A LETTER TO A LORD, In ANSWER to a Late Pamphlet, entitled, The Causes of the present Fears and Dangers of the Government, In a DISCOURSE between a LORD-LIEUTENANT, AND One of his Deputies.  
LONDON: Printed for Tho. Bennet, at the Half Moon, in S. Paul's Church-Yard, 1692.   

My Lord,  
TO give Your Lordship a convincing Instance of my readiness to obey all your Commands, I have taken upon me the ungrateful Task, of returning you my Sentiments of the Pamphlet you were pleased to sand me to that purpose. entitled an Impartial Enquiry, &c. I must persist to call it an ungrateful Task, since our Author under the pretence of being a sincere Friend to the Government, one would reasonably imagine him to be its sworn Enemy; under the colour of honouring and reverencing the Person of the King; he does in truth so scandalously vilify and abuse him( especially through the sides of his best Servants) that his 20 pages are wholly made up of villainy and contradiction; and upon the slightest perusal of 'em, it will appear that the enquiry is as falsely styled impartial, as the Lord and Deputy Lieutenant are in the least worthy of the Honour, much less the Trust of those Employments.  
Your Lordship does very justly conclude from the manner of disposing this Book throughout your Country, and that in so great numbers, that it is not so honest as it should be; nor ought the character of the Persons you mention as its chiefest Patrons, to reverse the Sentence you have so justly past upon it. For if it is written in defence of the Government, why should not the Authors name be produced to own it? Or if he is a Man of more modesty than his works speak him; yet methinks in this case the Printer might have vouchsafed to have let us known what Family he is of, and what sort of Sign distinguishes his Lodgings from the rest of his Neighbours. As for the Gentlemen that disperse it, it is confessed they all pass and in the name of Williamites, so I presume does the Author too: But tho some of those you mention have really served the King in Parliament and elsewhere, yet your Lordship cannot but observe that there are many now disgusted that they enjoy not those Employments, Rewards and Profits which they had presented themselves withal in the wild imagination of their fancies. This is so bad a return for good Services, that the King could not be pardoned by 'em either for the natural support of his best Servants, or his compassionate clemency to some who had had the misfortune to transgress in the late Reign; but above all for his Protection of the Church of England, tho its Establishment is so highly according to Law. For were it otherwise, the Offices and Estates of the two former would be very acceptable to them; but the Revenues of the last must needs please with a more delightful Relish; so sovereign a Cordial is Sacrilege to a fanatic and a Commonwealths man; who if they please may call themselves Names, as Williamites and Anti-Jacobites, but it is to be feared they will not be long found truly to serve their King.  
We have not I think before, notwithstanding the extravagant Licence of the Press( even in its most legal sense) had a Dialogue under the Title of a Lord and Dep. Lieutenant, and therefore we must own our Pamphlet upon this account to be a Rarity; But methinks we might have expected from this Lord and this Gentleman some account of the Militia under their command; especially since in the title page., the discourse is founded upon Fears and Dangers, &c. how they might best be made unitable upon a sudden expedition? what sort of Discipline might soonest have made them Souldiers for the defence of their Country? what means would make the charge most easy? and the like. But instead of Tacticks, we find them Warlike Officers of Peace, own themselves to be both frighted, and then indeed you must not blame them for engaging upon the more harmless topic of politics. And then, since Fear is said to be a betrayer of the succours which reason offers, this Dialogue being made under a confused consternation, it ought not to be presumed that it carries much sense or reason along with it: By some part of their discourse, we must own indeed, that they are not so little Soldiers, but they can be bloody upon occasion: But then the mischief of it is, that instead of slaying their thousands and ten thousands of the French by the edge of the Sword, our Author is for having them make a mighty slaughter at home, by the more ignoble Execution of the Rope.  
And therefore since he is pleased to make this Nobleman and this Gentleman, fitter the one to be a Hangman, and the other a Headsman, than a Lord Lieutenant and his Deputy; I must beg his pardon if I cannot believe that Their Majesties employ any such Men in their Service; and therefore taking it for granted that those are fictitious Officers of his own; I shall take the liberty in running over what he makes 'em say, to own him as a Person of a much inferior Rank and Quality.  
To begin then, the first page. is made up of very few Lines: but to give the Author his due, he makes the most of his time and paper. For with a very short introduction, the Deputy accosts his Lordship with a parcel of interrogatories, which do not much seem to compliment the Government; as appears by his Enquiry into our weakness at Sea, with the improbability of our Descent into France, &c. and in the next place he inveighs at the greatness and novelty of the late Tax, and in an abusive manner he thinks witty, supposes that the Parliament gave the King so many Millions, as imagining that before Michaelmas next he should be Master of Paris; declaring that the Country could not have endured a Tax of Six Shillings in the Pound, had they not thought it to be the last, and that hereafter the sale of French Lands should satisfy the charge, 
Pag. 2.  which was now incumbent on the English. And at last then he comes to his point, and wonders extremely at the unreasonableness of raising the Militia, since in his Fright he thinks those very Soldiers should have been here for our Defence in England, whom just now he had employed, upon no less difficult an expedition than the Conquest of France.  
2. Thus our Author opens himself as a very humble Servant to the Government; and we shall not find him less complimental throughout his whole discourse. He concludes this harangue in anger, delivering the Government to be betrayed; a word he often uses and lays a mighty stress upon, and when he has taken it for granted that we are betrayed, he afterwards condemns whom he thinks fit for the guilt of that unnatural Treachery. And to say the truth if we are betrayed, I do not in the least doubt but this Gentleman can tell us truly, if he pleases, who it is we are to thank for it. But in good manners we must let his Lordship speak in his turn, and then we shall have a word to say to them both.  
