THE HISTORY OF LEARNING: OR, AN ABSTRACT Of Several BOOKS Lately Published, as well abroad, as at home. By one of the Two Authors of the Universal and Historical Bibliotheque. LONDON, Printed for Abel Swalle, and Timothy Child, at the Unicorn at the West-End of St. Paul's Churchyard, 1691. To the Right Honourable, the Earl of DORSET and MIDDLESEX, Lord Chamberlain of Their Majesty's Household. My Lord, THis Work does every way belong to your Lordship; for besides the many Obligations your Honour has been pleased to lay upon me, and to advise me to the composing of it, I know not a Person more universally Learned, and more capable of Judging all sorts of Learned Writings. I doubt not, My Lord, but your wont Goodness and Affability will vouchsafe me a favourable Acceptance of this Present: Though I must acknowledge 'tis with some Reluctancy that I make it. There is so much difficulty in making Abstracts, and one finds so rarely wherewith at the same time to Please and Instruct, that I can hardly hope I have done any thing worthy to be Presented to so delicate a Judgement as your Lordship's. I have been unfortunate in that I writ not in my own Language; by which Means some Improprieties may escape, of which I am ignorant, and which I hope your Lordship will pardon. I presume to offer this Essay to your Lordship, partly because I have the Honour to be known to your Lordship by other Works; and that I hope, under your Lordship's Patronage, to be assisted for the Future, from Men of Parts and Learning, with something more considerable, and more deserving your Lordship's perusal. I am, with all Duty and Respect, My LORD, Your Lordship's Most Humble, and most Obedient Servant, J. D. de La Cross. THE PREFACE. THE following Essay is not as one lately Published, a Translation of the Journals Printed abroad; but a real Abstract taken from the best Books lately Printed both at home and abroad; which, if it finds Encouragement, shall be continued as oft as Matter occurs, Monthly, or otherwise. 'Twill be unnecessary that I enlarge upon the great Use and Advantage of these sort of Works; the great Encouragement they have received in Holland, France, Germany, etc. does sufficiently evidence their Worth, and seem to reproach us for having so long neglected it. 'Tis true, it has been twice attempted here; but those having been barely Translations, and the Readers generally understanding the Original, seems to be the Reason they were no better received. But not to detain the Reader too long, I shall pass over what might be more said upon this Occasion, and proceed to give an Account of my Design in as few Words as may be. I design then to Publish an Abridgement of all new Books as they shall appear in the World; to which purpose, I shall keep a Correspondence abroad, in order to the being furnished with every thing rare with the first. But in regard this Design is of too large extent; that is, the abridging of every Book that is Published; especially in this Age, where so many trifling Impertinencies. pass the Press, I shall choose only such, to insert in this Work, as may most deserve the perusal of the Studious Reader. I shall enlarge upon such as shall publish any Novelty to the World, and such as discourse the most rationally upon any Subject; and shall endeavour to mark out the most considerable Passages, and the Places best writ of every Author. The Reader must excuse me, if I omit giving a Judgement upon the Style and Language of Authors; which I shall avoid, and choose rather to give Account of Things than Words. I shall also, as little as possible, take any Side in the Disputes of Learned Men; or if it should happen that I adhere to one Party in such Disputes, I hope the Ingenious Reader will believe it to be the Force of Reason and Truth that draws me to its side. As for those Authors that fill the World with Books ill digested, and wherein there is nothing to be learned, they ought to esteem it a Favour in being passed over in silence. Manuals of Devotions, and Sermons we shall but rarely take notice of; they being of such general Use, so well known, and read almost in as little time as an Abstract. Dictionaries, Collections, Abridgements, and such like, the Authors must pardon us if we take no notice of: Also, Law-Books, Treatises of Practical Physic, or any thing too particular in one Faculty, will be improper for us to speak of; for though they may be excellent in their kind, yet their Abridgement will appear but tedious and dull to any not of that Profession. But I would not be thought, upon this Pretence, to excuse myself from abstracting such ingenious Treatises as shall be Published, in Anatomy, Natural Philosophy, Mathematics, etc. For though such Abstracts may indeed be unpleasant to such as understand them not, they must bear with the Evil, and remedy it, by turning over the Leaf, to a Place that pleases them better; for in a Work of this Nature, which is writ for all the World, and every Profession, such inconveniences cannot be avoided. And thus having given an Account of our Design, we doubt not, but all Learned and Ingenious Gentlemen will assist & promote it, by communicating to us such things as may be convenient to insert in this our Journal; which, if at any time they please to direct to the Publisher, they shall be thankfully received, and Published accordingly: By this we mean, in such Cases where a Person may have made any Discovery in Natural Philosophy, Physic, Mathematics, Critic, or the like, and would not give themselves the Trouble of Writing a Treatise upon it, if they please to communicate it to us, we shall give it place in our Journal, and preserve and publish it to the World, better by far than if it was Printed by itself. Which Advertisement, considering the present discontinuance of the Philosophical Transactions, will not, we hope, seem impertinent to the Learned World. The Reader must excuse the Imperfection of this first Essay, it being but a rude Dranght of what we intent for the Future, if the Author be so happy to see his Labour encouraged, and his Design favoured by the Approbation of Worthy Persons. This is all we thought necessary to tell the Public at present; only this we have further to say, That the Abstract of the Phytographia is of another Hand, and that through Inadvertency we sent the Copy to the Printer's, without having digested it into proper Order; but the like Fault shall happen no more. We have added at the End a Catalogue of some Books which we intent for the next; together with some others, most eminently recommendable to the Learned. The CONTENTS. I. History of Lewis the Great, taken from the Medals, etc. Character of this Book. The French King's Religion toward his Allies. Of his giving Peace to Europe, and taking 200 Cities by Storm. The immortal Man. French Protestant's how reconciled to the Church of Rome. Blasphemies of the French Panegyrists. Pag. 1. II. A New Bibliotheque of Ecclesiastical Authors. An History of the Author and his Book. Canonical Scriptures. Ancient Liturgies; whether St. Denis was ever in France? What Honour is due to the Saints? No Bishop of Bishops. Doctrine of the Three first Centuries. Of the Power of Councils, Invocation of Saints, Worship of Images, and Celibacy. Pag. 2. III. Horatius Rodellii. Whether Maecenas was descended from the Kings of Etrury, Deus esse, Oculo irretorto, Descendere Vinum. Pag. 14. iv The Comedies of Terentius, by Madam D'Acier. Character of Plautus and Terentius, and their Comedies. Contaminare. New Explication of a perplexed Passage in the Andria. Pag. 19 V Cornelius Nepos, Nic. Courtin. Pag. 23. VI Juvenalis & Persius Lud. Pratei. Passage of Persius explained. Pag. 3. VII. A Defence of Diocesan Episcopacy. Opinions of the Independents. Pag. 25. VIII. Description of the United Netherlands, etc. usefulness of Travels. London bigger than all the Cities of Holland together. Pag. 27. IX. Vauban's New Method of Fortification. Character and Contents of this Book Original of Fortification. Situation of Places to be fortified. Orillon, Flank retired, Bastion, etc. Pag. 28. X. Haver's Osteologia Nova, An Idea of the Formation of the Foetus, of the Periosteum, the Bones and the Teeth. Of Growth and Nourishment. Of the Marrow. Of the Mucilage and Mucilaginous Kernels. Of the Cartilages. Pag. 33. 2. Ruyschius Observationes Anatomico-Chirurgicae. Wonderful Cure of an Aneurisma. Of the Membrant Hymen. Pag. 46. XI. Leonardi Plukenetii Phytographia. Pag. 42. XII. Praxis Mayerniana .. Whether the Smoke of Tobacco can reach the Brain? Pag. 47. XIII. Richerius, De Potestate Ecclesiae. Votes of the Third Estate in France against the Pope's Power. The Doctrine and Practice of the Gallican Church, proved agreeable with them. Rules to examine whether a Doctrine be orthodox or no? Whether it be lawful for the People to depose Princes? Of Ecclesiastical Power, and Excommication. Sentiments of Marsilius of Milan. Blasphemy of Pope Gregory VII. against Royal Dignity. Pag. 48. XIV. An Universal Analysis of Equations Pag. 53. XV. Leybourn's Cursus Mathematicus. How to know the Length of the Way which a Vessel makes. XVI. Some Observations made in the great Congregation of Waters, communicated by the Honourable R. boil. That Sta-water is colder on the deep below, than by the Surface. Pag. 58. XVII. Inscriptionum Antiquarum Sylloge. Whether the Daughter of the first Christian Emperor builded a Church to S. Agnes? Whether the Idolatry of the Heathens be excusable? Pag. 59 XVIII. The Falsehood of Humane Virtues. Whether Subjects may rebel against their Kings? Pag. 62. THE HISTORY OF LEARNING. I. HISTOIRE DU ROY LOUYS LE GRAND, par les Medailles, Emblems, Devises etc. History of Lewis the Great; Taken from the Medals, Emblems, Devices, Inscriptions, Armouries, and other Public Monuments, Collected and Explained by Father CLAUDIUS' FRANCIS MENESTRIER Jesuit. A new Edition augmented with five Plates. Fol. Paris, 1691. F. 64. IF the Contents of this Work were answerable to its Title, and if the Author had given us an exact and continued History of the Exploits of his Hero, and had proved the most remarkable Actions that were performed under his Reign, by the Medals that were coined, and other public Monuments that were erected on that occasion, it would without doubt have been a very useful Book; but nothing of all this is to be found therein, for the Medals are confusedly placed, the order of time, which is the most principal matter in a History, is not well observed, and instead of a Commentary, there is only a licentious Interpretation of the Latin Inscriptions, or some other trivial Circumstances, and that too but very rarely; insomuch that it can neither be esteemed as an History nor a Panegyric, but a gross and imperfect Collection of whatsoever could be invented by Flattery, to aggrandise the Idea of a Prince that delights in Vainglory, and is perhaps too much addicted to the love of popular applause, And indeed, what can be devised more vain than the Medal (a) 25.5. wherein he is represented in the midst of the Cities of Genova and Luxemburg, turning the Globe of the World, on the point of his Sword, with this Motto, Quod libet licet▪ I do whatsoever I think fit. Although the Character of a Jesuit and a Panegyrist doth not well agree with that of a sincere Writer; never heless we are induced to believe that Father Menêtrier hath found it to be a very difficult task, to produce these Medals as undoubted proofs of the Historical matters and facts related by him; as being conscious to himself that the greatest part of them were founded only on Hyperbolical exaggerations, or on the false reports of hired News mongers. As for example, it is well known to all the World, that in the War that happened between England and Holland, in the Year 1666, France amused this Commonwealth with feigned Succours; that those few French Vessels that joined with the Ruyter, served only to molest and perplex him, by breaking all his measures, or giving an account thereof to the Enemies; and that the Forces that were sent thither by Land, marched only to espy out the Country, and to contrive intrigues and plots against them, as it afterwards appeared by the design which was discovered in the Year 1672. Therefore we may very well turn the reverse of the Medal, and instead of (a) f. 13.2. Batavis terrâ marique desensis. Religio foederum, put Batavis terrâ marique proditis. Derisio foederum. There are others likewise that are absolutely repugnant to evident matters of fact; particularly, that which is consecrated to Lewis the Great, for granting peace (b) p. 26.3. to the Hollanders whom he had Conquered, to the Germans whom he had every where Vanquished, and almost to all Europe that had combined together against him: For without reckoning Switzerland, Italy, and the most part of the Princes of Germany, Poland, and Moscovy, who were not engaged in this quarrel; France was assisted by England, Sweeden, and the Bishop of Colen and Munster, through whose Territories they attacked the Hollanders at unawares. Moreover in the beginning of the War, all Europe seemed unanimously to concur in promoting the ruin of the United Provinces; since Spain opened a passage to their Enemies, and the Emperor for a long time stood still as it were a Spectator; to which if we add the Intelligence that the French obtained within the Country, and the Cowardice of some of those that had the Command of the Principal Posts, it may well be concluded from thence, that these Conquests are not so Glorious as they would have them to be believed. But on the contrary, there accrues to King William Everlasting Glory, which cannot be eclipsed by the most inveterate Envy, for rescuing by his Valour and Prudence, at the Age of about 22 Years, four Great Provinces out of the Hands of so Haughty and Potent an Enemy; and restoring his Country, that was almost ruined, to its Primitive state and lustre. These are matters of fact that cannot be called in question, but we shall leave it to the Readers judgement to determine, whether these are of the like nature that afford the Subject of this Medal (c) f. 28. Victori perpetuo. Ob expugnatas Vrbes ducentas. To the Eternal Conqueror for having taken by Storm 200 Cities. I know not how it can be affirmed that Cities which have surrendered themselves, as soon as the Enemy appeared before their Gates; or those that went forth to meet him, and to deliver their Keys into his possession, were taken by force of Arms: [expugnatae.] But I am of opinion that it would be very difficult to reckon up twenty, whereof the French King hath made himself Master after another manner, at least before the breaking of the Truce. The word Perpetuus, which Father Menêtrier translates Eternal, calls to my remembrance the (d) f. 2●. 6. Viro Immortali, and the (e) 10.6.27.6. Aeternitas Imperii Gallici. The former Epithet hath been generally exploded, and it hath been very ill resented that they durst presume to call Lewis the XIV. The Immortal Man: The Eternity of the French Empire does not appear to me to be more tolerable, and to say the truth, both the Expressions savour too much of Paganism and Blasphemy; as well as this Counter, wherein Joshua is represented giving a Signal to the Sun to stop, and the French King doing the like to the New Moon, with these words (f) f. 37.42. ille, hic Lunam sistit, and under the Medal Germaniae Pax. However, the Germans are not willing to allow that his most Christian Majesty should assume to himself the Glory of setting Bounds to the Progress of the Turks, and of restoring Peace to the Empire; but if this power be disputed, none will deny him the honour of exciting those Insidels to break the Truce with the Emperor, and of furnishing them with Officers, Arms, and Ammunition. Amongst so many prevarications, it was not expected to find a public Affirmation of a matter of fact, which the French Writers have for a long time disowned, that is to say, that the Protestants of that Kingdom had not been reconciled to the Communion of the Church of Rome, but by making use of the utmost extremity. For what else can be meant by (g) f. 50. the labours of Hercules placed in the Constellations: The Thunder with these words, Deorum jura tuetur; the Giants crushed to pieces under the Mountains; the Hydra slain; the heads of this Monster severed and burnt; Trees cut down; and their Branches lopped off. Nay they confess, that those pretended Conversions could not be otherwise performed; in a Device, the Body whereof is the Gordian Knot cut asunder with a Sword, and the Motto Frustra tentassent alii: Others would have attempted it in vain. And Father Menétrier ingeniously explains the meaning of it, without any evasion, having caused the (h) f. ●●. Titles of 36 Declarations published at several times against the Reformed, to be graved on a Plate. The Printers of Holland have added to their Edition of this Work, five new Plates, comprehending divers very Satirical Emblems and Devices, which I shall not here mention: but only observe, that one M●dal grossly reflects on the Honour of the English. Notwithstanding this Book taken all together, deserves a place in the Library of the ingenious, not only on the account of several public Monuments therein contained, as the prospect of the Square called lafoy Place des Victoires, the Obelisk of Arles, etc. but also in regard that there are inserted the Arms of the Principal Houses or Families of France, of the princes, Dukes, Prelates, and other Noblemen of the Order of the Holy Ghost, together with those of the Marshals of France, of the Colonels and other Military Officers, as also those of the Regiments that have been lately raised, and lastly those of the Precedents of the Sovereign Courts. I shall add one Inscription, worthy to be Printed in the next Edition of the Jesuits Book, and made upon the Building Versailles. Hic fuit ante Chaos, dixisti & Regia Verbo, Fit Ludovice tuo, sic fa●ta est machina Mundi. Which may be properly Paraphrased in English thus. That the Eternal Word the World should frame, A Wonder 'twas, till Lewis did the same. II. NOUVELLE BIBLIOTHEQUE DES AUTHEURS ECCLESIASTIQUES, etc. Or, a new Library of Eccle scastical Authors, containing the History of their Lives, a Catalogue and Chronology of their Writings, and an Epitome of whatsoever is comprehended therein, together with divers Critical Reflections on their Style and Doctrine, as also an Account of the several Editions of their Works. In five Volumes in Quarto, which complete the History of the six first Ages of the Church Printed at Mons, and to be Sold in London by Abel Swall, and Timothy Child at theVnicorn in St. Paul's Churchyard. 1692. the 1. Vol. pag. 342. THis Work hath been every where so much talked of, and hath been generally so well esteemed among the Learned, that although this is only a second Edition, and a large account hath been already given of the two first Volumes in the Bibliotheque Vniverselle; nevertheless we are persuaded that it will not be altogether unacceptable to the ingenious of our own Nation, who perhaps have not seen it, or at least have received but little information concerning the Subject and design thereof, to represent to them a more particular Character both of the Author and the Book. Mr. Du Pin is a Professor of Divinity in the College of Sorbonne, who according to the Testimony of divers learned * Vide Ca●e. Pres. H●sl. L●tter. Men, and even that of his own Works, hath been for a long time addicted to the Study of Ecclesiastical Antiquity. And as he is a man of great Parts, and endued wi●h a clear and sound Judgement; it may be easily imagned, that by frequent reading, he hath discovered many things that are Contrary to the Doctrine and Practice of that Church wherein he hath been Educated. But in a Society which cannot endure to be Contradicted in the least matter, and that hates even the very Name of Reformation, it was dangerous to Communicate his Discoveries to the World, at least until some favourable opportunity did enable him to use a greater Liberty. It is probable that as soon as the Controversies between France, and the Court of Rome, concerning the Regalia, and the nomination to great Benefices began to arise, Mr. Du Pin was incited to publish his Remarks, but observing judiciously that this contest would not be soon appeased, under a Prince so jealous of his Honour and Right, as Lewis XIV. and a Pope so obstinate as Innocent. XI. he judged it to be expedient to afford them longer time to be exasperated one against another; to the end that he might be more secure, and might discourse more freely and with greater weight concerning the matters. The event happened as the Author had foreseen; for the Pope vindicated the persecuted Jansenists, either as being of their opinion, or designing by the Public expressing of a Compassion that cost him nothing, to strengthen his party with the acce●ssion of so considerable a number of Learned Divines, and of he best Writers in France. Whereupon the King being incense●d that his Holiness should attempt as it were to prescribe Laws to him, and should endeavour to withdraw his Subjects from their Allegiance to him, took other measures, and having Summoned an Assembly of his Clergy, † In the Year 1682. caused it to be declared therein, 1. That the Pope hath no Authority directly or indirectly over the Temporalities of Kings. 