A LETTER TO A FRIEND, About the late PROCLAMATION On the 11th. of December, 1679. For further PROROGVING THE PARLIAMENT Till the 11th. of November next ensuing.  
Imprimis interest Reipublicae, ut pax in Regno conservetur, & quaecunque paci adversentur, providè declinentur.  
Nihil Infra Regnum subditos magis conservat in tranquillitate & concordia, quam debita Legum administratio.  Coke Inst. 2d. Fol. 158. 
London, Printed Anno Dom. 1679.   

A LETTER TO A FRIEND, etc.  
SIR,  
I Know you are a Lover of News, provided it be good, and such as may promote the honour of his most sacred Majesty, and the interest of our Nation, which consists in the constant preservation of the true Protestant Religion, 
* Magna Chartae the best Law, next to the Divine of any in the World.  Liberty, and Property; which, I hope, will never be invaded by any Foreign Power, and which certainly I may very well presume to believe will never be in the least encroached upon at home, by any whomsoever, during the happy life of our gracious Sovereign, whom God Almighty in his infinite mercy long continue among us.  
But such is the obstreperous noise of malevolent tongues, that I find nothing will please, in this nice and scrupulous Juncture of affairs and circumstances, whatsoever may possibly be endeavoured, to give the most of content and satisfaction. All things that come on the sudden, strike the senses of the unthinking populace with such a ghastly surprise, that straight it presents them with the Idea of Rawhead and Bloody bones, without any further Reflections upon the matter, until some wiser heads take it into their serious consideration to undeceive them; and to show them, that if ever they mean to learn to be better Politics, and more Loyal Subjects, by weighing every Intelligence in the unerring Balance of a solid and steady Judgement, this is the time.  
Every Coffee-house now seems, as it were, a Cabal of State, and the considering positive Customer as great a Privy Counsellor, as (some would fain have us for certain to believe,) the most Christian King, Monsieur Colbert, and the rest of the French Cabinet, are here, at the Royal-board, in every thing that is transacted.  
I am sorry to say so much, but yet my integrity obliges me to speak the truth, or not to speak at all:— and how am I capable to be silent, that have on each side my Ears, almost wheresoever business, or what else calls me, the perpetual gratings of unpleasant discourses; especially, about this last Proclamation of His Majesty for the Poroguing of his Parliament from the 26th. of January, 1679/80. till the 11th of November following, 1680. when as yet, the people cry, he hath never seen half their Faces, and so consequently cannot know the temper of their spirits, how far they will stand by him with their Lives and Fortunes upon all occasions; or what they will unanimously do for him, to advance his glory and honour, by making him formidable to all his Enemies, and envied by his Neighbours; and by fetling him, if that can possibly be, more deeply in the hearts and affections of all his Loving and Obedient Subjects.  
I must confess, at the first dash, what the People do generally say, seems to carry great strength of Reason along with it; And, you know, the multitude, for want of better understanding, take up with first Notions, and run handsmooth away with them; they think it a mighty piece of impertinence and folly, to be serious in searching deep into the stress of matters, when (alas!) they are so plain and obvious to every common Capacity, that certainly none but those deserve Bedlam, or a worse place, who in the least question, or disbelieve them.  
Are we not, say they, in a wood of Entanglements, and eminent dangers, begirt round with numbers that have their several Interests to bring us unto Ruin, and Misery? Do not the Papists more than ever come thick upon us with their Hellish and Damnable Plots, and Conspiracies? Is it not their principle to depose and murder KINGS, to kill Subjects and People, and to make the Streets, as a Red Sea, with the blood of Protestants, whom they falsely call HERETICS, and damn, if it be possible, their Souls too into the bargain? Have we not experienced this in Queen Mary's days? And in our fresh remembrances, does not the sight of our new built houses, sadly put us in mind, that the glorious City was become a heap of Ashes? And how many Repetitions of dreadful fires have been both in Suburbs, and Countries, since that amazing conflagration? What tricks and devises have been used by them, (for the lust as well as advantage of Foreigners) to Prorogue, and dissolve our Parliaments? and is it not too true, that the Duchy of Mantova, Legorn, and several other places abroad, above a month before any such thing was talked on here, had advice from Rome, that our present Parliament (which, as it did highly concern us, we did with impatience hope, and almost verily believe, should sit at the stated time in January next, but now to our great astonishment, find our big expectations are dwindled into disappointment) that our present Parliament, I say, should very shortly for certain be Prorogued for near a twelve month; and have not we had Letters of it sent over to us by our Factors there? And, is it not strange that one of the Lords in the Tower, almost a week before any such rumour or surmise was in Town, should confidently report the same Prorogation, & for the same length of time to be within a very few days? And that it should so happen as they had prophesied? Can we know, see, and hear of all these things, and yet believe we are safe and well, and our Circumstances as happy as ever? Surely we must not be blind in pure complaisance, because our Courteous enemies would have us so.  