My Lord, like a Man of good breeding, first compliments his Deputy for a Man of great Prudence and Integrity and Fidelity to the Government, 
Pag. 2.  and then opens to him the danger we have escaped if it may be said it is blown over: He informs us with what Dexterity Monsieur D'estree had got his Fleet and Transport Ships ready, 
Irish Eng. Sco. French and Swed.  how that the French King had lent K. J. 20000 Men, it seems all this Equipage of War was to have past over to Portsmouth, and the Isle of Wight, a small work of a few hours, and there had been an end of the business. He concludes indeed very piously, that had not the good God prevented the Fleets coming by contrary Winds for five Weeks, such was the backwardness of our Navy, such the industry of K. J. Agents, and those that are treacherous to the Government, the Militia had been so distracted and disturbed, as to have been prevented meeting together: He speaks of great Numbers of Horses bought up by the Jacobites in all parts, and that they boasted of the assurance they had of most of the Lieutenancy in London and elsewhere, as likewise Friends in the Army and Fleet, and that great numbers of the Nobility, Gentry and Clergy would immediately declare for K. James, speaking in the next Paragraph of greater Men not fit to be name that had made their Peace. And then he makes another condition, p. 3. That this design being known our Ruin had been inevitable had not contrary winds favoured us, against the Enemies of the Governments, and who should there be but many that are very near the Kings Person.  
As to the Deputies enquiry into the Weakness of the Fleet, I refer him for an answer to the Flag Officers; but more particularly Sir Ralph Dalavall and Admiral rook; and as to the improbability of the Descent into France, I presume the Duke of Lemston can give him satisfaction, whither that were feasible. As for the taking of Paris by Michaelmas( if he is serious) he makes his Country Acquaintance very silly, to imagine that to be a work of so short a time, and shows his Impudence more than his Wit in the supposition. Tho he and his Brethren labour all they can to prise the People; yet it is not in the least to be doubted, that what Taxes the King and Parliament shall think necessary for our defenee, will be as cheerfully paid as ever; especially since their last assistance, had produced such a success at Sea, as may be of more advantage to the English Nation, than if we were really Masters of that Paris our Author has such a mind to: And we doubt not, but by the blessing of God, and the conduct of our King, we may yet be blessed by a victorious progress of our Arms by Land. But the confidence of this Author, doth in that instance no more appear, than in his resentment for the raising of the Militia. For this D. being a member of the House of Commons, it is unconceivable that he should think it strange that the Militia should be summoned, who for these last three years together, gave his Vote in Parliament for the enacting a Law to enable the King to summon the Militia, when he should see occasion. So that for him now to quarrel at the execution of that which he himself gave all the assistance he was able to make a provision for, does argue him to be a malcontent of much malice, and little honesty.  
But now we come to his Lordship, I am indeed so far of his mind that I should think the English a very ungrateful as well as a wicked People, if we were not sensible of the many and great Blessings we have of late received from the bountiful hands of God Almighty; and particularly for the goodness of their Providence, which frustrated the wicked intentions of our Enemy, and preserved us from the ill consequences of a French Invasion. But he must pardon me if I am far from believing, that in case that medley of an Army consisting of 20000 I. S. E. 
Irish, Scotch, Eng. Fr. and Swiz.  F. and S.( it is to be supposed the scum and refuse of the Troops in the French service) could actually have landed as he concludes, without Opposition, and in the next place( with the assistance of their Friends scattered about in all Countries) they would have been so successfully triumphant, as to have totally subverted this Government. Indeed a beloved Protestant P. of Orange ( whose Errand was to rescue us from Popery and Slavery) could with 12000 Men( but with the Consent of the greatest part of the Kingdom) make an easy and uninterrupted March to the very Gates of Whitehall; but to suppose that an Army of 20000 Men, commanded by those whose business it was to destroy our Constitution, Religion, Laws, and Liberties, could possibly be so victorious, is a thought that highly reflects on the Honor and Gallantry of the English People. For certainly we are as much concerned and willing now to oppose our Destruction, as we were three Years ago to embrace our Preservation. But let us take a view a little of our Enemy which so much frightens this Lord, and consider the strength it appeared to be of, and then we shall see how justly he concludes, that the supposition of these Men landed, necessary implies so many Conquerors. He tells us the Army was made up of 20000 English, Irish, French, Scotch, and Suitz, 
English, Irish, French, Scotch, and Suitz.  and we know as well as he, that almost half of them were Irish; a very likely People to contribute much toward the Conquest of them, who have so often beat and routed them with the disadvantage of very unequal Numbers. Nor is it reasonable to imagine, that they who have been frighted out of their own Country, should be very magnanimous in the reduction of another, but more particularly that of England. We have some reason on the contrary to believe, by the Usage both of them and their Commander since, that they would rather choose to have come in to us, and accept our Protection rather than that of France, where they are treated not with the Respect of a formidable Body of Auxiliary Troops, but rather with the Scorn and Contempt of an undisciplined Rabble.  
And as for the Assistance of those who call themselves Jacobites, their Numbers, but their Fortunes more especially, are so inconsiderable, and withal they are so much from one another, that I must confess I cannot easily imagine, that much danger should be apprehended from that Quarter; and with his Lordships leave, I have so mean an opinion of their Strength, that I must conclude them to be a very cowardly Militia, that they could hinder getting into a Body. Surely our Author supposes the whole Militia of England to consist of such Officers, as one, who in our neighbouring Country signalized himself extremely. Whilst he was quartered with his Troop in the heart of the Country, no body was more valiant, no body more healthy; but when an Order came to command him and his myrmidons to the Sea cost, lined with the French Fleet, he rather choose to loose the Honor of Command, than run the hazard of getting an Ague, but that he might consult the Welfare of his Troop as well as his own private Health, he kindly put a Dr. of physic at the head of those Men, whom in his own person he had abdicated.  