2. That much less hath he any power to depose them. 3. That he is not infallible. 4. That he is inferior to a Council. At that time the breach seemed to be irreparable, and it was generally believed that a Patriarch would e'er long preside in France. It is true indeed, that the persecution of the Protestants, whose entire Destruction was then hastened, afforded but little hope of a Reformation to the moderate part of Roman Catholics. However, many of them that were willing to flatter themselves with vain Expectations, gave it out, that none ought to be discouraged by these rigorous Persecutions; that the Court, not being ignorant of the commotions that a too much precipitated Reformation hath produced in other places, intended to proceed therein by degrees; And that even on this account they had very good grounds to abolish, the Exercise of the Reformed Religion; either to avoid a Schism like unto that which vexes yet England at this present; or insensibly to gain the consent of the old Catholics by the Conversation of the new. Upon the whole matter, this is sufficient to induce us to believe, that the Court of France is not unwilling that their Divines should take the Advantage of this Conjuncture obliquely to assault the Superstitions of the Church of Rome. However, Father Simon, to vindicate himself, in regard that our Author had refuted (a) 〈◊〉 4. Disse●●. Prol. P. 30.38. ●9. his too presumptuous Conjectures on the Pentateuch, hath written against him with much animosity, accusing him as one that had employed his Pen to revive Calvinism that was so lately extirpated: Nevertheless, all these loud Clamours produced no effect, serving only to promote the Sale of the Book; neither have they obliged Mr. Du Pin to blot out these passages that were offensive to his Adversary; but only to add certain Notes in this Second Edition to prove that Moses really composed the Pentateuch. And the Author is so far from having been reprehended for bringing allegations in favour of the Protestants; that the Censors of Books have loaded him with extraordinary Commendations in the beginning of the second Volume, which they conclude in these words; That not being able to determine whether the vast extent of his Learning, the Sagacity of his Judgement, or the continual solidity of his Reflections, ought most to be admined; they find themselves obliged to declare, that that which would serve for the Commendation of many, is not sufficient to discharge all the Obligations that they judge to be due to his singular merit. A large Preface is prefixed to the first Volume, wherein the Author explains and justifies the Title that he hath given to his Book, gives an account of his Design and Method, and propounds certain Critical Rules to determine whether a Work be forged, or whether it really appertains to the Person to whom it is Attributed. This Preface is followed with a Preliminary Dissertation concerning the Books of the Bible; in which he treats, 1. Of the Authors of the Books of the Old Testament in general. 2. Of the Canonical and Apocryphal Writings. And indeed the judgement of Mr. Du Pin on this Article is very Remarkable, seeing he is a Roman Catholic, for according to his opinion the Six last Chapters of the Book of Esther are not extant in the Hebrew Text, but were taken from divers places, and contain several pieces apparently Collected by the Hellenist Jews. St. Jerom, expressly rejects the Book of Buruch, as not being included in the Canon of Sacred Writings, in his Preface to the Prophecy of Jeremiah. The History of Tobit is likewise excluded, in all the Ancient Catalogues, from the number of Canonical Writings, as well as that of Judith; In a word, Christian Antiquity hath followed the Canon of the Jews as to the Books of the Old Testament; there are not others Cited in the New, and a great part of these are often alleged therein; Moreover the Primitive Catalogues of Canonical Books, composed by the Greek and Latin Ecclesiastical Authors, do not contain any others. In the Chronicon of Eusebius, the Books of the Maccabees are separated from those of the Holy Scriptures, and placed in the Rank of Josephus and Africanus. The Books of Wisdom, and Ecclesiasticus are inserted in the Ancient Catalogues among those Writings that are esteemed to be very useful, but such as are not Canonical. Nothing can be inferred to prove their being Divinely inspired, from those passages that are produced by the Fathers, in regard that Origen, St. Jerom and St. Hilary, by whom they are cited, reckon them among the Apocryphal Writings. Moreover, these Books were not admitted into the Canon of holy Scripture even in the time of Gregory the Great: Forasmuch as this Pope speaks to this effect: † Greg. Lib. 12. Moral. We do nothing that is unreasonable in exhibiting the Testimony of Books that are not Canonical, since they were Published for the Edification of the Church. Many Ecclesiastical Writers, both Greek and Latin, reckon only 22 Canonical Books, annexing the History of Ruth to that of Judges, and the Lamentations of Jeremiah to his Prophecies, although they lived after the third Council of Carthage, and after Innocent I. who is reported to have inserted the Maccabees and other Apocryphal Books into the sacred Canon; which shows (adds our Author) that these definitions were not followed by all Authors and by all the Churches, until this was at last entirely determined by the Decision of the Council of Trent. Insomuch that these Ecclesiastical Assemblies partake of this general property with the others, that the Decrees of the later should abolish all those of the preceding; or otherwise, it is but just that the Church of Rome, which hath a power to make new Articles of Faith, should likewise be invested with that of causing the Books from whence they are taken to be esteemed as Canonical. In the third Article of this dissertation, the Author gives us the History of the Hebrew Original, of the Translation of the Septuagint, and of other Greek Versions of the Old Testament. 4. He discourseth anfterwards concerning certain Authors, whose works have some Relation to the Sacred Writings of the Hebrews, as Philo, Josephus, Aristaeus, etc. 5. He treats of the Authors of the Books of the New Testament. And 6. of the Canon of these Books. Let us now proceed to the Body of the Work. Mr. Du Pin hath thought sit to reject the Liturgies (a) p. 8. that are attributed to the Apostles, in regard (says he) that we need only to reflect a little on what we Read in the first Epistle of St. Paul to the Corinthians, concerning the Celebration of the Eucharist, and on that which hath been alleged on this Subject by St. Justin, and the Primitive Fathers of the Church, to be convinced that the Apostles and their Successors celebrated the Sacrifice of the Mass with great Simplicity. A very small number of Litanies were, recited therein, but by little and little, some other Collects were added, together with certain exterior Ceremonies to render the Service more venerable to the People, lastly the Churches proceeded to regulate and to commit these particular Methods to Writing; and this is that which we call Liturgies. Our Author is not only content to disallow the Works of the Counterfeit St Denis, (q) p. 24. (b) but he likewise proves in one of his Notes, (c) p. 38. that the true Dionysius the Ar●opagite never was in France; that Photinus first propagated the Christian Religion in that Kingdom; and that in the time of St. Irenaeus his Successor, Christianity was establishd only in that part of the Country called Gallia Viennensis & Lugdurensis, since there were no Martyrs any where but within the Limits of these two Provinces; concerning whom he produceth (d) p. 50. an Epistle of the Church of Smyrna to those of Pontus, which deserves to be remembered in more than one place. The Pagans having hindered the Christians from carrying off the Body of Polycarp that remained entire in the midst of the Flames, lest (as was pretended by these deluded Heathens) they should adore it instead of Jesus Christ; the Church of Smyrna made this reflection thereupon, certainly these People were possessed with an extravagant frenzy, as being ignorant that the Christians adore Jesus Christ, only because he is the Son of God, and that they honour the Martyrs, who are his Disciples and followers, only on the account of the Love that they testify for their King and Master. Afterward, The Centurion having caused the Body of this Martyr to be burnt, the Christians took away his Bones, being more valuable than the most precious Stones, and more pure than Gold, which they BURIED in a place where they Assembled together, to Celebrate with joy and Cheerfulness, the Day of his Martyrdom; thus HONOURING the MEMORY of those that had fought Gloriously for their Religion, to the end that they might confirm and instruct others by such Examples. These are the Sentiments (adds our Author) of the Ancient Church, concerning the Respect due to Martyrs and their Relics, explained after a very clear and distinct manner, equidistant from the contempt that is cast on them by our Modern Heretics, and from the Superstition of some Catholics. But Mr. Du P●n would have extremely obliged the World in showing who those Heretics are, who despise the Holy Martyrs, and their true Relics, and refuse to afford them this sort of honour that was done to their memory, by the Church of Smyrna. In this Edition is an extract of Origen's Book concerning Prayer, (e) p. 142.145. which the Author had not seen when he published the first; and on the occasion of the dispute that risen between St. Cyprian and the Bishop, of Rome concerning the Repeating of Baptism, he produceth a remarkable passage (f) 164 2. taken from the Acts of the last Council of Carthage, holden in the Year 256. Wherein this Father exhorting the 87 Bishops that were there present, freely to disclose their mind, without any design of excommunicating those that were of a different opinion, gives them this reason. For none ought to Style himself Bishop of Bishops, to endeavour to constrain his Colleagues by a Tyrannical Authority, by reason that every Bishop hath liberty, and power to make use thereof, as he shall think fit, and that he can no more be judged by another, than he can judge him: But we ought all to attend to the judgement of CHRIST, who alone hath power to set us over his Church, and to judge of our Actions. In this Controversy both parties pretended to have Tradition on their side, and St. Cyprian opposed to that which was alleged against him by Pope Stephen, the truth of the Gospel and the Primitive Tradition of the Apostles. The Edition of the Works of this Father, which is declared by Mr. Du Pin to be generally most esteemed, is that which hath been Published some years ago by two English Bishops, and Printed at Oxford, but the Annotations of Pamelius are not much regarded, by reason that he applies himself rather to confirm the Doctrine and discipline that is received and maintained by those of his own Society, than to explain the difficulties that occur in the Text of the Author. Mr. Du Pin doubts (g) ● 199.1. whether the passage recited by Joannes Damascenus, in his third Homily concerning Images, appertains to Methodius: it is declared therein that the Christians made certain Figures of Gold representing the Angels, for the Glory of God; if it were written by this Bishop, it must be taken (said he) in another Sense, different from that which is attributed to it by Damascenus; and by these words, Angels, Principalities and Powers, the Kings of the Earth are to be understood, as may be inferred from the preceding expressions. Moreover he rejects all the Decretals that are imputed to the Primitive Popes, and believe that they were forged by Riculphus and his Successor Benedict in the ninth Century. Lastly, he concludes this Volume, with an Epitome of the Doctrine, Discipline, and Moral Instructions of the Church in the three first Ages thereof. There are no notes subjoined to this Abridgement, because it is taken for granted, that sufficient prooss of all that is asserted therein, have been already exhibited in the body of the Work: Nevertheless, it cannot be discerned by what Arguments alleged in the preceding Treatise, Mr. Du Pin supports the following Propositions that are afterward maintained by him in the said Epitome; viz. (1) That altho' all the Fathers are not agreed, that Infants are born in Sin, and liable to Damnation, yet the contrary opinion was more agreeable to the Church. (2) That the Sacrifice of the Mass was Celebrated in Memory of the Dead. (3) That the ancient Christians invocated the Saints and Martyrs deceased; and that they were persuaded that they prayed to God for the living. However, there are other Principles that are grounded on better Authority, and such as are of great importance with respect to the present differences among Christians. (1) That the ancient Writers always mentioned the Virgin Mary with a great deal of respect, tho' they have not exceeded their due bounds, as it hath been afterwards practised; that it was not generally believed that she remained a Virgin after her delivery; that no mention hath been made of her assumption, and that there is a passage in the works of S. Irenaeus, which is not favourable to the immaculate conception. (2) That the Holy Scripture contains the principal Articles of our Faith, and that it was lawful for all Christians to read it. (3) That the Elements of the Eucharist were ordinary Bread, and Wine, mingled with water; That the consecrated Bread was divided into little pieces; that the Deacons distributed it to those that were present who received it in their hands, and that they likewise gave them some of the consecrated wine; That in some Churches this distribution was reserved to the Priests, but that in others every one approached to the Table and took his Portion of the Eucharist. (4) That during the three first Centuries, there is no account concerning the unction or anointing of the sick mentioned by St. James. (5) That the Clergy were forbidden to be engaged in Civil and Temporal Affairs. (6) That Priests were permitted to keep their Wives whom they had espoused, before they were Ordained, and not to marry any after their Ordination: but that both was allowed to Deacons. (7) That there have scarcely been any disputes, or different sentiments in the Church concerning Moral Duties. We find divers Tables at the end of this Work, some of which are Chronological, and show the time of the Nativity, Death, and Principal Transactions of the Sacred Writers, and Ecclesiastical Authors; others serve to distinguish the genuine Works from those that are forged. There are also Alphabetical Indices of the Authors and Principal matters. Mr. Du Pin hath observed in the Second Volume the same Method as in the preceding, all the difference is, that the Works of the Fathers of the fourth Century, being generally more known and in greater number than those of the three first; there are likewise inserted more frequent reflections on the Protestants, perhaps to satisfy the importunate clamours of some Zealots, who otherwise would have suppressed the Book. However the same sincerity and liberty of speech which was so acceptable to all judicious Readers in the first Volume, is every where conspicuous throughout the second. It is apparent from the Life of St. Athanasius, which is exhibited at large by our Author, that the People began even in his time to adhere too much to the exterior part of Religion, since two of the greatest Crimes with which the Arrians charged this Father were, that he had broken a Chalice, and had administered the Holy Sacraments in a Church that was not Consecrated. It may be also observed, after Mr. Du Pin, that Laymen were then admitted to the Communion in both kinds; that there were Women that kept their Virginity, and were not shut up in Monasteries; that there were married Priests and Bishops; that the Monks might alter their condition, and take Wives; that it was not lawful to make new Articles of Faith; and that Councils, even the Ecumenical, were only the Witnesses of the Creed of their Ages, whereas they had Sovereign Authority to determine all matters that related to Discipline. Thus it is expressly declared by the Nicene Bishops, in appointing the day for the Celebration of the Feast of Easter. It seems good to us, we think fit that it should be so. But their Expressions are altogether different with respect to the Consubstantiality of the Word, since after having declared their Opinion as to this matter, they are content only to subjoin; such is the Faith of the Catholic Church. After the Extracts of the Writings of the Fathers, we find those of the Councils that were convened in the fourth Century. The Canons of that which is called the Council of Elvira, are an Ancient Code or Collection of the Councils of Spain, and it cannot be doubted but that they are very Authentic and of great Antiquity. The 34 and 36 Canons have caused much perplexity among the Roman Catholic Divines. One of them prohibits the lighting of Tapers in the Churchyards, by reason that the Spirits of the Saints ought not to be disturbed: and the other to set up Pictures in the Churches, lest the Object of our Adoration should be Painted on the Walls. Many have endeavoured to render divers Explications of these Passages, but it seems to me, says Mr. Du Pin, to be more expedient to understand them simply, and to acknowledge that the Fathers of this Council did not approve the use of Images, no more than that of Wax-Candles lighted at Noonday: but, continues he, these things are matters of Discipline, and may be observed or neglected without any prejudice to the Faith of the Church. The 35 Canon forbids Women to remain all night in the Churchyards, in regard that often under pretence of Prayer, they secretly committed abominable crimes. The 60 deprives them of the quality of a Martyr, that are put to death for publicly demolishing of Idols, because it is not enjoined in the Gospel, neither do we read that this was practised by the Christians in the time of the Apostles. The same perverse spirit that hath caused the Canons of the Council of Elvira to be wrested to a contrary sense, hath in like manner given occasion to some to doubt as to the truth of the History of Paphnutius related by Socrates, Lib. I. Chap. XI. This Egyptian Bishop opposed the new Law, that was intended to be enacted in the Council of Nice, to oblige the Bishops, Priests, and Deacons to live single, and to abstain from their Wives, whom they had married before their Ordination. For although he himself was never married, nevertheless he maintained that this Yoke ought not to be laid on the Clergy, and that it was to expose the Chastity of Women to apparent danger. I believe, (said Mr. Du Pin, in speaking to the Roman Catholic Doctors) that this doubt proceeds rather from a fear with which some are possessed, that this matter of Fact should in any wise impugn the present Discipline, than from any solid Proof. But these Persons ought to consider, that this Ordinance is purely concerning Discipline, that the Discipline of the Church may be altered as opportunity serves, and that it is not necessary for the vindication thereof, to prove that it hath been always uniform in all Places. Moreover our Author shows that Hosins' Bishop of Corduba presided in the Nicene Council, and not the Pope's Legates. He acknowledgeth as the authentic Records of this Synod, only the Form of Faith, the Epistle to the Egyptians, the Decree concerning the Feast of Easter, and the first 20 Canons: And consequently he rejects as suppositions Pieces, the Latin Letter of this Council to S. Sylvester, together with the Answer of this Bishop, and the Canons of a pretended Synod holden at Rome for the Confirmation of that of Nice. In the 59 as also the 60 and last Canon of the Council of Laodicea, which Mr. Du Pin believes to have been convened between the years 360 and 370. It is prohibited to read in the Church any other Books than the Canonical, and those only are acknowledged as such, which are allowed by the Protestants, excepting the Revelation. The 8. Canon of the Council of Saragossa forbids the vailing of Nuns before the age of 40 years. The Bishops of Macedonia being about to confirm a Censure that they had made against a certain Bishop named Bonosius, and desiring the advice of Pope Siricius, he replied, That the Council of CAPUA, having referred this cause to them, it did not appertain to him to give any Judgement therein, and that they had power to determine it. The most ancient Record (according to the opinion of Mr. Du Pin) in which the name of Mass is applied to signify the public Prayers, recited by the Church of Rome in celebrating the Eucharist, is the third Canon of the II. Council of Carthage, holden Anno Domini 390. In the end of this Volume, the Author exhibits an Epitome of the Doctrine of the fourth Century, as he hath done in the preceding, with respect to the first three, and he avoucheth that, altho' nothing was taught in the fourth Age of the Church, but what was likewise believed in the three former; nevertheless the principal Mysteries of the Christian Religion have been much illustrated and explained therein. III. Commentaries on Latin Authors. Q. HORATIJ FLACCI Poemata Interpretatione & notis illustravit Petrus Rodellius é Soc. Jesus, jussu Christianissimi Regis ad usum Sereniss. Delphini, huic Editioni accesserunt Odae aliquot & Satyrae: unà cum interpretatione continuâ, quae in priori desiderabantur, nec non Index rerum, Phrasium & Verborum memorabilium. 