, to be chosen a Cardinal, as indeed it fell out; for Alexander retaining the same inclination to the Roman Families, as Innocent had▪ that he might not see so honourable a house without a Cap, at the death of Cardinal Fabritio, he made him a Cardinal 1664. with the Title of Santa Maria della Scala.  
This Cardinal has no great knowledge in the most considerable affairs of State; but he has capacity enough to inform himself. If he would read History a little more, he would do much better in the Congregations, though his judgement already is none of the worst. He is a Spaniard, but concerns not himself too far in defence of that Crown. His Conversation is good, and grateful, yet some there are that think him proud, but I could never see but he was humble enough.  
ALPHONSO LITTA a Milanese, has been employed in several important affairs, in which he has always expressed himself by the honourableness of his success, a man of great parts, and experience. He is certainly a man very proper for business, indefatigable in searching and perpending of every thing he undertakes, that he may not afterward be at a loss, when he comes to give his judgement or vote; so that this is most sure, that he that loses any thing in his presence, may be satisfied very well, for he is not used to do things blindfold, as others do even in Rome itself.  
He has given tokens of his parts and good life from his very youth, yet he fell into some light miscarriages, but not considerable; he is a person of good learning, great practice, no ordinary experience, and has a strange head for solid and profound business. Whilst he was Archbishop of Milan, he showed himself an excellent Pastor, conciliating the affection of the whole people there; but for all this, some there be that believe that he failed in a little punctilio of prudence, when he appeared so stiff for the immunities of the Church, and other things, in which he might have winked with more discretion. In short, he has so much disobliged the Spaniards, that they are grown his implacable enemies, and doubtless were not their fortune at present so low, they would handle him so, as to force him to leave the Church, as they have done before to other Prelates in the Kingdom of Naples. Did things therefore go as they would have, they would not fail to give him a lift; for it is not their custom, to pardon till they be revenged.  
His promotion to the Cardinalship, was no welcome news to the Spaniards, who had not concerned themselves at all in his assistance, but rather by their private suggestions done what they could to obstruct it. But Pope Alexander knowing his deserts very well, and the high services he had done the Church, that he being Pope might not seem ungrateful, the last promotion but one he made him a Cardinal, with the Title di Santa Croce in Jerusalem, giving him the Archbishopric with it. Very few Cardinals there have been, that have attained that dignity upon the bare account of their merits, as this person has done to his immortal reputation.  
He holds the same Maxim with other people, that to be Pope, it is necessary to be at odds with the Spaniard; and therefore being Cardinal, he is the more incensed against them. Don Lewis d'Haro, Governor of Milan, with whom he had some variance, writ several Letters to the Spanish Ambassador at Rome in the time of the vacancy of the See, against the promotion of Litta; insomuch that it is the opinion of many wise men, that a Cardinal that is born a Subject to a Prince, and has considerable dignities in his Principalities, cannot but be thought imprudent, if he quarrels and contends with that Prince. But for my part, I do not question but there were many considerable reasons to work a person of his discretion and worth to such a resolution.  
NERIO CORSINI a Florentine, was Treasurer, and afterwards Cardinal, with the Title of Santi Neri Achillo; which Title was given him for its correspondence with his name. His Kindred are but of indifferent quality, but he endeavours what he can to advance them upon all occasions. The Great Duke loves him very well, but employs him not in any business of consequence, perhaps for his private interest. In his Treasurership, he got the reputation of a person of no ordinary Talon; but it is not so much as it ought to have been, for when he drove at the Cardinalship, he was fain to worship and fawn upon those at the Helm, and it succeeded as well as he could wish.  
In the Congregations, he has shown himself a person of worth, a good politician, and impartial in all matters of consequence; and indeed he has a great capacity, and some good learning. He is not over rigid, and severe, yet he suffers not himself to be led by the Nose too much, as loving his own fancy and capriccio, especially if he knows he has reason on his side. At present he is Legate of Ferrara, a considerable Legation, and of great trust, because upon the Confines. He will have great opportunity of showing his parts there, of which he has given good essay already, though it is not above three months since he arrived. Every body is in expectation of the success of this Legation; for my part I do not doubt but he will come off honourably, if his servants do not make him transgress, for to speak the truth, he is sometimes too indulgent.  
PALUZZO PALUZZI a Roman, has served the Church above forty years with extraordinary diligence, yet had never any remuneration from Pope Innocent, though he knew what pains he had taken very well; so that it was no small wonder to see many persons of less merit than he, that had not done half the service he had done for the Church, advanced before him, and which is more, in so difficult conjunctures.  
Yet Innocent would confess that this Prelates shoulders deserved the Purple, but that his tongue spoiled them; and truly he has too little Phlegm, and is too fierce in condemning the actions of others, without any regard to the quality of their persons, insomuch that speaking in public, and with too much liberty, of the actions of the favourites at Court, he has retarded the progress of his fortunes. Yet his way of Mutining is not without its grace, for he pricks them with honey, and kindles the fire in the Censer, to burn the hands of the Priest, under pretence of doing it for the benefit and glory of the Altar. This I will say, he is as zealous in all his expressions, as is imaginable; but he does it not upon any particular interest, but for the public advantage. But he is out in his politics now, because this age is for nothing but dissembling at Rome; zeal indeed is good with respect to the time and the place, but not when it will be taken for faction and repining.  
Many people observing that he was old, and had no Cap, concluded for certain he would never have any; and indeed he did not look for it himself. But Alexander considering, that to leave a person who for so long time had been serviceable to the Church, without any reward, would but discourage and intepidate the rest, he resolved to take away that scandal, and created him Cardinal with the Title of Basilica degli dode●i Apostoli.  
He is an honest man, well versed in the Canons, and not a little in the Civil Prudence, but improper for the Cadinalitial Function in respect of his blindness, which suffered him to come but very seldom into the Congregations; but he was present in the last Conclave, and gave his voice. In brief, he is so decrepit, that he looks every moment for death, and therefore has but little regard for the things of this world.  
CESARE RASPONI of Ravenna, has by his handsome designs insinuated himself at Court, in such manner, that he is arrived at that honourable degree he deserves, as being a person worthy of the Cardinalitial dignity. He has always had a great ambition to advance himself in offices and employments, but he has had the prudence to conceal it; he is very obsequious to such as have any abilities to assist him, yet so as not to fall into any extravagant flattery.  
He was made Secretary of the Council, and in many Controversies with those Prelates, he gave good demonstration of his parts. And because that charge is a charge of great confidence, with the Cardinal Padrone, he found out a way to satisfy the Chigi, without receding from the Privilege of his place. Alexander had a good opinion of him, and therefore in several of his businesses of importance, he took his judgement along with him, which he willingly, and with his wont modesty delivered, so that Alexander left this advice to Chigi his Nephew, that in all intricate matters he should make use of the judgement of Monsignor Rasponi.  
A few months after the fatal disaster, as one may call it, that happened to the Duke of Crequy in Rome, he was sent Nuntio Extraordinary into France, to endeavour to accommodate the business, to satisfy the King of France, but without diminution to the Majesty of the Pope. This was an affair of great consequence, and therefore his Holiness several days together consulted with his Cardinals about the election of a fit person for such an employment; after the nomination of several, and the rejection of all, Rasponi was judged the most proper and habile person, from whence may be argued the reputation he had amongst the Prelates of the Court.  
At the very beginning of his Legation, there happened a certain difference that constrained him to depart from Lions, where he was arrived, and to return into Savoy, to some Neutral place; But his Negotiation had no great success, so that the Duke of Crequy returned to Paris, and he to Rome; nevertheless Rasponi had so well accommodated things to his Majesty's satisfaction, that he had almost pardoned the affront offered to his Ambassador: But the business of Castro, which the King would have comprised in that Treaty, and without which he was resolved to have none, put all things into a suspense. For all that, the Pope was so well satisfied with the transaction of Rasponi, that to recompense him for it, and his other services to the Church, he created him Cardinal in his first promotion, with the Title of San Giovanni in Porta Latina.  
This Cardinal has a sound judgement, and great dexterity in business, and that the more, because he is not too much enamoured with his own opinions, nor adheres too much to them as others do, who though they know another man's advice be more adequate and beneficial to the matter in hand, yet in despite of all reason, will defend their own judgements, be they never so false; he carries himself indifferently, and labours much to be counted impartial His Kindred are of condition good enough, but not rich, and in particular a Nephew that is called the Abbot Rasponi, which being but a youth of 27-years of age, he carried into France with him, being a person of good behaviour, and great generosity; and though he abounds not with any extraordinary Learning, yet his judgement is so good, that with a little exercise he may very well go through the most important affairs. This Cardinal may with maturity of years make a pass in the Conclave, as well as any of the rest.  
GIO. NICOLA CONTI is a Roman, of an ancient Family, that has several times afforded illustrious persons to the Church, and by whom it has been served with all punctuality and honour. This Lord has had several ordinary employments, and discharged himself indifferently well: The greatest of his Offices was the Government of Rome, which he began to exercise with great severity, having declared to his Holiness himself, that he would proceed in an exact way of Justice, without partiality to any body. But in a short time he had changed his opinion, and was observed to follow other things instead of severity, especially if any thing relating to the satisfaction of the Nephews was in debate; for he was grown very careful of giving them any disgust, as complying in every thing there, though with never so much injury to Justice: Besides this, he is thought to have been too indulgent to the recommendations of the Cardinals, and Nobility of Rome, that are his Friends and Relations, at whose instances he has discharged several Prisoners that were more worthy to have been corrected. Not that he can be charged with Bribery, his hands are clean enough from that, though he be none of the liberalest persons about the Court.  
It cannot be denied but there are several good qualities in him, that may make him capable of being an Ornament to his Dignity, although he fell into some frailties (before he took the Prelacy upon him) that are not worthy to be remembered, though he be now prudent enough to make the goodness of his deportment, satisfy for the evil that is past. He fails not to endeavour to raise himself as much as he can, and he takes that way that is most likely to give him reputation in the Conclave. He deals with the French and the Spaniards so, that when he is arrived at a competent age, if there be occasion, he may incline them both to be his Friends. He has many Relations both Soldiers and Prelates, that would not be at all offended to see him Pope. Alexander had several reasons for his Creation, but the chief was to fortify his own Family, by obliging of a person of so great Alliance in Rome; he made him Cardinal with the Title of Santa Maria in Traspontina.  
GIACOMO NINI of Sienna, has been scrambling after Honours and Offices from the time he took the Ecclesiastical habit upon him, and has left no stone unturned to arrive at his designs. His ambition put him forward so, that he several times attempted to have been made Nuntio, but his insufficiency was too well known at Court, to succeed therein, he having but little of the Politics that are necessary to make a good Minister of State, as failing often rather out of honesty, than any thing else. Yet he thinks himself able to deal with the greatest Politicians in Rome, because he has a little smattering in Learning, and an obliging way with his Compliments, and fair words, which in reality signify not much, for he speaks oftener with his tongue, than his heart, because he has no great foundation of reason, though he wants not some ordinary Maxims.  
Alexander the 7th. in consideration of his Country, and other things, made him Maggior domo of the Apostolical Palace, after he had honoured him with other offices, and finally created him Cardinal in his last Promotion but one, with the Title of Santa Maria della pace, which Promotion gave great disgust to the Cavalier della Ciaia Uncle to Chigi, that at the same time pretended to the Cardinalship, and seeing Nini preferred, was ready to run mad. But though Nini had scarce merits enough for a Cap, yet he deserved more than Ciaia.  
The report was at first, that Cardinal Chigi was the person that had driven on the interest of Nini, and made him a Cardinal; but it appeared afterwards, that it proceeded from the mere pleasure and inclination of the Pope. Before his death there happened some differences betwixt Chigi and Nini, but by the interposition of the Conclave, Chigi was obliged to reconcile himself with Nini after the best manner he could, which he did.  
When Cardinal Anthonio Barbarino went through France to the possession of his Archbishopric, he left his Vineyard near San Pancratio, to Cardinal Nini, during his absence, which gave the Spaniard great suspicion that he was inclining to the interest of the French.  
GREGORIO BARBARIGO a Venetian, was created at the nomination of the State of Venice, with the Title of San Tomaso in Parione. Nor did the Pope make any difficulty in the Promotion of so worthy a person, that had given continual testimonies of an excellent Prelate, from the very time he first entered into the Ecclesiastical habit, and has confirmed them since by the exemplariness of his life, free from those scandals that at present are so numerous in Rome.  
Amongst the rest of his virtues, which are considerable and proper for a person of his dignity; one eminent one is, his Cordial affection for his Country, by which he obliges that wise Senate (that is seldom ungrateful) to continue a grateful correspondence with him upon all occasions.  
After the death of Monsignour Giorgio Cornaro, the Bishopric of Padua was conferred upon him, which is one of the best Bishoprics, I will not say in that State, for they have no other like it, but in all Italy; and because his Predecessor (being a great Cavalier, and of one the most renowned Family in Venice) had suffered some abuses to grow, till they had obscured in great part the glory of the Clergy; Barbarigo not being able to see so considerable a Church under such enormities, he instituted a Congregation of pious and good Priests to reform them; giving them ample authority to effect it. This new manner of Congregation, unknown to the rest of the Bishops, was at first ill interpreted at Rome; so that some envious people spoke of it after a pungent and satirical way; but the Pope commended it much, and exhorted them to follow so good an example. The Clergy of Padua that were dissolute and loose, thought that resolution too severe, but those of any Piety or Religion, commended it to the Skies. In short, this Cardinal was always full of zeal both to his Church and to his Country.  
PIETRO VIDONI of Cremona, made up his fortunes, not so much by the exemplarity of his life, as by the subtlety of his wit. His mind was always inclinable ●o holy Orders, and averse to Matrimony, though not altogether free from such Carnal affections as are too common in the Clergy of our days.  
In the beginning of his Prelacy, he fell into certain little errors, but he knew well enough how to excuse himself, and to stop the mouths of all such as spoke any thing to his prejudice.  
In the beginning of Innocents' Pontificate, he was employed in certain offices, but they were of no considerable trust; and though he endeavoured all he could to hit the humour of his Holiness, yet he had not the success he desired.  
In his Nuntiature in Polonia (which is usually the touchstone whereon they try the ability of their wits) he met with such rubs in certain businesses committed to him by his Holiness, that he was very near losing of that reputation he gained in the beginning of his Nuntiature. But he disintangl'd himself with such prudence, that he received thanks from his Holiness for what he had done, for the advantage of the Catholic Religion, and the ease of the Catholic Princes in that Kingdom; King Casimir recommended him very earnestly to the Pope, and favoured him much at his Court; so that the Pope, who was inclinable enough to reward the deserts of such persons, as had done best service to the Church, created him Cardinal, with the Title of Saint Calisto. Nor was this creation displeasing to the Spaniard, his Eminence being as it were a Subject to that Crown, and one that had always held a fair correspondence with it, but without disgusting the French, using such dexterity, that he obliged the one, without giving jealousy to the other. In the Congregations he did always very well, and what he said, was upon good foundation: yet he might have been a little more short and succinct in his discourses, for he would amplify so much, he would often lose his way, not knowing how to get back to his Post; but in things of higher importance, he took more time and consideration. He neither exceeds in clemency, nor rigour, but keeps a middle way betwixt both; only in certain cases where the interest of his own or his friends is concerned he will mistake sometimes, and be rigid, where he should be merciful, and merciful, where he should be severe; at Court he has but an ordinary reputation.  
PASCALE d'ARAGONA is a natural Spaniard, of one of the most illustrious Families in Spain, if not of the Royal; he was made Cardinal at the nomination of the King of Spain, with the Title of Santa Balbina; before his Creation he had served his Majesty in very considerable employments, and much to the advantage and satisfaction of that Crown.  
In Rome where he received the Cap from his Holinesses own hands, he was certain months in the character of Ambassador; but in a short time he was declared Viceroy of Naples, which is one of the greatest Governments that depend upon that Crown, substituting Don Pietro d'Aragona his Brother, Ambassador in his place; he went from Rome to take possession of his new Government, where he was received with all imaginable Pomp by those people, to whom he expressed all the tokens of integrity and justice, taking off at first dash several of their Grievances and Gabels; though he was afterwards enforced to lay others in their room, which he did without any way disgusting the people.  
The King of Spain dying in the mean time, this Cardinal was declared one of the Principal Counsellors to the Queen Dowager, called back into Spain to assist in the Government of that Monarchy, and his Brother Don Pietro, declared Viceroy in his stead; but rather in consideration of the Cardinal, than the proper merits of Don Pietro, who was indeed, next him, the most worthy of that charge, which he doth still execute with honour to himself, and satisfaction to the people.  
Whilst he was Viceroy, the dignity of Sopremo Inquisitore was conferred upon him; but he held it not long, resigning it to the Queen's chief Confessor in exchange for the Archbishopric of Toledo, which he has in possession at this time. This Cardinal is certainly a person of great intelligence in politic affairs; generous upon many occasions, but not upon all; he delights in certain magnificencies and pastimes, provided they be honourable. The Queen has him in great esteem, and makes use, not of his public Counsels only, but his private; insomuch that there are many Grandees in the Court that envy him exceedingly, calling him the Spanish Mazarine; but they are very much mistaken.  
FRANCISCO MARIA MANCINI a Roman, was made Cardinal by Alexander, at the nomination of the most Christian King, with the Title of Santi Visto, e Modesto. Cardinal Mazarine, who was his Cousin, and resolved to make all his Relations considerable both in wealth and pre-eminence, seeing his Brother Cardinal Michele Mazarine was dead, for whose exaltation, he had set his authority upon the Tenterhooks, he began immediately to bend his mind to the ingrandizing this Kinsman; and to that end he conferred honours upon him, and introduced him into the service of the King, that he might not seem to exalt a person to the Cardinalship (though his design was no other) by the intercession of the Crown of France, till he had given some testimony of his affection to his Majesty's service; and he had reason, for when by his services to the Crown of France, he had prevailed with his Majesty to recommend his Brother Michele for a Cap. Pope Vrban refused for some time to consent, and either stimulated by the Spaniards, or induced by some other reasons, he excused himself, by pretending that his Majesty ought not to interpose for a person, that had done no service for his Crown. But be it as it will, he obtained it at last, though he enjoyed it but a few months, death taking him out of the World without regard to the power of Mazarine, who was much afflicted at the news thereof. And that Mazarine might not have it again cast in his dish, that he made the Crown of France nominate another Cardinal of no merit nor desert, he put forth his hand to this Gentleman also, and gave him opportunity of serving his Majesty, in things that redounded more to the honour of Mancini himself, than to the service of that Crown; for Mazarine performing many things by his own great and fortunate brain, afterwards gave out that all was performed by the conduct and affection of Mancini, who perhaps knew nothing thereof himself, though he wanted no will nor desire to serve well. Alexander (that envied the great Authority of Mazarine in France, and in his Nuntiature to Colen had taken some ill impressions against him, as supposing him the great obstructer of the Peace) liked not this Exaltation of his Cousin, but endeavoured underhand what he could to defeat it; but finding the inconveniences that would follow, he created him, and seemed to do that willingly, that he could not prevent.  
This Cardinal is not ingrateful to the Crown that gave him his Cap, having carried himself always with great fervour in defence of its interest. But he has not that head-piece that is necessary for them that undertake the protection of Crowns. In the Congregations he shows himself a person of indifferent judgement, delivering his opinion temperately and modestly, though he be naturally subject to choler. He would be glad to take any way would bring him to the Papacy, but knowing that those Cardinals that have been proposed by the Crowns, do but lose their times to think on't, he altars his mind, and contents himself to be counted a good Cardinal, as he is indeed, having very few vices or defects, but forces himself what he can to preserve the reputation of his Dignity. In the Sacred College he has more Friends than Enemies, and amongst all the Cardinals that follow the interest of France, he is the least hated by the Spaniard, though he be Cousin to Mazarine, a Name that is odious to Spain to this day, for his great fortune in the time of the Wars, and for the cunning he showed at the surrendering of Cassal. He converses civilly with every body, he is generous upon occasion, but not overmuch; he protects all willingly that are recommended to him; he loves Learned men well enough, and 'tis no fault of his if he obliges not all of them.  
GIROLAMO BVONCOMPAGNI of Bolonia, is Gregory the thirteenths Great Nephew; that Pope was very well inclined to the advancement of his own Family, from the time he was admitted to the Papacy in the year 1572. in so much that in the twelve years he was Pope, he brought the Buoncompagni to that grandeur, that for above thirty years they lived like Princes. Giacomo Buoncompagni, General for the Church, and Grandfather to the Cardinal we are now a speaking of, left several Sons, all very rich, and well allied; yet in a short time after, though there was not any prodigal in the whole Family, all was dispersed and gone; besides though some of them were Cardinals still, and had considerable Offices, yet they left their Families worse and worse in respect of their Estate; and had not two Marriages sustained it, and put them into a moderate degree of subsistence, in respect of what they were in before, without doubt they would have run a great hazard of being in a worse condition.  
Girolamo Buoncompagni took the Ecclesiastical habit upon him for no other end, but to see if he could advance his Family again to its former grandeur, by the acquisition of a Cap: for amongst the Italians they that fall to any decay, have no other hopes to re-establish themselves, but by taking the Priest's habit upon them, as knowing very well the Church has eminent ways enough to raise them that use the right means.  
In the time of Innocent, he courted and insinuated what he could, to work himself into some considerable employment, but he could not effect it, for several reasons, but especially in respect of his youth, which in Rome is usually a great impediment; besides Innocent looking on him as a person but of indifferent parts, and small experience in matters of consequence, durst not trust him, lest he should not come off with that honour that he ought to do: However he employed him in such Offices as might exercise him, and by degrees he instructed him in greater affairs, doing what he could possibly to make him conceived a man of abilities, and worthy of greater preferment.  
Alexander that had a mind always to be esteemed a Pope that was zealous for the public honour of the Church, having created Cardinal Farnese that was Maggiordomo of the Apostolic Palace, with design to advance some other person of equal merits to the place he resigned; he declared Buoncompagni Maggiordomo, who began in a short time to execute it exactly, though it was joined with a hundred several employments; he knew very well how to comport himself with the two branches of the Chigi, without giving occasion of jealousy to the one or the other, obliging them so that they made no scruple to recommend him to the Pope, especially Cardinal Chigi did him good offices, as glorying that he had amongst his Creatures, so considerable a person; so that Alexander persuaded by their arguments, created him Cardinal in his third Promotion, with the Title of San Pietro, e Marcellino.  
A while after the said Alexander gave him the Archbishopric of Bolonia, in which this Cardinal gave great proofs of his making an excellent Prelate; he is charitable to the poor, benign to all that have business with him, impartial to the highest degree, and free and unbyass'd in his judgement. The Sacred College has so great an esteem for him, there is not a Cardinal has any considerable animosity against him; so that if he increases in goodness, as he may do in years, he may have no small party in the Conclave.  
CARLO ROBERTI a Roman, has laboured might and main, that he might not come behind the rest, and has made courtship to more than two or three, that he might the better advance himself; for he discerned the necessity wherein his Family stood of considerable assistance, and how ambitious it was to have a Cap amongst them. Innocent employed him in some places of ordinary importance, and though he did what he could to gain the reputation of having well served the Church, yet (whether it was that the Court was then forming extravagant Scenes of their own, or whether it was that he could not hit the humour of the Pope) there was little or no notice taken of him.  
But in the Popedom of Alexander, being employed in greater affairs, he began to gain some reputation both with People and Pope, who spoke of him often to his relations, as of a person adorned with several good qualities, and fit to serve the Church in the most troublesome and calamitous times.  
After the pacification betwixt the Pope and the King of France, upon the rupture about the Duke of Crequy, this Roberti was created Nuntio, and sent into France in the room of Piccolomini that was driven from thence; which is an evident sign his Holiness had a good opinion of him, when he put that Nuntiature into his hands, that required so great prudence and dexterity to manage it: For though the gross of the quarrel was composed by the Treaty at Pisa, yet there were certain relics remaining, that without good management might have unravelled all again; above all, his Holiness gave Roberti in charge, that he should as much as possible redintegrate into the favour of his Majesty, and the principal Officers in his Court, the opinion the Chigi had lost in France, and that he should endeavour to make them appear innocent, and full of affection for that Crown. Which said orders were observed by the Nuntio, according as they ought to be, he having in a short time gained the reputation of an excellent and impartial Minister in that Court. At length in his last promotion, Alexander made him a Cardinal with the rest of the Nuntios, and sent him his Cap to Paris.  
Before his Nuntiature into France, this Prelate was much inclined to the interest of Spain, but after he began to be acquainted with the Christian Kings manner of Entertainment, and the civility of the French Court, he changed his mind, and followed the humour of the French. The Cardinals of that King's faction, endeavoured what they could to gain him, though but extrinsecally, whilst they discovered what was intrinsically in him; however they gained but little upon him, their discourses being only in general terms.  
It is not known what good success he would have had in the management of the Congregations, because he stayed not long in Rome after the assumption of Clement the ninth, being immediately sent Legate to Romagna, where he ordered his affairs with great regularity, and justice; but 'tis supposed he would have done very well, because he is a person of sound judgement, modest in his opinion, and one that will give both God and Caesar their due, which is as much as to say, he is both a good Statesman, and a good Churchman too, and would be much better, were he not addicted so much to the benefit of his own Family.  
GIULIO SPINOLA a Genoese, is a person of excellent parts, generous, magnanimous, and full of civility, and meekness; he is an enemy to prodigality, yet loves not covetousness; the darling of his Countrymen. He arriv'ed at the Prelacy (though he was otherwise deserving enough) by the ordinary way of the Genoeses, who have taken an oath as it were to buy all the offices that are to be sold in Rome by the Church. In his very first employments, he expressed himself a person of worth; and indeed he is not a little learned, nor a little conversant amongst learned men; his delight is to be discoursing amongst such as are experienced in Politics, and Ecclesiastical affairs, observing with great diligence, which way he may make the most profit of them; and this he loves as his Recreations.  
In his youth he was not so chaste altogether as he should have been, having suffered himself to be carried away too much with the love of Women, to the scandal of all that had affection for him; but since he took the habit of a Prelate upon him, he has been more circumspect, and if he has not girt himself so close with the girdle of Chastity, as he ought, yet he has brought himself to so formal and exterior modesty, and so seeming a prudence, in covering those frailties which cannot be forsaken by those that carry them along with them, that at present he is esteemed chaste, whether he be so or no.  
He (being a person descended from a Family so famous through all Europe in several respects, particularly in consideration of the Marquis Spinola the great Captain, and Cardinal Agostino Spinola, a most noble person, and very beneficial to the poor) had no great difficulty to obtain a reputation at Court, which every body is ambitious of at Rome; many people admired rather that he was employed no sooner in more considerable affairs, seeing that to the Nobility of his Birth, he wanted not the good endowments of mind. Alexander having experienced him in some intricate business, and found him a person of worth, he sent him Nuntio into Germany, in Caraffa's place, who was created Cardinal. In which he comported himself so well, to the satisfaction both of the Emperor and Pope, especially in matters of Religion, and the differences betwixt the Catholic and Protestant, that in the last Promotion of Pope Alexander, he deservedly obtained a Cap; and a while after, he left the Imperial Court, to be present at the Conclave in Rome.  
His voice will always be in favour of the house of Austria, as well from his natural inclination, as from the obligations the Family of Spinola has always received from the Catholic Crown; from whence it acknowledges the greatest part of its fortunes. He delights much in walking, in Comedies, and Balls, and perhaps his dignity has altered his humours; however he is assiduous enough in business, and is very sincere and affectionate in what eyer he undertakes: he is very apt to be angry, if things succeed not according to his designs: he looks closely enough to the people of his Court, and allows them not such latitude, as other Prelates and Cardinals do allow to their Courts. 'Tis supposed he would do very well in the management of some Legation, which he might have, if there was any regard had of the desert of a person; but in those cases, the Pope's aim no further than to satisfy them they are pleased with, not those that deserve it. He uses great prudence in gaining upon such Prince's Ministers, as are resident in Rome; and speaks of the merit of his Country so, as giveth occasion of jealousy to all that envy them.  
VITALIANO VISCONTI of Milan, is a Gentleman of an illustrious Family, and descended from the ancient Dukes of Milan. He devotes himself to the service of the Church, that sometime or other he may come to the Cardinalship, for which he had always a particular fancy. His friends did what they could to have persuaded him to the Wars, but he liked the Cross better, as that which brings ordinarily more profit, more honour, and less danger. The beginning of his Prelacy was not so successful as he looked for, so that he was often changing his profession, being weary as he said, to see things go on so slowly; but he had no reason, for he thought honours would have been showered down upon his head, though it came as fast as he could reasonably expect.  
Pope Alexander, who had the first occasion to try him in matters of trust, did it in his Papacy, honouring and loading him with offices, till that when Monsignour Bonelli that was Nuntio in Spain, was created Cardinal; he gave that Nuntiature to Visconti, though there were others that put hard for it. But the Pope, who knew well enough the merits of the cause, declared Visconti Nuntio, at one blow satisfying his own inclination, and the Spaniards too, who were not displeased to have for their Nuntio, a Prelate not only born their Subject, but bound by many obligations to the Catholic Crown. In this Nuntiature which lasted but three years, Philip the fourth King of Spain died, upon which occasion, the Nuntio showed himself both a faithful Pastor, and a great Politician, assisting in many things with favour to the Church, and without any prejudice to the Crown of Spain. Before he ended his days, Alexander thought good to promote him to the Cardinalship, as well to recompense his services to the Church, as that he might not see so honourable a Family without the dignity of a Cardinal, which had had heretofore the Sovereignty of Milan.  
From the advice of his Promotion resolved, to the news of the unhappy and dying condition of the Pope, there were but few days past; so that (either out of his own desire to be in the Conclave, or otherwise to comply with the importunity of the Spanish Ambassador at Rome, who pressed him earnestly to make haste, that the Spanish interest might be made stronger thereby) he resolved to take Post, and make his journey by land. But the Counsel of Madrid would not admit his Auditor to propose it, and therefore he was forced to stay in Spain, and expect new orders from the new Pope, with great disgust to the Ambassador at Rome.  
The Spaniards caress him much, hoping he will do them some important service, as well because he is born their Subject, as because he has a particular inclination for them. He is a person of good qualities, liberal of his promises, generous to a certain proportion, for he loves not to cast away too much of his own; affable, benign, and of such a Majesty, as appears pride outwardly, but in effect is no such thing.  
INNICO CARACCIOLI a Neapolitan, although he is descended of a Noble house, and the chief of Nido in Naples; he was forced for all that, to dig his fortunes from underground, that is to say, to acquire the reputation of the Prelacy by buying of offices, and by his courtesy and obsequiousness, obliging this Popeling sometimes, and sometimes that. He is of a nature to dissemble very well, and like a true Neapolitan, entertards the fury of his heart, and the ebullition of his blood, with a counterfeit medesty and goodness. From hence it is, some men conceive him a person of an unsettled head, capricious, and giddy; and indeed he will talk sometime of this thing, and sometimes of that; sometimes of the reformation, sometimes of the decorum of the Church; now he defends its frailties, anon he would be Pope, and reform them. Others will have him as honest, and as able, as his age will bear; but be it one way or the other, this is most certain, he has a heart of Steel, covered over with Gold, that in case of necessity, would be able to withstand all the comminations, and violences of other people, and with humility make his arguments prevail, inspite of all their contradictions.  
The Chigi had always an affection for him, and held him employed in many businesses of trust, till at last Alexander towards his latter end, either to recompense so deserving a person, or to have the office of Auditor di Camera void again, created him Cardinal, and gave him the Cap with his own hands the 16 of March 1667. enjoining him earnestly to hold fair correspondency with Cardinal Chigi his Nephew, who treated him at his Palace that day at dinner with great magnificence.  
He seems to be more inclined to the service of Spain, than the other Neapolitan Cardinals, and Subjects of that Crown, have formerly been; and indeed the Spaniards reckon him in the number of their Confidents, though to his great dissatisfaction they trust him not, as they ought to do. But many are of opinion, that he is not of an humour to continue long in that correspondence with the Spaniards, because he is supposed to be of the nature of the late Cardinal Filomarino, that had a perfect hatred for the Ministers of Spain, and as great an affection for the King, towards whom he carried himself with the greatest humility, but to his Ministers with the greatest pride. Some say 'tis better to treat with him now he is a Cardinal, than it was before, when he was but Auditor di Camera: He was then an exactor of certain punctilios, but now he shows great ripeness and dexterity in the Congregations, perhaps with design to advance himself higher yet, when his years will make him capable. He has Kindred good store, but being all of them persons of quality, they do not trouble him; however he does not fail to assist them that are of the Church: He loves the divertisement of Comedies, and such other recreations, but so as to give no scandal, as much as he can.  
GIO. DELFINI a Venetian, has always expressed himself a good Prelate, and maintained the Ecclesiastical habit with great Decorum, in so much as that Republic taking notice of his merits, having a convenient occasion, they recommended him to Pope Alexander, who was resolved to do that honour to those Princes, who had for a long time a right of nominating one of their Subjects, as well as any of the Crowns. For this reason resolving not to fail in a business of that consequence, amongst the rest that were recommended, he chose Monsignor Delfini, and created him Cardinal with the rest that were recommended by the Crowns, in March 1667. his Holiness having dispatched Monsignor Falconieri his Chamberlain of Honour, to present him with the Cap, whose arrival was celebrated with the public solemnity of Fireworks, Balls, and Festivals, for three days together; particularly the House of Delfini, that is of the ancientest Nobility, made great expression of their joy, by their charity to the poor, and their Fountains running with Wine, to give the people entertainment; though to speak the truth, the Venetians are too near the Water, to be much given to Wine.  
The Republic of Venice according to their usual generosity, ordered him six thousand Ducats, as they are wont to give every Cardinal of that Nation, as soon as they are promoted, towards their expenses, and to put them into an Equipage proportionable to their Dignity. He has as yet no great reputation at Court, but he may in a short time, having a particular way of civility, whereby he obliges all such as have any affairs with him; and he has already shown such manifest tokens of it in some of the Congregations, that he has discovered himself to be much more capable, than the common sort of Cardinals do imagine. He has declared, that he will keep fair correspondence with all the Ministers that are resident in Rome, provided the interest of his Country obliges him not to the contrary; for to speak truth, he bears as cordial an affection to his Country, as can be expected from the best of Subjects, postponing his private interest, to the public service of the Senate, though he be not quite void of affection to his own. Amongst his other virtues, the modesty of his language is such, he suffers not himself to be transported to any body.  
GVIDO BALDO DE TUN a German, and Archbishop of Salsburg, was made Cardinal at the instance of the Emperor, and by him dispatched with all speed to Rome, to be present at the Conclave, to fortify the Spanish interest in the election of a new Pope. The Duke Altemps invited him to take his Lodgings in his Palace, but he excused himself, upon pretence that he desired rather to lodge in the Germane College, where he had been sometimes a Student, and had given hopes of those excellent qualities, which he discovered more plainly, after he had taken the Ecclesiastical habit upon him, by restraining himself as much as possibly he could, from giving any public scandal.  
The people of his Diocese hold him very honest, an excellent Pastor, and one that leaves no stone unturned that may make his Clergy serviceable, and assiduous in the Divine Worship. The Emperor caresses him very much, as a person of desert, and as a person of Estate; his Treasure being so vast, that upon an exigence he can furnish him abundantly, not by way of Benevolence, but Loan. The greatest defect the Germans observe in him, is his Covetousness, adhering with great affection to his own interests: yet for all that it cannot be said, that he ever committed any unworthy action, to accumulate wealth, his ways were rational, and by frugality: Yet some Germans have told me, that upon occasion he has spent with great generosity, and especially at the Empresses arrival in Germany, he showed himself as liberal and magnificent as the best. Whilst he was but a Prelate, he distributed his Alms with a little too much temperance, but since he has been a Cardinal, his heart is enlarged proportionable to his Dignity: He is a person of a sound judgement, and one that traces Corruption to the bottom, though in appearance he seems no such person. But that which is more considerable is, the candour which is natural to his Countrymen; he is never transported with passion, but blames or commends people impartially, as they deserve. He is slow in his Negotiations, advancing like a Tortoise, so that 'tis thought he would be a fitter Minister for Spain, than for Germany: He speaks his mind freely, and is not troubled to be contradicted, provided they bring reasons enough to oppose him.  
LEWIS Duke of VENDOSME a Frenchman, is descended from a Natural Son of Henry the 4th. who marrying with Frances of Lorain Duchess of Mercoeur, had this Lewis by her. He had no great inclination to the Ecclesiastical habit, his mind running more after Matrimony, and the affairs of the World. Accordingly when he was arrived at a competent age, he married a Niece of Cardinal Mazarines, who was then the Dominus fac totum in France, hoping by means of his favour, to open a way to some honourable employment. This Lady was of the same stock with Cardinal Mancini, that is now living, but lived not many years with her Husband the Duke, to whom she left two very hopeful Sons, but not old enough to know, or lament, the loss of so incomparable a Mother.  
No sooner was this Lord fallen into the condition of a Widower, but he changed his mind, and as when he was young, he was all for Matrimony, so now he is altogether for the Ecclesiastical habit, not in any penitential way, but only to capacitate him for the Cardinalship, which is that he has always aimed at, and with all industry endeavours. Finally, his most Christian Majesty, according to the Prerogative of his Crown, being to nominate a person in the last promotion of Alexander, presented this as a person of great merit, and fit to be an Ornament both to the College and Cap; and the rather, because in his Vice-Royship in Catalonia, and in his Government of Provence, he had shown great assiduity in his Majesty's service.  
A few days after he had received his Cap, the tidings of the languishing condition of his Holiness arrived; so that with directions from the King, he parted immediately for Rome, to be present at the new Conclave, where he met exactly with the rest of the French Cardinals. In this Conclave he behaved himself with great prudence, and perhaps more than was expected by the elder Cardinals, that had been a long time acquainted with the intrigues of the Conclaves. The Election being made, he prepared for his return into France, but first he recommended to his Holiness, the interests of his Master, particularly in the business of the disincameration of Castro, according to the Treaty at Pisa; during his stay at Rome, he gave great evidences of his generosity, dispatching all that came to him with great satisfaction.  
The Republic of Genoa, which is not backward in obliging the Subjects of his most Christian Majesty, and his Cardinals much more, endeavoured what they could to find out away to oblige this; and being in his way at Savona, where he was complemented by the Governor with all due respect, they sent him six Corsaires of Provence, that had been condemned to the Galleys, and were set at liberty at the instance of that Cardinal, for which he expressed great satisfaction, and thankfulness to that Commonwealth. In short, this Cardinal is not to undertake any matters of great importance, though his judgement is well enough, and he manages indifferent things to a hair.  
LEWIS MONCADA is a Sicilian, and the last Cardinal created by Alexander the seventh; he was promoted at the instance of the King of Spain, with three others, nominated by the Emperor, the King of France, and the State of Venice. The Spaniards design in the nomination of this person, was not so much to remunerate the services he had done to that Crown upon several occasions, as that they might have in the Sacred College, a Cardinal considerable both in Birth and Authority, of which the Spaniards have great need at this time, considering the lowness and languor of their condition, especially in Rome, where they are regarded by the ecclesiastics for nothing but the profit and authority they receive from the Catholic States, and that King: so that their authority must needs lessen, and their Revenues diminish, if the ecclesiastics do withdraw themselves from their affection to Spain.  
He has a great reputation in the Court of Spain, but not so much for the integrity of his manners, or the goodness of his life, (for he is but a man, and subject to frailties, though he be prudent, and abstains from such scandals, as are offensive to his gravity) but for his exquisite knowledge in Government, which he signalised in several charges committed to him by his Catholic Majesty. Yet he would scarce make so good a Pastor in the Government of the Church, having had but little converse in Ecclesiastical affairs, especially in certain Spiritual matters, he has had little or no occasion to know, as one that has been drawn away by matters of State Policy of greatest importance, the mysteries and intrigues of which, he understands very well, and will be always faithful to the Spaniard; and indeed his vigilance is so great, they must rise betimes that deceive him. It is supposed the intelligence betwixt him, and the Cardinal of Arragon, is not very good, which last, looking upon himself as a person that has been longer employed in the affairs of that Crown, would pretend to do all; and this, who professes to act with all sincerity and affection in his Majesty's service, will not be brought to condescend to receive orders from the Cardinal of Arragon; Especially their humours being different, for though they are both Spaniards born, yet one retains the manners of a Sicilian.  
In Rome, which is the touchstone of wits, they speak not as yet either good or bad of Moncada, because they have not seen him in his Scarlet, which the Romans do very much desire. A Germane Lord that is acquainted with him, told me, that he is of a most extreme jealous nature, not much liberal, though not much covetous, grave in his audiences, majestic in his words, outwardly charitable, and full of Spanish Maxims.  
Here ends the College of Alexander's Cardinals, who are now living, some of his Creatures being dead, as Cardinal Bagni, Pallavicino, Bandinelli, and Vecchiarelli, of which I shall speak something by the buy, because as yet their memory is fresh. In the death of Cardinal Bagni, it may be said, and said truly, the Church received no great loss, because he was so old before he received the Purple, that it was talked up and down in Rome, that the Cap was bestowed on him, in hopes he would not keep it long; but in other respects his death has made a great breach in the College, for he was certainly a learned man, of great experience in the Arts both of War and Peace; so that Alexander with great judgement, not only promoted him amongst the rest, but admitted him amongst the greatest of his Confidents, and received the news of his death with great sorrow, and affliction. The same may be said of Cardinal Bandinelli a Genoese, a person indeed of no profound learning, yet of great practice and experience in the mysteries of Court, which Alexander understood very well, when he made him a Cardinal, to the general satisfaction of the Court, that looked upon him as worthy of the highest command; but he dying just in the nick of the vacancy of the See, deprived the Conclave of a person they talked much of at that time, and perhaps he might have succeeded. Whether the Church sustained any great loss by the death of Cardinal Pallavicino, may be argued from his qualities, for indeed he was an honest man, bend wholly upon the benefit of the Church, in which he always expressed great sincerity. He was very well read, both in Divinity, Morality, and speculative Philosophy, but principally in Morality; and therefore his Holiness conferred with him still, in all matters of Theology, and Morality, in which he was so perfect, there was not one amongst all the Cardinals did equal him His Holiness consulted him likewise in matters of State, not but that he was sensible enough of his inexperience therein; but he did it to show him honour, and to manifest his confidence in him: not sticking always to his opinion, because he found him a little too rigid, and zealous for the Ecclesiastical Laws, and subject to those errors, which those persons do ordinarily fall into, who stand so stiffly to the punctilios of reformation, and will go no way but their own; and these in plain terms are they, that are obstinate, and intractible in their opinions, be they good or bad. His name survives in the History of the Council of Trent, written to the shame of what Father Paulo Servita had published; for which reason the Venetians thought themselves obliged to prohibit it in their Dominions. His manner of life, was like a Friar, or rather like a Jesuit; he never visited Ladies, not so much as the Wives of Ambassadors; and therefore they considered him no further, than as a good Cardinal. He died likewise in the vacancy of the Chair, and so poor, he scarce left wherewithal to bury him; insomuch that Cardinal Chigi, as if he designed to make him sensible of his liberality, even after his death, ordered a thousand Crowns to be laid out in the Celebration of this Funeral, which was performed in the Jesuits Church: Odoardo Vecchiarelli da Ricti, that had been Auditor di Camera before his Promotion to the Cardinalship, had the honour, or good fortune, to see the Conclave, and be present at the Election of a new Pope, and afterwards to die, which was more than Pallavicino and Bandanelli had. The death of this Cardinal was not so resented by the Court, because he was not of any extraordinary parts, though otherwise well enough practised in the business of the world: and not altogether unskilful in Ecclesiastical affairs, though not well enough to give Counsel, yet sufficiently to speak his mind frankly in the Congregations; but the greatest loss the Church sustained, was in the death of Cardinal Farnese, who at this very time, I have notice died, the last Sunday but one in February 1668. but because I have said enough of him already, I shall speak no further, only that as soon as Cardinal Chigi had the news of his death, he turned about to his Friends that were with him, and said, Had we made Farnese Pope, as Grimaldi would have had us, we should have been now striving again to elect a new one.  
And now it is time we come to Clement the ninth, and speak something of the Cardinals created by him: But first it will not be amiss, to premise something about his Government of the Church, which can be no great matter, because he is but newly entered as it were into the Papacy. And certainly to apply himself wholly to business, is a most worthy humour in his Holiness: He gives Audience daily to every body, without regard to the weakness or infirmities of his Nature; whilst he was Cardinal he was retired, shunned all conversation as much as was possible, and would admit of no employment but his Charge; but now the Scene is changed, and he converses with more freedom; and that which is most considerable, he does not decline those persons that come to negotiate with him about public affairs.  
At the happy beginning of his Papacy, he caused Medals to be made, and gave them about to his Friends, with this inscription, Constantia Silveri ad imitandum proposita. Which by the Wits of the Court was interpreted thus, That as San Silverio the Pope, though deposed from the Apostolic Chair, and for some time a Prisoner to the Emperor, could never be brought to renounce any thing, that justly belonged to his Predecessor, so Clement the ninth was never to be persuaded to the discameration of Castro; and indeed it has appeared so since, for all the art they could use, could never bring him to the execution of the Treaty at Pisa, in which it is articled, That Castro should be delivered. Nor can all the instances of the Ambassador of France, nor his pressing that that Treaty was subscribed by the greatest part of the Cardinals, work upon his resolutions. And yet for all this, the King of France has invited him to be a Godfather to a young Princess his Daughter. And the Pope has sent a Bull to Cardinal Vendosme, declaring him Legate a latere, and thereby qualifying him for that Function, which is to be suddenly performed with all magnificence imaginable.  
This Pope would not go the way of his Predecessor Alexander, and keep his Kindred so many months out of Rome, to acquire the Epithet of Holy. Clement knew very well it was but formality, and so reckoned by the people, and therefore that they might not be deceived in him, he called in his Relations immediately to the Court, that is, his Brother, and his Nephews, and Nieces, assigning the same preeminences to all of them, that his Predecessors had given to theirs. True it is, there happened some disgusts betwixt the Pope, and the State of Malta; for the Pope having an eye (as was but reasonable) that nothing should scape his hands, that might aggrandise his Nephews, gave to Fra Vincenzo his Nephew, (a Cavalier of Malta) the Priory of Santa Eufemia, which by Seniority belonged to Brancacci, another of the Knights: at which, the Grand Master being disgusted, threatened to turn the Inquisitor out of the Island, and gave him other tokens of his Resentment; but all was composed by the good conduct of his Holiness, in such manner, that Brancaccio was satisfied, by the persuasion of a Cardinal of that name, that for the Pope's interest, and his Nephews, accommodated all.  
The Nobility of his Holiness, and the Family of the Rospigliosi, is as considerable as the City of Pistoia can make it; it is reckoned amongst the most ancient of that place, and has not o●●y maintained itself in the principal Honours that Town could afford, and allied itself with Families their equals, but has in all ages afforded eminent men in Tuscany, and elsewhere, so as it may well stand in competition with any that inveighs it, in several respects; his Holiness however, aims to aggrandise his Family in spite of them all, especially in the person of the new Cardinal his Nephew, whom we shall yet consider as Abbot Rospigliosi; and indeed, there are many Provisions and Offices suspended till the said Abbot arrives in Rome, who by unhappy accident sell sick by the way; all people being big with expectation, parturiunt montes, but they know not whether they may say, nascetur ridiculus Must, or laugh out as is hoped, nascetur ingens Elephas.  
His Holiness in the mean time, being always intent upon the easing and indulging of the people under his Care, has ordered it to be published in all the Parishes, and to all the Ecclesiastic Ministers within the district of Rome, that the several Diocesans be called, to the end that if they find themselves aggrieved by the Roman Barons; or other Governors, they should appeal immediately to him, and he would relieve them with all possible justice But all was but show, as many believed, it being the property of the Romans to complain, with excess of ill Government, and to call what is good, but Hypocrisy; so that this benignity of his Holiness, was looked upon but as a Copy of his Countenance. He was reported likewise to be too easy in granting favours to the Ladies, but that report was raised upon the Lady Marchess of Paleotti's prevailing (by her insinuations, and the prettiness of her discourse) with his Holiness to bestow upon her Father the Duke of Nortumbia, a Pension of five hundred Crowns a year, with this additional favour, that it might be paid from time to time by the Congregation de propaganda side. From this bounty of the Popes, the Romans took occasion to say, that his Holiness was very ready to gratify the Ladies in any thing; but the contrary appears in the person of the very same Lady, who thinking to find the same easiness as she did in the Pension, she adventured so far as to desire to be divorced from her Husband; but she found his Holiness impenetrable as to that, who reproving her for her demand, sent her away much discontented.  
The Pope was highly accused upon the resolution he took as soon as he was leaped into the Vatican, to confirm the Invenstiture of the Prefectship of Rome, given by Vrban the eighth to Don Tadco, and to his third Generation, although Innocent and Alexander, his Predecessors, had refused to confirm the same to Don Ma●t●o his Son, the Prince of Palestrina; however Clement was willing to gratify him, in remembrance of the obligations he had always professed to the Barbarini, but with this condition notwithstanding, that the said Perfect should give place to the Ambassadors of Crowns only, allowing them precedence not only before all Roman Barons, but even before the Pope's Nephews pro tempore. A business that did not please the Barons at all, and gave great disgust to the Historiographers, who all of them knowing this Minister to be a second Emperor, and that all the former Popes (except urban for his own interest) had endeavoured, out of a politic maxim, to abolish the very memory of it, did wonder to see Clement confirming it, at his very first entrance into the Chair.  
The first of his Nephews that came to Rome, were two, one of them called Fra Vincenzo a Knight of Malta, and the other Tomaso: They were persons of no great noise, but resolute, modest, courteous, and full of humility, in a word, not unlike their Uncle in their modesty, who though he had called them to Rome, declared notwithstanding that he would not suffer them to fix their Families in Rome, nor take any other Titles upon them, than what belonged to their Births: But that resolution was of no long continuance, for he left them at liberty to their Titles, and whatever pre-eminence they pleased, in so much that his Holiness one day did solemnly rebuke Seignour Giacinto del Bufalo, Mastro di Camera to Fra. Vincent, because he had made Gio. Battista Vallasi to stay at dinner with the said Cavalier, and his brother, as a person that not being of Noble Extraction, did not deserve to dine with his Holinesses Nephews; a clear sign he intended to render them Majestic: having given likewise eighty thousand Crowns toward the furnishing of Ludovisi's Palace, designed for the residence of the Nephews, besides thirty thousand he sent the Abbot at one time, and above fifty thousand at another, to help to defray his charges in his Journey.  
I shall now pass to the Promotion of Cardinals by Clement the ninth, about the end of Decemb. 1667. and the first that presents himself, is Prince Leopald di Medici brother to the Grand Duke. Whilst Alexander was living, several instances were made to him, that he would do the College of Cardinals that honour, as to bestow a Cap upon such a Prince as this, of a Family that was of a Neighbour State, and had deserved well of the Church; but Alexander reserving it for his Successor, denied himself that glory: as it happened afterwards indeed; for no sooner was Clement got into the Vatican, but, either moved by the natural merit of his person, or by a desire to do good, he declared he would promote the said Prince Leopald to the Cardinalship, without attending the Grand Duke's mediation; which fell out afterwards, but rather to preserve I know not what kind of right of nomination the Grand Duke pretended to, than for any thing else. The Pope's having ordinarily contended to satisfy the instances of the Great Dukes, by the Promotion of some person of the house of Medici, as well for the benefit of the Church, as the State Ecclesiastic.  
From this new Prince Cardinal, and called Cardinal in quality of a Prince, there can be nothing expected but good actions, favourable, propitious, and equitable to the common good of Italy, as the rest of the Cardinals of the house of Medici's, have upon all occasions expressed: particularly Gio. Carlo, and Carlo that died last, who with great prudence promoted the advantage of all Italy, as zealously, as the benefit of their own Families: so that it is believed this Cardinal will not prove inferior, either to his Uncle, or Brother, as having, besides his generosity and natural Majesty, talents sufficient for the management of State affairs; besides a competent skill in matters Ecclesiastic and Military; but in the first especially, as having from his youth been curious in History, and very serious in making reflections to his advantage. In a word there cannot, nor ought not any thing to be said, but that this Cardinal is a great and most excellent Prince.  
GIACOMO ROSPIGLIOSI is his Holinesses Nephew, with that Title created Cardinal, and which is of more importance, Cardinal Padrone; he is the eldest Son of Seignour Camillo Rospigliosi, the Pope's Brother, a person that deserves to be Brother to the greatest Monarch in the Universe. The great expressions of joy that he made at the exaltation of his Brother, was nothing but a liberal distribution of provisions to the poor, benignity and charity to the distressed, being his natural endowments; nor was it the poor of Pistoia only, that participated of his alms, but the poor of the whole Ecclesiastical State almost, for in his journey from Pistoia to Rome, he dispensed so largely amongst them all, that it was much admired from whence that Treasure should come; which indeed was his own, for he had not began to suck the honey of the Church.  
In the Castle of Gondolfo, which was the first place in which he presented himself to his Holiness, his Magnificence and Piety to the Poor, and to the Religious, was most conspicuous; for besides, that at his arrival he opened the prisons, dismissed the Debtors, and with his own money satisfied their debts; he restored those Criminals that were restrained upon any honourable accounts, and relieved all such of the poor, as were inclined by the great noise, and report of his Charity, to come to that place, having relieved the Church of the Mendicants in like manner, so that the acclamations were too great to be expressed in Paper: many there were nevertheless, that thought all this but hypocrisy, and a design upon the popular applause, that he might afterwards have the management of the Treasure of the Church with more liberty; and this opinion increased much, when it was considered that in the beginning he denied to go so suddenly to Rome, that he had refused to take the charge of General of the Holy Church upon him, which was usually conferr'd upon the Brother, or next Kinsman to the Pope; and upon his refusal, it was accepted by the Duke of Sermoneta, who out of his natural bounty offered to execute it without pay, and to set out that for the payment of the debts of the Chamber: yet he altered his mind nevertheless, and got possession of the said command, and of all the other opulent offices that were vacant by the death of Don Mario Chigi. But be things as they will, he is most certainly a generous, charitable, and noble person, and as yet not so much given to covetousness as several others are.  
The Mother of the Cardinal, and Wife to Don Camillo, of the house Cellisi, and own Sister to the Cavalier Cellisi, of the order of Malta, is a Lady of good judgement, and well experienced in the Government of her own Family; but being born in a pitiful City, out of all courtship, and entertainment, she seems to be discomposed with the multitude of her visits, so that the Nephews do strive to instruct and render her the more gentile a Princess, which thing is feasible enough, for Donna Beruice Wife to Don Mario, had no better breeding than this Lady when she came first to Rome, and yet in a short time she became so exquisite in all the formalities of the Court, that she out did all them that were born in Rome.  
The Cardinal has three Brothers besides, the first is Vincenzo, a Knight of Malta, about thirty years old, of indifferent parts, civil, and something Lordly in his deportment. The second is Don Thomaso, about twenty five years of age, but not so crafty as his Brother, though his humour be busy and cunning likewise. The other Brother that is but young, is called Don Gregorio, who without doubt in time will be the most skilful of any of them in the affairs of Rome, as having opportunity to acquaint himself therewith, even now in his youth. It is believed if his Holiness lives another year, he will without fail make one of these three a Cardinal, as Vrban the eight did, who notwithstanding all the Decres of the Counsels, created two Brothers Cardinals; but in those days they thought of-nothing but heaping up wealth without measure. The Cardinal has two Sisters likewise, one of them married to a Nobleman of the house of Pangiatici, and the other, to a Noble man of the house of Banchieri, whom they likewise instruct in the manners of the Court.  
The Abbot Rospigliosi had always a particular inclination to follow the Ecclesiastical habit, and the person of his Uncle, who being admitted into the Prelacy, began to make himself taken notice of for a person of great hopes; and on the other side his Uncle, who had always a great affection for his Brother Don Camillo, who had already a numerous Family; to ease him of those cares that Sons do usually give their Parents, and that he might have one of his own blood to be near him, for his Confident, and that he might instruct him in public affairs, he writ to his Brother Camillo, that he should send Giacomo his eldest Nephew to him; which he did, and he arrived in his Uncle's Palace, in a very youthful and brisk age.  
About this time Monsignour Rospigliosi being declared Nuntio to Spain, was in great doubt whether he should carry his Nephew along with him so young, for he was not then past 15; but knowing the good Genius of his Nephew very well, and that he was given to no vice that might rob him of the bounty of his Uncle; but that on the other side, his age being considered, he was endued with a modest gentleness, that gave him great hopes: being advised therefore by his friends, and disposed by his own inclinations, he resolved to take him along, with intention to improve his studies at Salamanca: and indeed he was no sooner arrived in Spain, but he sent him thither, where he took his degree of Doctorship before came away.  
Rospigliosi being created Cardinal, and first Secretary of State, and being returned from Spain, took his Nephew Giacomo with him, employing him first in drawing Letters of no great importance; for great business he deserved wholly to himself. In brief, this Abbot whilst he bore that Title, as young as he was, did great honour to his Uncle's Family; who slipped no opportunity on his side to advance him, as he did in making him Cupbearer to Cardinal Chigi, in which employment, he gained much upon the affections of Chigi, who held him for a youth of no ordinary knowledge. About this time the accident happened to the Duke of Crequy, of which we have spoke sufficiently before: and Chigi having satisfied his Uncle the Pope, that it was necessary to send some person of worth to the French Ambassador that was then retired to Saint Quirico, in the Grand Duke's Dominions; the Abbot Rospigliosi was pitched upon, both by the Pope and his Nephew, to be the man into whose hands they would put the first overtures of accommodation; so that from hence may be argued the opinion the Court had of him, when they dispatched him immediately with their Orders, or rather their necessary Memoires, as may be seen in the following Letter written by the Cardinal, to the Ambassador, who was then at Quirico, as aforesaid.   

Most Illustrious, and most Excellent Lord,  
IVnderstand by Mounsieur Burlemont, and by word of mouth from the Tuscan Ambassador, that your Excellence has received from his most Christian Majesty an ample faculty and power in order to the composure of what has happened by the exorbitance of the Corsies, and that if a person were sent from hence to understand his Majesty's resolutions, they should immediately be imparted; upon this information, which his Holiness received with very great pleasure. I have dispatched my Cup bearer, the Abbot Rospigliosi, to receive from your Excellence what part you shall think fit to communicate of his Majesty's mind and desires, not doubting but they are such, as will evidence to the World his Majesty's great piety, and your Excellences most singular prudence and respect towards the Holy See, as Mounsieur Burlemont has assured me: To the end I may have a happy opportunity of operating with his Holiness for his Majesty's service, as I am bound to do always to my utmost, I beseech your Excellence to believe whatever the said Abbot says of my desire to serve you. And thus committing the rest to him, I do with all my heart kiss your Excellences hands.  
Rome the 3d. of Octob. 1662.   

The Ambassador received the Abbot very kindly, but entered not into any discourse with him about the Accommodation, upon pretence that he could not negotiate with him, he having brought no Orders along with him from his Holiness to that purpose. His answer to the Cardinal was thus.   

Most Eminent, and most Reverend Lord,  
I Have received your Eminences Letter, which you were pleased to write to me the third instant, from the hands of Seignor Abbot Rospigliosi, but it appearing to me, he had no Order from his Holiness to treat with me about satisfaction due to the King my Master, I could not believe I had any opportunity of entering into any such debate with him: I have desired the Abbot to assure your Eminence of my just intentions, and so I most humbly kiss your hands.   

