A LETTER FROM A Gentleman in IRELAND, TO His Friend in LONDON, Upon Occasion of a PAMPHLET ENTITLED A VINDICATION Of the Present Government of Ireland Under his Excellency Richard Earl of TYRCONNEL.  
Dublin: Printed in the Year 1688. Price Two pence.   

A LETTER From a Gentleman in IRELAND, To His Friend in LONDON, etc.  
SIR,  
AS soon as the Letter Entitled, A Vindication of the Present Government of Ireland, etc. came to my hands, I set upon Answering it with the same expedition, and plainness of Style, as uses to accompany naked Truth, which needs not the clothing of sophistical Arguments, or florid Expressions to recommend it to the unprejudiced part of Mankind: And indeed upon the very first reading of every Paragraph of it, the slightness of the Arguing, or the notorious Falsehood of the matter of Fact, did so evidently appear, that a man of ordinary capacity needs not put his natural talon on the Rack to refute them.  
The very first position of the Paper, viz. [That Ireland is in a better way of Thriving under the Government of a Native, than an Englishman;] (by which, I suppose, you mean one not barely so by Birth, but by Inclination, Interest, Education, Religion, etc.) is so false, that it contradicts the Experience and Reason of Mankind, and disgusts one so much in the front of the Letter, that I was tempted to fling it away unread, judging it not worth the loss of so much time, if the rest should prove of the same kind (as indeed I found it upon perusal); but having ventured through it, I looked upon myself obliged to say something by way of Answer, since in the opinion of some sort of men, the not Answering (though even the most trifling Pamphlet) is given out to be the Inability of the Party to reply to the weight of such Arguments as are contained in it.  
I will not insist much upon the constant Practice of all the Predecessors of our English Kings, and their Counsellors, ever since the Conquest of Ireland, who made it an established Maxim, in relation to that Kingdom, that none but an Englishman should be chief Governor; insomuch that (till within these two Years) that Practice gave occasion to the common erroneous opinion, That a man born in Ireland, however otherwise qualified, was thereby incapacitated from being Lord Deputy: It is certain, that long before the Reformation, when matters of Religion made no distinction between the Natives of each Country, this was the settled and unalter'd Rule: Have we any reason then to alter it (now that Religion is put into the Scale, and become the additional weight, which never fails giving the advantage to the side it espouses and adheres to) or rashly to condemn the wise Proceed of the Ancestors of Our Kings, and (contrary to the Opinion of the World) judge our Author's Irish Understanding, better than all the English one's that have been heretofore?  
Our Author will certainly allow Ireland to be a conquered Country, and consequently that the Conquerors have right to establish Laws with such restrictions and limitations, as shall seem fitting and convenient towards the keeping it in their hands, and the welfare of the Inhabitants; which are of two sorts, the British Planters, and the Natives. I shall prove, that it has been, and still is the Advantage of both these, that Ireland should be Governed by an Englishman.  
By the way, I would have it understood, that I do not pretend to put these two Interests into any balance: I know the British Interest does so far outweigh the other, that it were a wrong done it, to bring them into any competition; more than two parts of three of the Lands of Ireland, being (by the several Rebellions of the Irish) in British hands; and for the Quality, Temper, Industry, etc. there is no comparison: besides, that if one of two Parties is to be pleased (though by the detriment of the other) 'tis but just, that the Conquerors (who have right to give Law) should be indulged: how much more when it is consistent with the welfare of the Irish themselves, if they understood their own good?  