8. Lond. Impensis Abel Swalle. 1690. pag. 366. THis Edition which is no less correct than that of Paris, hath moreover this advantage, that it contains the entire Works of Horace. Father Rodellius thought fit indeed not only to avoid the interpretation of divers Odes and Satyrs, that seemed to him to be somewhat too luxuriant and offensive to chaste minds, but even wholly to retrench them, nevertheless this defect is now supplied, by reprinting these Pieces that were omitted, and by Paraphrasing all the rest, excepting about half of the second satire. I. THE Author having perused Mr. Dacier's Translation and Critical Remarks, undertakes to censure some of those that are not. agreeable to his opinion. The latter in his French Interpretation declares, that whereas Horace makes mention of Maecenas thus; Atavis edite Regibus. These words are not to be understood, as if Maecenas were really descended from the Kings of Etreria, since there is not so much as one Historian, that takes any notice of the Royal Stock of this Favourite of Augustus, but they all affirm that he derived his extraction, from an illustrious Family of Knights. The ancient Commentators produce three Names of these pretended Kings, but he avoucheth it to be a counterfeit List, and that they were deceived in taking Atavus for a Great Grandfather. As for his part, by the word Reges he understands, Noblemen, or Persons of considerable Quality, insomuch that according to his Judgement, the meaning of Horace was only this, that Maecenas was descended of an ancient Family of Etreria. It must be granted that the words Rex & Regina are often used in that sense which is alleged by Mr. Dacier; but on the other hand, Rodellius insists, that in this place the word Rex ought to be taken in its proper and genuine signification, as well as in the following Verse of Propertius. Maecenas eques Etrusco the Sanguine Regum. The Historians might easily omit this circumstance relating to the Noble Extraction of Maecenas, by reason that none of them undertook to give a particular account of his life, and it is mentioned by the Poets, in regard that they had received the greatest share of his favours. Neither indeed could Maecenas derive his Pedigree from the Kings of Etreria, but at a very great distance; so that according to the judgement of Rodellius, as well as that of Mr. Dacier, the name of Cecina that is attributed to the Great Grandfather of this Illustrious Person, and who is reputed to have been King of Etreria, is merely feigned. Besides the Kings of Etreria were not very considerable, if we may give credit to the Testimony of Dionysius Hallicarnassaeus, Lucius Florus, and other Ancient Writers. There were twelve in number at the same time, and altho' they had an Equipage like unto that of the Roman Consuls, together with a Sceptre and a Crown; nevertheless they reigned only within the narrow bounds of one City, as Porsenna at Clusium. Therefore altho' it ought not to be accounted as a matter of no moment to be descended from those Kings. Yet it is not of so great consequence, as that it should be admired that the Historians have not made mention thereof, with respect to Maecenas. These are the reasons alleged by Rodellius, which being confirmed by the Authority of Propertius, will without doubt cause many to incline to his Opinion. It is not sufficient, that because a word, as that of Rex, is used in a certain sense in some places, therefore it ought to be explained after the same manner wheresoever it is possible that this signification may be admitted; it must also be attended with certain circumstances which favour this sense, and determine that equivocal word thereto. It is requisite then to inquire whether it be probable that in the expressions of Horace and Propertius the word Rex should be taken for a Rich or Noble Man; but we shall leave this to the decision of those that are expert Critics in the Latin Tongue. II. Father Rodellius hath annexed a Chronological Epitome of the Roman History from the 21. year of Horace to the 57 which account indeed is useful for the more clear understanding of the Works of this Poet; but the Chronology of Horace's Odes inserted in Tanaquil Faber's Letters would not have been less advantageous; and Rodellius would not have acted more unjustly in borrowing from him all this little Work, and in doing him that justice which is due to his merits, than in taking only part of his design: for altho' Faber died among those of the Reformed Religion, nevertheless there is no Jesuit that can deny him the reputation of a good Grammarian, which quality hath been always esteemed to be consistent with that of an ill Roman-Catholick. III. Moreover Rodellius contradicts M. Dacier with respect to an explication published by the later on the 6 Verse of the 1 Ode. Terrarum Dominos evehit ad Deos; which M. Dacier understands, not with reference to those that are properly called Gods, but concerning those that had obtained the prize in the Olympic Games, whom Horace elsewhere styles Coelestes. The Latin Interpretation is consonant to the ordinary acceptation of the words, that is to say, that they which overcame believed that they had acquired a great deal of Honour, which might be Hyperbolically termed a Glory equal to that of the Gods. Horace makes use of the same Figure twice in this Ode. Me doctarum hederae praemia frontium, Dis miscent superis. And Sublimi feriam sidera vertice. It is likewise known that this expression Deus esse, is commonly taken to signify to be esteemed happy; moreover the Epithet of Terrarum Domini entirely determines the sense, and it may justly be admired that M. Dacier hath not observed it, since he hath so clearly explained divers passages that are far more difficult. It is true indeed that he is not the first Interpreter, who through a commendable emulation and earnest endeavour to offer somewhat that is new, and to excel others, hath been induced to deviate from his Author's meaning, and to seek for too many Mysteries therein. We are sometimes apt to lose our Subject by too intense an application of the mind, and by how much the greater our efforts are, so much the farther we depart from the true sense, to which it is afterwards very difficult to return. On the other side, if we do not apply ourselves with a great deal of attention to the reading of an Author, either we understand not what he says, or we let slip very considerable difficulties, without illustrating them. To be successful, we must take care to keep the middle path between these two extremities, but this precept is more easily given to others than followed by themselves. However it may be observed much better than it is generally done, if we could be persuaded to remain in suspense for a while, as touching the meaning of those passages, wherein we suspect that others have been deceived, and in the mean time if it be possible often to read over that Paragraph concerning which we are doubtful. But as soon as a new explication comes into our mind, if it have never so little show of probability, we are immediately restless and impatient, till we have committed it to Writing; and when it is once written, we find it to be extremely difficult to deface or revoke it. iv TANAQUIL Faber had endeavoured to show in his Epistles, that the 14. Ode of the 1st. Book ought to be understood literally; where it was generally believed that Horace designed to represent the State of the Roman Commonwealth that was ready to be engaged in a new Civil War after the defeat of Brutus and Cassius, under the Idea of a disabled Vessel that was again to be exposed to the tempestuous waves. He affirmed that there was nothing Allegorical in this Ode, but that the Poet addressed himself to the Ship that had conveyed him from Philippi into Italy, and that was about to return by the same way, with those that had accompanied him in this Voyage. Father Rodellius who seems to fear lest there should be something of danger in opposing the Torrent of Interpreters, as his Divines aver, that it is not lawful to departed from the general consent of the Doctors, maintains the contrary opinion, viz. That there is an Allegory in this place. They that are desirous to be further informed in this matter, may at their leisure compare his assertions with the reasons that are alleged by Tan. Faber. V THERE is a passage in the 2d. Ode of the 2d. Book, which hath very much perplexed Interpreters, and it is this, Quisquis ingentes occulo irretortor. Spectat acervos. M. Dacier explains this Phrase Occulo irretorto, with a straight or direct Eye; that is to say, without envy; for the property of envy is to look askew; and Rodellius insists that this is the Character of a man of whom it may be said, That the brightness of Gold does not at all dazzle his Eyes, and he is never blinded thereby. This indeed comprehends the sense in general, and several Commentators have observed it before them, as may be seen in an Ancient Edition of Horace's Works, together with the Annotations of 40 Grammarians, Printed at Basil in the year 1580 in Fol. But without injuring the reputation of those Gentlemen, it may be justly affirmed, or that they have not sufficiently expressed the sense of the word irretorto. Torquere oculos signifies to turn our eyes to a certain place. — Oculosque ad maenia torsit. Retorquere oculos, is to turn the head backwards to look on something that we have left behind us; thus Cicero, in his second Oration against Catilina, which he made after he had compelled that Traitor to abandon the City of Rome, from whence he departed with great indignation. Retorquet oculos profecto saepe ad hanc Vrbem, quam ex suis faucibus ereptam esse luget. He often turns his head to view this City, and grows desperate, by reason that his attempts against it have failed. It may be said of a man that leaves his Native Country without expressing any sorrow: Spectavit maenia patriae exiens oculo irretorto, or, egressus maenibus non retorsit oculos. Horace represents a man that despiseth Riches after the same manner, as it were, passing through vast Mountains of Gold, but beholding them only whilst they are before him, without vouchsafing to look back on them when he is past, which shows that he doth not regard them; for we are accustomed to turn our heads, that we may retain those things longer in our sight; which we are constrained to leave with much regret. VI IN regard that it hath been observed by those that have seen this Edition of Rodellius, that he therein often opposeth the judgement of M. Dacier, it might be expected that he should have made some Critical Remarks on a passage in his Notes on the 21 Ode of the 3d. Book but he hath taken no notice thereof. Horace addressing himself to a certain Bottle or Pitcher, hath this expression, Descend Corvino jubente Promere languidiora Vina. Go down, since Corvinus hath commanded me to entertain him with the most delicate Wine. M. Dacier observes on the word descend, that the Romans kept their Wines in Warehouses built on the top of their Houses, that they might be ripened with the Smoke. He would have done well, if he had quoted his Authors; for none can imagine that Wine above twenty years old at least, such as that which is here mentioned being as old as Horace, should be kept in a Garret to ripen it with the Smoke. This perhaps might have been a good method to make Vinegar thereof, but by no means to render it more delicate. He might then have affirmed, on much better grounds, that the Romans usually hung their Bottles on the walls of their Cellars, as may be inferred from the 23. and 24. Chapters of Cato's Treatise the re Rustica. This is one of those things which it were to be wished that M. Dacier had always observed, at least to produce his Authors, when he exhibits any remarkable circumstance or assertion; for we live in an Age that is extremely distrustful, by reason that divers Critics have been known to avouch those things whereof they could allege no proof, with no less assurance than those concerning which there is the greatest Evidence. IU. LES COMEDIES DE TERENCE traduites en François par Madame D'ACIER, etc. The Comedies of TERENTIUS, Translated into French by Madam D'Acier, with some remarks upon them. The last Edition Corrected and enriched with Figures at the head of each Comedy. 12. Divided into three Parts. The I. hath 576 pag. The II. 490. The III. 432. Printed in Amsterdam 1691 for the Brother's Huguetan, and are to be Sold in London by Abel Swalle and Tim. Child. This Edition is Printed after the same manner, and even Page for Page according to that of Paris. I. WE find in a large Preface prefixed at the beginning of the 1. Tom a Comparison between Plantus and Terence, the substance whereof is this, that Plautus had more vigour than Terence, that he exceeded him in the vivacity of Action, and in the contriving of intrigues, that he shown more skill in acting than in speaking; but that his Sentences were often too much affected, his Drolleries gross, and his Style sometimes low: Whereas Terence is not so accurate in his designs, and excels rather in speaking than acting; but his Style is far more correct, his Morals better disposed, and his Drolleries much more refined; And it is for this reason that the ingenious take more delight in perusing Terence's Comedies, than in reading those of Plautus, and on the contrary the common People prefer the later before the former; and it is on this account likewise, that altho' other Poets are more esteemed than Terence, nevertheless, he is reckoned among those of the first Rank, with respect to the description of manners. Upon the whole matter, as when we happen to light upon a thought or conception that we judge to be apposite, and which we are desirous to preserve, we are so much accustomed to act a certain part, that when we would represent another, we cannot forbear intermixing with it somewhat of this Air, wherein we have been confirmed by a continual habit: thus that ingenious disposition of mind which Terence might participate with Scipio and Lelius, is more or less conspicuous in all the Personages that he brings on the Stage; we cannot discover any thing that is outrageous or irregular therein, neither do we find those mean and sordid expressions that are used by the vulgar. To prove this, we need only to compare the discourses of Thraso and Gnatho, with those of the Miles gloriosus and the Parasites that are introduced by Plautus; the later indeed was skilful in causing the multitude to shout, but Terence afforded satisfaction to the judicious Auditory, who do not make their divertisement to consist in the obstreperous noise of Laughter, to which the Rabble is addicted, but in hearing somewhat recited that savours of real wit and ingenuity. II. MOREOVER Madam D'Acier vindicates her design in translating the entire Works of Terence, foreseeing that some Critics might be so scrupulous as to dislike what she hath done, by reason that a certain pious and worthy Person seems to have believed that they ought not to be translated without making great alterations, and very considerable additions. The same Gentleman published three Comedies in French, many years ago, which were received with great applause. They that are desirous to know whether he hath as faithfully rendered the Author's sense, as he hath taken care to represent it in an elegant stile, may compare his Version with that of Madam D'Acier, and I doubt not but that after a careful review of both, they will acknowledge that the latter hath better expressed the genuine sense and energy of the Original, which she hath followed with much more exactness: III. AFTERWARDS Madam D'Acier proceeds to entertain us with an account of the several Translators and Interpreters of Terence's Works, and more especially of certain Figures that are inserted at the beginning of every Act, in two Manuscripts of the French Kings Library, and which may contribute much to the more clear understanding of divers passages of this Author; but it were to be wished that she had caused them all to be well graved. Moreover she hath found in these Manuscripts the confirmation of certain conjectures concerning the order of some of the Scenes, that are generally attributed to those Acts to which they do not appertain. Instead of annexing separate examinations according to the Rules of Dramatic Poetry, as she hath formerly done with respect to Plaurus, she hath intermixed with her Remarks several particular observations relating to the management of the Theatre, wherein she gives an account of the alteration that she has made in Terence, as to the division of the Scenes and Acts. She admires that those Comedies that have been in the possession of learned Men for so many Ages, should nevertheless remain even at this day in so great confusion, that there are some Acts that commence where they ought not; that is to say, before the Theatre is cleared: and she declares that she hath remedied this disorder. The cause of this inadvertency is, that the greatest part of Grammarians adhere much more to the words than to the matter, and imagine that they have sufficiently explained the meaning of an Author, by showing what every word hath been used to signify separately. iv AFTER the Preface we find a Translation of Terence's Life, Written by Suetonius, together with Observations, wherein all the obscure passages thereof are illustrated, and divers Sentiments of the Ancients confirmed. She likewise gives us this judgement concerning the six pieces of Terence that are now extant: The Andria and Adelphi seem to excel in the beauty of the Characters, and the description of manners; The Eunuchus and Phormio in the vivacity of the intrigues; And the Heautontimorumenos and Hecyra seem to have the pre-eminence, with respect to the excellency of the conceptions, and variety of passions, as also the purity and simplicity of the stile. V last, to exhibit a general Idea of this work, we shall here produce two passages in the Prologue of the Andria, one whereof is interpreted by Madam D'Acier after a new manner, and the other seems to require a little correction. Terence's Enemies objected to him that he did ill in not simply translating the Comedies of the Grecians into Latin, but in presuming to compose a single one in Latin, from many Greek; they expressed their resentment in these words: Contaminare non decere fabulas; which Madam D'Acier translates, that it is not lawful to intermingle Comedies: She derives the word contaminare from contango, affirming that it only signifies here to intermix, and that it is taken in a good sense, insomuch that when Terence's Adversaries maintained that contaminare non decet fabulas, this Poet avouched that decet contaminare. This Etymology seems