Whilst things were thus tending to a composure, the Abbot was declared Internuntio to Brussels, having been always inclined to hold a good correspondence with the Spaniard, ever since he was so long in Spain: It being in his way to Brussels, Cardinal Chigi carried him along with him in his Legation to France, in which journey he did the Cardinal good service, and gave great satisfaction to the French. The Spaniards esteemed very well of him at Brussels, in as much as in the management of his Charge, he gave particular evidence of his prudence.  
About this time the Cardinal's Uncle being advanced to the Papacy, and he having dispatches and advices from all parts, but particularly from the Great Duke, who sent a Courier with all speed on purpose, who was received with that affection by the Abbot, that he gave him not only a Billet for a thousand Ducats, but a Carcanet of Gold worth five hundred Crowns, and a purse of fifty Ducats for his journey. But he would not stir from Brussels without order from his Holiness, who being resolved to employ him in the Peace betwixt the two Crowns, that were in a new rupture of late. He commanded the said Abbot his Nephew, to negotiate with his most Christian Majesty about the differences in Flanders, and the rather, because the Spaniards did earnestly beg it of the Pope. The Abbot went accordingly into France, and that sooner for the convenience of his passage, than to begin his Negotiations, which required great time and assiduity. His Majesty received him with all imaginable benignity, giving Orders that he should be treated like a Nephew of the regnant Pope: and it is most certain, that his passage from Brussels to Rome, was like a continued triumph almost, all Ambassadors, Ministers of Princes, and Prelates, making him their Visits. He fell sick by the way, and was forced for some time to take up at Susa, where he experimented the generosity of the Royal House of Savoy. The Cardinal Antonio that was then passing into France, and had shown his affection to the person of the Abbot in Rome, having left a deed of resignation of the Arch-Priestship of Santa Maria Maggiore, and the Prefecture of the signature of Grace, in favour of the said Rospigliosi, he passed from Savona to Susa to visit him, and to communicate some important affairs with him: being something recovered, though still feavourish, he embarked upon the River Pox, in his voyage to Rome, because his Holiness expected him with impatience, being desirous to make him a Cardinal suddenly, as it followed; for as soon as he was arrived at Rome, and received with all possible magnificence, he stayed but a few days before he was created Cardinal, with the Title of Padrone, and with all due pre-eminence.  
His Holiness left him not so large an authority as he would have had, with which he was not over-well satisfied: he endeavoured by all means to cashier all those that were in favour with his Uncle, that he himself might remain absolute; as it appeared a while since, when coming to make his Holiness a visit, his Holiness asked him what they said of him in the Court; To which he replied immediately, that he was applauded in every thing, but one, and that was, that he was too prodigal of his favours to Paulus Strada, which the said Paul sold afterwards at a very dear rate: His Holiness with a severe brow returned him this answer, That he wondered he would be the Messenger of such news, Strada being the best Minister he ever had yet, that he could not believe Strada would do such unjust things; and that otherwise he took great pleasure in Stradas advantages: To which he subjoined, (and indeed that was it that nettled the Cardinals) That if he himself who was his Nephew, would have any favour from him, he should sooner obtain it by the intercession of Paulus Strada: At which words the Cardinal shrinking up his shoulders, departed very melancholy, that he could not compass his designs. However he cannot complain that he has not full liberty to aggrandise and ●nrich himself; because, no sooner is any good Benesice or Abbey void, but 'tis immediately bestowed on him: and indeed he is already so well provided, that let his Holiness die as soon as he pleases, he is sure to be left rich enough. The Romans that are always prying upon the actions of the Nephews, are better pleased with the Father than with the Son; and this is most certain, that in charity, and in his charge, Don Camillo exceeds him far. It seemed strange to the Court to see the said Cardinal going abroad at first dash with Cardinal Sigismond Chigi and Don Agostino in his Coach, without any other Cardinal or Prelate: whereas at first, the Cardinal Nephews appear with great trains of Principal persons, and not with inferior Cardinals: from hence they infer the lowness of his mind: But the wiser sort see well enough into the design, which is, that both Uncle and Nephew are resolved to tie an indivisible knot betwixt the two Families, and to render themselves invincible to the rest, by redoubling of marriages. And of this daily proof is to be seen, his Holiness having commended the friendship of the Chigi to all his own friends, persuading them they are bound to kiss the place where the Chigi set their feet.  
As far as may be guest by outward appearance, 'tis a great trouble to the Cardinal that he has so many Brothers, because the multitude of Nephews lessens the authority he would have wholly to himself; insomuch that there has been already some disgusts betwixt him, and his Brother Vincenzo, about I know not what reducement of the Light-horse, Vincenzo telling him with some bitterness, that it did not belong to him to wind and insinuate himself into such affairs, seeing he did not concern himself in Ecclesiastic; But the greatest obstacle in his Eyes, is Paulus Strada; for to speak truth, his Holiness consults him from morning to night, and follows his advice as if he were an Oracle.  
The Ministers of Princes that are resident in Rome, have not yet had experience of the Cardinal's worth in business: for knowing that his Holiness follows other people's advice, and not his Nephews, they apply themselves immediately to the Pope, till they shall see the Cardinal a little more settled in his Padronancy; but the Cardinal being naturally ambitious of authority, thrusts himself many times upon things he is not called to: and his Holiness to satisfy him, more than any thing else, gives him liberty to give audience to some of the Ministers of Princes; which he performs, both receiving, and dispatching them with very good Compliments, in which he abounds perhaps beyond any of the ancientest Courtiers; whereupon an Ambassador from a King being in discourse about this Cardinal Padrone, said, That he believed his Eminences virtues consisted not ●n any thing besides compliments and fair words; To which it was replied, That he would have made a better Master of the Coremonies, than Cardinal Padrone.  
He is of an humour very contrary to Cardinal Chigi, who shuns all business that may disorder his mind, betaking himself only to his recreations, and leaving the most difficult affairs to be dispatched by other people; whereas Rospigliosi on the other side, (though he be not so void of humanity, but that he loves likewise to pass the time honourably, and divert himself as well as other people) yet he would g●●dly have all difficult affairs go through his hands, and be thought the person of greatest authority, which may happen for aught I know in a short time; because his Holiness will not fail to lay upon him as many of his troublesome affairs as he can undertake, as well for the ease of his own age and indisposition, as to give opportunity to his Nephew to do all, which is the only thing he desires.  
A few days since he made his solemn Cavalcade to go and take possession of his Arch-Priestship of Santa Maria Maggiore, and a while after his Holiness introduced him into the Signatura di gratia; opened his mouth (as the custom is) in the Public Consistory, and gave him the Title of San Sisto, which his said Holiness had himself when he was a Cardinal. But at the same time hemet with some kind of dissatisfaction, because his Holiness being desirous to accommodate his Adjutants of the Chamber, gave order to the Datary, to dispatch upon the first vacancy, Bulls for 200 Crowns a piece, to the three Chamberlains; and one of them of 1300 Crowns falling void, the Datary drew the said three Bulls, and afterwards another for the remaining 700 Crowns, in favour of Rospigliosi; which his Holiness observing, ordered the Bull for the 700 Crowns to be torn, and that the three other, one of 200 for Cardinal Nini, another of 200 for Azolini, and a third of 300 for the Datary himself, should be paid: of which Rospigliosi had no reason to complain; for the Pope, 'tis true, takes away the Crumbs as it were that would be lost betwixt his teeth, but he gives him the substantial Morsels which will stick by the Ribs, and satiate the Appetite, whereas the other do but provoke it.  
The Cardinals have not that affliction, and perplexity they were used to have in the beginning of other Pope's Pontificates, when they were constrained to be subject to certain Cardinal Nephews, who by their inexperience, knew not which way so much as to honour the Sacred College. And truly it is above 10● years since any Pope had a Cardinal Nephew so well practised, and of so mature an age; for other Nephews never surpassed 25, and this is 35 at least; and which is more, most of them has been employed in instructing himself in the most considerable affairs of Court; he being a person always very curious in matters of State. There is a great desire in him of gaining the good word of the people, and to keep fair correspondence with the Roman Princes, though as yet it is not known upon what design. The unhappy rupture betwixt the Palestrina, and Don Agostino, in the Palace of Don Camillo, set the Cardinal Padrone a work, (without showing any interest or partiality) to endeavour to pacify them; and having confined them both to their houses, he sent the Marquis Luigi Matt●i to negotiate the peace, which followed indeed, but so, that it is supposed there will always be some difference betwixt those two persons, about precedence.  
The Cardinal took some distaste at this accident, and amongst some of his Domestics, spoke with some heat in defence of Don Agostino, which being understood by the Prince Palestrina, he also gave out some expressions of resentment, upbraiding the Cardinal of ingratitude; but it was in private, amongst his most intimate friends: and indeed the Rospigliosi must needs own more obligation to the house of Barbarini, than to the Chigi, because Vrban the eight, was the first that opened the door to the honour of the present Pope; and Francisco Barbarino was a great favourer of him in the time of Innocent the tenth, using all his art to advance him into some great office; whereas Alexander gave him only a Cap: for which the house of Chigi have been paid in their own Coin, in Don Sigismonds' having another, with this difference only, that Alexander gave his Cap to one that had served the Church with great honour for a long time, and that he could not but promote him, without doing an affront both to himself and the Church: whereas Clement gave the Cap to a Youth, who though he was indeed qualified very well; yet he had no merit, nor any service to promote him, but merely the good fortune to be Nephew to the Pope. But be it how it will, there is great likelihood the Rospigliosi, will be more for the Chigi, than the Barbarini; though in the Conclave Cardinal Barbarino bestirred himself much more for Rospigliosi, than Cardinal Chigi did.  
The Spaniards having observed him a little too favourable to the French Ambassador, begin to be a little jealous of the Cardinal Padrone, as doubting his journey into France where he was so honourably received, may have corrupted his mind, and cooled that affection he had always for Spain; which it is possible may be true: yet the most learned, are of opinion he runs along with the Fide, not caring to engage in disputes; and will do what he can to have a suck at the honey without the sting, and the rather, because he will not budge from the Counsels and designs of his Uncle the Pope; for this is most certain, he that has the Pope on his side, has his Nephew also, unless something happens that renders his Holiness infirm, and then the Cardinal is Commander in chief. The Avignon Ambassadors that came out of France, to congratulate his Holiness, had their conference with the Cardinal Nephew, who was declared Legate of Avignon, a Title that he received with the highest satisfaction, and expressed it, by a most magnificent Feast. All the time of this Carnival, this Cardinal had great entertainments in his house, to which he invited most part of the Prelates of the Court; and Don Camillo did the same, with design to delight the people by their Comedies and Music, for which, his Holiness had ordered ten thousand Crowns to be disbursed; yet there wanted not those that libelled their liberality, but without reason, for they distributed great store of Alms amongst the poor, that they might have their share in the Carnival: and besides they paid off all the Workmen which were employed about Don Camillo's house, a thing which the Relations of other Popes never did willingly; but with great clutter and noise, they would make them be contented with half what was due. So that thus far all goes well enough, seeing the Air of Rome changes not now the nature of persons, as it has formerly done many times.  
SIGISMONDO CHIGI has the last place amongst the Cardinals, as he that was last promoted by Clement, with the Title of Santa Maria in Dominica: he is Brother to Don Agostino, and Cousin by consequence to Cardinal Chigi. Don Agostino suspecting he would marry, and by dividing the Estate, weaken the fortune of the Family, he laboured night and day to make him a Cardinal, by that means to quiet his mind, which every body began to be afraid of; but in this point Alexander would not gratify him, either that he would not put a Youth of his age into the Sacred College, or that he otherwise presaged what did afterwards follow. In short, he left him in a little obscurity, but provided with Abbeys and Pensions good Store. Clement the ninth, as soon as he was received to the Papacy, as well for the obligations he always professed to Alexander, and the house of Chigi, as also because it was become an usual custom in the Church, for the Pope to resign his Cap, to the Relation of that Pope that promoted him: and there being no other person of the Family of the Chigi's capable of the Cardinalship, he resolved to place his Habit upon the shoulders of this young Lord, thereby obliging at one stroke all the Relations of the late Pope; but especially Don Agostino, and Cardinal Chigi, to see their party reinforced again by a new Cardinal, inspite of all those, who envious of their good fortune, desired to see that Family the most inconsiderable of all the Papal Families.  
If the age of this Cardinal be seriously considered (who to difference him from the other Chigi, was called Sigismond, as is usual amongst the Barbarini, amongst whom, one only bears the name of the Family, the others distinguishing themselves by their Christian names) it will appear a defect in his Holiness to introduce amongst so many reverend and grave Cardinals, a Youth that had not then reached nineteen years. But if on the other side, the wit, and judgement, and virtue of the young man be considered, the resolution is not so much to be condemned: his Holiness in that case may answer with the Ambassador who was upbraided by his youth, That Virtue consisted not in the Beard. And would to God that all the Cardinals that are created with their white Beards, were but as well provided with judgement and zeal, as this young Gentleman that has nothing to be charged with, but his minority.  
In the year 1660. his Uncle Alexander the Pope sent for him to Rome, (being as yet but about twelve years of age) about the same time that the Cardinal's Sister appeared there, and that to take away all occasion of jealousy; because he saw the branch of Don Mario was well enough pleased to see the Sister of Cardinal Chigi entertained li●e Princesses of the Popes own blood, to the end that he might not suspect himself less beloved by Don Agostino his Cousin, though he solicited might and main, to have the younger Brother to Rome, out of a desire to put him into the Clergy.  
Don Mario, and the Cardinal were much pleased, to see this little Nipotisme at Rome, and Don Agostino forced himself to dissemble the jealousy, that lay gnawing in his Breast, and to caress his Cousins with all appearances of joy to see them there. The Pope himself that distributed his favours indifferently, could not but rejoice to see Sigismond in his his presence, and so like his brother in his features. At his first arrival, he asked him several questions, to which he answered so appositely, his Uncle was as well satisfied with his replies, that he wept for very tenderness, and gave immediate orders he should be furnished with such experienced Masters, as might instruct him in all manner of learning.  
The people of Rome were much surprised to see the disparity of humours in these two brothers Agostino and Sigismondo, and that they should love one another so entirely, when the one was as proud as the other was humble. And indeed Agostino, (either because his present felicity had made him forget his primitive condition, or that the levity of his nature, produced higher thoughts in his heart) is so lofty and high, he will scarce vouchsafe to salute those again that salute him, though otherwise he is civil enough, and gentile in his conversation, if not with every body, at least with his friends; but he begins now to abate a little, but without desertion of his ordinary Grandeur, because he observes his Holiness so much affected to the house of Chigi. Don Sigismond however has another way, and has pleased himself still to converse familiarly with all people, and civilly to salute the ordinariest person about the Pope; but with Majesty enough too, which makes him be beloved, and respected, not as a Nephew of the Pope's only, but as a person of worth.  
He was always observed to be highly prudent, but especially at the death of his Uncle, when the people being enraged against the Family of Chigi, ran up and down the Streets exclaiming against them in such bitter language, that the Chigi being nettled, threatened nothing but revenge upon the persons that were the occasions of those insolences. But Sigismond who had ambition after the Cardinalship, dissembled all, and kept himself from all such discourse, that he might have no occasion to quarrel, and this he did either out of the design aforesaid, or out of the natural benignity, wherewith he is so abundantly stored. The truth is, the branch of Don Agostino had no reason to be troubled at the people, for they troubled themselves not much either with him, nor his brother Sigismond; but rather with Don Mario and the Cardinal, against whom their Insolences ran very high: but for all this, all things are quiet, and they seeing the inclination of the present Pope to that Family, the people do now honour and esteem them more than ever. In this Scene there were many extravagancies to be seen, the nature of Metamorphoses being too obvious at Rome; for Clement, either that he reserved his other designs, or that he counterfited, to the end that he might not draw upon himself the odium of the People, by the defence of a Family they hated so much; at the beginning of the Pontificate he pretended a longius ire, and abstained from conferring any honour, or showing the least appearance of affection to the Chigi, in so much that it was the general discourse of the City, that Don Mario was thinking to retire to Sienna, Don Agostino and Don Sigismond to Riccia, and Cardinal Chigi under pretence of visiting his Abbeys, would withdraw himself from Court for some time in discontent: whereupon many of the Wits went up and down the Streets dispersing of these Inscriptions.  
SEDENTE CLEMENTE NONO, PONTIFICE OPTIMO MAXIMO, NOVO ROMANAE REIPUBLICAE REPARATORE, DE CHISIO SEMINE TARQVINII PUBLICAE QVIETIS, APERTO JANO AB VRBE EXULARUNT. Anno Domini 1667.  
Of all these extravagancies of fortune, Don Agostino, who is the least hated by the people, felt the most trouble, as holding now all his hopes desperate, of ever seeing his Brother Sigismond a Cardinal, upon which all his designs depended. Cardinal Chigi that had got all the money all this while, did but laugh, or at least pretend to laugh at the business, expecting to see the fury of the people, to cool by degrees, as it did in a short time; his Holiness with great prudence taking off some of the Gabels, made them forget their animosity to the Chigi, who were the Authors of laying them on. However there were thousands of Libels and Satyrs flew abroad, against Don Mario and the Cardinal his Son, but not one against Don Agostino, or his Brother: But as soon as Don Mario died, the odium of the people died with him, and seemed to be buried in his Grave. About the same time his Holiness began to show his partiality to the Family of the Chigi, giving Don Sigismond hopes of a Cap, and turning his ear to the proposition of Matrimony, betwixt the Princess Chigi, and his Holiness his Nephew, which is believed already concluded, or at least in a very fair way.  
The people rejoiced exceedingly at the promotion of Don Sigismond, and much more than the Family of the Chigi did expect. Seignor Agostino, and Cardinal Chigi, solemnised it with great Feasts, as well to express their own joy, as to comply with the congratulations of other people. The Visits were innumerable, and the whole World amazed at the Magnificence. The Ambassadors, Cardinals, Prelates, and Noblemen of Rome, though the most of them were acquainted with him when he was but a private person, yet upon this occasion they took no ordinary delight, to see with what Majesty and Decorum his new Cardinalship received his Visits, corresponding with every body, and satisfying them not so much with multiplicity, as with the materiality of his Compliments, which is a quality remarkable in him ever since his coming to Rome.  
It is generally believed he will be assiduous in the Congregations, because he has shown himself so in his Domestic and Scholastic Exercises; besides which he gives great signs of good nature and affection, in whatever he undertakes, nor are the poor in the last place with him; he is often seen in public, as if he took delight to ostentate his Purple: yet he does it not out of pride, being as humble as is necessary, and no more. He speaks his mind freely, but is never transported, correcting himself still when he finds himself in the wrong, which he is in but very seldom, In short, he would do all that is possible, would he but endeavour to suppress certain passionate effluctions from his youth, that make him ambitious of being thought the best Cardinal in the Court, that he may arrive at a higher fortune thereby. The Spaniards caress him, and begin to make use of their Statagems to get him over to their party, which may be compassed in several respects, but especially because Don Agostino is a Feudatary to the Empire.  
It will be now necessary we expect the success of the other promotions of Clement the ninth, whose intention of filling the Sacred College with persons of Eminency as well in Name as in Action, is honourable and good: he has declared he will be very vigilant, that no passion of his may adumbrate that Holy resolution, but to speak the truth, there have been infinite of other Popes that have arrived at the Vatican with the same thoughts, who in a short time have altered their minds, and chosen their Cardinals winking, if not blindfold, suffering themselves to be overswayed by their own passions, or by their Nephews. The World is certainly corrupt all over, and inferior people prevail sooner for Preferments, than their superiors, especially in Rome, where the ecclesiastics are but men as in other places.  
The Court murmurs exceedingly to see so many deserving persons stand idle without employment, and yet his Holiness has taken many Offices from some, to bestow them upon others, according as Cardinal Albici advises him, who has a great share in his affection. There are two reasons may be the cause of it, either that the number of the meritorious is very great, or his Holinesses capacity of discerning them very small: Let it be which way it will, 'tis our duty to pray to God to inspire him with judgement to select persons of piety for the service of the Church, and that he will fill up the Sacred College with Cardinals, illustrious by their Blood, their Virtues, and their Bounty.       

THE ITALIAN PRINTER TO THE READER.  
THE absence of the Author has been the occasion that certain little Errors (if you will not christian them great ones) have slipped in this Third Part. The truth is, when the Author sent the Manuscript to my hands, by one of his Friends, we being at great distance from one another, I promised to do my endeavour to Correct it; and I was as good as my word, doing all that I was able, though my good will was above my abilities; yet I believe there is scarce any Error to be found, which your discretion may not correct in the reading, and that is it I do most humbly entreat. I am obliged also in the behalf of the Author to admonish, that if you find any palpable Error in point of History, you would dispense with it, because the time was so short from the Composition to the Printing. The curiosity and impatience of some persons, made me snatch the Manuscript out of the hands of the Corrector, and perhaps some of my Workmen printed some of them, before he saw them at all. I am to desire you likewise from the Author himself, that you would not censure him, that he has inserted into this Third Part some things which have been written by other men, he believed he has done for the best, and truly I am of opinion you will not say the contrary, there being no reason a thing should be left out, where it will stand well, because it was in another place where perhaps it stood worse: Your Bricklayers, and your Writers, are in my judgement alike, or rather, your Writers and your Bricklayers; the Bricklayers think Old Materials much better to build with than New, as finishing more tightly with a mixture of Old and New: The Old is New to him that begins, and the New is Old to him that finishes. Whilst this whole Work was a Printing, I gave it leaf by leaf to a Friend of mine (very well versed in the greatest Curiosities) to peruse: He told me, this Third Part was the best, and more necessary to be published than all the rest; and I do easily persuade myself you will be of his opinion: But you must read it impartially, or it will scarce turn to account. Have a care of doing as he did, who read Books only to satisfy his Friend: Yet in this Work I shall be obliged to you, if you will correct the Errors of the Press as you go along. The Conclave of Clement the 9th. (after which the Politic Aphorisms do follow) was taken out of the hands of a Conclavist who indeed had no intention to publish them, but only to show it to his Friends; I suppose it is conformable to the truth of the History, being the person who collected it is very impartial. I had two of them in my hands, which I showed to a Friend of mine, a Virtuoso, and well skilled in the Interests of the Court of Rome, that he might judge which of the two were the best, and most proper to be published; having kept them some days in his hands, he returned them both to me, with his opinion in writing, that this was to be preferred. Those who know already how passages have gone, may read it for Observation, and those who know nothing, for their Curiosity. Of the Politic Aphorisms I shall say nothing, because they carry their Subtlety, and Excellence in the very Name of the Author: Some would have had the Author taken pains to make a Table of the most Considerable Matters, with reference to the several Pages; but the Author did not think it convenient to lengthen it out unnecessarily with another Table, seeing in every Book there was one large enough before. However I have made an Index of some proper Names, especially of the Cardinals, and Popes, but left out (for the greater ease of the Reader) some such Surnames, and Names, as are many times multiplied according to the necessity of the History. If you find no satisfaction in this Cardinalisme, you will find it perhaps in his EUROPA MORTA, which the Author has promised a while ago, and I do promise on my part to use my utmost endeavours to facilitate the Reading, by a careful and faithful Correction of the Press. May you live happy in the mean time, and be as candid in Correcting the Errors, as I am affectionate in declaring myself,  
Your Servant.   

Il CARDINALISMO di Santa Chiesa, OF THE HISTORY OF CARDINALS. In III. Parts.  

PART III.  

BOOK I.  

The Contents.  
In which is discoursed of the resemblance of the Church, to a Ship, and the reason why. Of the City of Rome born to Lord it over other Nations. Of what is requisite for the understanding of the Pontifical Election. Of the age of Holiness in the Church. Of the reasons why there were no difficulties in the infancy of the Church, about the Election of Popes. Of a Pigeon that sat upon the head of Fabianus Romanus, and made him be declared Pope. The reason why Sanctity decayed in the Church. Of the felicity of Peace experimented by the ecclesiastics. Of the introduction of Pride. Of the Emperors, and how little they regarded the Spiritual affairs of the Church. Of a dissension at the Election of Pope Simacus. Of certain scandals which sprang up during Pope Bonifaces vacancy of the See. Of Pelagius Romanus, and his succeeding of Virgilius. Of certain Privileges granted by the Pope to Attila King of the Goths, called FLAGELLUM DEI. Of the authority assumed by the Emperors in the Election of the Pope. Of the Reception given by the Emperor to Constantine the first at Constantinople. Of the great hatred Philippus called Bardono, bore to the Pontifical Grandeur. Of the Election of Pope Zachary a Grecian, without any Communication with the Emperor. Of the deposal of Chilperick by the Pope, his being stripped of all Title to the kingdom of France, and the reason wherefore. Of the Emperor's being declared, excluded from all right in the Pontifical Election. Of Berrha's (the Widow of Charlemains) journey to Rome, to demand justice of the Pope, and of the success of her journey. Of a particular alliance betwixt Charles the Great, and the Pope. Of a popular tumult that happened in Rome against the person of Pope Adrian. Of the Creation of Pope Stephen by the people, against the consent of the Emperor. Of the Pope's journey into France, to clear himself to that King of the accusations against him. Of the industry Pope Pascal used to increase his authority. Of the Election of Eugenius the second, a most eloquent man. Of the threatenings of King Lewis against the Pope. Of the reason why the Popes changed their Names at first. Of the desire the Romans had to shake off the Yoke of the Empire. Of two Popes, successors to Adrian. Of Adrian the third's Bull against the Emperor. Of Otho's seeking revenge for the said Bull. Of the deposal of John the XIII. from the Papacy, and of his restauration to the See. Of Pope Benedict's banishment to Hambourg by the Emperor. Of Leo's restauration to the Papacy, after he had been deprived by the people. Of a Declaration of Leo's against the privileges of Charles the Great. Of the hatred conceived thereupon by the Romans against the Pope. Of the Pope's being imprisoned by the people, and of the revenge the Emperor took upon the Authors thereof. Of the Pope's imbezzlement of the Treasure of St. Peter. Of his flight to Constantinople. Of the Election of the Pope returned into the hands of the people. Of the Emperor's resolution to have one of his kinsmen Pope. Of Pope Gregory's being driven out of Rome by the fury of the people, and what followed thereupon. Of the Election of the Emperor transferred by Pope Gregory upon certain Princes of Germany, and upon what grounds. Of the exclusion of the people from the Pontifical Election. Of the Creation of three Popes at once. Of the Schism appeased by Pope Alexander. Of the Election of the Pope remaining only in the hands of the Cardinals. Of the Assumption of Pope Alexander, and the Schisms in his time. Of the service the Venetian did to the Church against the Emperor. Of the obligation the Popes do profess to the Venetian. Of the absoluteness of the Cardinal's authority in the Pontifical Election. Of the place where they assembled to Elect. Of the manner of their proceeding in the Election, and the ill consequences thereupon. Of a two years and nine months' vacancy of the See. Of the Assumption of Pope Gregory the X. Of the Reconciliation of the Venetian and Genoese. Of the Conclave introduced by Gregory the X. Of certain tumults in Viterbo. Of the Apostolic See, being transferred into France by Clement the V. Of Saint Bridgets Letter to Gregory the XI. Of the return of the Apostolic See into Italy. Of the indignation of the Italians to see the Pontificate so long in the hands of the French. Of a Schism that lasted 15. years. Of certain accidents in the Papacy of Eugenius. Of Amadeo Duke of Savoy's Creation. Of his virtues, and renuntiation of the Papacy. Of what happened in the Conclave of Eugenius, and of the exaltation of Nicholas the V. Of the Assumption of Calisto the III, and of his death. Of many politic discourses at the Creation of Aeneas Piccolomini, who was afterward Pius the II. And of some particulars in relation thereunto.   

THE Church has been (and not improperly) resembled in the first cries of its Infancy, to a Ship tumbled by the Waves, and battered by the Winds, because She was to be nourished and brought up in the midst of the proud Billows of so many Ecclesiastical Disputes, so many Theological Opinions, so many Dissensions, and Politic Reasons, and exposed by the ambitions of their own Mariners, to thousands of Dangers and Storms, which Schism and Heresy have constantly produced with such fury, as would have doubtless not only hindered her happy and victorious entrance into the Haven of Safety, but have hazarded to have sunk and overwhelmed her in those very Waves, had not a favourable Gate of Protection been opposed by that Redeemer, who has not, nor will not endure to see that Vessel perish, which he built (at the expense of three and thirty years' sweat) with the Wood of his own Cross; joined together, and riveted with the Nails of his Hands and Feet; cemented it with his Divine Blood; (which by the blows and stripes that they gave him, was become pitch in the hands of the Jews) setting up that Spear that pierced his side, for a Mast; stretching out that Linen in which his most Sacred body was involved, for its Sails; recommending it to the Vigilance and Government of the Apostles, and their Successors; and finally for their greater encouragement to Launch out into the Sea of this World, he not only offered himself to become a Lantern to their feet, but gave them a Motto worthy of such a Builder; Et Portae inferi non praevalebunt adversus eam.  
But though the Gates of Hell have had no power to destroy her, they have been sufficient notwithstanding to give her great trials, that by her agitations and tempests in this world, her victories and triumphs might be the more glorious in Heaven, and that by those wrecks and persecutions, the Church Militant and Triumphant might be distinguished. The greatest Calamities this great Ship of Christianity has suffered, have (by the judgement of the most pious and devout persons) proceeded from the investiture of the Supreme dignity in the persons of the ecclesiastics, who being ambitious of advancing themselves one above another, and being sensible, upon the score of their own merits, they cannot obtain the charges they pretend too, they have betaken themselves to compass the end of their pretensions, by imploring the recommendations of Secular Princes. Which tend to mix Heaven and Earth together.  
Rome, which was built as it were to Lord it over all the Nations in the Universe, and give an ample testimony and relation of thousands of wrecks the Church has suffered, by the recourse the ecclesiastics have almost always had to the Seculars; and from hence it is, that in these times, there is a certain natural instinct and inclination in the minds of all Politicians, to inform themselves distinctly of all particularities in the Court of Rome; as if a man could not any way render himself more acceptable in his conversation, than by his discourses of that. And indeed, the Pontifical dignity, which is the most considerable, the Majesty of so many Cardinals, who are the Senators of the Christian Commonwealth; the splendour of so many Bishops, who receive all their aliment from the Popes, do render it worthy to be numbered amongst the most famous Cities of the world, and to be called the true Mother of Nations. By this means, the Pope's being ingrandized, and raised to so eminent a degree, as to be acknowledged above all other Monarches whatsoever: every one endeavours to inform himself of the quality of the great jurisdiction the Popes do at present enjoy; in so much that the greatest part of the Writers now adays, do tyre themselves out with relations of the Pontifical State.  
From the mutations and evil events which have followed the Election of Popes, I will not say in Rome, but in all Christendom, it may be clearly argued of what moment the said Election is, seeing that for so many ages, with her private interests, and her public, she has obliged the principal Monarchies of the Universe, to interpose with the whole power, both of their Pen and their Sword. In the Infancy of the Church, there was nothing desired of Rome, but Prayers and Orations, and Preachings, and Administration of the Sacraments, because Rome expected nothing from the faithful, but the zeal of a good Conscience, the safety of their Souls, and to be frequent in Holy Duties.  
The first Pastors of the Church rejoiced to keep themselves at a distance from the Interests of Princes, as fearing to defile the Innocent Purity of the Flock of Christ, with the Diabolical pollutions of Secular policies. But their Successors beginning to be curious, and to pry into the most occult and private policies of Princes, they would not suffer the Court of Rome to be meddling there, but gave themselves over to endeavour the introduction of their own Interests, into the Cabinet of the Interests of the Popes.  
For certain ages, Rome was free from those intricacies that are familiar in Temporal States, contenting itself to conduct the Flock of Christ to the Fold, with her Pastoral Sheephook only, I mean her Spiritual Arms; but no sooner was she become greedy of Principality and Dominion, but the Princes (observing her Crosier to be changed into a Sword, and the Book of the Gospel, into an Epitome of Politics) began also to imitate Rome, seeing Rome following their Rules in Temporal Affairs.  
For three hundred years and upwards, the Primitive Church continued in a most Holy decorum, without the least obstacle in the Election of her Popes, they being then contented with the bare Title of Bishops of Rome. The Elections were not made by the Interest of Princes, or the Capriccio of Nephews, as they are now; but by a Holy Zeal in the Bowels of the Electors, who used to meet sometimes in this place, sometimes in that, and many times in the Woods, by reason of the cruelty of those Tyrants, that envied the tranquillity of the Christians.  
They had in those days no secret nor private Votes, because the inward designs of those Primitive christians, were suitable and correspondent to their outward zeal and profession of good works. The Deacons (that is they who endued with greater Charity and Devotion, served the Church, sometimes in collecting of Alms for the common necessities, sometimes in distributing Relief to the necessities of the poor) were admitted to the Election, together with such Priests and Curates as were nearest to the City of Rome. With what simplicity and integrity they proceeded to the Election of Popes, in the Primitive times of the Church, may be argued, from what happened in the Vacancy of Pope Anthero, who died according to Eusebius' calculation in the year 243.  
The Holy Fathers were met according to their usual custom, to consult about a Successor, and whilst they were discoursing of the virtues, of this man, and the abilities of another, it happened that Fabiano Romano passed by near the place of their Assembly, in order to the looking to some grounds of his, which he did not disdain to cultivate many times with his own hands. He was no sooner come over against the place wherein the Electors were met, but a Pigeon from a Neighbouring Dove-house alighting upon his Shoulder, gave occasion to the Fathers to arise from their Seats, at the first notice of it, and esteeming it a Prodigy, they proclaimed him Pope unanimously, every one being confident, it was the intention of the Holy Ghost, who was represented in that Dove.  
Fabianus, who thought of nothing less than to be chosen Pope, was astonished at the business, and not judging himself worthy of so great a Ministry, he beg▪ d upon his knees to be excused; but his humility being overcome by the persuasion of the Electors, he at ●ast embraced the Pastoral Cure of the Church, in which, after he had exercised it for the space of seven years, with great advantage to the Christians, he ended his days under the Tyranny of the barbarous Emperor Decius, who at that time used great cruelty to the Christians, constraining them from the City into the Woods, which they were glad to make their houses of God, seeing that the Emperor was pleased to make Cities, places for wild Beasts, and for Devils.  
The Popedom was not ambitioned, but avoided by the ecclesiastics, because it commonly lost them their lives that exercised it. He that found himself too weak and timorous to suffer Martyrdom, renounced the Papacy, and confessed the imbecility of his nature; and indeed, who would ever have received, much less, have sought an office, which brought no other advantages along with it, than the persecution of Tyrants. Now adays, what broils, what intrigues, what differences are there at the creation of Popes; where is he, who would desire Votes to be made a Martyr? For my part I dare affirm, the Church would be as Holy in these times, and perhaps more, now we are as it were in the latter end of it, than it was then in its beginning; if the Popes were called to Poverty, and not Riches; to Martyrdom, not Magnificence; and to the care of the Church, and not of Governments.  
But whether do my thoughts transport me? Let us return to our business, and assert, that the Church was Holy, without Discord, or Schism, or Heresy, to the days of San Silvester, which were about the year 325. till that time the Pope's having been Elected with tranquillity and peace, and no small satisfaction both to the Electors and Elected.  
The Holiness of the Church, (I mean that Holiness that respects the Election of Popes) began to cease under the Emperor Constantine, because the Persecution of the Christians ceased; Constantine suffered the Church to enjoy Peace, that is of the body possibly, but with greater torture to their minds; for with the ease and wealth which he bestowed upon the ecclesiastics; with the conveniences of Houses, and the Government of Cities, which he assigned to the Popes, Charity began to grow cold, Zeal to be weakened, and Devotion to be lost, and those ecclesiastics who formerly employed their whole times in heaping up Penitencies and Fast, by those good works to purchase the Glory of Heaven, began after that time to apply themselves to the acquisition of money, to the begging of Abbeys, and Bishoprics, by those means to procure the glory of the world.  
As soon then as Riches were introduced into the Church, Schism and Heresy were introduced amongst the Clergy, and Pride which began then to spread, and worm itself into the hearts of those who were formerly meek and humble, and s●c● as shunned dignity, and hid themselves from preferments; insomuch as that Papacy which was avoided by every body, as a thing that brought nothing but persecutions along with it, began to be aspired too, as soon as they perceived their fear turned into security, their flight into repose, and their torments into happiness. For if formerly, by reason of the poverty of the Popedom, they were subject to Tyrants, they believed afterwards by virtue of their wealth, to make Martyrs even of the Tyrants themselves.  
No sooner did the Popes appear with their Mitres of Gold, and with their Sceptres in their hands, commanding the people, but all of them designed the destruction of the Secular Power, to ingrandize the Pontifical Majesty, to make themselves courted by the Vulgar, and honoured by the Great ones: but the Emperor's growing jealous of them, began to open their eyes, and watch over their actions, that they might not be taken at unawares; endeavouring to defend that Jurisdiction, which the Popes began by degrees to usurp, with the Spiritual Arms of the Cross: so that though they thought not before of the Interest of the Church, they found themselves obliged afterwards, to have an eye upon those of the Popes; yet not so much out of any inclination of their own, as because the Popes had the same designs upon them.  
Notwithstanding all this, whether it was out of respect to the memory of San Silvester, or Constantine, I know not; it is sufficient that the Emperors suffered several years to pass after the death of those two persons, without meddling or concerning themselves at all in the Election of the Popes, which was a great error in their Politics. For the succeeding Popes had opportunity in that time to advance their own Interests, to the prejudice of the Empire, and Emperors, who taking no care to bridle and restrain the Interests of Rome, contented themselves to live quietly at Constantinople, and to send out their Orders to their Vicars and Prefects in Rome, that they should endeavour with all possible industry to hinder the proceedings of the Popes; but with express caution, that they should by no means interpose in the Election of the Popes, that being to be left to the Clergy and the people, who by unanimous consent had had possession of the said Election for several years.  
The introduction of the people into the Election of the Pope, may be said to be casual, there being no Pontifical Bull visible that gave them admission; but it is to be supposed, it fell out by reason of the Deacons, who were admitted from the very time of the Apostles, into the disposition of Ecclesiastical Charges; and because as the Churches increased, and the number of the Faithful was augmented, so also was the number of the Deacons in the Assemblies; in so much that by little and little they grew so numerous, (the said Deacons being not of the Order of the Clergy, but of the Laity) that they brought in the people; and the Clergy having introduced the Deacons, thought it not meet to turn out the people, who possessed the places of the Deacons.  
At first the number of the Ecclesiastic Electors, was much greater than the Deacons; but the Deacons being become the people, there became a greater inequality in the Electors, and perhaps not without some displeasure to the Clergy, who would willingly see the people excluded.  
Whilst the Clergy were holy, that is, addicted to the service of God, to the edification of their Neighbours, to the augmentation of the Faithful, and the propagation of the Faith; whilst they were retired from the Corruptions of the age, and macerating their Flesh with Sackcloth, and Fasting, the people willingly joined with them in the Election of the Popes, because it belonging to the Clergy to give the first votes, the people could not imagine those persons subject to Error, who had no other aim than the service of God, and therefore they willingly concurred, delighting to confirm the opinion of the Clergy, because they judged it holy and good.  
But as soon as pride began to have place in the breasts of the ecclesiastics, and that they pleased themselves with the enjoyments of Mundane advantages; as soon as they began to deviate from the ways of Heaven, and the people observed their tendency to be too great towards the Earth, they began likewise to press and insist upon their own opinion, not trusting to the opinion of the Clergy, because they saw them so deplorably void of all holiness. From hence there succeeded infinite disputes, and innumerable dissensions, in so much that that action which was formerly sacred and solemn, became profane and scandalous, by degrees; they contending not only with words, and invectives, but with blows many times, the people labouring to the utmost the division of the Clergy, and the Clergy the dis-union of the people; so that they formed themselves into flying Squadrons, both on the one side and the other.  
Great was the scandal which happened in the year of our Lord 500 by reason of the differences in the Election of Simacus, betwixt the Clergy and People, each of them endeavouring to engage those that were without, in so much that the Communality of the City were forced to take Arms, and with threats to oblige the Electors to a conclusion.  
The Perfect, or Imperial Vicar at Rome, signified in the behalf of the Emperor, that if they did not agree, his Master would be constrained to bring an Army to Rome, to the prejudice of the whole City; with which the Electors being affrightned, they agreed in the Election of Simacus.  
For certain years after this, they chose their Popes with little or no controversy, till that in the year 531. they began to relapse into their former disputes, obliging the City to take Arms the second time, whose threatenings prevailed to put an end to that Election also, by their declaring Boniface the second Pope; which said Boniface, being an Assertor of the interest of the Clergy, as soon as he was assumed to the Papacy, he endeavoured to apply a remedy to those scandals, and to give the greatest share to the Clergy. And Virgilius his successor in the Papacy, observing things to run clearly with them, established a Decree, that the Election of the Popes should remain absolutely in the hands of the Clergy for the future, to the exclusion of the people; which Decree gave so great dissatisfaction to the Romans, that they watched for an opportunity to revenge it.  
About this time Attila, who was called Flagellum Dei, with great triumph to the Goths (whose King he was) overrun all Italy, and with great cruelty and slaughter threatened the total destruction of Rome: Pelagius the Pope, who succeeded Virgilius, not thinking it safe, in such a conjuncture, to have a discontented people, and Tyrant upon his shoulders at one time, to gain the favour both of the one and the other, published a Bull, forbidding the Clergies Election of the Pope, without the consent both of the People and Emperor, and so it came to pass that they introduced into the Elections, the Ambassadors of the Emperor, and the People, in the same numbers as before.  
The Emperor and People were very well pleased with it, and took possession of their Privileges in the next vacancy of the Chair, all of them together electing John the 3d. But in the year 583. Rome being besieged, the Clergy and the People chose Pelagius the second Pope, without giving any share or participation to the Emperor, who vowed revenge, as soon as he had the news: But the new Pope to pacify his choler, dispatched an Ambassador to make his excuse, and to assure him for the future, there should be no Election made without his consent, to which end he confirmed the Bull of Pelagius the first; which Bull and confirmation continued in force successively till the year 607. in which time the Emperor Foca would needs create Boniface Pope, in spite both of the major part of the Clergy, and the People, who rejected him as a person unworthy of so eminent a Dignity.  
However Boniface expressed himself much more affectionate towards the Clergy, and the People that were his adversaries, than to the Emperor who would have elected him; and the reason was, because he saw what Authority the Emperors were usurping in the Pontifical Elections, and therefore by new Orders and Decrees he confirmed the Privileges of the people, commanding expressly that they should not for the future make any Election, without the intervention of the People, and Clergy, to whom he gave Authority to do all.  
The Emperors for all this did but laugh at their proceedings, and betaking themselves again to the force of their comminations, they asserted the Privileges granted them by the Pelagiusses, and would either by force, or fair words, make the Popes as they pleased: Hence it was that Severus the second being chosen in the year 535. by the Clergy, and the People, and the consent of the Emperor also, would not act any thing till he was confirmed by Isacius the Emperor's Lieutenant in Italy; and all to publish how great the Authority of the Emperor was in the Election of the Popes.  
And the pretenders to the Papacy, observing the greatness of the Emperor's Authority in the Elections, almost all of them applied themselves to him, for the obtaining of their designs: In so much that in the year 688. one Pascal an Archpriest, and Treasurer to Conon who was then Pope, did earnestly solicit John Platina at that time the Emperor's Vicar in Italy, and with great sums of money endeavoured to oblige him, upon the death of the present Pope, to assist him in the succession.  
Platina took his money, and sent him away well pleased with his promises; but the Pope being dead, instead of assisting of Pascal, he endeavoured the promotion of another, which was Sergius the first: Yet it is certain, had he found the Electors disposed, he would have chosen him; but the Clergy being wholly averse, he would not undertake a thing, he could not compass without dishonour, seeing it was very well known what way Pascal had taken, and what money he had consigned to that purpose. But the good Pascal no sooner saw Sergius in the Chair, and himself without money, and deluded, but he did what he could to make the people rise against Sergius, but without any effect.  
This faculty of electing▪ of Popes, began to lessen in the time of Gregory, who being Pope, and a zealous assertor of the Ecclesiastical Liberty, that he might render the Popedom more considerable, he endeavoured by an insurrection of all Italy, against the Emperor then reigning, to banish the Emperors of the East out of Italy; and to that end he declared all such as yielded them obedience, Excommunicate for the future; and the people, partly for fear of Excommunication, and partly to set themselves at liberty, declared themselves free, and threatened with Arms in their hands to defend themselves to the last drop of their blood, against whoever should endeavour the contrary; and thus by the contrivance of Gregory, were the Emperors of the East excluded from their Dominion in Italy.  
Zachary a Grecian was chosen Pope in the year 743. by the Clergy, and People only, without any participation with the Emperor, who was wholly excluded from the Election of the Pope.  
And this exclusion continued till the year 760. in the time of Charles the Great, and Adrian the first, who entering into a League, for several respects, they granted many Privileges one to the other, viz. Adrian granted to Charles the Great, the Title of MOST CHRISTIAN KING, and CITIZEN OF ROME, (which was but a small business for an Emperor, and King of France) with power to call himself Roman Emperor, and last of all, Authority to interpose in the Election of Popes.  
Charles the Great on the other side, declared Adrian true and lawful Prince of the City of Rome, Patriarch of all Italy, establishing the Empire of the Pope above all Empires, and declaring his own inferior to it.  
There was but one Pope chosen by the consent of the Emperor, and that was Leo the third; after his death the Clergy and people (in despite of the Privileges granted to the Empire, in regard of the Election of the Pope) assembled themselves and created Stephen the fourth, without attending the vote or assent of Lewis the Good, who succeeded in the Empire after the death of Charles.  
Lewis was disgusted at the Election, and declared he would go in person to Rome, and by force of Arms pull Stephen out of the Vatican, and put another in his place, as he thought good himself. But Stephen having advertisement thereof, prevented that mischief, by going personally into France, and in the presence of Lewis, pretending to deposit all his Authority in the hands of the said Emperor; which act of humility working upon the natural goodness of Lewis, he confirmed the Privileges granted by Charles the Great, and sent him back again to Rome, with considerable Presents.  
After the death of Stephen, which was in the year 817. the people and the Clergy created Pascal the first, without any notice given to the Emperor, who made his complaints, and threatened the Pope who was newly elected; but he was persuaded to send two Legates in a solemn Embassy to make his excuse, which they did so effectually, that Lewis was not only satisfied with the Election of Pascal, but remitted and renounced all the pretensions he had to the Election of the Popes.  
It was not without difficulty that Lewis agreed to a thing of such prejudice to the Empire, but at length his goodness prevailed, and he granted it. In so much that as soon as Pascal was dead, there arose great differences and disturbances betwixt the people and the Clergy; but being grown more politic, that the Emperor might not have occasion to put to his hand, they endeavoured to accommodate all, by the choice of a third person, which was Eugenius the second, excluding Zinzimus for that time.  
In the interim Lewis repented that he had given away his right of Election, at the instance of Pope Pascal; and therefore Pope Valentine the first being dead, in the year 828. he sent to make his claim, and to declare, that if the next Pope was chosen without his consent, he would not fail to bring his whole force into Italy, to the detriment of Rome, and the Electors especially.  
But the Clergy and the people opposed those instances, by showing his Writing of Concession, and without more circumlocution, by common consent they elected Gregory the fourth, who being fearful of the Emperor's indignation, dispatched an Ambassador to him to desire his Confirmation, but he could not obtain it, till by Bull he had restored the Emperors to their former Prerogatives in the Elections; which Gregory willingly consented to, in compliance with the humour of the said Lewis.  
For a while, with difficulty sometimes, and sometimes without, the Emperors conserved the faculty of Electing and Confirming the Pope, till that in the year 884. the Clergy and the people having created Adrian the third, a fierce and arrogant man, he not only refused to expect Confirmation from the Emperor, as some of his Predecessors had done, but as soon as he was Crowned, by a particular Bull he decreed, that the Election of the Pope was not by any means to be participated with the Emperor, nor his Confirmation to be attended, declaring that the people and the Clergy, aught to Confirm those Popes which they elected.  
Adrian would not have undertaken such an enterprise, and injury to the Emperor, had he not known him to be very low, by reason of several Wars in which he was engaged, so that this news did but add to the afflictions of the Emperor.  
Otho being received to the Empire, disdaining to endure the injuries which the Popes offered to the Emperors, he deliberated revenge, and contrived which way he should restore his affairs to their former condition: and therefore in the year 957. with the consent likewise of the Clergy, he deposed and deprived John the 13. of the Papal dignity, he being accused of not reciting the Canonical hours, of ordaining Deacons in Stables, of Swearing and Blaspheming at Dice, of Ravishing of Virgins, and several other delinquencies; for which, he being driven out of the Vatican, there was substituted in his place by the sole order and authority (as it were) of the Emperor Leo the eight, who was a Citizen of Rome, and principal Treasurer of the Church of San Giovanni Laterano.  
This Leo continued Pope, while the Emperor continued at Rome; but he departing the next year, the Adherents to John by a popular tumult, prevailed to have John restored to the Papacy, and Leo discarded; but John lived but few months after his restoration. When he was dead, several instances were made in the behalf of the Emperor, that Leo might be chosen and restored, that thereby they might avert the dangers impending, from the indignation his most Christian Majesty had conceived for the affront done to Leo; notwithstanding all which, the People and the Clergy laid Leo aside, and chose Benedict the fifth.  
How much the Emperor's mind was disturbed with the news of these proceedings, may be collected from the violent resolution he took; for resenting the injury to Leo, as done to himself, he turned the whole power of his Arms against Rome, which City after two months' Siege, was constrained to open her Gates at discretion, and to deliver Pope Benedict into his hands, who sent him presently in exile to Hambourg, where he ended his days in a thousand sorrows and afflictions.  
The next day after the Emperor's entrance into Rome, Leo was with the usual Solemnity, restored to the Pontifical Chair, to the no small dissatisfaction of his Adversaries. But Leo understanding his obligation for the Papacy was wholly to the Emperor, by whose affection and authority he was chosen in defiance both of Clergy and people, he sought by all means, in spite of them both, to comply with the Emperor, and therefore took away the power of Electing the Pope from the Clergy and people, declaring the privileges granted by Charles the Great, void; transferring the absolute authority in Elections, upon the person of the Emperor; and all as he pretended, to prevent the tumults and scandals that happened daily betwixt the People and the Clergy: by virtue of which Concession, Leo being dead, the Emperor created John the 14. with the greatest tranquillity imaginable.  
The rancour of the Romans, to see themselves deprived of the faculty of Electing the Pope, (which they had for so many ages enjoyed) was so great, that from morning to night they had their public and private meetings, to find out some way to recover the privileges they had lost. Peter who was Governor of the City of Rome, with two Consuls, and twelve Senators, entered into a Conspiracy against the person of the New Pope, as one that in favour to the Emperor, did much prejudice to the privileges of the people, and being accompanied with great number of the Nobility, they entered one day with Arms in their hands, into the Church of San Giovanni Laterano, took his Holiness Prisoner, and carried him to the Castle of Saint Angelo.  
By this it may guessed, how great the insolence of the people was, whilst they were unbridled and free, and acting without either reason or judgement, or consideration of the power of the Emperor, who being at that time without wars, was very potent and strong: and indeed the Emperor no sooner received the alarm, but he turned his Forces again the third time against Rome, with resolution not to pardon any of the Principal in that Sedition; and indeed he was as good as his word, for having entered the City with more anger than difficulty, he commanded the greatest part of the Criminals should be hanged, contenting himself with the Confiscation of the rest. But Peter who was the principal Author of the Conspiracy, was delivered into the hands of the Pope (who was discharged of his Imprisonment, and restored to the Papacy) from whose hands he received incredible Cruelties, before he was suffered to die.  
This Slaughter and Vengeance of the Emperor upon the Romans, abated the pride of that people in some measure, leaving the Emperor in free liberty of Electing whom he Pleased Pope, which appeared in the year 975. when he declared Boniface the seventh Pope, who was a person so odious to the people, they were almost ready to run mad at his creation, forbearing the very Churches out of hatred to Boniface, who understanding well enough the animosity of the people, took a resolution to run away to Constantinople, and that he might not be unprovided with moneys when he came there, he made bold with the whole Treasure of Saint Peter, carrying every thing along with him, that was of any value or price.  
The Romans were displeased both with his Robbery and Flight, but made their advantage of what was happened, making use of this as an occasion of repossessing themselves of what they desired so earnestly; and accordingly, without communicating any thing with the Emperor, they created John the 15. Pope, who died miserably in Prison, by order of Boniface; which said Boniface having sold his Jewels and Plate, came back again to Rome, and by virtue of the Sums he brought with him, reconciled himself to many, and repossessed himself of the Papacy, chase away John from the Throne by force of Arms, and clapping him up in Prison when he had done.  
By this occasion the People of Rome reassumed their power, and votes in the Election of the Pope, which the Emperor likewise conceeded to them, upon condition that his assent should be expected; by which means, all parties being pleased, they created their Popes quietly for several years, till that in the 995. John the 17. being dead, and the Emperor in Italy with his whole Army; he let the Clergy and the People understand, he would have a Pope of his own choosing, and accordingly he named a certain Germane called Bruno who was his Kinsman.  
The Clergy and the People excused themselves at first, pretending that the Election was free, and that it was convenient that several persons should be introduced into the Scrutiny: but the Emperor insisting that he would have no other, to avoid the falling into his displeasure, the Electors were constrained to create the said Bruno under the name of Gregory the fifth. But as soon as the Emperor was returned into Germany, the People took up Arms under the conduct of the Consul Crescentius, and drove the poor Pope Gregory, not only out of the Vatican, but our of Rome, who betook himself immediately to the Emperor to make his complaints of their insolence towards his person; but whilst he was upon his way, the People and the Clergy created the Bishop of Placenza (a Grecian born) Pope, who took upon him the name of John the 13.  
The Emperor received Gregory very kindly in his Court, treated him as Pope, and with his whole Army brought him back to Rome, which he took by force, and exercised the greatest cruelty imaginable against the Romans; but the greatest part of his indignation fell upon John and Crescentius the first of which was killed in Prison, strangled as some report, poisoned as others; but be it which way it will, he died there: and Crescentius was hanged without the walls of the City, in the sight of all the people.  
The Clergy endeavoured what they could to exclude the people from the Election of the Pope, but they knew not which way to bring it to a resolution, because they understood very well they were naturally inclined to Novelties and Sedition.  
In the year 1004. it happened that John the 19th. was created Pope, and had the Title of Secco added to his name; and because the people at the beginning of his creation, were averse, and with great difficulty consented at last, when they saw the Clergy resolved to have no body else. John (who was an Italian, as soon as he was created, retained it in his mind) applied himself to be revenged, and endeavoured the total Exclusion of the people from the Election of the Pope, being provoked by the constant solicitations of the Clergy. And that he might with the greater facility bring it about, he ingrandized the Title of Cardinal, giving them great Privileges, and amplifying their Authority and Jurisdiction to a great height; which design succeeding, and the Cardinals rising to an eminent pitch, John published a Bull, for the Exclusion of the people, pretending they were to be instructed, and not to instruct; and that they were to follow the Clergy, and not the Clergy them, which Bull was afterwards confirmed, and much enlarged by Gregory the 7th. in the year 1075. and by Innocent the second a Roman, in the year 1135.  
This Bull of Pope John the 19th. was effectual for a while, according as they were able to deal with the Emperor's Forces, and to their affection to the Apostolic See: yet the people did not forbear in the mean time, by their insolence and power, to endeavour their re-establishment, in so much that the Cardinals were oftentimes constrained to go out of Rome to elect their new Popes, upon the vacancy of the Chair.  
The more the people strove to work themselves in again, into the Elections, the more the Cardinals sought to exclude them, which occasioned great scandals and schisms in the Church; and of this there happened so tragical an instance in Rome, in the year 1045. that the Christians had reason to bewail it for several years.  
And this happened, by reason that the Emperor pretended to a power of electing the Pope, by virtue of several Bulls which were extant to that purpose, and did clearly make out his claim; the people on the other side, pressed very hard to be restored to the posture they were in, before they were interrupted by John the 19th. The Cardinals who for several years had had the sole faculty of electing the Pope, resolved to adhere to their Privileges, and keep out both Emperor, and people; and all parties continuing firm to their pretensions, each of them created his Pope, viz. Benedict the 9th. a Florentine, Silvester the 3d. a Roman, and Gregory the 6th. all three of them residing in Rome, Gregory in the Palace of Santa Maria Maggiore, Silvester in the Palace of Saint Peter, and Benedict in the Palace of Saint John Lateran, which was one of the ancientest in Rome.  
These dissensions gave no small impediment to the growth of Christianity, nor no little diminution to the number of the Faithful, but of great advantage to the enemies of the Faith. A thousand cogitations and jealousies boiled in the hearts of the Christians, in every City they discoursed of it, and the service of God grew languid and cold.  
Henry the third, who was at that time Emperor of Germany, foreseeing the ill consequences these Schisms would bring upon the Church, and the quiet of the Empire in particular, without losing one moment of time, he came with great diligence to Rome, where he was no sooner arrived, but by his own absolute Authority he called a Synod, in which the three good Popes were condemned, and Clement the second chosen.  
The Cardinals made many instances and supplications to the Emperor, that the Pope might be elected by the Ecclesiastical Synod alone, without the intervention of the people; but the Emperor thought it not seasonable to disgust them, lest after he was departed, they should fall again to their Schisms; and by this means Clement was elected by the votes both of the Clergy, the people, and the Emperor. The first solemn Ceremony this Pope performed, was the Coronation of the Emperor, in which there was no consideration of expense.  
That Ceremony being past, the Emperor prepared for his Voyage, but Clement beseeched him, to give him his helping hand before his departure, in what he was resolved to do, which was to renew the Bull of John the 18th. for exclusion of the people de novo from the election of the Pope; and because History did mention the Tragedies that succeeded by reason of such exclusion, attempted so many times without effect, the Emperor and Pope, in spite of the people, consulted together, and resolved to make the people themselves condescend to their own exclusion, by a solemn abjuration.  
The people refused it with a thousand protestations, but finding the Emperor resolute, and threatening corporal punishments to such as durst oppose it, the Pope preparing to thunder out his Excommunications against all that refused it, and they being on the other side tired out with Wars, Sacking of Towns, animosities and calamities, suffered upon the score of Elections, they condescended to their demands, and submitted to swear upon the hands of the Pope, who held the Book of the Gospel open, in the presence of the Emperor; which Oath was taken not only by the Consuls and Senators, but all the chief of the people, to the number of three thousand, each of them engaging to transferr his right of Election to the Cardinals.  
Yet for all this Oath, the people ceased not to trouble and molest the repose of the Electors, if not with intention to be included in the Election, at least with design to have the Pope after their own way; renouncing many times the Pope which was recommended to them by the College of Cardinals, or the Clergy, and demanding another; and these kind of violences were used in the Elections of Damasus the 2d. of Leo the 9th. Stephen the 9th. and Nicholas the 2d. but these violences lasted not long, in regard of the Cardinalitial Majesty, which grew greater and greater every day. However the Emperor looked well enough to his own interests, preserving his share still in the Elections; but he also was excluded in the year 1064. to the universal dissatisfaction, and I shall in short tell how it fell out  
Nicholas the 2d. being dead in the year 1062. the Clergy assembled for the election of a new Pope, and resolved to create one without the intervention of the Emperor, there being little danger of any obstruction from him, by reason of the Wars in Germany wherewith he was infested; and that things might proceed with greater order and decorum, they resolved to find out a Pope experienced in the affairs of the World, and courageous both in his Actions and Counsels, and having weighed and considered the lives of many, they at last concluded to choose Anselm a Milanese, and Bishop of Lucca, a man of great spirit and resolution; for which reason the Cardinals willingly consented to his Election, as judging him capable of defending their interests, and opposing the violence of the Emperor, if he should attempt any thing against the Apostolic See.  
The Emperor understanding the creation of Alexander, without his assent, was exceedingly enraged, and called immediately in his presence an Imperial Diet of Lombard's, and made them create one Cadolo Bishop of Parma Pope; he was a person more addicted to the Wars, than to the Word, as he demonstrated by his actions; for being followed by the Lombard's themselves, and other Soldiers given him by the Emperor, as soon as he was declared Pope in the aforesaid Diet held at Basil, he marched with a powerful Army towards Rome, with hopes to drive away Alexander, and place himself in the Vatican; but he was mistaken in his accounts, for the Romans being besieged, drew out to give him Battle, in which they had the Victory, put Cadolo and his Army to flight, and pursued them towards Lombardy.  
The Emperor having the news of this defeat, and seeing all things favourable to the Romans, he resolved to accommodate things fairly if it was possible, and to send Otho Archbishop of Colen to Rome, with full power to treat with the said Alexander, and to find out some way of composing those Schisms.  
Otho was received in Rome with great kindness, the Pope himself desiring to enjoy his Dignity more peaceably: In the first Audience they discoursed of nothing but the Emperor's interest in the Pontifical Elections, from which he could not in any ways be excluded, having so many Bulls in Confirmation of his faculty, and therefore he complained greatly of Alexander, that he would be elected without the Emperor's concurrence, and suffer himself to be Crowned without his advice. Hildebrand a Senese, a Counsellor, and Confident of the Popes, being present, would not permit the Archbishop to finish his discourse, but interrupted him, and justified his Holinesses cause, asserting, That his Election belonged not to the Emperor, but the Cardinals, by whom he was legally chosen, and might be called Canonically Pope, and exercise the Papacy, as the true Vicar of Christ. Otho (who as he was an Archbishop, was more inclinable without doubt to the defence of the Pope's interest, than the Emperors, at least in his heart, if not in his tongue) suffered himself to be easily overcome by the persuasions of Hildebrand, desiring only, for the honour of his Embassy, that he would condescend to the publication and convention of a Council, in the City of Milan, for the abolition of the Schism which was then on foot.  
The Council being held, in which it was established, That the Election of the Pope should belong to the Cardinals, and to no body else; Alexander remained as it were under the Dominion of Hildebrand, who tyrannised and governed him as he pleased.  
But though the Election was placed in the hands of the Cardinals, the Schisms were not appeased ever the more, but increased and grew numerous more and more, and always with new scandal to the Church. But the greatest Schism was in the year 1159. the Cardinals being assembled to choose a Successor to Adrian the 4th. they could not agree, the Emperor's party refusing publicly to concur with them, who pretended to exalt a very worthy person.  
The greatest part of the Cardinals therefore chose Roland the Chancellor, born in Sienna in Tuscany, who would be called by the name of Alexander the third. The other Cardinals, who followed the interest of the Emperor, and were nine in number, withdrew themselves from Rome, and chose another Pope, which was Octavian a Citizen of Rome, and Cardinal Priest, with the Title of Saint Clement, as he would be called himself, or of Victor the fourth, as they called him: That Pope being dead, the said Imperial Cardinals remaining firm to their opinions, they proceeded in their schism, chose a new Pope, and would by no means acknowledge Alexander for the lawful successor of Saint Peter; and the Pope which they chose was Paschal: But God Almighty not suffering this Antipope to live long neither, perhaps to make the schismatic Cardinals sensible of their Errors, (there having four of them died since Alexander was created) the Emperor, to put an end to those troubles, being excited by the compunction of his heart, rather than by his Cardinals, who advised him by all means to continue the schism, he called a Synod in the City of Pania, with design to accommodate the differences betwixt the Cardinals, ordaining that Pope Alexander should be present, to whom he sent a solemn Embassy to the same purpose.  
But Alexander in great indignation replied to the Ambassador, that the Popes of Rome ought not to be judged by any body; that the Council; and Synods were subject to him, not he to them: that the Emperor being but as the Son, was to pay obedience to him as the Father; and with this answer he sent back the Ambassadors very ill satisfied with their entertainment; especially he having thundered out his Excommunications the very same day, against the Emperor and his Antipope; with which the Emperor being provoked, he marched forthwith towards Italy with his whole Army, to be revenged of the Insolence (as he called it) of the Pope: and this was the occasion of that memorable war which is so obvious in History, and was stopped by the mediation of the Venetian, who taking up arms likewise, constrained the Emperor to acknowledge Pope Alexander the true Successor of Saint Peter, and (after he had restored all those Cities and Lands which he had illegally usurped) with all humility to kiss his Holinesses foot.  
To the Articles of agreement betwixt the Pope and the Emperor, there was one annexed, in which the Emperor renounced all the right of Election, to which he pretended, in the vacancy of the Chair; obliging himself by Oath to leave the Election free to the Cardinals for the future.  
For all this Alexander failed not to chastise some of those who had been of that schism; so that some of those nine Cardinals which followed the interest of the Emperor, died in despair, seeing themselves bitterly persecuted by the Pope, and those who had stuck to his party, rewarded abundantly; But Alexander besides that endeavoured what he could to ingrandize the Title of Cardinal, and that they might more strongly preserve their faculty of Election, he constituted a new form of Elections, contrary to what was formerly by the majority of voices; for till the time of this Pope, it was sufficient to create one Pope, if he had the advantage but of one voice. But Alexander declared that no body should be admitted for Pope, who had not two thirds of the votes of all the Cardinals then present at the Election, which custom continues to this day.  
After the death of Alexander, the Cardinals continued in the creation of Popes for above sixty years (that is from the creation of Lucius the 3d. who was Alexander's Successor, to the time of Gregory the ninth) in great quiet and tranquillity, and without any obstruction, either from Emperor, or people.  
But the said Gregory being at wars with the Emperor Frederick, about the year of our Lord 1239. the greatest part of the Cardinals were taken prisoners by the Emperor's Army; for which reason, after the death of Gregory, which happened in the year 1241. the Church was necessitated to remain without a Pastor, the space of twenty months, till that the Cardinals (being by the intercession of several Princes, discharged of their imprisonment) assembled themselves as formerly, for the creation of a Successor, which was Innocent the 4th. a Genoese called Simbaldo Fieschi before: he was a person very well qualified, chosen by common consent, without any discrepancy of voices at all.  
This Innocent was no sooner crowned, but he began to think of revenging the injury the Emperor had done to the Cardinals, in keeping them prisoners so long. In order to this, he ordained a Council should meet at Lions, and commanded that Frederick should be there present, within so many days; and because frederick's Ambassadors insisted upon longer time, making it appear by good reasons, that it was not possible to perform such a journey, in the time that was assigned.  
The Pope being enraged at their answer, declared the Emperor a contumacious and disobedient son of the universal Father, and accordingly he Excommunicated him, deprived him of his Imperial dignity, declared him a Schismatic; and (having absolved them from their Oaths of Fidelity which they had given to the Emperor) he excited all the Princes to depose him from his Empire, and chose another in his place, as it followed in effect, Henry Landgrave of Turingia being elected presently after.  
Frederick prepared himself, both for defence, and revenge; but he dying the next year, made an end of that quarrel. In that Council the Pope gave the Cardinal the Cap and red Mantle, in token of their readiness to spend their blood in the service of the Church; But to say the truth, before they received the Red Cap, there were several Cardinals that suffered Martyrdom. But since the time they received it, to this day, there has not been so much as one; so that we may believe, the Cap took away their desire to be Martyrs.  
The Lord Cardinals proceeded with great freedom, and liberty, in the Election of Popes, being become absolutely sovereign in that affair: They created several Popes with great satisfaction to all Christendom, because they were chosen with great unanimity. But by the death of Clement the fourth, who died at Viterbo, the face of things was altered, the Church (to the great scandal of all Christians) remaining two years without a Pastor, because the Cardinals could not agree in the election of a Successor.  
The Causes of so long a dissension, are variously represented, by several Historiografers; but the chief were as follow: The first and most forcible of all, was the contrariety in the Natures of the Cardinals which were present at the Election at Viterbo, who were 18 in number, all obstinate and untractible, and had sworn each of them, never to yield to his Companion in the least.  
All of them believed themselves worthy of the Papacy, and (which was of most importance, and gave the greatest delay to the Election) every one negotiated for himself, without speaking a word of other Pretenders; so that it was not possible amongst eighteen several Competitors, that they should come to any resolution: But that impediment being removed, in which the Cardinals continued obstinate for above ten months, there arose another, which lasted above a year, and was the second occasion of the tediousness of the Election; and that is, the Cardinals were divided into two factions, one of them Italians, the other French, these would have a Pope of their own Nation, and the Italians would have him of theirs; neither of them complying with the other, and the number of the French being equal to the Italians, there being no way to be found of gaining the two thirds of their Votes, they remained whole weeks obstinate, and doing nothing, unless it were heaping dissension upon dissension.  
The other reason was, that this delay growing redious to the Princes, and in particular to Philip King of France, and Charles' King of Sicily, these two Princes resolved to come in person to Viterbo, and solicit the Cardinals to expedite the creation of the Pope; upon this occasion the Cardinals which were adherents to these two Crowns, having notice of their resolutions, would do nothing till they were arrived, who when they did come, served for nothing but to protract the Election, though their desire was to hasten it; each of them recommending different persons; But the Cardinals being resolute not to depend upon any body whatsoever, lest they should again reduce themselves into subjection, the Princes finding all their intercessions ineffectual returned as they came, leaving the whole business to the Cardinals.  
In the first Assembly after the Kings were departed, John Cardinal of Porto observing the pertinacity of the Cardinals, whilst they were together inv 〈…〉 the Holy Ghost, cried out publicly, and with a loud voice. Let us uncover (my Lords) the 〈…〉 Chamber, perhaps the holy spirit will not come where we are, thorough ●o 〈…〉 it would be necessary to have a Holy Ghost for every one, seeing there is no two will agree. The Holy Ghost descended upon the Apostles, because they were met together with one mind, but how can we expect him, who are so strangely divided?  
At length, all these disputes being ended, and the Cardinal's weary of going up and down to the places of their Assemblies, and doubting moreover, by their delay, to bring in some new schism into the Church, which seemed already to be whispering in Germany; two thirds of the Cardinals agreed to the Election of Tibaldo Visconte a Milanese, Archdeacon of Lodi, who was not as yet returned from his Voyage into Asia, whether he was sent by the command of Innocent the 4th.: upon whose Election Cardinal G●ovanni del Porto made these Verses in Latin.  