I am convinced, that whatever has been done in favour of the Natives, is pure Grace, and cannot be claimed as a just Debt, any otherwise than since it has been confirmed by Our Laws, and Acts of Parliament: He that reflects on 1641, will readily assent to this, which makes me admire at the pertness of our Author in Capitulating, as if we stood upon even ground with them; but 'tis plain, he considers the Interest but of one Party in that Kingdom, and though he names Ireland often, he means the Native Irish Papist only. But I proceed  
To prove, that it is the Interest of the British, that Ireland should be Governed by an Englishman: I need say no more than that they all ardently desire it; and People are the best Judge of their own Necessities: The common Maxim that, Interest will not Lie, holds good here to some purpose. The ill effects the contrary method has had on their Persons and Estates, is but too visible. Whoever had seen Ireland four Years ago, and would compare its condition with what it is now, from the most thriving and flourishing Country of Europe, from a place of the briskest Trade, and best paid Rents in Christ●ndom, it is fallen in one Year and a hast's time, to Ruin and Desolation: in the most frequented Cities, empty Houses, and melancholy Countenances; in the best Peopled Counties, unmanured neglected Fields, and Solitariness: Such a one, I say, might justly exclaim, Heu! Quantum mutatus ab illo. But it would be impertinent to insist any longer on this. I must now prove, That 'tis the advantage of the very Natives themselves, (who have long been uneasy under the English Government, and often endeavoured to shake it off) to be Ruled and Guided by that Nation they hate so much. They are beholding to us for reducing them from a state of Barbarity, which left but little difference between them and Brutes: We taught them to Live, to Eat, Drink, and Lodge like humane Creatures; (if they esteem this any advantage, and do not really prefer their Native Wildness to all the benefits of Civil Society, Trade, Agriculture, Merchandizing, Learning, etc.) and if the gentleness of the English Government could have had any influence on them, they had no reason to be discontented at it: They had the equal Protection of the Laws, in relation to their Estates and Persons; they bore but their just proportion in all Taxes and Cesses: Their Lands improved in value, by the means of their British Neighbours, and their Rents were much better paid than formerly, whilst themselves were Masters of the whole Island: They had a large connivance for the exercise of their Religion, and were even allowed to hold a National Synod of their own Clergy in Dublin, Anno 1666: The poor Natives were not oppressed, when their severe Landlords, the Irish Gentry, by their cruel Extortions, Casherings, Duties, and Days Labour ruined them; who as soon as the English Manners prevailed among them, (as they were introduced with difficulty enough, there was need of the Authority of Acts of Parliament to constrain them for their own good) lived plentifully, and in convenient Houses, had their share of the current Coin, and proportion of all other Necessaries, to the life and well-being of Man, which now they want; insomuch that several of them have been heard to Curse my Lord Tyrconnel; for to his Government they attribute their Misery, and acknowledge, they never lived so well as under the Lirection of the English Rulers, nor expected to do so again, till they were restored to the Helm. See the force of Truth, which compels a confession of it, even from the mouths of its Adversaries!  
One may easily perceive by our Author's manner of arguing, where the Shoe pinches; he is really concerned that Ireland is not altogether an independent Kingdom, and in the hands of its own Natives: he longs till the day, when the English Yoke of Bondage shall be thrown off: Of this he gives us broad hints, when he tells us that, [England is the only Nation in the World that impedes their Trade:] That [a man of English interest will never Club with them (as he phrases it) or Project any thing which may tend to their advantage, that will be the least bar, or prejudice to the Trade of England.] Now why a man of English interest (unless he will allow none of that Nation to be an able and just Minister to his Prince) should be partial, to ruin one Kingdom, [to avoid the least inconveniency of the other] contrary to the positive Commands of his King, I cannot imagine: For since [it is the governor's Duty to Rule by Law, and such Orders as he shall receive from His Majesty] I know no grounds for our Author's Arraigning the whole English Nation, in saying, That no one man among them, of what Persuasion soever, will be true either to the Laws, or his Majesty's positive Orders, which shall seem repugnant to the smallest conveniencies of England. This is a glory reserved only (as it seems) for his Hero, my Lord Tyrconnel.  
The Embargo upon the West-India Trade, and the Prohibition of Irish Cattle, are the two Instances given.  