indeed to be true, and it is on this Account that contamino signifies to sully or pollute any thing with touching it, according to Donatus' remark; but we have no example, from which it may be evinced that this word was ever taken in a good sense. Terence, after he hath produced the accusation of his Enemies, in the same odious terms as they had exhibited it, doth not reply decet contaminare fabulas, but simply proves that it was lawful to do that which they called contaminare. They pretended that Terence defiled (if we may use the expression) Menander's Plays, by adding to them somewhat of his own, or by annexing certain passages taken from other pieces of the same Poet, which being transposed, lost a great part of their Primitive Beauty and Elegancy. Therefore altho' Madam D'Acier, as to the main point, is of the same opinion as the other Interpreters; nevertheless every one will not admit that signification, which she ascribes unto the word contaminare. The other passage of the Prologue to the Andria, which seems to stand in need of a small alteration, is this, Favete, adeste aequo animo & rem cognoscite, pernoscatis ecquid spei sit reliquum, Post haec quas faciet de integro Comedias, Spectandae, an exigendae sint vobis prius. Give attention favourably, and examine this Piece, that you may be able to judge what may be expected from our Poet, and whether the Comedies which he shall hereafter make, may deserve to be acted before you, or whether they ought to be rejected without hearing. Now let judicious Critics determine whether this correction, which consists in reading pernoscat is in two words, be not more consonant to the words and design of the Poet. Give attention favourably, etc. To the end that he may know whether there be any grounds for him to hope for the future, and whether you will vouchsafe to grant that the new Comedies which he may hereafter compose, shall be acted, or whether you will explode them without seeing. At least this sense is more agreeable to these words, Ecquid spei sit reliquum, etc. Which after whatsoever manner they are understood, may be much better attributed to Terence than to the People of Rome. Perhaps this Comedy was acted after the Hecyra, or some other Play of this Poet was rejected, which caused him to fear lest the like accident should again happen. As for the People of Rome, they had no reason to despair of the sufficiency of Terence's Pieces, which they had already often approved; but the Poet having once received a repulse, might suspect lest this should have done some injury to his credit, and should occasion the loss of the public approbation. The word reliquum joined with spes seems altogether to favour this sense, and is contrary to that of Madam D'Acier, who by spes understands expectatio. Moreover it is a frequent custom of Terence to make use of the Pronoun is instead of ille, hic, ipse, as appears from the examples produced by Robert Stephen in his Thesaurus linguae Latinae. V CORNELIUS NEPOS de vita Excellentium Imperatorum; Interpretatione & notis illustravit NICOLAUS COURTIN, Humanitatis Professor in Vniversitate Parisiensi. Jussu Christianissimi Regis, in usum Serenissimi Delphini, juxta Editionem Parisiensem. 8o. Londini apud Abel Swalle. 1691. p. 264. THo' Cornelius Nepos appears to be a very plain Author, and easy to be understood; he is so succinct, and gives us the knowledge of so many Events and Antiquities, that the public is without question obliged to those who took care of the Education of the Dauphin of France, and appointed a person of so much learning and judgement as Monsieur Courtin, to unfold the knotty difficulties of this Author. He has not given himself the trouble to make an unprofitable Paraphrase upon this Historian. He has only explained his most extraordinary Idioms of Speech by the more common Phrases; and tho' his Notes appear not very long, however they leave no difficulty in this Author unexplained. Now in regard the Ancients are no very exact Chronologers, Mr. Courtin has placed before his Commentary a Chronology of 44 Olympiads, or 176 years. Which space of time includes all the lives which Cornelius Nepos has written; and his Interpreter has taken care to mark out to what year the several Historical Actions therein recounted, particularly refer. This Chronology gins from the 72. Olympiad, that is to say, according to his account, from the year of the World 3480. and the 261 year after the building of the City of Rome. To the lives of Cornelius Nepos Mr. Courtin has added all the Fragments of that Author, which are extant, upon which he has also made Notes. At the end there is an Index of all the words of that Historian, conformable to the method of other Commentaries, for the use of the Dauphin. VI D. JUNII JUVENALIS, & A PERSIS FLACCI Satyrae, Interpretatione & notis illustravit LUDOVICUS PRATEUS, Rhetoricae Preceptor emeritus. Jussu Christianissimi Regis, in usum Serenissimi Delphini, 8o. Lond. apud Abel Swalle, 1691. p. 606. MOnsieur PRATEUS has translated these two Poets into other Latin, with so nice an exactness, as if he had studied for a Version of the Bible. For as he is obliged to add words to the Text, to make the construction and contexture of the discourse, he has taken care to mark them in other Letters. You will say perhaps that if he had made a freer Paraphrase, he might have better explained his Authors; but he might as well have run himself into a mistake of sense. So that there is no question but there are many people who will commend him for having been a little precise, especially when they shall see that he has supplied with ample Notes, what might be wanting to complete the perspicuity of the Paraphrase. And indeed how was it possible to translate clearly and in few words those verses of the 4 satire of Persius. — Esto; Dum ndetcrius sapiat Pannucia Baucis, Cum bene discincto cantaverit Ocima vernae. Ocimum is an Aromatic Herb, which they never sowed but with Curses and Maledictions, believing it would grow the better. Baucis was the name of a poor old Woman, and proverbially taken for any old Herb-woman. Socrates, who in this satire represents the person of Persius, tells Alcibiades representing the person of Nero, that tho' he might have reason to boast of the Nobility of his Extraction, and the Comeliness of his Person; yet for all that, he might have no less cause to fear his being reproached, for having no more wit than a Herring-wife that abuses a Footman. This is the Interpretation and meaning which, next to Casaubon, Mr. Prateus gives of this passage in Persius. You shall find in his Notes all that the most subtle Critics have said to render Persius' intelligible. VII. A DEFENCE OF DIOCESAN EPISCOPACY, in answer to a Book of Mr. David Clarkson lately Published, Entitled Primitive Episcopacy; by HEN. MAURICE D.D. 8o. London 1691. p. 470. IF all Books were written like this, I do not believe, there is any Mortal would be so adventurous as to undertake to be a Journalist; for there is neither Table of the Chapters nor of the Matters; nor any Titles upon the Chapters; nor is the design of the Author to be apprehended, either in the Preface or Introduction. So that a man must have read the Book which the Author refutes, and know what it treats of, if he intends to make any advantage by the reading of this. That want of order might offend the Reader, and hinder the selling of the Book, and yet neither Dr. Maurice nor his Bookseller have any reason to complain. But this Book is otherwise so well written, and contains so many learned Observations, that 'tis great pity it should not be as well known as it deserves. And therefore we shall in a few words give you an account of what it treats. Mr. Clarkson was a Nonconformist, of the number of those who are called Independants, or Congregational Men, because they believe that every Congregation is a Church apart, or a Society of Men by themselves, over which no other has any thing to do; so that the Minister they have made choice of, is very near as Sovereign as the Pope of Rome; or to make use of a Phrase which less offends those Gentlemen, as a Bishop in his Diocese. To prove that this opinion is not so new as it seems at first, Mr. Clarkson wrote a Book, entitled Primitive Episcopacy, which was not Published till after his decease. The principal thing which he drives at, is to prove, that during the three first Ages, no Bishop had above one Flock under his charge, that is to say, so many Christians as the Place could contain wherein they assembled. To make this out, he endeavours to show, 1. That in the first Age there were none but Jews and Proselytes that embraced the Christian Religion, and those but few in number. 2. That the Pagans that were converted in the second and third Age were inconsiderable in respect of the Jews and other Pagans. 3. That there was a Bishop almost in every Village. 4. That the greatest part of the Cities were no bigger than the Villages and Borough Towns of England. 5. That such as were bigger were but thinly peopled; at least that it is certain there were but very few Christians in 'em. 6. That it ought to be considered that the Christians were divided into several Sects, which had every one their particular Bishops or Pastors. Dr. Maurice refutes these objections with a great deal more pains and Learning than they deserve, in the six Chapters of which the whole Treatise consists. But these answers would engage us in a too long discussion; besides that we are convinced that the greatest part of those that will read this Journal, are almost able to discover the weakness of Mr. Clarkson's Arguments. VIII. An Accurate Description of the United Netherlands, and of the most considerable Parts of Germany, Swedeland, and Denmark, containing a succinct account of what is most remarkable in these Countries; and necessary Instructions for Travellers; together with an exact relation of the Entertainment of his most Sacred Majesty, K. WILLIAM at the Hague. Written by an English Gentleman. 8o. London for Tim. Child. 1691. p. 192. TRavels are always full of divertisement, provided they be well written, but they are not always equally beneficial; for that they who do no more than slip into a Country, or make but a short stay therein, can never thoroughly inform themselves of the manners and customs of the people, or of the form of their Government, which is the principal thing to be enquired into. Therefore the Remarks of Sir William Temple are admired for so much as they give an account of such things. The Author of this description seems to have judgement enough to have been able to do the same, especially having lived sixteen years in the Countries of which he speaks. But it seems that he has avoided tracing the Footsteps of that learned Politician; and that he has only applied himself to make remarks more profitable for Travellers only, and more proper for the common sort of People. Therefore it is, that you shall here find the descriptions of the most famous Cities of Holland, Germany, Sweeden, and Denmark, of their situation, their Building, the Charges of travelling thither, and living there; besides several Remarks upon their Trade, their Riches, the Inclinations of the Inhabitants, and which way to converse with 'em, and win their Friendship. In the Observations which he makes upon these things he seems still to have had in view the good of his Nation, and to incline those that sit at the Helm to reform certain abuses, which if removed, the Nation would be in a more flourishing condition. You shall there find one example in the extract of a Letter of a Merchant who preferred living at Amsterdam before living in London, for reasons very requisite to be read (a) p. 11●. 113. in the Author himself. To render his admonitions grateful to his fellow Countrymen, he ends with a discourse very curious, and much to their advantage. He gives you a Catalogue of the 18 Cities of Holland that have voices in the States of that Province; of 53 the most famous Cities of Germany and the Low-Countries; of 22 of France; of 14 in Italy; besides some others in the Territories of the Duke of Savoy, and the Cantons of Switzerland. He sets down the number of their Houses, which he says he had out of the public Registers, and comparing them afterwards with the Houses in London, which he demonstrates to be above 100000, he makes it out by that Calculation, that all the Cities of the Province of Holland joined together do not contain so many Houses as London and the Suburds, not having above 88909. That the 53 Cities of Germany do not exceed the Capital City of England above a little more than two thirds; and that the 22 Cities of France have not once as many. The Relation of the King of England's first Voyage into Holland is worth reading, especially for persons of Wit, who will there meet with very ingenious Devises and Inscriptions. IX. The new Method of Fortification as practised by Monsieur Vauban Engineer General of France. 8o. London for Abel Swalle. 1691. p. 183. THo' this Book has been published by the Chevalier de Cambray, one of Mr. Vauban's Pupils, it is certainly the work of that great Engineer, who composed it for the benefit of certain young Noblemen and Cadets residing in divers Cities within the Dominions of the French King. To the end that they might be able to avoid the pains and trouble of reading over so many Voluminous Books that are written in the Germane and other Languages on this Subject; the Author of this Tract hath taken care to epitomise all that he judged to be necessary for the attaining to perfection in this Art. And indeed, besides a large Treatise of practical Geometry prefixed at the beginning; the several Methods of almost all the Eminent Engineers that have hither to appeared in the World, are therein plainly exhibited; insomuch that with a little observation we may be informed of the manner of Fortifying of Places used by the Hollanders, Germans, Italians, and French, as well as most other Nations. Therefore in regard that this Book hath been generally well approved, the Publisher of this English Version could no longer refrain from imparting so valuable a treasure to his own Countrymen, that they might likewise reap the same advantage thereby, and it is on this account that he hath taken care that it should even exceed the Original, by the means of several considerable alterations and amendments that are made in the translation. Moreover, if curious and well-graved figures add any value to a Mathematical Book, it may be justly expected that the great number of Cuts and accurate Schemes inserted therein should render it yet more acceptable. There are two parts in this Volume, one is a Treatise of practical Geometry, and the other a discourse of Fortification; the Treatise of Geometry is likewise divided into two Books, in the first whereof are contained four Chapters, and in the second six; in the former are exhibited the (a) p. 6. explication of the Terms of Geometry, and the (b) 6. operation of divers Problems that may be drawn on Paper by way of recreation, with the help of a pair of Compasses and a Ruler; together with the (c) 22. construction of five regular bodies, and of many others that come near them, as also the (d) 29. manner of forming Pyramids which shall have regular Polygons for their Bases, from the Triangle to the Dodecagon. The second Book comprehends the mensuration of (e) 3●. Heights, (the Author's Instrument for this purpose is the Astrolabe) (f) 43. Lengths, (g) 62. Plains, (h) 6●. Solids, (i) 6●. and Concaves, that is to say, according to his definition, the Art of measuring hollow bodies, to know how much they contain. Lastly the method (k) 74. of making a body of a certain Figure equal to another of another Figure is therein taught which Art is called the transmutation of bodies, in opposition to that of surfaces represented in the second Chapter of the first Book. This Treatise is concluded with a persuasion that what hath been therein delivered is sufficient for those that are desirous to make a considerable Progress in the Art of Military Architecture. The Treatise of Fortification is divided into five Books, every one of which contains many Chapters: In the (l) p. 1. first whereof is explained the definition of Fortification, together with its Original and several parts, as also the terms that are made use of in the attacking and defending of places. As for its Original, the Author affirms (m) 3. that at first the Assaults of Robbers and wild Beasts being only feared, the People were content to satisfy themselves with Hedges alone, which custom continued even among some Nation 328 Years before our Saviour's Nativity. But in process of time, the ambition of some increasing, who endeavoured to rule and tyrannize over their Neighbours, those that desired to enjoy their liberty, were obliged to dig Trenches and build Walls, which they afterwards flanked with Towers, to the end that they might more easily repel the Enemy, when he should happen to be lodged at the foot of the Wall to batter or undermine it. At last a Monk of the Order of St. Francis named Berthold Schwartz of the City of Fribourg in the Country of Brisgan, having invented Gunpowder in the Year of our Lord 1380. under the Reign of Wenceslaus. the Son of Charles IV, the Cannon and other pieces of Artillery were then applied to beat down these weak defences, which was done without much difficulty, whereupon the besieged were constrained to reinforce their Walls, to enlarge their Towers, and to give them another Figure, which gave occasion to the invention of Bastions and other Works that are now in use. In the second Book is laid down the (n) 21. Maxims and Rules of Fortification, reserving the illustration of some of them for the fourth Book. Afterwards he inquires into the advantages and disadvantages of the Situation of Places, built on a Rock, etc. as also that of Citadels and other small Fortresses which serve to command the plain Country: But as for great places he determines that they cannot be better situated than in a Plain, or rather on the Banks of a large River: Then he proceeds to discourse of the nature and (p) 30. quality of the earth, and prefers that sort which is fat and pliable as the best for these Works. Lastly, he concludes this Book, with giving some account of necessary (q) 32. Provisions and Ammunition; and it is not without good reason that he makes mention of Money in the beginning of his Catalogue. Moreover in the third Book the Author shows, after (r) 33. what manner a regular Polygon may be inscribed within a given Circle, and how to make a Scale; he proceeds to represent the (s) 35. draught of a Square, as being the first figure propounded to be Fortified; then having explained the (t) 40. construction of the exterior parts, he returns, to that of the (u) 50. Polygons: Lastly, he exhibits the manner of making, (x) 53. Profils or Draughts, of drawing out (y) 55. a Fortress in the Field, and of describing (z) 57 the Streets in a Draught. To prove in some measure what he hath alleged, and give a greater light into the knowledge of this Art, he produces in the fourth Book (aa) 59.88. the different sentiments of a great number of Engineers, concerning the most principal parts of Fortification, and afterwards declares his own opinion. We shall now give a particular account of the most considerable remarks that have been made on the Method of this famous Engineer. Let us then begin with the Flanks which are the principal parts of Fortification, therefore nothing ought to be neglected for the most advantageous structure of them. And forasmuch as the largest are undoubtedly the best, Monsieur de Vauban endeavours to allow them as much height as is possible. It is for this reason that he will not admit a second Flank, and that he makes the Overture of the Angle of the Curtain to consist of from 98 to 106 degrees. Thus the Flanks in his middlesized Fortification, which we shall only mention here, contain from 18 to 37 Fathoms. I cannot imagine that it will be objected, that he doth not regulate the overture of the Angle of the Curtain with a due proportion to the said Curtain; since its height ought only to be determined with respect to the Line of Defence. This seems to be that which this great Man chief regarded. Monsieur de Vauban having allowed to the Flanks all the length imaginable, endeavours to cover part of them as much as is possible; to this purpose he erects an Orillon, which he forms out of a Semicircle. Perhaps it will be thought to be somewhat unusual that he constantly makes it to consist