This, and a great deal more, Sir, is the common discourse of all Coffeehouses, if not of most private Societies: but to show you what may be said by way of healing and reconcilement, be pleased to let me present you with these following Considerations.  
1. And first of all, certainly none can have such a ridiculous and groundless fancy to believe, that the KING can be any ways inclinable 
* If there should be any such, I would caution them to remember one Act, and it is in 13. Ca 2. C. 1. S. 2. Entitled, An Act for the safety and preservation of His Majesty's person and Government, against Treasonable and Seditious Practices and Attempts.  to Popery; when (not to mention the treatment and usage he met with in his unhappy exile at such a tender Age) he has so clearly opened his heart, and in the most engaging words imaginable, declared to the contrary over and over again, to both his Houses of Parliament; and has he not given them the assurance of it upon his Royal word, (and what can be required more?) that in all things which concerned their Religion, 
His Majesty's most Gracious Speech to both Houses of Parliament, Wednesday 30th. of April, 1679.  and the public security, he should not follow their Zeal, but lead it? And for the generality of us, if we respect our obedience to God, what appearance is there, that after so durable and general an enlightening of our minds with the sacred truth, we should again put out our own eyes, to wander through the palpable darkness of the Romish gross superstition? And hath not His Majesty several times told us, he verily believes there is a Plot and Conspiracy by the Papists against his most sacred Person, and shall we imagine, he can have any kindness for them, or their Idolatrous Religion, which bolsters them up in such horrible wickedness, as to take away His life, destroy his Subjects, or at least absolve them from their Allegiance to him, and possess themselves of his Kingdom, by making it a Fendatory to the See of Rome? This would be next to Nonsensical surely, but to put it upon the supposition.  
2. And then, what ground or Reason can any one have to think that he is fallen out with his Parliaments? Has any King been so much beholding to them, as he has been? 
His Speech to both Houses of Parliament, 21th. March, 1663/4, Pag. 6.  He has himself told you none, nor does he think the Crown can be happy without frequent Parliaments: And hath he not often of la●e repeated to the same effect, his affection to, and esteem for them? and will nothing assure you that he is Real, because he hath made so many Prorogations, and especially now so long a One? He hath told you, he hath been forced (no doubt to his own inward regret,) to dissolve two Parliaments within less than a years time, because of the great hea●s and animosities among them: And if this present Parliament has only met as yet to be Prorogued, you hear from him why it is, viz. for many wieghty Reasons, which he would have all his dutiful Subjects to know, are the Arcana Imperii, not to be searched into, till he sees the best time graciously to reveal them. He hath heard how great the murmurs of his People have been, at the heavy taxes that the Parliament have so often laid upon them; and perhaps that may be one Reason, why he is unwilling to have them sit any oftener than absolute necessity may require, because he will not put them into fears and inquietudes of new, and more grievous Impositions; but chooses rather to submit to the loss of a great part of his Revenue, (which he does certainly within a little time,) and to take up with such Retrenchments in his own house, that are almost to the dishonour of an English Monarch, than he will, as much as in him lies, give them any disgust. He hath promised, in the Interval, to make as strict a search as he can into the plot himself, and to do all things for his people to their own wish if they will but have patience, and give him time. You see, he hath issued forth several Proclamations for Removing of Roman Catholics ten miles from the City of London and Westminster, and hath straight charged the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, and his Justices of the Peace, to see them put in due Execution: He hath promised great rewards to any whosoever, that shall apprehend Priests, or Jesuits, or make but any discovery of their Lands or Estates; and given frequent assurances that he will be unwearied in his care and diligence for our good, for the safety of our Lives, Religion, Liberty, Property, and all that is dear to us. Now what more can be said by a gracious King, and what less can he expect from an obedient people, next to our trust in Almighty God, than that we should all unanimously repose our Confidence in him, and rest satisfied under his Protection?  