It were to be wished indeed, for the good of that Kingdom, that both were taken off; and I question not but to see a day wherein it shall seem proper to the King, and an English Parliament, to Repeal those Laws; a day wherein they will consider us as their own Flesh and Blood, a Colony of their Kindred and Relations, and take care of our Advantages with as little grudging and repining (I am sure they have the same and no stronger Reason) as Cornwall does at Yorkshire: There are instances in several Islands in the East-Indies, as far distant as Ireland is from England, that make up but one Kingdom, and Governed by the same Laws; but the Wisdom of England will not judge it time fitting to do this, till we of Ireland be one Man's Children, either in Reality or Affection; we wish the latter, and have made many steps and advances towards it, if the Natives will not meet us half way, we cannot help it, let the Event lie at their own Doors.  
But after all, I see not how those Instances have any manner of relation to the English Chief Governors in Ireland; they were neither the Causes, Contrivers, nor Promoters of those Acts. The King and an English Parliament did it without consulting them; if they had, 'tis forty to one, My Lord of Ormond and the Council, whose stake is so great in Ireland, would have hindered it as much as possible. Our Author's Argument proves indeed, That 'tis detrimental to Ireland, to be a subordinate Kingdom to England (and 'tis plain, 'tis that he drives at, let him disguise it as much as he will) but the Conclusion he would prove, cannot at all be deduced from it: Shortly, I expect, he will speak plainer, and in down right terms propose, That the two Kingdoms may be Governed by different Kings; Matters seem to grow ripe for such a Disloyal Proposition.  
If these Acts (and not the subjection to an English King) were the Grievances, they would be so to the British there, as well as to the Natives: but tho' we wish them Repealed, we do not repine; in the mean time, if the British who are the most considerable Trading part of that Nation, and consequently feel the ill effects of those Acts more sensibly, can be contented, why the Natives should not acquiesce in it, (unless it be for the forementioned Reasons) I cannot see.  
Our Author allows that there are different ways of obeying the King: 'tis a Point gained for us, and proves there may be such a partiality exercised in executing His Majesty's Commands, as may destroy the very intent of them; and yet (taking the matter strictly [the King is obeyed] but a good Minister will consider his Master's intention, and not make use of a word that may have a double sense to the ruin of a Kingdom, nor of a latitude of power, wherewith he is entrusted, to the destruction of the most considerable Party in it: Far be it from us to think it was His Majesty's Intention to depopulate a flourishing Country, to undo multitudes of laborious thriving Families in it, to diminish and destroy his own Revenue, to put the Sword into Madman's hands, who are sworn Enemies to the British: No! His Majesty, who is willing that liberty of Trade as well as Conscience, should equally flourish in all parts of his Dominions, that recommends himself to his Subjects by his impartiality in distributing Offices of Trust; and from that practice raises his greatest Argument to move his people to Repeal the Penal Laws; never intended that some general Commands of his should be perverted to the destruction of that people, his intention is to protect. His Majesty (Great as he is) cannot have Two Consciences, one calculated for the Latitude of England, another for Ireland. We ought therefore to conclude, (in respect to the King) that His Commands have been ill understood, and worse executed; and this may be done (as our Author confesses) and the King [undoubtedly obeyed] but such an obedience is no better than a Sacrifice of the best Subjects the King has in this Kingdom.  
Our Author has given very good Reasons why the Natives may be well content with their present Governor, but I cannot forbear laughing at those he has found out to satisfy the poor British with: My Lord Tyrconnel's most Excellent, Charitable, English Lady: His high sounding Name Talbot, in great Letters, a Name that no less frightens the Poor English in Ireland, than it once did the French; a name which because he is in possession of, I will not dispute his Title to, but I have been credibly informed, that he has no relation to that most Noble Family of Shrewsbury, (though my Lord Tyrconnel presumes to bear the same Coat of Arms): a Name in short, which I hope will prove in time, Vox & praeterea nihil.  