Papatus munus tulit, Archidiaconus unus,  
Quem patrem patrum fecit discordia fratrum.   

The Cardinals themselves being out of hope,  
Archdeacon Tibald was created Pope.   
Gregory as soon as he received the Keys of the Vatican, endeavoured what he could to make peace betwixt the Venetian and the Genoese, who for several years together, had been at wars with one another, with great effusion of Christian blood, and no small detriment to the Apostolic See. He Excommunicated the Florentines, for usurping certain Cities belonging to the Ecclesiastical State.  
Having perpetrated these things, and all things succeeding according as he designed, he went into France in the year 1273. he gave beginning to the Council of Lions mentioned before. Philip King of France was present at that Council, with an infinite number of noble and learned persons, both French and English.  
Michael Paleologus the Emperor of Constantinople, agreed the second time to the Doctrine of the Church of Rome; though his Predecessors had done as much twelve times, and always revolted: upon that business, there were several Sessions and disputes, and all of them in the presence of his Holiness and the King of France.  
The principal cause of this Assembly was, that Gregory might be enabled to remedy several abuses in the Church, and more particularly by their advice to find out some way of preventing the tedious vacancies, after the deaths of the Popes.  
And because Gregory understood well enough the root from whence that evil did spring, and that it proceeded from a liberty the Cardinals took, of assembling where they pleased, of breaking up and meeting again as they thought good, delaying and protracting the Elections, by the Contentions and Correspondencies they had abroad; Gregory ordained that the Cardinals for the future should be obliged to shut themselves up in some particular place, from whence they should not stir, till the Election was finished, but in case of sickness, or other urgent necessity; nor should any body be permitted to go into them, besides such as were appointed for the service of the Cardinals, none of them being allowed, during the whole time of their seclusion, to have communication with any of the City. And this is the place called at present the Conclave, which indeed signifies no more than the place where the Cardinals are shut up for the Election of the Pope.  
Before Gregory's days, that is from the time of San Silvester, to Gregory's Popedom, they were not used to be shut up in a Conclave; but if they were in Rome, the Electors met, either in the Church of St. John Lateran, or of Saint Peter, or in s●me other place, as occasion offered; if they were out of Rome, they met in the Cathedral of the place where they were, or in some other Church, more convenient: But all this brought nothing but prejudice and inconvenience to the Church, because the Electors did many times neglect to use that diligence which was due, not regarding expedition in their Elections of the Pope, whilst they had liberty to command, to go and come as they thought fit, and to live in their own houses at their pleasure: and therefore it may rationally be said, that the invention of the Conclave by Gregory, was holy, and good, and worthy of a Pope of his piety and zeal. There were likewise established by the said Gregory several Laws and Orders for the Conclave, which were afterwards by several Popes put into better form, till that in Process of time they were reduced into that state, which for greater convenience I shall insert in this place.  

The Principal Laws which are usually observed in the creation of the Pope.  
THe first Article is, That the Election be made in a proper and convenient place, and ordinarily there where the last Pope died. If it should happen the Pope should die in any Town or Village, in which the Election cannot so commodiously be made, let it be made in that City to whose jurisdiction the said Town or Village does belong, provided it be not under interdiction; for in that case, they are to choose another City in the same Diocese, or at least not far off. But if the Residence was in another place, in the time of the preceding Pope, than the Conclave is to meet, not in the place where the Pope shall die, but where he kept his Residence whilst he lived: and this is established in two Bulls, of Gregory the tenth, and Clement the fifth.  
The second is, That after the death of the Pope, there shall be no discourse of the Election of a Successor, till ten days be past, in which time the absent Cardinals are to be expected, and the nine days obsequies for the deceased Pope be celebrated with due respect, by all the Cardinals that are present in the place.  
The third, That it be not permitted to any Cardinal that is absent to send his vote in any manner whatsoever, by which it is intended, that they are deprived of their Voice, as often as they are absent from the Election, though for considerable reasons.  
The fourth, That the nine days Ceremony for the death of the Pope, being over, the Mass dello Spirito Santo solemnly said, and the Prayer de Eligendo Pontifice, recited, Let all the Cardinals that are present in the Palace, which shall be called the Conclave, (which is to be in a secure place, close in all parts, and well guarded) be shut in, with two or three servants only, for their necessities. Let it not be lawful for any to enter after the Conclave is shut up, nor for any to come forth, except in the case of infirmity: and if any body be obliged either to go in, or out, let it be by the consent of the whole College; Nor is this Conclave to have any Wall or partition, to distinguish one Chamber from another; but let there be certain traverses or Curtains of Linen or cloth to divide their Lodgings: and be they given to the Cardinals by lot, to prevent all controversies for place.  
The fifth, That it be not only unlawful to elect those that are absent, but that it be not permitted to the Cardinals to choose any but one of their own Order, and of those that are present in the Conclave. And this is decreed by Paul the second.  
The sixth, That the place, and the gates and doors of the Conclave be well guarded; if the Election be made in Rome, the first Guards are to be kept by the Soldiers of the Pope's ordinary Guards; after them by the Barons of Rome, and the Ambassadors of Princes, who are all to be sworn in the Conclave itself before it be shut up; that they will keep the said Guards, with diligence and loyalty, as is convenient; and last of all in the nearest places to the door of the Conclave, by the Bishops, and Conservators of the City. If the Election be made out of the City of Rome; the Guard of the Conclave is to be made by the Temporal Lords of that place, with the same formality, and oath, as in Rome. The duty of those that are deputed for Guards is, to prevent any violence shall be offered to the freedom of the Cardinal's votes, to observe well the provisions that come in, that there be no Letters conveyed in them; and in case any such be found, let them be consigned to the Marshal, to be kept till the Conclave be finished: That they further take care the Cardinals be not incommoded, that they be all ready at their beck, and in case of delay, that they force them (first gently and with intreattes, but afterwards even with threats) to hasten the Election. The Soldiers of the Conclave (that is those who are appointed to guard it) and the Barons of Rome, are to preserve the Conclave from all disturbance and violence.  
The seventh, That the Cardinals may not go out of the Conclave, or adjourn their Assembly to an other place, for any person whatsoever, but upon any emergent necessity, let them put an end to the Election, and then they may go forth, if otherwise they should go out, let them be forced back again by the Guards of the Conclave.  
The eighth, That those Cardinals who come after the Conclave it shut, and before the creation of the Pope, may enter and give their voices as the rest: and that no Cardinal can, upon any occasion or pretence whatsoever, (although he be Excommunicated) avoid being present at the Election, and giving his Vote. But all this is to be done by the consent of the whole College, and not of the Governor of the Conclave only.  
The ninth, That three days being passed after their entrance into the Conclave, if in that time the Pope be not chosen, the Prelates and Barons of Rome, and such others as are deputed Guards to the Conclave, may require an account of the Cardinal's transactions within, and restrain them of their variety of dishes, reducing and lessening them by degrees, according as they find the Election delayed.  
The tenth, That in the time of the Election, no person whatsoever, whether Secular or Ecclesiastic is to give, or promise, or entreat, thereby to move or incline the hearts of the Cardinals to their private desires, and this under pain of the Pope's Excommunication. And that it be not permitted that the Cardinal's discourse of any other matter, than the Election of the Pope, to expedite the Election, and to prevent occasion of exasperating the minds of the Cardinals other ways.  
The eleventh, That no person whatsoever, may by reason of the Bull of Alexander the third, be declared or elected Pope, if he has not first two whole parts in three of the voices of the Cardinals which are present in the Conclave, which Votes are to be given in secret, and afterwards read publicly, that all persons may take notice who is chosen.  
The twelfth, That after the death of the Pope, all Magistrates and Ecclesiastical Offices are to cease, except such a● are in the persons of the Cardinals, which are perpetual; which Offices are to remain unexecuted, all but the Office of the chief Penitentiary, and the Chamberlain.  
The thirteenth, That there be a Governor of the Conclave, that he be a worthy person, and of good qualifications, that he be chosen by the Body of the Cardinals, before they enter into the Conclave; whose Office it shall be, to give seasonable Orders, that things may go within as they ought to do, and that the Lord Cardinals may not want any thing convenient.  
The last is, That an Oath be given to the Cardinals, to keep secret all the transactions and argumentations of the Conclave, relating to the Election; that it be not permitted to any body to bear arms in so sacred a place, nor to revenge any injury whatever, either with words or with deeds, but that they bear all things patiently, and endeavour to avoid that mischief.   

And thus Gregory being exceedingly pleased with the introduction of this Form into the Conclave, he dismissed the Council of Lions, (in which many things were decreed, as the Enterprise into the Holy Land, the Union of the Greek and Latin Church, and the Peace betwixt the Princes of Christendom) and then he began his journey, in order to his return into Italy; and refusing to pass by Florence, (lest he should be obliged to take off the Interdiction) he took his way towards Arezzo, in which place he arrived, fell sick, and died in the year 1276. in the fifth year of his Popedom.  
The Cardinals who followed his Holiness, were the greatest part of them at Arezzo, the rest by another road were arrived at Rome, which occasioned some difficulties amongst them, some pretending the Election was to be made in Rome, others insisting it was to be at Arezzo, where Gregory died.  
But because the greatest number of those who were at Arezzo prevailed, those Cardinals who were in Rome came thither, that they might not be excluded from their Votes, seeing those at Arezzo had declared their number was sufficient, and they would create a Pope without them: Besides Gregory's decree, which ordained expressly, That the Election should be in the place where the preceding Pope died; to which those in Rome replied, That that was intended, if the place was convenient, producing a thousand pretences to prove the incommodities of Arezzo. It is enough, be it one way or the other, those who were in Rome were made to know, that they were in the wrong, and therefore being arrived at Arezzo, they went into the Conclave with the rest of the Cardinals the 21. of January; this Conclave was guarded with good Guards, by the Aretine's, who were not a little elated to see the first Conclave celebrated in their City: But these Guards lasted but one night; for the same night the Cardinals entered, they agreed to choose Pietro Farantasio, (a Burgundian and Dominican Friar) Pope, who took upon him the name of Innocent the 5th. In this manner coming out of the Conclave, with the new Pope, on the 22 in the morning, all the Cardinals began their Congratulations; Innocent, though he was requested to pass away the Winter where he was, yet being resolved not to be Crowned at Arezzo, where he was Elected, but in Rome, the true Apostolical seat, and where he designed to have his Residence, prepared immediately for his journey thither; as indeed it succeeded, making himself to be Crowned as soon as he came to Rome, in the Church of Saint Peter with great solemnity, 40 days after his Election.  
But here it is to be advertised, that the Constitution of the form of the Conclave established by Gregory in the Council of Lions, was annulled, and restored, three or four times, some Pope's being chosen without any Order of the Conclave: In the mean time, after the death of Innocent the 5th. which happened in the year 1276. six months exactly after his Election; Alexander the 5th. who succeeded him, being created in Rome, and with all the formalities of the Conclave, which was held in the Court of Lateran, as soon as he was received to the Popedom, revoked the Order established by Pope Gregory, concerning the affairs of the Conclave, though in due form it had the approbation of a General Council.  
This revocation, or suspension, as you please, was declared invallid after his death, as having been pronounced before his Coronation: But Pope John the 21 succeeding, both in his Papacy and humour, and having no kindness at all for the Name of the Conclave, he not only confirmed Adrian's Bull, but by another of his own, of greater force, he annulled the said form of the Conclave in all respects whatsoever, and so the Popes which succeeded him, which were Nicholas the 3d. Martin the 4th. Honorius the 4th. Nicholas the 4th. and Celestine the 5th. were all created according to the Order observed before the time of Gregory the 10th.  
Celestine the 5th. being received to the Popedom in the year 1294. moved by the same considerations, wherewith Gregory was moved, he revoked and annulled Pope John's Bull, and confirmed the Law and Constitution of Pope Gregory, in relation to the Conclave. And Boniface the eight, who succeeded Celestine, was so well satisfied therewith, that he confirmed it again, and ordered it to be Registered in the Book of the Decreetals; so that from Celestin's time, to this present time, the formalities of the Conclave have been punctually observed, and may they be so eternally; for, to speak truth, the introduction of that form into the Conclave, has put an end (as one may say) to the Schisms in the Church, and settled the true Catholic in tranquillity and repose.  
Indeed this Capriccio in Pope John, who annulled the form of the Conclave, had no other effect, but the introduction of delay and animosity among the Cardinals; by whom Innocent the 10th. was created Pope, according to the constitution of Gregory the 10th. after the said Gregory was dead, with expedition, and quiet, and satisfaction to the People, in the year 1276.  
After Innocents' death, Adrian the 5th. was created in Rome, he was a Genoese of the Family of Fieschi, called before, Ottobuono, without any discrepancy: accordingly after him, in the year 1276. John the 21 was elected at Viterbo, without any difference at all: These three Popes lived all three but a little above a year.  
These three Popes being created according to the form of the Conclave, instituted by Gregory the 10th. things began to proceed in good order, and the Election; to be made with care, and quiet. But after it was annulled by Pope John, all things fell to disorder, in so much that the See was vacant after the death of the said John (who died under the ruins of a Palace) five months, and upwards, of which I shall give the reasons in brief. John being dead in the City of Viterbo, the first scruple arose amongst the Cardinals, was, whether they ought to follow the form of the Conclave, established by Pope Gregory, or the decree of annullation, published by Pope John; the most voices prevailed, and they were for Pope John's decree; and accordingly, without shutting themselves up in any place, they met for several days in the Church, early in the morning, and returned to their own houses at night, about their own affairs.  
It is well known in the mean time, what delay there was by that means in the Election; and to remedy the matter, the Cardinals were supplicated, I had almost said, constrained by the people of Viterbo, to reassume the form of the Conclave, which was agreed to, and orders given immediately to have the Conclave accommodated, into which, according to the Constitution of Gregory, all the Cardinals then present at Viterbo, did enter.  
But for all this the Cardinal Electors could not agree about a Successor, because there were so many French Cardinals, and Italians, all of them standing firm to their resolutions, of choosing one of their own sides to be Pope, and to remain shut up in the Conclave, till such a number of the one, or the other, should die, as should be sufficient to render the other party the stronger.  
At this time the Guard of the Conclave was given to one Richard of the Anibals, one of the principal Families in Rome; which said Richard having a while before taken the Government of Viterbo, from Orso, a Nephew of Pope Nicholas, to whose family he was a severe and fierce Enemy. The two Cardinals Orsini, who managed the Italian faction, cried out that Orso was to be restored to the Government he had lost, before they came to the Election of a new Pope.  
The people of Viterbo being backed by the said Richard, and excited by the French, entered into the Conclave, took out the two Orsini, and clapped them in prison; upon which the Italian party being rendered the weaker, the French taking hold of the occasion, chose a Pope as they pleased themselves, and this was Martin the fourth, called Simon before; he was born in Tours in France, and was Cardinal di Santa Cecilia. And thus that Conclave was brought to a conclusion, after a tedious debate, to the great detriment of the most noble house of the Orsini, who were driven out of Rome by the Anabali, and obliged with all their followers, to retire to Preneste.  
Martin being dead in the first month of the fifth year of his Papacy, the Vacancy was but very few days; the Cardinals who had their Conclave then at Perugia, for the Election of a Successor, agreeing very readily in the person of Honorius the 4th. of the Noble Family of the Savelli: But it was not so after the death of Honorius, the Church being vacant for ten months together, yet not so much from any dissension amongst the Cardinals, who were all moderate and quiet; as by an accidental sickness, and Earthquake that happened; for whilst the Conclave was held in Santa Sabina for the Creation of a new Pope, several Cardinals fell sick on a sudden, amongst which five of the most considerable died in a week, and they were Giordano Orsino, Il Conto a Milanese, Hugo an Englishman, Gervasio Dean of Paris, and Anterio a person of great worth and renown.  
And because many of the rest were forced to keep their beds, the Conclave was opened, and dissolved, and that election reserved to a better time, and the rather because the Earthquakes continued so frequent, they were frighted into a resolution of deferring it till another time, which happened afterwards, in the month of March, 1288. in which Nicholas the 4th. of the Order of the Minors of Saint Francis, was created Pope with general satisfaction.  
The Cardinals after the death of Nicholas, that the Election of the next Pope might be with more freedom, and liberty, the whole City being in a Mutiny and Confusion, removed to Perugia. But the misery was, they carried such animosities along with them in their hearts, that they spun out the Election for above six and twenty months, with very great scandal.  
In this long vacancy of the Chair (which was occasioned by not observing the form of shutting up the Conclave, for in that case they would have dispatched, that they might not be shut up so long) the Emperor Paleologus died, and the Grecian Priests would not that he should be buried in any consecrated place, because he had consented in the Council of Lions to an union of the Greek and Latin Churches. Andronicus the son of Michael Paleologus would willingly have joined with the Latins, if ours would have assisted him in the least: but seeing himself desperate of any assistance from the Romans, during the vacancy of the See, he resolved to desert the Catholics, that he might not run the same fortune whilst he was living, as his Father did when he was dead.  
Charles the second King of Naples, foreseeing the inconveniences which were likely to follow, and which indeed the Church did already feel, by the long vacancy of the Chair, he came from Provence to Perugia, many times admonishing and exhorting the Cardinals to Concord, and a speedy Election of the Pope. But he was reprehended by Benedetto Gaetano, who was Cardinal of Anagni, because with his instances and importunity, he seemed in some measure to obtrude upon the College, which in the creation of the Pope ought always to be free.  
This same Cardinal, who was in great esteem amongst the whole Sacred College, to shorten the Election of the new Pope, exhorted the Cardinals to re-establish the Form of the Conclave, without which they would never have ended the Contest. They shut themselves up therefore in the Church, with resolution never to come out, nor negotiate with any one whatsoever, before they had chosen a Pastor for the Church. Yet so great was the differences amongst them, they could not agree to choose one of themselves, but to put an end to the Election, they pitched upon Peter Morone a Hermit, who was absent, and in his solitude, not far from Sulmona.  
The greater part of them believed confidently, that he being far from the least ambition, and of a long time accustomed to his retirement, would not by any means have accepted of the Papacy; nor were they mistaken, for upon the first notice he declined it absolutely, and received it at last upon the importunity of Charles King of France, who sent his Ambassadors to him, to persuade him that he would not suffer the Church to continue any longer in her Widowhood; upon which Exhortation he condescended, and accepted of the Popedom; and assuming the name of Celestine the 5th. he came immediately to the City of Aquila, whither he called all the Cardinals which were at Perugia, but they with reiterated Letters begged of his Holiness, that he would vouchsafe to come to Perugia, as a place much more convenient for the Dignity of a Pope.  
But King Charles suggesting to the contrary, Celestine's opinion prevailed, and the Cardinals came to Aquila, where they paid their Reverences to him as the true Pope, and Crowned him afterwards with due solemnity: at which Coronation, as Ptolomeus writes, who was present, there were above two hundred thousand people met together, but the most of them more out of curiosity, than devotion.  
The Government of Celestine, by reason of his extravagant bounty, was a great diminution to the Pontifical dignity, for not having the power to deny any body, he gave the same thing to two or three several persons, with which the Consistory of Cardinals being disgusted, they-began to think of a remedy, especially because the Clergy hated him, for a resolution he had taken to reform them. The Cardinals had some thoughts of deposing him, but they forbore that, for two reasons; the first was, that they might not give occasion to any new Schism, or at least any great scandal to the Church; and the other, not to provoke the indignation of King Charles, who defended him with great ardour.  
There never was seen certainly any Pope, so little practised in politic or Ecclesiastic affairs, as this, and all by reason of the Hermitical life which he had led in the Wilderness, far from such administrations; Celestine therefore being conscious of his own insufficiency, left the Reins of the Government to Cardinal Latino, who was a person of transcendent wisdom, but he being dead, Celestine by his inexperience, without any malice at all, fell into so many Errors, that the Cardinals made several instances to him, that he would be pleased spontaneously to renounce the Papacy, and not expose the Church to so many perils, by his incapacity.  
The Cardinals would not have been inclined to such a resolution, but by the instigation of Benedetto Gaetano, (who was afterwards Boniface the eighth, as we shall show in its proper place) he was a Cardinal of great learning and experience, but so extremely ambitious of the Papacy, he left no stone unturned to compass his designs: And because he saw by his great judgement, he might easily bring it about, if Celestine happened to renounce, he applied himself so hard to the business, that Celestine resolved to resign, at the great instance of Gaetano, who by reason of the great credit he had with him, spoke to him freely, and which is worse, laid it to him as a scruple of Conscience, and to fright him, persuaded him, that at the day of Judgement it would be imputed to him, if any ill did happen to the Church.  
King Charles, who understood the subtlety of Gaetano, and the superstitious lenity of the Pope, conducted him to Naples, forcing himself to turn him from so dishonourable a thought. And because the people cried out every where, they would have no other Pope but Celestine, he answered, he would make no other but him whom God should inspire for the good of the Christians. But the Christians discerned very well, that he did nothing but what was inspired to him by Cardinal Gaetano; who found out a most Diabolical invention, and it was this; he suborned some of his friends to make a hole corresponding with that part of the Chamber in which his Holinesses Bed stood, from whence they cried all night long, with a most dismal voice, as if it had been the Judgement of Heaven, Celestine, Celestine, lay down the Popedom, for it is a charge too great for your abilities.  
The innocent and devout Pope being wrought upon by all these reasons, and assisted no longer by King Charles, whom Gaetan had gained to his side, he resolved to condescend to the renunciation: But first that he might seem to do it upon good grounds, he would needs make a Law, that it should be lawful for any Pope to renounce the Papacy, and commanded it should be established by the consent of all the Cardinals, who willingly made him a Golden Bridge, to send him going. This Law and Constitution was afterwards confirmed by Boniface the eighth, his Successor, as is to be seen in the sixth Book of the Decretals; but the Popes are not so simple to make use of it for all that. It was proposed that this renunciation should be made in some public place in the Church, but that was not thought convenient, lest the people, who loved Celestine very much, should commit some extravagance, and by violence hinder Celestine's resolution; wherefore they thought it expedient to have it done in the Consistory of Cardinals, as it followed in the sixth month of his Papacy, after which Celestine returned to his Cell from whence he came.  
The same day in which Celestine did renounce, (things being well prepared before hand in Gaetan's favour, who was the forger and contriver of all this mischief) the Cardinals without the form of the Conclave, chose the said Gaetan with open Votes, that they might not leave the Church without a Pastor, much apprehending the popular fury, for as much as there was not any of them consenting to the renunciation. Benedetto Gaetano being declared Pope, and the name of Boniface the eighth assumed, he began his Reign with so much insolence, arrogance, rashness, and tyranny, that in a short time he gained the Title of Nero the eighth. Sciarra Colonna took him Prisoner at Anagni, and carried him to Rome, where at the end of 35. days he died of anger, in the eighth year of his Pontificate: So that some took occasion to say, that he was made Pope like a Wolf, he governed like a Lion, and died like a Dog; which character was so true, that Histories have taken great delight to mention it, reporting it with great infamy to the Roman Church, and to those who elected him.  
Great was the joy all Christendom received at the death of a Pope so unworthy of that dignity; the Princes and Cardinals celebrated the news with Bonfires. The people hated this Pope, for several reasons, but especially for having ordered Celestine with so much ingratitude to be slain, and persecuted the Gibellines in such sort, that the Noblest Families in Italy were glad, for fear, to hide themselves like savage Beasts, in the most profound Caverns of the Mountains. Some report he was poisoned with an Italian Fig, which is not much wide of the truth: But be it as it will, he died in prison the 11th. of October 1303. and the Cardinals went into the Conclave the 21. of the same month.  
Many believed the Election would be tedious, by the great care the Princes seemed to take, that they might not be ill satisfied, as they were with Boniface.  
Amongst the Cardinals some there were which adhered to the Guelves, and others to the Gibellines; these were very curious that the succeeding Pope should not be of the humour of his Predecessor, the Guelves desired such another, so that in appearance there was great likelihood of a long Conclave. But things fell out clear contrary, for the next morning after the Cardinals entered, they came to an agreement to elect the Cardinal d' Ostia, called Fra Nicholas di Treviso, of the Order of the Preachers, who took upon him the name of Benedict the 9th. or the 11th.  
The Guelves condescended readily to this Election, Benedict being a Creature of Boniface's, and by consequence a Guelf. And the Gibellines did so too, as not knowing amongst all the Cardinals, where to find one less their Enemy than he, and the rather, because though Benedict had been secret Counsellor, and privy to the most occult designs of Boniface, he never seemed by his Counsels to have done any thing contrary to the repose of the Gibellines, but endeavoured to mollify Boniface, and to remove the great prejudice he had to the poor Gibellines, who being satisfied with his proceedings, they concurred willingly to the Election of Benedict; who was not ingrateful, for he received into favour all the Cardinals who had been persecuted, and (as Gibellines) deprived by his Predecessor.  
Benedict died in Perugia, in the eighth month of his Pontificate, in which City the whole Court being at that time, it was resolved a new Pope should be chosen; but private interest, prevailed against the public good, for the Cardinals for above two months together, went up and down, trifling away their time in disputes and clamours, scandalous to Christendom, but pleasant to the Infidels.  
The reason was, the Cardinals were divided into three factions, one stuck close to Charles King of Naples, who would have a Pope according to his way; another was for the principal Barons of Rome▪ who being backed by several Princes of Christendom, endeavoured to spin out the Election as long as they could, expecting by such delay, other Votes from abroad; and the third stood firm to the interest of Philip King of France, who with a very liberal hand, had sent no small sums of money and other Presents to Cardinal Pietro Colonna, to the end that with James his Uncle, a Cardinal of the same name, they might keep up the interest of France. On the other sides, there were the Cardinals Vr●●●o, Napoleone, and Matico, every one negotiating for himself, and with steadfast resolution never to yield to one another. The Cardinals not being able to endure their restraint any longer in the Pope's house, which was the place appointed for the Election, and observing things go on the pace of a Tortoise, that is, tediously slow, for as much as their animosities continued, they left their apartment, went abroad into the City, some here, some there, into the most delectable places, following their pleasures and recreations, and thinking of nothing less than the Election of his Holiness.  
The people of Perugia taking offence at all this, and having more affection for the public good of the Church, than the Cardinals themselves, who were Senators thereof, took up Arms immediately, and with threats obliged them to fir●t up themselves in the Conclave, who were managers of the Ship of Saint Peter. The Cardinals failed not to be present at the place appointed, but persisting still in their passion and pertinacity, the people not only put Guards upon them, to prevent all Communication without, but straightened them in their diet, reducing their allowance to a small volume, (as one may say) and threatening, that if within five days they did not finish the Election, they should have nothing given them but Wine and Bread, which the people of Perugia did not spare to let them understand.  
Cardinal Peter, moved by his hopes from the King of France, applied himself with the money he received from him, to corrupt the minds of such as he knew were covetous of Gold, feeding them on with promises besides; so that part of the Cardinals being fast in those Chains, and part of them intimidated by the threats of the Perugians, they agreed upon the Election of a Bishop of Gascoign, and so Cardinal Colonna proposing the Bishop of Bordeaux, who was a great lover of the King of France, he was chosen by common consent, and a Courier sent post to him, (who was then at his Bishopric) to know what name he would carry; he replied, he would not change the name he was Baptised with, which was Clement, and so he was accordingly published to the people. After publication in the usual place, the Cardinals dispatched several Messengers to the New Pope, to entreat him to hasten his journey to Italy: But his Holiness being instructed by the King of France, made answer, That the Flock was to follow the Shepherd, and not the Shepherd the Flock, commanding the Cardinals immediately to repair to him in France, and particularly in the City of Poitiers, as they did.  
The transferring of the Apostolic See into France by Clement the 5th. displeased the Italians highly; so that Clement being dead, the Chair was vacant for two years and upwards, the Italian Cardinals not enduring a French Pope to be chosen, lest if the Italians should fail, and the French increase, the residence should be always in France. The Conclave was held in Lions, but without the formality of being shut up, according to Gregory's decree, for they went and came at their pleasure.  
The number of the Cardinals was 23, twelve French, and eleven Italian, the Italians would have the Pope purely Italian, or of any other Nation, but he should promise to continue his residence in Italy. The French seeing themselves more in number, and every day encouraged by their friends and allies, stood firm to their principles, and would have none but a French Pope, which at length they obtained, by reason that the Conclave was held in France.  
In this manner after so great a vacancy, Giacomo di Cahors Bishop of Porto was created Pope by the name of John the 22. who as soon as he was created, departed from Lions, and with his whole Court, took up his residence at Avignon, where he died in the ninetieth year of his age, 1335. after he had reigned eighteen years.  
The Cardinals lost not so much time, to find a Successor for John, as they did to make one for Clement; for the next week after they went into the Conclave at Avignon, they agreed to choose Fra. Giocomo Cardinal d●l Titolo di Santa Prisca, of the Family of du Four in France, he was a Cistercian Monk, though others believed him a Carmelite.  
The cause why they came so soon to an accord, was no other, but because the Italians understood very well the inability of their party, to contend with the French, who were resolved to have the Pope of their Nation; besides they growing by degrees to be acquainted, and pleased with the Country, and the humour and liberty of the French, they condescended with alacrity to what they must of force have consented to (though for three year they had been of a contrary opinion) and the rather because the said Fra. Giacomo was worthily qualified for so honourable a dignity, which he received, if not with an universal, at least with the applause of all France, and called himself Benedict the 12th. Clement the 6th. Innocent the 6th. and Vrban the 5th. were all French, and created at Avignon, and for the same reasons almost their Conclaves were dispatched, for which benedict's was hastened.  
In the year 1370. Peter Belforte of Lemousin, who took the name of Gregory the Eleventh,, was created at Avignon likewise, who thought good to transfer the Apostolical Chair from Avignon back again to Rome, a thing almost incredible; for so many French Popes succeeding one another, they had so weakened and debilitated the Italian party, that there was no Italian Cardinals amongst them all, and of the French there was more than twenty.  
Several reasons are alleged that moved Gregory to that resolution, but particularly these following: The first was,, that he saw all Italy in arms, not only by the wars betwixt Venice and Genoa, but by a resolution several Cities had then, to shake off the yoke of their servitude, and re-establish themselves in a state of Liberty, which he believing to be occasioned by the absence of the Pilot from the Vessel of Rome, he began to think of resetling his Pontifical residence in Italy. The second was, reprehending one day a certain Bishop (his familiar) that he left the Bishopric to follow the Court, the Bishop confidently replied, And you who are Pope of Rome, why are you in France? Why do you give example to others to repair to their Churches.  
Others will have it, that a Letter from Saint Bridget (upon whom his Holiness looked, as upon a true Saint) contributed much, in which she advised him, as from God, to return to Rome. Be it which way it will, he gave order for twenty Galleys to be ready in the Rhone, pretending to go some whither else with them, because he suspected, that the French (who had so much advantage by the residence of his Court in France) would obstruct it, if they had the least notice of his removing the See to Rome. But indeed they took not the least umbrage, or alarm at all the preparations which were made, as not imagining possible, a French Pope would put such an affront upon his Nation. So as they had notice of it only when his Holiness was at Sea, being passed as far as Genoa, and from Genoa to Cornetto, where being weary of his Galleys, he made the rest of his voyage by Land, and being arrived at Rome, he began to accommodate apt Medicines, and specifical, to the Maladies of Italy.  
But whilst this good Pope was exercising his Pastoral cure with extraordinary zeal; he died in the year 1280, of a great distemper in his Bladder, after he had reigned six years in France, and five in Italy.  
After the death of this Pope, the Church began to be miserably torn with new schisms which began to arise betwixt the French and Italian Cardinals, each Nation choosing its own Pope, in its own manner; the French not able to digest the affront they received from Gregory, in transporting the See from France into Italy, departing privately from Rome, they removed to Fondi, and being arrived there, they used many invectives and Satyrs against urban the sixth, whom they had already, with the Italian Cardinals, Elected in Rome; they pretended they were forced to it by the people of Rome, otherwise it was was never their intention, to make an Italian Pope.  
For these reasons, the Chair (in their judgements) being vacant, by the favour of Joan Queen of Sicily, who was their friend, they chose another Pope, which was Roberto a Cardinal, with the Title of the Holy Apostles, he was of Geneva, and particularly of the ancient family of the Conti, in that City he took upon him the name of Clement the seventh. From Fondi, Clement removed with his Cardinals to Avignon, where he was adored by the French, and the Spaniard; these disputes lasted a long while, the Legitimate Pope at Rome, and the Antipope at Avignon, firing their Bulls upon one another, and sending them forth into all parts of the world: the adherents of both sides put forth several defamatory Libels, calling one another, Schismatic, Heretic, Tyrant, Thief, Traitor, wicked sour of sedition, Son of Belial, and such stuff as that, of which there are two treatises extant at this day, one of them written by Doctor John de Ligni, in favour of urban, against Clement, and the other by the Abbot of San Vast, in favour of Clement against Vrban.  
Whilst Clement was contriving which way to remove the true Pope, who had his Residence in Rome, he died in the year of our Lord 1392. and was buried in Avignon: he being dead, Boniface the 9th. who was Pope at that time in Rome, writ a fatherly Letter to the French Cardinals, exhorting them to desist from their Schism, and return to their obedience to the Holy Mother the Church, of which he was the lawful head: But the French laughing as it were at such persuasions; chose a Successor to Clement, which was Pietro della Luna, who took the name of Benedict the 13th. who had argued very much in Clement's justification, and that was the principal point upon which he was chosen by the Cardinals, who concluded, that he who defended another's cause with such ardour, would doubtless defend his own with more.  
Whilst this good Antipope held his residence in Catalonia, particularly in the castle of Paniscola, administering the Sacraments, and conferring of dignities, as if he had been the true Vicar of Christ, he was condemned (together with the Cardinals which Elected him) by the Authority of a General Council.  
Afterwards he assembled a Council at Perpignan, where he created several Cardinals, and commanded them, after his death, to follow his Orders, which were to choose another Pope without losing of time: and indeed they took his advice; for no sooner was this Antipope dead at Paniscola, but the Cardinals chose one Giles Mungos, a Canon of Barcelona in his place, call him Clement the 9th. who at the instance of King Alfonso, created Cardinals forthwith, and began to act in every thing, as the true Popes were wont to do.  
But upon Pope Martin the 5th's accommodation with King Alfonso, Giles (being commanded) renounced those rights of the Papacy which were not his due, and was declared Bishop of Majorca; and the Cardinals likewise which he had created, were forced to renounce the Cardinalitial dignity.  
On the other side Vrban the 6th. being dead in Rome, after he had for eleven years managed the Popedom, with small satisfaction (by reason of the Rusticity and his severity of his humour) either to the People or Clergy; the Cardinals observing the schism daily to increase (that they might not leave the Church without a Shepherd any longer) they entered immediately into the Conclave, and created Boniface the 9th. in the three and thirtieth year of his age, who gave great demonstration of his prudence, in the whole course of his Papacy.  
He governed the Church 14. years and 9 months, in very troublesome times, and died in the year 1405. The Cardinals failed not to supply him immediately with a Successor, they called a Conclave out of hand, in which they remained not above four days, for after they had composed some small differences there, they created Cosmo di Sulmona Pope, (who was Cardinal di Santa Croce) in a time when all Italy was in confusion.  
He would fain have been called Clement, but the Consistory did not think it fit, the memory of the Antipope (who was called by that name) being so fresh, upon which score he took the name of Innocent the 7th. but I know not whether properly, or not, he having amongst variety of other vices, a very large stock of revenge: he was very eloquent notwithstanding, and believed that by the suavity of his tongue, he could like another Mercury, bring the whole World over to his opinion. He lived but two years, and died, leaving Italy in a very ill condition, for there being neither true Pastor, nor Emperor in Christendom, every Gentleman gave Laws as he pleased.  
Whilst Christendom was lamenting the ruin which that Schism brought upon the Church, by having one Pope at Rome, and another at Avignon, both of them reverenced by several Nations, and both of them acknowledged true and lawful Successors of Saint Peter, though but one of them could be the Vicar of Christ: Three Princes in France, (who by reason of the King's indisposition did then govern that Kingdom) viz. the Dukes of Berry, of Burgundy, and Orleans, moved by their Christian zeal, and a compassion they had for the sufferings of the people, by reason of that inundation of Schism, they went all of them together to Pietro di Luna, (who was called Benedict the 13th.) to Avignon, beseeching him that he would provide against this disorder, by renouncing the Papacy; urging, that it was much better to have the public interest take place, than the private, and the rather, because he had promised at his Election, to lay down, whensoever things should be adjusted with Rome.  
To these Exhortations they added others, promising him, that that Pope which should be made in Rome after Innocent, he should do the like, because those who desired the common benefit of Christendom, or had the service of God in their hearts, did believe, that if these two Favourites (one of France, and the other of Italy) were dispossessed of the power of the Keys, which they both exercised at the same time, as lawful Successors to Saint Peter, a third ought to be created, who should be the certain and indubitate Pope.  
To which Exhortations Benedict replied, that he did believe, he could not without offending of God Almighty, consent to the Counsels proposed, for his renouncing the Church, and abandoning the Flock of Christ, which by the common consent of so many persons, of so many good and worthy Electors, was committed to his custody; being unwilling to bring a thing in question, that he had so legally obtained: That for what respected the taking away of the Schism, and restoring concord to the Church, it pleased him very well, and he would condescend to it with all his heart, provided a secure place was chosen, in which every one might speak his mind freely. For his own part he promised, (and affirmed it with Oaths) that in case the Schism could not be taken away by any other means, than by renunciation of the Papacy, that he would renounce, upon condition the other at Rome would do the same, otherwise it was to no purpose to solicit it.  
The Princes understood benedict's mind, and how little he was disposed to an accommodation; they began therefore as soon as they were departed out of his presence, to deliberate among themselves, of some way of bringing him over to their desires. Benedict who was cunning in other things, apprehending some violence, fortified himself in his Palace, and was besieged there the space of five or six months: But being weary of being close so long, he embarked in the Rhone upon certain Galleys, (which he had caused to be put in order for such an enterprise, whilst he was besieged in his Palace) and in them he escaped into Catalonia, which was his own Country.  
Some there are who will have it, that these Princes undertook to discourse in this manner to Benedict, at the great instance and importunity of the French Cardinals, who hated the said Benedict, because he was a Catalonian, and not a Frenchman; besides which there were other reasons that rendered him odious, and particularly whilst they were treating, after the death of Clement the Antipope, to choose a Cardinal of France, they could not agree among themselves, so that to remedy that, they thought good to choose a third person, which was Benedict; as soon as he was created Antipope, to show his zeal for the good of the Church, he began to make Laws for the reformation of abuses, and many times he admonished the Cardinals to live with more Sanctity, and abstain from Simony, otherwise he would have them punished severely: In short, he was outwardly as meek as a Lamb, but inwardly as rapacious as a Wolf: The Cardinals therefore not being able to endure his humour, they unanimously solicited these Princes, to put a remedy to the business, and prevail, that Benedict should be deposed, and another more worthy be elected Pope in his place.  
The Italian Cardinals, and the Cardinals of other Nations which were present in Rome, after the death of Innocent, having observed the great negligence the three last Popes had used, and how little care they took to prevent the ruin which so long a Schism carried with it; besides other evils they saw daily springing in Christendom. Being entered into the Conclave, in a place near Saint Peter, they swore all of them solemnly upon the Holy Evangelists, which their Dean held in his hand, that they would every one of them renounce the Papacy, if they were chosen, so that the French, or Catalonian Antipope, renounced his Anti-papacy first. The cause of this resolution was to satisfy the French, who having introduced the custom of creating of Pope's according to their own mode, it seemed impossible to turn them out of that way with reputation, unless the Italians resolved to do the same; and the rather, because Benedict declared, it would be in vain to think of a remedy for the scandal of the Church, without a renunciation of both the Popes; whereas if they renounced, another would be chosen out of the whole College of Cardinals, that would be true and undoubted Pope, whom the Princes and the people would make no difficulty to obey.  
In the year 1406. Angelo Corraro a Venetian, was created in Rome; he was Cardinal of Saint Mark, and took upon him the name of Gregory the 12th. before he came out of the Conclave, they made him promise in writing under the hand of the Notary, to observe what he had promised, and subscribed with his own hand, and at last gave him an Oath; but the place where these two Popes were to meet (as we shall see by and by) being in dispute, and they not like to come to an agreement, both Gregory and Benedict alleging a thousand difficulties, the French Cardinals resolved to abandon Benedict, and the Italians Gregory, and to declare them breakers of their Faith. The Cardinals of Avignon, and of Rome both, being come to this resolution, they met at Pisa, and by common consent deprived Gregory, and Benedict too; all the rest of the Nations concurring with them, but Catalonia and the hither part of Spain; (a strange thing, the Spaniards who have been the greatest Schismatics in the World, are at present the zealousest Catholics in the Universe:) The King of Scots, and the Comte d'Armignac, were favourers of Benedict.  
But in despite of their contradictions, the Cardinals resolved by common consent to create a Pope, who in such calamitous times should govern the Church of Christ with Holiness and Piety; and accordingly they elected Pietro Filardo, a Minor Friar, and Archbishop of Milan, who took upon him the name of Alexander the 5th. a name suitable with his actions, he being the most generous person, that perhaps ever was amongst the Princes; for which reason it was pleasantly said by himself, that he was a rich Bishop, a poor Cardinal, and a beggarly Pope. Gregory understanding the news of Alexander's creation, and the sentence of the Cardinals against him and Benedict, fled towards Romagna, urging and insisting (wherever he came) upon a General Council; he stayed at Rimini for some time, where he was magnificently entertained by Carlo Malatesta.  
Benedict after he had held a Council in the City of Perpignan, by the intervention of his own friends, he retired again for his greater security into his Castle of Paniscola, where he had been a long time before. But though these two Anti-popes', had been deprived by the Council of Pisa, nevertheless they desisted not from their Ecclesiastical and Papal functions, creating of Cardinals, and particularly Gregory created Gabriel Condolmero Cardinal, who was afterwards Eugenius the 4th. as we shall show in its proper place. He lived not above eight months' Pope; after his death, the Cardinals assembled at Bologna, where Alexander died, and created Baltasar Cossa (a Neopolitan) Pope, who would be called John the 22. This Election, according to the opinion of several Writers, was violent and forced, because the said Baltasar being Legate, not only of the Town, but the Province of Bologna, he had a certain number of Soldiers under his command, which as soon as Alexander was dead, he began to double and augment, from whence it was collected, that not being able to obtain it any other way, he did it in order to his Election to the Papacy: Be it as it will, he was created Pope, a Dignity he always aspired to, and that so ardently, that having studied the Law for some time in his youth at Bologna, and having commenced Doctor, he departed for Rome; on the way he met with a Friend of his, who asked him whither he was going, he answered him immediately, I am going Brother to acquire the Papacy. Being come to Rome, he was made secret Chamberlain to Boniface the 9th. and a while after created Cardinal of Saint Eustachius; he was sent Legate to Bologna, which City, and the Country belonging to it, he reduced in a short time to the obedience of the Church, and a great part of Romagna therewith, banishing and driving away some malefactors, and executing others. For the space of nine years he gained great honour and authority in Toland, and a vast quantity of wealth. After Alexander was dead, he bribed the Cardinals with his money, especially those poor ones which Gregory created, by which means he arrived at his so much desired Papacy.  
Christendom being weary to see so many Schisms on foot, was contriving which way to give ease to the Church, and therefore by the Orders of all Nations in Christendom, John was cited to appear at a General Council, to extinguish the said Schisms; he sent two Cardinals immediately into Germany, to negotiate with the Princes of that Country, and of France, about election of a place proper for the celebration of so great a Council. By the major part of the Nations Constance was pitched upon, as the most convenient city of all. At the time appointed they met, and John amongst the rest, though he had been dissuaded by the soberest of his friends, presaging the danger he was in, of going a Pope, and returning a private person, as it happened.  
For all this John would go, and he carried along with him certain persons excellent in all manner of learning, with whom he held the Germans for a long time in variety of disputes, and a thousand ambiguities and doubts to resolve upon that which ought to be resolved on. But Sigismond arriving at the same time, and free liberty being given of discovering other people's defects; there were several great delinquencies objected against John, who being conscious of their truth, and fearing corporal punishment, as well as to be deprived of the Papacy, he fled out of Constance in the disguise of a footman, and retiring to Shaffusen, a City belonging to Frederick Duke of Austria, whither several Cardinals of his creation fled also.  
By the authority of the Council, John being recited, he fled again from Shaffusen to Fribourg, designing to throw himself under the protection of the Duke of Burgundy. But he was taken, and by Order of the Council imprisoned in the Isle of St. Mark, near Constance, in the fifth year of his Pontificat. The Council not suspecting John's Escape, chose certain grave and learned Judges, giving them authority to form diligent process upon the actions and life of John: and to report his misdemeanours to the whole body of the Council: There were above forty Articles proved against him, some of them so small, they might have been excused; but others there were would have beg●t great scandal to the church, if they should have passed unpunished; and these were such as declared him a Heretic, a Sodomite, a Murderer, a Simoniac, a Perjured person, a Blasphemer, a Hypocrite, a Gamester, an Adulterer, a Fornicater, a Poisoner, an Usurer, a Profaner, and so forth. Upon these considerations, all the Father's concurring in the sentence, John was legally deposed, and the sentence sent to him to subscribe, which, being in prison, he willingly did.  
That being done, he was delivered into the hands of Ludovico Bavaro (a great favourer of Gregory the 12th.) to be kept in safe custody, till the Council should determine otherwise of him. Three years he continued a prisoner in the castle of Haldelberg, under no few afflictions; the greatest of them all was, that he was not permitted to have any Italians to his servants, and the Soldiers that guarded him, being all Germans, they understood not one word that was spoken on either side, so as their discourse was only by signs.  
What manner of life this Pope had led, may be argued from his sentence, which was given by those only, who had been formerly of his parry, and had created him Pope; for those who were of Gregory's and benedict's faction, were not yet arrived at the Council, and received the news of it upon the way. In this Council a Decree was published, by the Fathers which presided, declaring that a General Council lawfully assembled, was unquestionably above the Pope, and had its power immediately from Christ's, and that therefore the authority of the Pope must needs be inferior to theirs.  
Gregory was resolved not to be there himself, being so persuaded by the Emperor Sigismond▪ and therefore he sent Charles Malatesta, a very worthy person, in his name, who seeing all the Fathers of the Council resolved upon their sentence, that Gregory should renounce, got up publicly upon the Seat, which was prepared for Gregory, and as if he had been present himself, having read the power he had from Gregory to renounce, he renounced the Papacy in his name, and declared him but a private person. For this prompt and liberal resignation, Gregory was immediately declared Legat della Marca, and went to his charge; but he lived not long in his Office, dying at Ricanati, of pure discontent, because Malatesta had made his renuntiation so soon, believing that if he had delayed his renuntiation for a while, he might have found out some expedient, to have kept the sacred Mantle upon his Shoulders. He died therefore before the creation of Martin, and was buried in the church of Ricanati; and thus two Popes John and Gregory being taken out of the way, there remained a third still, which was Pieter del Lnna, called by the name of Benedict the thirteenth, who made more difficulty of renouncing the Popedom than the other two; and because he had declared that he would never consent to the renuntiation, to make him do it by force; the Emperor Sigismond, with the Orators of the Council, went in person to the Kings of France, and of England, persuading them that they ought to be instrumental in the safety of Christendom, and the ease and security of the church, which was to be done by forcing Benedict to renounce the Papacy, as the other two had done: Sigismond having received a satisfactory answer from these two Princes, he went to Narbon, discoursed personally with Ferdinand King of Arragon, whose Subjects, or at least the greatest part of them, paid obedience to Benedict. Amongst the rest, one of their resolutions was, that Benedict should be persuaded with efficacious arguments, not to remain so untractable in resolving to do that, which the other two had done: And if notwithstanding, force of argument was not sufficient to remove him from his pertinacity, that in such case the King should force his Subjects to desert the said Benedict, and follow whom the Council of Constance should ordain; and accordingly he sent a most eloquent Ambassador to him. But Benedict who found himself in a strong place, and the people affectionate to him, suffered himself neither to be overcome, nor moved by their persuasions, alleging still for his answer, that he was the true Vicar of Christ, and that Constance was not a place convenient for the liberty of an Ecclesiastical Council, seeing that John had been condemned and deposed from the Papacy, by those very persons who had been formerly his friends, and received him to the Pontifical Dignity.  
The Princes of Spain observing the pertinacity of Benedict, concurred with the opinion of the Council, which was managed by five several Nations, viz. Italy, Germany, France, Spain, and England; all that these Nations had then done, was approved, and was published by a Trumpet, or a public Notary: As soon as by a general consent all was confirmed, and benedict's cause had been discussed, in this order and method, for several days; At last he was deposed, and declared void of the Papacy; no reckoning being made of those Nations which were absent, and continued their obedience to him, as the Scots, and the Comte d'Armignac did. About this time John Hus, and Jerome of Pragne his Disciple, were burnt and declared Heretics, because they asserted, that the Clergy ought in imitation of Christ, to be poor as he was, seeing that from affluence and superfluity of riches, sprung nothing but scandal to the people. If this opinion be Heresy, I would be a Heretic, and die a Martyr with all my heart, for I have always believed, and always shall, that the opulence of the Clergy, is the cause of their damnation.  
All these things being ratifyed in the Council, the Fathers began to consider of the Corruptions in the manners of the Clergy, and many there were of opinion, that certain Laws and Ordinances were to be established, for their reformation. But the greatest part held it not fit, to meddle with that, in the vacancy of the See. Whereupon they fell upon the principal point, which was the Election of the Pope, and that, to give the Decrees of the Council the greater Authority. And to the end the Election should be without the least scruple or jealousy, they concluded to choose six persons of each Nation, to go into the Conclave, and give their Votes with the Cardinals. On the 8th. of November 1417. thirty two Cardinals entered the Conclave, with thirty others for the several Nations, which is six apiece; and the Church having been four years with so many Popes, and never a true one, contrary to the judgement and desires of all people; on the 11th. of the same month, which was the Feast of Saint Martin, about three in the morning, Cardinal di San Gregorio (called Oddo Colonna before) was created Pope, with great joy and satisfaction to every body. The Emperor Sigismond, transported 〈…〉 e tidings, without consideration of his Dignity, went immediately into the Con 〈…〉 d having given thanks to the Electors, who in the great necessity of the Church ●●● made so good an Election, he threw himself at his Holiness' feet, and kissed them. The Pope embraced him, and seemed to treat him as his Brother; he gave him thanks 〈…〉 I'll, that he by his industry had been the occasion that the Church, after so many t●●pests and wrecks, was brought safe home into her harbour of repose. Martin would 〈…〉ds be 〈…〉 by that name, because his Election happened upon that Saint's day; and 〈…〉 expressed himself another Martin, in his zeal for the Government of the Flock of Christ, giving place neither to rest, nor to sleep, but devoted to his business wholly; ●e heard, he approved, he persuaded, he dissuaded, he encouraged, and deterred, such as had business with the Apostolical See, according as he was convinced the desires of the Agents were honest or dishonest; many times turning himself to such as had Governments in their hands, he cried, Diligite justitiam, qui judicatis terram. And certainly the Church of God at that time had great need of so skilful a Pilot, who with the Rudder in his hand, should conduct the Ship of Saint Peter, tossed and tumultuating in so many Seas of Schism and Sedition; and he did it with that zeal and affection, which so eminent a dignity requires.  
That which was the greatest affliction to the new Pope was, to see that there was yet one head of the Schismatical Hydra remaining, which was Benedict di Luna, who with certain Cardinals and Prelates, had shut up himself in Paniscola, as in a Rock of Schism, and so much the more, because there were several of the people of Arragon, who continued doubtful whether they should incline to the Orders of the Council, and acknowledge Martin to be Head of the Church, or pursue their opinion of Benedict. By the judgement of the Council therefore, the new Pope sent a Legate to Arragon, which was the Cardinal di Fiorenza, a Germane, and a learned man, to the end that under pain of Ecclesiastical Censures, he should in due form admonish Pietro di Luna, that he should lay down the Papacy, and not run himself into the displeasure of the Council, and of so many Christian Princes. The Cardinals which were with Peter, understanding the ultimate resolution of the Pope, and the Council, and seeing their destruction at hand if they persisted in their pertinacity, they went all together to supplicate Peter, that he would put an end to the Schisms in the Church, seeing that for the benefit of Christendom, Gregory and John were already contented to lay down their pretensions. Peter replied with his usual cunning, with which he was abundantly provided, that it was not a time to do it then; but that he would come to an agreement with Martin, if that which was reported of the goodness and integrity of his manners, should be true; and of that, they should leave the thoughts to him, and not trouble themselves at all. These Cardinals that were speaking with Luna were four, two of which, observing his resolution to continue the Schism still longer, left him, and came in to Martin. The other two followed the perverseness of Peter. But in short all Spain submitted to the authority of Martin, by whose example the Scots and Armignacks were induced to do the same, and with them, the whole Christian Commonwealth, except only Paniscola, which remained divided.  
The affairs of the Church being thus made quiet, and serene, by the diligence of all the Christian Princes, as well secular as Ecclesiastic, and particularly by the Emperor Sigismond, who took no small pains in the business, They began to canvas, and consider of the licentious manners of the Clergy, and seculars both, and to propose certain ways of Reforming them. But because the Council had been already of above four years' duration; Martin observing them all to be tired, and the Prelates to have suffered a thousand inconveniences, he was contented by the unanimous consent of the Fathers to put it off, till a more convenient time, in which they might discourse of the said reformation more fully: It being true (as Jerome said) that every Province having a peculiar inclination, it was impossible easily to reconcile them. Besides Martin knowing very well that that Schism proceeded from a small inconsiderable occasion, and lasted with so much misery to Christendom so long, and understanding moreover the news of the flight of John the 23. he was jealous lest it should give a foundation to another Council, and therefore published this Decree upon the calling of Counsels, viz. that the Council of Constance being determined, they should not hold another till the space of five years were run out, upon any account whatsoever, and that after that, they should stay seven years more, and after that ten more, and so after every ten years, they might be assembled in some convenient place, to consider of things appertaining to faith, and the Christian Commonwealth; and to the end that this Decree might be invigorated, and in force, Martin would have it confirmed by a Bull, and authenticated in the usual form: and besides, that every one might know how well he was inclined to the meeting of Counsels, and to take away those suspicions, which some people would have conceived, of the rectitude of his mind, he declared, by the consent of the whole Council of Constance, Pavia to be a proper place, and accordingly he sent out his Briefs every way, and it followed in the month of April the next year. At length being desirous to put an end to the Council, in the year 1418. he made a public Assembly, after which by common consent, but especially of Sigismond, Ibaldo Cardinal of San Vito, by Order from his Holiness pronounced these words of dismission, Domini ite in pace, and therewithal, all of them had liberty to depart to their houses. In the mean time the Pope was entreated by the Emperor first of all, to remain in Germany for a while, and afterwards he was invited by the Princes of France to retire into those parts; But Martin excused himself to them all, demonstrating that he could not do it, by reason that the Patrimony of Saint Peter, which was in Italy, did suffer much by the absence of the Pope, and Rome, the head of the Christian Religion, was (as being without a Pastor) involved in such civil seditions, as caused the Churches of the Saints to go utterly to ruin, for which reason it was necessary for him to hasten his journey to Rome, as indeed he did, travelling by Milan as the nearest way.  
He was Pope 14 years, and died of an Apoplexy the 20. of Febr. 1421. The first of March the Cardinals entered into the Conclave, with a general agreement to choose Gabriel Condulmera, a Venetian, Pope, who in his Legation della Marca, given him by Pope Martin, gave great essays of his prudence, in the correction of those, who under pretence of ill Ministers, had rebelled against the Church. Before their entrance into the Conclave, things seemed not a little embroiled, one part of the Cardinals pretending to Elect Cardinal Cesarino, another proposed Anthonio Cassino, both of them persons of greater parties than parts. But those kind of projects remained without; for as soon as they were entered the Conclave, in the first scrutiny, which followed the very next day after their entrance, Condulmera was chosen Pope, by the consent of all but 3 in 40. which was the number in the Conclave: This was the most expeditious and peaceable Election that had ever happened before; for it is certain, there was never any Pope chosen in the first scrutiny but he. Being demanded what name he would be called by, he took a little time to resolve them, and desiring to retire into a private place, he stayed there a considering above half an hour, from whence some of the Cardinals took occasion to say, That it was easier for them to choose a Pope, than for him to choose a Name. Some there were that believed, that he would draw lots for his Name, as if the goodness of the person consisted in his Name; it is sufficient that about half an hour after, he came forth, and declared he would be called Eugenius the 4th. The People received the Election with great applause, but a while after, taking disgust, they took up Arms against him, and he was forced out of Rome, in the habit of a Monk, to escape the fury of the people.  
There were many accidents which happened in the Papacy of Eugenius, in which he commonly remained Victor; He chastised those Cardinals who under the name of the Council, endeavoured to depose him. In the Wars he was always neutral, and unconcerned, and it was he who drew over the Jacobites to the Christian Faith: But that which afflicted him most, was to see that he had lost the obedience of the Germans, which happened in this manner. Philip de Florentini had taken a prejudice against Eugenius, because it was he, that had caused Sforza to be sent into the service of the Venetian; to be revenged, he fell in treaty with those who were assembled in the Council of Basi, to cite Eugenius, which they did three several times; and because Eugenius refused to appear, and his design did not take, he made him be declared divested of the Papacy, and got Amadeo Duke of Savoy, his Father-in-Law, to be created in his place, who lived then in the company of some Gentlemen in Ripalta, like a Hermit.  
Amadeo having received the news of this new Election, which was made by 26 Cardinals, after he had caused himself to be shaved, stripped of his Hermitical habit, and taken upon him the name of Felix, he went immediately for Basil, accompanied with a multitude of the Gentry of his own Country: where being arrived and consecrated, he began to exercise the functions of a Pope, ordaining, confirming, consecrating administering the Sacraments, excommunicating, creating Cardinals and Bishops, granting pardons and indulgences, and in short deporting himself as he had been Pope indeed.  
By reason of this Schism, great seditions were hatched in the Church, the Christians dividing themselves into three factions, one was for Felix, another for Eugenius, and a third being neuter, was for neither of the two; one side maintained, that the Pope was to be inferior to a Council, another asserted the contrary; and there wanted not others who denied the greatest part of the Pope's Authority, making a dispute, whether he should be called the Head of the Church, or not.  
About this time Eugenius died, on the 23. of February 1496. after whose death the King of Arragon dispatched Ambassadors to the Sacred College, to assure them, that they need not have any apprehension of him, he being resolved to give them assistance upon occasion, in the Election of a Pope, to which he did exhort the Cardinals. At the same time Cardinal Capuano arrived at Rome, a person of great worth, and whom the people cried up, as a fit person to be chosen Pope: But the opinion of the people, and of the College, did not agree, in which there were very few for Capuano's Election. It was ordered that the Conclave should be kept in the Church della Minerva, though the Canons opposed it, so that the obsequies of Eugenius being over, the Cardinals entered into the Conclave; the command of their Guards was given to the Ambassador of the Order of Saint John, which is as much as to say, of the Knights of Malta, then of Rhodes; but the Keys were kept by the three Archbishops, of Ravenna, Aquileia, and Sermoneta besides the Bishop of Ancona. When the Cardinals were entering into the Conclave, many of the Roman Barons came to them, and Gio. Battista Savelli amongst the rest, pretending a right they had to be present at the Election: But they were refused, and made sensible, that they had not now the same reason for that, as in former times they had had.  
There were but 18. Cardinals in the Conclave, though there were 23. living, so that the two thirds came to be 12. those of the first Scrutiny which was made, divided their Votes in 10. Cardinals, and therefore that Scrutiny being void, another was made the next day, in which Cardinal Prosper Colonna had 10. voices, and Cardinal Firmano 8. This gave some small addition to the opinion people had of Colonna, many believing him certainly to be Pope, especially when they saw he wanted but two voices. The next day they came to a third Scrutiny, and the 8. voices were divided, they having proposed some persons without the Conclave, yet the 10. voices for Colonna were entire. From whence Cardinal Firmano (who defended Colonna's party) taking courage, he began to cry out: Let us lose no more time in vain, in these contests, seeing the Church is so great a sufferer by them; let us open our eyes (I beseech you) which are sealed up as it were by particular passion, and look upon the evils impending: Behold Rome is divided into two factions; the French County declared our Enemy; the Schism of Amadeo Duke of Savoy, is grown stronger by our differences; the King of Arragon threatens us with his Armies: and why then do we lose time? why do we not resist these evils, by giving a Pastor to the Spouse of Christ? why do we not e●●ct Cardinal Prosper Colonna, who wants but two voices, and is a person qualified with virtue for so honourable a charge?  
The Cardinal Bolognese, being moved by these persuasions, rose up to go to Colonna, and give him his voice; which Cardinal Tarentino observing, plucked him by the sleeve, and said, Stay a while, not in such haste; a business of this importance requires time, and maturity of counsel; we are now deliberating about the Election of God's Vicegerent upon Earth, a Shepherd for the whole Flock of Christ, and a Governor of the Universe, and shall we precipitate in this manner? Cardinal Aquilegiense replied, Your words, Cardinal Tarentino, do import as if you would make a Pope o● your own, and wrest the Papacy out of the hands of Colonna: Explain yourself then, who is it you would have Pope? Bolognese, replied Tarentino; and I the same, said Aquiligiense. Cardinal San Six●o went towards the Cardinal Bolognese, and said, Thomas I make you Pope, it is appointed this day that we celebrate the Vigils of Saint Thomas; upon which words there was a common cry of all the Cardinals, We will have no other Pope, but Thomas Sarzana da Luna Bishop of Bologna, who was named by San Sixtus, and so with a general acclamation he was made Pope.  
This Cardinal was so modest, that in the presence of them all, he declared himself unworthy of so great a charge, beseeching the Cardinals that they would fix their eyes upon some body, that might be more able to do the Church service than he; to which Cardinal Tarentino replied, that he ought not to withstand the pleasure of the Holy Ghost, who had directed his Election; he submitted thereupon to the will of the Lord, and took upon him the name of Nicholas; every one admiring to see him Pope, who never aimed at it at all, and those remain Cardinals, who fancied they were already created.  
It is scarce credible with how much zeal this Pope began his Pastoral Cure, he spent the greatest part of the night, in ruminating and considering of a way, to extinguish the Schism of the Antipope, to which he by several reiterated instances pressed the Emperor Frederick; who (being willing likewise to do any thing for the satisfaction of his Holiness) forced Felix to renounce the Papacy, which he did in the year of our Lord 1449. about two years after Nicholas was created: however Nicholas used Amadeo with this courtesy, that he made him Cardinal, and Legate of Germany, that he might not be destitute of Dignity, in regard of the Nobility of his Family, which was reckoned amongst the principal of Europe, as it is esteemed at this present. For the abolishment of this Schism, and of so pleasing an agreement, the people and Clergy all Italy through made no small expression of their joy, showing their thankfulness with Bone fires, and Processions, especially in Rome.  
This deposal of Felix was very displeasing to the poor of Germany, for he was certainly one of the most charitable persons living: Being one day desired by certain Ambassadors, to show them his Hounds, he replied, that they should not fail to see them the next day; the time, and the Ambassadors being come, the good Felix (who was then Don Amadeo) showed them a multitude of poor Beggars, all of them set down at his Table, telling them, Behold these are my Hounds, which I daily feed, and do hope by following them, to be carried to glory everlasting; (many Princes of these days would have need of such an example.) He lived Antipope nine years, although he was very old, having seen his Grandsons marry with the Daughters of Kings. After his renuntiation, he lived but a few months, and died in Ripalta, though others suppose in Lusana, where it is believed he was buried, because he has a fine Tomb of excellent Marble there, at this day.  
Felix his Schism being composed in this manner, and the Cardinals elected by him, confirmed by Nicholas, they all embraced one another, obliging themselves, both the Cardinals created by Nicholas, and they who were created by Felix, for the future to a Religious concord, and to look nearer into the duties of their Dignity, and the inconvenience the Church had received, by their differences and disputes, swearing to one another, after a true resentment of what was past, a firm resolution of moderating their private passions in the Conclaves, and not to expose the honour and quiet of the Church any more. They promised moreover, that they would not only endeavour to put the Popedom, in the time of the vacancy of the See, into the hands of a deserving person, and one capable of exercising an Office of that Grandeur, but that they would hasten the finishing of the Conclave, to the utmost of their power, that the people might not have time to embark themselves in any mischievous design, and that the Princes might not be obliged to put their hands to the Work, because they, being troubled to see the dis-union amongst the ecclesiastics increase, were uniting themselves to give a remedy to the Schism.  
After the death of Nicholas the 5th. which happened in the year 1455. (as it were with extreme grief which he conceived to see the City of Constantinople fall into the hands of the Enemies of the Gospel) it was apparent that all which the Cardinals had promised, was with their mouths only, and not with their hearts; for the Cardinals being entered in the usual form (though with a small number but of 28.) into the Conclave, they began immediately to divide, not as Brothers, but Enemies, making four factions, that the election of the Pope might be sure to be difficult, eleven of them pretending to the Papacy themselves, and yet there were but 15 for any one; so that by this means there were two scrutinies ineffectual; after this there began strong practices in the behalf of Cardinal Bessarione, of Constantinople, a Grecian, who was one of the chief, which had opposed themselves against the Latin Church, he had disputed much against Purgatory, unleavened bread, and against the very person of the Holy Ghost, who he maintained, proceeded from the Father alone, and not from the Father and Son.  
Cardinal Bettone, Archbishop of Avignon, being adviced of this, and discovering the two thirds of the Cardinals declared in the design, he failed not to use his utmost endeavour to frustrate that Enterprise, and with great zeal he expressed himself in words like these. Most illustrious Lords, what? shall we make a Pope upon a present appearance only, without reflection on what is past, or what's to come? shall we prefer a Grecian to the Latin Church, and establish a Neophyte in the highest place of the Vatican? who is it that can assure us his conversion is true? heterodox opinions in matters of Religion, though renounced and altered with the tongue, do yet leave a muddiness and disturbance upon the heart? shall we give the Keys of Heaven to him, who for so many years; and with so many arguments, denied there was a Purgatory? shall we make him head of the Catholic Church, who opposed it with so much audacity? Is it possible our Church of Rome should be so poor, and indigent, that there cannot be one person found out, who was born in her bosom, and is worthy of the Government of the Flock of Christ? what will the rest of the Nations say, to see us go up and down, begging our Popes of this Country and of that? Rouse up your zeal most noble Companions, and permit not a thing so scandalous in the Church of Christ? this I am sure of, he which is a friend to Christianity, will not give his voice for such a Pope.  
These words being spoken with great energy, had such an effect upon the hearts of the Cardinals, that they began to change their designs, and place them upon Cardinal Alphonso Borgia of the City of Valenza in Spain, a person of great experience in Politic affairs, and of maturity in respect of his age. The usual scrutiny being made, the said Cardinal was chosen Pope, and took the name of Calisto the 3d. verifying the Prediction of Beato Vincenzo, who upon his deathbed prognosticated, that not long after his death, a Countryman of his of Valenza should succeed in the Papacy.  
Calisto lived three years, and died the sixth of August 1458. and on the 20th. of the same month, Cardinal Aeneas Piccolomini of Sienna was created Pope, by 18 Cardinals which were present in that Conclave, in which there were but two Competitors for the Papacy viz. Cardinal Rotomagensis, and Aeneas aforesaid: so that for the four day's time in which it was debated in the Conclave, they had no other difficulty but to make choice either of the one, or the other of these two; because Pietro Barbo, and the Cardinal of Pavia, who likewise made some pretensions, were excluded at the first. But that which was most curious, and worthy to be remembered, was to see each of these two persons, driving on his own promotion, magnifying his own virtues, and debasing the qualifications of his adversary. Rotomagensis in this manner went from one Cardinal to another, and said, What have you to do with Aeneas? what reason is it that moves you to think him worthy of the Papacy? what passion is it that blinds you, so as to confer an Office of that Majesty and importance, upon a Gou●y Beggar▪ how can he that is poor and infirm himself, relieve, or support the Church, which is as weak, as infirm, and as poor as he? Where is his learning? where is his knowledge? will you make him a Pope, because he is a Poet? It is not long since he came out of Germany, and who can assure you but he may have thoughts of transferring the See into Germany? for my part I should not have ambitioned it, if I had not seen a person stand for it, of much weaker parts than I am? I am the ancienter Cardinal of the two, for it is scarce two years since he was made a Cardinal, and in my Conscience there is none of you but knows, I have Learning and Parts enough to govern the Church of Christ very well, to the Government of which, learning and parts are absolutely necessary? Besides all this, I am of Royal Extraction, and have friends, faculties, and wealth, wherewithal to accommodate, and alleviate the necessities of the Church: and last of all, you yourselves will have advantage by my Election, by reason of the many Benefices I hold, which upon my renuntiation will be divided amongst you.  
Thr Cardinal of Avignon, an audacious, rash, and avaricious person was there, in favour of Cardinal William Rotomagensis, whose interest he pursued with all imaginable zeal, not so much as he was a Frenchman, as because upon his promotion, he pretended the Church of the said William, his Palace, and Chancery: He assembled therefore several Cardinals in a House of Office, as in a private and secret place, and began with many fair promises to inveigle them into the Net, and taking an Oath of each of them, he agreed with them about the way Rotomagensis was to be chosen. The business was held as good as done; nor was there any thing expected but day, to meet in the chapel about the Scrutiny. Cardinal of Bologna seeing things at this pass, went to Cardinal Aeneas after midnight, and spoke thus to him: I am come to bring you news, that the Pope is made; that several Cardinals having met privately in the necessary house, they have determined among themselves to make Rotomagensis Pope, as will follow as soon as a is day. For my part I am resolved to have a care of coming again into the noose, having experimented already, how inconvenient it is to have a Pope to ones Enemy; and this I can say from Calisto the 3ds. kindness, who never looked upon me with a good eye, for having spoke against his Election. My advice is therefore, that you put your own things in order, that you get up immediately out of your bed, and tender your service to Rotomagensis, as you desire not to have him your Enemy. Aeneas lost not his courage at the tidings, but animating himself rathe● the more, he replied, Avoid Satan! seeing you come hither ●ut to give that devilish counsel to me, which you have taken yourself: Keep therefore such Counsels to yourself, my conscience does not serve me to choose a person, who to my knowledge is not only not 〈…〉, but the most unworthy of all. God keep me from falling into so great a crime; and if others shall choose him, let it lie upon them to give an account of it at the latter day. I know well enough how inconvenient it is, not to have the Pope to be one's friend, but yet ●i● much better to have the Pope than God Almighty to one's enemy. He will not take away my life sure, because I gave him not my Vote; I believe he will lessen my diet, de●y me my Pensions, banish me his presence, and never consider me in my distresses. Why? in Poverty I have been hardened, I have lived in poverty till now, and in poverty I will die. He will not take away my Muses, who are my greatest refreshment; In short, I trust in God for the rest, who will never suffer the Church, his Spouse, to fall into the hands of so impure and lascivious a person. The goodness of God will not endure that Vatican to be turned into a Den of Thiefs, and an infamous receptacle of Harlots, which has hitherto been the habitation of so many holy and religious Popes. If the Holy Ghost makes the Pope, he will not be the man; if the Devil makes him, let him give his consent that has a mind to▪ t. The power of the Conspirators will vanish, the design being laid in so sordid a place. In the morning, by the Grace of God, it will be seen, whether the Pope be made by the combination of men, or the inspiration of Heaven; and if you be a good Christian, as well as a zealous Cardinal, you will not give your vote for one, who is a perfect member ●f the Devil.  
In the morning early Aeneas went to Cardinal Roderigo a Spaniard, and one of the Conspirators for Rotomagensis, who had received a promise in writing from the said Rotomagensis, and the Cardinal Avignon, that the Chancellorship should not be taken from him. He excused himself to Aeneas that he had concurred, because he did certainly believe he would be chosen, and he was unwilling to hang off and lose his Chancellorship. But Aeneas returned him this answer. And will you then sell your Vote? and by the sin of Simony, run yourself into the displeasure of God? do you take so little care then, to obtrude a youth upon the Vatican, and one that is an Enemy to your Nation? Oh blindness! Oh folly! will you give credit to the words of a person of no credit? know that the Chancellorship, which is promised so faithfully to you, is promised likewise and confirmed to the Cardinal of Avignon; so that for you, there will be nothing left but the bare policy; for, it can never be, that a French Pope will do more for a Spaniard, than for one of his own Nation. But if he should give you the Chancellorship, which never will be, the worm of Conscience will be still gnawing at your heart, as oft as you remember, that you concurred to the giving such a Vicar to the Church of Christ. In short, if you will not have an eye to the Christian Religion, to the interests of the Church▪ nor to the honour of Christ, have at least some care and compassion for your own reputation.  
Such was the contumacy and indignation of Roderigo Borgia, that he gave him not a word; so Aeneas departed to find out the Cardinal of Pavia, who was one of the Conspirators likewise, and having found him, he accosted him in this manner. I am informed of your resolution to choose Rotomagensis Pope, which I could never have believed▪ as esteeming you another person, than it seems you are: You ought to be ashamed, to degenerate so much from Cardinal Brando, your Uncle, who with so much labour and sweat, tired himself out to transfer the Pontifical Court from Germany to Rome; and you that are his Nephew, would transport it from Italy into France; it must necessarily be believed, that Rotomagensis will never give the Italians the precedence before the French, and you that are an Italian, will confederate sooner with France, than your own Country; what a sad thing Italy will be without a Pope? what light can we see, without that light? and have you the heart to be instrumental, with your authority and counsel, to deprive us of the greatness and splendour of such a Guide? if he should stay still in Italy, what a shame would it be to see her enslaved to a Foreign Lord? must Italy therefore, who is the Queen of all other Nations, beg her Monarches from amongst them? can you have the heart to see yourself a slave to the French, when it is in your power to make the French obedient to our Nation? is it not enough that you have had experience of the Catalonians, but that you must try the French too? who perhaps when you think least of it, will make himself Master both of Sicily, and all the Cities and Fortresses belonging to the Church; and the rather, the example of Calisto being so fresh, who gave his Countrymen the Catalonians, his utmost assistance to get possession of all.  
Cardinal Pavia replied, (but with a very low voice) that he did not believe the French had any thoughts against the profit and advantage of the Church, they having given with so much generosity, the greatest part of the Provinces it possessed, and they would not probably take that away, which they had given so lately; to which Aeneas replied thus: But suppose that should be, ought it not to stir up your heart against Rotomagensis, to consider the infamy of his manners? are you not ashamed to choose a man Pope, given to lasciviousness, and of so unconstant a mind? do you not abhor to prepare such a Bridegroom for the Spouse of Christ? and to recommend the innocent Flock of Christ, to the tuition of a ravenous Woolf? where is your justice? where is your conscience? where is your zeal to God? where is your prudence? how are you so much altered from yourself? you have told me many times, you would sooner die, and endure Martyrdom, than give your Voice for Rotomagensis, knowing the wickedness of his nature; and yet now you make him Pope in despite of your knowledge? what is the reason of so great a chang●? is he in the twinkling of an eye become an Angel of a Devil? or are you become a Devil of an Angel? Pavia was astonished at these words, and wept (I know not whether for sorrow or disdain) but fetching a deep sigh he replied, 'Tis true indeed Aeneas all that you say, but I have past my word to make Rotomagensis Pope, and if I do it not, I shall be held infamous, and a Traitor. To which Aeneas answered: As far as I see, things are reduced into such a state, that which way soever you turn you, you cannot scape the blemish of a Traitor, it is in your power yet to choose whether you will betray Italy and your Country, and be true to Rotomagensis, or betray him, and be faithful to your Country and Italy.  
Cardinal Pavia was overcome by these words, and took a resolution to betray Rotomagensis, as the lesser evil of the two; and therefore meeting with Cardinal Pietro di Santa Maria Nova, and other Italian Cardinals in the Cardinal of Genoa's Chamber, they altogether began to contrive the destruction of Rotomagensis pretensions, resolving to prefer Aeneas Piccolomini before any body else.  
Seven Cardinals there were of this opinion▪ who past their words to one another, and engaged before his Divine Majesty, to do nothing to the contrary: Cardinal Aeneas was against his own Election, as thinking himself unworthy, and declaring that he believed all the other Italian Cardinals very fit, except Cardinal Rotomagensis a Frenchman whom he excluded.  
How great the ambition of Rotomagensis was, was visible even in the Scrutiny, for being timorous and fearful things would not happen as he expected, seeing Cardinal Aeneas going towards the Schedule, he said to him with an humble and submissive voice, Aeneas I recommend myself to thee, remember me I beseech thee, and have compassion on me. Aeneas answered him only thus, Poor worm, thou mistak'st in recommending thyself to me. His ambition was moreover conspicuous in the prayers he went mumbling about, yet so, as his neighbours might understand them, lifting up his eyes, and his voice to heaven, and joining his hands he cried out, Deus propitius esto mihi peccatori. The Scrutiny being published, it appeared that Aeneas had three voices more than Rotomagensis, but they could not obtain their two thirds: however what was done, astonished the French Cardinals, and gave great encouragement to the Italian.  
Cardinal Bertone and San Sisto to hinder the accession, rose up, and pretended to go to the House of Office, in hopes that others would have followed, but seeing no body come after them they returned to their places. The Cardinals Roderigo, and Santa Anastasia in the mean time declared Aeneas with a loud voice, which Cardinal Prosper Colonna observing, being ambitious to have the honour of making the Pope, for as much as there wanted but one voice, he arose, took his way towards Aeneas, and though he was hindered and restrained by Cardinal Niceno, and Rotamagensis nevertheless without regarding their violence, or that he had given his vote for Rotomagensis, he cried aloud, I join myself to Cardinal Aeneas, and do make him Pope: which being heard by the rest of the Cardinals, without more ado, they threw themselves down at Aeneas his feet, saluted him Pope, and confirmed the Election afterwards, with the usual suffrages. This being past, Cardinal Bessartone spoke to the new Pope, in the name of all those who had favoured Rotomagensis, and his words were as follow.  
We rejoice most sacred Father at your assumption, although we have not consented to your Election from the beginning, which proceeded not nevertheless from any malevolence in us, but from an infirmity and indisposition in you; as judging you by reason of your Gout, in more need of rest, then of business, We do now acknowledge you most worthy of the charge, and do confess your Election to come from God himself; and we do hope therefore that the same God which Elected you, will pardon our ignorance, and supply the weakness of your feet.  
According to his natural benignity, Aeneas returned him this answer.  
Certainly according to my opinion, you have made a better judgement of things, than I myself; having imputed no defects to me, but those in my feet; and yet I am sensible how little I am worthy of so holy a Chair, and so sovereign a command. I know very well it was not any deserts of mine which advanced me: I acknowledge myself unworthy before his Divine Majesty: and I speak it from the bottom of my heart, I would not embrace that honour, nor charge myself with a weight so much above my power to bear, did I not sear the judgement of him, who called me to it, which call may be argued from what happened in my election: for that which two parts of the College do decree, must be believed to proceed from the Holy Ghost, whose inspirations we cannot, we ought not to resist. Let us give obedience then to the Divine call, let us give thanks to that God who has ordered things so: and to you likewise O Niceno, together with the rest, with whom if you continue in unity, we do praise you: if according to the judgement of your Conscience, you thought me unfit to be chosen by reason of my insufficiency, you did well, and I assure you, you shall be all equally dear to me, for I acknowledge my Election, not from this person, or from that, but from God, and the whole body of the College, inspired by the Holy Ghost, from whence all perfection comes.  
This said, the Masters of the Ceremonies stripped him of his Cardinalitial habits, and put on him the white garment of Christ: after which he swore to the observation of certain Articles, which were agreed on by the College three days before the Election. which being passed, he placed himself upon the footstep of the Altar, where according to custom, the Cardinals, and other persons of the Conclave kissed his foot: The Adoration being over, he was shown to the people, with the name of Pius the 2d. which he chose as soon as the scrutiny was ended.  
You must understand there was a certain custom introduced, I know not how, into the Conclave, of plundering and rifling (as it were) that Cardinal's Chamber which was created Pope; no sooner therefore was the scrutiny published, and the number of Votes in favour of Piccolomini, but the Officers of the Cardinals which were then in the Conclave, ran with all speed to his new Holinesses Cell, and (in a manner very indecorous, and unsuitable to the sanctity of the place) robbed him of every thing, taking away all that little plate he had there, and plundering not only his clothes and his Books, but his very writings of importance which he had locked up in his Cabinet.  
In the like manner the people of Rome not only only sacked, but demolished his Palace, carrying away the Windows, the Gates, the Floors, the Beams, even the Marbles themselves. However the loss the new Pope sustained in his old Palace, could not give him much trouble, for at last he found another, incomparably more noble, and more rich, and a revenue of so many millions to make him amends. But the prejudice the other Cardinals received was more to be lamented, for the Populary being in suspense, by reason of the variety of reports, which said sometimes this Cardinal was chosen, and sometimes that; the most insolent, and audacious sort of the people, ran to them all, sometime to this house, and sometime to that, plundering and robbing even the Images of the Saints. And it being talked I know not how, that a Genoese was created Pope, (perhaps by a mistake in the pronunciation, calling him a Genoese for a Sienese) many of them ran immediately to the Palace of the Cardinal of Genoa, and plundered it so, he had much ado to find a bed to sleep in, when he came out of the Conclave. When the usual Balcony was opened, for the publication of the creation of the new Pope, the People not having patience to attend the publication from the mouth of a Cardinal, cried out as loud as they could, some of them, long may Rotomagensis live, others, long may the Genoese, and others the Medanese: So that it was not known which of them was Pope, a thing very displeasing to the said Cardinals, who began to curse those who were the occasion of their exclusion, as receiving no ordinary disturbance, from so unusual an affront.  
The people were obstreperous, and in a tumult, but when they were assured Cardinal Aeneas Piccolomini was the person which was placed in the Chair of Saint Peter, as universal Father and Governor of the Church, they immediately laid down the arms they had taken up to satisfy their vehemence and passion, having no confidence but in their sword, and the face of the City was altered in a moment, so that that City which a little before seemed dedicated to Mars, in the twinkling of an eye became, (I will not say the City of Venus the Mother of the Trojan Aeneas) but a Paradise of Peace, and an Epitome of tranquillity, which every one expected from the Exaltation of such a Pope.  
This Election was generally to the satisfaction of all the Princes of Christendom, particularly, Ferdinand King of Sicily was very well pleased, to see so good a friend of his Fathers, admitted to the Government of the Church. Borso Duke of Modena was so much overjoyed at this Election of Pius, (as one with whom he had a mutual correspondence and friendship, from the time he obtained that Dukedom from Frederick the Emperor, in which concession also Aeneas had been instrumental) that in testimony of his congratulation, he made Tournements or Tilt, hoping under his Pontificate to meliorate his fortune, and augment his Estate: To that end in Ferrara, and in all other places of his Dominion, he commanded solemn Festivals to be kept for the Election of that Pope, which the people failed not to observe.  
Francis Sforza Duke of Milan, though perhaps his wishes were to have seen another Pope, nevertheless understanding Aeneas was Elected, he made his expressions of joy: having received him honourably in his own lodgings in Milan, and treated him with great generosity, a little before his Election. The Marquesses of Mantoa, Mon●●rrat, and Salussi, who were all Aeneas his great friends, were very much pleased, and ordered their Subjects to make demonstration of their joy. The Venetians, and the Florentines, were the only people dissatisfied with this Election; the Florentine (from a natural fear and animosity they had to the sienneses their Neighbours, with whom they had frequent disputes about their Confines) took so great a disgust at the assumption of Aeneas, that as he was walking in the Street, and saluted by those which met him, with a Dio vi salvi, they replied with great contumacy, ci salvera perch no: the Venetian likewise had no great correspondence with him: yet for all that, both the one and other dispatched most sumptuous Embassies to him, to congratulate, and pay him the usual obedience.  
The Nobility of Sienna, being jealous of the house of Piccolomini, as well for other considerable respects, as for fear the Pope should usurp upon the liberty of the City, and make it a Principality hereditary to his own Family, received but little delight at the news of Aeneas his Election: However the generality of the people, seeing a fellow Citizen of theirs, exalted above the Cardinals of all other Cities, celebrated his E●ection for several days, with bonfires, and such other transcendent Expressions of their joy, as seemed madness and extravagance, as commonly most of your popular solemnities are.  
But that which was most remarkable, and most for the glory and reputation of the Pope, was, that almost all the Barons of Rome assembled themselves on horseback, to Congratulate, and on the 28 of August about shutting in of the Evening, they made a solemn Cavalcade, every one with his lighted Torch in his hand, attended with a great number of Lackeys and Grooms, with Torch's likewise; which train being disposed into order, extended all along, from the Castle of Saint Angelo, to the Church of Saint Peter. The Ceremony was so Pompous, his Holiness stood at the Window all the while, to behold so illustrious a spectacle, designed and dedicated to the honour of his Exaltation.  
But above all the Princes of Christendom, Frederick the Emperor was the most satisfied: and not without reason, because it was by his instance, and mediation, Aeneas was made a Cardinal; and therefore transported with joy, he not only dispatched Ambassadors to congratulate his Creation, but he commanded Justs and Tilt to be celebrated for several days: The King of Spain did the same, and indeed all the Princes of Christendom, except the Kings of France, of Scotland, of Denmark, of Poland, Hungary and Cyprus, who for several reasons had no great opinion of that Election: But all the rest of the world (I mean of Christendom) were glad.  
I will not omit (though I shall mention it but by the way) to remember the great zeal this Pope expressed towards the recovery of the Holy Land, especially when he saw the Turk had got possession of Greece and Sclavonia: it brought tears of compassion from his Eyes, as oft as he heard of the miseries which the poor Christians suffered who were under the Dominion, I may say Bondage, of the Barbarians: This zeal carried him in person to the Council of Mantua, in which he negotiated the cause of Christ so well, with his most excellent eloquence, that all the Cardinals and Fathers concluded that enterprise into the East was necessary; in which he confaederated with the King of Hungary, the Venetian, and the Duke of Burgundy; as knowing those Princes most disposed to so sacred a work, against which all good Popes ought principally to bend their whole power, and designs, and lay aside, deprive, themselves of their passion to their Nephews, rather than see the Church ruined by its barbarous Enemies. Pius sent his Legates about through all Christendom, enjoining the Bishops, to excite, and inanimate their Subjects to an expedition of that advantage and importance to the Church.  
In the City of Sienna, as he was making his journey to Ancona; he understood that Philip Duke of Burgundy (who had promised to go himself with an numerous Army) had changed his resolution, and united with several other Princes, and People, as well Italians, as strangers, and out of envious and ambitious ends, were using all possible means to divert others from so holy a design; pretending and declaring that the consequence of that expedition could be nothing but certain danger, and uncertain reward.  
This news troubled his Holiness to the very soul: so that he sent away Legates immediately to try if he could reduce them to more rational resolutions, at least to sit still, and not discourage others, if they would do no good themselves: From Sienna he returned to Rome upon some new occasion, and afterwards departed again for Ancona, in which Port the whole Christian Army was to Rendezvouz▪ at lest that of Italy. By the way he met great numbers of Soldiers, designed for Asia, but more for their pay and profit, than to gain glory by the design. These kind of people were not at all welcome to his Holiness: he caused a Muster to be made, and selecting those he liked best, he sent the rest back again, loaden with indulgences and Pardons, as judging them fitter to pray to God in a Cell, than to draw a sword against the Turk.  
This Holy and Zealous Pope being arrived at A●cona, but tired with the length of his journey, was received with great demonstrations of affection, whilst he lay in expectation of his forces, which was dispatched from several Ports of Italy; being worn out with a tedious fever, he saw his end approaching, and calling therefore all the Cardinals together, who were then present in his Court, he exhorted them, not only to the hastening of a Successor, but that they should give the Keys to such a one as would zealously pursue the design against the Turk: In short he departed this life, earnestly recommending this honourable enterprise, in which he did resolve, to have employed his whole force, and to have spent the whole Treasure of the Church.  
And here would I have those Popes to reflect upon themselves, whose thoughts reach no further, than their recreations at the Castle of Gondolfo, and the Promenades of Monte Cavallo: But what do I say? I would have this Pope be an example to all those, who contrive more to destroy the Treasure of the Church, for the accommodation of their Nephews, than to ruin the Turk by incommoding their Nephews, or themselves. Asia laughs, Europe mourns, and both the tears of the one, and the exsultation of the other, will be judged and rewarded in Heaven, because they are regarded so little by the Popes, and the Cardinals on Earth.       