But now let us consider, that at the time of this intended Invasion, we had an Army of 15000 disciplined Men, and good part of them as good Horse and Dragoons as the Earth bears. Besides, we have a Militia of above an hundred Thousand fighting, armed, and in some measure trained, Men; but above all this, the Body of the whole Kingdom so averse to the French Nation, and jealous of their getting any the least footing here, that nothing less than an universal Stupidity, a general Infatuation and Madness could have hindered us sacrificing an Enemy for the rashness of so bold a Visit. I do not say but that such a Body landed might have done a great deal of Mischief, and spilled much Blood, before they could be suppressed, and therefore we cannot be too thankful to God Almighty for his delivering us from such an Invasion; but I cannot believe that in any sort of probability, the Expedition could have ended in Conquest. Insomuch, that thô many of King James's Friends are very much disappointed, in not seeing him in England, as having thought Whitehall the next step yet those that do best love him and his Interest, I am verily persuaded do very much rejoice in their Hearts, that he was hindered from making so hazardous an enterprise so very slightly attended for the Conquest of a Nation so universally bent against him, but more particularly avers'd to the Prince and People from whom he received his Succours.  
But now come we more particularly to the Causes of his Lordships Fright. For besides the Army that was to land( which he supposes to be of itself sufficient for Conquest) it seems, King James's Adherents boasted very much of the Assistance they had of the greatest Numbers of the Lieutenancy of most Counties, but especially of London, and of other Partakers in the Army and Fleet, and great Numbers of the Nobility, and Gentry and Clergy that would immediately declare for him. But for Godsake where has this Gentleman this Intelligence? One would think by this Discovery that our Author was one of the Managers of Mr. Fuller, or were himself well qualified enough for an Evidence. But when he comes to produce his Authority, he has nothing to say, but the Adherents of King James did boast of all these matters; and immediately after, he supposes these Gentlemen to be a formidable Party, he is pleased to compliment 'em with the Title of Men of desperate Fortunes, who being so few in Number, and so inconsiderable in Purse, surely they would frighten no body but this bashful Lord and D. Lieutenant; but he does 'em a great deal of Honor, to take it for granted all their Treacheries were to come to pass, because they boasted so; and by that we may suppose him to wish and fear the same thing. But pray how long has their Authority been so good? They have boasted for these two Years at least, That the King would certainly be restored in a few Months; and yet, God be thanked, we are still happy under the Government of King William and Queen Mary. They have boasted that the French Fleet would blow ours out of the Water; but yet we have the good Fortune to gain such a Victory over them, as never was known at Sea, since the Use of Navigation. Many other things likewise have they boasted, which never did, nor never can come to pass. But since our Author will have it, that such Gentlemen as he is pleased to mention were to betray us, let us examine a little the Truth of the Supposition, and it will appear that there is much Malice, and no Truth in the Accusation.  
We are in the first place to do right to the Lieutenancy of England; and since he is pleased particularly to suppose that of London to be treacherous, we shall speak to that, and make our estimate of other Counties, by what we shall see in the Officers of the City, &c. The private Officers of the Lieutenancy there, the majority of them, at least, are known to be very honest Gentlemen; and it is presumed our Author thinks otherwise, because they are all notorious Friends to the Church of England; and we very lately saw that they were more than ordinary forward and active in a time of that danger, that so frighted his Lordship into the Country. And I must tell our Author, that he is very impudent for his unmannerly Distinction, since the Queen was pleased so fully and so publicly to declare her entire Satisfaction of the Fidelity of these Men, whom one of the Authors Acquaintance and Principles would have represented to her, as Gentlemen who had Honor and Honesty little enough, to serve King James, with her Commission in their Pockets. And since her Majesty did them the Honor and Right of her Satisfaction, I must differ from our Author, and I say he very basely abuses them in laying Treachery to their charge.  
But it seems the Army is treacherous too, the greatest part of it, we all know, is with the King abroad, and they have all along been posted so near the French, that surely, if there were any Numbers of King James's and the French King's Interest, we should here have heard of their Desertion: But instead of that, by all Accounts that came over, we are given to understand, that as there never was such a Body seen, for their Behaviour, cheerfulness, Order, and Gallantry, so particularly are they on all hands commended for a more than ordinary Zeal that appears in both Officers and Soldiers for the Service, and such is their forwardness for Action. That tho it is always to be commended in them as Subjects to the King, yet it is sometimes to be restrained in them by the General of the Confederate Army, who best knows when 'tis his advantage to give the Enemy battle. And our latest Accounts from Flanders have made our Author appear to be a great Villain, in supposing Treachery to be in the Army, when they make our Men, with all the Disadvantage both of Post and Numbers, to have worsted the French with so much Gallantry, that a foreign Commander thought himself obliged to do the English Engaged the justice of affirming, They fought like Caesars.  
It is confessed that there are lately some Officers clapped up in the Tower and elsewhere, upon some Information against them; but since her Majesty has been pleased to give them not only their Liberty, but continues them, all but one, in her pay, it is more reasonable to accuse their Informers, either of Malice or Falsehood, than these Gentlemen of Treachery or Disloyalty. It is more just to suppose our Author knew who were thus to be disgraced, and what the danger of it was at bottom, than to imagine that he really believes the Army to be thus tainted.  
But now we come to the Fleet. The Officers there have lately certainly spoken so well for themselves, that they stand not in need of any Advocate. It is to be supposed, that a Commander at Sea can show his Treachery no otherwise, than in carrying over his Ship to the Enemy, and persuading others to do the like. Now, it is matter of Fact, that if there were such a Design in great Numbers of them( as our Author will have it) there never was such an opportunity; nay King James never had such an occasion for their Revolt: But instead of doing this, we have lost not a single Ship, but by the Conduct, Courage, and Loyalty of our Officers here, and Seamen under their Command, have destroyed a great Number of the Enemy.  