A Second Reason is drawn from his [Education] We have heard (and it has never yet been contradicted) that my Lord Tyrconnel from his Youth upwards, has constantly born Arms against the British: if our Author will assure us of the contrary, I am apt to believe his Excellency will give him no thanks, who lays the foundation of his Merit upon the Basis of his constant adherence to the Irish Party: What use of Consolation can be drawn from this head by the British, is beyond my skill to comprehend.  
A third Reason is drawn from his Stake in England; the Author would do well to show us, in what County this lies, that we may know where to find Reprisals hereafter; for since he offers this for Our Security, 'tis fit we inquire into the Title and Value of the Land, before we give so valuable a Consideration.  
Thus this great heap of substantial Reasons, together with a large Panegyric upon his Excellency's fair Face and good Shapes, telling us by the by, how he [was not killed at Drogbeda, because he run away,] is enough, and more than enough to demonstrate, that [the British have not the least cause to be dejected, because they are sufficiently secure]: But I will agree with the Author in this, That he seems to have been reserved by Heaven against the most critical occasion, that should happen in this Age: reserved as one of the Vials of GOD's Wrath to plague the People.  
'Tis well that [Self-preservation is allowed by God and Man;] and since he tells us, we are [People of a contrary Interest,] he gives us right to provide for Ourselves and our Families, as well as we may; 'tis like a generous Aggressor: first he declares who are his Enemies, then gives them warning to put themselves into a posture of defence. We are beholding to him for this hint, and, I hope, shall make the right use of it. 'Tis below me to take notice of the meanness of the expression of [an honest Man's losing his Head in a Crowd,] and the nonsense of the other, [The most men by't at the stone, etc.] Dogs indeed use to do so with us; but this is only to let the World know what Country man our Author is, and it may be 'tis the custom here for these Men to imitate those more rational Creatures.  
Our Author seems sensible, that many hard things have been done, which occasioned Clamours against the present Governor; tho' I think our Grievances (how intolerable soever) have been born more silently, than any People's since the Creation: since I do not remember any one Pamphlet has hitherto come out, to represent them; ours being of that nature, as stupifies us, and takes away the use of the Tongue and Pen: Curae leves loquuntur, ingentes stupent: I say he is not willing this load of Calumny should rest on my Lord Tyrconnel, but casts it all on His Majesty, imagining that the respect we bear, (and justly) to our King, aught to render us tongue-tied in relation to the Maladministration of his Minister. But I have already shown, how the King's Orders may be stretched, and perverted. The very best and most cautiously penned Laws have a double edge, and (if the executive power be lodged in ill hands) have the worst effect, even to the punishment of Well-doers, and the encouragement of them that do ill; and I question not, in the least, but this is our Case, and as little doubt that our Grievances would be redressed, did not one of His Majesty's most eminent Virtues interpose between us and His Grace, I mean his Constancy to His old Servants; and our Condition is so much the more deplorable, that His Majesty cannot be a Father of His Country without seeming to desert His Minister; but 'tis to be hoped that at long running, the Groans of a distressed Nation will prevail over all private Considerations.  
Whether the Employment His Majesty has given my Lord Tyrconnel, has not proved the occasion of the augmentation of his Fortune, (as our Author insinuates it has not) shall neither prove the subject of this Discourse, nor object of our Envy. I shall only say, if the report be true, that my Lord owes all his Estate to the King's bounty, 'tis ungratefully done to rob His Majesty of the Honour and Thanks due to him, by denying it; much less is it our business to find fault with the advancement of five Relations. In this point Authors differ, for some speak of 55 at least: if there had not been the greatest partiality in the World shown, we should never have opened our mouths: if in an Army of about 9000 English, Officers and Soldiers, there be not 200 left (in a Country where the English have so much cause to fear) and those turned out, for the most part, without any cause assigned, after the most ignominious disgraceful manner imaginable, stripped naked in the Field, their Horses, Boots, Buff-coats, etc. taken from them, giving them Bills to receive so much Money in Dublin, as amounted to half the value of their Equipage, and that not paid without Charge and Attendance; have they not reason to fear? If in a Country, whose Government was perfectly in the English hands, so sudden an alteration was made, that both the Courts of Judicature, and Charters of their Corporations were taken from them without any fault of theirs, have they not reason to complain, and be afraid? If those very Arms which are taken from them, be put into the hands of their sworn Enemies, and their just Debts paid after a new Method, by beating or killing the Creditors, when they demand their own, Have they not reason to fear, and desert the Kingdom? If these and an hundred other things do not justify the retreat of several of the British into England, I know not what shall be adjudged a sufficient Reason. This our Author would insinuate is caused by a sullen Combination; as if the Gentry of a Nation could agree together to do a thing so contrary to their visible Interest, as desert their Houses and Estates, to the loss of one half of them, merely out of spite to the Government.  