Il CARDINALISMO di Santa Chiesa, OR THE HISTORY OF CARDINALS. In III. Parts.  

PART III.  

BOOK II.  

The Contents.  
Wherein is discoursed of a Decree of Paul the 2d. which forbids the Creation of the Pope, without the whole body of the Cardinals. Of the death of Pius the second, and Cardinal Barbi his assumption to the Papacy. Of the name of Formoso refused by the Cardinals to the said Barbi, and why. Of the reasons why he would be called Paulus the second. Of the time he was Pope, and the number of Cardinals which were present in the Conclave. Of the creation of Sixtus 4th. and of his death. Of the assumption of Cardinal Cibo, called Innocent the eight, of his death, and of the time of his Papacy. Of the detestable courses used by Cardinal Roderigo Borgia to obtain the Pontificate. Of the Cardinals suborned, and of his ingratitude to those who Elected him Pope. Of the violent death of Alexander the 6th. and the disturbances his Son Duke Valentino gave to the Church. Of the Election of the Cardinal of Sienna, called Pius the third, of his death, and the time he was Pope. Of the assumption of Julius the second, and of what he did for Duke Valentine, who was against him, of the time he was Pope, and of the Vacancy of the Chair, after his death. Of the number of the Cardinals in the Conclave of Julius the second, in which Pope Leo the tenth, of the house of Medici was Elected. Of the creation of Adrian the sixth, and of the differences amongst the Cardinals, about the names of other pretenders, of his life, and of his death. Of the factions of the Cardinals of the house of Medici, and Colonna, and of the disputes which happened in the Conclave, before the Election of Clement the seventh. Of the sacking of Rome in the days of this Pope. Of the assumption of Paul the third, of the house of Farnese. Of the introduction of the factions of the Nephews, and the Crowns into the Conclave. How the interests of Princes were brought into the Conclave. How the liberty of the Cardinals was reduced to a slavery, and servitude to the Nephews of the Popes. Of the Cardinals which do adhere to the faction of the Nipotismo, and of the reasons which moved them to it. Of the opinion of a certain Roman Abbot concerning the Debates of the Conclave. Of certain reasons which make the Popedom appear, not Elective, but hereditary to the Nephews. Of the death of Paul the third, and the controversies which followed in his Conclave. Of the French exclusion of Cardinal Polo, and of the endeavours of the Imperials for his creation. Of the creation of Cardinal di Monte by the name of Julius the third, of his death, and the time he lived. Of the great, but short differences which arose at the creation of Cardinal Caraffa, who took upon him the name of Paul the fourth, of his death, and the barbarity the people used to his Statue. Of the Exaltation of the Cardinal di Medici, who was called Pius the fourth. Of the number of Cardinals, and of the factions in the Conclave wherein Pius the fifth was created. Of the time he was Pope, and of the Cardinals which entered into the Conclave after his death. Of the creation of Cardinal Boncompagno, called Gregory the thirteenth, of his life, death, and the ingress of the Cardinals into the Conclave. Of the course Sixtus the fifth used to compass the Papacy, some particulors about his Government, and the time he was Pope. Of the creation of Cardinal Castagna with the name of Urban the seventh. Of the good will Sixtus the fifth had always, that Castagna should succeed him in the Papacy. Of the promotion of the Cardinal of Cremona under the name of Gregory the thirteenth. Of the peaceable Conclave in which Cardinal Facchinetto was created, with the name of Innocent the ninth, and of the shortness of his life. Of the creation of Cardinal Aldobrandino, and the differences which happened in his Conclave, by the inclusion, and exclusion of other persons. Of the name of Clement the eight which he assumed, and of the time he was Pope. Of a Report in Rome, that the Cardinals were fight in the Conclave of Leo, and of the resolution taken to choose the Cardinal Borghese, who would be called Paulus the fifth. Of the life and death of Paul, and of the creation of Cardinal Ludovisio, with the name of Gregory the fifteenth. Of the number of Cardinals present in the Conclave of Gregory, where Urban the eighth was created. Of many particulars happening at the creation of Innocent the tenth. Of his death, and the exaltation of Alexander the seventh. Of the form of the Scrutiny used in the Conclave, and the difference between Adoration, and Accession. Of the manner of the Engagement wherewith the Pope was sometime Elected, and of several other particulars of all Conclaves in general.   