of the third part of the Flank, because it doth not seem to be necessary to erect a larger Orillon in a greater Fortification than in a lesser. I am apt to believe that it is sufficient to allow it so much strength as to be able to resist the force of the Cannon. Afterwards he causeth the two other parts of the Flank to return within the body of the Bastion, assigning them the Figure of the sixth part of a Circle, and this is what hath been lately termed the hollow Tower, or Flank retired. Lastly, for the better covering of the Flanks, he placeth the wings of the Works which he builds before the Curtain within the Faces, at the distance of some Fathoms from the Orillon. It hath been believed for a long time, that double Flanks were of very great use in the defence of a place, but they are wholly omitted by Monsieur de Vauban, tho' his reasons are not as yet well known: neither doth he regard False-Brayes, which is not to be admired; and to defend the Trench, he makes use of a small and low Tenail to very good purpose, which he placeth before the Curtain, and is separated from it by a little ditch. The Faces of this Work are in the same delineation with those of the Bastions. The Flanks are distant from the others from 10 to 12 Fathoms, and Monsieur de Cambray declares that this proves what he had before asserted concerning the Line of Defence, for he had avouched in one of his Maxims, that it ought not to exceed 125 Fathoms, nevertheless it appears from his Tables that it contains from 126 to 138 Fathoms▪ There needs not much pains to be taken with respect to the Angle of the Bastion, only assigning to it from 60 to 100 degrees, that it may be able to sustain itself, and that the Bastion may be of a sufficient largeness. But as for the Faces they seem to require more care to make them of an equal strength, since they do not exceed at most above 50 fathoms. Lastly, touching the Trench, the Author follows the opinion of Monsieur de Clermont, who allots from 18 to twenty fathoms for its breadth, and from 18 to 20 feet for its depth. The Glacis' are made as large as they can be conveniently, not allowing less to them than 36 fathoms; but as for the Rampart, its breadth is limited to 10 fathoms, and Monsieur de Vauban derides their project that would have it proportioned to the largeness of the Polygons, as if little places were not attacked with the same Arms as those that are greater. In the fifth and last Book, the Author shows (bb) 89. the structure of divers Fortresses erected in the Field, and afterwards lays down (cc) 95. Rules for the fortifying of an irregular place. But as to the method used by him, it may be affirmed, that he departs a little from his own Maxims, and more especially from the first; in regard that the Trench, the Base of the Rampart, etc. are diminished proportionably as the side of the Polygon exceeds 180 fathoms, unless one would say, that in Triangles, which are unequal, there is the same proportion between their sides. This Book is concluded with mentioning somewhat concerning Artillery, whilst a larger discourse thereof is reserved to a Treatise wherein the Author promises expressly to inform us of the manner of attacking a place according to the judgement of Monsieur de Vauban, the publication of which is impatiently expected. X. OSTEOLOGIA NOVA: Or, A New Treatise of the Bones, and the Parts belonging to them; with the Manner of their Growth and Nutrition: Communicated to the Royal Society in several Discourses; By Clopton haver's M. D. Fellow of the Royal Society. London, for S. Smith, 1691. Pag. 310. IT would require a Discourse as large as any of the Five Dissertations of Dr. Haver's Book, should we go about to set down every Thing that is new and curious therein: And therefore the extraordinary Abundance of Matter will enforce us to pass over many remarkable Things upon which we should have insisted much longer; but that they are, as we may say, so heaped up in Piles one upon another. I. The First Discourse treats of the Nature of Bones, and describes the Membrane which covers them, their interior Frame and Figure. The Author gins with a kind of Prologue, very significant to the purpose; by giving an Idea of the manner of Generation, according to the Principles of de Graef, and Monsieur Drelincourt. He supposes, (a) p. 7. That all the Parts of the Creature are delineated in the Female's Egg, while it is yet in the Womb, and before the Seed of the Male has given it Life: That the most volatile Parts of the Seed insinuating themselves into the Umbilical Vein of the Egg, through the Pores of the Membrane of the Ovary, that Vein carries those Particles to the two Ventricles of the Heart, where they raise a Fermentation in the Humours which there they meet withal, that rarefies and dilates them, and putting the Fibres of the Heart upon a Contraction, produces that Beating, which is the Sign and Beginning of Life. Part of these rarified Humours falling from the right and left Ventricles, into the Aorta, imparts its Motion to the Matter contained in it, and in all the Vessels which depend upon it. The Arteries being thus extended, and the Liquor within them being agitated, opens its self a Passage through the Veins; and this completes the Circulation. These Humours thus circulating, meet with Glandules in their way, upon the sides, and at the Extremities of the Arteries, through which there is a necessity for them to pass. These Glandules being a sort of Strainers, the most subtle Parts and those which first get through the Glandules of the Brain, are those which are called the Vital and Animal Spirits; of which, when there are sufficient to give motion to the Original of the Nerves, then apparently it is, that the Soul is infused into the Fo●tus. The Membrane (b) p. 14. which covers the Bone, is very thin, and tightly sensible, and made up of most minute and curious Threads, which deduce their Original from the Dura Mater, and from several Muscles and Tendons. Those that descend from the Dura Mater, lie the nearest to the Bones, and are all parallel; but those which proceed from the Muscles, take a different course, according to the situation of the Muscle from whence they proceed. This Membrane is fastened to the Bone by the nature of their Substance, which is viscous and slimy, and by certain little Fibres of that Membrane, which enter into the Pores of the Bone. It is appointed for Five several Offices: 1. It serves to cover the Bones. 2. It conveys Spirits into their Substance, which preserve their Heat, render them sensible, and assist them in their growth and nourishment. 3. It contributes to limit the growth of the Bones. 4. It serves to keep them joined and knit together, and with the Tendons of the Muscles 5. This Membrane being extremely sensible, causes us to feel the least Disorder that happens in the structure of the Bones, and directs us in the Application of outward Remedies to the Place affected. The Bones, (c) p. 30. at their first beginning, are no more than a clammy Jelly; which drying by little and little, becomes a Gristle * Cartilege. , and afterwards a perfect Bone, by the evaporation of the liquid Matter, and the additions of the nutritive Juice. The Particles that compose them, are long in shape, and of a terrestrial and salted Nature; but the terrestrial Particles make above two Thirds of the Mass. Their Fibres are long; contiguous, and parallel one to the other, in such a manner that they form little Lamels; which meeting at the Extremity of the Bones, lie one over another, and close up the Concavity (d) p. 43. . There are two sorts of Pores in the Bones, besides those which serve for a passage to the Sanguinary Vessels: of which some are obliqne, and pierce through the Lamels of the Bones, extending themselves from the superficies of the Bone to the Hollowness; the other are straight and narrow, and appear all along the Lamels from one end of the Bone to the other. (e) p 49. The Superficies of the Bone is very uneven, unless it be at the Joints, where there is a necessity it should be smother; to facilitate the motion of the Parts. This unevenness proceeds from the superficial Cavities and Pores, which there meet together. These superficial Cavities are of two sorts: Some are long, and like a sort of Furrows; others are shorter, and of a different shape. The Use of both is to dilate the Surface of the Bone, and to keep the Membrane more firmly fastened to it. (f) p ●6. As for the Pores, their Use is to serve as passages for Blood. Vessels; some belonging to those Vessels which convey that Blood which supplies the nutritious Juice; others, to them which serve to the Marrow. Those of the nutritious Veins are very numerous, but so small, that it is a difficult thing to discern them. Those of the Medullary Arteries are more remarkable, and enter the Bone obliquely; so that the way which they make, is often Ten or Twelve times longer than the Thickness of the Bone. (g) p. 61. There are two sorts of Hollownesses in the Bone; and of those which are large, there is but one in every Bone; the rest are very numerous, and resemble little Cells, which render that part of the Bone spongy where they are to be found. The Author gives the Reasons of all this Structure of Nature. You will also find there very curious Observations upon the Teeth. (h) p. 78. Dr. haver's observes, That they are made up of two very different Parts: The one is of the Nature of Stones, having the solidity and glittering of the hardest Flints; but with this difference, that they will be dissolved by Aqua Fortis, which Flints will not. This Stony Matter is a sort of Rind, which covers all the Part without the Gums. That Part which is within the Gums is covered with a particular Membrane, which nevertheless proceeds not from that of the Jawbone, though this Membrane extends itself to the Fastening or Enclosure of the Teeth in the Gums, and be contiguous to their Membrane. II. The Second Discourse (i) p 89. treats at first of Growth and Nourishment in general; which the Author afterwards particularly applies to the Bones. He reduces all that Matter to Three Questions. The First, How the Nutritive Juice is formed, and fixed to the Parts of young Creatures, after such a sort as to enlarge their Dimensions? Certain it is, that that same Juice proceeds from our Nourishment changed into Chyle; which passing through the Milky Veins, to mix itself with the Blood, meets with some Particles of the Nutritive Juice of the Kerness, conveyed by the Lymphatic Channels, that serve for a Ferment to those of the Chyle. This Milky Liquor entering the Heart, and being mixed with the Blood, is there subtilised, and passes afterwards into the Arteries; on the sides of which it meets with Kernels, the Pores of which are so framed, as only to admit the Nutritive Juice. Now while the rest of the Blood pursues its Course in the Artery, the Nutritive Particles are pressed out of the Kernels, and advance forward through every up-lifting of the Artery, and by the pressure of other little Bodies of the same nature, which supply their Places, till they are pushed forward into the Intervals of the Fibres, where they meet with the Spirits in Motion. These Spirits have a double Motion; for they turn about their Centre like a Bowl thrown out of hand, while according to their local Motion, they describe a Line as straight as is possible. Now in regard the Nutritive Parts are liquid and viscous, and that the Spirits cannot impart their direct Motion to them, they force them to the sides of the Vessels, where they stick; more especially, if they meet with any hollowness, or any void space. Add to this, that while the Creature is yet very young, the Parts are very tender, and the Fibres more supple, and less extended: So that it is no wonder if little viscous Bodies being forced in between the Extremities of the Particles of those Fibres, these soft Parts give way, and so separate one from the other, for the infixation of new Matter. The Second Question, (k) p. 126. proposes, What is the Cause that stops the growth of any Creature? To which, the Answer is, That it is the hardness of the Filaments and Lamels, and the firm unition of the Particles of the Fleshy and Nervous Fibres, which, when a Creature is come to such an Age, resist the Efforts of the Spirits and Nutritive Particles; so that not being able to lodge themselves in the Pores or Intervals of the Fibres, which are already full, they are carried off by the direct motion of the Spirits, to other Kernels, which rarify them to a greater degree, and employ them to other Uses. The Third Question (l) p. 133. is about Nourishment, the Nature of it, and how it is performed? Dr. haver's believes it to be no more than a continual Supply of the fluid and nutritious Particles that keep the Fibres, the Pores, the Hollownesses, and in a word, all the Pipes and Vessels of the Body full, and in a good condition. Sometimes it happens that there may be a loss of some part of the Fibres, and that the void space is filled up by the Nutritive Juice, which the circular Motion of the Spirits forces forward, toward the sides of the Arteries: But this, the Author says, is not the manner of Nature's repairing the ordinary Decays and Wastes of our Bodies. For Proof of which, he supposes, as another Learned Anatomist * D. Tyson. does, that the whole Body of Man is porous, and full of Vessels, which several sorts of Humours keep dilated and well filled; so that Leanness, and the Marasm itself, do not proceed from that, the fixed Parts of our Body, as the Flesh and Bones are deprived of their Substance; which can never happen but by the violence of Corrosives, which would cause an incredible pain: nevertheless they feel no pain who are troubled with those languishing Diseases: And therefore such an Atrophy must proceed from hence, that the Humours which fill the Vessels, and preserve them plump, evaporating the Vessels shrunk, and by that means impair the Dimension of the Parts. The Author afterwards, (m) p 143. makes the Application of his Principles, to explain the manner, and the limits of the growth of the Bones, and how they are nourished; which it is no difficult thing to do, if the Reader forget not what has been already observed; That both in the Foetus and a new born Child, the Bones are made up of a Matter which is very tender, and easily gives way; but as it grows, changes into Gristles that the Particles which compose the Gristles, do not form continued Threads, but leave between them Cavities, or void Spaces, which in time are filled up with Nutritive Juice! That it slides along a good while before all the Spaces of those Particles are filled up, and that the Gristles are converted into perfect Bones; and than it is that Growth ceases, the Nutritious Particles no longer knowing where to lodge themselves. According to this Hypothesis, Dr. haver's explains the Reason why the Bones grow crooked in the Rickets, and why both that Distemper and the Neapolitan Disease many times produce Knots or Excrescencies upon the Bone. III. The Third Discourse treats of the Marrow. (n) p. 161 All the World knows that the Marrow is an Oily Substance, which fills the Cavity of the Bones; but you shall hardly any where else meet with so exact a Description of it, as the Author gives here: This Marrow is enclosed in small round Vesicles; of which two, or three, or more, are contained in Bags of different shape, and these Bags in a transparent and very slender Membrane, consisting of Fibres prolonged from the Blood-Vessels, which afford it Nourishment through the Pores of the Bones. These Vesicles and little Bags are also furnished with Pores, through which the Marrow's Oil passes from one to the other, and communicates itself to the Joints: So that these Vesicles are also a kind of Kernels, and separate the Marrow from the other Parts of the Blood. (o) p. 171. When these Vesicles are full, they contract themselves, as all puffed up Bladders do, and then discharging their Oil the one into the other, it passes from Vesicle to Vesicle, and from Bag to Bag, till it enters into the thwarting Pores of the Bones; whence it sheds itself into the straight Pores, and at the Articulations, and is employed into the Cavities between their Joints, which it keeps moist and slippery. In the great Cavities of the Bones, the Marrow appears whitish, speckled with Red; but absolutely Red in the lesser Cells, which only proceeds from the different quantity of Veins and Arteries that nourish it: Some parts of this Marrow are apt to congeal, because they are mixed with Nitre. Though the Marrow (p) p. 178. contributes nothing to the Nourishment of the Bones, that are furnished with Blood-Vessels appointed for that purpose; it is otherwise many ways useful: For, 1. It moistens the Substance of the Bones, and by its oily Nature it preserves them in good condition, and hinders them from shivering. 2. With the Mucilage it makes the Joints of the Bones slippery, and consequently sit for Motion. 3. Mixed with the clammy Mucilage, it cools them, and prevents their contracting a more than ordinary Heat by their Motion. 4. It prevents them from wearing out, wasting and bruising by rubbing one against another. 5. It is after the same manner serviceable to the Ligaments which tie the Bones together, preserving them from being dry and stiff, and keeping them supple and slippery. iv The Fourth Discourse treats of the Mucilage, and the mucilaginous Kernels (q) p. 187. These Kernels are one of the principal Discoveries of the Author; who tells us, they were never discerned by any person before himself. They are of two sorts; the one sort, which is very small and numerous, take up the whole Membrane of the Joint, unless in that part where you meet with the second sort of these Kernels, which are conglomerate, bigger, and consequently more remarkable than the first. They are made up of several Kernels, or small Membranes, extended one upon another, long and large at the bottom, and ending usually in a point, though there are some that are flat, and of other different Figures. They are soft and supple, and not brittle; so that they yield to, and suffer the impression of the Bones without receiving any harm. The Blood-Vessels with which they communicate, are not straight, but obliqne; so that the Blood circulating round about them, the mucilaginous Particles have time to separate, when they enter the Kernels. The Mucilage (r) p 201. which distils out of these Kernels, is a clear and clammy Liquor, almost like the White of an Egg. It is composed of Watery, Salt and Terrestrial Parts; but the Salt, and the Earthy Parts make no more than about the 32d part of the Mixture. It partakes of the nature of the Serum, only that it is not to be all turned into a Coagulum by the heat of the Fire, as the Serum is. It serves for the same Use as the Marrow, and they assist one another to perform their Functions. The Mucilage renders the Marrow's Oil more slippery, and that Oil hinders the Mucilage from growing too thick. It is form, as the Author says, in the Spleen, which is of a Viscous and Kernelly Substance, and which has two forts of Pores; the one proper for the distilling of Acids through them, and the other is a Styptic Juice, which serves as a Ferment for the Blood to produce the Mucilage there. Dr. haver's sets down several Experiments (s) p. 217. which he has made upon this Liquor; of which, the most considerable, in relation to Physic, are, That violent Acids, as Salt, and Oil of Vitriol, Aqua fortis, and Spirit of Nitre, and Vinegar, coagulate the Mucilage, chief when it is hot; so that it will become thin and fluid, and that you may separate from it a kind of Whey, or Serum. The Author tried, whether by the help of Powder of Coral, Antimony Diaphorerick, or Crabs-Eyes, he could make it resume its first Nature; but he could not bring it to pass: Yet with Spirit of Sal Armon. and Salt of Tartar, all the Coagulation would be dissolved. The Parts where these Kernels are seated, are subject to Catarrhs, because these Kernels not only separate the Mucilage from the Blood, but many times also other Morbific Humours, which Nature desires to be rid of. When those Humours affect the Muscies, they cause the Rheumatism, and when they fall upon the Joints, they breed the Gout. Dr. haver's bestows a whole Article (t) p. 223, 249. upon both these Distempers, and observes, that the Humours which infect the Mucilage upon these occasions, are of three sorts; the one sharp and thin, the other salt, und the last, which are the most usual, acid and corroding. You will read