But because our Author is so good at his Narratives, and would induce the World to believe that there was but two Regiments disbanded [by his talking only of two] and in another place speaking of [some Officers] that were Cashiered. We shall hereafter give a faithful Account of the Proceed in the business of Disbanding; und in the mean time affirm, That his whole Account of the Affair at Molingar is most unsincere. The English Soldiers were given to understand, that they were all to be turned out, and the only Grace his Excellency did them, was to declare before a long and tedious March, That such as had a mind or had Settlements in that Country might better quit then, than hereafter. This is plainly shown by the turning out (afterwards) all those English who then actually continued in the Service; they were glad that any would quit voluntarily, but those that did not, and after a public Trial were willing to serve His Majesty, they soon after turned out. Thus the false gloss that our Author puts upon my Lord Tyrconnel's Speech is discovered: And I assure the Reader the Memoires I have by me are from such unquestionable hands, and there are so many hundred living Witnesses to the truth of them, that our Author will not have the Impudence to deny what may be proved before His Majesty, if he require it. I shall only take notice of the ill Application of our Author's Sea-Metaphor. Tho' in stress of Wether the Owner is willing to make use of all hands that may be helpful towards the saving the Vessel, yet he takes care to call for none whose practice it hath been to cut the Tackle, and to steer contrary to the Pilot's Directions; he thinks such safer by far shut up under Hatches, then set at liberty or employed to do mischief: As for his supposition of 30000 men to be sent out of Ireland, into Flanders, I cannot tell what to make on't. Let them crack the Shell that hope to find a Kernel in it. For my part I despair: tho' the readiness of the English Soldiers of Ireland, who at twenty four hours warning came into England to serve His Majesty in the time of Monmouth's Rebellion, aught to have been remembered to their advantage, and might serve (to any unprejudiced person) as a Pattern of the Loyalty, and good Inclinations of all the Protestants in that Kingdom, if His Majesty had had occasion for them. Whether the Parliament will Repeal the Test for those several weighty Reasons our Author says [are fit for Contemplation then Discourse] though methinks it would be pleasant to see a House of Commons sit like the Brethren at a silent Meeting, is not my Province to determine: As likewise, Whether they will so much consider that Grand Reason [the King will have it so] (for his Conscience and theirs may differ) or what the Dissenters will do, I cannot tell. One thing I am sure of, there will be no such Stumbling-block in the way of the King's desires, when they meet, as the present condition of Ireland; they will be apt (when his Majesty tells them, they shall have their equal shares in Employments, when they have Repealed the Laws) to say, Look at Ireland, see what is done there, where the Spirit of Religion appears barefaced! and accordingly compute what may become of us, when we have removed our own legal Fences; Since they now leap over those Hedges, what may we expect when they are quite taken away!  
Poynings Law is a great grievance to our Author, and here in one word, he discovers that 'tis the dependence this Kingdom has on England, he quarrels at: 'Tis fit the Reader should understand, that Law (enacted when Poynings was Lord Deputy) makes all the English Acts of Parliament of force in Ireland; we are therefore so fond of that Law, and covet so much to preserve our dependence on England, that all the Arguments our Author can bring, shall not induce us to part with it.  