THUS far we have spoken of the Election of the Popes in a general way, for till the Pontificate of Paul the 2d. who succeeded Pius the 2d. the Cardinals had liberty to choose persons out of the Conclave; which being looked upon by Paul as an occasion of delay, in respect of the time which was lost in enquiring after the qualities of the persons recommended: he commanded they should choose none for the future, but out of the body of the Cardinals; by which means, the Cardinals became of extraordinary reputation, the Princes being obliged to give them no little honour, as seeing the Papacy like to be always in their hands.  
These remedies notwithstanding which Paul thought rational, and good, have proved vain, and ineffectual, having produced no other fruit, but the increasing of the Cardinalitial Grandeur: seeing there were the same passions in the Conclaves as formerly, and perhaps greater, for the Cardinals being jealous of one another, protracted the Elections out of envy, none of them yielding to his Companion, but multiplying their quarrels, they appeared rather Enemies, than Brothers, making more difficulty to give place to a Cardinal Competitor in the Conclave, than to any other uninterested pretender. For the better satisfaction of the Reader in this Cardinalismo, I shall give a short description of the causes from whence these discords have sprung.  
After Pius the 2d. was dead in the year 1464. who had Governed in his Pontificate six years, and his body removed from Ancona, where he died, to Rome: the Lords Cardinals assembling together as soon as they could, they entered the Conclave to the number of 20. the six others (for the whole number of Cardinals was at that time 26.) remaining without, in respect of the greatness of their distance from Rome. The 28th. of August they made their entrance into the Conclave, with full resolution to create Cardinal Petero Barbi (a Venetian) Pope, in whose favour, 15. of the Cardinals had declared, and there were but 14. necessary for his creation.  
Being come to the Scrutiny the third day after the shutting up of the Conclave, there were but twelve voices among the names for Barbi, the rest being divided, this way, and the other; so that two voices only being wanting, they came to Accession; and the Cardinal Deacon having asked them all, if they did approve the Election, and finding them firm to their opinions, he embraced him on a sudden with these words, I make you Pope, and immediately the Adoration followed.  
There were some controversy happened about his name, he desiring to be called Formoso; which the Cardinals would not concede, lest it should be looked upon as a piece of vanity, because his Holiness was naturally beautiful and handsome: upon the refusal of that name, he took the name of Mark upon him, with which the Cardinals were as little satisfied as before; upon which, he smiling said, Well then I will be called Paul, and by this name he was published to the people. But the Cardinals did not think it fit again, he should bear the name of Paul the first, seeing there was never another Paul in the Vatican, so they assigned him the name of Paul the 2d. which he received willingly enough, affirming that he valued not to be the second in name, so long as indeed he was the first.  
Cardinal Giovanni di Mela a Spaniard, was a great adversary to this Election, he carried the Title of SS. Aquila, and Priscilla; he discovered great indiscretion and malice, because he would never recede from his obstinacy, though he saw the Pope was made, he went not to kiss his feet, according to the order of his preceedence, but pretended to go forth, that he might seem to be the last.  
This Pope lived six years and 10 months, and died the 28 of July 1471. 27 Cardinals entered into the Conclave, 4 only being absent, two of which set out as soon as they received the news of his Holiness his death, to come to Rome, but they could not get thither before the Conclave was ended.  
From the very first day they began to talk of creating Francisco d'Alberola of Rovere, Pope, who was of the Order of Saint Francis, and was made a Cardinal by Paul the 2d. in the year 1467. But those Cardinals which were created by Pius, and some few of Calisto's Creatures, did what they could possibly to disturb the good designs the rest of the Cardinals had in favour of Rovere; not that they had any thing to object against him, but that they could not endure to see themselves outstripped by a Cardinal of fewer years, and the last which was dignifyed with the Purple. There were present in the Conclave amongst the rest of the Cardinals, Latino Orsino, a Creature of Nicholas the 5th. Roderigo Borgia, a Creature of Calisto the 3d. and Cardinal Gonzaga d● Mantoa, created by Pius the 2d. who being all persons of great authority in the College, endeavoured to draw over the rest of the Cardinals to Rovere's side, which they defended, with a firm resolution to die, rather than to elect any other Pope than Rovere: which discovered by the other ambitious pretenders, they desisted, and promised the Cardinals Orsino, Borgia, and Gonzague, that they would go along with them: In so much that in the second Scrutiny (though they could do nothing in the first) of the 27. Votes, there were 18. for Rovere, a thing not heard of before, to have so many voices for one man, in one Scrutiny.  
They came afterwards to the Adoration, and his name being desired, he said he would be called Sixtus, and accordingly he was proclaimed to the people by the name Sixtus the 4th. they having not continued in the Conclave three full days.  
This new Pope (either in despite to such as had opposed him, or to show himself a generous rewarder of good Offices) gave the Office of Chamberlain to Cardinal Orsino, the Abbey of Sbiaco to Cardinal Borgia, and the Monastery of Saint Gregory to Gonzague: Yet there were some believed, he had purchased his Papacy with the●e promises before hand, but it could not be so, for he was too zealous in his Religion, to be tainted with Simony.  
This Pope reigned 13. years, and died the 13th. of August 1484. on the 23. of the same month, after the usual solemnities at his Funeral, 28. Cardinals entered into the Conclave, so divided in their judgements, that many believed the Election would be very tedious. There were three Scrutinies ineffectual, there being none but Cardinal Barbo only, who was Nephew to Paul the 2d. and was called Cardinal of San Marco, which could reach to the number of eleven; the rest of the Competitors arriving a● not above two or three.  
Some of the Cardinals opposed themselves against this Saint Mark, out of envy which they bore to the Republic of Venice, not enduring to see two Popes succeeding one another so nearly, out of the same City.  
Giuliano della Rovere, Nephew to the late Sixtus, otherwise called Cardinal of Saint Peter in Vinculis, went one night to the Cardinal of Saint Mark, and told him, that if he would give his Palace to the Cardinal of Arragon, King Ferdinando's Son, he would oblige himself to make him three voices more in the next Scrutiny, which amounted in all to 14. so that in the accession after he would be sure to be Pope. But the Cardinal San Marco replied, that he would not come into the Vatican by Simony, nor make a bargain for the liberty of the Church; it being easy for King Ferdinand, by putting himself in that House, and fortifying it, to make himself Master of the whole City.  
Cardinal Juliano being very much disgusted at this repulse, went to Cardinal Borgia, a great Enemy of San Marks, treating earnestly with him for the exaltation of Cardinal Cibo, a Genoese, who though in other things he was deserving enough, yet in this case he suffered himself to be carried away with ambition, so that he gave licence to the two Cardinals aforesaid, to negotiate as they thought fit, and to promise Offices and Dignities at their pleasure, obliging himself by an Oath to confirm them; and thus by means of those liberal promises, they got 18. or 19 voices, who being got together, went up and down the Dormitory publishing the creation of the Pope, and indeed they chose him in the night.  
In the mean time six of the ancientest Cardinals were asleep, and little dreamt of a Cibo to be Pope; and when they came to tell them, they must come away, the Pope was created, they were astonished at the news; being got up, and come to the Chapel, they found things beyond all remedy, there being more than two thirds of the Cardinals of his party, so as they judged it best for themselves also to condescend, and in this manner Cibo was made Pope, with the name of Innocent the 8th. afterwards he rewarded them very well who had given him their Votes, some with money, some with Benefices, and some with Honours. His Election was on the 5th. day after the Cardinal's entrance into the Conclave, and the 16th. after the vacancy of the See.  
He governed the Church about eight years, and died the 25. of July 1492. after whose death, there was a tumult of the people, whole Troops of Banditi and Thiefs running up and down the Streets, committing insolences and murders, with such noise, that the very Cloisters were not thought to be safe.  
Roderigo Borgia ceased not all this while to negotiate the Papacy for himself, in the most ●a●●● and detestable manner has been formerly heard of: The Cardinals, the greater part of them, were bribed by Cardinal Ascanio Sforza, (one of the greatest promoters of that barbarous Pope) to that pass, that 22. Cardinal's entering the Conclave on the 8th. of August late in the night, on the 11th. which was the first Scrutiny, by common consent Borgia was chosen.  
An accident sufficient to convince us, of the effects of the natural perverseness of Man; for it has not been known that ever a holy and pious Pope was chosen with so much applause, a● this Juggler was, even honest men giving him their Votes, perhaps by Divine ordination, to mortify their pride: There was present then in the Conclave Cardinal Girardo Patriarch of Venice, from whence he was come Post thither, having understood the incurable infirmity of the Pope; though indeed he pretended to go to Rome, to receive the Cap from the hands of the same Pope, who had given him the Purple.  
This Cardinal therefore, who could not stand upon his legs, being so decrepit, and in an age of 92. years, foretold all the calamities in which the Church was afterwards involved, and with strong reason opposed the Election of that person; but seeing the ineffectuality of his words, and the press of Cardinals, he held his peace, and proceeded to the Adoration with the rest, which was performed the 11th. of August before day, and at the same hour he was published t● the people by the name of Alexander the 6th.  
The greatest part of those Cardinals who were bribed, out of a principle of ambition and covetousness, received the reward of their wickedness and corruption, in giving the Papacy to so unworthy a person; some of them being put to death by Alexander's order, others banished from Rome, and others confined to perpetual imprisonment; Ascanius Sforza himself, who had been his principal promoter, though in the Conclave he obtained the Vice-Chancellorship from the hands of his Holiness, in recompense of his pains, yet he had afterwards his share of chastisement, God Almighty not exempting him from his just punishment, to the end that by his example, the rest might be taught to banish Simony from the Conclave.  
Alexander died of a violent death the 12th. of August 1502. after he had reigned in a most barbarous manner 11. years: The Duke Valentino, his Son, gave many troubles to the Church, and no small molestation to the Cardinals, who thinking not convenient to enter into the Conclave, after the 9 days usual obsequies, kept out 16. days longer, in expectation of the march of the French Army out of Rome, which was going against the Spaniard, the Cardinals apprehending lest any tumult should happen in the City, whil●● they were in the Conclave, into which they entered at length on the 9th. of September, to the number of 37. divided into five parties, and so disunited in their thoughts, that it was believed impossible to unite them, without some great tumult.  
Those who were of the Duke Valentino's faction, negotiated for a Creature of the said Dukes, with the most infamous and detestable Simony in the world; yet in the Scrutinies there was not any had above 9 voices, for which reason they came not to the access. The Spanish and French Cardinals, each of them pursued the advantages of their own Nations, and the nearest Competitors, kept firm to their resolutions, of not yielding to one another.  
At length the Cardinal of Sienna, whose teeth watered at the Papacy as well as the rest, seeing all the Pretenders drive on their interests with promises, he also would follow their example, and accordingly taking the same measures, he went one night to the Cardinals Rotomagensis, Sforza, and Valleteravo, as persons which had the greatest party of followers of them all, promising them many things, if they would be pleased to assist his Election.  
These Cardinals saw it would be hard for them to happen upon the person they desired, and to fasten it upon the Cardinal of Sienna, would be easy, and being satisfied with his prayers and his promises, they consulted among themselves to make him Pope, and to that purpose they met in Rotomagensi's Chamber, after which, as a thing done and concluded, they went to be merry, and congratulate in his own Chamber, where it being his Ague day, besides his Gout, they found him in bed. It was said (whilst the Cardinals were upon agreement for the Election of the Sienese) that it would be best to choose him by the way of the Holy Ghost, to which Rotomagensis replied, that the Election by the way of the Holy Ghost was dangerous, in respect one single contradiction sufficed to render it null.  
In the mean time the Scrutiny was made, and the Cardinal of Sienna had two thirds of the voices; which the Cardinal of Naples observing, though he was very averse to that Election, yet he went to the Adoration with the rest; and afterwards the usual Balcony being opened, the said Cardinal of Sienna, was pronounced to the people by the name of Pius the 3d. a name he had chosen for himself, and leaving his proper name of Francisco, which indeed he ought not to have done, he being chosen Pope on the day of the Stigmata of Saint Francis, which was upon the 17th. of September, eight days after their entrance into the Conclave, and 34. after the vacancy of the See.  
Pope Pius the 3d. lived but 27 days after his Election, dying on the 13th. of October, not without suspicion of poison, many believing it was conveyed into the sore of his Leg, by the appointment of Pandolfo Petruccio Tyrant of Sienna, out of an apprehension lest his Holiness by force of arms should drive him out of his Country.  
On the 29. the Duke Valentino, called all the Spanish Cardinals together into his presence, obliging them by Oath to give their voices for nobody, but for Cardinal Georgio Ambrosio of Roano, who had promised the said Duke to make him Gonfaloniere, and General of the Church, if by his means he should be chosen Pope.  
The last day of the month, the Cardinals entered into the Conclave, to the number of 32. the two thirds were already agreed upon the Election of Cardinal Julian della Rovere, Nephew to Sextus the 4th. but that which is most wonderful is, that all this was transacted during the time of the vacancy of the Chair, with great secrecy, lest the Duke should have given any obstruction, who insisted much upon having one of his own Party. Six hours, and no more, they continued shut up in the Conclave, in which time they dispatched all things in favour to Julian, who was proclaimed Pope, with the consent of almost all the Cardinals, but with great dissatisfaction to the Duke, who would sooner have condescended to any one's Election, than to his, and that because he had treated him very ill in the time of Alexander.  
Cardinal Alessandrino, who was of the Duke's party, would not go into the Cardinal Julian's Chamber to congratulate, though he saw all the Spanish Cardinals go: a piece of obstinacy that Julian did not like at all, though he dissembled it for the present. The Scrutiny being made, there were above 24 voices which nominated Saint Peter in Vinculis, which was Julian himself, but all of them concurred at the Adoration, and being asked about his name, he said he would be called Julius the 2d. and by that name he was published to the people upon all Saint's day, which was the first of November; and the same day, in the sight of all the people, they came forth of the Conclave.  
Many people believed this Pope would be the destruction of the Duke Valentino; but he thought it best to make his Enemy a Bridge of Gold, and suffer him to escape, according to his desire.  
After Julius had Reigned ni●● years, and some months, with great reputation, though almost always in Wars, he died the 21. of Febr. 1513. On the 4th. of March, 25 of the Cardinals entered into the Conclave (7 being absent, the whole number then living being 32) it could not be discerned that there was any design amongst them then, though they had all their suspicions.  
In the first Scrutiny, there were not votes enough for any body, all the Cardinals being honoured, some more, some less, only the Cardinal Alborenze, who out-numbered them all, having received 13. which was no small terror to his Competitors, gave them occasions to make sad reflections thereupon. After dinner they went briskly about their affairs, but they could not discover in whose favour it was like to be carried, all the old Cardinals, and most capable of being Popes, remaining in no small jealousy and fear.  
Late in the night, in the great Hall, the two Cardinals, Medici, and San Georgio, discoursed together above an hour in that public place, without any bodies perceiving upon what subject they discoursed, yet every one suspected they were negotiating the Papacy for one of them; and therefore the rest of the Competitors went up and down, endeavouring what they could to interrupt their designs.  
In the interim the younger Cardinals, viz. the Cardinal of Arragon, Gonzague, Cornaro, Petrucci, Sauli, and Sedunensis, resolved amongst themselves to make Medici Pope; which business was so well managed, and prepared, that it was publicly discoursed every where, that Medici was Pope. The other Cardinals seeing things so well disposed in favour of Medici, and all ways of excluding him stopped, they went into the Hall where Medici was, kissing his hand, and congratulating his happy Election. On Friday morning, on the eleventh of March, all the Cardinals went into Medici's Chamber, conducting him to the Chapel of Saint Nicholas with great applause, where the Scrutiny was made, and all the votes, but two, were for him, and one of them, as is supposed, was his own.  
He was afterwards saluted Pope with the usual formalities, and then published to the people with the name of Leo the 10th. In the time of his being Pope, Martin Luther began his Schism in Germany, with so much prejudice to the Church of Rome, that it may be said, that little Friar, debauched more Provinces and Kingdoms from the Catholic Church, than all the Popes put together could ever acquire.  
He died the 9th. year of his Popedom on the 1st. of Decemb. 1521. of a violent death; for being at Supper, and having the news brought him that the French were beaten out of Italy, in great joy he cried out, God has been so merciful to me as to let me see three things, which I desired from the bottom of my heart.  
The first, was to return with honour into Florence, from whence I was banished with shame; the second, to have merit enough to advance me to the Papacy; and the third, to see the French beaten o●t of Italy; in pronouncing of which last words, he fell down dead with the glass in his hand.  
All convenient Orders being given for the good Government of Rome, and the Obsequies celebrated, the Cardinals 39 in number, entered the Conclave the 17th. of December, on which day it was discoursed the Ambassadors of the Princes were to have Audience.  
The discords amongst the Cardinals was the cause that they procrastinated the Scrutiny from day to day, and spent their whole time in plottings and disputes, not being able to come to the first Scrutiny till the 30th. of that month, and 14 days after their entrance into the Conclave; but that Scrutiny came to nothing, the votes being divided, 10 for Grimano, 9 for Cardinal d'Ostia, seven for Farnese, and some others here and there. The first of January they had a second Scrutiny, in which there was a Schedule put in, which named 13 Cardinals; which gave all of them so great a disgust, that some of them cried out it should be opened, to discover the hand; but having considered of that better, they let it alone  
On the second, they had their third Scrutiny, in which Santi quattro advanced his votes to 14. which made the rest of the Pretenders look about them, and endeavour to countermine him with contrary designs, and indeed they did it so effectually, that in the 4th. Scrutiny he was brought down again to four, Orsino ●ad five, Fiesco nine, and Campeggio, and Medici, some others. On the 5th. the fi●●● Scrutiny was made, and Fiesco had his nine votes still, d'Ostia seven, Santi quattro four, and Valenza, and Bologna, some few.  
All this while Cardinal Medici, Cousin to Leo, was labouring very hard for to get himself exalted, or at least some person that depended on him; and he did not labour in vain, for he got the promise of 17 of the younger of the Cardinals created a little before by Leo, that they should not any of them give their votes but for him alone, or such as he should recommend. And being fortified in this manner, he did what he was able to make himself Pope; but understanding the ancienter Cardinals his Competitors, were labouring as much to the contrary, lest any of them should be too hard for him, he suggested to his Cardinals, that they should give their votes for Cardinal Adriano, called Dertusensis, a creature of Leo's, who was then chief Minister in Spain, as having been Tutor to Charles the 5th. The 9th. Scrutiny being come, and the old Cardinals having notice of the young Cardinal's resolutions, to prevent their designs, they also gave their words to one another, to give the Cardinal d'Ostia their votes. Insomuch that at the opening of the Scrutiny, there were 15 votes in favour of Adrian, and 14 for Ostia, all of them sticking very close to their parties.  
Then Cardinal Medici began to propose an Access, and Cardinal San Sisto rising up, said, he could not but side with Adrian in the Access, because he knew him to be a person of virtue, and worth.  
The Cardinals, Colonna, Monti, Anconitanus, Piccolomini, Jaconacci, Como, Frani, Armellino, and others, followed his example; only Cardinal Farnese continued refractory with five or six of his party. Cardinal Santa Croce interposed, and exhorted him to master his passions, and submit in a business already determined, to which Farnese replied, he would not do it, because he knew not the person, he having never been at Rome. Medici told Santa Croce, that there was no need of desiring an Access, seeing the greatest part were already agreed. And thus Adrian was Elected, and being absent, published to the people by his own proper name, which he would not change, after he had notice of what was done; but made himself be called Adrian the 6th.  
After this, Ambassadors were dispatched to him, to give him advice of his creation, and to exhort him to hasten his return. In the mean time, it was decreed, that three Cardinals, exchanging from month to month, according to the Order of Preceedence, should take the Government upon them, and reside in the Vatican. And thus the Election of Adrian was concluded, after a suspense of two months and certain days from the vacancy of the See, by the great differences amongst the Cardinals.  
The Life of this Pope was but short, having enjoyed the Papacy but a year and a half, he dying in the Vatican the 14th. of September 1523. with little disquiet to the people, or the old Courtiers, who hated him exceedingly for the sourness of his humour, and to speak truth, there fell out several things in his Papacy, so much against the benefit of the Public, that they went about the Streets crying out as loud as they could Semper de Sextis Roma diruta fuit: for all that they gave him a most noble Funeral, after which the Cardinals entered the Conclave the 26 of September, to the number of 30.  
There were two which aspired principally at the Popedom Julius di Medici, and Pompeius Colonna, who had almost all the votes shared betwixt them. The other pretenders, were Alexander Farnese, Francisco Orsino, Ostia, Paceto, and some others, but their hopes was only in case, that if they could not agree (without which it was impossible to create a Pope) they would be constrained to make choice of a third, and then each of them hoped to be the man. These two Cardinals Medici, and Colonna, were the most potent pretenders, and perhaps made the strongest Competition for the Papacy, that was ever made in the Conclave.  
Medici, in respect of the great number of Cardinals, his Clients, and partakers, and in regard of the freshness of the memory of Pope Leo his Cousin, was thought to be something the more potent of the two; however Colonna balanced him by the interest he had in Charles the 5th. But in their nobility, faculties, dignities, and reputations, there was no great difference. By reason of these differences therefore betwixt these two, the creation was prolonged two months, and four days to the great prejudice of the Public.  
All the old Cardinals were favourers of Colonna, and all the young, of Medici: it was certainly believed, that Colonna would have been first forced to lay down his pretensions, by reason that Medici was looked upon as the stronger, had not the old pretenders, stuck close to the exclusion of Medici, and all, that the Papacy might fall into the hands of a third person, and they have their share; very good charity indeed.  
There were in this time above 25 Scrutinies to no purpose, their Votes being divided, sometimes three, sometimes four, and many times those Cardinals who thought of it the least, had ten, however they went on still, multiplying their Scrutinies, so that Cardinal Orsino being called one day to a Scrutiny, To what purpose (said he) do we continue our Scrutinies? we are the same yesterday and to day; there is no new thing set on foot; Colonna is firm in his resolutions, not to give place to Medici; Medici is as obstinate, not to give that cordial to Colonna, and we do but lose time to go up and down making of Scrutinies.  
During these controversies, there were many little practices contrived by the Cardinal Farnese, and as many by Cardinal Santi quattro, but in point of the Keys, all were frustrated; for no sooner was any person propounded by Medici, but Colonna was ready to excuse him; and on the contrary, no sooner did Colonna recommend, but they were as well prepared to obstruct it.  
The people suffering many inconveniences in the mean time, cried out from without, that they should make an end of the Election; and the more zealous of the Cardinals declared in a full Congregation, that it was high time to get out of that prison; to which Medici replied, he was ready, and Colonna said the same; after which there was no body replied: At length Cardinal Medici seeing himself opposed by Colonna with all his power, and to be out of all hope almost of gaining his design, he thought to do something that might push for it, and indeed it was his Masterpiece.  
He proposed Cardinal Orsino, a capital Enemy of Colonna's, and who had also some friends amongst the Creatures of Colonna; however Medici's design was not to make Orsino Pope, but to fright Colonna into an agreement with himself.  
To this end he caused it to be spread abroad, that Orsino had several practices on foot, and accordingly all the Cardinals of his party being together one morning, he pretended to go along with them towards the great Hall; and being asked by the way by Cardinal Monti, in these words, Whither are we going? he replied, To make Ursin Pope: This being reported to Colonna, and he fearing such a design, believing certainly they would make Vrsin (his professed Enemy) Pope, he called all the Cardinals his friends together, and desired them to give their Votes for Medici; and having done that, he went out immediately to find him, who was passing away the time in the Gallery, in expectation perhaps of what happened; as soon as he saw him, he said, Your most illustrious Lordship is making Ursin Pope, and I am come to make you Pope; and embracing him he cried out with a loud voice, Long live Cardinal Medici the New Pope, which was followed by the common acclamation ●f he rest of the Cardinals: and from thence passing into the Chapel, they made their Election immediately; after the Ceremony of Adoration, he declared he would be called Clement the 7th. and accordingly with that name he was published to the people, the 19th. of November 1523.  
In the time of this Pope, Rome was sacked by the Army of the Duke of Borbon, in the year 1527. the 14th. of May, and he made a Prisoner for several months in the College of the Spaniards, although some will have it, that he was besieged only, and not imprisoned. His Pontificate was sometimes with good fortune, and sometimes with bad; he governed ten years, and died in the year 1534. the 25th. of September.  
Some few days before his death, finding his end approach, he called all the Cardinals then in Rome together, and with a Paternal affection, recommended to them the brevity of the Conclave, protesting that if the Papacy had been hereditary, he would not have left it to any body but Alexander Farnese, because he did not see a Cardinal more fit than he, to govern the Christian Commonwealth, or to defend and conserve the Pontifical dignity, and therefore he entreated Cardinal Medici particularly, to employ all his interest in his behalf.  
Clement being dead, and the Cardinals excited, partly by the persuasions of the dying Pope, and partly informed of the excellent qualities, experience, prudence, and learning of the said Alexander, they resolved to choose him Pope after a new way, before they began the o● sequys of Clement, and without entering into the Conclave at all; but this resolution was constantly impugned by Alexander, he begging of the Cardinals, that they would not transgress and invert the Orders observed in the Elections of the former Popes.  
By this means it was concluded, the Exequys should be celebrated first, for the space of the usual days; Farnese in the interim keeping close in his house, to avoid the applause of the people as he went up and down the City, every body looking on him as already created. The 11th. of October the Exequys being over, 35. Cardinals went into the Conclave, being come from several Neighbouring Provinces, to be present at the Election of the New Pope: There was not much time lost in the Visits of the Ambassadors, every one knowing already who was designed to be Pope.  
The same night Cardinal Medici remembering the instructions of Clement, ●ell into discourse (but more for form, than any thing else) with the Cardinal of Lorraine, who was in great esteem in the Sacred College, and with the Cardinal Triv●l●●, who had then ●he Government of the French faction: In this manner these three, followed by all the Cardinals their friends, went about two a clock in the night to the Chamber of Farnese, who was then at rest▪ and putting themselves upon their knees, they saluted him Pope, and adored him, before his Election; which likewise was performed the next morning betimes, by a general concurrence of Votes, and being asked his name, he desired to be called Paul, and accordingly he was proclaimed to the people by the name of Paul the 3d.  
In short, there has not been any Pope created, either before or after him, with a more sincere, frank, unanimous Election than this, not protracted by envy, not corrupted by ambition, not precipitated by fear; and that which is more considerable, in this Scrutiny, all the Cardinal; put in their Polizies open, so as every one might easily read what his Companion did write. There was one Cardinal only, and he of no mean authority, who being envious of Farnese, ●aid some petty designs against him, but they were all to no purpose; Farnese having notice of it, went to him, not to desire his Vote, but sharply to reprehend him, for speaking so bitterly against him; the Cardinal being affrighted, humbled himself to Farnese, and with much ado reconciled himself, that he might not remain his Enemy perpetually.  
But all that I have said yet of the of the Election of the Pope, has been nothing but a mere superficies of the policies of the Court: the greatest differences among the Cardinals being introduced into the Conclave, after the death of Paul the third, by reason of the introduction of the factions of the Crowns, and the Nephews. The Princes would not have been so busy with the interest of the Conclaves, if the Popes had been contented to have been Christ's Vicar, in the Government of Souls only; but seeing they thought good to join the Sword to the Cross, the Princes moved by the interest of the Sword, have interested themselves in the interest of the Cross; so that as the Popes have rendered themselves considerable, and great in Temporals, and the command of the people; so the Kings, to whom God has given the Government of the Earth, have been obliged to have an eye over that Temporal State which is taken from them by the Spirituals. In the time when the Popes were poor, and had nothing in their hands but the Keys of Saint Peter, which I call the Spirituals; the Princes meddled in the affairs of the Papacy, either as Friends who were zealous of the Service of God, or as perverse Adversaries to the Divine Worship. But since the Popes became rich, and inarched up the Sword of Saint Paul into their hands, the Princes are concerned to see that this Sword be not unsheathed to the prejudice of their States, not to say of their persons, though the Popes do too often offend against them.  
In short, the love of God, and the interest of his Holy Church, for a long time elected the Popes, by the Votes of the Cardinals; now adays, the interest of Crowns, and Princes, the policies of the World, and the reasons of State, if they do not choose them absolutely, at least they precede the interests of God, and his Church; and this I am sure, but few Cardinals with a good Conscience can deny. This way of proceeding so blindly in the Elections of the Pope, has prevailed for above three hundred years; but for an Age past, it is so usual and rooted, that it seems a necessary virtue. Now the Cardinals who are engaged both to the Princes and the Church, do in the Elections of the Popes, stand as it were in a Precipice, and are in danger of running themselves upon Scylla, to avoid Charybdis, or upon Charybdis, to avoid Scylla, and this is it that obliges the Cardinals many times to endure imprisonment in the Conclave several days together.  
And to render the Election of the Pope more tedious, and pernicious, that is, more adhaesive to the world, there is another thing introduced likewise into the Conclave, within this last Age, and that is the faction of the Nephews, which prevails daily, and overgrows both the factions of Spain, of France, and all the Princes in Christendom.  
The faction of the Nephews was the cause (as we shall show in its proper place) that after the death of urban, and Innocent, the Cardinals remained several weeks and months shut up in the Conclave, without being able to agree, the interest of the Nephew's overpowering the intreest of the Crowns, which ought to have been the greater of the two.  
And now behold the liberty of the Cardinals enslaved to the Tyranny of the Nephews; the Ambition of the Nephews, Lording it over the Privileges of the Church. Is it necessary than that young men be preferred before old? that Ganymede be adored before Jupiter? Is it reasonable to exclude those who can say, and speak truth, Quadraginta annis proximus fui generationi huic, and to admit them who but begin to say the Introibo in domum tuum Domine? Must it be then, that if in the Sacred College there be found one Cardinal worthy of the Papacy, must it be (I say) that he must stand deprived, and uncapable, because he was not created by the last Pope? In this manner things are now carried, because they will have it so; but doubtless it ought to be otherwise.  
At present (and for a hundred years past) the vote of the Cardinals is not free; the last takes place of the first, and the first are forced to give place to the last. The Heretics laugh, and the Catholics laugh, and some of those Romans who are neither Catholics nor Heretics, make Pasquins upon the subject; a subject indeed too scandalous and reproachful to the whole College, but especially to those Cardinals, who laying aside their own liberties, and the liberty of the Church, adhere so close to the interest of the Nephews: manifesting thereby, that it was not their merit advanced them to the Cardinalitial Dignity, but their Devotion to the Nephews, and pronouncing themselves Cardinals of the Nipotisme, rather than of the Holy Church, seeing they do not serve the Church, but the Nipotisme.  
Some few days past, I had an accidental occasion of discoursing with a certain Prelate, or Abbot of Rome, who amongst variety of other things, relating to the interests of the Court of Rome, happened in the process of his discourse to declare, that he had been Conclavist to a Cardinal in the last Conclave of Chigi. ay, out of my natural curiosity, and in order to my History, which I was then a compiling, giving thanks to Heaven for so propitious an opportunity, beseeched the Abbot very earnestly, that he would inform me of some particulars touching the interests of the Princes in the Election of the Popes. The Abbot fetched a sigh at my request, and gave me this answer.  
Sir, in the Election of the Pope, the least thing that prevails, is the interest of the Princes, and especially of the Crowns; if you knew at what rate things are carried in the Conclave, you'd bless yourself. There is not a word of any thing but the Nephews; and the interests of the Crowns, are used but as a mere shadow, to the interest of the Nipotisme; for my part I believe the Princes, weary to see the interests of the Nephews preferred to theirs, in a matter of that consequence, will leave Rome to the Cardinals; and the Cardinals in Rome; who finding themselves deprived of the riches the Princes give them to defend their interest, will every one cry out without doubt, Quid faciam miser, quia Dominus meus aufert a me villicationem? And this I am sure of, that if ever the Princes shall resolve to take that course, their interests in the Conclave will be greater than they are now, which (if not nothing at all) are at least so little, they know not where to find them themselves.  
Certainly if things be considered impartially, it will be found that the Papacy is not Elective, as it seems in appearance, but Hereditary to the Nephews, for as much as the Nephews of the deceased Pope, are they which govern all in the Conclave, and will have it, one way or other, in spite of all those who endeavour to oppose them. But because a business of such importance desires better proofs, I shall proceed according to the order of Elections, and by experience of the successes of the Conclaves since Paul the third, render the Reader so well satisfied and informed, that he may himself confess, the Papacy is now become Hereditary to the Nipotism of Rome.  
Paul the third passed from this, to a better life, on the 10th. of November 1549. and his obsequys being performed, the Lord Cardinals to the number of 47. entered into the Conclave; they were divided into three factions, the first for France▪ governed by the Cardinal Guise; the second for the Emperor, managed by the Cardinal of Trent; and the third of the Creatures of Paul, conducted by Cardinal Farnese, a young man, but as well versed and experienced in Politic affairs, as was to be expected from his age, and something better.  
Amongst the Cardinals of the faction of Farnese, there were certain others, promoted in the time of Paul, and which is more considerable, they were able men, and mature both in judgement and age; by which means this faction being the greatest of the three, was courted and caressed by both the other.  
At the beginning of the Conclave, the reputation of the Cardinal Farnese, began to be very great, all people acknowledging it impossible to put an end to the Conclave, without his concurrence; so that each of the two factions took what pains they could to draw him to their side; but because (to oblige his Creatures the more to him) he had declared to do nothing but by the deliberation and consent of all his aforesaid Creatures together, Farnese, being weary of the importunities of the Imperialists, and the French, re●olv'd before he engaged himself, to consuit certain of his Creatures, more judicious than the rest, who failed not to advise him, with great reason and solidity.  
Some of them declared, that in case he would join with either of the factions, it ought not to be with the Emperors, for his reputation sake, because every body knew that Caesar was consenting to the death of Lewis Farnese, and for that reason he ought to incline to the French; but privately, and handsomely, lest the Emperor being provoked, should attempt something in his passion, to the prejudice of him and his Family.  
Others advised him to declare openly for the French faction, and that to frighten the Emperor, who would not probably be provoked to any violence, seeing him protected by the King of France, who would not fail to recover the States of Parma, and Placenza, for Octavio Farnese, which were in the possession of the Emperor, and by him illegally usurped from the said Octavio, who was the true Proprietor.  
To this others replied, that the Emperor was by no means to be abandoned, for the French; that the Emperor, who was at that time very successful, would be able to ruin the whole Family of the Farnese, before any remedy could be brought, yea though the Pope himself was of his side; that the nature of the Emperor was such, that the more opposition he saw, and the stronger the Princes were confederate, the more was his indignation and magnanimity excited; it having been found by experience, that neither 〈…〉 Pope, nor the King of France, have been ever able to give him the least apprehension. Th●y added, that no notice was to be taken of the death of Duke Lewis, for the Emperor ha●●●s●iciently expiated that, by giving Margaret his natural Daughter, to Octavio Farn●●● in Marriage.  
But the greatest part were of opinion, that seeing their faction was potent of itself, and stronger than both the other, there was no reason to join with either of them, but that they should proceed to the Election of their Pope out of their own number, for the glory of Paul, his Uncle, and the increase of his own reputation; whereby he would 〈…〉 a point, the Nephews of other Popes have not been able, or have not known how to obtain.  
Farnese hearing all these arguments, and many more like them, resolved to stand neuter, and to make a Pope in spite of all opposition, after his own mind, that is, out of his own Creatures.  
The Imperialists, who did not willingly consent to make any of the Cardinal's Pope, who were created by Paul, being desperate of success by the old men, began to promote the interest of Cardinal Poole, a Creature of Paul's 'tis true, but very well affected to the Emperor, and because the said Pool had many friends in the faction of Farnese, they looked upon the business as done. The Cardinals Sforza, and Maffei, great friends to Pool both of them, but one an Imperialist, and the other a Farnesian, were of opinion, that they ought not put in their designs so suddenly for Pool; but that it was better to let the fury French spend itself in the Conclave, to the end that his enemies might tire themselves out in the Exclusion of other persons. This way would have doubtless been the best, and the Imperialists confessed it, when it was too late, for they making no account of the Frenches excluding of Poole, would needs have it brought to a Scrutiny: and to make the business yet worse, the same day they entered into the Conclave, there arrived two French Cardinals more, who were not there when the rest entered. In short, the French opposed him might and main, charging him with Heresy, and so uncapable of the Popedom. But Pools friends knew well enough how to clear him of that, so they came to a Scrutiny, in which (with the Access) there were found 26 votes in favour of Pool, who ought to have had 33 of the 49 Cardinals: and thus all Poole's hopes vanished though the Emperor's Faction attempted it again.  
The Exclusion of this person proceeded not so much from the opposition of the French, as from the envy of the ancienter Cardinals, who could not endure to see themselves excluded from a concurrence in that dignity; esteeming it a great injury to give their consents to Pool, and be themselves past by, and rejected: they opposed him therefore very vigorously, making great practices against him, drawing away from their side certain of the younger, most furious Cardinals, and most desirous of Novelties, which were they that made the greatest noise.  
In this manner they went up and down, contriving new designs, now for this Cardinal, anon for another, every one endeavouring to try his fortune under the protection of his friends; amongst the rest, Cardinal Salviati, upon the exclusion of Pool, conceived some hopes, but it was not long before he met opposition, Cardinal Farnese not enduring him, as he was an enemy to the Emperor; the said Salviati having amongst all the Imperialists, only Sforza of his side. The Cardinals Sfondrato, of Lorraine, of Ferrara, San Macello, Ridolfi, and even the young Fry, put themselves forward one after another, but they were all excluded, some for one reason, some for another.  
The Election being so tedious, the chief of the three Factions met to consider of some way of finishing the Conclave, and the rather, because the people suffered much by so long a Vacancy of the See. They made an agreement therefore amongst themselves, that nine Cardinals should be named, of each Faction three, but that the nomination should be made by two only of the Faction of France, and that afterwards it should be lawful for the Imperialists to take one of the said nine at their pleasure, and that the rest should be obliged to concur.  
Of the French Faction accordingly were named, the Cardinals of Lorraine, Tornone, and Bellai. Of the Imperial Faction, Theatino, Monti, and San Marcello, and three others of the other Faction, Salviati, Ridolfi, and Trani; and so the said nomination was published to the Imperialists by Cardinal Sforza; who would not only not except of any of the nine, but finding they could not succeed in the person of Cardinal Poole, they began to have new designs in the behalf of Cardinal Sfondrato, but they were as ineffectual as Pools, or the French designs for the Cardinal of Lorraine.  
The Imperialists refusal of the nine persons which were named, gave great offence to the two other Factions, insomuch that it was proposed by the French to the Farnesians, to unite amongst themselves, and to choose a Pope in spite of the Imperialists; but they could not agree in the choice of their persons, because there were several Cardinals amongst the Farnesians who were obliged to the Emperor, and much afraid of his displeasure.  
In the mean while, several Cardinals joined with Cardinal Sforza, and endeavoured what they could possibly in favour of Salviati, a creature of Leo the tenths; and after many turnings and windings, to affright Cardinal Farnese, who was resolute in his adhaerance to his own creatures, they spread abroad a report one night in the Conclave, that Salviati the next morning should be made Pope, on whose side they had voices enough. Farnese took the alarm, and was really afraid it was true, insomuch that he went away immediately, half undressed, to the Chambers of his Confidents, imparting his apprehension, but was advised by them all to stand firm; and not to fear those rumours at all, because they were nothing but juggle and artifices to discover the intrigue; and amongst the rest, Cardinal Maffei, and Cornelio, assured him there should no Pope be chosen in that College without his approbation; and that therefore he should forbear speaking in that manner with every body, and declare to all people, that he would not condescend to any, who was not one of his own well-deserving creatures.  
Forasmuch as the designs on all hands were grown desperate, every one having tried his fortune in vain, Cardinal Sforza went to Farnese, and told him, that several Cardinals, weary of the tediousness of the Conclave, were resolved to create a Pope against the consent of the Cardinals of the Factions, if within two day's time the said Cardinal Farnese was not resolved to conclude upon some body; and proposed Cardinal San Marcello, a man of an exemplary life, no small wisdom, and one who had many friends in all the Factions.  
At length Farnese being resolved to finish the Conclave, he bent his whole mind upon Cardinal Diego Monti of the County of Arezzo, and the rather, because the Imperialists despairing to obtain their designs for a person more affectionate to them, were resolved to join in the person of Monti; and the Cardinal Ferrara, not only gave his own vote for Monti, but promised to procure him several more.  
At this time, the minds of the greatest part of the Cardinals, appeared to be inclined to the promotion of Monti, and he should have been saluted Pope in his Chamber one night, if the Cardinal Guise had not withdrawn several of the Cardinals, who being an enemy to Monti, made several bold attempts against him, and amongst the rest, he went to Cardinal Sforza, and obliged himself to bring several of his friends and adherents to Cardinal Salviati (his Kinsman's) side, if he would be content but to own the design; but Sforza told him, it was not time now (he having engaged himself to Farnese) to give his vote for Monti, which was almost concluded, and he could not fail to be Pope, by any means whatsoever.  
Cardinal Guise being astonished at his answer, entreated Cardinal Sforza, that he would be a means to reconcile him to Monti; Sforza conducted him to Farneses' Chamber, and went along with them both to find out the Cardinal Monti, reconciling them so effectually, that of an enemy, Guise became of his party, and brought all the voices he could get to it. And thus, after a tedious discussion of the Cardinals, i● the space of three months, during the vacency of the See, Gio Maria del Monti was created Pope, the 13th. of Frebruary 1550. about three a clock in the night, by the name of Julius the 3d. And in this mauner, the Faction of the Nipotisme was introduced into the Conclave, having overpowered the Factions of the Emperor, and King of France, with no small reputation and glory.  
On the 23 of March 1555. Julius the 3d. died, after he had Reigned five years, and some days; after which, the Cardinals to the number of 37. entered into the Conclave the 4th. of April, divided into two Factions; one of them Imperialists, supported by Cardinal Santo Fiore, Mantua, and Trento; the other French, and managed for the greatest part by Cardinal Ferrara; but there were several Cardinals likewise, which stood neuters, and complied some time with one, and sometimes with another. Julius' his Faction was not considerable at all, there being but few Cardinals created by him, and which is worse, they were divided here and there, and not actuated by any one, so that there was no mention of that Faction.  
The Cardinal Ferrara, endeavoured the exclusion of every body, in hopes to obtain it for himself; and Cardinal Mantua, and Trento, followed the same steps, thinking of nothing but their particular interests, having past their words one to the other, to give one another their utmost assistance, and the rather, because the Emperor had recommended them both, with equal affection; if they failed, he proposed Cardinal Santo Fiore, who was principal of the Imperial Faction, but thought little of being Pope, seeing things were so ill disposed for his interest.  
On the seventh they had the first Scrutiny, not that their minds were bend upon any body, but in pursuance of the Pontifical decrees, which required frequent Scrutinies, as likewise in honour to the pretending Cardinals, as indeed it happened, some of them having more votes, some fewer, Ferrara amongst the rest, having ten.  
Cardinal Farnese (who had the Title of Saint Angelo) considering in the mean time, and observing the many apparent difficulties, and obstructions by the creatures of Julius, and that by consequence the Popedom must needs fall among some of his creatures; he thought it but fit for him also to do his part, that some of his Confidents might gain it; and accordingly fixing his eye upon Cardinal Marcello Cervino de Montepulciano: who carried the Title of Santa Croce, and was advanced by Paul his Uncle, he imparted his design to his friends, and they contrived the way to exalt him. Cardinal Sforza had already set his brains a working for Santa Croce; but when he understood that Saint Angelo agreed with him in his desire to make him Pope, he rejoiced very much, and was encouraged the more because he knew Farneses' authority in the Conclave was not small. In this manner therefore, Farnese on the one side, and Sforza▪ on the other, began to manage their contrivances more strictly, and that with so much order and secrecy, that they were agreed before the Adversary knew any thing of it; and the way was thus.  
They understood very well the prejudice the Emperor had to Santa Croce, and they had discovered the Imperialists a version to a person so odious to the Emperor. Besides, Cardinal Ferrara being requested by them, as chief of the French Faction, that he would join in the creation o● Santa Croce, he gave them this answer, That he had many things to think of before he would give his consent for Santa Croce. They seeing themselves refused by the heads of both the Factions, and knowing that in this last, Cardinal Cervino had many secret friends, they contrived to hit the mark, without communicating with the said heads, who failed not in the mean time to do what they could to prevent their design.  
They sent therefore Cardinal Lottino to Santa Croce, to understand which Cardinals he had most confidence would assist him; Santa Croce replied, it was a hard matter to make a judgement of that in a Conclave, where oftentimes friends pretended to be enemies, and enemies friends; nevertheless considering the offers many had spontaniously made him, and the course he had taken to gain the favour of others, he did believe he had twice as many Cardinals as would serve to make him Pope; and to that purpose he writ down with his own hand the names of the Cardinals, in which the thought he might confide; but he had not time to finish it, Cardinal Cesenna a great friend of Ferrara's, coming in▪ and he being cautious of giving him any cau●e of sufpition, he took the note, and gave it to Lottino, with these words, Take it, take it, these are sufficient.  
The note being received, the Cardinal Saint Angelo, and the Cardinal Chamberlain, began to consider, of so great a number, what was sufficient to make him Pope; and having found it with ease, they selected eight of the greatest authority, most powerful to persuade, and most affectionate to Santa Croce: the rest of those who were written in the Note, they distributed to the said eight, to this two, to that three, to another four, as they knew they were friends, either to the one, or the other (a most remarkable policy) with express charge, never to forsake them, but to conduct them fairly into the Chapel, where the scrutiny was to be made, and then to speak to their heads, and letting them know their design, to entreat them that they would comport themselves with prudence and peace: and indeed every one of ehe eight executed their charges with that order and decorum, there was not one of the contrary party understood it, but the Cardinal of Cesena, who meeting Lottino in the Gallery, whispered him in the Ear, and told him, I know your design, and am pleased with it, tell the Cardinal Chamberlain from me, if you please, that I also will be for Santa Croce.  
They sent Lottino to confer with Cardinal Trento likewise, who had many times declared, that he would sooner give his vote to Ferrara, the head of the French Faction, than to Santa Croce, who was a Creature of Paul's: nevertheless Lottino persuaded so with him, that he consented at last, abandoning all his private resentments. Trento consulted with certain Imperialists, who were all of opinion, that though they did condescend to the Election of Santa Croce, the Emperor could have no cause of apprehension, seeing he was a person of inferior condition, and by consequence without hope of assistance, but from the State Ecclesiastic, which was weak and unable, by reason of the impositions of the last Popes. Trento being satisfied with this answer, returned this answer to Lottino, that he also did concur with the Cardinal Chamberlain, to make Santa Croce Pope.  
All these things being related to Ferrara, who endeavoured his exclusion as much as possible, being to that purpose retired into the Chapel of San S●xtus, full of fear and anxiety to see a Pope created in his presence, in despite of him. He went with Lottino, who was come to speak with him, into the Chapel of Paulina, where the others were, and declared himself willing to concur with Santa Croce, to the great satisfaction of them all.  
The conclusion being ascertained in this manner, the Cardinals Farnese, and Sforza, would needs have Cardinal Santa Croce, taken from his Chamber, and conducted to the Chapel by the Cardinals of Trent, and of Mantua; which gave some little jealousy to Ferrara, which he was forced to swallow, as time required. In the Scrutiny there were but three contrary votes, which were not so refractory, but they came with great cheerfulness to the Adoration.  
And in this manner it was Marcellus Cervinus was created Pope after the See had been vacant 17 days, which Election fell out the 9th of April, he being unwilling to alter his name, was published by the name of Marcellus the second. And thus you have the Papacy hereditary to the Faction of Paul, the second time; behold now the Farnesian Nipotisme making a Pope again, at their own pleasures.  
The days of Marcellus were very short, for he died the first of May, which was 21 days after his creation. The shortness of his life was the occasion that the same Cardinals were present, who had been in Julius his Conclave, and with the same conduct of Factions; unless in what I am about to say.  
There entered 45 Cardinals into the Conclave; a greater number than was in Julius his, because many were come a far off to be present at Marcellus his Election, and thought good to continue where they were till the creation of a new Pope. The 15th. of May at night they entered into the Conclave, in which day, they did nothing but give Audience to the Prince's Ambassadors, and distribute such Orders as were necessary.  
The Cardinal Julius della Corgna, Bishop of Perugia, and Nephew to Julius the 3d. who had not regarded the forming of Factions in the preceding Conclave, being advised by some of his friends, he resolved to make himself head of those Cardinals which were created by his Uncle, and he found so many of them as were sufficient for an exclusion, who were called by the rest Julianists.  
Farnese on the other side, being desirous to conserve the reputation he had had in two Conclaves before, entreated the Cardinals which were the creatures of Paul his Grandfather, not to desert him, but to follow him unanimously in fixing the Election upon one of his creatures, his eyes being still upon Cardinal P●ole, for whom he had always an affection, and taken much pains in his behalf in the Conclave of Paul. And forasmuch as the Cardinal of Corgna, to make himself more strong, had joined with the chief of the Imperialists, promising to concur with them in what ever should be for their satisfaction, if they would oblige him by choosing one of the creatures of his Uncle Julius; Farnese combined on the other hand, with the chief of the French, to fortify his own Faction thereby, and make the Julianists the weaker.  
The first point Farnese endeavoured to weather, was to make Cardinal Poole Pope, but he found two great oppositions; the first was, that amongst the French Cardinals, there were some of them so averse to Pool, that they openly declared they would sooner lay down their Caps, than give their voices for him; the second was, that even those Cardinals who were friends to Pool, were scrupulous of consenting, because he was then in England, whence he could neither come, nor go, without prejudice to the Church, and infinite inconvenience to such as should be deputed to conduct him to Rome; to which 〈…〉 sons he was forced to submit.  
The Cardinal of Perugia in the mean time managed his designs with the same vigour▪ to make one of the Julianists Pope, and that out of an animosity he had against Cardinal Farnese, who being used to give Laws to the Conclave, disdained any others creature but his own. He proposed therefore to the Imperialists, Cardinal Giacomo Pir●● d● Nizza, a person deserving in some measure from the Emperor, and a great friend to all the chief of the French, and the business went so far, that many went towards the Chapel to make a Scrutiny, there being votes enough.  
Farnese could not easily brook to see a Pope made by any hands but his own, and therefore though it was told him that Nizza was created already, he resolved immediately without the least diminution in his courage, to hinder the Election, by diverting it upon some person amongst the Imperialists themselves, and he proposed Fano at first; but he refused to serve for a trial in that Conjuncture, not being willing to engage himself, when he was sure to meet with infinite obstructions.  
The envy of Farnese increasing hourly, he thought he might overcome that difficulty, by proposing of Caraffa, by an excess of malice, doing violence to himself, for he was always averse to Caraffa's exaltation; and it is most certain, that his friendship and correspondence was greater with Nizza, than with Caraffa: yet to show himself a man of authority, and not seem to be overpowered by Julius della Corgna, he was contented to take the Papacy out of the hands of his friend, and to bestow it upon his enemy; but in this the mysteries of the Conclave were known.  
Caraffa being a Neapolitan, was subject to the Emperor, however, he held great correspondence with the French Faction, who no sooner understood the proposition of Farnese; but suspending the Election of Nizza, which was already preparing in the Chapel, without diving into the bottom of the business, 25 Cardinals ran presently to Caraffa's Chamber, by whom he suffered himself to be brought immediately to the Chapel, without any security of his Election. But God, who had ordained an end different from that, which even they that conducted him had imagined, in this sudden and extempore Election, caused all those propitious accidents to fall out, which contributed to the good fortune of Caraffa.  
Many of the Cardinals were astonished at the suddenness of the rumour, and went towards the Chapel, imagining Poole had been chosen; but finding the face of things clear otherwise, there wonder was increased: amongst the rest, Cardinal Morone perceiving the business, cried out with a loud voice, What extravagance is this? Farnese will have one of his enemies to be made Pope, the Imperialists, one excluded by the Emperor, as being too much a friend to the French, and the French, a Subject of the Emperors, who may upon consideration of his family, desert the interest of the French: if it be so, it is God's pleasure Caraffa be Pope, and therefore I'll not be against it.  
The Imperial Cardinals who joined with Farnese, deserted their heads, who refused to concur, and used their utmost power to impede the Election; but God Almighty who had decreed in the secrets of his Providence, that the Papacy should fall upon Caraffa, took away all means to prevent it. But those poor Cardinals who were the first that put it forwards, had no reason to triumph, for the Emperor being incensed, he punished their Purses, took away several of their Abbeys, and Benefices, and some of them escaped not without Personal affronts; but be that as it will, the good Caraffa obtained the Popedom, when he did not expect it, call himself Paul the fourth, as the first fruits of his gratitude to Farnese, who went up and down the Conclave triumphing, that the Pontifical dignity was the third time hereditary to the Farnesian Nipotismne, inspite of all the politic reasons of the Cardinals.  
The Exaltation of this Pope happened upon Ascension day, the 23 of May, after seven day's Conclave, and 22 day's vacancy of the See, and after fierce, though no long disputes; for Farneses' resolution was taken, the whole contrivance laid, and executed, and the Scrutiny performed, in seven hours' time at the most.  
Paul lived four years and three months, his Papacy unhappy for the Church, and unfortunate for the people; he died the 18th. of August 1559. his house having received no small injury by the fury of the people, who cut off the head of the Statue of the said Paul, and drew the body about the Streets of Rome, with great shame to the Pontifical Majesty.  
About the beginning of September, 42 Cardinals entered the Conclave, no other person being before them, but only the Cardinal Queva a Spaniard, who being assured of the Imperialists, sent (by means of his Conclavist) to entreat several other Cardinals to give him their votes, and indeed he found enough of them willing to have made him Pope; whilst others, looking upon him as secure, went and offered it themselves, so that the next day after their entrance, they came to a Scrutiny, with confidence he was to be created Pope.  
Whilst the Cardinals were writing their Schedules, the Cardinal Capo di ferro an Imperialist, turning to those who were next him, (who were Frenchmen) demanded, for whom they gave their Votes; and being answered, for the Cardinal della Queva, he began to apprehend whether it was in earnest or not, believing in truth, that all was but words, and that their promises made to Queva, were only to cajole him, and not to make him Pope; whereupon standing up, he demanded the same of the rest of the Cardinals, who all gave him the same answer, that they were for Quiva.  
Being fortified therefore in his former persuasion, he admonished them one by one of the Error they were falling into, by reason of their inadvertency, declaring to them the incapacity of the person. Whereupon most of them tore the Schedules in pieces, which they had writ in favour of Queva, and writ others, every one according to his inclinations, several Cardinals being honoured, some with more, some with fewer Votes; but Queva who had been concluded Pope by them all, had but nine, he attributing the memory of so great an affront, to Cardinal Capo di ferro, who was without doubt the only instrument that prevented his being Pope.  
Queva being thus defeated in his hopes, Cardinal Cornaro began to set up for himself; he had the Cardinal Pisani in the French faction for his Uncle, and he was himself one of the Imperial, imagining by that means to gain both parties, and indeed there was great probability, many of the Imperialists having passed their paroles to Cornaro, and almost all the French to Pisani; but when it came to the point, all their designs came to nothing, for the Imperialists would not trust Cornaro, seeing the concurrence of the French procured by his Uncle, nor were the French satisfied to see him an Imperialist.  
After this the French thought to pitch upon the person of Cardinal Turnone, a man certainly the most worthy of the whole Conclave, and being so, the French imagined that in the Scrutiny, even Conscience would prevail with many of the Cardinals, and they would give him their Vote, as the most meritorious; and so having joined 24. certain Votes, they went one day towards the Chapel, secure, as they thought, he would be chosen Pope; and the rather, because many of the Imperialists knowing his deserts, durst not commence any practices against him: But the Italian Cardinals retaining their old fear, of having the Court again transferred to Avignon, opposed themselves against it: so that in two Scrutinies he had not above half the Votes which were necessary, and to the accession there was not one Italian would go, though the French with their wont fury obtained one; and so Turnone was excluded with the rest.  
But all these projects and practices, though they were kept on foot for several days, were not so considerable, or troublesome to the Conclave, as the designs of Cardinal Carpi, who having only the favour of Paul the third, had such opportunity of making many of the Cardinals his friends, by procuring graces sometimes for this, and sometimes for that, that it came into his head, that he also might run for the prize, with some assurance of success.  
The first thing he endeavoured, or at least his friends for him, was to gain the faction of King Philip, which was managed by Cardinal Sforza the Chamberlain, and that he obtained without much difficulty, as well because he knew how little he was inclined to the Crown of France, as in respect of a Marriage which was in Treaty, and promised faithfully to be concluded, betwixt a Sister of the said Carpi, and i'll Signior Paolo Brother to Sforza, which was that which gave the greatest encouragement to Sforza, to procure his creation▪  
Two things there were which promoted the Exclusion of this person; the first was, that Farnese, and Trent, Cardinals of the greatest authority, and Principals in the College, being disgusted that Sforza should have the honour to make a Pope, with the faction of King Philip, they began to think it not convenient to consent to such an Election, and therefore they conspired against it; which when Sforza had notice of, he declared that he did it not with the concurrence of any of the Imperialists; confronting one another in this manner with their particular interests, to the great prejudice of the Public.  
The other opposition proceeded from the enmity Cardinal Ferrara professed, who being out of favour with Paul, kept himself out of Rome all the time of his Pontificate, out of an opinion, that Carpi contributed thereto; and from hence being jealous of the greatness of the said Carpi, and adding thereto a suspicion he had, that Carpi had but small affection for the King of France, whose faction he managed with principal authority, he set himself against his creation from the very first: But being pressed by the instances of the Grand Duke, who ordered Lottino to negotiate the exaltation of Carpi, in his behalf; he excused himself, by saying, that he would not oblige himself by any promise, in a matter of such importance to the most Christian King, without communicating with the Cardinal of Turnone, who was not far off of Rome, and expected from day to day: Turnone being arrived, and Ferrara importuned by Lottino to go over to Carpi, he replied, that the Cardinal Turnone thought ●it he should attend the coming of Cardinal Guise, who came with particular instructions from his Majesty.  
At length, after a month's expectation, Guise being arrived, and pressed for a resolution, things not being able to stand any longer without a Pope; and understanding there were gre●t clamours and exclamations without, Cardinal Ferrara, obliged as it were by the faith of a promise, declared that he would not concur with Carpi, but with the Cardinal of Mantua; a thing which succeeded beyond the expectation and opinion of Sforza, who had attended so long in expectation of Turnone and Guise, and filled the Conclave with confusion and controversy, Ferrara receiving no small curses from Carpi's friends.  
At last Farnese resolved courageously to put an end to the Conclave, and without giving time to Mantua's friends to corroborate themselves in this noise, and distraction, he gave himself over, with the help of his confidents, to set up the Cardinal Medici, who immediately upon his assistance was created Pope, after 4 months and some days vacancy of the See, with the votes of 44 Cardinals, at 7 a clock at night, on the 24 of December; and having made choice of the name of Pius the 4th. he was the next morning betimes published, with great joy to the people; But above all to Cardinal Farnese, who triumphed to see the Papacy the fourth time at his beck, and the Farnesian Nipotisme, conquerors in four several Conclaves.  
Pope Pius the 4th: Governed six years, and died the 10th. of December 1565. and on the 2d. of January the Cardinals entered into the Conclave, to the number of 49. a number greater than had been formerly seen, which gave many occasion to believe, that amongst such a multitude, there must needs be great difference of opinions, the Election by consequence long, and the disturbances in the Conclave infinite.  
But experience proved, they were all mistaken, and because they did not consider, that 'tis the heads of the factions which make the Pope, and not the number of Cardinals, who follow the heads commonly, and (with respect be it spoken) 'tis upon their resolutions the tediousness or expedition of the Conclave depends.  
And truly they who understood the mysteries and affairs of the Conclave, concluded this would be short, and without much contect, by reason of the fewness of the factions therein, for neither the Emperor nor the King of France, had any at all there. The Emperor had none, because he was immediately upon his assumption to the Empire, environed with so many difficulties, he had no time to think of the interests of Rome, the King of France had none, because he was very young, his Kingdom harrassed with civil and intestine Wars, and his Mother a Stranger; King Philip, though free and at leisure, and the example of Charles the 5th. fresh in his memory, who took more care to watch over the proceedings at Rome, then of all the rest, cared not to give himself any trouble, but left that whole business to the Cardinals.  
In this manner the Conclave was divided into two Factions of the Nephews only, the one of the Creatures, and other friends of Paul the 3d. which was guided by the Cardinal Alexander Farnese; the other of the Creatures of Pius the 5th. managed by Cardinal Charl● Borromeo, Nephew to the said Pope, each of them resolved not to let the Papacy slip out of the hands of their own Creatures: The Cardinal Ferrara, by reason of his infirmities, which confined him to his Bed, was not able to manage, or form, any faction, though Cardinal d'Este his Nephew attempted to have done it.  
Of these two Cardinals the heads of factions, Borrom●● had the greater number, and it is certain, never any Pope's Nephew entered the Conclave with a greater party than Borromeo, nor did the Cardinals ever show themselves more affectionate, than they did in this.  
Cardinal Farnese, though he came short in the number of his Cardinals, yet he was before Borromeo in the Excellence of his judgement, and in the conduct of his designs; as being by a long experience become a perfect Master of the Conclave, whereas Borromeo was beginning only to be a disciple.  
The first attempts in this Conclave, were made by the Cardinal's M●rone, Amulio, Buoncompagno, which being excluded for sundry reasons, Pisa, Montepulciano, and Ara-Celi were proposed; but they met with as many difficulties as the other, and such indeed as were sufficient to put them out of all hopes.  
Borromeo who pretended to nothing more than to expedite the Conclave, pitched his eye upon Cardinal Alexandrino, of whom he had not thought in the beginning, concluding he might make him Pope, because the whole College loved him, for his goodness and worth, and by consequence knew him fit for so high a degree; having imparted his mind to Cardinal Altemps, who was a great friend of Alexandrino's, he demonstrated to him, that he could not employ his interest better, than in the behalf of a person of his bounty and merit, and of great affection to Borromeo: and in this manner the judgements of Borromeo and Altemps, being discovered to Cardinal Farnese, he concurred without much difficulty, as well because, he found it impossible to make any of his own Creatures, as for the love he professed to the said Alexandrino, with whom he had had some discourse, about his Election, advising to put himself into the number of Competitors, offering him his service, which was not penetrated by Borromeo.  
Things being in this posture, there was nothing wanting, but the publication of the state of affairs, in which Borromeo proceeded but slowly, out of a reverence he bore to Cardinal Morone, whom he durst not exclude openly from the Papacy, having promised to stand firm always for him: but at length by the mediation of Cardinal Altemps, he let him understand it; wherefore Morone who was going on warily in his designs, seeing things impossible to be altered, commended the Election of Alexandrino, perhaps stimulated by his Conscience, for he could not deny but it passed to a person who was replete with all necessary virtues.  
The conclusion therefore being discovered, with no small admiration, to such as had not yet penetrated into any thing of the transaction, every body ran with emulation, to the adoration of Alexandrino, though many wondering much at the suddenness of the affair, could scarce believe it was true which they saw: and thus Michael Ghisilieri of the City of Bosco, six miles from the City of Alexandria della Paglia, was created Pope, and called from thence Alexandrino: which Election, and adoration followed the 7th. of January 1566. with the Votes of 52. Cardinals, three being arrived after the rest were entered the Conclave.  
He would be called Pius the 5th. as a token of his gratitude to Borromeo, by renewing the memory of his Uncle, besides the esteem he had really for him; nor was he less unthankful to Farnese. In this Conclave, the authority of the Nephews of Paul the 3d. and of Pius the 4th. was so absolute, it may be said they were but one interest, seeing two such potent factions agreed in so short a time, for the vacancy of the See was but 26. days.  
Seven years Pius the 5th. lived, and then passed into a better life, the first of May 1572. and on the 10th. after the usual celebration of his Funeral, 52. Cardinals entered the Conclave, and began their practices in manner following.  
The friends of Morone having tried the first day of their ingress, to make him Pope, and finding all their labour in vain, they betook themselves to other designs. The Cardinal Granvela at that time joined himself to Farnese, who had the most followers of them all; they had long discourse together about the Election of a new Pope, and at last came to an agreement, that Fa●nese should name three persons at his pleasure, and Granvela obliged himself to choose one of the three.  
Farnese was contented, and named Cardinal Montepulciano, Buon compagno, and ●●rreggio: The nomination being accepted by Granvela, he went immediately to find out Cardinal Alexandrino, the Nephew of Pius the 5th. who seeing the Cardinals resolved not to choose any one Pope, who had received his Purple but lately, as all the Cardinals created by his Uncle had done; having consulted with his faction likewise, and received this answer, that he should take what resolution he thought best; he told Granvela, that of the three named by Farnese, he was for Buon compagno; and so this was communicated to Borromeo, and Altemps, who passionately desired that Election; and moreover it being known that Ferdinando di Medici his Kinsman, was well affected to i● too, the business was concluded, and published through the Conclave, the Cardinal's meeting in the Gallery, to go together and adore him in his Chamber.  
There were eight Cardinals only who knew nothing of this business, to whom a Conclavist was sent to give them advertisement; the Cardinal Vercelli ran first into the Chamber of Buon compagno, and taking him by the hand said, Will your illustrious Lordship come to receive the Pontificate: To which he answered, My Lords, have you Votes enough? and Vercelli replying Yes, he rise up, and took certain Writings along with him, that they might not fall into the hands of others, who are wont to plunder that Cardinal's Chamber who is made Pope, of whatsoever is found in the Conclave.  
In the mean time there arrived above 40. Cardinals, all of them conducting him in great triumph to the Chapel, where they held the Scrutiny, and he had every Vote that was there; being desired his name, he chose to be called Gregory the 13th. as well for the devotion he professed to that Saint, as because he was created Cardinal by Pius the 4th. upon Saint Gregory's day, the 12th. of March 1565. and in this manner Gregory the 13th. was made Pope, after the See had been vacant 13. days, and the Conclave 3. and no more; he was published to the people the 13th. of May; a strange thing to see the three factions, of three Popes, agreed with so good order.  
Gregory died the 10th. of April 1585. after he had held the Papacy 13. years; he died a while after the arrival of the Japan Ambassadors, who were received with great magnificence in Rome. The 21. after, the Cardinals entered the Conclave, to the number of 39 there being no more at that time present at Court, and it was Easter-day in the Evening when they entered; a while after, there arrived three more, viz. Madrucci, Austria, and Vercelli; before Austria could be admitted to come in, there were many difficulties raised, but they being appeased, he was received, with the general satisfaction of the whole Conclave.  
The Cardinals were divided into six factions, Farnese was chief of one, d'Este of another, Alexandrino of a third, Medici of the fourth, Altemps of the fifth, and Cardinal San Sextus, Nephew to Gregory, of the sixth, which was the greatest of all.  
Those who were judged most worthy, and most likely to be Popes, were 14. Farnese and Savello, created by Paul the 3d. Sirletto, San Gregorio, Paleotto, Santa Croce, and Como, created by Pius the 4th. Mo●alto, Cesis, Albano, and Santa Severina, created by Pius the 5th. Torres, Mondovi, Santi Quattro, and Castagna, created by Gregory the 13th.  
The same day the Cardinals entered into the Conclave, they swore to the observation of certain decrees, resolved by them in the Congregation; and a while after, the friends of Cardinal Cesis began their practices, with more fury than fruit, Cardinal San Sisto opposing them publicly. After that there were some endeavours for Sirletto, Cardinal Medici and Altemps using all their art in his behalf, but 'twas impossible; he was presently excluded, Farnese, Este, and Sforza declaring against him.  
Sirletto being excluded as a person improper for the management of affairs, though otherwise of great learning; San Sisto attempted for Cardinal Castagna, his Creature, and a person certainly of very great worth; but all the ancient Cardinals were against him, as being one of the last Cardinals that were created: Farnese also, and Savelli were mentioned, but in vain, they finding great obstacles too, but especially Savelli, who was reputed a person of too Majestic a nature, and rigid to excess.  
In the mean time Cardinal Este, Medici, and Alexandrino, being agreed privately, concluded to make Montalto Pope, who being looked upon by all people, as a person affectionate, bountiful, learned, quiet, and one zealous in the service of God, they thought he would meet with little opposition, especially there being none that gave the Cardinals so much honour as he, reputing himself inferior to them all, and that so much, that he oftentimes suffered himself to be called Asino della Marca, by pretending either not to understand, or not to regard; and this happened in the Congregations, by reason he never contended with any one, to establish his own opinion, but always commended the opinions of other people.  
Este, Medici, and Alexandrino went one night to Montalto's Chamber, where they found him a bed, pretending himself as careless and indifferent, as if there were not another person with him in the Conclave: being entered, they told him they came to give him notice of their resolution to make him Pope the next morning betimes. Montalto replied, Me Pope, a poor old man, full of infirmities, how can I think of the Papacy, who have scarce time to consider of my death; so short do I look upon my days, and so grievons my distempers.  
The three Cardinals, as it were by consent, told him, that God would give him life and strength for the well Government of the Church. To which Montalto replied, with a sickly and weak voice, That he would never have accepted so great a charge as the Papacy was, if their most illustrious Lordships did not first promise to assist him, with their virtue and experience, confessing his own faculties very unable for the government of the Church, without their help and assistance.  
These words inflamed the desires of these Cardinals, to hasten the exaltation of Montalto, concluding they should at their pleasure command both Church and Court 100, as soon as he was received to the Papacy; and they were the more confident, because they knew he had but two Nephews, sons to a Sister of his called Camilla, who were young, and inexperient in all kind of Politics, and learning.  
San Sisto understanding the practice of Montalto, and knowing the animosity he had born towards Gregory his Uncle, he had thoughts of opposing him, but he was overcome by the persuasions of the three Cardinals aforesaid, and concurred with them: So that on Wednesday the 24th. of April, after thirteen days vacancy of the See, by common consent they chose him Pope, who called himself Sisto, in complacency to Cardinal San Sisto, as some suppose; but the truth is, it was to renew the memory of Sista the 4th. who was a Friar of the same Conventual Order of Francisc●ns, which he was of. The Cardinals Este, Medici, and Alexandrino were ready to bi●e their thumbs, repenting very much that they had made a Pope, who declared as soon as he was as●●m'd, that he had no need of Companions in the Government, and drove them all three out of Rome.  
Five years and four months Sextus reigned in an absolute Monarchical way, and with a Majesty much contrary to the humility he pretended when he was a Cardinal, and with a manner so austere, he was a terror to the remotest of his Enemies: he died of a Malignant Fever the 27 of August at night, in the year 1590. His Ex 〈…〉 ies of nine days being over, and the usual solemnities performed; on Friday the 7th. o● September, 54 Cardinals entered the Conclave, divided into several factions, but particularly under these three heads, Montalto who commanded the Creatures of Sextus, his Uncle; Sforza who conducted Gregory the 13th's Creatures; and the Cardinal Ascanio Colonna who had twelve Cardinals of several places at his devotion.  
For six days together Montalto, and Ascanio Colonna used all their art to make Marco Antonio Colonna Pope, who was a Cardinal of great worth, and signal ver●●e, against whom Sforza and Borromeo opposed themselves with such violence, that all the friends of Colonna despaired of his success.  
However Montalto being encouraged by his Creatures, resolved to persist, and tyre out the Cardinals with the tediousness of the Conclave, rather than recede one step from his resolution, although the Spaniards declared themselves averse, who exhorting him to name some other person, could get no answer but this, that when he should see the interests of Colonna desperate, he would throw himself upon his knees before the Image of the Holy Ghost, and would draw lots as it were for a Cardinal to name.  
These passages being related to Cardinal Marco Antonio Colonna, he went to Montalto, and told him, that it was not suitable to the mind of a Christian, to let the Church continue in her Widowhood for his sake, or that he should go about to obtrude a Pastor upon the Flock of Christ: adding other reasons also, which so wrought upon Montalto, that he became inclinable to favour the interest of San Marcello, a Cardinal of Genoa, called Gio. Battisto Castagna, which designs were laid by Cardinal Sforza, and the other Genoese Cardinals, who had got 25 votes, to whom Montalto being joined, they published all night long San Marcello to be Pope; and on the next morning the 15 of Sept. being Sunday, the Scrutiny was made, in which all the votes were in his favour, he being made Pope 18 days after the vacancy of the See, and interrogated about his name, declared he would be called urban the 7th.  
But here we must not omit the opinion Sextus the 5th. had always, that the Cardinal Castagna was to succeed him in the Papacy, and many times he gave him a hint thereof; amongst the rest, going with the said Cardinal to see a Street which he had ordered to be made from Santa Maria Maggiore, to Trinita de Monti, and I know not how much beyond; turning to San Marcello, he told him in the presence of several Prelates, This way is begun by us, but will be finished by you.  
Another time, not long before his death being at Dinner, towards the latter end they brought in (Peri) Pears, he cut one in the midst and found it rotten, he cut another and found it so too, whereupon holding the Pear in his hand, he said, Li Romagni son satii de Peri, e cercano Castagne. The Romans are weary of Pears, and had rather have Chestnuts, by Pere, meaning himself who was of the Family of the Peretti, and by Castagne, the Cardinal Marcello of the Family of Castagna.  
Thirteen day's urban was Pope, and died on the 27th. of Sept. in the morning; the 8th, of October the Cardinals entered into the Conclave to the number of 52. and two that went in afterward, viz. Austria, and Gaetano, who arrived to complete the number of 54. which were divided into 7 Factions, and was the principal occasion of the protraction of that Conclave.  
The first practices were for the Cardinal Colonna, and they so brisk, that it was published abroad that he was created Pope; but when it came to a Scrutiny, his votes were two few, though many had offered themselves before they gave their votes.  
Colonna being out of hopes, Sforza, and Montalto began to set up Mondovi, and were confident of effecting it, because he was a Cardinal very well worthy of that dignity; but for all that, neither his virtues, nor their persuasions, could do any good, for the friends of Aldobrandino undertook it in his favour, preferring his virtues before any bodies; but the Cardinals took little notice of that, their private interest only being their aim, they excluded this person for this reason, and the other for another, inspite, of all the abundance of their virtue.  
Albano as soon as Aldobrandino was excluded, came next upon the Stage, and things seemed so well disposed towards him, that every one concluded him Pope; but to that concord of opinions, there appeared a proportionable share of difficulties, every one believing him incapable of the Papacy, notwithstanding his great worth; and indeed though he was but 54 years of age, his infirmities were such, as obliged him to keep his Bed almost continually, a thing that made his Election a kind of scruple of Conscience.  
Seven weeks were already past in the Conclave without any thing but proposing, and excluding, the Spaniards, and the Florentines, not so much as mentioning Santa Severina, who was so much in their minds, judging it best to let the Cardinals tire themselves out, and to put difficulties upon others designs, thereby at last to facilitate their own; but when they came to the stress of their business, they found more difficulty than they imagined: Cardinal Revere was put into the balance against him, a man of great learning, and integrity of life, besides good experience in matters of policy; but his hopes lasted not long neither, he was forced also to lay down, as well as his Neighbours, who were in a better predicament.  
To take away this great discrepancy of opinions, it was thought fit to select seven persons, one out of every Faction, but such as should not be suspected by any one, and these were San Gregorio, Sans, Rusticucci, Aragoga, Sarnano, Lancelotti, and Alano; but for all this, that design came to nothing, they being not able to agree of a single person.  
The Spaniards had several times attempted with great Artifice, to make Paleotto Pope, a Cardinal full of all requisite qualities to make an excellent Pope, and though he had many Cardinals against him, he missed very narrowly one morning of being created, some running for friendship's sake, others that they might not appear his professed enemies, insomuch that there were a greater number of Cardinals in the Chapel, than was necessary to make him Pope; the chief of his Domestics imprudently upon this, without expecting the Scrutiny, published it abruptly that he was already created, so that several Couriers were sent to know the news, and all the people were got into Saint Peter's.  
But when they came to the Scrutiny, poor Paleotto had but 17 votes, and in the Access (which was the first time it began to be given) he could come but to 14. receiving his exclusion, with such circumstances of disdain, as perhaps have not been heard of before, and with no little mortification to the Spaniards.  
After this, Cardinal Santi Quattro was recommended, a great Divine, a great Politician, and well practised in affairs of the Court, where he had been for above 52 years in continual employment in the Congregations; but God Almighty (who had reserved that greatness for another time) took away the necessary means of his Election in this Conclave.  
Cardinal Montalto last of all, (who had the greatest party, being followed by 26 Cardinals) resolved to put an end to these discords, by promoting the Cardinal of Cremona, in whose person the Spaniards, and Sforza, had declared they would concur. On the 4th of December at night, he went himself to carry the news of his resolution, going up and down all night long, distributing such things as were necessary; and calling his votes together as much as he could possibly. In the morning betimes, in the company of Cardinal Sforza, he with many others, went to his Chamber, and conducted him to the Chapel where the Scrutiny was made with open votes; he received the suffrages of all of them in this manner, but gave his own for Cardinal Cecano. The Adoration was Published to the people in the usual Balcony, with the name of Gregory the 14th. which laying aside his own name Nicholas, he took upon him as soon as the Scrutiny was over. And thus Gregory the 14th. was chosen, after two months and nine day's vacancy of the See, and two whole months' reclusion of the Conclave.  
After a tedious sickness of many days, and after he had been many times thought dead, Gregory died at last on Tuesday the 15th. of October 1591. having Reigned ten months and ten days. There were 65 Cardinals in the Sacred College, but there entered into the Conclave (which began the 25th. of October) but 56. nine of them being absent by reason of their distance, viz. three in France, three in Spain, one in Poland, one in Malta, and the other in Lorain: before they entered into the Conclave, it was the common opinion, not of the Cardinals only, but of the people in general, that Cardinal Facchinetti would certainly be Pope, and their opinion was much confirmed, when in the distribution of the Chambers, which is done by lots, Facchinetti's Chamber happened to fall exactly in the same place where the Pope's Chair used to stand 〈…〉 the Consistory days; besides which there was also another good Omen, which was, that whilst they were busy in the Church of Saint Peter about the Adoration of Gregory the 14th. his Mitre fell off, by I know not what accident, and happened to rest upon the head of Facchinetti, whereupon the Pope himself said to him, You shall be our Successor.  
There were two Factions the most prevalent in the Conclave, that of the Spaniards managed by Cardinal Mendozza, and that of Montalto which consisted of twenty. The Spaniards had no great difficulty to exclude all the Competitors which they did not affect, and to include one of their own followers, Montalto being obliged in several respects, to gratify that Crown, from which he had received many Advantages, and enjoyed many privileges in the Kingdoms the Spaniards were possessed of; besides which, his Brother Don Michael had bought the Principality of Celano in the Catholic State; all which put together, engaged him not to relinquish his affection to Spain.  
The Spaniards being secure in all this, and knowing according to the subtlety of their principles, that they were able without controversy to govern the Conclave, and make a Pope at their pleasure; they signified to Montalto his Catholic Majesties intention to make Antonio Facchinetti (who was Cardinal di Santiquattro) Pope, and therefore they desired his most Illustrious Lordship to concur with them in the Election of a person so tightly worthy, and proper for the Government of the Church in such times as those.  
Montalto immediately consented, without making any trial of his creatures, or attempting to try the fortune of his friends, so that his answer being returned, and favourable to their designs, the Spaniards, Mendozza, Sforza, Borromeo, Gaetano, the two Colonna's, Ascanio, and Marco, Antonio, Mattei, Lancelotto, and others went to the Chamber of Montalto, and taking him out, with the greatest part of the followers (who were already come together at the congratulations of the others) into the Chamber of Facchinetti, where several others were met before, and particularly Sfondrato and his Adherents, the 29th. of October in the morning.  
Medozza, and Sforza, took Santi Quattro under the arm, and conducted him to Paulina's Chapel, whether even those who had the Gout, and kept their beds, made themselves be carried, to have the honour to give him their votes, which votes were given open, and he afterwards published to the people by the name of Innocent the 9th.  
This Conclave may be said to be the best, and most peaceable, that ever was seen, many things concurring to make it wonderful; the first was the shortness of time, the See being vacant but 13 days, and the Conclave continued but three; the second, the quality of the person, as being most worthy of so honourable a dignity; the third, that though there were seventeen Cardinals pretenders, and of great reputation in the College, yet there was but one as it were spoken of; and last of all, that all Factions should comply with the Spaniards, and make a Pope according to their directions.  
Innocent lived but two months, and died the 29th. of December; and the usual days of solemnising his obsequies being past, 52 Cardinals entered the Conclave on the 10th. of January, all of them divided in their inclination, so that many believed it was impossible but the Election of this Pope must be with great difficulties, and disturbances, seeing things in so ill a way. Yet the Spaniards made no doubt to finish it in three days, as they had done the Conclave before, having gained the Venetians already, and looking upon Montalto as their own, who as they presumed could do no less than follow the inclinations of their King, seeing that he enjoyed an annual Rent of above 50000. Crowns in his Dominions.  
The first day therefore the Spaniards began their practices very eagerly for Santa Severina, having gained Montalto also, who promised to employ all his interest with his party in favour of the said Santa Severina. There were 32 Cardinals in the Conclave for the Election of that person, and twenty for his Exclusion; but they so united and firm for his Exclusion, that there was never seen in a Conclave, so invincible a combination.  
The Spaniards tried all ways, promises, offers, threats, stratagems, and at last with Montalto they left no stone unturned, that might mollify the excluders, and prevail with them to give their votes for Montalto; but all was to no purpose, and therefore seeing things desperate, they took up another expedient, but with no small displeasure to Santa Severina who was already by several saluted Pope.  
But before they came to any other resolution, having gained three Cardinals more to their 32. and made them up 35. which was exactly two thirds, which were necessary to the Creation of a Pope, they pitched upon a day when the excluders were careless and dispersed, and without much noise shut themselves into the Chapel, with intention to make Santa Severina Pope, with open votes; but it being understood by Sforza, Sfondrato, Aquaviva, Borromeo, and Altemps, who were the chief of the Excluders, they flew immediately to the Chapel, beating impetuously at the doors, and protesting a Nullity so fiercely, that they which were within, to prevent the inconvenience which might follow, opened the doors; where when they were entered, they doubled the cries of their protestation of Nullity.  
Santa Severina full of humility and moderation said, If I be the occasion of all these rumours, open the door of the Conclave, for I will go out with all my heart, if that may quiet this storm. Cardinal Sforza's coming into the Chapel, turned some of their votes, insomuch that the favourors of Santa Severina, persisting still to come to a Scrutiny, of 35 which they thought they had, they had but 28 only that stuck to him.  
Santa Severina by this means being perfectly out of hopes, Madruccio was proposed, but without any success; after him Como, and Peleotto, were in nomination, but with as little fortune as the other, in sundry respects, after which it was negotiated for Colonna, Salviati, Mondovi, and Rusticucci, but to no more purpose than the rest.  
The excluders of Santa Severina, to free themselves from a continual jealousy wherewith they were agitated, resolved to send to Montalto, and to let him know then when he resolved to create a Pope out of his own creatures, that they would condescend with all their hearts, and he should have all their votes; which message was carried to Montalto by Cardinal Borromeo, and received with great satisfaction.  
Montalto had already placed his thoughts upon Cardinal Aldobrandi●o, for the worthiness of his qualities, and for the great esteem the Sacred College had of his person; he made choice of him, and proposed him to them from the bottom of his heart: his inclinations being known, all those Cardinals who sent first to him, and made him that proposition, embracing the tidings with great joy, desired him to proceed in the design with all possible expedition.  
Montalto began immediately to set his Engines a work, and to communicate his resolutions to his creatures, which he found all most readily disposed; afterwards he went to Madruccio, who had a great party, in the Conclave but had no good correspondence with Albrandino; yet considering the merit of the person, and waving his particular passions, he declared himself in favour of Aldobrandino, and went to him to his Chamber, where he found him full of so much modesty, that though he saw himself as good as Pope already, yet he showed not the least token of ambition or joy; but on the contrary, he seemed more desirous to avoid, than acquire the Papacy.  
Montalto publishing through the Conclave, the common resolution of making Aldobrandino Pope, the Cardinals went unanimously to his Chamber the 30th. of Jannary at night, in the year 1592. and taking him out with incredible applause, they conducted him to the Chapel of Paulina, where by a public Scrutiny he was Elected Pope by the votes of all the Cardinals, with unimaginable concord, after the See had been vacant a month, and the Conclave shut up 20 days.  
The Election being made, he fell down upon his knees before the Altar of the Chapel; and the Masters of the Ceremonies, ask him according to the usual manner, whether he accepted the Election; he gave them no answer, but with his tears, which the Cardinals beholding, answered for him, Yes, Yes, he accepts it. But the Masters of the Ceremonies insisted, that it was necessary he should confirm it with his own mouth; after a thousand protestations to Heaven he confirmed it, and being asked his name, he said he would be called Clement the 8th. he was published with incredible acclamations of the people, and it may be said that he was the third Pope made by Cardinal Montalto, which added no small reputation to the Nipotisme of Sixtus.  
Clement lived 13 years and a month, and died to the great regret of all Christendom, in the year 1605, the 3d. of March, his Funeral was celebrated most sumptuously with universal tears and lamentation, after which in the evening the 14th. of the said May, 60 Cardinals went into the Conclave, in order to the Election of a new Pope, one of Pius the 4th. which was Como the Dean, four of Gregory the 13th. eleven of Sixtus, five of Gregory the 14th. one of Innocent the 9th. which was his Nephew Santi Quattro, and eight and thirty of Clement's, of whom there were 25 who followed Aldobrandino with great affection, as the chief of the Clementines.  
The greatest practices were for Baronius and Bellermine; but Baronius being supported by Aldobrandino, who was followed by a great number of Cardinals; in the Scrutinies which were made, he had always more votes than all the rest of the Competitors, having had 30 at one time, 31 at another, and 32 at a third; but in four Scrutinies which they had, he could never arrive at two thirds, by reason of the brisk opposition made by the Spaniards, Montalto; and others.  
The Cardinal de Joyense, who had no other design but to make a Pope to the satisfaction of his King, despairing of Baronius, began his practices for Fiorenza, and he knew how to manage them so well, that all difficulties overcome, he prevailed, that on the first of April, after 29 day's vacancy of the See, all the Cardinals went to the Chamber of Fiorenza, and saluting him Pope, conducted him to the Chapel, where they gave their open votes; and thus Alexander di Medici was made Pope by the name of Leo the 11th. and published to the people who had understood his Election the Evening before.  
The joy of the Friends and Relations of Leo, lasted not long, for he died 25 days after his creation: the suddenness of his death, made many believe, that the same Cardinals being still in Rome, divided into their old factions, and full of the obstinacy of the last Conclave; that for these reasons the Election of the next Pope would be difficult and long, and not without clamour and disorder.  
But for all these conjectures, humane imagination was overswayed by Celestial influence, for the Cardinals entering the Conclave the 10th. of May, to the number of 50. Madruzzo, and Marcello being sick without: they discharged themselves from their old combinations, the Spaniards constituting a particular body, dividing themselves from their Colleagues the first of all. Then the French thought good to withdraw themselves from their alliance which they had made with Aldobrandino in the last Conclave, and stand upon their own legs, Montalto, Farnese, Sforza, Este. Santi Quattro, Sfondrato, and Visconti, united themselves, and their dependants, and made up a body of 21 votes: Aldobrandino continued in his usual Monarchy with 26 votes at his devotion.  
The design and object of all these Factions, was the same with the design of the last Conclave, that is, to procure advantages every one to himself, to keep their Enemies as far from the Papacy as they could, and to advance their friends as much as was possible; but with this difference, that in the other conclave, the aim of the Colleagues, was (I mean the Colleagues against Aldobrandino) to exclude all the creatures of Aldobrandino, though they were their friends, whereas in this, they were only for choosing out a friend, let him be of whose Faction he would.  
The Papal Cardinals were many, five, creatures of Montalto, viz. Pinello, Ascoli, Saoli, Camerino, and Montalpano; ten of Aldobrandino's, Baronlus, Bianchetto, Arigone, Panfilio, Bellarmine, Ginnasio, San Marcello, Tosco, Borghese, and Saint Clement; and Como, and Virona, who were neuters, and would not enter into any Faction. Of these, some were excluded by the Spaniard for their interest, some by the French for theirs, others by Aldobrandino for his, and others by the Colleagues for private reasons, and perhaps more capricious than prudent.  
The greatest practices were begun by Aldobrandino in Tosco's behalf, and perhaps with greater ardour than was ever seen before in the Conclave; and because the Spaniards, and French, he discerned, were favourable enough, he made after a great deal of clamour and, dispute, all his creatures meet one day in the Fountain Gallery, and then discovered his resolution to carry Tosco to the Chapel, and create him Pope.  
But this advice was not approved by Sforza, persuading him to use the utmost of his power to gain Montalto, without whose concurrence, there would be nothing done. Aldobrandino was persuaded for the present, but it lasted not long, for in the morning betimes being assured of 35 votes, certain, and professed, besides others who had promised to concur upon a necessity of two or three votes; he went into the Chapel with the Cardinals, resolving firmly to come to a Scrutiny, and leave out all the excluders of Tosco; who having news of all this, they took up Baronius by the way, and carrying him into another corner of the Chapel, they cried out, Here is the Pope; Aldobrandino's party showing of Tosco about, and crying out, He is here.  
This day's insolence was very great, both on the one side and the other, every one endeavouring to draw the Cardinals from their parties, not only with persuasions, but with juggle, and the strength of their hands; so that in the controversy, Serafino was hurt in the arm, and Visconti tumbled upon the ground, who being angry, got up and cried, I would not make a Pope at this rate, though 'twere Saint Peter himself, and went out immediately; but the two parties continuing obstinate, had given order to have meat brought them into the Chapel, and several Tables were preparing, when Montalto fearing Tosco would be chosen at last, he went to Aldobrandino and told him, That for his part he would join with him for any other of his creatures but Tosco, yea though the promotion of San Clement should be reassumed, who was excluded by him before; and so they fell upon the said practice.  
To be short, this I shall say, that that day several were very near the Papacy; Tosco was excluded by the favourers of Baronius; Baronius by the Adherents of Tosco. San Clement was looked upon as certain to be Pope, and perhaps was nearer it than either of the other, had not Cardinal Farneses' persuasions prevented his Election. The French, who with more prudence than all of them, stood neuter in all this clutter, were advised to make Serafino Pope, and to go forth of the Conclave with the reputation of having made a French Pope; but they would not venture, though the common opinion, as was afterwards reported, was, that if they had tried, they had certainly carried it.  
At last Aldobrandino being inspired, as we ought to believe, by the Holy Ghost, resolved to put an end to these scandals, and the rather, because a report ran about the City, that the Cardinals were together by the ears, and had beaten and battered one another bravely; for this reason, he proposed to Montalto, and the rest of the Excluders of his creatures, the Cardinal Borghese, a person looked upon by him as the most affectionate of all his creatures; which proposition was acceptable both to Montalto, the Spaniards, and the French, who went all to him, conducted him from his Chamber to the Chapel, (some little difficulties being first removed) and so on the seventeenth of May, after 19 day's vacancy of the See, Camillo Borghese was saluted and elected Pope, by a general vote, in the 53d▪ year of his age, he being the youngest of all the Cardinals which stood for the Papacy, and being asked his name, he told them he would be called Paul the 5th. and with that name he was published to the people.  
Paul being dead the 28th. of January 1621. after he had been 16 years in the Pontifical Chair. The usual obsequies being over, on the 8th. of February 52 Cardinals divided into 5 Factions, entered the Conclave; the first was Montalto's, who was followed by five which were his creatures; the second was Aldobrandino's, who had nine; the third Borghese, who had twenty seven; the fourth of the Spaniards which consisted but of three; and the 5th. of the French, who had but one Cardinal only: besides which there were the Cardinals Medici, Farnese, Sforza, and Este, who every one made a Faction for himself.  
Being entered into the Conclave, all these Factions reduced themselves to two; the first and greatest was Borghese's, who was followed by the Spaniards, Montalto, Medici, Este, and Farnese; the other was Aldobrandino's, who had on his side the French, Vbaldino, Orsino, and two or three Cardinals, segregate from the other Factions.  
Borghese began the promotion of Cardinal Campora, with great impetuosity, and because it was so violent, it lasted but a day, Aldobrandino, Orsino, and Vbaldino, appearing as fierce for his exclusion: in short, there were above twenty excluders, and the rather, because Campora being a professed enemy to the Republic of Venice, the Senate had writ to three of their Cardinals, that they should by no means concur with such a person, unless they had a mind to be declared Rebels, and all their Families.  
Borghese in the mean time found out an occasion of discoursing with Cardinal Vbaldino who made the greatest noise against Campora of them all; he endeavoured to persuade him to change his thoughts, and to remember his obligations to Paul the 5th. his Uncle, from whose hands he received his Cap: urging that he ought not to show himself his professed enemy, by denying to concur with him in the Election of one of his creatures. True it is, replied Vbaldino, I have, and will still do my utmost against Campora: not that I deny to second your Eminence in any of your creatures, but because I know the person unworthy of such a degree; and if you will make experiment of my fidelity, and that I am not otherwise ingrateful to his memory who gave me my Cap, change your person, and choose another amongst so many of your creatures, as are worthy of that honour; adding some other words, more particular and express, and naming of his creatures, Millino, Lanti, Crescentius, and Araceli, and at last he told him if he resolved to name Ludovisio, he would oblige himself, not only to assist him with his own vote, but he would draw off all the opposers of Campora, to Ludovisio's side.  
To this Borghese replied, that he would not name one out of the Conclave, seeing he was then in his Bishopric of Bologna; but that which was most strange, was, whilst Borghese was speaking these very words, news was brought in, that Ludovisio was then at the door of the Conclave, whether his friends were running to receive him: from whence Vbaldino took the courage to say, and now your Eminence cannot but name him.  
Borgheses' heart was on fire, to see the Excluders so violent against him; so that he went to the chief of the Spaniards, and concluded with them; that all the Cardinals who had any affection to Campora, were to be called, and to resolve upon the last course that was to be taken, and if by accident they should have votes enough, they should make the Election, both with suffrages, and access.  
The Excluders having notice of all this, they met in the Chamber of Cardinal Bevilacqua; particularly Orsino, Sforza, Vbaldino, Fonti, and Pio, who were they which instigated the rest: Now whilst Aldobrandino and his party were studying the exaltation of Campora, and what way they were to compass his Election; the other Lords were considering what allegation they were to use, even in the Chapel, for the Exclusion of the said Campora: Amongst other contrivances, it was resolved they should cry out with a loud voice, that he was altogether unworthy of the Popedom, in respect of the great offences of his youth, his Homicides, his Simonies, and other things; of which they produced the Processes in the Conclave, to make his guilt evident to all the Cardinals: To which it was added, that Campora being a professed Enemy to France, and the State of Venice, to make him Pope, would be no less than to put the public peace of Italy in danger, and be perhaps the destruction both of Christendom and the Church.  
But these things were not published, as was resolved, in the public Chapel, only the Cardinal Excluders were there, went up and down, and made long harangues about the Conclave; However the heads of the Faction resolved upon a Scrutiny, in which Bellarmine had the greatest number of Votes, and which is most wonderful, there were not above three for Campora: In so much that Pignatelli, a great friend of Borghese said to him, This is their Masterpiece, let us think of another: and Orsino being very well pleased, went out of the Chapel, discoursing with Vbaldino of a business they themselves could not have expected.  
The promotion of Campora being found so difficult, Montalto, Vrsino and Vbaldino went together to Borghese, entreating him to name another person, and not to think any longer of one, who was beloved but by very few, and those only in order to Borgheses' service. Borghese was already resolved to make Ludovisio Pope, and therefore gave them only this answer, That the Pope was made, and that was Ludovisio; which rejoiced them all so much, that they went immediately to his Chamber, and forcing him with their congratulations to the Chapel, the Election was made, and all the votes on his side, Alexander Ludovisio remaining Pope, after so great, but short a contention, for the See was vacant but 14 days. He would needs be called Gregory, though Borghese desired him to suffer himself to be called Alexander.  
Two years and three months Gregory lived, and died the 8th. of July 1624. his exequys being performed, the Cardinals entered 52 into the Conclave, the 19th. of the said July, and the next day there came in two or three more.  
The Factions of Cardinals were five, one of the French, one of the Spaniards, one of the Neutral or Independent Cardinals, another of the creatures of Paul the 5th. and the last of the creatures of Gregory the 15th. but these two last were the greatest, and had most followers, and were managed, the one by Cardinal Borghese, the other by Cardinal Ludovisi, it being in the power of either of them, to choose, or exclude, who they pleased.  
The pretending Cardinals were many, three of Sixtus the 5th's creation, Sauli, Monti, and Borromeo; three others of Clement the 8th's, Bandino, Ginnasio, and Madrozzi; eleven of Paul the 5th. Mellino, Caraffa, Barbarino, Lanti, Verallo, Ascoli, Araceli, Campora, Santa Susanna, Cennino, and Scaglia; and three of Gregory the last, which were Gaetano, Sagrato, and Sant Severino.  
Cardinal Borghese finding himself backed by so many Pretenders, and with so numerous a party, he resolved not only to be pertinacious in the Election of one of his own Creatures, but not so much as to consent to the nommation of any, unless of his particular Friends: Ludovisio's designs were clear otherwise, for seeing his three Papable Creatures not like to succeed at that time, and himself at the head of a Faction of Cardinals, though numerous, yet drawn together from this place, and from the other; he pretended only to elect some worthy person, but above all, one that was an Enemy to Borghese, who was his Enemy; or at least, if that could not be obtained, to endeavour to place it upon some body, in whom for the universality of affection, and his indifference to all parties, there could be no occasion of jealousy either to the one side or the other.  
But to lay aside all the reasons of either side, for the Inclusion or Exclusion of the Papable Creatures; I shall say, that there was not one person ignorant, that in Barbarino all the qualities were resplendent which are necessary in a good Pope, viz. goodness of life, variety of learning, and prudence, experienced in all manner of business, all which virtues were so equally conspicuous in him, it was not known to which of them the pre-eminence was to be given.  
However many people thought it difficult to overcome so many impediments, as they must meet withal, who should endeavour to take away the Papacy out of his hands, whose virtues deserved it so well. The greatest obstruction against him was, the diffidence the Spaniards had of him, by reason of his inclination to the French, amongst whom he had twice been Nuntio, once in Ordinary, and another time in Extraordinary. The suspicion the Great Duke had of all the Families of the Noble Florentines in general, but of the Barbarino's more particularly, who in the time when it was a Republic, did not hold a due correspondence with the House of Medici. The little inclination Cardinal Borghese had always shown to him, founded upon some false informations of the severity and rigour of his nature, (which was indeed always sincere in matters of Justice) when he refused to gratify the recommendations of Borghese in the Signature, excusing himself and declaring, that in such a Court as that, there ought to be no place, but for the recommendations of Justice.  
The open Enmities which had passed betwixt him and the Duke di Bracciano, Paulo Orsino, and Cardinal Montalto, by which means he became an Enemy to two Cardinals more, Orsino and Peretti, the most considerable in the Conclave.  
All these things put together, made a kind of Medley of Contradictions amongst the Cardinals, when they discoursed of Barbarino, and the rather, because the rest of the Pretenders excluded him, to promote themselves: But at last instructed by the Counsel of the Divine providence, the Cardinals resolved to change their opinions, on the same day our Saviour was transfigured, which was on the 6th. of August, and being assembled on that day, they put an end to the vacancy of the See, which had lasted 28. days, the 17. in which they were shut up in the Conclave being included, creating Maffeo Barbarino Pope, whom they judged the most worthy of all, to sustain the Charge of the Universal Empire.  
There were present at the Scrutiny 52. Cardinals, with the Votes which they took of the Cardinal heads, in the Chamber del Infirmi; but in numbering the Suffrages they found they wanted one, without knowing how it came to pass: Some said it was of no importance, but the major part affirmed that it was necessary to give the due perfection to the Election: So as the Lottery was renewed, and not one receded from his former Vote; there were fifty of them, naming Barbarino almost in the same words, there being but one Negative, given to Cardinal Mellino, and his own which he gave to the Cardinal Deacon. In this manner Maffeo was received to the Pontificate in the 55th. year of his age, and which is more, he was of a lusty and robust complexion.  
This Election, to speak the truth, was held one of the most considerable which was ever seen, in many respects, but particularly for the number of Cardinals, ancient and Papable, who seeing so young a person created, lost all hopes of ever seeing another Conclave, and obtaining at another time, what they could not get at this; nor were they mistaken, for Barbarino being Pope, thought the least of dying, of any thing; and it was strange, for he lived so long, till all the rest of the Competitors in his Conclave, were gone into the other world, except Caraffa only.  
Barbarino having received the Papacy, and which is considerable, without being twice demanded, as Clement the 8th. had been; he fell down before the Altar to give God thanks for the great blessing he had received; but being told by the Cardinal Dean, that it was convenient afore all things that he should choose his name, which having done already in his heart, he told him he would be called by the name of urban the eighth.  
In the year 1644. the 29th. of July Vrban died, after he had reigned 21 years and some months; his Obsequies past, the Cardinals entered into the Conclave the 9th. of August, to the number of 66. divided into four Factions, one of French, another of Spaniards, a third of Neutrals, and a fourth of Barbarini, which consisted of more than 30 Cardinals, and it is certain there was never any Faction so numerous. In the shutting up of this Conclave, there was a great breach betwixt the Barbarini, and the Duke Savelli, Marshal of that Conclave, they pretending it belonged to Don Tadeo, to keep the Keys of the Conclave, as he was Perfect of Rome, a thing they could not determine; but the College ordered they should remain for this time in the hands of Savelli, till the new Pope should publish his particular decree in the case.  
The next day which was the tenth, the first Scrutiny was not made according to the Order in the Bull, by reason the dispute about the Keys protracted the clausure, insomuch that they were forced to begin it late at night; in which, Cardinal Arbenoz, head of the Spanish Faction, consisting of 24 Cardinals, played his part so, that he broke the designs of the Barbarini, who were confident the same day to have gone out of the Conclave with a Pope of their own, whom they believed would have been Sacchetti, in whose behalf, all their designs were intended.  
The Spanish Faction thought it expedient to give their votes always to the Cardinals of the old College, which were Lanti, Cennino, Crescenzio, Cappori, Bentivoglio, and Roma; so that in many Scrutinies, these Cardinals were honoured, some time this, sometimes that, with several votes. It is not to be imagined what ways were used by the Barbarini to make Sacchetti Pope, and what the Spaniards found to exclude him; it is sufficient, that after many days being in the Conclave, and after innumerable projects and designs, the Barbarini seeing they could not compass the creation of Sacchetti, they endeavoured to make Fiorenza Pope, who was a creature of theirs, which had deserved well of their Family; but he having no reputation in the Conclave, nor credit amongst the Papable Cardinals, they desisted from that enterprise likewise, and the rather because the French Faction would not admit him, as a person not at all acceptable to Cardinal Mazarine; besides which, he was excluded publicly by Montalto, with particular disgust to Albernoz, not that he loved him, but that being head of the Spanish Faction, he would not have had the Exclusion passed but by his participation; of which Faction Montalto was one of the Principal Members. This business occasioned some words betwixt Montalto, and Albenoz.  
Afterwards the Cardinals Altieri, Monti, and Filomarino, were proposed, but without any foundation; from whence many people Collected, that it was done more to procrastinate, and spin out the Conclave, than out of any real desire they had to have any of them chosen; and that the rather, because they observed no great zeal either in the Excluders, or Includers, but a certain coolness and indifference, as if they pretended to play, and did not play at all.  
Cardinal Cennino, created by Paul the 5th. being Procurator of the Order of the Conventual Fathers, was nearest the Papacy of any of them, except Sacchetti; but the oppositions of the Barbarini alone, did not so much prevail against him, as the doubt which tormented several Cardinals who recommended him. They had the memory of Sixtus the 5th. who had been of the same Order, and was called Fra. Felice, too fresh in their minds: Not but that the said Sixtus was a good Pope for the Church, and perhaps one of the best have been seen in the Vatican; but because he was not a good Pope for the Cardinals, his humour being to Govern alone, without any Companions; wherefore the College were afraid of falling into that precipice again, and remain excluded from the Dominion.  
At length Cardinal Pamphilio being named by Cardinal Barbarino, and his practices begun on all hands in his behalf, he refused with great moderation to be proposed, if Cardinal Anthonio did not name him, who for some particular interests of his own, had procured his Exclusion by the French. Anthonio denied it, and declaimed bitterly against his Brother Francisco; but at last laying aside all pretence of distaste, or else seeing he could not secure his Exclusion, he consented to name Pamphilio, after an infinite number of persuasions and promises, both from Francisco his Brother, and Cardinal Panzirolo his Friend; and the better to recover the favour of Pamphilio, he brought over the Marquis di San Simon, the King of France's Ambassador, to approve his resolutions, by the mediation of Cardinal Teodoli, and the Marquis of San Vito his Brother; but the truth is, there were some treaties and promises in the case, which savoured a little of Simony.  
The 15th. of September, though Bichi and Lione laboured his Exclusion, as much as was possible, there were 50. Cardinals went to the Chamber of Pamphilio, to congratulate his Papacy, as if he were chosen already; which so altered the minds of Bichi and Lione, and all the rest of the Excluders, that they all resolved to submit, and humble themselves to the fortune of Pamphilio, and went therefore to join themselves to that Troop of Cardinals which was rejoicing in Pamphilio's Chamber, from whence they conducted him to the Chapel in triumph, to give a prosperous consummation by the Scrutiny, in which there were 48. Votes in his favour; and thus Gio. Battista Pamphilio, a Noble Roman, was proclaimed Pope, after the See had been vacant 45. days, including the 35. from the clausure of the Conclave: He assumed the name of Innocent the 10th. in memory as he professed of Innocent the 8th. a Genoese, of the House of Cibo, a Kinsman and Benefactor to the Family of the Pamphilii.  
This Election was not at all displeasing to the French, though they were not a little displeased, that Cardinal Anthonio, who for his own private interest had by his reiterated instances, persuaded that Crown to the Exclusion of Pamphilio, and afterwards consented to it, contrary to the King's order, and without expecting the return of a Courier, which was dispatched to that Court, that they might consult upon the business. For which his most Christian Majesty thought good to degrade Cardinal Anthonio from the Honour he possessed of being Protector of France, and to take away his Royal favour from Teodoli, and the Marquis of San Vito his Brother, and to recall his Ambassador San Simon into France, to render an account of his proceedings; yet in the mean time, his most Christian Majesty failed not with all actions of goodness and generosity, to endeavour a correspondence with the Person and House of the New Pope, giving him to understand, that the chastisement of the aforesaid persons, proceeded from the aversion they had to his Election, or at least for that they had persuaded that Crown to his Exclusion, with arguments much contrary to the truth.  
Innocent being dead on the 7th. of January 1655. after he had reigned ten years and three months, the Cardinals according to their usual rights entered the Conclave the 18th. of the same month, to the number of 62. Cardinals, who were at that time present in Rome; which number in few days was increased by the accession of 4. more, from their Residencies and Provinces, after the clausure of the Conclave. I will not describe many particulars of this Conclave, because that it is fresh in every one's memory, and many pens have already wearied themselves with the relations of it, though amongst those there is nothing to be found but ambiguity of words.  
I shall only relate, that the most curious thing in that Conclave, was the faction of the Squadron di ` Dio, or the Factione volante, as they called them, which was so numerous, it was sufficient to have given Exclusion to all the rest; and which was of more importance, all of them resolved vigorously to maintain the Privileges of the Electors, and to employ themselves unanimously for the Exaltation of a person, in whom all the qualifications necessary for a good Pope, might concur.  
These Cardinals were creatures of Innocent, who seeing the Prince Pamphilio was not a Cardinal Nephew, and therefore could not be made head of the said Creatures, desired the said Cardinals, that they would unite themselves under such a head as he (who was Nephew to the Pope which gave all of them their Caps) should name, and accordingly he proposed Gio. Carlo di Medici, the first Cardinal created by Innocent; but they replied, they had heads and feet already to manage themselves withal: However for all this they did not forbear corresponding both with the said Prince, and Donna Olimpia, who had as great an interest and authority, as if she had been in the Conclave, and understood how to comport herself so well, that her very interests were those which prolonged the Conclave.  
But passing by the particulars of the 22. Cardinals, which were Candidates and Competitors for the Popedom, and the subtleties and stratagems used for the Inclusion of this person, and the Exclusion of that; I shall only say, that amongst all the Cardinals which were in the greatest and most general favour with the College, Cardinal Chigi was the man; upon whom all the designs and desires of Prince Pamphilio, Innocent's Nephew, were placed, not only for the reputation he had every where, for the exemplariness of his life, and his intelligence in Politic (especially Foreign) affairs, but because he seemed likewise to conform himself to the good intentions which his Uncle always had had, who (as is reported) discoursing one day with Chigi, and Cardinal Azzolini, (both of them Secretaries of State) about the Election of his Successor; Innocent stood still, and looking steadfastly upon Chigi's face, smiling as it were, he said, Let us talk no more of that, God will provide for his Church; and it is certain, he co●●gn'd to Chigi before his death, certain Breviates concerning the establishment of the affairs of his Family, recommending it to his care, as if he presaged his succession to the Papacy.  
The difficulties which were met with in the promotion of this person, were many notwithstanding, and such as begot no small discords and delays: The Cardinal di Medici head of the Spanish Faction, had no inclination to Chigi; Cardinal Barbarino's Faction kept a loof likewise for several respects, and Grimalai had engaged the French Faction to his Exclusion, upon I know not what little trifling jealousies which had got into Mazarmes brain.  
But God Almighty, who walks in ways impenetrable to the abject apprehension of man, after eighty day's continuance in the Conclave, by an unexpected union, reconciled the minds of the dissenters, so that all differences being composed, they met by common consent to create Chigi Pope: Upon which a Cardinal of good judgement, being surprised to see them run with that zeal and impatience to his Chamber, to make him God's Vicegerent, said to his companion, What extravagances are these? the Spaniards will have a Pope with no interest; the French will have one whom they have excluded before; the young Cardinals will have an honest man, and the old ones a young man; the Medici will have a Stnese, and the Barbarini one that is not their Creature. To which the other replied, These are the mysteries of the Holy Ghost.  
On the sixth of April at night, almost all the Cardinals went to congratulate with Chigi, at first he seemed to weep and bewail, and hold his eyes with both his hands; but having taken a little courage, he gave them thanks for their affection, with the kindest demonstrations imaginable. The night seemed very tedious to every body, by reason of the impatience they had to see the Conclave concluded by so sacred an Election.  
For all this Cardinal Rosetti, a capital enemy of Chigi's, forbore not to run up and down all night long, as if he would have resisted, even heaven itself; but he gained nothing but the imputation of imprudence, to contend alone, against the common agreement of all the rest. Some of them took great pleasure to see him run from Chamber to Chamber, and especially to see more than four Cardinals deny him audience, by telling him, they should be seen to morrow in the Chapel, and there was one told him aloud, I know what your Eminence would have, and therefore you need say no more, I shall see your Eminence in the morning.  
On the 7th. in the morning, the most zealous of the Cardinals went to take Chigi out of his bed, as well as out of his Chamber, and conducted him to the Chapel, where the Scrutiny was begun; in which, together with the access, there were as many votes for Chigi, as there were Cardinals, there being not one against him, which was an unusual thing at the Elections of other Popes. 'Tis believed Rosetti himself gave him his vote, and it may be argued from what Rosetti said to one of his Confidents, that he little thought to have given his vote for Chigi.  
As soon as the Scrutiny was published, he fell upon his knees before the Altar, prayed, and wept a while, and being asked by the Masters of the Ceremonies if he consented to the Election, he answered, yes, (accompanying his answer with a most profound sigh) he would be called Alexander, in memory of Alexander the 3d. his fellow Citizen; and so the adoration being performed in the Chapel, he was published to the people, who rejoiced not a little to see so worthy an Election, after three months' vacancy of the See.  
But before we proceed to the Election of Clement the 9th. (which being a thing not written before, will require a longer reflection) it will not be amiss to give a general description of the Election of Popes, for the greater clearness and illustration of the Reader, which cannot but be grateful to the curious, especially Foreigners, who for the most part are desirous of as much light as may be, for the better observation of what they read.  
I shall say therefore that the Election of the Pope is usually in three manners, the first first by Scrutiny, the second by Access, and the third by Adoration; true it is, there is another way mentioned in the Chapter of Elections, and it is when the dissensions are so great amongst the Cardinals (as it happens too often) that they cannot by any means agree; in that case by common consent, they engage themselves to two or three Cardinals, and sometimes to one, that what person soever they choose out of such a number as shall be proposed by them, he shall be their lawful Pope; but this is not now used; in case of any difference they betake themselves to one of the three ways aforesaid: and therefore I think it not pertinent to make the Reader to lose his time, about a thing that is out of use, it being sufficient to have given him this hint.  
As to the Scrutiny, which is the principal, and most usual way in the Conclave, it is made in this manner. Each of the Cardinal's orders his Conclavist to bring him a Polizy, or Ticket of the vote he desires to give in the morning, which is done thus: they take a leaf of paper, and fold it in the middle long-ways, than they cut that fold in the midst again, taking one of the pieces and folding it long-ways, about the length of a finger, upon which they make five folds, and cut it off at the fifth; after this the Cardinal writes with his own hand, in the outermost fold, his own name; as for example, Flavius Cardinalis Chisius, having written his name, he folds up the Paper again, so as his name is concealed in the innermost plate.  
After this, there is laid upon the other side of the third fold, a piece of red Wax, or a Wafer, which is sealed on both sides with two little seals, which every one of the Cardinals bring along with them into the Conclave on purpose; and the two uppermost folds being empty, the Conclavist writes the name of the Cardinal to whom he is pleased to give his vote in this manner, Ego Elig● in summum Pontificem, Eminentissimum Dominum meum Cardinalem; N. The Cardinal uses not to write this vote with his own hand, lest it should be observed and known, and that vote which should be secret, become public, and give occasion of hatred or distrust▪ this being done, the vote is folded up, and on the outside there is always of necessity some word written at the Election of the Cardinal; to the end, that if it should fall out an Access should be made, (which they cannot do to the same Cardinal, to whom the vote is given) it may without difficulty be known by finding out the extrinsic word of the Cardinals vote who accedes, otherwise they must open them all, which would be a prejudice to the secrecy required in a case of that importance; and therefore the Cardinal who has a mind to accede, is wont to say, Accedo ad Cardinalem, & possum accedere, ut patet ex voto me suscripto sic.  
In the morning in which this Scrutiny is made, these votes are put by the Cardinals into a Chalice of Gold which stands upon the Altar of the Chapel, in which they ordinarily meet to make the Scrutiny; and first the Cardinals who are the heads of the Orders, go to the Chambers of the Cardinals that are sick, to take their votes, and having put the votes of the sick Cardinals, with the votes of those who are personally present, altogether, they pour out the votes out of the Chalice upon a Table placed on purpose before the Altar; they are read, and marked by every Cardinal in his proper seat, where the names of all the Cardinals are stamped by order, and under the names, a line being drawn, the Cardinal by reiterated marks, or by Arithmetic, casts up how many votes every one in the Scrutiny may have had; and if it happens, that of three parts of the Cardinals then present in the Conclave, two have agreed in one person, that person without more ado, is to be Pope by the Scrutiny: and in such case the votes are to be opened in the lower parts, and the names of every Cardinal that is for him, communicated; but this happens but seldom or never, it was done once in the Election of Adrian, but not having happened since, 'tis looked upon as a miracle.  
There is another way of Electing the Pope, which was introduced above two ages since, and it is called by Access; being much like the ancient custom among the Romans, which was, that those Senators who adhered to the opinion of any of the said Senators, in the public affairs that were transacted in the Senate, they rose from their seats, and going towards the place where the said Senator sat, they approved his judgement in express terms, or else said accedo ad talem, as they do now in the Conclave; so that often amongst the Latins this way of going is read, ire in sententiam.  
The third way of creating Popes, is by Adoration, which is performed in this manner; That Cardinal, who out of friendship, or Conscience, or any particular interest, desires to favour any other Cardinal, he puts himself before him in the Chapel, and makes him a low Reverence; and when it falls out that two thirds of the Cardinals do the same, the Pope is then understood to be created; but if there wants but one person of that number, the creation is void. And sometimes it has been seen that some persons were adored, which never came to the Papacy, because they wanted a sufficient number of Cardinals to complete their Adoration; and this way is usually tried by any considerable number of Cardinals, obstinate in the promotion of some person, propounded by themselves, for fear lest some of them may be wanting in the private Scrutiny, who had passed their words firmly to them; which has happened a thousand times, whereas in the Adoration which is public, he to whom the promise is given cannot be cozened. But here it is to be noted, that both the Access and Adoration, are ordinarily confirmed with the Scrutiny, which is done without any prejudice to whatever hath been done, either in the Adoration or Access; and the parties concerned, when any such thing happens, make protestation, not only in words, but in writing also, ordering a Copy of their Protestation to be taken under the hand of the Notary.  
But here may arise a question in the mind of the Reader, which he may propose in this manner; If by accident a Pope be created by way of Adoration, with so many votes, or more than amount to the two thirds, if afterwards in the private Scrutiny, the Cardinals change their minds, and give their votes to another person, so that the number necessary to make up the two thirds be defective, to him that had before suffrages enough in the Access or Adoration; shall he remain Pope? and may it be resolved in favour of 〈…〉 Pope created by Adoration, and excluded by the Scrutiny?  
〈…〉 I answer in few words, that this case having never happened in any Conclave, there has been by consequence no occasion to decide it; for it is not usual to determine of cas●s, before they fall out: for my part I am of opinion if such a thing should be, the Lords Cardinals would either create some Schism amongst themselves, or to prevent that Schism, would agree in favour of him who was elected by Adoration or Access; seeing that both those ways, are decreed by several Pope's sufficient, and valid. But yet this case cannot happen, because the Adoration or Access being made, all is confirmed by giving open votes in the Scrutiny; and perhaps that method is observed, on purpose to avoid any sort of Schism which might proceed from the contrary.  
Another question was asked me not long since, by a Germane Gentleman at Rome, who was present in the Solemn Cavalcade on the Coronation of Clement the 9th. and all the particulars of that Solemnity; it being an ancient custom for the Popes after they are created, to be Crowned in Saints Peter's Church by the hands of the Cardinal Deacon: on which day also the ceremony of the Flax is observed, which is thus, they put a quantity of the finest Flax upon the end of a stick, which is burnt in the presence of the Pope, whilst one of the Assistants pronounces to him these words, Sic transit gloria mundi, Sanctissime Pater. But this ceremony is modern, and was thought convenient, after the Popes began to degenerate from what they observed in the Primitive times. Then the Pontificate was a trouble and an affliction to the Popes, and an honour and reputation to Christianity; whereas in these times, 'tis an honour to the Popes, and a grievance to Christendom. In short, heretofore the Popedom was a Glory to the Church, and a Martyrdom to the Pope; but now 'tis a Martyrdom to the Church, and a Glory to the Pope. And this ceremony imports no more, than that if their Glory be passed in this world, they will go into another to receive the affliction prepared for them there, for glorifying themselves so much in this.  
But to return to the Germane, he asked me, if a Pope might exercise the authority which is given him by the Papacy, before the ceremony of his Coronation; and whether if it should happen that he died before his Coronation, he is to be understood a Legal Pope? To which I made no great difficulty to answer, yes; for 'tis clear, the defect of a ceremony cannot abrogate a Law; as those are exactly which create Popes by way of Scrutiny, nay Adoration or Access. The Creation of a Pope being a formal Law, and the Coronation an external Ceremony only.  
Vrban the 7th. who lived as many days as there are Letters in these two words, VRBANO SETTIMO, died before he was Crowned; and yet in the space of the thirteen days of his Papacy, he established certain Ordinances, which have been punctually observed. This urban having remitted to Cardinal Albano the sum of 3500 Roman Crowns, which he was indebted to the Chamber for so much lent him by Sixtus the 5th. there were some of the Cardinals, no great friends to the said Albano, did propo●e that he ought to be constrained to pay the money, because as they pretended, the Pope not being Crowned, had no capacity to release it. But the soberer of the Cardinal's overruled it in favour of Albano; and the succeeding Pope would have all observed, which was ordained by the said urban: and certainly it is not to be maintained, that if the Pope dies before he be Crowned, he is no true Pope, for he is a Legal Pope as soon as he is chosen in the Conclave, and may act with as much freedom and authority, as if he were Crowned; and to confirm this, there are several Pontifical Bulls extant, and one amongst the rest, in which these words are to be found, Vt is qui electus est in Apostolatum, si juxta consuetudinem intronizare non valeat, electus tamen sicut verus Papa ohtinet auctoritatem regendi R. Eccl. & disponendi omnes facultates illius, quod B. Gregorium ante suam Coronationem cognovimus fecisse, etc. Besides Clement 5. excommunicated all those who dare affirm that the Pope before his Coronation cannot do what he may do after it.  
And although, as some Lawyers will have it, the Emperor before his Coronation by the Pope, may administer, and do, whatever a true and lawful Emperor may do; yet before his Coronation by the Pope, he is not said to be absolutely Emperor, but Emperor Elect; whereas the Pope is called absolutely Pope, and never Pope Elect, though he be not Crowned, which is obvious in the words of Clement the 5th. in one of the Extravagants, in which the Case is discussed, and the difference made clear, why one should be called Emperor elect, before his Coronation, and the other absolutely Pope, before his. Some believe it arises from this reason, because the Pope owns not any Superior upon Earth, but God in Heaven: whereas the Emperor must acknowledge the Pope to be superior to him; but this is nothing but the flattery of the ecclesiastics; because the Popes have been many times declared inferior▪ to Counsels, and Counsels have many times deposed them; and they that depose, are certainly above them that are dep●●ed. The Emperor 'tis true confesses the Pope head of the Church, of which he is but a Member; but that does not conclude he is subject to him; for the Pope cannot command him (nor any other King) in any thing, but in certain general Cases, as he does to the whole body of Christians.  
But I shall pass now to other particularities of the Conclave.  
In the Chapel of Sixtus the 1st. and likewise in the Hall of the Consistory, and if need be, in the Royal Hall, there are as many little Chambers, built of little Beams of Wood, nailed together, and laid a thwart, as there are Cardinals alive; every one of them 20 foot wide, and 22 foot long, about one foot distance from one another, and no more, having nothing but a small vacuity to part them; these pieces of timber aloft are raised in a four square form, like a Canopy, supported at the four Corners by certain larger pieces of Timber.  
Over every Chamber there is a letter of the Alphabet, in order; and because the Cardinals are many, and more than the Lettess, they are doubled once or twice, as occasion requires.  
Now whereas nine days together after the death of the Pope, the Cardinals perform the Obsequies, in Saint Peter's Church; on the tenth, the Chamberlain, in the presence of several Prelates, puts the names of all the Cardinals, written in little Billets, into a Vase, and in another. he hath as many Chartels put, signed with the Alphabetical Letters, fastened (as I have said) upon the Chambers, and drawing, a● a venture, the the names of the Cardinals one by one, he draws likewise the letters for every one, and then distributes them according to their Lots; and the Letter of the Cardinal to whose share it falls, is fixed upon the Chamber. At this Lottery there are always present some of the Cardinal's servants, who immediately furnish and hang the same for their Masters with Cloth, so as they resemble a plain Tent. They furnish them with Beds and a Table, carrying in several Utensils for the Table, and other necessaries; The Rafters are covered with Linen, or the fairest Wollen-cloath, with Curtains of the same hanging down the sides, of what colour they please; so that the Cardinals created by the last Pope have Green, and the rest Purple; but they have changed the colours sometimes, and used red, and white.  
During the said nine days, the Cardinals do constantly meet, either at the Chamberlains house, or in the Palace, to deliberate on such provisions as are necessary for the good government of the State Ecclesiastic; They write Letters to the Precedents of Provinces, and to the absolute Governors, using the same titles of Son and Brother, as the Pope does. They do confirm and order the guard of the first gate of the Palace to their Swisses; the second, which is the gate of the Inner Court, to the Caporioni, or Conservators of Rome, which are indeed the chief of the Wards of the City: The third guards consist of the Ambassadors of Princes, and other persons of great worth, but they must not be ecclesiastics. At the fourth gate, which is the nearest to the Conclave, there are eight or ten Prelates, of the highest condition and quality. These guards do not attend (unless it be the Swisses) but when the Cardinals are entered into the Conclave. Alms are given for the soul of the Pope, choice is made of the Conclavists which are to enter with them; after that every Cardinal proposes him which he desires to have with him, and then the Chamberlain proposes such others as are usually wont to be there, which are chosen by private votes by the whole College, except the Vestry-keeper, and the Master of the Ceremonies; and then in one of the ten days the Chamberlain gives an Oath of fidelity to all that are so Elected, in the presence of the College. There are three Cardinals deputed every day to superintend all the Expenses that are made, as wellin the conclave, and funeral, as in other things, which is placed upon the account of the Apostolic-chamber, but with observation of the Bull of Pius the 4th which prohibits the expense in Rome, to exceed ten thousand crowns: And lastly to appoint when they must enter into the Conclave; that is, whether in the Morning, or after Vespers, on the eleventh day.  
The eleventh day after the death of the Pope, in the morning, every Cardinal exhorts his Family to live piously, and serve God: Those which can, do say Mass, and then all of them at the hour appointed repair to Saint Peter's Church, where, upon which Altar the Dean pleases, he sings the Mass of the Holy Ghost; and those Cardinals who have not celebrated already, do communicate there. Mass being ended, a Prelate is appointed by the Chamberlain, in an Oration, to admonish the Fathers of their duties, and the importance of the affair they are going about.  
After this is over, according to the time appointed for going into the Conclave, Mass being said, the Master of the Ceremonies to the Pope, taking the Papal Cross in his hand, he goes towards the Conclave; The Cardinal's servants go before, after them the singing men, singing the Hymn, Veni Creator Spiritus, etc. in the last place, are the Precedent Cardinals, and the Cardinal Bishops, in the second place the Priests, in the third the Deacons, all habited in Purple, and after them the other Prelates, and Clergy of the Court.  
As soon as they are entered the Conclave, the Dean of the College, before the Altar in the Chapel of Saint Nicholas, says the Prayer, Deus qui Corda, invocating the Holy Ghost: But if their entrance be i● Vespers time, they meet in Saint Peter, and go in Procession (as is said) moving according to the command of the Chamberlain.  
The Dean having done his Prayer, the Chamberlain in the presence of all people, and at the request of the Notary, before the said Altar, gives an Oath upon the Holy Evangelist to every one of the Deputies, at the second and third gates, that is to the Roman Barons, and the Ambassadors of Princes, obliging them to be diligent, and faithful to the Apostolic Palace, and the sacred Conclave, and that they shall not permit the Cardinals to be aggrieved by any body, contrary to the Pontifical Bulls: The Deputies at the fourth Gate of the Sacred Conclave, do swear the same and more, viz. that they shall not suffer any body to come near the said Gate, nor to speak with any one within, nor to write or receive Letters without express leave from the College; that they shall search with all diligence what meat and provision is carried in, that there be no Letters or advice, conveyed therein, that they shall take care their Wine, and their Water be given in Glasses, to prevent any juggling that way.  
Every one shall depart the Conclave, but the Cardinals, and such as shall be chosen, which are as follow. The Vestry-keeper to the Pope, with a Coadjutor, two Masters of the Ceremonies, a religious Regular for Confessor, a Chirurgeon, two Physicians, and an Apothecary, with two Servants, eight or nine persons for the service of the whole Conclave, and none of them to be of the Family of any of the Cardinals: Every Cardinal may have two Servants of his own, and if sick, three, provided it be with the approbation of the College, but they ought to have been with each Cardinal one year: they must be no Merchants, no Ministers of Princes, none of their own Brothers or Nephews, neither are they to have any temporal Jurisdiction. There shall be a Governor of the Conclave, a Prelate of worth, and of parts, who shall take care that things be carried within as they ought to be, and that the Cardinaals' want nothing that is convenient; and all these particulars were ordained by Pius the 4th.  
All those being departed, which are not allowed to remain in the Conclave, the persons deputed shall be placed at the second and third Gates, and the fourth which belongs properly to the Conclave, shall be locked with four Keys, and so remain fortified with four locks, having in the middle, a little Window, or a Wheel, as the Chamberlain pleaseth.  
Two of the Keys are kept without, one for the Gate, another for the Window; and the other two within, for the same; those within are in the keeping of the Master of the Ceremonies, those without in the custody of two principal Prelates; so that neither these, nor the other, can open either gate, or window, unless they come all four together, and when they are opened, there is a cloth drawn at some distance from the gate, that they which are without can see nothing within.  
The Captain of the first Guard, is to have a care, there be no insult or attempt made upon the Palace, and he sends Petrols of Soldiers constantly about to secure every place: The Barons of the second guard, suffer not any body to enter, but at feeding times; and then they are very curious that no intelligence be conveyed in: The third are to obviate, and oppose any outrage that may be made; and the Prelates and those of the fourth Guard, do see that there be nothing wanting which is necessary, that no Letters, nor Notes, be sent in or out, and examine the meat▪ and the drink.  
As soon as the Cardinals are shut up, the Chamberlain with two Cardinals which he pleases to choose, having lighted their Torches, shall make diligent search through all places in the Conclave, whether there be any remaining in the Conclave, who are not deputed or allowed.  
No person can enter into the Conclave, upon the most urgent occasion whatsoever, without licence from the College; nor can a Cardinal that goes out, come back again: No body can go out as he pleases; a Cardinal may be constrained by the College not to go forth, and if he does go without leave, he must not be received again, if he be not admitted de novo by the whole College: If a Cardinal arrives, when the rest are entered, he puts himself in the same condition, in which he finds the Conclave, and his Servants are to be sworn by the Chamberlain, as the Servants of the other Cardinals were.  
And last of all, every body withdrawing, this first day of the Conclave, which is the 11th. after the death of the Pope, in the Chapel of Saint Nicholas, which is at the upper end of the Royal Hall as aforesaid, on the left hand towards the entrance; the Chairs being placed, and all people put at a distance by the Governor of the Conclave, the Dean makes an Exhortation to these Lords, and afterwards reads the Bulls of Julius the 2d. and Pius the 4th. which treat of this Election, prescribe the order thereof, and prohibit all Simoniacal and undue practices; as also the Bull of Pius the 5th. that the Goods of the Church cannot be alienated; and which every Cardinal swears, that if it happens he shall be created Pope, he will observe strictly and confirm, as soon as he is Crowned. There are other Orders made as they please; they swear to keep secret the transactions and argumentations, they promise their Conclavists their Privileges, they enter into discourses about the person they think proper for a Charge, that makes even the Angels tremble at the weight of it: And almost always the first day of the Conclave is spent in these kind of things, without coming to an Election, which is performed afterwards with more leisure and opportunity, for the most part by Scrutiny, or Adoration.  
There are many other Ceremonies and particularities, partly hinted, and partly omitted by me, as well because they have been described by several Authors already, as also to avoid being tedious to the Reader, in obvious things, and such as are common to every body that make profession to inquire into the interests of the Court of Rome. It is sufficient that I have selected the most curious matters; seeing that many are moved by their mere curiosity, in that which regards their information of the affairs of Rome, and particularly of the interests of the Conclaves in general, and of this Conclave in particular.      