All which, with the addition of the Honor the Queen was pleased to do the Commanders, in ordering her Secretary of State, in a Letter to the Fleet, to express her entire satisfaction of their Fidelity, notwithstanding the ill report of malicious People( such as our Author) does abundantly evidence to the World, that these Gentlemen are scandalously wronged by some, who mean nothing less than the putting all things in confusion, by disquieting the Fleet and Army, and any other Body or Order of Men that contribute to the Security of the Nation.  
Thus far we find the Military part of the Kingdom very faithful, and very zealous in the Service, and by doing so, the danger is very much lessened. Our Author and his Party would represent to be so extravagant to the People of the Country.  
But now let them look to their Nobility and Gentry, who likewise in great numbers were to declare for K. James. I doubt not in the least, but this Accusation is as false as the other two. That there are some few in England, who not only wish well to King James, but possibly would contribute in their Persons to his Restauration, is so commonly known, that I suppose our Author does not tell us that for News: But that there are great Numbers of the Nobility and Gentry so disposed, I cannot possibly believe. At the time that the Invasion was threatened, they in all Countries shewed a sufficient Zeal for our Cause, and a hearty Resolution for its support.  
And if he will let the House of Lords pass for the Nobility, and the Commons represent the Gentry, the vast Sums they have so cheerfully given for our Defence, will best show how they stood affencted. It is true, there were lately some, both of the Nobility and Gentry, taken up by the Government, so were they two Years ago, when the French were upon our cost, but yet we saw them at liberty again for want of Evidence; and since most of these are, through the Queens Favour, now at large, if Suspicion only were not the Motive for their being secured, yet it looks as if their Accusation were not just, or at least not well enough attested, to occasion a trial at Law.  
But now for the Gentlemen of the Long rob; it is known that many of them were to declare for King James. I should very much wonder if our Author had left the Clergy out of his black List of Traytors: But it is not much for the Honor of his Lordship, that he should be frighted by a parcel of unarmed, undisciplined Gentlemen. He wishes, I doubt not, that they would do any thing to encourage the downfall of their Establishment, and when he can find no real fault to disgrace 'em, he is forced to make 'em guilty of imaginary Crimes, by that means recommending them to the civil Usage of the Mob.  
But pray where are these Doctors to be found that were to declare? He says it is known, that it was intended that many of 'em would; but he must give the World leave not to believe him, since we find not any of them either hanged, drawn, or quartered. One would imagine by this Charge, that the celebrated Mr. Young had writ this Pamphlet; for I dare say, if many of the Clergy are supposed to be in a Plot against the Government, there is no better Evidence to be found for it, than the counterfeit Subscription of a Flower pot Association.  
The Author's Party did all they could to return their Thanks to the Bishop of R. for doing 'em justice in his History; and if they could have prevailed, would have prevented his Lordship from taking the like trouble hereafter. A Stranger indeed, with our Author, might suppose, by seeing two Centrys at the Doors of a Bishop, at a time of an expected Invasion, that a wise prelate had followed the unprevailing late Example of a silly one, and the Government cannot in the least be blamed for having a Guard upon a Man of any profession who was accused with no less colour of Truth, than the reading of a Hand he himself could hardly deny to be his own, were he not certain it could never consent to the signing a Paper he so justly abhors in his Mind. But all those who had the good fortune to know him, were sure that his Lordships Fidelity to the Government was so sincere, that in the end he must be found innocent, whenever he should have an opportunity of confronting his Accusers; and that it would appear, that the Malice of a Party against Dr. Sprat, had a design upon the Life, or at least the Disgrace of the Bishop of Rochester. To do it justice, I will not suppose that it was to end there; for I conclude the whole Order was to suffer in some degree in him, and his Misfortunes, to cast an undelible Blot on the whole Bench. But the Barbarity of this Forgery will appear yet farther, when we find the late Archbishop too, hooked into the Plot, when we find that unfortunate Person accused of being to join in the Bustle of an Invasion, whose Temper is known to be so peaceable, that he delights more in the retirement of his private Fortune, than ever he did in the splendour of his more exalted condition. But it pleased God Almighty to discover the unparalleled villainy so plainly, and the Government upon it so entirely abhorred the Perjury, that they both have got Honour by the Impeachment, and it is not to be doubted that my Lord of Rochester will ever find their Majesties disposed to make him amends for a Suspicion they could not then avoid having of him. In Their good time it is hoped, that these young Beginners in false Evidence, will be prevented from taking their Doctors Degree in that odious Science, if by their having formerly undergone the Exercise of the Pillory, they may not be said already to have arrived at their Dignity. It is said of one of them( how truly I know not) that being in Goal under the Condemnation of paying a Hundred Marks, for the Forgery of a Bill of Exchange, some great Man or other sends him the money, and gives him his liberty, which, it seems, he made a very pious use of, by turning Evidence immediately against this worthy Member of the Clergy, and it seems he thought fit to make some of the Sword his Parties in the Treason. But I shall no more mind Reports, than the most affirming Asseverations of our Author. But assured I am that( by as much as has appeared above-board) there never was to be produced a more flagrant Instance of the highest Villainy. But his Lordship was pleased( according to his good Nature) instead of resenting this kind Design upon his Life, to advice 'em of all things to repent; and I must beg leave to give the same Counsel to our Author, who very much imitates such knavish Proceedings, by the falsehood of his Suggestions.  