But, O cry the people very fiercely, here's a year's Prorogation longer, and we shall never see our dearly beloved Parliament again; The French King, he is ready to fall swoop upon us with a very great Army, and what Ships have we to oppose him? we hear too what is to be done in Scotland, ten thousand of Additional forces to be raised to the standing Militia; Besides how inclinable is Ireland to rebel naturally, and especially, when it is like to meet with so many great advantages on all hands; and what if Holland should come and clap in 20000 more in some other parts of the King's Dominions, are we not in a fine bepickled condition to receive them? and yet we must fear nothing: I confess, if these things should occur, it is the high road way to make us Slaves and Vassals; but if ever it tends to make— more great and glorious, more free, more unconfined, and absolute, Phillida solus habeto.  
I answer, 'tis true, we have some Grounds to be Jealous, lest a French Armade may too soon come over, and attaque us; but, admit the worst, that it should dare to invade us, they cannot any where Land so considerable a number both of Horse and men, as there ought to be for such a design, in so short a time▪ as that the Country would not be Alarmed at it, and be presently up to quell so adventurous a Motion; as we may be sure of, by what happened about a year since in the Isle of Purbeck in Dorsetshire: And when once we should find it was a thing in earnest, all England would join in the concert, and be as one man against so dangerous and potent an Enemy, as is He of France. It has been said, that 
* Letter from Amsterdam to a friend in London.  England is a dull Brute; I know not how justly it might deserve the ill-favoured Epithet, supposing the Brute might be allowed, but only in this respect, that it does not fully know the greatness of its own strength; but this I think I may very confidently say, and stand to't, that whensoever any should put us upon the bloody experiment, and provoke us to extremities; they would find that English hearts and courages, especially on the defensive part, and that too of a just and righteous cause, are not of common mould: No, when we see our all lies at stake; our Souls, our Bodies, our Estates, our Wives, our Children, our Reformed Religion, and all that makes for the peace and happiness of our KING, and Country; we shall no longer dally, but quit ourselves like men, and like Christians; and since in such a case, it may be said, we are fight the Lord's battles, how may we expect to have the Almighty Arm assisting, and going before us, conquering, and to conquer, and of whom then should we be afraid?  
And as to the Proclamation for proroguing the Parliament, what false conclusions do they draw from it? We say, à potentia Hominis ad actum non valot consequentia; But they will have it, right or wrong, that the Parliament is prorogued till the 11th. of November, because the Proclamation, and the KING by that, says, that having many weighty Reasons (not yet convenient for us to know, or else, to be sure, he would acquaint us with them,) he is resolved, the Parliament shall on the 26th. of January, be prorogued till the 11th. of November next. Now, I pray, let me make some few short remarks hereupon, as they are plainly obvious to every understanding Person, and I will then submit myself to your Judgements for the reasonabless of what I say.  
I. Can you find any thing that proves the Parliament is by this Proclamation de facto prorogued till November next? If not, as I am sure, you cannot; why are you then so clamorous and positive, as to affirm it is?  
II. The Proclamation is but declarative of what the KING intends to do on the 26th. of January, because of the many weighty Reasons that move him to do so; but do you think, if, before the time of their meeting next month, the KING should have more weighty Reasons, both for number and quality, to induce him to the contrary, and to oblige him to change his Resolution, that he would not, because the Royalword was gone forth? our Laws are not like to those of the Medes and Persians, which altar not; and surely much less may we imagine that Proclamations are irrevocable.  