Il CARDINALISMO di Santa Chiesa, OR THE HISTORY OF CARDINALS. In III. Parts.  

PART III.  

BOOK III.  

The Contents.  
In which is discoursed, of the difference betwixt the Election of the Pope, and of the Emperor. Of some particulars which render the Election of the Pope difficult in the Conclave. Of the time the Papable Cardinals had to negotiate their interests, in the long languishing of Alexander the 7th. Of the great fear some Cardinals were in, of not arriving time enough in Rome for the Election of a new Pope. Of Cardinal Rosetti's distrusting the infirmities of Alexander the 7th. and the cause. Of an answer which Alexander gave to Cardinal Barbarino, after his recovery from his infirmity. Of the Reasons that moved the French Cardinals to mend their paces, to come in time to the Conclave. Of the arrival of the Marquis di San Romano, the Catholic Kings Ambassador. Of the diligence used by the French in sifting and investigating the transactions of the Spaniards. Of the arrival of Cardinal Grimaldi in Rome. Of the great broils and contests amongst the Cardinals about obtaining the Papacy, whilst the Pope was yet alive. Of the Spies the Spanish Ambassador kept. Of the apprehension Chigi had, that his Creatures would be perverted by the French, and Spaniard. Of a Letter writ by Chigi to the Cardinal Gabriele. Of the great fault the Court found with Chigi for alienating Cardinal Nini from his devotion. Of the reconciliation of these two persons, by the mediation of Cardinal Rasponi, and Corsini. Of the Assembly that was in the House of Cardinal Albici, to treat of the Papacy. Of the great train of Followers, that was most eminently visible in the Houses of Cardinal Rospigliosi, and Farnese, as persons which were esteemed nearest to the Papacy. Of the practices which Cardinal Imperiale began, in the behalf of Bonelli his Kinsman. Of the death and funeral of Pope Alexander. Of the passage of the Chamberlain to the Apostolical Palace. Of certain villainies committed at the windows and doors of Chigi's Palace. Of the great number of Gabels imposed by Alexander. Of the Obsequies performed for the said Pope. Of the difference betwixt certain Cardinals for place. Of the Conclave. Of the number of Lodgings in the Palace of the Vatican. Of the great silence, and taciturnity, which was observed in Cardinal Chigi. Of an Oration made in a Congregation, by the French Ambassadors and the Venetian. Of the alienation showed by Alexander from the French interest, towards his latter days. Of several persons which believed that Cardinal Chigi, to gain the favour of the King of France, would condescend to the Election of a French Pope. Of the number of Cardinals entered into the Conclave. Of those Cardinals who remained without. Of the qualities, merits, and adherences of the Papable Cardinals. Of the answer one Cardinal gave to another, who asked him his judgement about the Election of a new Pope. Of the facilities and contradictions in the Election of Rospigliosi. Of the division of the Cardinals in the Conclave. Of the great Faction the Barbarini had, after the death of Urban the 8th. Of the weakness of the Faction of the Barbarini. Of the number of Urban's Creatures which were present in the Conclave. Of the differences betwixt the Factions. The description of a Muster of Soldiers. The application an Abbot made of that Muster to the Conclave. Of the Faction of Chigi, and how numerous. Of the industry used by the French, to oblige the Chigi. Of a notable saying of a Cardinal, upon Chigi's obstinacy, not to forsake his own Creatures. Of the Faction of the Flying Squadron. Of the disorder in the French, to see this Squadrone volante managed by Cardinal Imperiale. Of the first Scrutiny, which proved vain. Of the Cardinals which received Votes in the Scrutiny. Of the open practices of the French in favour of Farnese. Of the promise made by Imperiale when he went into France, that he would concur to the Election of a French Pope, and how he broke it. Of an idle report spread about the City, that Cardinal Rospigliosi was created Pope in the beginning of the Conclave, and from whence it proceeded. Of the practices for Rospigliosi recommended to Azolino, by the Cardinals Barbarino and Chigi. Of the entrance of Cardinal Donghi into the Conclave. Of Cardinal Ginetti, who presented himself to Barbarino, and the answer Barbarino gave him. Of the creation of Rospigliosi, and the Politic Aphorisms of Azolini.   