Thus my Lord you see that the Lieutenancy, the Army, Fleet, Nobility, Gentry, and Clergy, are very falsely charged with Disaffection to the Government; and I have been forced to be thus tedious, that I might do each of them Justice, who all may be accused in general in a few Words, but it requires many Lines to clear them distinctly from the Malice of the Aspersions. I shall not be very particular in answering all the Cant that follows, because I dare not trespass too much upon your Lordships and my own Patience. But by what you see already of our Authors, I dare say your Lordship will think that he has a much better opinion of a Conventicle and a Common-Wealth, than those inseparable Establishments, the Church of England, and Monarchy.  
It is now the Deputy's turn to reply to his Lordship, who it seems has frighted him beyond measure; and he will have it, that their Majesties were betrayed, and that we are in as much danger of utter Ruin, as at the beginning of the happy Revolution: And it seems his reason for it is, that some People have too much Power with the King. We shall find by this and several other hints, that our Deputy very much wants a Place at Court, and without it the Country will not be contented. If this Gentleman could succeed in his Wishes, we should as certainly find him change his Language, as we hear of a certain Member that in that House can give battle to the Court, and at Whitehall recant with all the good Manners imaginable. But it is now agreed betwixt his Lordship and his Deputy, to give the History of Mismanagement ever since the Revolution, and we must give them the Civility of a hearing. It seems the Commons, long ago complained of ill and unfaithful Instruments about the King, and were so kind as to name some and decipher others, and were further so obliging to his Majesty, as to sand to him to know who advised him to employ some of King James's Instruments in Places of great Trust and Importance( all which I suppose our Author knows to be Places of great Profit too) here it seems they found no good Effect of all their Endeavours. What pity it is that so pious a Design as that of persuading the King to turn off many of his best Friends, without any sort of Proof, either of Inability or want of Inclination to serve him faithfully, should meet with so ill success.  
But pray my Lord prepare yourself to hear the whole cause of our Misfortunes, which you may do without the danger of Melancholy; for what our unskilful Author intended for a Tragedy, will appear to have much more of the Comedy in it.( p. 4.)  
Could your Lordship believe, that our Author( who calls himself an humble Servant to K. W.) could imagine there was Treachery in the case, when he saw the P. of O. pass Salisbury without Opposition? and with the Protestants great Applause? We may reasonably suppose, that if his Highness had expected much Opposition, he would have brought over a more numerous Army, especially if he imagined the Protestants would not applaud his Undertakings; for it is to be feared, that if they had behaved themselves otherwise, the whole Force of the States General would have been able to have got very little Footing in England. Surely our Author is of the same Understanding as the Scotch Lord in K. James's Court at Salisbury, who when it was  told him that a Brigade of 5000 Men were gone over to the Prince of Orange, rejoiced extremely, and thought his Masters Army to be greater, for no better a Reason, than that it was so much less. So it seems our Friend thinks that Opposition would have conveyed the Prince sooner to Whitehall than no Interruptions at all; and that the Protestants Applause would infallibly ruin him, whom he came to save. Our Irish Disputant it seems would have had the Prince expect the Applause of the Papists, whom he came over on purpose to remove from all Places of Trust, according to the Will of our ancient Laws. In short, he is so much out of humour, that he cares not what he says, true or false, so that he may any way vent his Spleen. But to follow him farther, He very much condemns the Council that was given that Prince to consent to a Treaty with the King, and that he should be upon equal terms with a Parliament; and Grievances redressed, he should return home again with a good sum of Money, &c. But it seems all this Treachery was prevented by K. James's cowardice, which put him in the princes Disposal. You may see, how like a Villain our Author would abuse the King himself: It is plain in his Declaration, that his Errand here was to leave the Redress of Grievances to the Parliament; that, that over, he intended to return home, without the mean expectation of that Bribe our Author spoken of. As to the Person of the King, which he says was in the princes Disposal, it is plain he never designed to violate it in the least; as appears by his suffering that Dereliction to be voluntary, which he could have wholly prevented if he had pleased: so that it seems it was Treachery to advice the Prince to follow his own Inclinations, and the Letter of his Declaration. As for his Highness's being advised to be proclaimed King by the Army, I doubt not in the least it is a Chimera of our Author's; and I'm confident the Army would as little have complied with it as the Prince himself, the fulfilling of his Declaration being the desire of them both. And where was the hurt of advising to get together the scattered Soldiers of King James, with a Promise of paying their Arrears? The Charge was nothing; for( to do King James Justice) the Army was paid beyond the time of his leaving them: and whatever our Author supposes them to be raised for, 'tis plain by their behaviour and Service in Ireland, they were far from endeavouring the Destruction of our Religion and Government: and I cannot but believe that by the advantage of having been long in Service, they were more to be desired by his then Highness( who is an excellent General) than those imaginary Troops and Companies he supposes several Counties and Cities would present him withal.  
The next Treachery was to address the King not to accept of my Lord Tyrconnel's frank Offers immediately to deliver up the Kingdom, which it seems has been concealed, but Doctor King has brought that matter to light, and accordingly I leave it to any Impartial Judge of these Papers, to consult his Book between us; and wherein it will not so plainly appear, that it was either in that Lords Inclination or Power to deliver up that Kingdom, &c.  