with delight the Author's manner of explaining the three Sources of these Distempers; which gives a great Light to understand their Cure. V The Fifth Discourse is concerning the Gristles, (u) p. 288. It has been already observed, that they are only imperfect Bones; which being subtle and flexible, are apt to comply with the several motions of the Muscles. The Author describes at large their Nature, and their outward and inward Structure, as also their different Uses; and particularly of those in the Breast, p. 284. II. FREDERICI RVISCHII, Anatomes, Chyrurgiae & Botanices Professoris, Observationum Anatomico-Chirurgicarum Centuria. Accedit Catalogus Rariorum quae in Musaeo Ruyschiano asservantur, adjectis ubique I conibus aeneis naturalem magnitudinem representantibus. Amstelod. apud H. Boom 1691. pag. 274. Prostant apud Abel Swall, & Timo. Child. THere are few Books that look more curious to the sight than this. The Paper, the Print, the Figures, draw the Eyes of the Reader; and there is no body but will give a favourable Judgement of the Work, when he reads in the Preface, that the Author has been Twenty Years Professor of Anatomy at Amsterdam: That he has had all the Conveniencies in the World to make Experiments in the Hospitals of that great City; and that he has spent all his Life in making Collections of whatever he has observed most remarkable. Upon these Foundations it is, that he has raised the Hundred Observations which compose the first Part of this Work. The Second, is a Description of the Author's Study; where are to be seen several Rarities of Anatomy. Mr. Ruyschius is not of the number of those that build in the Air a Systeme of Physic, which has no other Foundation than Chimerical Conjectures. He maintains, that Experience only is the Mistress of that Art; and he advises, that Men, instead of guessing at the Causes of Diseases, should chief busy themselves in collecting together the most surprising Phanomena's that offer themselves in Practice. But withal, it would be necessary, that all who undertake this Employment, should have seen every thing with their own Eyes, and that they should be endued with a Conception and Judgement so sufficiently clear, as not to look upon as extraordinary Accidents, Things that happen every day. The cutting of an Artery (a) Ob. 11. p. 5. , especially in the larger Vessels, is an Accident difficult to cure; and the Author would have obliged the Public, had he explained a little more at large how he stopped that Aneurisma in the Arm, to the Cure of which he says he was an Assistant. When he prepared to make the Incision, to discover the wounded Artery that he might close it up again, he says, he made use of an Iron-Ring, lined with a thick and soft Skin, which he intended to apply to the upper part of the Arm, above the Aneurisma, to stop the motion of the Blood that way; That that same Instrument not answering their expectation, they had recourse to another, which took effect; but the Author is so far from describing it, that he does not so much as name it. In a Journal of Eight Days, relating to that Malady, which Mr. Ruyschius gives us, we find the Wound grew continually worse and worse, till it broke out into two new Aneurisma's; the one of which being as large as a great Pea, opened itself, but bled not much; because the Chirurgeon stopped it presently; and a few days after, it was throughly healed, by opening the Vein, a slender Diet, and a due compression. As for the other, they had much ado to squeeze it down; it continued several days, but at length it vanished, and the Patient recovered. Paucis diebus secta Vena, tenuiori diaeta praescripta, & debita compressione facta, sanatum fuit. Alterum vero Aneurisma quantumvis comprimeretur perplures dies, curationi remoram fecit; tandem vero quoque disparuit, convaluitque aeger. It would be a strange Thing (b) Obs. 22. p. 27. that a Woman should conceive, and yet that the Membrane called the Hymen, should not be broken. But the Relation which Mr. Ruyschius gives us, is not sufficient to make us believe it. He adds another Circumstance more incredible; asserting, That the Vagina or Sheath of the Womb was covered and stopped up with an extraordinary Membrane at the Time of the Woman's Lying in. He says, That these two Membranes were cut, and that the Infant came forth sound and vigorous, and that the Mother received no harm. However, in my Opinion, there is nothing in this Relation of his, but what might have been unfolded, without supposing any thing but what is very common. The Bed wherein the Foetus is contained, and which is made up of several double Membranes, sinks down by little and little, through the weight of the Waters that fill it. Then the Infant separates from the Body of the Mother, and falls with his Head downward toward the Orifice of the Womb. Many times it happens that the Foetus falls on the Side, and incumbers itself, Head and Neck together, in the Membranes of its Bed. Those, it seems, were the Membranes which Ruyschius caused to be cut, and which hindered the Birth of the Infant: At least there is nothing in all his Observation, which forces us to have recourse to two such wonderful Events. XI. Leonardi Plukenetri PHYTOGRAPHIA, s●●● Stirpium Illustriorum, & minùs cognitarum I CONES, Tabulis aeneis, 120 Fig. fere, 800. summâ diligentra elaboratoe. Fol. Londini 1691. WHerein the Author has given impregnant Instance at his own expense, of his earnest desire● of improving Bot●●y. The Subject of this Book h●s been the steadied Collection of several Vears, and unites in itself the scattered and most distant Parts of Vegetable Nature; which if we consider as to their Number or Novelty, it will appear such an Ac●omulation of Network Science, as few Books of this Nature can boast of: Not can we sufficiently admire the vast Variety of curiously engra●● do 〈◊〉 ●i●●●ent or unheard of Plants communicated to the World in so ●ior● and compendious a Volu●e. The Method he takes in explaining these Emetics, is both conspicuous and fuccirct; his Names adapted from their essential Notes, and proper Characteristics, such, as without help of I●●n, might convey to the Mind a true Idea of the Things they denominate, as being entire Descriptions of them. The Work divides itself into Two Parts; and by a fresh addition of Parts, may be ●●ngt●linect out ad infi●●●●n●. For our Author pursues the Alphabetical Order in his Design; yet not so as to break in upon Affinities or Cognations, but had rather commute a Name, than not preserve a Clan or Tribe, as may be observed throughout the whole Work: As, for instance, what others call a Pe●●●●es Africana Ca●●●●● Pal●stris fo●●●●, with be●●e● reason he terms a B●i●o, and ranks i● among its Cognominals in the Letter B. By this way of exploding improper Appellations, and assigning new ones to some late discovered Plants, he comes to assert the straggling Vegetable into its proper Family; and such Alliances that lay before promiscuous, or disjoined, and stood at distance with each other, into a closer kind of Consortium: Thus, the A●●●e Orienta●●●●●pp●c●● fruo●●● of others, (which indeed is no Alcea,) is made by him, a Lapp●●● tetrasperm●s, and subjoined to the ●●atina Traguses, Hist. L●gd, which is a Tetraspermo● too; (by many, most untruly styled a Cynogloss●,) as of more congruity with it, and near akin thereto; and in this way of Distribution, he still preserves both Alphabet and Aff●●●●. How clear his Art●ol ●igurations has made that cloudy Stella Leguminosa of the Great John Bauhine, when here, as through a Beam of Light, it manifests itself a true Astragalus, and discrepant from all others of the Kind. The Jacca's, however perplexed in other Authors, are set to rights in this; and Thapsla's, no less confused, are here distinct in the Iconisms of our Author. There are some of those many curious Figures, the needful Emendations of vitiate or mistaken Icons in elder Authors, which are by him made genuine from the Truth of Things, on purpose to clear the Doubts, and decide the Controversies of our most celebrious Moderus: This he esteems a Service done the Public, as well deserves his Pains, and equal to that of introducing Plants the novo. A rare Example of this kind, is the Jacea fruticans Pini folio of the renowned Caspar Bauhine, which from the miserable Cut in Pona, in his Description of Mount Baldus, under the Title of Staebe capitata Rosmarini folio; from whence all later Writers derive their Pictures of it, hath been so puzzling to the most sagacious Botanists of this present Age, that it hath been wellnigh lost in their suspicion of its being the same with the Stachas purpurea of Peliterius, in the Illustrations of Lobel. That Figure of it in Prosper Alpinus his Exoticks, pag. 77. under the Name of Chamaepeuce, is indeed more tolerable; but much inferior to this Noble and Illustrious Knapweed, which owes its Restauration to the more accurate and lively graven Image of our Author. Whose studious care in stating References to obscurer, and less intelligible Writers, as Marcgrave, Laet, and Hernandez, he takes to be a proper means to ease Nature of the Tympany some others would affect her with, by multiplying Species without sense or reason; in their proposing Plants for new, which under other Names are to be found in the dark Obscurities of former Writers. But let us now descend to some Particulars of the many hundred rare Exotic Plants this Author represents to view in curious Sculpture; for to recount them all, were to transcribe the Book itself. He there presents you with a stranger Maple from Bengal, that hath the Leaves of Bay; with an Herbaceous Plant from China, from which they raze their Moxa, so celebrated all over India for curing of the Gout. He gives you Three sorts of Serpentaria, the Roots whereof are Remedy against the Bitings of the Rattle-Snake; two from Virginia, and one from Maryland, all boasted Antidotes of America: There is another from those Parts, they call a Serpintary, figured in his first Appendix with a fattisll Birthwort or Briony sort of Leaf, and a long Scries of stamineous Flowers disposed into a Spike; with a jointed creeping Root, much differing from the former, a Plant of its own kind, and truly Heteroclital. Moreover, he gives a true and genuine Figure of the Ninzeng, or Ginzeng, together with its Root, of great value in its Native Country, it being esteemed a Panacea throughout the Oriental Indies. He obliges the World with several rare Adianthums from China and elsewhere, with various Amaranths, and Amaranthioides from both the Indies; an odd sort of Antirrhinum with very slender Leaves turned up like Moustaches; and that Peruvian, Shrub so ostentatiously shown by some, for the Tree, from whence the Jesuits Bark is taken, so famed a Remedy for all sorts of Fevers: He proposes to the World a numerous Train of Indian Grasses unknown before to Europe; among the rest, a most illustrious sort, one of the Glories of Carolina: Several new and elegant Evonymi from America, and one from Maderospatan, with Leaves not much unlike that sort of Cassia lignea, that's covered with the Bark of Winterane. The Indian Tea, with its Fruit and Flower, by him styled Evonymo adsinis nucifera Orientalis; as also that other Evonymo adfinis Occidentalis alatis Rusci foliis nucifera, which at its first arrival, came under the Name of Jasminum Americanum, and is the Guaiacum folio Lentisci of the Fagel Garden, in the second Prodromus of Jacobus Breynius. He also pronoses to your view in this most excellent Work, two sorts of the true Guaiacum, or Indian Pockwood, with their Flower and Fruit. Several kinds of Hemionitis from Antego, Wales, and the East Indies; and one especially of the Composite Order, akin to this Moon-Fern Family, with petalous and perfect Flowers growing to the Crenatures, upon the Rim, and on the backpart of the Leaves, a goodly Native of the flourishing Island of Jamaica. The Liquid Amber, or Storax Tree of the West Indies, together with its Fruit; which shows it to be neither Platanus nor Acer, are here exhibited in Icon. The Cock spurs, together with the Plum-leaved Medlar of Virginia, without Thorns, are here distinctly placed. That kind of Bastard-Myrile from Bermudos, so like the Elaeagnus Cordi, which our Author, with good reason, takes to be the same with Laurus serrata odora of the Cape, in the Learned Commentaries of Bodaeus a Stapel; another most elegant bacciserous kind from Carolina, that bears its Berries on its Branches in clusters, like so many rugged Coriander-Comfits; and a Third Sort, both Juliferous, and Fruitbearing, with an echinated Fruit, like the prickly Involucrum of a small Chestnut, and Leaves of the Tree like our Asplenium. An Onobrychis, with the Face of a Mimosa, from the Kingdom of Bisnagar. Another with a single Leaf, from one of the Mouths of the River Ganges; and a Third, bifoliate, from Maderaspatan, are the surprising Wonders of Botanic Nature. A mimerous Tribe of strange Phaseoli come to pay homage to the serious Phytognostick: a small one from Bisnagar, witha short and knobbed solitary Pod, like that of Orobus; but covered with a brownish silken Down, whose Leaves are of a soft and silver hue; another from Maderaspatan, I whose Leaves are somewhat like the former; but its Podds are smooth, and blackish, bloated like a Bladder, with several Flowers spike fashion. There is another larger sort, with many corner'd Leaves, and toberous Root, that's good to eat; which those of Nevis call the Turnip Tree. Another of this Batata kind of Phaseole, from the Southern Cape; a pretty kind of Phaseole with Laburnum-Leaves, and solitary Flowers, a crooked pod in Figure of a Turkish Cymiter; another, with such like Leaves, but a small Melilot, and a spiked Flower. A Tree-kind hereof, with Pods no bigger than the smallest Lentil, and almost hid within its Calyx. All these from the English Factory of Fort St. Georgs. Here is a Phaseole, whose Twiggy Stalks are armed with Thorns. Indigenous of Japhnapatan; Two unifoliate Kind's, one from the East, the other from the Western Indies, and very different each from other. Several curious sorts of Lycia and Rhamni do here salute the Reader; one Myrtle-leaved from Ganges; and another with a Leaf like Privet, from the Oriental Indies, that has this Peculiar, of having its Leaf at bottom united to the upper part of the Pedicle, by an Articulation, that makes a pretty Figure of a Navel. The Saamouna of Piso is only here, and no where else in Flower. A whole Set of Indian Ricini, the Sumach of Virginia, which our Author takes for an Arbour Copallifera, among the Mexicans; whose near, resemblance to our Lentiscus, gave birth to the Mistake of those Writers, who will needs have our European Mastich-Tree a Native of Virginia. Four sorts of Scabious are all displayed in artificial Sculpture. One from Bisnagar; one from Maderaspatan; another from Jamaica; and a Conyzoide sort from Curassau. A Scorzonera bulbosa from Virginia. The Stella Orientalis fulgens, a Securidaca kind, from Maderaspatan; and a Scorpioides with a single Leaf, from Bisnagar, are here laid open to your view. You have the Absus of Alpinus de Pl. Egypt. here more Authentic; and the Mundubi of the Brasilians in Piso, so near akin unto it, going hand in hand, with all its Parts, most accurately expressed. The Sinapistrum-Family is here enlarged, by the addition of two Bisoliate kinds, from the Coast of Cormandel. The Basella Malabarensium in our Phytographia, in little, is more at large, than in the most pompous Picture of it, in the Hortus Malabaricus, Part 7. Where neither Berry, nor its Kernel, with its running in a Spiral Line, are in the least taken notice of. A Tribalus terrestris, with a large Poppy-Plower, from the American Strand, next offers to divert you; and that other Ebenus, the same with Cytisus Croticus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of Honerius Belli, in Leaf so like the Pentaphylloides fruticosum of our famous Mr. Ray, is no small Ornament; seeing its diversity from the Trifoliate Kind, is here made obvious. You have here the lively Images of no less than two of the Tulipiferas; one from Carolina, the other from Virginia, with Flower and Fruit, both differing from the common Kind. A sort of Angelica from the Charibbees, with Seed that tastes and smells of Cummin, and may perhaps be a sort of Podagraria. Very many fine Apocynums from the West-Indies. A trifoliate Arum from Virginia, Afters in abundance from all the Quarters of the World; and an Ophioglossum that smells of Musk, with a Limonium-Leaf, but not so stiff, and sinuate atop, from the same most happy Continent of Virginia. A Leonuros with a white Flower from America; and another small purple one, with a single Whortle, or Bout of Flowers crowning its Tops, from Maderaspatan. The Goat-Balsome-Tree, from Antego; and that other Babsamiferous One with a Mulberry-Leaf, called the Bastard-Cedar, by our Planters in Jamaica, do court your Eye to Recreation; a pair of the new found Boxekind; one African, and the other American; a genuine Branch of the Canella alba Clus, or Cassia Lignea, from whence the celebrated Cortex Winteranus, together with its Fruit, from the Island of Jamaica, are well expressed, and happ●● present themselves in Icom. The Ceratia diphyllos, or Locust-Tree, from Antego and Barbado●s, weeping forth its Soul into a pellucid Resinous Gum, in Odour of Olibunum, or our finest Frankincense, known by the Name of Anime; the same with Piso's Jetaiba, with its Branch, its Lobe, and Fruit, is most exactly figured from the Life; the Vngula Gati, of the Portugals, never before in Icon; and Avaremo Temo of the Brasilians, and sometimes Native of Bengal, from whence our Author had it; both in Affinity with the former, and this, so vilely cut in Piso and Marcgravius, are here expressed in lively Sculpture. The Chrysanthemums are exceeding new and numerous from several distant Parts of our Terrestrial Globe. The C●pressus Virgintuna Aca●●ae foliis, with its Notes and Fruit; The Majoran leaved Clinopodium; which our English Planters in America, from its most excellent Virtues, distinguish by the Name of Di●tany; and several sorts of Anils or Indigoes from both the Indies, generically differing among themselves, are here to be found in lively adumbration. Ten of the Eupat●r●●n Band, Eight Conyzoide, and Two of the Va●●ri●●●●● Order, are here curiously exhibited. The true E●●●● of Jamaica, a Soliquiferous and Thorny Shrub, the various Kind's of new discovered Fi●ic●s, as well Native of England, as Exotic; Two E●●i●ories the one of afric, the other a Virginiant▪ The 〈…〉, from the same Place: The great Variety of Mos●i, Purs●anes of several Sorts from the Charibbee Islands; and the most elegant Phyllyri●, from Virginia, a true Herba de Raiz; which by the bended Top-parts of its Leaves, roots in the Ground, and so propagates its Species, are all surprising Objects among the Phytographick Tables of our Laborious Author. The Ph●ni●o-Scorpiuros, or Heliotropium Palmites from the Oriental Indies. The Rhoi similis Tragodes, smelling so like Androsaemon foetidum, by those of Jamaica called Fing●ego, and by the Barbados-Planters, from its stinking smell, (as 'tis supposed,) the Savin Tree, is a most elegant Shrub, and really deserves the great Exactness that was bestowed upon its ●o●n▪ The Sw●ilax●aspern divides into many real and specific Differences, which with the Bastard China, and Trueborn Sarsaparilla, are here exhibited with exact Resemblance to the Life: A Ro● Sol●●, from the Kingdom of Portugal, with Leaves about a Foot long; a Virga Aurea with Leaves, Smell, and Taste of Tarracon; and an Epidendron, or Viscum arboreum from the West Indies, with a large white Flower, of admirable Form and Structure, are the Vegetable Wonders that close up this part of the Phytoptical Account: The Total whereof, must needs bespeak the Author a Person of prodigious Pains, and demonstrate to the World what vast Improvements of this Kind might yet further be expected from an Industry so indefatigable as his. XII. Praxeos Mayernianae in Morbis internis, praecipue gravioribus, & Chronicis Syntagma, & ex Adversariis, Conciliis, ac Epistolis ejus summa Cura ac Diligentia concinnatum. 80. Lond. For Sam. Smith. 