AMongst all the conferences and politic actions, amongst all the managements and public negotiations transacted by the Cardinals, it is certain the action of the Conclave is most worthy to be enquired into, by all such as have the management of public affairs.  
The Election of the Emperor, carries a Magnificence along with it, for being in the power of six or seven Princes, partly Temporal, partly Spiritual, of which number four being obtained, the Empire is gained. But the Election of the Pope is after another manner, there being many more Princes considerable in this, than in the Election of the Emperor himself, and that because the Pontificate is of both Spiritual and Temporal consequence.  
The Conclave is not managed by six or seven voices, but by sixty, amongst which there are some who are neither for God, nor the Devil, others devoted to their own interest only, others obliged to follow the resolutions of the Nipotisme, others of the French, others of the Spaniard; some promise fairly with their tongues to one, and with their hearts to another; and there are some also to be found, who take delight in excluding all parties, to give a longer impediment to affairs.  
The learnedest of the Cardinals, are those which prevail least; the most politic, are followed the worst; the most ignorant, are the most obstinate; in brief things are managed in that manner, that those very men who have the chiefest share in the whole transactions, can scarce give an account of what they have done; the affairs of the Conclave to some persons seem easy, and easily to be penetrated, and for that reason they desire to be prying; but as to the point of the Keys, there are so many intricacies and Meanders, they can hardly find the way thorough.  
So many Conclavists as there are in the Conclave, so many Conclaves are represented to the ears of the Court; people imagine things according to their representations and figures, but the business is, the figures of the Conclave have feet and walk not, have eyes and see not, have ears and hear not, and tongues and speak not.  
The French make many Popes, to amuse the Spaniards with jealousies of such plots, as they never think of themselves. The transactions of the Conclave are of two sorts, public, and private; the private are managed by the Cardinals in secret, where the sound of their voices can scarce penetrate the air, much less the ears of any body, and these are good; but those which are in public, are full of hypocrisy and dissimulation, to lull and illude one another, and therefore not to be commended.  
They who at the opening of the Conclave, do make relation of the managements and transactions in the Election, can speak no more than they know, which commonly is nothing but what is common, because the most politic, and most occult affairs, are kept close in the minds of the Cardinals, who either will not, or care not, to communicate them to any body. For this cause, the Conclavists themselves are oftentimes confounded in their relations; and I have heard two of them contending about the Conclave of Innocent, with great heat, one pressing and persisting in what the other did deny, and perhaps both of them disputing upon that, which was never so much as mentioned in the Conclave.  
But I believe there was never (to this day) seen a Conclave more embroiled, without broils, more confounded, without confusions, than the last, in which Clement the 9th. was created: a Pope certainly very worthy of the charge, as we shall demonstrate in its place. Embroiled in sundry respects, because France is in its achme of Grandeur, and upon the brink of a rupture with Spain, which has neither King to govern the Helm, nor Cardinal to manage its Faction; because the number of Cardinals was so great, and many worthy pretenders amongst them; because the Faction of Chigi was resolved to have no other Pope whatsoever, but one of the creatures of Alexander; and for several other reasons sufficient to render the Conclave tedious, and yet all succeeded without any trouble at all.  
Certainly the facility of concluding this Conclave so soon, is commendable and worthy to quicken the curiosity of all people, to inquire into the reasons of it. If the time of fifteen days be considered, it seems to be long, being in Summer time, and in the City of Rome; but if it be compared with the time of other Conclaves preceding, and the variety of interests, crossing and thwarting one another, it will be thought but short. But to speak the truth, the Conclave of Clement was much longer than it seems in appearance, because the transactions were more without than within, and things were resolved before they entered the Conclave.  
Two months together Alexander continued dangerously ill, whilst Posts were sent every where up and down, not only with the news of his languishing condition, and the impossibility of his living above two or three days; but with the certain tidings of his death; and twice it was believed in the very City of Rome.  
In this tedious agony of Alexander's, every one had time to adjust his own business, and to bring his affairs to such a pass; that his deplorable death could produce no great novelty in the Court, nor more pretenders to the Papacy.  
It may be said therefore, and with reason, that the Conclave of Clement lasted little less than three months, that is, two before the death of Alexander, and the rest afterwards. The Cardinals seemed to precipitate, running towards Rome as it were with wings on their feet, which haste was occasioned by the news, that the Conclave would be much embroiled, and their celerity was so great, some of them were arrived before the Pope was expired; and particularly the French Cardinals, who were there at the due time, but as I have said with wings on their feet.  
There was never in times passed so great a fear observed in the Cardinals of not arriving at Rome in time, nor so impatient a desire of being in the Conclave, as at this time; from whence it is imagined, they had some strict orders and instructions from their several Crowns.  
Cardinal Rossetti was the only person which kept to his residence in his Bishopric, and though he was informed of the arrival of almost all the Cardinals in Rome, and of the condition of the Pope, continuing firm to his resolution, not to depart so soon, he sent this answer to his Agent in Rome, that he would not stir a step, before he saw from good hands an account of the Funeral of the Pope; as remembering that when they were Nuntios together in Colen, his Holiness being to comply in some great resolutions, he counterfeited a fit of sickness for two months together, for which he received the Sacrament three times as a Viaticum, and had the Psalms for the recommendation of his Soul recited four times.  
The reports of things being in this hurry, and of the arrival of the Ambassadors in such haste, being told to the departing Pope, and withal, that the transactions, and practices for a new Election was already begun: His Holiness began to look about him, and force that little remainder of his breath, to prevent their troubles, if it were possible: counterfeiting himself ●herefore to be on the mending hand, and his Eminence Cardinal Barbarino entering one day to make him a visit, he asked him how he did; the good Pope replied, I am like those who play at Goose, implying, that as at the game of Goose there is the house of death, into which whosoever falls, he must begin again, and return to the first hole of the game, so he having been near death, began as it were to live again; & this he said to perplex and mortify Barbarino, whom he knew very well to be one of those, that being pretenders to the Papacy, had rather see him in his Tomb, than in his Bed: But Barbarino who saw his condition, ceased not to drive on his interests, by striking in one place, and guarding in another, but very privately.  
One reason that spurred on the French Cardinals to mend their pace in their journey to Rome was, the great hast they were informed the Marquis di san Romano the Spanish Ambassador made; who having news of the ill condition his Holiness was in, made all hast imaginable; Of which the French on the other side being jealous, as doubting the arrival of so fresh a Minister, might render the Spanish Faction too potent, they began likewise to put on, that they might be there time enough to frustrate his designs.  
His Excellence the Marquis entered into Rome the 25 of April, attended by a great number of Coaches, and amongst the rest Cardinal Chigi, to whom the Spanish Ambassador had promised the protection of Spain; but in a short time 'twas discovered to be only a subtlety, to oblige him to concur with his Creatures, in the Election of a Pope depending cordially upon the Catholic Crown.  
The same night he made his Entry, his Excellency went immediately to Cardinal Chigi, and Cardinal Sforza, in which audience though it was but short, they desired many things should be agreed of, relating to the new Pope: The Ambassador continued his visits every day without intermission, though it reigned very much, to whom it is not to be believed what noble treats the Papable Cardinals gave; but above all Farnese, who was embarked in the business more than all of them, as if the concurrences of the Crowns were to be drawn on by the throat.  
The French carried their affairs very cunningly, prying into the actions of the Spaniards perpetually: and these were not much behind in discovering the designs of the French, whose party they looked upon to be very strong, there being some of the Cardinals obliged to follow it for love, and others for fear; and it was looked upon as the more potent, by reason of the weakness of the Spanish Faction, there having none declared openly for the same but Langravio Sforza and Raggi, of whom also there was no certainty; in regard of the injury he received daily from them.  
In the mean time the greatest of the Prelates did not forbear endeavouring to conciliate the minds and affections of them both; though not to vilify their opinions of their own merits, whether real, or pretended, they did visibly desire se longius ire, a thing which seems natural to the Clergy of his age.  
About this time Cardinal Grimaldi arrived in Rome, and sent away immediately to Cardinal Barbarino, Dean of the sacred College, to let him know he would come and visit him; but he suspending his answer till his Coach was got ready, would needs prevent his Eminence (which had he not pretended to the Popedom, he would never have done) with whom he held long discourse, about the Emergent affairs, and afterwards according to the Deans example, all the rest of the Cardinals came to visit him; and particularly those who stood for the Papacy, were none of the last. Indeed when the Spanish Ambassador arrived, the Spanish faction seemed for some days to be made stronger, and the French weakened; but on the contrary; as soon as Grimaldi was arrived, the Spaniard grew weak, and the French faction strong.  
It is not to be imagined, what passages, what messages, what visits were made by night and by day, in order to the acquisition of the Papacy, whilst the Pope was alive; The Spanish Ambassador had his Spies in all places, to observe the motions of his adversaries, he failed not with his promises to allure all people to his party, particularly he● offered very largely to Cardinal Caraffa a Neapolitan, and by consequence a subject of Spain: but as the Spaniards were jealous of him, so he was diffident of their promises, and resolved to stand neuter.  
The Cardinal Chigi, though obliged to the assistance of his Uncle, and the care of the Church; yet he managed the new Election with great order, and had his eyes open over his own Creatures, as being fearful they might be debauched away, either to the French faction, or the Spanish; for which reason he gave the care of that to Caraffa, whom he ordained his director in all his affairs, and was not ill served by him.  
Cardinal Chigi writ a very courteous letter to Cardinal Gabriele in Ascoli, a creature of urban the eights: which said letter gave great occasion of jealousy to the rest of the Pretenders, but most of all to his own creatures; in so much that several well affected to the Pretendants, did very much lament it; however Chigi, by the Council of Caraffa knew well enough how to satisfy all parties, and take away all manner of suspicion.  
The greatest thing that was blamed in Chigi was, for having in that conjuncture, alienated Cardinal Nini, which was attributed to several causes, but particularly it was said, his Eminence was disobliged, because Nini had declared, that he would concur in the Exaltation of no body but Farnese and Rospigliosi, two persons not at all desired by Chigi, unless in case he could not carry it for Bonvisi, or Celsi, for both which he had a kindness, and kept them in the first place of his memory.  
The Cardinals Rasponi, and Corsini, not liking to have such a person disobliged from the faction of Chigi, they undertook to reconcile them, and performed it to the satisfaction of both parties.  
The same Chigi went to visit Cardinal Bonvisi, designing by that subtlety, as some people imagine, to sweeten the disgust which Francisco Bonvisi, (the said Cardinal's Brother, and Maestro di Camera to Chigi) had taken, for some ill usage he had received, and not without his fault.  
In the house of Cardinal d'Albici, it seemed the place for the Conclave was appointed; whilst they assembled by night many times, and many times by day, (but the greatest part French) to treat about the new Election: he negotiating in the mean time wi●h the Spaniards also, insomuch as he was reckoned a good Swiss after that, which is as much as to say, one who would willingly give himself to him that would give most for him.  
Yet the greatest train of the Prelacy, and others, was observed to frequent the houses of Farnese, and Rospigliosi, from whence the common opinion of the Court was (and indeed it fell so afterwards) the Pope was to proceed; although Cardinal Barbarino used all the industry was possible to acquire a reputation, by multiplying his good works, and redoubling his actions of Charity, which he before did exercise to the people.  
In the huddle of practices which the Cardinals tumultuously carried on, it was Imperiale's good fortune to advance so much under hand the interest of his Kinsman Bonelli, that there was nothing more left for him to desire; but the Mine being discovered, it was immediately blown up by the French, by declaring openly, that that Crown was for his exclusion.  
It is believed nevertheless, that if the French had not excluded him, he would never have succeeded, because the Spaniards had only put him in hopes, never intending it in earnest; and the Squadrone Volante (of which Imperiale was head) did not approve of a person of whom the Crown of France had a diffidence, lest they should draw some ill consequence upon their backs.  
About this time the Pope died the 22th. of May, being Sunday, betwixt one and two a Clock in the morning, and immediately the Piscatory Ring was broken by Cardinal Barbarino, though he was then in a Fever; as he came out of the Apostolical Palace, attended by the Pontifical Guards, thousands of the people cried out with a loud voice, Viva il Cardinal Anthonio, using many other injurious words against the Chigi, and calling them Tyrants.  
The body of the Pope being opened, and embalmed the same night, they found his Reins to be wasted, and two Callous Glandules (which the Physicians call Turberculi) obstructing the passage of his Urine; and hence came his excessive pains, his long watchings, and his want of appetite, which made his Holiness endure a tedious agony of two months long, during which time, he was sustained continually with exquisite Restoratives, and Culliss of great price made of Gold, and of Pearl. It was afterwards affirmed by several Physicians, that the two much nourishment of those restoritives, exceeding his natural heat and power to digest them, had done him hurt, and shortened his days, his nature (in regard of his age, and the quality of his disease) requiring meat of nourishment; nor was it less disapproved by the Physicians, that the Pope for several years could scarce ever satisfy himself with the most violent cold imaginable, in his Wine, Water, and Fruits; causing them to be set in Snow for several hours, and never thinking them fresh or cold enough, of which his Domestics complained very often.  
About midnight the Corpse was conveyed from the Quirinal where he died, to the Cathedral of Saint Peter, with usual Solemnities by the Guards, and two pieces of Canon. It was afterwards exposed in the Chapel of the said Cathedral, infinite numbers of people running thither to kiss his foot, not out of Devotion so much, as Curiosity.  
On Tuesday at night, in the presence of 23 Cardinals of his creation, the body was put into a Cypress Coffin, which was put into another of Lead, lined with the richest Cloth of Gold, of excellent work and colours, and covered again with a sumptuous Pawl, embroidered with Gold and Silver; and with it, a rich Purse emboydered likewise, and full of a great quantity of Medals of Gold and Silver, with the Effigies of the Pope: which Purse was put there by Cardinal Chigi, as a perpetual memorial, that it might be known after several ages to be the body of Alexander the 7th. The putting in Medals is usual to other Popes, but not (as they say) with that innovation of lining the Chest with cloth of Gold, and covering it with so rich a Pawl as that was: a thing which made the people murmur the more against the Chigi, as those who buried other people's wealth under ground, and not their own.  
On Monday at break of day, there were seen two or three windows all blacked over with Ink, and daubed over with dung, in the noble Palace of the Chigi, whether the Cardinal was retired (that they might be all together) till another most noble Palace (which will be the Cardinals own propriety) was finished; a high affront doubtless, and such as is used by the Rascality of the people, to the gates and windows of public Bawds only: and because there were infinite Pasquins and Satyrs against the said Chigi, he attributed the reason to the new Gabels, imposed upon Grist, Wine, Wax, Paper, Hay, Straw, Soap, Aquavitae, Tobacco, and other things, to the number of fifteen or sixteen; though the people were already oppressed with 46 other Gabels imposed by Vrban the 8th. whereupon Pope Innocent forbore the laying of any new Gabels, though he used such other ways, that he left his Nephews many and many millions.  
But the greatest offence the people took at the Government of Chigi, was to find a new way of engrossing of Corn introduced, which hindered the free Trade of their Merchandizing, by which he gathered a great quantity of Grain together, to the great grievance of the people, who were not able to apply themselves to sow their Land, because they could not have liberty to dispose freely of what they reaped: all which they attributed to the rapacity of Don Mario, who finding himself affronted so highly, as to see some of his Servants bastinadoed by the people before his face, he began to excuse himself, and say, he could not imagine the reason why he should be so odious to the people, it never having been in his power to relieve them in the least; that the Papacy of his Brother, was an unhappy Papacy, infested successively with the Plague, Famine, Inundations, Wars, and the disbursement of great sums of Moneys in assistance of the Emperor and Venetian, against the Turk, which had totally exhausted the Apostolical Treasury.  
On the 23th. the Sacred College met in the Cathedral of Saint Peter, to celebrate the first Obsequies of the deceased Pope; after this, in the Vestry of the said Church, they held the first Congregation of State, for the well governing of the Ecclesiastic Republic, in which all Offices were renounced, and afterwards confirmed; as particularly, the charge of General of the Holy Church, to Don Mario, to prevent dissensions and tumults of the people, during the vacancy of the See. Monsignor Borromei was confirmed Governor of Rome likewise, and with much more satisfaction to the people, in respect of the prudence and justice wherewith he hath always executed his Office, as a Gentleman, and as a Prelate of great merit and judgement.  
And because it was reported the Conclave should be held not in the Palace of the Vatican, by the Cathedral of Saint Peter, but in the Palace Quirinal, in the middle of Rome, where his Holiness died, (though not for that consideration, but in regard the Vatican was supposed to have an ill air, and the dust was great by reason of the continual building of the Porticoes;) this point being proposed in the said first Congregation, and the Scrutiny being made, there were only 14. Votes for the Vatican, and all the other (about 40. there being above 50. present) for the Quirinal. But Cardinal Barbarino having made a courageous Speech, as he was Dean; remonstrating in several heads, the convenience of holding the Conclave in the Vatican; for its vicinity to the Church of Saint Peter; for its immense capacity, as containing no less than 5500 several Rooms, great and small, with 13000 Doors and Windows, with large and pleasant Courts, Gardens, and Fountains; his opinion prevailed to have a new Scrutiny, upon which, three Cardinals were deputed, to take some Architects along with them, and survey the straightness and incommodities of the Quirinal: which order was immediately observed, the Architects reporting, that besides the insufferable straightness of the Quirinal, it would cost 5000 Crowns more to be there, than in the Vatican: by which means they discredited a Pamphlet written, and prepared during the distemper of the Pope by Cardinal Pallavicino, and published after his death, to induce the Cardinals to hold the Conclave in the Quirinal Palace, and not in the Vatican.  
In the Congregations which followed daily in the aforesaid Vestry, there was notice taken of a great silence, and modesty in Cardinal Chigi, to the admiration of such as did not know he was advised to it, by reason that he was of a nature to be easily perplexed; yet for all this he gave them boldly to understand, that he and his faction would never be persuaded from their own creatures.  
The Ambassadors of France and Venice,, in the second Congregation made their usual Orations as formularies, in the names of that King, and Republic, entreating the most eminent Cardinals, to create some most worthy person, for the universal benefit of the Church, offering any aid, or assistance, for the security of the College in the mean time: The like Office was performed the Thursday following by the Catholic Ambassador, who appeared likewise with a considerable train.  
In one of the said Congregations Monsignor Casanate was chosen Governor of the Conclave, who was Secretary to the Congregation de propaganda fide: It was decreed likewise, that no Cardinal for the future, do admit any person to sit by his side in the Coach, though honoured with the Prelacy, or any other charge: as also that no Cardinal shall stop his Coach to any body, Except the Ambassadors of Crowns only.  
During the 9 days devoted to the Obsequies, the Cardinais visited one another incessantly, after dinner (for in the morning they were hindered by the Congregations) but he Ambassadors of France and Spain visited them much more, to confirm the several practices which were agreed upon whilst the Pope was alive, and to encourage the Cardinals to stand firm to their promises. About this time there were several discourses, and Pamphlets published, concerning the Papable persons, written according to the passion, or affection of the Author, with obloquy, or commendation of the same persons, who are prostituted, as a man may say, to the liberty of so many tongues.  
By reason of the alienation showed by the Pope from the French, to the very end of his days, upon occasion of the Extravagance of the Corsi Soldiers (which happened with so much scandal to Christendom, and so much disturbance to Rome) in the time of his Papacy, towards the Duke of Crequy, Ambassador from the Crown of France; the memory of the revenge, or satisfaction of his most Christian Majesty remaining too fresh in the Pyramede erected in Rome, in the very Quarter of the Corsi Soldiers. It was supposed that Cardinal Chigi, to pacify in some measure, and appease the King of France, and to take away all umbrage of malevolence out of his mind, would have been ready to endeavour by all fair means, to promote the satisfaction of the said King, by concurring with his Creatures in some such person as his Majesty should approve.  
For several days, reflection was made upon this point, and no small hopes, (though ambiguous) given to the French, who believed themselves sure, because Farnese was the man they pitched upon; who being a Creature of Chigi's, it seemed natural for him to agree to a Creature of his own, and at the same time to gratify France, who would not be wanting in testimonies of affection to them: and this was one of the inducements that prevailed with Farnese to embark himself in the business, and to court several of the Spanish Cardinals, and of the Squadrone volante, to make up his complete number of Votes: and indeed he reckoned upon more than 20 of Chigi's Creatures, of his side, for the reasons abovesaid, about eight or ten of the French, about 14 others of his friends of the Spanish Faction; and a party in the flying Squadron which promised to serve him; in so much that being confident in all these, he thought the Papacy as certainly in his house, as I believe the Pen is in my Hand, and perhaps he tried in his Chamber to make Papal Crosses of benediction.  
In the mean time Cardinal Chigi having considered of his affairs better, he believed it would be an occasion of an eternal prejudice, and disgust to the Spaniard, and therefore he thought best to tack about as nimbly as he could, lest he should disturb or interrupt his hopes of being made Protector of the Crown of Spain, which he thought as surely in his hands, as Farnese did the Papacy; but they at last understood better the subtlety of the Courts both in Spain and Rome.  
Chigi believed that the Pope his Uncle had recommended him to the King of Spain by the mediation of his Ambassador, to whom he gave audience eight days before his death, upon which he resolved to adhere to the Spanish Faction, as hoping thereby to obtain the Protection of the Church of Spain, which was then vacant by the death of Cardinal di Medici, it being a Protection of great honour and advantage. But the general opinion was, that it was to be reserved for a new Cardinal of the house of Medici, which would be promoted by the next Pope: upon which score it was concluded by every body, that Cardinal Chigi, being in fear of the French, and in hopes of the Spaniard, was to temporize so, that upon what person soever the Papacy fell, he was to remain in the favour and protection of one of the two Crowns.  
After the usual Exsequys were performed by the Cardinals, and a Funeral Oration recited, on Thursday morning the second of June, the Cardinals being assembled in the Church of Saint Peter, having sung the Mass of the Holy Ghost, and recited an exhortatory Prayer for the Election of a Religious Pope, they marched in Procession towards the Conclave (the singing men before them, singing veni Creator Spiritus) which was much more enlarged than formerly, not only because they made use of the Lodge of Benediction, but because they had furnished some of their Cells very neatly with Silk, leaving the top open to the Sky, which they could open and shut with Cords, to receive the benefit of the Air, as the Season required. The whole day long, free entrance was allowed to every body, especially to the Ambassadors of Crowns, who visited all the Cardinals one by one, all the Princes and Prelates of the Court, and an infinite number of others performing the same Compliments, each of them as his affection inclined him. Farnese and Rospigliosi▪ were the most regarded by the people, and by the generality of the Prelates, many of which began to acknowledge them as Popes.  
Never was there so great a number of Cardinals seen in any Conclave before, above seventy entering in at the same time, viz. Francisco Barbarino, Ginetti, Harrach, Anthonio Barbarino, Pallotta, Brancaccio, Carpegna, Durazzo, gabrieli, Orsini, Este, Facchinetti, Grimaldi, Rossetti, Romanini, all of them creatures of Vrban the 8th. Cibo, Sforza, Odescalco, Raggi, Maldachini, Gondi, Homodei, Ottoboni, Imperiale, Borromei, Hassia, Carlo Barbarino, Spada, Albici, Aquaviva: Pio, Gualtieri, Azzolini, creatures of Innocent the 10th. Chigi, Rospigliosi, Bonvisi, Elci, Farnese, Bichi, Vechiarelli, Franzoni, Vidoni, Barbarigo, Mancini, Boncompagni, Bonelli, Piccolomini, Caraffa, Celsi, Savelli, Litta, Corsini, Paluzzi, Rasponi, Conti, Nini, Roberti, Spinola, Caraccioli, Delfini, Vandomo, created by Alexander the 7th.  
The Cardinals, Aragon, and Moncada, were in Spain, and thought it not convenient to undertake such a journey, when the weather was so hot; besides Arragon could not leave that Court, being chief Minister there.  
The new Cardinal Visconte, sent word likewise, that he could not come, because there was never an Apostolical Nuntio there, and that Court would not admit his Auditor, either as Nuntio, or Envoy; upon which the Spanish Ambassador dispatched an express to hasten his coming, desiring the Ministers of Spain, to adjust the difference, and to receive the Auditor as an Envoy.  
Almost at the same time, the Cardinal of Salsburg, writ word he could not be present at that Conclave neither, in regard of the Imperial Diet which he could not possibly leave; this advice was not over welcome to the ears of the Catholic Ambassador, who sent a Courier on purpose to solicit the Emperor that he would be pleased to dismiss him. But all this importunity had no other effect, than to make the French believe, the Spanish Faction were too timorous, and by consequence, weak.  
Bandinelli, and Pallavicino, were absent, and so, as never to be present afterwards, for being very sick, and infirm, they died within three or four days, leaving the Conclave possessed either with a spirit of contradiction, or folly. Pallavicino died so poor, there was not enough found in his house, to pay the charge of his Funeral, but was forced to be beholding to the affection of Chigi even after his death, whose Eminence sent a 1000 Crowns to effect it.  
There were two other Cardinals likewise who were absent, Ludovisio, and Donghi, both of them indisposed, and forced to stay away to perfect their Cure. However it is sufficient, that the two thirds of the votes which were necessary for the Election of the Pope, according to the decree of Alexander the third, aught to be 41 at the least, and of that number only which entered the Conclave the first day: in which, towards the Evening there happened a fray betwixt the Soldiers of the Marshal of the Conclave, and the Halberdiers of the Governor of the Conclave, about their Posts, the last of which had the worst of it, and in the heat of the quarrel, some of the Marshal's Soldiers, broke into certain of the Cardinal's Kitchens, and took away a good prize of Silver Plate; but they enjoyed it not long, for they were taken a while after, and process of death ordered to be made out against them, yet not so much for their theft, as for the fright and confusion they occasioned in the Conclave.  
Before they went out of the Conclave, the French Ambassador (having for a long time negotiated privately with the Cardinals of his Nation) he produced a Letter from his Master, in which he declared his indifference, either to one person, or other; his Ambassador in a long Oration, pressing, and exaggerating, that his most Christian Majesty desired nothing but a virtuous and uninterested Pope; yet when it came to the point, they did what they could, to have had all to themselves.  
The Ambassador of Spain received not the satisfaction he would have done, from the Spanish Cardinals, observing some of them tottering and uncertain, he would not permit them therefore either to exclude, or include any body, he only charged them to temporize and protract, till he received an answer which he expected from Spain. But to Cardinal Sforza he declared himself more freely, and 'tis believed he told him the intention of the Council of Spain, about the Election of one of the two persons, Rospigliosi, or Farnese, who were they, which seemed to have come Popes into the Conclave.  
About 5 a Clock in the morning, all went out of the Conclave, which being locked up immediately, the Cardinal Chamberlain, accompanied with two others, went about visiting all places, to see if there were any body stayed privately behind, besides such as were deputed by the College; after which, the usual Oaths were given, and the Cardinals holding a Congregation amongst themselves, several Laws were established, every one promising to observe them if he was elected Pope; they had very strong debates amongst themselves; the Mass of the Holy Ghost was sung; the Cardinals received all of them the Communion; and after that, in the accustomed Order, they began the first Scrutiny.  
And here before we proceed any further, it will not be amiss to discourse of the qualities, merits, and adherences of the Papable Cardinals of the aforesaid Conclave, as also of their number, and of whose creation; which will give some light to the Reader, and enable him to consider of the adherences and hopes, both of one party and the other; but I will not omit to insert what passed betwixt Cardinal Sforza and N. the day before they entered into the Conclave, which will serve to give some illustration of the qualities of some of them. Cardinal Sforza, and Cardinal N. being in discourse, Sforza demanded of N. what his judgement was as to the new Election; the other wanted not an answer, but replied immediately, My Lord, I believe, if the French shall make the Pope, Cardinal Farnese will be the man; if the Spaniard, Cardinal Rospigliosi; if the People of Rome, Cardinal Barbarino; if the Holy Ghost, Cardinal Odescalco; if the Devil, either your Eminence or I. Then it shall be Rospigliosi replied Sforza smiling; and so they passed to other discourse.  
But to return to the Papable Cardinals, they were twenty in number, and no more, the rest of the Cardinals being all declared Spaniards, or French, or too young; for youth, by reason of the inexperience wherewith it is usually accompanied, and for fear of a tedious Reign (a potent exception against any of them all) is enough to hinder the best persons exaltation, as we see daily by frequent examples.  
Of these twenty Papable Cardinals, eight were created by urban; Barbarino, Ginetti, Palotta, Brancaccio, Carpegna, Gabrieli, Durazzo, and Facchinetti. Three by Innocent, Odescalco, Albici, and Spada, called commonly Santa Susanna; and nine by Alexander, Bonvisi, Rospigliosi, Farnese, Caraffa, Elci, Celsi, Bonelli, Litta, and Bandinelli. But this last was mentioned without the Conclave, not within, for he died at the beginning of it; so as there remained then but nineteen, all persons of competent age, the youngest of them being above 56.  
Barbarino was in his 70th. year, which was no small advantage to him; his creatures, and some other of Innocents', his Correspondents, as Raggi, Santa Croce, Spada, and Pio, seemed to concur willingly in him; the Spaniards were not against him, though they would never declare positively for him; and it appeared to be some advantage too, that Sforza was not head of the Faction, who upon several scores had but very little affection for him; so that if he had persevered in the good management of the business which he began with Chigi, and had obtained his concurrence, and his creatures, he had been certainly Pope as most people believe. But one which penetrated deeper into the Machinations of the Priests, was of opinion, Chigi could not have done it without disgusting several of his creatures, and losing their votes for himself; and indeed being agreed with Barbarino, he endeavoured to discover the intentions of the principal of his creatures, and to draw them to join with him for the exaltation of the said Barbarino; but he found so great repugnancy from the beginning, especially in Cardinal Celsi, who was upon several accounts an implacable enemy to Barbarino, that he had much ado to appease them, by obliging himself to speak no more of the exaltation of Barbarino. It is reported, that in the heat of their dispute, Celsi should speak openly to Chigi in this manner; your creatures follow you, because you have promised them all, not to suffer the Papacy to fall, but amongst your creatures; and if it happens to light amongst the creatures of Urban, your Eminence will be left alone in the Conclave, and if you lose it now, you will lose it for ever. Barbarino was advised by some persons, to open his purse, and to leave all the hopes of his pretensions to the operation of his Coin, according to the abominable example of Alexander the 6th. and some there were who supposed the business was concluded; but that report proceeded only from the malice of his enemies, to fully and obfuscate the reputation of a man, who certainly for more Papacies than one, would not have defiled, or eclipsed the lustre of the esteem which he enjoyed amongst the people.  
Ginetti's pretensions were founded only upon the benevolence of the Spaniard, (towards whom he had always carried himself with great circumspection) and his great age, which was 82. but in other respects there was but little appearance for him.  
Palotta was put into the number of the Candidates, not that it was believed he could be exalted in that conjuncture, because Barbarino was his professed enemy; and he was hated by the Spaniards for the integrity of his life, they being always jealous of a person of worth, or parts extraordinary.  
But in consideration of his merits only, true it is every one thought there was but little hopes of his exaltation, perhaps as a judgement upon all Christendom, as well as the people of Rome, who were not worthy of so excellent a Prince; for this I dare affirm, that of all the Sacred College, he only, and Farnese, are the most proper to undergo the charge of the Papacy, in respect of their uprightness of mind, their integrity in matters of Justice, the love of the people, and which is yet more, that they are disinterested, and no passionate promotors of their Kindred. His being 70 years old, and having the Gout, gave him but little assistance, because his complexion was strong, and in other respects he was perfectly sound.  
In the last Conclave but this, there was some talk of Carpegna, because the two Medici's endeavoured his promotion; but in this of Clement the 9th. he remained in his ordinary infirmity, which is only in a desire of pretending, and no more, there being no Medici's then to advance him: nor indeed did he put himself much forward, as conscious perhaps, that he had nothing, but his being a Cardinal, and a Servant to the Great Duke, to recommend him. Cardinal Rossetti, who had the management and interest of the Great Duke, made some kind of proffer, but he durst go no further, for he was sure never to compass his designs; and he did well, for there was need of better heads than his, in the Apostolic Chair.  
Brancaccio was discoursed of, as an excellent Lord, not only in respect of his birth, being a Gentleman of one of the best Families in Naples, but in consideration of several good qualities that were in him; but there were two things, and very important, which hindered his friends from entering into treaty for him: the first was, that they saw Chigi's Faction resolved to have no other Pope, but a creature of Alexander's, and there was but small hopes to see the Papacy amongst Urbans, seeing Barbarino had tried the impediment: the second, because the Spaniards had no great kindness for him, and although they pretended to be reconciled, yet the quarrel continued at the heart still, and 'tis most certain they would never have concurred in this man, whilst there was any body else to create: and a third reason was, the great fondness Brancaccio expressed always to his Kindred, it being confidently believed he would have run a great hazard of being misled, by his love to them, who were numerous; the Family of the Brancaccio being divided into several houses in that Kingdom, would have afforded persons enough to have filled up, not only the Governments, but all the Offices and Benefices belonging to the Apostolic See: so that these obstructions were sufficient to keep him still in his Cardinalship.  
Durazzo, had nothing to speak for him but his age, being 75. his infirmities, and decrepitancy, which many times are sufficient alone to open a door to the Pontificate; for the Cardinal Pretenders, when they find they cannot reach it themselves, they endeavour to create some old and decrepit man, that they may have another vacancy quickly, and their old hopes be renewed. It was reported there was a Kinsman of Durazzo's come to Rome with 50000 dubles, to work upon the minds of some of the poorer Cardinals, but this story was known to be a lie, and only the invention of his Enemies, to disgrace him; for he was generally taken for a man of a most irreprehensible life, though illiterate, and of no great parts; but the worst thing in him of all was, that he was of Genoa, which is no small impediment.  
During the weakness of the Pope, which in effect served for a Conclave, there were many so confident Gabrielle was made Pope, that they laid wagers on it. And the grounds of that opinion were, that they saw the Spaniards inclined to him, and doubtless had they sound things better disposed towards him, they would not have failed to have favoured him, he having expressed himself always very well towards that Crown; to this they joined the affinity and alliance he had with the new Cardinal Vandome, who they thought would prevail with the French Faction to concur; and indeed he attempted it, but rather to satisfy him, as it is supposed, than out of any desire he had to it in earnest. Besides this, the Letter which was writ to him with so much affection by Cardinal Chigi, made them believe he would join with him, with all his creatures; and all these reasons being put together, his friends would needs fancy him Pope.  
But they found themselves out in their confidence, not being able to dive into the most profound and recluse mysteries of State. First, because the French would never have concurred (at the importunity of a new made Cardinal, though of never so great quality) in a person, who upon divers occasions had shown himself too partial to the Spaniard; besides this, the Spaniards themselves who protected him, and pretended to advance him, would not have had him Pope, as not knowing his humour; for their policy consists in preferring such persons to the Papacy, as they know very well, and are acquainted with the very bottom of their qualities, lest they should run upon such rocks as they have formerly done, and particularly in the Papacy of Paul the 4th. and Sixtus the 5th. Barbarino had promised him his assistance, but it was when he saw his own hopes desperate; so Gabrielle's hopes, and his, vanished together. His age was 73 years, but it did him no good, his complexion was so healthful and strong.  
Facchinetti knowing his years too few, had not courage to venture in a Conclave, in which he saw so many other persons of greater maturity and merits than himself; and yet he is an excellent person, indifferently well learned, of a good judgement, and solid, but something too resolute. He was considered as Innocent the ninths Nephews Son, and one that has kept a good correspondence with the Baloncse, Gentlemen his Countrymen. In his Nuntiature into Spain, he gave great satisfaction to that Court, nor was he ingrateful when he was come back again to Rome, insomuch that the Spaniards held him as a Confident. He recommended himself to them with great modesty, declaring he had not much to pretend in a Conclave so rich in other persons of merit; yet if there should happen such contests and competitions, as there usually do, he desired the Spaniards, as his friends, would be mindful of him; but no great controversy arriving, his friends had no occasion to concern themselves in his behalf.  
Odescalco's hopes consisted in the good opinion the whole College had of him, as a person of Integrity, Generosity, and Charity, and one that was well affected by the Spaniards, as one of the Subjects of that Crown; but there were many more potent obstacles to obstruct them: The first was in his age which was but 56 years, as strong and as lusty as was possible, an obstacle so great, that as often as he was mentioned the 22 years' Papacy of urban, was immediately remembered, and by consequence took away the good inclinations the Cardinals had to his person, and to his advancement: the Cardinals being resolved they would never again see the Keys of St. Peter grow rusty in the hands of one man.  
The second was, that Sforzá had lost the management of the Spanish Faction, who was his very great friend, and would not have failed doubtless to have used his utmost endeavour, to have drawn the Spaniards to a concurrence: I say his utmost endeavours, because though the Spaniard may love Odescalco very well, as a subject, and well deserving person of that Crown; yet 'tis most certain, at their hearts, they had rather he should remain a Cardinal, than be made Pope; and the reason is, because they look upon him as an obstinate person, too rigid, and severe to his first impressions, which agrees not with the Spanish Policy, that requires an honest down right Pope, easy to be commanded, and not refractory to command. The other obstacle was the aversion of the French, who would never have consented to the Election of a Milanese, at a time when there was a breach betwixt the two Crowns; and indeed when any friend of Odescalcoes proposed him to any Cardinal of the French, they answered him according to the modesty of the French, He is a worthy person, but let us talk of some body else. Yet there was no body declared himself his Enemy, but Cardinal Imperiale, and that upon an accident which happened in Rome the 20th. of August 1662. at which time Odescalco, either that he believed in his Conscience things ought to be so, or that he had a mind to oblige the French, and take away the suspicion that Crown had of him, as he was a Spaniard, that he might not have their Negative in the Conclave, or for any thing else, it is enough he was one of those which decreed his banishment: and so much the more reason had Imperial to be angry, by how much he was informed Odescalco was the promoter of the business: and all these things considered together, at the very first put all Odescalcoes pretensions out of his head.  
Albici had little or no thoughts of demanding the Papacy, not that he disliked the morsel, but because he knew very well the Cardinals would not choose him, as knowing him to be of a turbulent head, and a pungent, if not virulent tongue.  
In short, though in all the rest there were some visible hopes of Exaltation to be found, yet in this Cardinal there was not the least spark, or inclination to be discovered; first because he was abominated by the Spaniards, as a person of too deep a reach; for 'tis a maxim amongst them, to have a care of such persons as by the greatness of their parts, or designs, may disturb the present quiet of Italy, during the minority of their King: Some people believe, that for the same reasons for which the Spaniards hated him, the French loved him, but yet with very good Policy, he was but little or not at all mentioned in the Conclave.  
The other impediment was a pique Chigi had taken against him, Albici having been always an enemy to his Government, murmuring continually against it, as well in public as in private; Cardinal Chigi for all that dissembled it very well, yet he could not contain from saying one day to a friend of Albici's, who recommended him to him, for a Pope (but he spoke as by the by) That when he gave his voice for Albici, there should not be another Cardinal in the College.  
These following Memoires of this Cardinal, came too late to my hands to put them into my second Part, which indeed was their proper place; but coming from a good hand, I have chosen rather to insert them here, than to suffer them to be lost: I desire the Reader therefore would compare what is written of this Cardinal in the second Part, with what follows.  
Francisco Cardinal of Albici was born in Cesenna the 25th. of October 1593. he is descended of Albici's in Florence, a person of great learning in all kinds of Sciences, but in the Law, and Ecclesiastical History, he has but few equals in this age. He is so great a lover of Justice, that when he was young, and exercising his Advocateship in Cesenna, because he would not do that which was unjust, he was forced to fly, to avoid the mischief which was threatened to him, by the person which desired to have had sentence in his favour contrary to Law and Justice. Upon this occasion he came to Rome, where he exercised his profession with great applause; Monsignour Monti a Milanese being declared Nuntio of Naples by Vrban the eight, the advocate Albici was proposed to Cardinal Francisco Barbarino, to be Auditor of the said Nuntiature. Monsignour Meltio Lieutenant to A. C. who was a Cardinal afterwards, was desired to give his Character of him, which he did so much to his advantage, that he was sent to Naples, and afterwards into Spain with the said Monti, where he carried himself with great commendation; after three years he was called back again to Rome by Vrban, made Assessor of the S. Office, and sent with Monsignour Macchiavelli Assistant into Germany to Cardinal Ginetti, who went Legate a Latere from Vrban the eighth. There was some unkindness betwixt the said Legate and Albici, by reason of the sordidness wherewith the Legate used all his attendants in his Legation. Whilst he was in Germany, the charge of Assessor d●l S. Officio, was kept void, and restored to him at his return to Rome. Vrban at the request of D. Anna Colonna, gave him the Canonship of Saint Peter; and amongst the rest of the favours which he did him, he declared himself his Kinsman upon occasion of a Marriage betwixt one of the house of Barbarino, and a Lady of the Albici's. He had thoughts of making him a Cardinal, if death had not prevented his making another promotion. He was afterwards made a Cardinal by Innocent the tenth, for the pains he took in the cause of Jansenius; condemned by Innocent, although his Emulators whispered about the Court, that he was created, only to obstruct the Assumption of Cardinal Fiorenzuola to the Papacy.  
But that report could not continue long, it being well known, what joy the whole Court, and all the Princes had at his Promotion, and amongst the rest, there was a Prince who congratulated with his Eminence, that by his bare merits, without Bribery, or Subornation, he had attained to the dignity of the Purple. At that time he was the only Instrument that made Alexander the 7th. Secretary of State at Colonia, as appears in a book Printed by the said Pope, before his Ascension to the Papacy; in which he has inserted one of the many secrets which were writ to him by Albici: and after the said Chigi was made a Cardinal, he omitted not any thing that might contribute to the assumption of his friend to the Papacy, gratitude and friendship being one of his most singular virtues; and amongst other of his policies, he expressed more than ordinary civilities to a Kinsman of Alexander, who did not return that gratitude, which such a friend did deserve; only in the latter part of his Pontificate, upon the instance of Cardinal Chigi his Nephew, who knew very well the affection of such a friend deserved a greater recompense than this, he made one of his Nephews resign the Title of an Abbey to him; and this obligation he owed not to the Pope, but to his Nephew. The Cardinal is of a good complexion, and lusty, though he be in the 75th. year of his age. He is courteous in his Speech, a lover of Poverty, indifferent as to the Princes, for being asked one day by Cardinal Arragon, whether he was French or Spaniard, he replied, That where Justice was, thore were his inclinations. He is beloved of the Cardinals, but it is for fear; he is resolute and studious enough. At present he has four Nephews, Sons of his Son, first the Abbot Rinaldo; then Nicolo a Layman, married to a Daughter of the Marquis Calcagnini of Ferrara; the next is Lutio Arroni, a youth of many good qualities; and lastly Logo an Abbot. He uses his Pen very willingly in defence of such as are accused, as he did in the Papacy of Innocent the 10th. in behalf of Horatio Falconieri; for which, being reprehended by a Prelate who was his friend, he replied, That it was Justice that he defended; That he could not abandon his friend in his distress; That such was his practice formerly, and such it should be for the time to come. In the Pontificate of Alexander, he made several Sermons, which by several were interpreted, as intended against the Government of Alexander; and being rebuked for it by some of his Relations, he gave one of them this answer, That Pulpits were invented for the reprehension, not for the encouragement of Vice. He is a person of a quick resolution and 〈…〉. Upon an occasion in the time of Alexander the 7th. who framed a Congrega 〈…〉 for adjusting the matters of Ceremony betwixt the Cardinals and Roman Barons, by 〈…〉 〈…〉 ey were grown but little considered, this Cardinal said, If I were to advise his Holiness, I would tell him, that he ought first to set a value upon the Cardinals, and when they desire any favour for the Barons, his Holiness should grant it at their Suit; By which means, the Sacred College will become more estimable to every body; but if the Pope vilifies them, all the world contemns them: which was very wise Council. All the pleasant and facetious things that are said in the Court, are fathered upon this person, of which he never so much as thought: and this proceeds from the liberty he takes in his discourse, having lived always with that freedom. He is a man that perplexes his enemies, by the multitude of his civilities, and has never ceased to assist them, who were the cause of his coming to Rome, although since he was a Cardinal, it was in his power to have mischieved them; but he confesses himself beholding to them, and that if it had not been for their threats, he had never come from Cesenna. A rare virtue to draw good out of evil. But to return.  
Spada was talked of, both without the Conclave, and within, for some certain days, and had it not been for the obstinacy in the creatures of Chigi, to have no other Pope but a creature of Alexander's, he would doubtless have put fairer for the Papacy, than Barbarino himself, or any other creature either of Urbans or Innocents'. Barbarino had a great affection for him, and finding he could not compass it himself, he set his interest on foot, and endeavoured to bend and incline the minds of some people to him, by crying him up for one of the greatest Politicians in the world, affirming the Church had need of such a Pope in such times as these. But all this was only in satisfaction to the said Spada, he knew very well he was not likely to succeed; besides Cardinal Rospigliosi, driving at the same thing with more zeal, and better means, and being obliged to Barbarino, more than if he had been his creature, Barbarino would never have proposed it to Spada, lest he should take away the Papacy from the creatures of Chigi, or give an occasion of jealousy to the Grand Duke, by hindering the Exaltation of a common friend, and creating one of his own only.  
Two reasons obliged the Grand Duke to deny his assistance to Santa Susanna, who is vulgarly called Spada. The first was his being a Luccaese, that is a worthy Citizen of a Republic, upon which the Great Duke looks with an eye of compassion, and would rather have it in his own hands, than in the midst of his State. But if the interests of his Country had not been of importance, his immoderate affection, and dependence upon the will of Barbarino, would have made him resolve upon his Exclusion.  
The Spaniards look upon him as their friend, and would not have failed to have assisted him effectually, both for the confidence they had in him, and the opinion that he was a quiet and peaceable man, which is the thing the Spaniards do principally regard; but either by the natural iniquity of that Nation, or the want of fidelity in the Ministers of that Crown, it appears that it is enough to exclude any one from the Papacy, to be proposed and recommended by the Spaniard, as Innocent said very pleasant. At first they believed they might obtain their design, and so much the more zealous were they for his promotion, by how much they were informed of the King of France's resolution to fall into Flanders with his Army; judging it convenient for the quiet of Italy, to put a Pope into the Vatican inclinable to peace, and affectionate to Spain. The French pretended very fairly they would exclude nobody, and his Majesty had given them such order; but underhand they laboured the contrary, endeavouring to turn away that water from the Mill, which the Spaniard supplied.  
There were certain Satyrical Libels published against Santa Susanna, supposed to have come out of the Family of Cardinal Farnese, who being farther engaged for the Papacy than any of the rest, he had a mind to dismount every body else, and remain on horseback himself. The Court would have desired his exaltation, because he was generally beloved; but his having so few Adherents, especially of the Cap, except Barbarino, was no small prejudice to his affairs. It was believed it was a great advantage to him, that there was never a Cardinal of the house of Medici, and that the interests of the Great Duke were managed by Cardinal Rosetti, who is a good Cardinal, though unfortunate in his Negotiations; and indeed it had not been ill for him, had the Spaniards had Cardinals of Authority to have managed their Factions; for 'tis the head which gives vigour to all the rest of the Members.  
And now I shall pass to the person of Cardinal Farnese, a true Roman, and of whom they discoursed as if he were created already; there were certain Parasites and Flatterers which failed not to assure him of the Papacy, but he refused with great prudence to put his Nose to that incense. And to the end the Reader may be better informed of all passages, I will set down the reasons upon which they believed him Pope, and which gave him so great probability; and afterwards give an account of the impediments which obstructed him: and the first thing that enabled him to contend for the Papacy with any of the rest, was his age, he being above 70. years old, of a weakly complexion, and of a very extravagant course of life, going to dinner when others went to bed, and to supper when others rose: another was the many and principal charges which he exercised in Rome after his return from his Nuntiature in Switzerland: another, his great zeal and incorruption in matters of Justice, which he exercised with that excess as one may say, that he became very terrible to the wicked, and very grateful to the good, for his uprightness, and diligence in business: another reason was, that he was the last of his Family, having only two Nephews by his Sister, one in Bolonia, and the other in Rome; This latter was a Prelate of a competent age, but both of them hated by their Uncle, who by natural instinct, bears a kind of natural aversion to his own Kindred, and servants. Which humour made the Cardinal's open their Eyes, and judge him worthy of the Papacy, in these times, when the Church was so lacerated and perplexed by the Heretics, and so ruined and destroyed by the Nephews of the Popes.  
The French and the Spaniard were inclined to concur with him, either in appearance, or in earnest, for one and the same reason, he being descended from the same house with the Dukes of Parma, and by consequence not in any suspicion with the Spaniard, there being at present a Brother of the said Duke of Parma's in the King of Spain's service against Portugal; besides the honourable memory of the triumphs of Alexander Farnese in Flanders, in the service of the said Crown: So that the Spaniard could not desire greater security, than to have a Prince of the Farneses' as it were a hostage in the middle of Spain, which said Prince is reported to have recommended the interests of the said Cardinal Farnese, his Kinsman, to the Spaniards.  
And this very consideration was thought sufficient to prevail with the French King to concur likewise; he having undertaken the Protection of the Duke of Parma, as to the restitution of the Duchy of Castro, according to the agreement with the Apostolic Chamber under Alexander the 7th. in the Treaty of Pisa, but without effect, they being forced to attend the conclusion of that Treaty, from the new Pope, but that is not done neither; So that in respect to that Protection, his most Christian Majesty could not, as many believed, refuse his assistance to the said Farnese, the Duke's Kinsman; but they which looked further into the secrets of their intrigues, have discerned that to be obstacle clearly, and a reason to destroy, as well as to obstruct that machination, and therefore they never esteemed their mediations for his promotion to the Papacy, to be real.  
For first it facilitated to the house of Chigi, the acquisition of the Lands of Farnese, which were his jurisdiction, by which means at present Don Augustino is Prince of them; and suggested a way to Pope Alexander to exclude the Duke of Parma, who in default of this branch of Farnese, was to succeed; Whereupon the Duke was not a little disgusted with the said Cardinal, who kept little or no correspondence with him all along, especially when he was Legate of Bolonia; and therefore it was not to be believed the Duke would desire the exaltation of a person, who upon the score of the interests of his family, has for a long time had so little intelligence with him: though for some years since, upon his particular advantage, the Cardinal procured a reconciliation, in appearance rather than in sincerity, and so perhaps the Duke did believe, who was wise enough to understand the drift of that reconciliation; and therefore appearances, not being able to remove what is fixed and impressed in the hearts of Princes, it is to be believed the Papacy could not fall into the hands of this Cardinal, by means of the Duke's recommendation.  
Moreover he had many other impediments besides, but the greatest was the real, and verbal aversion of the Spaniard, Farnese having rendered himself suspicious to that Crown, by his excellent qualities, and the opinion they had of the headiness and turbulence of nature, which as I have often said before, is an occasion that such persons are never desired by the Catholic Crown; and perhaps they would obstruct the creation of such a Cardinal if they could, though he was born in the very Court at Madrid.  
In short, though the Duke of Parma, should have recommended him as his Kinsman, yet could not Farnese expect to be Pope, because the Spaniards have an eye at present upon the house of Parma, as being obliged to France in several particulars; so that in such a conjuncture, they would not have consented to the exaltation of a Kinsman of the Dukes; nay I will go further, and say, that if the Duke as his Kinsman had undertaken his assistance, the College would have opposed it, at least those Cardinals which are promoters of the Grandeur of the Ecclesiastic State, if for no other reasons but the interests of Castro, which are so considerable.  
The French on the other side could not be sincere in his Election, not only upon the score of the affronts offered the 25th. of November 1650 to the Ambassador, the crime of the offenders, being by a policy of Innocents'; thrown upon the back of his Minister, which was Farnese, and by the French (who could do no other) acknowledged to be such, but because they knew also they could not have any entire confidence in him. To all this there was added a private disgust betwixt him, or to speak more properly, his Confidents, and some other Competitors for the Papacy, as particularly Celsi, and Santa Susanna; whose infirmities and defects were published in writing, but little comporting with the decorum or honour of the Church: which upon good grounds were supposed to have proceeded from his Family; so as they were obliged to pay them in their own Coyn.  
A loss that cannot be counterpoysed by his private league with▪ Pallotta, Albici, and Pallavicino, which league, by the death of the last, came to nothing: and now all these things being presupposed, and considered together, Farnese's exaltation could not be expected; yet the French did not fail to assist him, whether it was that they knew him to be a proper person to interrupt and disturb the repose of the Spaniards, or for any thing else, I know not; it is sufficient, that (either to please, or oblige him, or for some other reasons) they did assist him.  
Some there were who pried more narrowly into the policies of the French, and found, that the exaltation which they endeavoured for Farnese, was but to bring him into disgrace with the Spaniard, and draw him over wholly to their party, the French being assured, that the more they solicited his creation, the more jealous would the Spaniards be of him, and by consequence more zealous for his exclusion; and he finding himself afterwards without hopes, would not fail to resent, and revenge it upon the Spaniards; but they being more practised, and prying into the intrigues both of Rome, and of France, knew how to save both their Goat and their Cabbadge.  
Bonvisi was the only person and object that Chigi aimed at amongst all his creatures, believing for certain to make him Pope, being his creature so well deserving, and the Spaniards concurring out of a desire they had to a young Pope, that they might not be liable to continual mutations and changes, there being less exception against this person also, than against any of the rest of the creatures of Chigi; and the more, because, as a dextrous and discreet man, Bonvisi shunned all occasions of showing himself violent for any of the Crowns, and therefore could not be formally excluded by them. Cardinal Anthonio likewise acknowledging Bonvisi for his greatest Confident from the time of Vrban his Uncle, and of whom he made use, as his most faithful Minister, at the breaking out of the Wars; endeavoured his exaltation likewise, and failed not to invite all the French party to his side.  
But he also was found to have his share of exceptions, and that so large, as was sufficient to put his designs upon the Papacy out of his head. The first objection was against his age, being but 62. and no more, and which is considerable, strong and sound, and likely to live twenty years longer; and the rather, because he was a man that loved his recreations, and did not apply himself too fiercely to business. So that the rest of the Cardinals who desired to have their share in other Conclaves besides this, thought of nothing less than giving the Keys to one that would open a door to them all into another world. Nor was his Country a small impediment, being of a Republic adjacent to the Territories of the Great Duke.  
Another obstacle was, Francisco Bonvisi his Nephew, who is Maestro di Camera to Cardinal Chigi; he is a person so proud, fierce, cruel, and vindicative in his nature, and tainted with principals so pernicious to the Government, that the Cardinals could not resolve to give the Papacy to one who had such a Nephew, as with his ill qualities, obscured all the virtue and lustre in his Uncle, and one that in my fancy may hinder his exaltation in another Conclave.  
Chigi had a mind to have endeavoured the exaltation of Cardinal Elci, not only a Sienese, and joined in the same interests with the house of Chigi, but a person depending wholly upon it: however being confident he could never succeed, he desisted, and spoke no more of him, reserving that design, till the differences and contests of the several parties, should spin out the Conclave a little longer. His qualities certainly rendered him worthy of the Papacy, and there was none could have excluded him, as defective in parts; but if he had been but mentioned, the Cardinals would have opposed themselves, who were weary already of seeing the Dominion remain so long in that Family, which had made itself the object of the common Odium by his ill administration, and besides the French would have been against him, having never to have been brought to condescend to the election of a person so firm to the house of Chigi, from whom they have received so little satisfaction.  
Litta was looked upon as a very deserving Lord, advanced to the Cardinalship, merely for his merits, adorned with many good qualities, and worthy of any Government, Ecclesiastical or Politic. Yet there was no occasion to talk of him, unless it were that some of his Friends affirmed, and with good reason, that there was none would serve, and govern the Church better than he, as being an approved person, well skilled in Government, and very assiduous in business. But there being persons of greater, years, of greater interests, and greater merits, there was but little notice taken of what they said, every one replying that he would succeed better in another Conclave, than in this; and so much the rather, because as he was Archbishop of Milan, there being a necessity of interfering with the Spanish Ministers, he had gained so much the ill will of that Nation, and in particular of Don Lewis Ponte du Leon, the Governor of Milan, that they are his implacable Enemies; and Don Lewis declared, that if he should see things disposed in his favour, he would ride Post to Rome to frustrate and exclude him.  
Caraffa seeing he could not compass it for himself, though he wanted no good will, he negotiated the interest of Chigi, who had given him directions in every thing, and made him the Secretary of his heart: but some believed that he served him not faithfully in the business of Bonvisi, endeavouring his exclusion underhand, to make an elder man Pope, to the end that he might see a new Conclave once again, and set his own interest once more on foot, as fearing the long life of Bonvisi. But to me these reasons seem as frivolous, as his pretensions; for if he be a Politician, as he is reputed, he may very well judge, that the memory of Paul the 4th. a Pope, not at all propitious to the Spaniard, lies upon him like Original Sin; which obstacle is so great, that I may say 'tis impossible to be removed, being already so radicated in the Conclave, that the Spaniards have upon that very score, excluded several other Cardinals of the house of Caraffa. Had it not been for this, he might have passed in some Conclave or other, his qualities being proper enough for the Papacy, saving that he is a little too severe in his administration of Justice, and yet a great preserver of the immunities of the Church. He has very good alliance in Rome, which another time may give him assistance; but in this Conclave, they will not so much as attempt his exaltation, for several respects, particularly because they are sure the design will not take, by reason of his youth.  
Bonelli likewise embarked without Biscott, and Cardinal Imperiale would have done better, to have expected till another Conclave, because those oppositions which are discovered to him now, may perhaps be sufficient to obstruct him hereafter. He is (according to his name) but little in goodness, in parts, in learning, and in Stature. He was preferred in the Papacy of Alexander to considerable charges, viz. of Governor, and Nuntio into Spain; but more by the powerful intercession of Imperiale (whose authority with Chigi was suitable to his name, commanding him in every thing like an Emperor indeed) than by any merits of his own; In the Exercizes of his Offices, and particularly in his Nuntiature, he has neither lessened nor increased his esteem amongst those that knew him. Of himself he would never have launched forward, seeing the wind in his teeth, and too much disposed to beat him back again. But Cardinal Imperiale, who was always most propitious to his hopes, would have it so, and he accordingly permitted it; but neither the one nor the other did any thing, but run themselves into greater animosities with the French, and with other Cardinals also. Imperiale had promised Barbarino to do his utmost for his Exaltation, upon condition that if things succeeded not in his favour; that he should then assist him afterwards in the Election of Bonelli, and so by a politic fetch, pretending with the remainder of his Squadron to labour with might and main in the behalf of Barbarino; at the same time, he fixed his Eye upon, and drove on the interest of his Nephew Bonelli.  
He cried up the virtues of Barbarino to the highest Region of the Air; but Bonellis to the first Choir of the Angels, and that not only with his tongue, but with all the Rhetoric of his heart: In so much that a Cardinal of his acquaintance seeing him one day in a little confusion, betwixt his commendations of Barbarino, and Bonelli, he said to him, Nemo potest duobus Dominis servire. In short, two days before they entered into the Conclave, Imperiale according to the finess and subtlety of his transactions, depressed the practices of Barbarino, and advanced Bonellis so, that he endeavoured to procure him the applause of the Prelates, and of the whole Court.  
Accordingly he made it be reported round about Rome, that he had 40 Votes sure, and that he doubted not to make Bonelli Pope; using that as a Stratagem, to no other end but to stop the mouths of the adversaries, believing most certainly, that by spreading abroad such a report, they would forbear to make any opposition, and endeavour a reconciliation, that they might not have the Pope to their Enemy: But those who understood the state of affairs, and how the Cardinals were divided this way, and that, did but laugh at all this. The French Ambassador in very good earnest made his complaint to the same Cardinal Imperiale, telling him that these endeavours ought to be reserved till another Conclave: And in that thing the said Ambassador was to be commended for his modesty, being not willing to publish any of his defects, nor to urge any other reason for his Exclusion, but his Youth.  
For all this Imperiale desisted not from promoting the Election of Bonelli with all imaginable contrivance. And on the other side Albici, Odescalchi, and Palotta, having openly declared against him, they conspired all ways of excluding him, and not without some reflection upon the incapacity of the person.  
The Spaniards recommended him, and would have been glad of him with all their hearts; but finding things going clear another way than what Imperiale proposed, they disintangled themselves, as nimbly as they could, and left the greatest part of the care upon Imperiale himself. The French who had declared that they had no order for the Exclusion of any body, temporised, and delayed, to profess themselves Enemies, yet they forbore not to cast rubs in his way. But if they had once seen things growing hotter in favour of Bonelli, I am satisfied they would have appeared publicly for his Exclusion, not only because he was Nephew to Imperiale, who was not much affected to France; but because he was a Spariard both in interest, and profession; and it would not be convenient for the French, at a time when the two Crowns were so near a rupture, to have a Pope in Italy too much addicted to the Spaniard.  
At the beginning, when it came first into the head of Imperial to advance Bonelli, his friends advised him to desist from that enterprise, foreseeing the difficulties which discovered themselves afterwards; exhorting him to leave that dignity to the pretensions of several other persons of greater desert, as well for their experience in Government, and integrity of their lives, as for their plurality of years: But he thought Bonelli above them all, and did but laugh at their discourse, and perhaps on purpose that they might do as much for him afterwards: And indeed he would have done much better, to have suffered his Nephew to have got some more years upon his back (seeing he is the youngest of all the Competitors) and to have attended some other time more proportionable to his designs, which would not have redounded so much to the prejudice of Bonelli, who is become totally suspected by the French; and he will not only have a great trouble to bring them to his side, the next Conclave, but run a great hazard of having them conspire his Exclusion.  
Celsi was excluded upon four sorts of accounts (and which is most strange, they began to talk first of his Exclusion, and of his Exaltation afterwards) The first was the great Enmity which Barbarino professed to him, which he has publicly declared, not only since he was made a Cardinal, but even in the time of his Prelacy: In so much as when he was recommended to him by some persons, pretending great modesty, he replied, That he would not give any impediment to his Papacy, provided he would not hinder him for going out of Rome. Those who recommended him knew what he meant very well, which was never to concur at all.  
But these reports are false, for there are some persons that affirm that Celsi had declared, That he would have renounced Paradise, as well as the Papacy, if he had thought to receive it from the recommendation of Barbarino. But be it as it will, Barbarino took away a great part of the inclinations of the College from him. Cardinal Pallavicino discovered him to be his Enemy likewise, but upon other occasions; However though he looked upon the first as a powerful enemy, especially in that juncture of time, yet he little regarded the animosity of the other, by reason of his debility, and the small reputation he had in the College: Death took away this obstacle from him, but he would much willinger, he had taken Barbarino in his room.  
The second reason of his Exclusion was the friendship of Ravizza, which Prelate, (either because some malignant Star that persecuted him would have it so, or that he was really guilty of several actions that were blame worthy) by his Conversation rendered himself abominable to the whole College; except Cardinal Chigi, who held him for an Oracle, and it may be said of these three persons, Funiculus triplex difficile rumpitur.  
Chigi did his utmost, to bring the said Ravizza into the Conclave, as his Conclavist; and because he saw several difficulties that were likely to arise, he procured a particular Brief from his Uncle before the time; But the Cardinals suspecting it was done with design to put the whole College into a distraction, they refused openly to receive him; and though Cardinal Celsi went about entreating this man, and the other; yet Chigi was forced to be patient, and get another; and so much did the College look askew upon Ravizza, that they could not resolve to concur with Celsi, for the great confidence and familiarity was betwixt them, being satisfied he would not only have advanced him to the Cardinalship, but to the highest charges about the Court.  
The third Cause of his exclusion, was his too much rigour, being indeed of so severe a nature, that he many times adhered to Justice more than he ought, and would willingly punish that offence with the Gallows, that was scarce worthy of the Whip; in some Congregations, his judgements resembled the Sentence of Phalaris, written in Characters of blood, they were so severe, which made the Cardinals apprehend, as they always will, that to exalt this person, was but to make the whole College tremble, and to be treated with greater rigour than in the days of Paul the fourth, and Sixtus the fifth.  
For this reason the Spaniard excluded him with their heart, though not with their tongue, they promised to run over Mountains, and Seas, to do him service; but they were very tedious in setting out, and could not find in their hearts to begin their journey. For all this, he ceased not to negotiate with them still, and to offer them the utmost of his affection, but in vain, for they were resolved not to have a Pope so severe, and so singular in his authority.  
Furthermore his Enemies praised him, and pricked him in his exclusion, making use both of the honey and the sting. They said he was indeed a great head-piece, a man of great learning, politic, dexterous in business, and in short, a person of no ordinary Talon; but to these gifts, the integrity of his life, and the goodness of his manners, (wherewith a Pope ought to be endued) did not correspond: and this I dare affirm, that if to the Politics, which are so resplendent in the Cardinal, the moral virtues of life and conversation were conjoined, there would not be a person more deserving than he in the whole College. Farnese was no Enemy to Celsi, but doubting this person more than any of the rest, to be most likely to take the Papacy from him, which he thought he had sure in his hands; he procured his exclusion as I have said before, by the help of certain Libels which are supposed to have proceeded out of his Family, with which Celsi is not a little offended, and in time will show greater revenge, than what he has shown as yet.  
In this manner therefore, much being said for all the Competitors, Rospigliosi remained alone, exempt from the usual Torrent of contradiction. He was generally esteemed by the whole College, and from the very beginning the reasons were plain why the Papacy must needs fall into his hands. To see in him all the virtues that can be desired in an excellent Prince, with the reputation of having carried himself honourably in all his charges, having executed them all, with splendour, impartiality, and honour, and particularly in his Nuntiature into Spain, from whence he returned poorer, in a manner, than he went. The opinion that he was a person of a most sincere judgement, free from all Interests and Faction, not fond of his own opinion, but endued with a thousand other good qualities, made him be thought worthiest of the Popedom; and the rather, because the Spaniards recommended him in the first place, and the Emperor desired him, because he Christened the Empress in the year 1650. when he was Nuntio in Spain; the French were not diffident of him; Barbarino loved him for having opened the way to his preferments in the Pontificate of his Uncle; and last of, all Chigi could not but concur as he was his creature: and all these reasons being put together, he could not fail of the Papacy.  
And yet he himself was not without his impediments, one new one or other springing up every day. The first was, the Lords Cardinals judged him improper (by reason of his infirmities, and particularly an Apoplexy had befallen him lately) for so considerable a Government, they being very unwilling to choose a Pope, that should be bedrid all his life, and commit the Government to the discretion of they knew not who.  
The multitude of Kindred which Rospigliosi had in Pistoia, and particularly five Nephews by his Brother, appeared a necessary obstruction in these times, in which the desire of enriching their Relations, seems a disease hereditary to the Popes, of which examples the memory is too fresh in Rome, with no small detriment to the Church.  
Chigi's declaration to some of his friends, that he could not concur in him, but in case he saw his designs for Bonvisi desperate.  
The affection shown to the exaltation of Farnese by the French, who were instrumental in making of difficulties, and inventing obstructions to hinder Rospigliosi from the Papacy; but the Divine Providence having chosen him to be the Conductor and Shepherd of his Flock, by the fiery Pillar as it were of his Protection, show those Israelites the true way (which followed him) to the end, that the mists of difficulties being dispelled, the affairs of Rospigliosi might be brought safe into the Harbour, to the shame and confusion of all that opposed them.  
And thus behold the Conclav is finished, before the Reader is aware, the work is at an end, in the very beginning of the work; behold them gone out of the Conclave, at the very time we believed them but entering. In earnest, speaking of particulars, we seem to▪ have forgot the universal, and whilst we insist upon the Competitors of the Papacy, to have omitted the most profound and occult maxims of the Conclave.  
So it would be if the Conclave made the Pretenders, and not the Pretenders the Conclave: so many Cardinals as we have hitherto described, so many Conclaves have we made. Maxims, Treaties, Managements, Negotiations, Oppositions, Exclusions, Inclusions, Subtleties, Animosities, threatenings, and Supplications, are the things which constitute Conclaves; and of all these materials, we find something in the particular description of every Cardinal.  
I have read several Conclaves of several Popes, and amongst the rest, five of Innocent the 10th. alone, it being true that every Conclavist makes his own Conclave; but to speak truth, without offence to any one, I have found so much confusion by the redundancy of matter which presented itself to the Pens of those Authors, who have described those Conclaves; that to avoid that confusion myself, and make things more easy for the memory of the Reader, I have separated them as much as possible, and made a particular Conclave for every Cardinal Pretendant: and though in my judgement it ought to be sufficient, yet for the complete satisfaction of the curious, I will omit not to say something of the General likewise.  
The Lord Cardinals were divided in the Conclave into these three Factions, viz. one of the Creatures of Chigi, another of the Squadrone volante, or flying Squadrone, and the third of a few of the Creatures of Barbarino: But all of them so weak of themselves, that one without the other would not have had votes enough to have made an Election, though they had enough to obstruct any person proposed: Before the Decree for the two thirds was made, and whilst one half was sufficient, the Factions were so numerous, they chose Popes as they pleased; but since they were restrained to two thirds, there has never Faction been so great, as to prevail for any thing more than an Exclusion.  
After the death of urban, the Faction of Barbarino consisted of above 40 Cardinals, Creatures of the said urban; so that in appearance the Election would happen to the satisfaction of Barbarini, and yet they had the least share in it; For not being able to hit upon a Pope, as they desired, they consented to choose Innocent (at least Francisco did, for indeed Anthonio was always against it) because they could prevail for no other.  
The reason of all this is, because there are several among the Factions, which being Subjects, and dependants upon the Crowns, cannot oblige themselves to their heads, any further, than as the Election of the person be agreeable to the Crowns they depend on; and indeed though there be so much talk of the Factions of Spain, and of France (which is nothing but their Cardinals) they are subject to a head, which they depute over them; yet in policy they do suffer them, to divide themselves here and there, as they think good; it being all one to them if their business be done; and indeed they are served better, by having their Cardinals under the heads of other Factions, than to make Factions of their own; so that the Cardinals of the Crowns ought rather to be called Nationists than Factionists: the French having their particular assemblies, to endeavour the advantages of the French Nation, and the Spaniards, to negotiate the interests of Spain.  
The Faction of Barbarino, in respect of his own number of Cardinals, was the weakest of all, and it was held impossible for him to Exclude another, although there were 15 Cardinals of Vrban's Creation in the Conclave; yet nevertheless amongst those there were Vrsin, Este, and Grimaldi, who were indifferent which way Barbarino steered; it was enough for them if they followed their instructions from France; there were amongst them Harach and Donghi, likewise both of them Spaniards, and Rosetti for the Great Duke, who were all Creatures of Barbarino, and followed him rather to give him counsel, than to receive any from him; every one of them endeavouring the advantages of their particular Princes, without any design at all to favour the interest of Barbarino, who recommended himself to them: So that there were at the absolute disposal of Barbarino, but 7 Votes, with which number he would not have been able to have done any thing, either Pro or Con; and yet he was able, because amongst the other two Factions there were certain Cardinals who denied to concur in the persons proposed to them by their heads: to exclude them therefore, they joined with Barbarino's party, who were resolved upon their Exclusion likewise. And by ●●is means the Faction of Barbarino became stronger, and able at least to prevail for the Exclusion of any one.  
And this that is spoken of one of the Factions, is intended of them all: for my part, I esteem little the uniformity of so many Factions, as having nothing but Title, and some little appearance; for in one and the same Faction, there are oftentimes four or five several opinions, and every opinion attended with two or three Cardinals, which is the true reason of the difficulty in Elections; If it were otherwise, and the Factionists followed the directions of their Heads, the Pope would be made in a moment, because it would be sufficient to accommodate two persons only, which are the Heads; but things are carried after another manner, there being for the most part in every Conclave, as many Factions as Cardinals; a many Heads, as Factions; and as many Popes as Heads; confounding themselves by their conjunctions and divisions, and doing too much, they do nothing at all.  
And here I will beg leave of the Reader for one moment, to insert an example very worthy in my judgement to be added to this Treatise. It is not two years since, there was a Muster of the horse, in a City where I was then present in the Company of a Roman Abbot, who had the curiosity to see the said Muster. The Captains had never been in the Wars, and perhaps not so much as on Horseback; the Soldiers were all of them, either Porters, or Shoemakers, or Tailors, or Bargemen, and therefore better skilled in any thing, than fight; insomuch that I think it impossible to see any thing more pleasant, than the disorders of that Muster.  
The Captains commanded, as if they were to obey; and the Soldiers obeyed as they were to command: some of them ran, whether they were never called; and others refused to go to that post to which they were commanded. That Captain called two or three Soldiers out of his own Company, and there came five or six out of another. When they were to double their files, there was neither head nor foot to be found; they which were before, instead of standing firm where they were, ran tumbling upon one another to the Rear; and those which were in the Rear, thrust themselves so forward, they left no body near them. The Captains swaggered, that they were not obeyed by their Soldiers; and the Soldiers cursed, that their Captains knew not how to command them.  
The Abbot looked upon them with great satisfaction, smiling, and seeming to laugh, though he did not. I who observed him, desiring to know what it was, asked his opinion of their Exercising; to which he answered, that it seemed to him not much unlike to the Conclave of Cardinals: and so returning to his house, he told me, that he was present in Innocent the tenth's Conclave, in which Pope Alexander was created, where he had found no better Order in the disposition and management of the Cardinals, than he had seen in the training of those Soldiers.  
I being curious to know something more particularly, entreated him that he would give me a more particular account; but he finding he had said enough already, added no more, but that the Cardinals in the Conclave, observed the same Orders the Captains and Soldiers had done in their Muster. And indeed, when afterwards I had occasion to see with mine own eyes their Discipline in the Conclave, as I did in this of Clement, that Muster came into my mind, and I thought a hundred times of what the Abbot had told me, finding by experience the application to be very proper and good.  
It is not to be imagined the way the Cardinals take to accomplish their designs. The Heads of the Factions, are they which prevail the least, and do many times negotiate, what their Creatures will never confirm; and for the most part, the Creatures do oblige their Heads to follow them: one word is enough to make three or four Factions; and one thing misunderstood, does frustrate sometimes the designs of the whole. The Heads do unite to endeavour the union of their Creatures, and the Creatures divide, that they might not see the union of their Heads. Some of them run thither, from whence others run away, and neither can give a reason for what either of them do. Every one pretends to obey them, who have the Government of them; and yet every one obeys, and no body commands. Sometimes 'tis believed one man has got the votes of them all, and sometimes all together, cannot get the vote of one man. In short, the Cardinals in the Conclave, are like an Eel in ones hand, that slips out when one thinks to hold it the fastest. And this is the Muster which is made in the Conclave.  
Let us return now to our three Factions in our particular Conclave, and if we have said any thing of the Faction of Barbarino, let us say something particularly of the Faction of Chigi, which consisted of certain Cardinals created by his Uncle. At first this Faction seemed to be numerous, of 24 Cardinals at least, though his Uncle created but about 30 in all. But in strictness it was not so numerous as it ought to have been; not only because there was none, either of the Spanish, nor French, who were obliged to adhere to what orders they received from their Crowns, as two of the Venetians were to the Orders of that Commonwealth; but others being unsatisfied with the ill conduct of Chigi, turned tail, and forsook him, yet he had enough remaining to serve for an exclusion.  
The French by themselves, and by the mediation of others, endeavoured to persuade him to concur in Farnese. The Spaniards (in whom his confidence was greatest) left him to his choice of several persons, suspending, and forbearing (by a concealed policy) the nomination of any body, as if they would depend wholly upon him; and all this to gain him to follow their designs.  
For all this, according as Caraffa advised him, he would not declare his intentions, either to the French Ambassador, or to the Spanish, although they both pressed it very earnestly in their last visits; but he excused himself, by affirming that he desired nothing, but what was usually desired by the Nephews of other Popes, that one of the Cardinals created by his Uncle might be chosen; declaring himself indifferent as to them, and that he would not show more affection to one, than to another; but he was not so good as his word, for he afterwards expressed too great propensity to his peculiar friends.  
And the same song he sung to the greatest part of the Cardinals, protesting he would never have it go from amongst his own creatures. Which Albici understanding, before a sufficient number of the Cardinals, he said, Most Eminent Lords, we endeavour to make a Pope, and the Pope is made to our hands, for Alexander has left it as an Inheritance to his own creatures. Only he gave some hopes to Cardinal Barbarino, that he would concur with him, in case the design he had for some of his particular friends, did not prosper; but all was to no purpose.  
The third Faction was the Squadrone Volante, which were enough for an exclusion, the most of them creatures of Innocent the 10th. and for the most part unanimous in their designs.  
In the last Conclave before, there was a flying Squadone of Cardinals, but without ever a head, which Prince Pamphilio observing, desired they would unite themselves under some such head, as by his Birth and Prerogative should be worthy of such direction; and to that purpose proposed Cardinal Medici to them; but the good Cardinals of the Squadrone deriding his Council, made answer, they had need of no more heads; every one of them had both a head, and hands, and feet too, and so they continued without.  
But in this Conclave they were of another opinion, and without any solicitation, chose Cardinal Imperial Head of their Squadron; a person very proper for the employment, as one that quickly discerns where the malady lies, and has judgement enough to apply a remedy immediately, and stands firm to his resolutions, when he has reason of his side; yet in the exaltation of Bonelli, he showed less cunning than was expected in him.  
The French were something averse to the erection of this flying Squadron, and the rather, because they saw it managed it by a Cardinal who had no great affection for them; but they thought it best to let that pass, which they could not stop; and indeed the very name of the Squadrone Volante, was odious to the Crowns in the last Conclave, but in this much more; because the Cardinals of the Squadron were able to exclude any body, and were agreed amongst themselves, never to concur (upon what instance soever) but in some person that pleased them; and as they said, no body should please them, but the most deserving.  
And to speak truth, this union did not only displease the Crowns, as I have said, but was ungrateful even to those Politicians and ecclesiastics, who made any reflection upon it; for although they protested, with their hands upon their hearts, and their eyes turned up to Heaven, that they would consent to no body but him that deserved best; yet they became odious, and suspected, not only to the Competitors, but to others also, by this union, and refusal of the recommendations of the rest; declaring themselves as it were Arbitrators of the Election, it being sufficient for every Cardinal, to satisfy his own Conscience, without publishing by this outward Conjunction, that they would concur in whom they would have them, only upon pretence that he be deserving, every one being obliged to desire and prefer the best, as most worthy, according as he esteems him in his Conscience, and not to declare and prefer one man only by this agreement, and inseparable union of votes, it being visible by the effects, and experimented daily, that as men, they must err, seeing they are not Angels; and that the fulfilling of the Bull, de Eligendo Pontifice, consists wholly in every man's giving his own vote to him, who according to his Conscience, and secundum Deum, (as the Bull says) he thinks worthy of it; and that without forming of Squadrons, or Factions, (yet not without the propensity of affection) they declare altogether to concur in whom they please, though another person be as worthy and deserving.  
The Crowns quickly found out this scandalous proceeding in the Conclave, so that after the Election of the late Pope Alexander, the first Spanish Ambassador which was sent to Rome, brought not the usual Credentials from his Master, to the Cardinals his Subjects, as being born in the Dominions of the King of Spain, and the reason was, because they had been of the Squadrone Volante; the Ambassador by word of mouth represented to the said Cardinals, the displeasure his Catholic Majesty had received, that they, contrary to their duties, and in contempt of the instances from him, had followed that Squadron, yet the Cardinals of his Catholic Majesty forbore not even this time, to make themselves of the Squadron.  
Every one of these three Factions endeavoured to gain the other, but with such strange and unimaginable ways, as were never seen in any Conclave before. Barbarino being weak, by the debility of his Faction, and certain that he could not set up his own interest, by reason of Chigi's resolution to concur in none but his own creatures, or through the little confidence he had in the private promises of Imperiale, he began to think of turning the water from the Mill, and finding out a way of bringing discord and confusion amongst the creatures of Chigi; which seemed not difficult to perform, because those creatures themselves, understood very well that Chigi's intentions were fixed upon making a Pope after another way than his creatures did intend; amongst which, some negotiated and stood firm for Bonelli, the greatest part for Rospigliosi, and the rest for Farnese, and Chigi on the other side contriving the exaltation of Elci his Kinsman; in the first place, he went about spinning of delays, and protracting, in hopes by that means to hit the mark in time. Insomuch that many times he found himself so embroiled, he knew not which way to turn him, because his creatures were obliged to follow him only, in respect that he had declared he would be indifferent, and not obtrude any particular of his creatures upon them; but when they found him partial to one man, more than to another, they began to follow him but lamely, and to shift off his interest as much as they could.  
In the first Scrutiny, which was celebrated on the 3d. day, there did not concur that number of votes which was desired, and which was for certain believed could not concur; for besides 36 votes which siguifyed nothing, that is, which nominated nobody, the rest were sufficiently divided, viz. Durazzo had 11, Palotta 17, Barbarino 12, from whence the Factions of Farnese, and Rospigliofi, took courage, and conceived great hopes of compassing their designs, it being ordinary in the Conclaves for them to lose all, who are found to have most likelihood at the beginning.  
And this fortified the opinion of them, who judged the progress of the Conclave very long, founding their fancy, upon the dispatch of a Courier into France, from the French Ambassador, after he had had a long conference with the Ambassador of Spain; inferring from hence the great difficulty of pitching a person of equal satisfaction and merit, the Ministers and Cardinals of Crown, declaring always publicly, that they would exclude none of the meritorious in general; but when afterwards they began to talk of coming to a strict Scrutiny, than they began to discover their particular propensions to the persons proposed, every one endeavouring underhand to favour them, who they themselves believed most deserving.  
It may be said, and said truly, that Rospigliosi entered Pope into the Conclave, because almost all the pretendants came into the Conclave with an absolute intention to advance every one his own proper interest, and in case they failed there, not to desert the person of the said Rospigliosi.  
Barbarino would have joined with Rospigliosi the first day, had he not been confident of bringing his own affairs to a good issue; and indeed there were many that persuaded him to it, in respect of the great confidence the Spaniards had in him, which confidence, had its true foundation in the time when the said Barbarino bought certain lands in the Kingdom of Naples for the Prince his Nephew; which Prince, as head of the house of the Barbarini, would have always held his Kindred obliged to the affection of the Catholic King. Besides he could not be jealous of the King of France, the dependence of Cardinal Antonio Barbarino being so notorious upon that Crown, where likewise all the Family of the Barbarini was received, at the time of its persecution by Innocent; yet for all this▪ the Rhetoric of Cardinal Anthonio, nor the subtlety and insinuations of all the friends of Cardinal Francisco, had no power upon the Spirits of the French, who excluded him (but as secretly as was possible) in consideration of the Lands that were bought already in Naples, and for the inclination the said Barbarino had always shown, and professed to the Crown of Spain.  
The French therefore began publicly to favour Farnese, which gave the Spaniards some occasion of jealousy, though they had promised to concur, because they would have had Farnese relied more upon them, than upon the French; insomuch that they endeavoured to exclude him▪ which was easy enough, by reason the Cardinals were generally against him, in respect of their particular interests, so that for eight days together there was no discourse, but of the exclusion both of the one, and the other; the Scrutinies serving only to fulfil the Bull, which appoints the same to be made every day, with the same Oath, and in the best form; and so their votes were given to several persons, but in small numbers, expecting still when two thirds should agree, which would have been 42. at the least.  
Whilst the French were juggling (I know not whether in earnest, or that it might be thought so) for Farnese, Cardinal Imperiale, and Azolino, did what they could to exclude him, though Farnese endeavoured to take them off by very considerable offers; and Cardinal Este, who was most troubled at the designs of Farnese, found a convenient opportunity to speak to him as he did.  
At first the Crown of France would not be interested at all, speaking in a way, that seemed to proceed from its own proper motion, insisting upon the necessity the Church had to have such a person in the Vatican, making him believe with good arguments, that a Pope being to be made for the benefit of the Church, they need go no farther than his particulars.  
Imperiale, and Azolini, abominated the affectionate Counsels of this Prince, declaring publicly, that they would upon no account whatever, concur with Farnese; whereupon d'Este was obliged to tell them, that the French would have endeavoured to have assisted him with other votes, upon which Imperiale seemed not to make so much esteem of them, as he ought to have done, remaining firm in his resolution to the contrary, and reiterating his protestations, never to concur in Farnese; whereupon d'Este was obliged to reply upon Imperiale, that he had promised the King of France to concur in the first Conclave, in any person which should be proposed by the French Faction, and that having broke his promise, the King of France would show his resentment as he had opportunity. Some will have it, that they recriminated, and grew very sharp in their expressions to one another; but for all that Imperiale kept on in his way, and persisted in the exclusion of Farnese; and from this rupture, the disorders increased.  
On the 9th. it was publicly talked through the whole City, that Cardinal Rospigliosi would be made Pope without all doubt, and that the next morning he would be published; and it was so confidently reported, that some who were more easy to believe, than patient to inform themselves, laid great wagers upon it. By many it was looked upon as noise only, and popular air; by others it was believed to be true, supposing the Cardinals were resolved in that manner to deposit the Papacy in the hand of that person, who not being likely to live longer than four or five years, in respect of and the number of Pretenders, in probability growing less in the mean time, by the death of the most ancient, and the rest growing older, they imagined there would be less difficulty in the next Election, and the way would be facilitated to the remaining Pretenders.  
It is enough that his Election was held so certain, that the Artillery in the Castle of Saint Angelo, were already put in order, and one of his Domestics received public congratulations from several that went to his house. The Governor of the Conclave, who understood well enough which way things went, had sent Soldiers to secure the Goods of that Cardinal in the Convent of the Cruciferous Friars (whose Protector he was) and they accordingly had adorned the Church to that purpose, and invited several persons to the Solemnity.  
All this proceeded from the garulity of Vgo Serughi, Agent for the Congregation de Propaganda Fide, to whom one of the Conclavists gave notice by a Billet, that there were great contrivances for Rospigliosi, and that for certain he would be proclaimed Pope the next morning, the Conclavist deceiving himself perhaps upon a conference betwixt Cardinal Barbarino, and Chigi, that they might seem to make Rospigliosi Pope; but neither the one, nor the other, intended it in earnest, resolving upon this at the instigation of Cardinal Azolino, who being a person of great sagacity, seemed very desirous to have Rospigliosi exalted, because he saw things so well disposed for him; so that he thought it best to conciliate the affection of one that could not fail of being Pope: and it succeeded according to his designs.  
The two Cardinals, Barbarino, and Chigi, committed the whole management of their affairs to Azolino, and he managed them as well as was possible; but the same persons who promised their votes to Azolino for Rospigliosi in public, denied them perhaps for Azolino to Rospigliosi in secret. And thus from these indications, and from the imprudence of the Conclavist, he conceived the forementioned Billet in the form it was sent to Serughi, without expecting the Scrutiny, in which, Rospigliosi by the management of Azolino, had seven voices in the same Scrutiny, and nine in the Access, which served to give the greater courage to the rest of the Pretenders. The policy of Chigi, or rather of Caraffa his Councillor, and Conductor, was not so bad in the beginning, because he had persuaded the Spaniards privately to exclude Farnese; and afterwards in the business of Rospigliosi he prevailed, that the French opposed themselves very briskly; and indeed notwithstanding the impediment, which the promoters of Farnese had found, it seemed their minds began to turn towards Rospigliosi, which as soon as Chigi discerned, he immediately endeavoured to interrupt their designs; and by the means of his greatest Confidents, without any appearance that the hint was from him, he gave the French to understand, that in true reason of State, they ought to pay them in their own Coin, and exclude Rospigliosi, as well as they had done Farnese, who was recommended by them; nor were they much averse, especially when they saw the practices of Azolino were odious to Este, by reason of the words which happened betwixt them about Farnese some days before.  
Chigi's design was not without some grounds, to endeavour the exclusion of Farnese, by the Spaniards, and of Rospigliosi, by the French; because by dividing the minds of the Cardinals betwixt Rospigliosi and Farnese, it might fall out, that neither of them both should carry the victory, but that a third person might obtain it, which third person, he was confident would be Bonvisi, recommended with so much affection by him; and he believed he should prosper the better, there being nothing discovered to the contrary, either by the Spaniard, or the French, and because he had many more friends in the Squadrone Volante, than the other pretenders had. Besides which, the Abbot Bonvisi, negotiated very earnestly abroad with the Ambassadors of the two Crowns, the exaltation of his Uncle; but without any other success than good words from both parties, and promises to favour him, as soon as they saw the time propitious, which then it was not.  
On the 10th. at night, after the noise was spread abroad of the Election of Rospigliosi, Cardinal Donghi entered the Conclave, (though very ill) was received with the usual forms, and visited by the Spanish Cardinals in particular. His entrance in that hast made many believe, that the Spaniards and friends to Rospigliosi, were to take new measures, and obtain a new Scrutiny: and indeed the Spaniards did declare, and his particular friends, that had not there been more than urgent occasion for his entrance into the Conclave, they would have left him to have enjoyed himself abroad, thereby to have recovered his strength the better; so that he being called into the Conclave in so much haste, many people conceived good hopes that there was some favourable negotiation on foot for Spain; but the French concluded the Spaniards found themselves weak, when they looked abroad for supplies.  
Ginetti in the mean time, observing matters not a little embroiled betwixt Farnese, and Rospigliosi, and not over-well disposed to Barbarino, he began to set up new designs for himself: upon this score he went to Barbarino, and desired him to show some affection for his interest; Barbarino asked him, what assistance he had; Ginetti replied, that all his hopes consisted in his Eminence, and in eighty two years of age which he had upon his shoulders; but the mischief is, replied Barbarino, there are other things requisite, for thirty Cardinals would do you more service, than a hundred years: for my part I shall not fail to assist you, as a well deserving creature of mine; but I fear I shall be able to do little for you, having been unable to do any thing for myself. The Flying Squadron will not consent; Chigi is obstinate not to have the election, but out of his own creatures; the Spaniards are ambiguous, but inclined to Rospigliosi, because they see him most likely to succeed; the French are for every body, using great civility in their exclusions; several particular persons hate you; the generality is divided here and there; Albici is your professed enemy again; Colonna and Lomellino (the great supporters of your interest in the last Conclave) dead; those who excluded you once, will not include you the next time; and in short, other difficulties will not be wanting. However be not discouraged, 'tis convenient to try your fortune, that it may not be objected, that you were ignorant of what you had to do.  
But Ginetti who had been discoursing with others, and found them all in the same Song, desisted, declaring that he would not be Pope against God's will; and that therefore he will resolve to sit still, and expect a call, and so his designs died in the Cradle.  
Although during the whole time of the Conclave, several practices were commenced, sometimes for this Pretender, and sometimes for another▪ yet the practices of Rospigliosi were never dismissed, but held strongly together as if they were tied with Cord. The Spaniards having placed all their designs upon this Cardinal, Monsignour Settina, who was privy to the secrets of the Spaniard, solicited the promotion of Rospigliosi more than all the rest, by which means he disobliged several of the Pretenders: he went up and down prying and observing the motions of the rest, breaking the snares which were laid against this person, and in short, did as much as was possible.  
Barbarino having at last discovered the little hopes there were for his exaltation, and seeing as little appearance of doing any thing for his creatures, or any body else better affected to his house than Rospigliosi was, who was an actual Servant to Cardinal Capuccino a Brother of Vrban the eights, and Beneficed by the said urban, who sent him Nuntio into Spain: he resolved to put things to a push, and concur in this person, who had the inclinations of the whole College already, with the concurrence of both Spaniard and Great Duke, who had recommended to the Cardinals his Subjects, the exaltation of this person in the first place.  
But because the Faction of Chigi was more numerous than the rest, especially had it concurred in some person grateful to the Spaniards, and not unacceptable to the French: Cardinal Barbarino thought fit to go himself in person to Cardinal Chigi, on the 18th. of June being Sunday, and to talk to him at large; he remonstrated the danger in which all the Cardinals were, being shut up in such a place; he urged the heat of the weather, the sufferings of the people, in respect of the Gabels, and augmentation of the customs, and no Pastor in being to relieve them; the hatred that multiplied daily amongst the people against the house of Chigi, and particularly against Don Mario, who was forced to retire, lest during the vacancy of the See, he should receive any new affront from the Rascality of the people; the ill consequences that might fall out for the Church, if by protracting the Conclave, any new rupture should happen betwixt France and Spain; and lastly; he concluded, by telling him, that though his Eminence should recommend a Pope out of his own creatures, who might be grateful to the Crowns, yet the Pope would be made immediately; so that there was nothing expected from him, but his frank declaration: otherwise it would be determined in another way by those Cardinals who were united with a firm resolution to go out of the Conclave the next day, with a Pope ready made; and therefore it would be best for him to resolve, unless he had a mind to see a Pope made out of the number of the Creatures of Alexander his Uncle, which thing could not happen nevertheless, if he would remedy it in time.  
Chigi (who had employed Caraffa to treat in the behalf of other of his Creatures, which he loved better) finding himself surprised by this resolute Proposition of Barbarino, was forced to answer, as he was bound in civility and good correspondence, and (that he might not declare himself openly to be partial to his Creatures) he professed that he had them all in an equal degree of affection and esteem. To this Barbarino replied, that all his Faction was resolved upon Rospigliosi, without any contradiction in their Votes, as knowing him no less deserving than the best of the Pretenders: To which Chigi returned, that there were some of his Creatures peremptorily against him, though he himself had a great value for him: But the difficulty consisted not in this, because the lesser part would have followed the greater: The business lay in the Squadrone volante, who were for his Exclusion. If there be nothing but that wanting, replied Barbarino, the Pope is created, for the Squadronists are all unanimously for Rospigliosi. Chigi was convinced with that news, and forced to say, Let us go then and make Rospigliosi (one of my Creatures) Pope; though 'tis probable 'twas against his will, having a few days before discovered his inclinations to be much more for Elci his Countryman, as I have said before: But the Cardinals would scarce have concurred in him, both for this, and other respects: But if he failed, Chigi intended to make Cardinal Bonvisi Pope for him.  
In the mean time Azolino (who managed Rospigliosi's affairs with the Flying Squadron) came in, and confirmed what Barbarino had said, assuring, that there would not be one Vote in opposition to Rospigliosi, in the whole Squadrone volante: But the other, viz. Barbarino and Chigi, knowing very well that there were some envious persons, who would endeavour to pervert them, they began to reckon up what Votes they thought safe and secure; but not finding their full number, they began to contrive which way to get the three Votes of the Venetian Cardinals, who are always obliged to follow their Head, that is, him who has private instructions from that Republic to concur with one person, before another. Barbarino and Azolino, interposed with Cardinal Ottobuono, their Head, who not only consented without difficulty, but declared, that amongst all that were recommended by the Senate, Rospigliosi was the first: No sooner was this declaration of the Venetians published in favour of Rospigliosi, but every one looked upon the Pope as created, as knowing there needed no more than those three to secure his Inclusion.  
The Cardinals of the French Faction, seeing things go on so smoothly, they began immediately to Tack, and to pretend to a concurrence with so extraordinary readiness, that the Spaniards began to be fearful of his inclination to the French, and thereupon desired more time to consider; but it was no time for that, Barbarino, Chigi, Azolino, and Ottobuono, above them all, showed themselves impatient till Rospigliosi was created, and that their designs might not grow cold, or evaporate, (as it often happens, and perhaps would have done then) they hastened the Scrutiny about noon, and besides the two thirds which were certain, for his Creation, of sixty four Cardinals then in the Conclave, all concurred for him but two only: The Scrutiny being past, and all the Votes in his favour, it was demanded what name he would assume, and he replied Clement the 9th: so that the first adoration being made in the Chapel, he was carried to Saint Peter's very late that night; an Office that is usually performed presently after dinner, but they would not put off the Scrutiny, as I have said, lest any difference should happen in the night.  
The very night he was chosen Pope, he declared Cardinal Azolino Secretary of State, an Office of great trust, and which was exercised by the said Rospigliosi during the whole time of the last Papacy; and Ottobuono he made his Datary, in mere gratitude as is supposed; for Azolino as one of the Squadrone volante, had gained the Votes of the said Squadron, and Ottobuono with his two other Venetian Cardinals, joined themselves to their Votes, as necessary to his Creation, that their design which had proceeded so far, might not miscarry at last; besides Ottobuono having been Auditor di Rota, was the more proper for that Office: he confirmed Monsignor the Under-Datary likewise, for the better management of the affairs, which will be regulated by two such Eminent persons, both for their experience in the Law, and the integrity of their manners.  
In like manner at the instance of Cardinal Antonio, the Pope accepted for his Maestro di Camera, Monsignor Altieri, Secretary of the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars, a Noble Roman, very rich, the last of his Family, and 76. years of age; which made some believe, that being promoted to the Cardinalship, and out-living his Holiness, the Barbarini had a design to exalt him to the Papacy. He confirmed Monsignor Borromeo in his Government of Rome, and told him moreover, that for his part he ought to make a Visit to the Lady Duchess Borromeo his Mother, and that he would shortly confer a greater Office upon him; whereupon many conceive he will be Maggiordomo, or else Nuntio into Spain.  
On Tuesday night he ordered the Ambassadors of the Crowns to be called to him the next morning; the French Ambassador went to him, and was entertained by him above two hours; it may be said this was his first Audience since he came to Rome, for the continual indisposition of that last Pope, had given him no opportunity. The Ambassadors of Spain and Venice went likewise to attend him, when they were recovered of a certain indisposition that kept them in their beds: In the mean time Cardinal Sforza went in the behalf of the Ambassador of Spain, as the principal Confident of the Spanish Faction; after which he every day gave long Audiences to four Cardinals one after another, according to their Segniority; giving Audience in like manner to divers of the Roman Princes, and Prelates of the Court.  
On Wednesday he ordered Cardinal Chigi to be called to his Audience, Don Mario his Father, and Don Agostino, Nephew to the said Don Mario, which are the three chief of the House of Chigi; and because they came all together, and he treated them long, it was reported, that the Pope had proposed to them that they should find out some Money, besides what Alexander the 7th. had left in the Castle, to take off the gabelle upon Meal in some part, that is, to the sum of two Julii, which amounts in the whole to eight Julii a Bushel, by the extinguishment of which two Julii, the poor of that State would be something relieved, who were forced to pay for the Stone likewise that ground their Meal, the extinguishment of the said Julii amounting to above 3000 Crowns.  
This new Pope has five Nephews, the Sons of one of his Brothers, who is 62 years of age, and a Noble man of Pistoia, a City in Tuscany; four of them are there resident at present, and the fifth is Abbot Rospigliosi, who a year since was sent Apostolical Internuntio to Brussels; to all of them there are Messengers sent expressly, and they are expected ere long in Rome. His Brother is a most pious man, and very charitable, and his Nephews of good education, and great generosity; but he that is most known in this Court, is the Abbot, who was Cupbearer to Cardinal Chigi when he was young, and was in Spain with his Uncle when he was Nuntio there, by which means he studied at Salamanca, and took the degree of a Doctor upon him: And this is the Nephew which will be the Dominus▪ fac totum, for which reason he will be made Cardinal with the first opportunity; and many suppose in the first Conclave, because the Spaniards do press, that the said Nephew may be dispatched into France as Cardinal Legate, to propose by way of mediation, some adjustment and accommodation of the pretences of the said King, in Heinault and Brabant, of which the issue will be attended.  
It is the general opinion of the Court, that this new Pope will do something very grateful to the people, it being discoursed that he will apply some sudden relief to their grievances; for he has already signified by the Perfect of the Annona, to all the Bakers, that they may freely buy their Corn of the Merchants; whereas before it was ingross'd by the Brother of the last Pope, to his great profit and advantage; for he bought all his Corn at five Scudi a Bushel, and sold it afterwards to the Bakers for nine: and that for the extinction of so many Gabels, imposed by his Predecessor, he was resolved to reduce the greatest part of the expense of the Pontifical Guards, and make other great, and frugal reformations, for the ease of the Apostolical Chamber.  
But being already 67 years old, and not of so perfect a health, as is necessary for the sustaining so great a charge, many are of opinion he cannot live long; by reason of a great swelling he has in his Leg, besides the accidental Apoplexy which he had some months since. So that in that case, if it should so happen, (which God forbid) it would be said of this most excellent Pope, as it has been formerly of several like him, that good things pass away presently, for some iniquity in the people.  
He has confirmed Monsignour Nerli, in the Office of Secretary of the Briefs to the Princes, and Monsignour Piccolomini, in his Secretaryship of the Memorials.  
The Cavalier Cellese of Pistoia, (who during the whole time of the last Papacy, served Don Mario Brother to the late Pope, in the quality of a Gentleman only, and in all that time had no more than a Pension of ninety Scudi) is Unckle-in-Law to the new Pope, as being his Mother's Brother-in-Law; so that Don Mario, must hereafter give him the right hand, and preceedence, which are frequent Metamorphosis in the Court of Rome.      