As for the long Debate our Author mentions to have been in the House of Lords, occasioned by the difference of Opinions, whither a Regency were most expedient, or a Declaration of the Vacancy of the Throne? I dare not presume to give my judgement of the proceedings of a Body of Men so infinitely above my condition; nor is it any great sign of modesty in our Author to make so bold with their Lordships, tho under the conceited Quality of a Lord Lieutenant. What private ends and designs some particular Men, in both sides might have, I cannot tell; but I am sure it is good manners to suppose the Majority at least of so noble an Assembly, built their arguments in so weighty a Cause, upon the solid Foundations of Honour and Conscience: And tho it happened that almost an equality were for the Regency, yet I do not conceive that many of their Lordships intended K. J. any kindness by it; and the conditions they imagined the Parliament to have proposed, would have been such as the French King would never have suffered him to submit to, and consequently it was by some supposed, that the Regal Title as well as Power, would soon devolve upon the Regent by the unanimous consent of the whole Nation. This I have heard to be the Opinion of some Lords, who neither before nor since have been in the least in the late Kings Interest: I only mention this to show, that this argument tho possibly wrong in itself, and altogether impracticable might yet be well intended, even for the service of the present King; as appears by many of those Peers, who were against the Vacancy, but are since as true Friends and as faithful Servants to King William as any that opposed the Regency. There are many of these to be name, but I shall at present particularise only in two, the one in the State, the other in the Army: The first is the Earl of Nottingham, who is one of our Authors treacherous Ministers, tho he has more regard to his Ears than down right to spell his name. Has any Man in the Kings Dominions of what condition soever been so painfully industrious for the public Service? Does not the business of the Kingdom wholly take him up from the least inspection into his own private Affairs? One would think that the satisfaction his Lordship gives to the King, and Queen, in the Character he bears under them, with the Content and Applause of the whole Confederacy he transacts with, should silence such malicious Tongues especially from the charge of Treachery. There have been endeavours 'tis true to pin this upon him, both in the House of Lords and Commons; but the Journal of the first will roundly show his Lordships innocence, as well as that Vote of the other House, which speaks so favourably of Mr. Fuller's Accusations and Impeachments. Then for the Army, let the World Judge whither the Duke of O. who 'tis true was for the Regency, has not acquitted himself as faithfully and bravely as any that were against it. The King is pleased to think so doubtless by advancing him this Summer to the Command of a mayor General: And methinks his noble Example( instead of provoking the trifling Pen of a Pamphleteer) should raise an Emulation in our young Nobility and Gentry, to share in the greatest danger their Prince exposes himself to, that they may at last when they return have as reasonable a claim to the reputation that will be got abroad by our English Gallantry; as partake of the good effects of an honourable peace which it may purchase.  
But tho it be the whole drift of our Author throughout his Pamphlet, to render many of the best Lords about the King as Friends to K. J. and Enemies to the Government; yet at the end of the 5 pages, he says, when the Two Houses were agreed about the Vacancy, no body was more for promoting and magnifying the Kings Interest, than those whom he just now fell so foul on, as his chiefest adversaries; and it seems they continued so even in this particular, for he says, This dutiful Inclination of serving him was only Treachery; for they intended to magnify the Prerogative without troubling themselves to secure the Rights of the People: You may see he is as full of malice as contradiction, by his being so very violent against many of the chief Ministers; first for being against the Vacancy, and next for behaving themselves so entirely for the Service of Their Majesties and the Government. So that in short he is not to be pleased by any body, that shall appear either for the Monarchy, or Church.  
But the Gentlemans good nature is not to be stinted here, and we shall I doubt be forced to conclude that Mr. F. poor abdicated Mr. F. is the Man who would pass for this great Friend to the Government. It is very happy that his Friendship is now thought so much to resemble that of his predecessor Judas, as to be no longer judged safe to rely upon it.  
It was very treacherous advice( it seems) in those that were about the King, to advice him to an act of indemnity: We shall soon see what it is he means by it. Here are some it seems that ought to have been hanged, but God forbid they should be any of his own Party; for it was never known that Men Out law'd for Treason, &c. ever came to the Gallows. It is some of the Church of England he plainly points at, that ought to have been examples to Posterity.  
As for the Roman catholics, I dare say our Author likes them too well to have them suffer for the Violation of our Laws. It was a natural Temptation for them under the smiles of a Popish Prince to grasp at Power, and therefore the Fault not criminal; and besides he will say, that now it is our Interest, upon the account of our Allies, to treat them with Tenderness and Moderation. So here is one Party of Men out of danger.  
Then as for his Dissenting Friends, surely our Author cannot imagine, that they should be exempted from Grace in a Monarchy where they have shewed themselves to be so good Friends to it. For did they not most readily, and most devoutly, comply with the most unreasonable Expectations of the Late King, tho a Popish Prince? Were they not willing to take off the Penal Laws and Test, tho by consequence it established Popery? Does not this show how dearly they love Kingly Government? And how hard a case it had been to have made so many honest Gentlemen have paid 500 l. apiece only for the omission of a small Ceremony( which they are known always to abominate) the acting without taking the Oaths?  
Well then, since there is so much Innocence in Papists, and their Friends of the other Party, it remains that our Author would have the Church of England, to pay the reckoning for the whole. Poor Church indeed! as a certain Dr. said upon the preferment of a Young Gentleman: Had not this Church the impudence to oppose Popery all along? did not her Bishops rudely choose to be suspended, nay confined to a Prison, rather than comply with the King, where he would have had them be the Instruments of their own subversion? Did not many of her Members in Colleges naughtily make room for Papists to come into the Universities, and by that means suffer them to be debauched with ill Principles, rather than accept of a President of his Majesties choosing?  
Why truly all this the Church did and a great deal more, and will ever persevere in so doing; and for this reason they ought to be accepted out of the indemnity. The truth of it is, if either of those Two Parties can prevail to alter the Government, we do not expect much favour in the next Act of Grace. But methinks our Author is very unmannerly in inveighing against the King for his Clemency: 
Pag. 9.  A Virtue which hereafter in the framing the History of his heroic Life, must vie with that other of His extraordinary Bravery and Undauntedness of Mind, which shall contribute most to his Glory. And I am afraid, that had His Majesty been more bloody in the Execution of those who contributed to the introducing of Popery and Slavery( as our Author would have it) if Slavery is the consequence of Popery, our Pamphleteer might have lost many Friends by no very honourable a Death. For it must be a very strange Impudence that can deny, that the R. C. and Dissenters, in the latter end of K. J. Reign went hand in hand to the Establishment of Popery, and then it follows of Slavery too, and then it follows again, that according to his own notion they ought to have suffered. But it seems here were some Gentlemen declared by the Parliament to be Murderers who should have been prosecuted; pray who are they? and who are the Witnesses that are to prove their villainies committed on the Persons of the common Defenders of our Religion and Liberties? Are they the Fullers, the Youngs, or the— or have we a second form of Evidences, that are to make out this discovery? Pray Sirs, let me advice you to let this be soon done, or else the season for Flower-Pots will be over, and the Papers exposed to the danger and fury of an unmerciful Element. I shall say little to this head, as being very sorry for the Death of any Man, especially of Quality.  