III. To be sure the KING will be very well advised indeed, before he actually prorogues his Parliament for so long a time as a twelve month; because he knows then, that how urging soever the occasion may be, to require him to have his Parliament sit sooner, yet they cannot in the Interval of prorogation sit legally to do any thing but in a preparatory way, in ordine ad, etc. to have things so much the more ready against the opening of the Parliament; and therefore they must be extroardinary weighty Reasons, that shall oblige him to run the hazard of so great an Inconvenience, which is no other way remediable, but by a present dissolution of this, and calling of a new Parliament, and that too will take up a good deal of time, in issuing forth the Writs, and waiting for the proper Court days to elect Members,  
FOUR Though the KING at the time of his issuing out this Proclamation, saw nothing that could out-weight those Reasons, betwixt than, and the 26th. of January, and therefore not to put his Parliament-men to unnecessary charges, by their long and wearisome Journeys up to Town, with their Numerous Servants to wait on them, says in great affection, as well as condescension, That we will not at the said six and twentieth day of January expect the attendance of any but only such as being inor about the City of London and Westminster may attend the making the said Prorogation; 
The said Proclamation.  Yet if every Member of Parliament, the Lords Spiritual and temporal and every of the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses of the House of Commons (who represent in Parliament all the Communality of England) should be at the expense and trouble of coming up to Town, 
Co. 2. Inst. 157.  to appear in their respective houses, and should than and there 
* Eritis insuperahiles, si fueritis inseparabiles.  unanimously resolve immediately to send unto his Majesty (according to the 13. Car. 2▪ c. 5. before ever they should be called up to the Lord's house,) ten of the Noble Lords from that house, in their own Names, and in the names of all the other their Fellow-Peers; and the House of Commons likewise to send ten of the chief of their Members to his Majesty in their own Names, and in the names of all the Commons of England, and they severally to cast themselves at his Majesty's feet, and with the utmost humility, and sense of duty and loyalty, plainly and briefly to lay open before him, the great danger his Royal person is in, from the present Plots, influences, villainous designs, and bloody conspiracies of the Papists, as also that of the Protestant Religion, and the ancient well established Government of this his Kingdom, and all his Majesty's Protestant Subjects; and likewise humbly to beg (as ever he regards the preservation of those,) since they were now so happily met together, to consult de arduis & urgentibus negotiis Regni, that his Majesty would be graciously pleased to let the Parliament continue to fit, that so he might thereby come to the knowledge of the steadiness of their loyalty, and affection for his service, till they had effected these great things, which would make him the most feared of Princes in this life, and his Name hereafter glorious in Chronicle, and which would most undoubtedly be to the Infinite Joy and satisfaction of all his loving and dutiful Subjects; if, I say, they should all thus meet and do; can any one imagine that he would resolutely withstand such an earnest prayer, and so universally put up to him by his whole Realm? let none offer to believe it; for nothing can truly be the Subject's interest and felicity, that is Independent on the King's: and where all join in hands and hearts, for the real good, peace, and prosperity of his sacred person, and his Kingdom, sure he cannot but gladly hear, he will not but affectionately grant.  
Jacob strove and wrestled in prayer, and did prevail accordingly 32 Gen. And although God had resolved Hezekiah's death, and to that end sent his Prophet Isaiah to tell him of it, as for certain, from him, with a thus saith she Lord, set thine House in order, for thou shalt die, and not live; (and here's a reduplication of the same thing, to denote, as it were, the Impossibility of the reversal;) yet when Hezekiah prayed unto the Lord, and beseeched him to remember, how he had walked, and what he had done, and wept sore before him in prayer, by way of an ardent importunity that his life might be prolonged; God was wrought upon by his unfeigned request, and he sent his Prophet again to him. saying, the Lord, the God of David thy Father, hath heard thy prayer, he hath seen thy tears, and he will add unto thy days fifteen years: Nay, he granted him more than his Petition, for he likewise promised to deliver both him, and his City out of the hands of the King of Assyria, and that he would be the defence of that City; and, to put it out of all manner of question, that he should not be so good as his word, he assured it by a sign, of bringing the shadow of the degrees which was gone down in the Sunn-dyall of Ahaz, ten degrees backward. All which you may read in 38 1s. from the first to the 9th. verse.  