POLITIC APHORISMS For the Cardinals of the Conclave this year 1667. made by Cardinal Azolini.  
SO great is the credit and authority that this Maxim of the Lawyers has in so many Ages acquired, Experientia est rerum Magistra, that he who will learn of any other Master, exposes himself to a manifest danger of disparaging his judgement in every thing else. From hence it is, that I, (putting together some considerations for the advertisement of such as enter the Conclave, in order to the Election of the Pope) have not thought good to present my own Counsels only, but taking the experience of such occurrences in the Conclaves as have come to my hands, I have taken, as I conceive, the right way not to err; of which considerations, I shall insert with as much brevity as is possible, the most frequent, the most rational, and the most practised.  
The exceptions which do usually obstruct the making of the Pope in the Conclave, are of two sorts: some relate to the persons, and particulars of the College, with which very few are concerned; and in this case there can be no general rule given, for, de singularibus non datur Scientia. The others are such, as the generality, or the greatest part of the College, are interested in: and of this sort there are three exceptions, which for the time passed have been always sufficient to exclude any body. For this reason, the Head of a Faction ought to have a care of recommending a person liable to any of the three.  
The first, and most frequent, is, when the person recommended, has been formerly exposed to a Scrutiny, and miscarried; for they who excluded him, believing constantly the person excluded disobliged thereby, will arm themselves against him, with greater vigour than before. For this reason, in the Conclave of Gregory the 13th. Cardinal Marone would not venture again upon the votes of his party, having miscarried before in the Conclave of Pius the 4th. But the Cardinals Santa Severina, Paleotto, and Marc Antonio Colonna, would not be guided by that rule, though they were excluded in the Conclaves of Gregory the 14th, and Innocent the 10th. yet they adventured in others, but always in vain.  
The second obstruction is, if they be found in too strict a friendship with such Cardinals as governed the Pope formerly, and (which is worse) with ill satisfaction; for the College being jealous that they may continue in the same Dominion, will never be brought to choose any of their friends to be Pope. And this was enough to defeat Cardinal Serleto (in the Conclave of Sixtus the 5th. though in other respects he was very well beloved) because he had too great intimacy with Cardinal Como, who for 19 years had governed two Popes, Pius the 4th. and Pius the 5th. with little or no satisfaction: and in the Conclaves of Innocent the 10th. Cardinal Sachetti, for no other reason, but because he was a friend and favourite of the Barbarini, was always excluded by the Spanish Faction.  
The third exception is, their too much youth, either in their Cardinalship, or years, how eminent soever he be otherwise for his worth, or his parts; because his friends are disgusted, that his short service, or fidelity of a few days, should be preferred before theirs of a long standing, and experience. And his enemies have a fair field opened to exasperate his very Confidents against him, so that at last there will not be one in the whole College will scruple to give his negative, having so good a pretence, as that they will not do an injury to so many ancient persons, and of so many years' deserts, as are in the Conclave. This exception excluded Cardinal Salviati, in the Conclave of Gregory the 14th. Cardinal Farnese, in that of Pius the 5th. Cardinal Ferrara, in that of Marcellus the 2d. and Cardinal Alexandrino experienced it effectually in the Conclave of Gregory the 13th. for he having a desire to propose Cardinal Theatino of Piacenza, who was made a Cardinal by Pius the 5th. but a few years before: though he was a person otherwise every way to be respected, yet the objection alone of his being a new Cardinal, was enough to prevail, that there was not one word spoken of him more. And in the same manner, in the Conclave of Sixtus the 5th. Cardinal Castagna was excluded for being a new Cardinal, and so the favourers of Cardinal Santiquattro were glad to pass him over in silence in the same Conclave, as fearing the same disappointment.  
In desperate cases, it is great prudence in the Head of a Party, to pitch upon a quiet and peaceable person, eminent for his Qualities and Virtues, especially Munificence: for these qualifications are they, which of themselves, removing all difficulties, do give the victory to those who carry them. And of this, Cardinal Aldobrandino is an example, who though he entered into the Conclave of Leo the 11th. with a Squadron of 30 Cardinals, firmly united and declared for him, to the no small terror of the rest; yet he prevailed not nevertheless, till he fixed his eyes upon Cardinal di Medici, a person of Meekness, Complaisance, inexpressible Innocence, and singular Munificence, but more particularly towards the College.  
Let every Cardinal of the Conclave be cautious of discovering his own inclinations to the Popedom, because he shall be in danger to be deceived a thousand ways by him, that opens his mouth, but keeps his heart to himself; and as his words and his thoughts, shall never be looked upon as sincere, so he can never acquire his consent. Of this, Cardinal Ferrara had experience in the Conclave of Marcellus the 2d. and Cardinal Farnese, in that of Gregory the 13th. and Sixtus the 5th.  
Let not him that is Head of a Faction, ostentate too much, or triumph before hand in the confidence of his success, because his extravagant desire of victory, will interrupt and disturb his judgement, and keep him from a true pondering and deliberation of his interest, which is a matter of importance. And this happened in the Conclave of Paul the 4th. to them, who out of an ambition to overpower the Imperialists, chose Paul the 4th. Pope, who was their enemy. But as soon as he was chosen, and they began to open their eyes, their desire of victory began to cool; they began to discover the Cloud of evils that hung over their heads, and would with all their hearts have undone it again if they could.  
Let not that Head of a Faction, who has authority, and the power of exclusion together, become too facile, or submit, for fear lest the contrary part should acquire new votes; but let him temporize rather, and attend some other more profitable propositions. In this point the Imperial Faction was over-seen in the Conclave of Paul the 4th. for though it had both the advantages, of authority, and exclusion; yet by a single apprehension, that the French would gain more to their party, they truckled, and lost the day.  
He which concurs with a violent person, against his own Conscience, in hopes that by that obligation he may render him his Friend, and change his nature, is mistaken; for the benefit is forgotten as soon as received, if he has no more need of him: But his nature will never alter. And this Cardinal Morone found true to his cost, in the Conclave of Paul the 4th. for being under some suspicion in the Sacred Office, he imagined by using his whole power for the Election of Paul, he would become more propitious to his interests; but it happened clean contrary, for such was the zeal of Paul, that he could not be suborned, but gave him his reward in the Castle of St. Angelo, where he kept him prisoner, with very ill usage.  
It is not a good way, to declare one's self too openly against a person of worth, because the Conclaves are managed by the Holy Ghost, who considers the deserts, and not by men, whose eyes are fixed upon their interests only; so that he sometimes which seems at a great distance from the Popedom, is in a moment unexpectedly in the Chair. Thus the Imperial Faction was deceived in the Conclave of Paul the 4th. for believing that fight against him, as it were with Banners displayed, they should certainly have ruined his hopes, of a sudden the wind turned, and the Imperials finding themselves in a labyrinth, and all the Votes inclining to Paul, they were forced to tack about also, and be for him.  
When any Cardinal's affairs do seem to be desperate, 'tis no ill policy, to propose some new Law or Statute to the College, that thereby he may have either the reputation of being zealous, or the hopes of assisting some other person; whereby he may break the chain of former contrivances, or disunite those minds, who do find themselves opposed in their designs, by the proposition of that Law. And this was the subtlety of Cardinal Bellaio in the Conclave of Pius the 4th. he observed the progress Caraffa made in his designs, and therefore he proposed that the College would make a new Law, that no body should discover his Vote which he is to give, not so much as to his Friend; by which means several Cardinals were induced to forsake Caraffa, and his interest.  
Let an Elector have a care of engaging himself too far in any thing against his judgement, in complaisance to another person, because sometimes such accidents may fall out, that afterwards he may be necessitated to consent to it, though it be both against his duty, desire, and interest. This happened in the Conclave of Pius the 4th. to Cardinal Charles Caraffa, who to show his fidelity to the King of Spain, pretended to adore Cardinal Paceco, but his engagement by certain accidents went so far before he was aware, that he missed but little of finishing that in earnest, which he began in jest; and he suffered for it at last, for the French (with whom he was a Colleague before) grew so diffident on him, that it brought him to ruin, by doing that which he never intended, and would not have consented to, in the Election of Pius the 4th. which was afterwards his death.  
If the Inclusion be ripe, and secure, it is the best way to bring it immediately to the Test, for the least time of protraction or delay, brings its dangers along with it, especially if there be any persons on the other side considerable, either for their party, their authority, or experience; because these arming themselves in their despair, and the other languishing in their zeal and industry, by reason of their confidence, time, though it be but short, may give the victory to the former. Cardinal Borromeo's neglecting this advertisement, in the Conclave of Pius the 5th. precipitated the Election of Cardinal Morone, whose Election being safe at four a clock at night, he would needs put it off till the next morning, rather than incommode Farnese who was then in Bed; but in that little time the tide turned, and he lost all. The same thing happened to Cardinal Colonna in the Conclave of Gregory the 14th. for he having by the common opinion, Votes enough and to spare to secure him, at least in the Adoration, so that the Arms and the Keys were got ready, would needs put it off till next morning; but at midnight Ortus est Claemor, and that in such a manner, that they took away the Chair from him for ever. Nor did it otherwise befall Santa Severina in the Conclave of Clement; he also being secure of the Election from the very first night, but desirous to protract, that he might bring over the rest of the Votes to his side, as Giesvaldo persuaded him, was mistaken in his aim, and lost all himself.  
It is very convenient for the Heads of a Faction, when they have laboured a long time, and contended in vain, to propose about four or five persons, and to reserve a sixth, which he desires more particularly; By this means those who are proposed are obliged, and the World is persuaded, he has no private ends of his own, no obstinacy, no pride; nor need they fear any body else will be chosen, seeing they do mutually and interchangeably impede one another; and if weary at last, he deserts their interests which he first recommended, and proposes the sixth, which is the person he principally intended, he loses not the other notwithstanding, but gains them by his first proposition. This advertisement was experimentated by the Heads of the Factions in the Conclave of Pius the 5th. and the success answered their desires.  
And here the Head of a Faction ought to make it his study, how he may secretly gain the Votes of his Friends, without being discovered by the contrary party; which will be easy, if he places his eye upon a person of a good nature, a good life, and a good age, though otherwise he be none of his Confidents: For the Electors; by the first of his qualities, his good nature, do assure themselves they shall receive no harm, and do flatter themselves that they may gain him one day. With the second, they satisfy their Consciences; and with the third, their hopes of seeing a new Conclave, which is a consideration removes most difficulties and oppositions for the contrary; by this means Cardinal Borromeo came off very well in the Conclave of Pius the 5th. for when he proposed Cardinal Morone, a person of a brisk humour, but suspected sometime of Heresy, and esteemed very revengeful, he could never conceal the Votes he reckoned upon: He betook himself to Sirleto next, and though he also was endued with the same good qualities, he could not keep his Votes to himself, by which means he ran himself upon very dangerous Rocks; but when afterwards he turned to Alexandrino, in whom the said virtues did as eminently concur, he persuaded his Colleagues to keep their Votes private, till being certain of the Election, all things should succeed prosperously: This was approved likewise by Cardinal Alexandrino, the Nephew in the Conclave of Sixtus the 5th. for Montalto, during the whole time of his Cardinalship, not having discovered his great and high Spirit, was in every body's judgement of a quiet nature, of an exemplary life, and of a competent age; so that the designs Alexandrino had for him, he never communicated to the adversaries, till it was too late to oppose them.  
That Head of a Faction which has the reputation and authority of a Party, will do very well, if in his transaction with the Head of the contrary party, (provided he be not a man of extraordinary experience) he proposeth a person so, that his adversary understands it done rather out of kindness, than necessity, and that otherwise he could carry him thorough all difficulties alone; by the first, he mollifies and sweetens the heart of his adversary, and by the other, he frightens and alarms him, especially when he considers his party, and authority: With this stratagem Cardinal Farnese was successful in the Conclave of Gregory the 13th. for having proposed four persons to Cardinal Alexandrino, and amongst them Buoncompagno, with the aforesaid civility he told him, that for this last, he could have done it without him, but he had rather have his concurrence. This artifice made so kind an impression in Alexandrino, that he was called to the Election of Buoncompagno, though he could have done it without him; and it frighted him so much withal, to hear him speak with that resolution, that without more ado, he joined in the practices for Buoncompagno, and immediately his Election followed.  
He which finds himself excluded by his Friends, but upon a rational foundation, let him not persist, or maintain his cause against fortune; let him give place for the present, and without taking any visible offence, keep up his hopes, by thinking suddenly on some other plausible person. By this means he shall evade an accident, which might be prejudicial to him for ever; he shall continue his interest with his friends, oblige them at a more convenient time to satisfy him in the Election of the person he proposed, and finally acquire the reputation of a prudent man, which in time may assist him, either for his own Election, or at least the Election of another which he pleases to recommend. In this case Cardinal Farnese was marvailously successful, who though many times he show a vehement ardency, and desire of the Popedom: yet when he found himself undeceived by his friends, and that upon good grounds, sometimes for his youth, and sometimes by Cardinal Gramvela, upon sober considerations of the State of the Princes of Italy: he tempered himself so well, that in five Conclaves afterwards, he made what Popes he pleased, and four of the five were his own creatures. But it fared not so well with Cardinal Ferrara, who having given too clear indications of the commotion of his mind, for being excluded in the Conclave of Marcellus the second, could never have satisfaction in any thing after.  
It is a wonderful advantage to the Head of a Faction to enter with resolution, and propose whom he pleases, when he sees the adverse Electors in any straight, or anxiety, for fear the Election should go against their desire; because the apprehension of the evil impending, suffers them not to see or consider the mischief that is approaching, though at a distance, and they will embrace any thing that may bring them out of that Labyrinth. By this means, Cardinal Farnese came off happily in the Conclave of Paul the 4th. for the Imperial party being in confusion, and out of all hopes of promoting a person of their own Faction, as they had proposed to themselves, and the practices for Cardinal Puteo (of the French Faction, and Nation) were at a stand: Farnese took the opportunity, and proposed Cardinal Theatino, who though he was of the French Faction indeed, was an Italian notwithstanding; and so the Imperialists to free themselves from a burden, to which their present confusion subjected them, they cared not to run themselves into greater (though more remote) difficulties, by creating a person solemny excluded by Imperiale, for the austerity and perverseness of his nature. With the same sagacity Cardinal Alexandrino managed his affairs in Sixtus his Conclave; for seeing Cardinal Medici in great perturbation, upon the likelihood of the Election of Cardinal della Torre, who was supported by Farnese; he proposed Cardinal Montalto, a professed and immortal enemy to his Cousin Paola Giordano Vrsino; and Medici to free himself from the danger of the first (which was present) thought not of securing himself against the evils of the second, which were future, and so Montalto was chosen.  
That Cardinal Head, may well be suspected of dissimulation, when at first, and with great importunity, he proposes a person liable to several exceptions, because to be importunate at an unseasonable time, as those beginnings are, when every man's hopes are on fire, is but to render things difficult which are easy, and expose one to certain ruin; because 'tis to be supposed no body will rob himself so suddenly of his hopes, or lay aside his designs for an unplausable person. Under this suspicion fell Cardinal Altemps in Sixtus his Conclave, who at the very first, before any body else was thought of, he undertook with great ardour, the promotion of Cardinal Sirleto, who was otherwise an applausable man. Whereupon without any more grounds, it was believed, he proposed him, merely to inveigh and cajole him.  
It is of great importance that a Cardinal of any Spirit and magnanimity, uses no pomp nor noise, nor lets any one know it, who can either hurt, or assist him, but rakes them up rather under the ashes of prudence, that they may kindle afterwards in due time with greater vivacity. This is visible by the experience of Cardinal Albano, and Cardinal Montalto; for Albano not knowing how to contain or reserve himself in the time of his Cardinalship, as he might have done, and as Montalto did, this prevailed with Cardinal Alexandrino, who (being frighted by Albano, and cheated by Montalto) forsook him, and set this in the Chair.  
Let not a Cardinal Nephew be too fond, or peremptory, in promoting the Election of any person, unless he has tried him first in several slippery Offices, and hard to be executed, that thereby he may discover the bottom of his humour and disposition; whereas if he does otherwise, he will be deceived, and receive a penance equal to his repentance. And thus it fared with Cardinal Alexandrino, who having never employed Montalto in any great affair, as he had done Albano; he was in the dark, as to that spirit and vivacity, which afterwards, when there was no need to conceal it, he discovered in his Papacy.  
The Heads of the Factions of Princes, will always have the Ministers of Kings about them, to the end, that having signified the mind of their Princes in the Conclave, they may go on readily and soberly, either to the Election or Exclusion; and that they may not restrain themselves to parties, which may offend the whole Community, or savour of too much Dominion in the Conclave. Because the said Community being thereby provoked to be their Adversaries, they will run themselves upon a manifest precipice. In this point the Spanish Ambassador erred most egregiously in the Conclave of Gregory the 14th. having hinted that his Catholic Majesty would never consent, that the Pontificate should go out of the hands of one of these seven, Colonna, Como, Paleotto, Santa Severina, Madruccio, Santiquattro, and Cremona; he changed the minds of the whole Conclave so, to see themselves deprived of their own inclinations, that for two months together, that this Election lasted, those persons named by the Ambassador, were the only persons excluded; and upon this, the practices and designs of the whole College were inverted.  
He shows much ambition, and but little prudence, who being once or twice excluded by a powerful Faction, ventures at it again, in the same Conclave; because he ought to be confident, no body will dare to appear for him, who has been excluded before, much less give their vote for him the third time, if he was excluded the second; as knowing well, Scribit in Marmore laesus. To this Cardinal Colonna, and Cardinal Paleotto, may speak; who doing the same by turns, in order to their Election in the Conclave of Gregory the 14th. they always miscarried, and at last came to so absolute ruin, they could never get up again.  
It is an excellent way to gain upon the Head of a Faction, to make him the Author of the Election, (which is particularly intended) when the Factions are grown weary, or mistaken in their power. In the Conclave of Marcellus the second, the truth of this experiment was found; for the party which favoured Santa Croce (but without any success) resolving to make the Cardinal di Trento their Head, though otherwise he was very averse to Santa Croce; yet being overcome with the courtesy, he gave them the victory, and concluded the Election forthwith. With the same artifice Cardinal Alexandrino overcame the resolution of Cardinal di S. Sista in the Conclave of Sixtus, and prevailed with him for the Election of Montalto, by making him the Author of the design. For want of this advertisement, Cardinal Borromeo lost his designs for the Election of Sirleto, which he looked upon as sure, and all because he would not do that honour to Cardinal Sforza, in the Conclave of Pius the 5th.  
The confusion which multitude of business carries along with it, especially if they be of different natures, and equal authority, is a great impediment to the good success of an Election; because for the first they cannot easily unite in the same opinions, and for the second, they are not used to yield to one another; every one watching diligently over his own authory, that nothing may pass to its prejudice. This was visible in the Conclave of Marcellus the second; it deferred the Election a long time, and ruin'd the Faction of Cardinal Ferrara at last.  
That which the favourers of Marcellus the second used to ascertain his Election, was counted great sagacity and cunning. The best of his Confidents met privately, and with paper in hand, reckoned up as many gainable persons, as made up their number complete, that done, they chose them of greatest authority, and most affection to Marcellus, and sent them about one by one, to work themselves, and insinuate into such as they could best trust, by representing the reasonableness of their hopes; and having gained them, they suffered them not out of their sight; but having calculated the Votes de novo, all together, they came immediately to an adoration, without further delay. An Artifice executed with so much dexterity, that it produced its effect.  
He is very much out of the way, who to gain the head of a contrary Faction (which has neither the inclusive faculty, nor so much as hopes of it) declares himself too much in his favour: because he extinguishes thereby his friends hopes of recovering him, who has so deeply engaged himself to a person of authority; by which means, he shall be left in the power of the adverse Faction, without any fruit of his design. Thus it happened to the Cardinal of Mantova, in the Conclave of Marcellus the 2d. ●or he being of the Imperial Faction, declared himself too freely in favour of Cardinal Ferrara, who was Head of the French, hoping thereby that he would employ all his practices for him; but he was mistaken, for he had not enough of the inclusive power.  
The Heads do observe, never to let those who are likely to stagger, go out of their sight, lest they should be debauched by their adversaries: They send therefore only such about to negotiate their designs, as do appear most constant and secure. This way Cardinal Farnese took in the Conclave of Paul the 4th. keeping the whole body of the French in his eye, within the Chapel, for Cardinal Theatino, whilst the most solid and grave part of them went abroad, and made voices for him.  
It is necessary to be well advised, and not to suffer one's self to be sweetened or cajoled by them who desire his Votes, (not so much that they hope to obtain the Papacy, but only in point of reputation with the World) for sometimes they run insensibly upon Rocks, which they never thought of before. Upon this Rock they were in great danger of running, in the Conclave of Pius the 4th. for Cardinal della Torre having gained 32. Votes for Cardinal della Queva, privately in the Scrutiny, (had not the juggle been discovered a little before) he had made him certainly Pope: By the same way, and in the same Conclave, Cardinal Pisano missed but little of being chosen, Cornaro having secured many Votes to him amongst the Factions.  
If it be true which Aristotle affirms, that Magistratus virum ostendit, he which ambitions the Papacy, and knows himself to be of an ill nature, in respect of his pride, or severity, or any other ill quality, let him whilst he is Cardinal be sure to avoid all Offices, in which he cannot assure himself but he shall discover the imperfections aforesaid; because there is no body but argues with himself in this manner. He which cannot govern his own passions, in small Offices, neither for hopes of the Papacy, nor for fear of his Enemies, how shall he govern them when he is Pope, and nothing left for him either to hope or to fear. Cardinal Savelli in the Conclave of Sixtus the 5th. having discovered his natural infirmities in his Vicarship of Rome, and when he was Chief Inquisitor, the whole Wood of his other good qualities were not sufficient to balance them. And Cardinal Morone was another instance of this; for having discovered himself (when he ruled the Pontificate of Pius the 4th.) to be of a vindicative humour, especially against the Carafeschi, that one thing was enough to intimidate the whole Conclave of Pius the 5th. and to bury a person of great parts in oblivion, who had otherwise doubtless been in the Apostolical Chair. Cardinal Cosenza had the same success, in the Conclave of Gregory the 14th. being excluded, because in his Office of Datary, in the time of Sixtus the 5th. he discovered himself inclinable to severity.  
The Heads of Factions, are to employ all their diligence, to find out the natural conditions and interests of the several Cardinals, that they may know how to choose every man for his turn: The inconstant are to be kept in an opinion, that the Pope is as good as made; that they are to come immediately to the Election, lest by leaving them opportunity of advising with others, they may change their minds. So Cardinal Alexandrino dealt with Cardinal di S. Sisto, a various and unconstant man; he advised him to concur in the Election of Montalto, and make himself the Author of it, when it came to the Vote, and the Scrutiny was made, persuading him the Election was sure; at which S. Sisto being amazed, and having no time to make any diversion, he submitted, and the design took effect.  
If at any time a Faction be obstinate, and perverse, in recommending and bringing to the Scrutiny a person you are diffident of; to bring them to reason, it will be convenient in your Scrutiny to propose▪ (by way of counterpoise) one of its greatest adversaries, that so fear may prevail, where affection could not. Of this stratagem Cardinal Montalto made use, in the Conclave of Gregory the 14th. for the Spaniards being obstinate in their Votes for Paleotti, he proposed in opposition to them, the Cardinal of Verona, to whom they had an implacable aversion; and he pressed it so home, that for fear it should succeed, they turned their thoughts upon Santa Severina, and left Paleotto in the lurch: By the same art the Spaniards circumvented Montalto, that he gave over all thoughts of Cardinal Colonna, as was supposed, because as it were with Banners displayed they seemed to run to the adoration of San Severina, who was before excluded by Montalto.  
'Tis a good Rule for the Heads of Factions, to reserve some one which they like best close in their minds, and not so much as to mention him in the times of controversy and dispute, to the end that (when an opportunity serves, and the Factions are tired with contention, and have but small hopes) he may then be proposed on a sudden, and the Head bending all his Votes upon him, let him go briskly and courageously to the Adoration: For the adversary being wearied with the tediousness of contending, and finding himself surprised, and the Enemy pressing on with so much resolution, loses both his power and his prudence together: And this was evident by Montalto in the Conclave of Gregory the 14th. who in two months fierce combat with the Spaniards, made not the least discovery of Cardinal Cremona, till that the designs of both parties being desperate, on a sudden he proposed him, and getting together his Votes, he passed immediately to the Adoration, and created him Pope.  
It is no easy matter to break an obstinate conspiracy for the Election of a person, especially if the Party be considerable; unless their practices be destroyed, by the Excluders proposing a person of their own adverse Faction, which for the most part has been successful, as oft as it has been tried: So it happened in the Conclave of Clement the 8th. the Spanish party for two months together, gave their Votes constantly in favour of San Severina, nor was their constancy ever shaken or disturbed, till Cardinal Aldobrandino (who was a Spaniard) was proposed by the Excluders, who promising the Head of that Faction (which was Avila) to choose any one Pope that he should name, without communicating first with his followers; they were disobliged in that manner, they were all ready to run from his Colours: But to pacify them, Aldobrandino was glad to come to an absolute rupture with Avila.  
If the Head of the Including Faction, offers the Head of the Excluding Party, to assist him at any time, in the Election of one of the Excludents, let him always be suspicious; for his design is rather to separate, and divide the Squadron of Excluders, than to do him any good in good earnest. This Cardinal Montalto found to be true in the Conclave of Leo the 11th. when Aldobrandino, to separate the Excludents, who had strictly engaged themselves with Montalto, proposed to him to choose one of his party; but as he knew very well how to open his eyes, and discover Aldobrandino's designs, so he knew well enough how to shut his ears, and evade them.  
Let a Cardinal in the Conclave, avoid all occasions of Rupture, as much as he can; for if once he be declared an Enemy, immediately the Spirit of revenge enters into his heart, which may perhaps be instrumental to the detriment of his Enemy, but shall never be of advantage to himself: And this also Aldobrandino found true, in the Conclave of Leo the 11th. for coming to words, and a manifest breach with Avila, he presently fixed his thoughts upon a person he had otherwise never remembered, which was Cardinal Meaici; one he had no kindness for at all, but he chose him to be revenged of Avila.  
The like Aphorisms may be seen likewise for the Court, seeing that in such cases the pens of the most curious are at work, to discover their subtleties, for the benefit of the Public; however their pains have not met with so great an applause: whereas these Aphorisms of Azolino were commended as soon as they were seen, and judged very proper for the instruction of the Cardinals during the vacancy of the See, especially such as have not been in any Conclave before: Experience in such things, exceeds all manner of Learning: Yet to speak freely, I am not displeased with the opinion of a Friend of mine, who being well versed in the interests of the Court, discourses liberally in company, and will oftentimes have his own judgement prevail, before any bodies else. He affirms, that neither Experience, nor Learning, are considerable in the Conclaves, and maintains it with more arguments than this Paper will contain. Be it as it will, it is not known which meets with more rubs in the Conclave, the Experienced, or the Learned Cardinals. They which by study, and revolving of History, manage the affairs of the New Pope, will not stoop to persons of the greatest Experience, because by actual practice they have gained some air of reputation in the precedent Conclaves. In like manner those who have been Experienced, do pretend to command those who are thought Learned, for having read in some Books, or heard discourses of some Conclave or other.  
But I will not condemn either Experience, or Learning; Experience is good in the Conclaves, and Learning is better; but Prudence is more necessary than both. A little Experience is enough for a prudent Cardinal, whereas all the Experience in the World is in vain, if they know not how to use it with discretion. In several Conclaves there have been several inexperienced Cardinals, (I might say ignorant of the mystery of Election of Popes) yet they have prospered very well, and by their prudence prevailed with those, who doubted not to have gained them in a short time.  
Experience interrupts that many times, which Prudence contrives; whereas Prudence conjoins that, which Experience hath broken. In this last Conclave several effects of this nature were seen, but not so many as in the two former; in which the most Experienced lost their Chard of Navigation, because they had not the judgement to make use of it with discretion.  
FINIS.   

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