But I must put our Author in mind, that if those murders be so very plain as he says, they had very ill luck before a Committee of the House of Lords, not to detect that of an unfortunate Nobleman, which lay so long under their Examination.  
As for the next miscarriage, the not punishing those who delivered up Charters, &c. Let 'em be punished by my consent; provided that the Magistrates who were afterwards of those Towns, who acted without taking the Oaths and presented nauseous Addresses, wherein they promised to take off the Penal Laws and Test, have their share of the Punishment; and then I am sure we shall be more than quits.  
His Lordship in the next place inveighs against his own and the Lieutenancy of England; but we have already spoken to that in the beginning of this Paper: And we are now come to his producing the miscarriages in Ireland; that there have been such I doubt not in the least; being very willing to do our Author justice, whenever I can find him speaking any thing like Truth; but I must own myself not to be Politician enough to understand the reasonableness of his accusation in every particular. For instance, I know not in how good a condition the Treasury was at first to put out those Fleets our Author mentions; and whether it was advisable at that time to spare the Army out of England, and the like. It is a reflection that affords abundance of melancholy to look back and consider the great loss of Men and Money during the War; and I wish with all my heart,( as doubtless the King does in a greater measure) that where the Fault lay, them that were guilty of it might be brought to condign punishment: But I am confident our Author does very much wrong the English Army( p. 11.) when he says their Officers were for a lasting War, in a Country where little was to be got but Death and Sickness. The falsehood of this accusation will yet farther appear in that forwardness of the Army last year, where the rashest things that ever were seen were undertaken, that a conclusion might be put to the War; Insomuch that considering the hazard of several of their attempts, their success was little less than a Miracle.  
As for the Secret of Hamilton's being sent to Tyrconnel, I must own I know nothing of it; but I have heard it said, that in Ireland, when he was a Prisoner, he affirmed that there was nothing in it, and I presume very little Success was expected from his being there. Neither have I any thing to say to the Conduct of those Officers he mentions first sent to the Relief of Londonderry, only you must give me leave to say he wrongs one at least, when he supposes him to be guilty of Treachery, that is mayor Tiffany; for he has behaved himself so remarkably well for the Service, that his Regiment has had the honor of Their Majesties Thanks and a particular Gratuity. But tho I presume not to interpose for the rest of the Gentlemen, that are now living and may speak for themselves, because most believe them faulty, since his Majesty has been pleased to dismiss them his Service; yet in common Humanity I think myself obliged to vindicate the dead. For his Aspersion upon mayor General kirk is so very barbarous, that the World ought to be undeceived in the matter.  
He very impudently abuses him, when he says, that at his first coming near Londonderry, there was no Bomb, no Castle or Breast Works to interrupt his relieving the Town; and shows either his Ignorance or Resolution of persisting in an Untruth, when he takes his landing Coll. Steward with some Forces in the Isle of Inch, to be more a design of Pleasure than an enterprise of good Conduct. And he is a very pretty Gentleman for pretending to impose upon People, by affirming that he was reveling and feasting in a Place where they had no Provisions at all( excepting a little Biscate) but what they could get by the Sword. And it is very plain, that by Landing these men, and going on himself, he occasioned King James's Army to quit a Siege, which not so much the Gallantry of the Londonderry men( which ought always to be reverenced) or the Ignorance or cowardice of the Enemy made unsuccessful. In short the King, who is so experienced in Arms, very much approved of Kirk's behaviour in this matter, and had afterwards so great a Value for his Conduct in Ireland, that he now does his Memory the honor of lamenting his Fall, as the loss of one of his best Commanders. But I shall not wonder at our Author's Freedom with this unfortunate Gentleman, for I take it for granted, it proceeds from his having justly executed some of his nearest Relations at Taunton-Dean.  
Our Lord Lieutenant in the next Paragraph( pag. 12.) very gravely asks his Deputy, Whether none in his House did blushy whilst these Treacheries were discovering? I swear I think both they and our Author ought to blushy, to call every Accident that happens a Treachery, and to lay the charge of Treachery on the shoulders of our best Ministers, because many things they are not concerned in, do not succeed.  
As for example; Here is Treachery in these worthy Lords whose Zeal is so visible, and their Services so eminent, because the Army for Ireland suffered so very much, by the delay of Transport Ships, Artillery, Horses, and Provisions.( pag. 12) as Stores, biscuits, Meal, &c. It is very sure then he says that there was a great Fault in this matter, and the King was cheated of a great deal of Money on this Occasion; and the Army defrauded of abundance of Money; and therefore for all that I know there may be Treachery in this matter; But why in the Lords? If you had considered well of this last Accusation, I suppose you would have suppressed it, for you force us to put you in mind that there is an honest Gentleman now abroad, of your intimate Acquaintance I doubt not, who rather choose to undergo the Fatigue of traveling towards a Heathenish Country, than stay at home to be catechized upon this point by a Christian House of Commons.  