1690. pag. 472. THE Reputation of the Deceased Sir Theodore Mayern, is so great, and his Cures have proved so fortunate, That Dr. De V●●ix, his God Son, could not make a greater Present to the Public, than by imparting to it the Remedies which h●●●maderuse of with sc●n●●ti●nness. It were to be wished, that the Deceased Sir Theodore had himself pursued his own Work, and put in Order; it would have doubtless been much more useful for our Instruction: But in short, since all the Remains of Great and Learned Men, are esteemed as precious Relics, there was Reason sufficient for not suffering these Observations, which were found among the Collections of that Famous Physician, to be lost. You must not expect to meet with many Chemical Remedies, because the Use of such Medicines was but newly begun to be introduced in his Time. But there are other Receipts which will appear to be Novelties to the Physicians beyond Seal●, as, several Preparations of Tobacco, and other Herbs to be smoked in Pipes, which he prescribed in sundry Distempers: There are some Persons who will hardly believe, that the Smoke of Tobacco will reach the Brain; and the Reason which they bring for so saying, is this; because Tobacco is an Herb so sharp and vehement, that if the Smoke of it attended and reached the Substanne of the Brain, it would beget Convulsions in those that took it. But this is no convincing Argument; For besides the Trouble which they who first begin to smoke Tobacco, have to accustom themselves to take it, and the noisomeness of it to those that love it not, the great Effects which Smoke produces, will doubtless prevail with all Persons not prejudiced against it, to believe that Dr. Mayern's Practice was not without very good Grounds. XIII. Edmundi Richeri Doctoris Parisiensis, De Potestate Ecclesioe in Rebus Temporalibus, Libri iv Nunquam antehac editi. 4ᵒ Coloniae; & Londini, for Abel Swall, 1691. pag. 526. THere are few People but have heard of Richer, Doctor of Sorbonne, who has made himself so famous, for maintaining in Times of Danger and Trouble, the Sovereign Authority of Kings against the Usurpations of the Popes of Rome. These Pontiffs always upon the Watch to take the Advantage of all Opportunities, to enlarge their Power, laid hold of the Occasion which the Minority of Lewis XIII. put into their hands, and the Intrigues of Cardinal Perron, who was all in all at that Time in France, to spread abroad that monstrous Opinion of their having Power to excommunicate and depose Kings▪ The Clergy was devoted to the Interest of the Roman See; The Nobility was drawn to their Party by Promises and Threats; so that the Third Estate only stood firm; because it was composed of Learned Civilians, and Doctors well skilled in the Canon-Law. But the Pope's Nu●cio so well knew how to scare the Queen Regent, the Chancellor being besides, a Pensioner to the Clergy, that he silenced the Third Estate, and prevented the Publishing of the Declaration which was made, and included these Eight Articles. 1. (a) p. 3. That it should be declared by the Three Estates, that the King held his Authority only from God; and that he has no Dependence upon any Authority whatever, either Spiritual or Temporal upon Earth. 2ly, That all the Subjects in the Kingdom of France shall be obliged without Distinction or Equivocation, to declare, That this Doctrine is confirmed by Scripture. 3ly That the Commissioners of the Three Estates shall swear to it, and subscribe it; as likewise, all that hold any Office or Benefice. 4ly. That all the Instructers of Youth, Doctors and Preachers shall promise upon Oath to teach this Doctrine, and refute any Opinion to the contrary, as detestable. 5ly. That all Books which maintain, that it is lawful to excommunicate and depose Kings, shall be suppressed as seditious. 6ly. That all Foreigners that shall Publish the like Opinions, shall be looked upon as Enemies to the Crown. 7. That all the King's Subjects who declare themselves to be of their Opinions, shall be proceeded against as guilty of High Treason. 8. That if any Religious Foreigner shall maintain any Proposition contrary to the Law of the States of the Kingdom, those of the same Order in France, shall be obliged to condemn it solemnly, and without Equivocation; as also to refute the Author, if it be thought necessary. C.l. You will find more at large the History of all these Disputes in the First Chapter of the First Book of this Work. In the Second Chapter the Author shows, That the Practice of the Catholic Church is conformable to the Declaration of the Third Estate. In the Third, he proves, That it is no less conformable to the Practice & Doctrine of the Gallican Church, which has all along defended the Authority of Kings against the Usurpations of the Popes, with an extraordinary Zeal; for which the Author brings many Examples, (b) p. ●0. 1. Hinkmar the Archbishop of Rhemes' Letter to Pope Adrian the Second. 2. The Refusal of the French Clergy to obey Gregory VII. who would forbid the celebrating of Divine Offices in France. 3. The Answer which the Ministers of Philip Aug. gave to the Legate of Innocent III. who would have excommunicated Lewis VIII. Philip's Son, because he had taken Arms to maintain the Right, which the Election of the Barons of England, (revolted from K. John, for submitting himself a Vassal to the Pope,) gave him to the Crown of that Kingdom. 4. The Constancy of St. Lewis, who would never yield to his Clergy, That their Excommunications were of any force, till they were examined and confirmed by the Secular Magistrate. 5. The Acts of the Three Estates against Boniface VIII. which constrained his Successor Clement. V to revoke his extravagant Vnam Sanctam. To this, the Author adds the Decrees of Parliament against the Books of John Tanquarelli, Bernardin Castori, Cardinal Bellarmin, of the Jesuits, Decanus, Suarez and others who advanced the Power of the Popes above that of Kings. II. In the Second Book, the Author marks out the Method which he intends to observe; and sets down Three General Heads, (a) p. 66. by which we are to examine whether a Doctrine be Orthodox or no. 1. He would have it so clearly contained in Scripture, that it may be clearly drawn from thence without any tedious Ratiocinations. 2. If the Sense of the Passage be contested, to have recourse to the Tradition of the Church, that is to say, to the unanimous Opinion of the Ancient Fathers. 3. To assure yourselves that this Tradition is true, and that it proves something, it is requisite that it should be universal; that is to say, received & believed in all Times, and in all Places. Afterwards the Author examines a little Scholastically, nevertheless with good Judgement, the Essential and Formal Causes of Politic Power. There he makes an Analysis (b) p 73. of that famous Passage of Rom. 13.1, 2. and shows that the most Learned of the Fathers, Tertull●an, Origen, St. Basil, St. Chrysostom, etc. and the most Famous Modern Doctors, Tho. Aquinas, Tolletus, Estius, Cornelius à Lapide, etc. believed that that same Passage proved the Independency of Princes from all other humane Authority. He proves the same Thing, (c) p. 109. by the Commentaries of the Ancients upon the Words of David, Psal-50. Against Thee only have I sinned. He examines the Difference between the Mosaic Priesthood and the Gospel, and shows, that though Princes were to submit to the Priests in Spiritual Things, it did not follow, that they had any Superior in Temporals. After he has confirmed his Opinion by the Canons of several Councils, and given Examples of the Fidelity of the French to their Princes, (d) p. 123. before they were corrupted by the Jesuits, he examines the Question, Whether it be lawful for the People to depose Princes? and refutes those that hold the Affirmative. The Reasons which he alleges, (a) p. 133. amount to this, That the Public Good, Peace, and Repose of Society, are of Divine Right; whence it follows, 1. That it is unlawful to prejudice or disturb them. 2. That Religion cannot be a just Pretence to take Arms, since War can only pretend to regulate the Temporalty. 3. That in Moral Things, that which cannot be obtained but with extreme difficulty, and a very great and inevitable danger, is looked upon as an Impossibility; and therefore it is better to bear with a Tyrant, than to expose Society to be turned Topsie Turvy, by endeavouring to take him out of the World. 4. That the Maxim, That no Faith is to be observed with him that has violated his own, takes no place in Public Contracts, where the Interest of the whole Society is concerned. 5. That it only appertains to Sovereigns to make War; because they have no other way to preserve their Rights, and prevent the Subversion of their Dominions. After this, the Author answers the Objection drawn from the Example of the Maccabees, and examines the Hypothesis of M. Antonius de Dominis, who maintains, That Kings are immediately established by God; whereas our Author pretends, that it is the Society that has Divine Authority, and communicates it to those into whose Hands the Society commits the Sovereign Power. III. In the Two following Books, the Author treats of the Nature of Ecclesiastical Power; and shows, (b) p. 162. That it has no other Aim, but to remove the Clergy from the World, and oblige them only to mind the Salvation of Souls. 2. That the ecclesiastics did not succeed Jesus Christ in the quality of Governor of the Universe; but only as Ministers, and Preachers of the Gospel. 3. That Excommunication is a cutting off from the Communion of the Church; and that it does not deprive those that are smitten with it, of their Natural and Civil Rights; and that it is of no force, unless it be pronounced with the Consent of the whole Church. 4. That when the Public Tranquillity is concerned, the Magistrate has a Right to take Cognizance of Ecclesiastical Censures. In the Fifth Chapter, the Author examines the Errors of Marsilius of Milan, and John Duns, which Pope John XXII. condemned in the Year 1320, (p. 323.) The Bull reduces these pretended Errors to Five Heads. 1. That when Jesus Christ paid Tribute to Caesar, he did not pay him out of a bare Submission; but through the Necessity of the Obligation he was in, as he was a Man, to obey Superior Powers. 2. That St. Peter had no more Authority, nor was any more the Head of the Church than the rest of the Apostles. That Jesus Christ did not establish any visible Head, or leave any such Vicar as the Pope. 3. That the Emperor has a Right to establish, correct and punish, nay, to depose the Pope. 4. That all Ministers of the Gospel are equal by the Institution of Jesus Christ; and that the Difference which is between them, is only founded upon the Concessions of Princes, and may be revoked. 5. That neither the Pope, nor the whole Body of the Church have any Right to punish Criminals, farther than Sovereign's give them Authority. In the Eighth Chapter, Monsieur Richer treats of the Immunities of the Clergy, and refutes the Arguments of Suarez and Bellarmin, who affirm, That the Pope has a Right to exempt Ecclesiastical Persons from the Civil Jurisdiction without the Consent of the Emperor, or any other Sovereign Princes. iv In the First Chapter of the Fourth Book, the Author sets down a History of Investitures, or the Collation of Benefices. He shows how the Election of Pastors passed from the People to Kings, and the great struggle of the Bishops of Rome to make themselves Masters of it. In the Second Chapter, he answers the Arguments of Bellarmine and Baronius, against Secular Investitures. The Third and last Chapter contains the History of Gregory VII. the first who usurped to himself the Power of deposing Kings, and first presumed to put this pretended. Power in execution. The Author gives himself the trouble to answer the Arguments which that unworthy Pontiff alleges, for advancing himself above God's Vicegerents on Earth; according to the Prediction of St. Paul, 2 Thes. 2. We shall mention only one; because it shows the Genius of that Pope, and the Esteem which Popes, like him, have of Crowned Heads. To prove that the Church is above Kings, observe how he argues. Royal Dignity was invented by Seculars who knew not God, but by the instigation of their Prince the Devil, Principe Diabolo agitante, (a) p. 482. whereas the Ecclesiastic Power was instituted by the Providence of God, and and aims at his Glory. Therefore as much as God is above the Devil, etc. XIV. Analysis Aequationum Universalis, etc. An Universal Analysis of Equations; Or, A Short and General Method of resolving Algebraical Equations; deduced and demonstrated out of the New Doctrine of Infinite Series: By JOSEPH RAPHSON, Fellow of the Royal Society, 4o. London, Printed for Abel Swall, 1690. pag. 50. WE are in a manner indebted to Chance for the composing of this little Treatise, since Mr. Raphson, the ingenious Author thereof, accidentally invented this Method, on the Occasion of a Problem that had been propounded to him by one of his Friends. For he declares, that he never saw any thing of the like Nature: And indeed, the Novelty of the Subject might be alone sufficient to recommend it to the World; and to induce the Author to appropriate to himself the sole Reputation of so considerable an Invention, were he not prevented by his innate Modesty, and the little regard that he hath for popular Applause. However, we shall leave it to those that are skilful in those Matters, to determine, whether any thing hath been hitherto Published, tending to the same effect; and in case there hath, nevertheless it cannot be imagined but that they will readily allow the just Commendation that is due to this worthy Member of the Royal Society; for it is not to be admired, that Learned Men have often like Notions and Sentiments with respect to the same Subject. Moreover, Mr. Raphson explains his (a) 1. Method after the very same manner as he invented it, and to show the large Extent and Certainty thereof, he propounds a general (b) 3. Theorem, which he afterwards resolves more particularly in Two Propositions: Then he proceeds to illustrate his Method by Examples, (c) 5. in 32 Problems; wherein is exhibited the Resolution of Equations, of all manner of Dimensions, taken from the Resolution of a Simple Equation: Whereunto he adds Examples of Quadratick Equations, All his Operations are described at large; and to render the Practice more plain and obvious, the Author hath taken the Pains to compose certain Tables, which are inserted at the End; insomuch that if he continue to prosecute these Studies, as he hath begun, it is not to be doubted but that he will become one of the most skilful Mathematicians that are now living; since at the Age of 22 Years, he hath already attained to so great a Knowledge in those abstruse and difficult Sciences: Wherefore what improvement may we not expect from the extraordinary Judgement of his riper Years? XV. Cursus Mathematicus: Mathematical Sciences; in Nine Books: Comprehending Arithmetic Vulgar, Decimal, Instrumental, Algebraical; Geometry, Plain and Solid; Cosmography, Celestial and Terrestrial; Astronomy, Theorical and Practical; Navigation, Plain and Spherical; Trigonometry, Rectilinear and Circular: With the Description, Construction and Use of Geometrical and Nautical Instruments, and the Doctrine of Triangles, applied to Practise in Mensurations of all kinds; as in Longimetry, or taking of Heights, Distances, etc. Planometry, or Surveying of Lands, Woods, Roads, etc. Military Architecture, or Fortification; and in Navigation, dialing, etc. All which are disposed in such a Method as they ought to be read and practised by such as would attain to a competent Perfictency in them by their own Industry. By William Leybourn, Philomathes, in Fol. London, for Benjamin Took, etc. 1690. p. 984. IT is not at all to be wondered, that the Body of this Work does not perfectly answer to the Title: For that the Mathematics are of so vast an Extent, that it is impossible to include them all in one single Volume; therefore how careful soever Mr. Leybourn has been to be concise, he could not treat in this Volume of Mechanics, Civil Architecture, Conic Sections, Music, Optics, dioptics, and the Parts that belong to them, and which he seems to reserve for a Second Part. Now in regard the Title of this Book sufficiently shows what it contains, and that we cannot discourse of all the Matters therein contained, we shall only give you here the Extract of one single Treatise, to show the Author's Method. And we have made choice of that of Navigation, because we thought it would be most delightful to a Nation so much concerned to be perfect in the Knowledge of it. 'Tis in the Seventh Book, that Mr. Leybourn undertakes to unfold the Art of Navigation. In the Preface, (a) p 605. he ascribes the Invention of it to God only, and not to the Egyptians or Phoenicians, as some Authors do; for that it was God who first discovered to Noah the Knowledge of Ships and Navigation, in the Time of the Deluge; and for that it was according to the Model of the Ark, which rested upon the Mountains of Ararat, that the Neighbouring Nations built their Ships. The Body of the Work is divided into Four Parts. The First contains five Chapters, which are subdivided into Sections, when the Matter requires it. In the First Chapter, (b) p. 106. the Author speaks of Navigation in general; the Rules of which are only to furnish a Pilot with the safest ways to steer a Vessel whither he designs it. To which purpose, he must have a regard to four Things; the Longitude, the Latitude, the Course, and the Distance. They who are but never so little versed in the Sphere, know what the Longitude is: But the most Judicious are still ignorant of the Secret, how to find it exactly upon the Sea. There is not the same Ignorance about the Latitude; for there are several Ways to know it; either by the Meridional Heights of the Sun, or by some known Star, by the rising and setting Amplitudes, or by the Polestar. If Mariners could find the Longitude as well, they would have all that they seek for: But in regard we have but an imperfect Knowledge of the Longitude, we are obliged to have recourse to the Ship's Way, and the Distance of the Vessel; but more especially to the Latitudes, to determine the most exactly that may be, the Place where it is. The Ship's Course is the Way which it steers upon the Sea; which is easily known by the Compass or Needle, great Care being taken to observe its Variation. As for the Distance, which is the Length of the Way which the Vessel makes, it is not so easy to conclude it: But this is the way to take it; They let down into the Sea a Plummet of Lead fixed to a Line, and at the same time they turn an Hourglass; then they observe what quantity of Line the Log-Line draws out of the Vessel, thereby to know how much way the Vessel makes in such a prefixed time, with the same Wind, and the same Number of Sails. But there are several Inconveniences in this way of Practice; so that there is no building upon it: For it is not certain that the Log-Line stays in the same place where it was thrown: 1. By reason of the Tossing of the Waves, especially in a rough Sea. 2. The Wind does not always blow alike, and it is a hard thing to measure the Briskness of a Gale. 3. The Tossing and Shogging of the Ship will not let the Hour-Glasses which they make use of to measure the Time, run exactly true. 4. The strong Currents which are met with in certain places, may occasion Mistake in the knowledge of Distances; so that you must endeavour to discover them by their Strength, their Rapidness, and their Course. But you may in some measure attain your Ends, if instead of the Log-line, you make use of a piece of Wood, or a small Bucket, with a piece of Led fixed to it, to make it sink into the Sea about 60 or 80 Fathom: For then by observing the quantity of Line, the Sand, and the Compass, you may in a great measure avoid the Mistakes which the Currents may occasion in the Distances. Now suppose that you know the Distances in Feet, or in Miles, and the Rumb, or Course of the Vessel, it is easy to observe the Point, and under what Degree you are, provided you know the Latitude of the Place from whence you set Sail, and where you are, and how many Miles and Feet there are in a Degree. The Author tells you, according to Mr. Richard Norwood, that there are in a Degree 367200 Feet: But for the easiness of Calculation, and because it is better to suppose that there are less than more, he allows but 360000 Feet to a Degree. C. 2. After this, (c) p. 600, 617. he discourses of the Instruments made use of in Navigation, as well for making Observations, as for the Easiness of Operations. He gives you the Description, and sets down the Use of them. The Instruments are, The Plain Compass, the Azimuth Compass, the Universal Ring-Dial, the Cross Staff, or Fore-Staff, the Quadrant, or Back-Staff, and the Nocturnal. C. 3. He