I will not reflect in the least on the Courage of the Irish, I know there are several brave men among them, but they have had the misfortune to fall under the Consideration of (as our Author softens it, but the plain sense is, been Beaten by) a Warlike Nation: and, I question not, unless they behave themselves modestly in their Prosperity, they will again fall under the Consideration of the same Nation: 'tis better we should live in peace and quietness, but the Choice is in their hands, and if they had rather come under our Consideration again, than avoid it, let them look to the Consequence.  
Another Advantage which may accrue to Ireland by a Native, as Governor, our Author reckons up to be, His personal knowledge of the Tories, and their Harbourers, and his being thereby better capacitated to suppress them. Malicious People would be apt to infer from this Suggestion, that his Excellency had occasion formerly to be familiarly acquainted with such sort of Cattle. I have heard indeed, that one of our bravest English Princes, Henry the _____ during the extravagancies of his Youth, kept company with public Robbers, and often shared both in the Danger and Booty: but as soon as the the Death of his Father made way for his Succession to the Crown, he made use of his former acquaintance of their Persons and Haunts, to contribute to the extirpating and dissolving the greatest knot of High-way-men, that ever troubled England. My Lord therefore (in imitation of this great Prince, no doubt) will make use of his Experience that way, to the same end: and I readily assent to the Author, that no English Governor can be so fit to clear that Kingdom of Torĭes, and that for the same reasons he gives us.  
There are two other Advantages remaining; one is, His Excellency's having already made different Parties in that Kingdom, the objects of his love and hatred, let the Offences of the one, or the Merits of the other be never so conspicuous: Whether the British can draw any comfort from his Excellency's knowledge of them this way, is fit to be debated. The other is, The probability of his getting the Statute for benefit of Clergy in favour of Cow-Stealers and House-Robbers, Repealed; where, by the way, there is a severe Rebuke given to our English Priests for their ill placed Mercy to Irish Offenders: A fault I hope they will be no more guilty of.  
Whether these Advantages be so considerable as to move His Majesty to continue a man (for other more weighty Reasons) absolutely destructive to this Kingdom, or whether some of them might not be performed by an English Governor, His Majesty is the only Judge: Only this I am sure of, The King (if he were under any Obligations to His Minister) has fully discharged them all, and has showed himself to be the best of Masters, in giving so great and honourable an Employment to his Creature, and continuing him in it so long, notwithstanding the decrease of his own Revenue, and the other visible bad effects of his Management; the Impoverishment of that Kingdom, amounting to at least two Millions of Money: and his Majesty may be now at liberty (without the least imputation of breach of promise to his Servant) to restore us to our former flourishing condition, by sending some English Nobleman among us, whose contrary methods will, no doubt, produce different effects.  
To conclude, methinks the comparison between His Majesty and Philip of Macedon, when he was drunk, is a little too familiar, not to say unmannerly, and that between Antipater and my Lord Tyrconnel is as great a Compliment to the latter.  
But provided my Lord be commended, which was our Author's chief design, he cares not tho' the comparison does not hold good in all points; 'tis enough that we know we are Governed by such a Prince that neither practices such Debauches himself, nor allows of them in his Servants. But we are not beholding to the Author for the knowledge of this, should a Foreigner read his Pamphlet, or get it interpreted to him, he would be apt (and with reason) to conclude, that His Majesty as much resembled Philip in a Debauch, as my Lord Tyrconnel does sober Antipater.  
I have now done with all that seems of any weight in our Author's Pamphlet; and can see nothing in his Postscript that deserves an Answer. All that I will say is, That his Recipes bear no proportion to our desperate Disease, and he will prove not to be a Physician, but a pretending Quack, who by ill applied Medicines will leave us in a worse Condition than he found us.  
I shall conclude with telling you, That your Letter which enclosed the Pamphlet, whereof I have here given you my thoughts, was more than a Fortnight on the way, or else you had received this sooner. I am,  
Dublin, 1688. SIR, Your most humble Servant.