But this is not by any way of Application, because Almighty God did hearken to Hezekiah's prayer, and was entreated of him to add a further continuance to his life, notwithstanding his seeming fixed resolution then to put a period to his day. here on earth, that therefore the people might come tumultuously and seditiously to offer up their Petitions to his sacred Majesty upon all occasions, when any particular discontented freagues should possess their heads; far be it from me to have the least of such a thought, for I would perish rather than maintain it: but yet methinks (since it is possible that KINGS may be misled by the false suggestions and informations of evil Consellors, to act, in some things, contrary to their own Royal interest, and the peace and prosperity of their truly Loyal Subjects,) provided they do not sin against any of the Common, or Statute Laws of this Realm, by joining in Petitions, for the Alteration of the Laws, etc. they need not be denied the making of their Addresses to him, in an humble and befiting manner, for these two Reasons.  
1. Because nothing can be more significative of the people's great and undoubted dependence on him for the redressing of all their grievances, than such a low and becoming prostration: 'Tis the highest duty and reverence that can be paid him, and that which,  
2. Does most assimilate him to God himself: who, as he is the most absolute, supreme being both of Heaven and Earth in his infinite wisdom, hath found out no other way for us, by which to perform our utmost submission and allegiance to Him than by this of prayer and fervent supplication: we can but fall down upon our Knees, when we would pay our highest adorations to the King of Kings; and He, in that tender mercy, which is over all his works, hath made that to be, our greatest duty, and sense of devotion, which is our most exalted felicity: what then can be more advancing of glory to an earthly KING, and what can be more expressive of deep humility in a subjected people, than such dutiful incurvations, in an observance of those Laws, of which he hath graciously been pleased to oblige himself to be the defendor, as well as of the Faith.  
And, therefore to conclude, if there be any like to Thomas Woolsey, (whom in 7. H. 8. was made Cardinal, and grew into the height of his Authority and favour with the King, and hates both Parliaments, and Common Laws, (the principal means to keep Greatness in order and due subjection,) as he did, 
Co. 2. Inst. fol. 626.  as it is contained in his Indictment, which he confessed of record, that he intended (to use the very words of the Record,) antiquissimas Angliae leges penitus subvertere, & enervare, universumque hoc Regnum Angliae, & ejusdem Regni populum legibus Imperialibus, vulgò dictis legibus civilibus, & earundem Legum Canonibus imperpetuum subjugare, & subducere, etc. and for the execution of his intended Plot, he was the means, that but one Parliament was holden in 14. years, viz. from the 7. year to the 21. of H. 8. I say, if any, in this particular, be like to the Cardinal, I pray God, in great mercy to this Nation, grant, that such wicked and damnable designs may some way or other be disclosed to his Sacred Majesty, that they may speedily receive the due deserts of such a treachery: For the ends of Parliaments are, 1. Regni Melioratio, the common good of the Kingdom, the Parliament being, as my Lord Coke says, the Commune Concilium: and 2. Exhibitio justitiae plenior, 
Co. Inst. 2.280.  for nothing is more glorious and necessary than the full execution of Justice: and as for the Common-Laws of England, the Nobility have ever had them in great estimation, and reverence, as their best birth right, and so have the Kings of England, 
id. fol. 97.  as their principal Royalty, and right belonging to their Crown and Dignity: This made H. 1. that noble King, Surnamed Beauclark to write to Pope Pasehal thus, 
Chart. H. 1.  Notum habeat Sanctitas vestra, quod me vivente (auxiliante Deo) dignitates & usus Regni nostri Angliae non imminuentur, & si Ego (quod absit) in tantâ me dejectione ponerem, Optimates mei, & totus Angliae populus, id nullo modo pateretur: Both which those Miscreants would utterly destroy, by causing a perpetual absence of Parliaments, and by making the Common Laws of England to truckle to the Canons of the Civil Laws of Rome.  
FINIS.