shows (d) p. 618. the manner of finding out the Latitudes; and in the following Chapter, (e) p. 621. he treats of the vulgar Notes of the Julian Year, of the Motion of the Sun and Moon, and gives some short Rules to find them at any time; explaining afterwards their great Use in Navigation. C. 5. In regard the knowledge of the Tides is very useful to a Pilot, (f) p. 633 the Author, in the last Chapter, gives you Tables, and sets down Rules how to know them. Part 2. In the Second Part (g) p. 634. he discourses of Plain Sailing, and puts in practice the Doctrine of Rectilineal Triangles, for the Solution of sundry Nautical Problems and Questions in Plain Sailing; all which are performed with Scale and Compasses, by Trigonometrical Calculation, (h) p. 646 either by Tables, or Proportional Scales, or wrought upon the Chart itself. Part 3. After this, (i) p. 656. Mr. Leybourn proceeds to the Third Part; where he explains Mr. Wright's Method, vulgarly called Mercator's Sailing; and he applies to practise the Doctrine of Rectilineal Triangles, with the Supply of Meridional Parts, in the Solution of Nautical Problems in Sailing by the true Sea-Chart; and all this is performed by Protraction, by Calculation, and upon the Chart itself. There is also a Parallel between the Plain and the true Sea Chart. P. 4. (k) p. 667, 672. As the Method called Mercator's Sailing surpasses the Plain Sailing; so that which is set forth in this Fourth Part, and is called Circular Sailing, surpasses the other two Methods. He therefore resolves by Trigonometry, and the Projections of the Sphere, the Problems of Sailing by the Arch of a Great Circle. After which, you shall meet with some Tables, the Use of which is very frequent in Navigation. The Tables bear the Title of Calendarium Nauticum, and Astrale Calendarium. There are also some other Tables in this Treatise, and quite through the whole Body of the Work, where they are necessary to be inserted. Neither has he forgot to add the famous Tables of Logarithms, of Sinus and Tangents, etc. He has also taken care to cause such Figures as the Discourse requires, to be neatly engraven upon Copper Plates, and placed at the End of the Book for the Conveniency of the Readers. A Letter of the Honourable Mr. Boil to the Author of this History of Learning. Sir, I Here send you an Experiment which made a great Noise In the Court of King Charles the Second, and which will resolve all the Difficulties in the Questions which you proposed to me, concerning the Coldness of Water. It was made by a Captain of a Ship, a Man of very good Sense, and in the Presence of a great many Persons; insomuch that there can be no manner of Doubt concerning it. XVII. An Account of some Observations made in the great Congregation of Waters, by lowering Bottles down into the Sea six hundred Foot deep from the Surface, January 2d. 1677/●;. THis Day, in the Lat. of 36 d. and 40 m. about 30 Leagues distant from Cape St. Vincent, it bearing from us E. N. E. having received some Command from the right Honourable the Earl of Danby, and Mr. boil, concerning making Experiments in this Nature, we lay by with our Frigate, the St. David, whilst Sir Richard Munden, with some other Gentlemen, was pleased to go along with me in the Pinnace, upon the Trial of these Experiments. And having made fast to a deep side Led and Line, one Vial-Glass filled with the Oil of Aniseeds, according to Mr. boil's Direction, to experiment the Coldness of the Deeps below; as also two ordinary Bottles only filled with Air, the one being firmly closed with a substantial Cork, and the other with Wood, being all securely made fast, We lowered them down into Eight Fathom, and there remained fifteen Minutes; then haled them aloft to the Surface of the Waters. The Oil of Aniseed was congealed and curdled; which demonstrates the Coldness of those Regions below; the Cork-Stopple was sucked into the Bottle; but that closed with Wood, remained as at the first; only through its Pores was forceably drawn in, about half the Stowage of the Bottle, with Salt Water; which boiling out from the little Crannies of the Wood, after haling the Stopple out, the Salt-Water smoked, as though it had been some strong Liquor, or Spirit. Upon the Second Experiment, I seized fast, three Bottles to the deep-side Line a little above the Lead; two of them were firmly closed with Stopples made of a light sort of Lignum Vitae, which my Lord Treasurer proposed; the other, with a firm Cork; then lowered them into one hundred Fathom depth: And having remained there about five Minutes, I perceived upon the Surface of the Water the two Lignum Vitae Stopples; wondering at the Cause, I immediately haled up the Lead, and the Bottles were staved in many pieces, either by the weight of the Water, or condensing of the Air, that remained within them. The other Bottle, only closed with a Cork-Stopple, was sucked in, and so filled full of Water, (probably near the depth of one hundred Fathom;) and being curious to taste thereof, it was not only my Opinion, but all the rest of the Gentlemen in the Pinnace with me, That this Water was much fresher than that we tasted upon the Surface. I shall proceed the first convenient opportunity, as near as possible I can, by Experience and Demonstration, to resolve the great Inquiries concerning the Current of the straits Mouth of Gibraltar. XVIII. Inscriptionum Antiquarum Sylloge, in duas Partes distributa; in Vsum Jnventut is Rerum Antiquarum studiosae edita; & Notis illustrata; à Guliel. Fleetwood, Col. Regal. apud Cantab. Socio. Octau. Londini, apud Tim Child, 1691. p. 572. A Collection of Ancient Inscriptions; Divided into Two Parts. Inscriptions being a great help to History, and Mr. Fleetwood having often observed, that the reason why the Study of them was not so frequent, was, because it required the turning over of a great number of Volumes, where they were dispersed up and down; which it would cost a great deal of Time and Money to do; he thought fit to do the Public an acceptable piece of Service, by collecting the most remarkable, and such as are most useful to clear the Obscurity of ancient History. In the First Part, the Author has very nearly observed Gruterus his Method: And so it is divided into Five Parts. Of which, the First, (a) p. 1. includes the Inscriptions relating to Pagan Divinities. The Second, (b) p. 53. Those which concern public Monuments. The Third, (c) p. 92. Those which were made for the Emperors. The Fourth, (d) p. 130. Those which are to be read upon the Tombs or Statues of them that officiated at the Altars of the Magistrates, and other Public Persons. The Fifth, (e) p. 171. contains the Epitaphs which Fathers, Mothers, and Children, Husbands and Wives, Servants and Masters, Kindred and Friends made upon one another. The Second includes all the Christian Epitaphs, Inscriptions, and other Monuments that are extant, or at least, that are printed till the Ninth or Tenth Age. The Author has profitably made use of the Words of Arcudius, Aringhus, Reinesius, Spon, the Travels of Wheeler, and the Father's Mabillon and ; though sometimes he forbears not to refute them in his Notes. There are some which are no less profitable than learned; as that, (f) p. 40.2. where he shows, that St. Jerom was mistaken in taking a supposed Inscription, for that which St. Paul alleges to the Athenians, Acts 18.23. Such are also the Remarks which are made upon the Inscriptions, (g) p. 115. where they give to Dioclesian the honour of having abolished the Christian Name, with as much truth as the Flatterers of Lewis X V endeavour to persuade him that he has triumphed over all Europe, and abolished the Protestant Religion. There is one Inscription in Verse, (h) p. 379.2. upon the Roof of the Church of St. Agnes, in the Suburbs of Rome. Baronius pretends that that Inscription was put there by Constantina, the Daughter of the first Christian Emperor, for having recovered her Health through the Intercession of that Saint, over whose Sepulchre she cause that Church to be built; and after that vowed perpetual Virginity. This Story being very improbable, had need of credible Vouchers: In the mean time, it is only founded upon the Testimony of Modern Authors, and those Roman Catholics. On the other side, it is certain, that Constantina was twice Married: Whence Mr. Fleetwood concludes, That the Constantina mentioned in the Inscription, was some other than the Emperor's Daughter, and that she could not be living till toward the End of the Fifth Age; since Prudentius, an Author of the Fifth Century, and who speaks of the Sepulchre of St. Agnes, makes no mention of this Church. Now in regard there are no Passions more eloquent than Love and Grief; there are some of these Epitaphs which are Masterpieces in their kind: Such is that, (i) p. 193. which Atimetus, the Emperor Titus' enfranchised Bond man caused to be engraven upon his Wives Urn. And that other, (k) p. 535. which is between his Collection of Christian Monuments, whose Authors are unknown; where a Mother that had lost her Children, is made to speak. We should here finish this Extract, were we not to observe in the Author's Epistle Dedicatory, (m) p. 3. one Scruple which a Christian Philosopher cannot let pass without an Answer. If it be true, saith he, that Reason convinces us of the Unity of a God; how is it possible that the Pagans, who were Rational Men, adored several? It follows of necessity, that either they adored one and the same God under several Names, and consequently, that they were not guilty of Idolatry; or else that Reason is not now adays the same as it was formerly, and so there is no certainty; or at least that Men did not make a right use of their Reason for so many Ages. Mr. Fleetwood asserts that it is the same * Si a●●a erat illorum ratio à nostra, vel (quod idem est) si aliter ratione sua usi sunt homines, ubinam quaes●, ista adeò jactain Ration●s certitudo, qu● du●e, per tot secula, omnes ferè via recta aberraverint? thing to have a Reason different from ours, and to make use of it in another manner. But I am not of his Opinion: For it is demonstrable, that Colours, Heat and Cold, are not in the Objects that produce those different Senses of Feeling in us. Nevertheless, 'tis but within these few Years, that a small number of Philosophers have retrieved themselves from this Mistake: All the rest of Mankind is still in that Error; and it may be there are above Three Fourths of the World that will never be undeceived. Tell a Country man, that Fire is not hot, Ice not cold, and Snow not white, he will deride your Simplicity; and if he thought it concerned his Temporal or Eternal Interest, to defend the contrary, you might expect for want of Proofs, to be treated by him as the Pagans treated the Christians, or as the Papists treat the Protestants▪ To prove that there is but one perfect Infinite Being, and that none ought to pay any Religious Worship to Creatures, let them be never so excellent, you must allege Reasons much more abstracted, than those that demonstrate, That Colours are not in the Bodies which affect our Senses. The Christian Religion is the most perfect & sublime of all Philosophies; whence it comes to pass, that so few People understand it throughly, and that to supply the defect of Attention and Meditation among the greatest part of Men; the Scripture so often commands us to believe. If we made a right use of Reason, Faith would not be so necessary, but only for Matters of Fact, which are contained in the Sacred Letters, and which have all the Certainty that Histories can be capable of. But leaving here a Reflection which would carry us a great way farther, we shall conclude with this Observation, That this Objection, which seems at first so formidable, is grounded only upon the equivocal signification of a Word. For in common Speech, Reason signifies both the Light of Nature, and the manner of thinking. In the first Sense, Reason is an infallible Guide which never leaves those that follow it, into Error. But in the second Sense, it may be said, that Reason misguides and deceives us, because it happens too frequently, that Men determine themselves, without consulting the inward Light, and the eternal Reason. XIX. The Falsehood of Humane Virtue, done out of French, 8ᵒ. London, For Tim. Child, p. 308. MOnsieur Esprit, of the French Academy, proposes to himself, to prove in this Work, That all the Virtues of Men, considered in the corrupted State of Nature, have no other Foundation but Self-Love; not excepting the most glorious and beautiful; as, Prudence, Sincerity, Friendship, Clemency, Compassion, Generosity; nor even those that seem to approach the nearest to Christian Virtues; as, Humility, Liberality, Justice and Integrity. This is that which he does in 21 Chapters; which are so many Rhetorical Discourses upon every one of the Humane Virtues. There he sometimes handles Questions very material; as in the 19th. Chapter, where speaking of the Fidelity of Subjects toward their Sovereigns, he inquires, What is the Duty of Subjects, when Kings violate the Fundamental Law of the Kingdom? And after he has produced the Answers of sundry Politicians, and shown, that their Reasoning engages them in Difficulties, from whence they cannot disentangle themselves, he concludes, That the best course a Man can take, not only for the Peace of his Conscience, but also in order to a quiet Life, is not to meddle at all with Affairs of State, when he has no Call to the Government. For Liberty, and the Ease of the People, are loud Words which the Factious make use of, but that signify nothing in their Mouths; they always found it mischievous who believed 'em; and the Disorder must be very great indeed, if a Civil War be not a Remedy worse than the Disease. As for Religion, the Author maintains. That how specious soever the Pretence may be, 'tis no better than that of Taxes and Imposts: That the Seditious, who make the most of this Argument, are they who have the least value for it; that it is well known that the Heads of the League against the Kings of France, Hen. 3. and Hen. 4. made use of Religion, as a Cloak to cover their ambitious Designs; and that it is better to follow the Example of the Primitive Christians, who during the first Four Ages, obeyed the Pagan Emperors, without murmuring and resistance. FINIS. A Catalogue of some Books lately Printed in Foreign Parts; to be Sold by Abel Swall● and Timothy Child at the Unicorn in St Paul's Church Yard. Some whereof were designed to have been inserted in this Journal; but we wanting room, have deferred it till the next, when they shall be more sully described. SAncti Caecil. Cypriani Opera omnia, Recognita & Illustrata per Joan. Oxoniens. Episc. Accedunt annal Cypriani●●; five XIII. Annorum quibus S. Cyprianus inter Christianos versatus est, Brevis Chronologice delineate, per Joan. Cestriensem. Huic Editioni annexae sunt Dissertationes Cyprianicae, ab Henrico Dodwello. Juxta Exemplar Oxonii à Theatro. Amst. 1691. Folio. Though this Book is very much known to the Learned, yet we have resolved to give a large Account of it in the next Journal: The Writings of that Father being one of the most Venerable Monuments of Antiquity, and his two Commentators, Dr. Pearson, bishop of Chester, and Dr. Fell, Bishop of Oxford, two of the most Learned Men of this Age; to say nothing of Mr. Dodwell; since he being yet alive, it would look too much like Flattery. We shall only now add, that this Edition is very well Printed in a fair Character and Paper, and with the Addition of Mr. Dodwell's Dissertations. Phil. à Limborch de Veritate Religionis Christianae, Amica Collatio cum Erudito Judaeo. Amst. 1691. in Quarto. This Book contains some Conferences between a Jew, Doctor of Physic at Amsterdam, who died there some Years ago; and the Ingenious Philip van Limborch, Professor or Divinity amongst the Ar●inians at the same City; and is an excellent Defence of the Christian Faith, answering all the most specious Arguments of the Jews against it. But there being several things relating to both the Authors, and the Boak wherewith the World is not acquainted, it is thought fit to defer till our next, to give an Account thereof, Ejusdem Phil. à Limborch Theologia Christiana ad Praxin Pietatis ac Promotionem Pacis Christianae unice; directa: Amst. in Quarto. Lud. Ellies du Pin de Antiqua Ecclesiae Disciplina Dissertationes Historicae, excerptae ex Conciliis Oecumenicis, & Sanctorum Patrum ac Actorum Ecclesiasticorum Scriptis. Quarto. Amst. 1691. Whatever hath relation to the Primitive Ages of Christianity, is so much looked upon by the English Divines, and Dr. du Pin, though a Roman Catholic, is so impartial a Person, that we believe they will be well pleased to find an Abstract of it in our next. Joan. Spencer, de Legibus Hebraeorum Ritualibus, & carum Rationibus; Editio secunda, priori Indice Locorum S. Script locupletiore, necnon Indice Rerum & Verborum memorabilium novo aucta. in Quarto. Lud. Thomasini Vetus & Nova Ecclesiae Disciplina, circa Beneficia & Beneficiarios. In tres Tomos seu Partes distributa. Opus ex Sanctis Patribus & Conciliis, ex quorumque Temporum Historicis decerptum. 3 Vol. Folio, Paris. This Book being one of the best Pieces of this Age and written by one of the most eminent in Learning, we shall give an account of it in our next. Anglia Sacra; five Collectio Historiarum, partim antiquitus, partim recenter scriptarum, de Archiepiscopis & Episcopis Angliae, à pr●ma Fidei Christian● susceptione, ad Annum 1640. nune primum ex MSS Cod. in lucem editarum●●●s Prim●, de Atchi●p▪ & Episcop Ecolesiarum quas Monachi possiderunt. Edi●●re. Henrico Wharton, ●olio Lond. Of this we shall give a particular account in our next. Edmund. Richerii Historia Conciliorum Generalium, in IV Libros distributa; & ejusdem Vindiciae Doctrinae Majorum Scholae Parisiens de Authoritate & Infallibilitate Ecclesiae in Rebus Fidei & Morum, contra Defensores Monarchiae Universalis & absoluta Curiae Romanae, Lib. IU. etiamque Libellus ejus de Ecclesiastica & Politica Potestate. 7 Tom in Quarto. Which with his late Treatise, de Potestate Ecclesiae in Rebus Temporalibus, complete the Works of this Learned Author. Lud. E●●ies du Pin Bibliotheque des Autheurs ecclesiastics, Quarto. Vol. 4 ●● & 5um. s●paratim. Joan. Leusden● Compendium Graecum Novi Testamenti, in quo omnes Universi Novi Testam. Voces una cum Versione Latina inveniuntur. Editio ultima ab Authore Recognita & Aucta. Lugd. Bat. in Octavo. Testamentum Novum Latin, Sebastiano Castalione Interpret, cui in Margin addita sunt Loca parallela S. Script quae Steph. Curcellaeus Graecae suae Edition. adiunxit necnon Variant. Lection. Amst. Octavo. Well Printed in a fair Character and good Paper; and is by much the fairest Edition of this esteemed Book. Petri Gassendi Metaphysica Disquisitio Anti-Cartesiana, seu Dissertationes & Instantia adversus Renati des Cartes Medit. Vltraj. 1691 in Octavo. D Aug. Quirin. Rivini Introductio ad Rem Herbariam CLXXIX. figure aeneis Plantarum Rariorum illustrata Fol. Charta mag. Lips. 1691. In which not only the excellent Figures of several very rare Plants, but the Author's Method, expressed in his general Introduction before the Book, deserves the esteem of all the Lovers of Natural Philosophy. Opuscula Philosophica; quibus continentur Principia Philosophiae antiquissimae & recentissimae, ac Philosophiae Vulgaris Refutata in duodecimo. Amst. 1691. This Book contains Two different Tracts: The First is made up of some E●agments found, as 'tis pretended, in the Closet of an English Countess, who by the reading of the ancient Philosophers, forsook the Opinions of Des Cartes. The other hath several Dialogues between a French and a Spanish Philosopher; in which the Frenchman hath the better of it, and vindicates the new Hypotheses, Authores Classici varii cum Interpretatione & Notis Doctissimorum Virorum, Jussu Christianisimi Regis editi, ad Usum Serenissimi Delphini, in Quarto. Paris. Most of which are here to be had. Authores ad Usum Delphini, quos juxta Editionem Parisinam, Londini editi sunt, in Octavo. viz. Virgilius, Terentius, Horatius, Cornel. Nepos, & Juvenal. A Prospect of Ch●lsey. College, curiously drawn, and engraved in a large Copperplate, with a Prospect also of the Country contiguous; By J. Kip, who designs to Publish the Draughts of all the King's Houses. Books now in the Press, which will be Published in a few Weeks. Les Oeuvres d' Horact, Lat. & Franc. avec des Remarques par M. D'Acier. 10 Vol. in 12. Les Comedies de Plant, Lat. & Franc avec les Remarques du la Même. 〈◊〉 3 Vol. 12.