But here are still more Grievances to maintain a Dialogue between his Lordship and his Friend,( pag. 13.) The principal Noblemen it seems, and Gentlemen who had hazarded their Lives and Fortunes for his advancement to the Throne, were disgusted because he would not part with some about him from his Court and Councils: That is, in plainer English, they were angry that they were not advanced to the Places of those who were more able to serve the King in Church and State than themselves. And therefore it was that they were pleased to trouble His Majesty with no less reasonable a Petition, than that of removing from his Person, no less nor no more Men than the marquis of Caermarthen, the marquis of Halyfax, the Earls of Nottingham, Rochester, &c. who are known to have ventured their Fortunes and Lives so hearty and so successfully for their Majesties Service; and then our Author after this familiarity with the King, to impose upon him their choice of Ministers, wonders extremely at the dissolution of the Convention. He very meanly argues, that the dissolution of that Body weakened in the least his Title to the Throne, or any thing like it: but I am sure he does more wrong to the Prerogative if he pretends that of Right it ought to be perpetual. Neither were his Proclamations against the Irish-Rebels cancelled by this,( pag. 14.) as is falsely suggested. He would willingly say a great many Miscarriages upon this Advice, as the delay of the relief of Ireland two or three Months, the loss of the Money Bills, the starving of Duke Schomberg's Army, the prevention of a provision for an early Fleet; this is easily said; all which I am sure do not belong to that Council: and it is to be feared that that Convention, after such a Message as they sent to the King, was not in a good humour enough, to have gone on very hearty with the Business of the Nation; and by a very loyal Address that was carried the King at Kensington, the majority of his best Friends in that House, both for Estates and Interest, thought those Proceedings of the King's worthy of their best Thanks; and the French, instead of rejoicing at this,( pag. 14) thought it a Council very much to their disadvantage.  
That our Fleet had the worst of it at Sea is too sure; but 'tis as sure, that we were infinitely inferior to them in Number, Ships, and Men, and where the fault was I pretend not to determine, but hearty submit to the examination of my Superiors. But I must not wonder, that whatever happens it is the Church of England and her Members occasioned it; as our Author may remember was mighty prettily made out in a Pamphlet that came out just after our loss at Sea: it was they that lost the battle, they that burnt the Anne, they that destroyed the Dutch, and I suppose they that have occasioned the Scarcity of Corn, that our great reins this Summer may produce, or any other Accident that occurs; it is they that are to be thanked for it, by the pretty Logicians of this Age. I was in hopes our Friend had done with railing at those who persuaded the King to an Act of Grace, whereby the Murders, Treason, and other high Crimes done before his coming to the Throne were left unpunished. That there were a great many Injustices and Oppressions done, and particularly by those of our Authors Principles, even under the pretence of assisting the P. of Orange to make his way to London in all Countries, cannot but be known and confessed; but it was such Gentlemen as He, then chiefly stood in need of two Acts of Parliament for their indemnity, and indeed of so mean Fortunes are many of our Patriots, that it had been too heavy a Tax imposed upon them, had they been obliged to make Restitution: And then if it be so low with them, how can we blame 'em for being angry at other Peoples having Offices about the Court, the gleaning of which they so much want. I shall take no further notice of the rest of the 15th. page.. it being a stupid and seuerilous Repetition of what has been often said before, endeavouring to disaffect the Country without any show of reason at all.  
But to show that our Author is all of a piece as to his Malice, the engaging the King in a War abroad, is, it seems, an Act of Treachery in those honest Gentlemen about the King, tho it was really the solemn Petition of the Parliament, and consequently of the whole People of England, to declare War against France, and it has been a repeated Vote of the House of Commons, to stand by the King with their Lives and Fortunes in the prosecution of it, as well by Land as Sea: Is the whole Parliament then treacherous? or will our Author dare to affirm that the House of Commons are disloyal? And pray what does he mean by the Enemies of King William persuading him to hazard his Person in Flanders? All the World knows, to his immortal Honor, that by his undergoing the glorious Trouble of heading the Confederate Forces against France, he has not only for many years got to himself an exalted Renown, but by his personal Opposition procured to this part of the disturbed World abundance of Security. He has from his earliest Youth delighted to be in the heat of Service; and if upon a War of the Parliament's advising, he is proclaimed Generalissimo of all the King of France's Enemies on this side, if he appears in Person to execute this noble Command, is it the effect of Treacherous Councils? It is indeed our Misfortune, that his too forward Bravery exposes us to the danger of so great a loss as his Fall must be not only to Us, but all Europe; but it is our Happiness on the other side, never to be so likely of Success as under his Conduct. And our Author very much abuses his Majesty in supposing that it is not his Inclination to be with his Troops, when all the World knows, he takes not so much delight in any thing, as endeavouring in Person to suppress the French Interest.  
But we see our Author, under the disguise of a Well wisher to the King, intends nothing like a compliment to him, as may be seen by the following Paragraphs( p. 16.) wherein he exposes our loss of Mons, and there the falling upon the Rear of the Confederate Army; and ridicules our doing nothing at Sea all that Summer; I have heard some reasons given for the last Miscarriage, which I perceive our Author does not much care to know.  
But now as if this Gentleman had penned the Paper before hinted, after our former ill Success at Sea, the Clergy are to be accused again as the Authors of all this Mischief.  
( Pag. 16.) His Malice is great, and his Ignorance so apparent, as to the Oaths he pretended were to be explained and taken, as to take off the Obligation of Obedience to the King and Queen, it is too great a loss of time to give him an Answer upon this Subject; and since he has instanced in two such eminent Men as Dr. Sherlock and the Bish. of S. Asaph, and in both abusively, if they think it worth their while to bestow a few Lines, by way of Correction upon him, they are abundantly able to make the Fool appear in him as bright as the Knave.  
His Charge for their shifting the Examination of the Legitimacy or falsehood of the Prince of Wales his Title, is as silly as what follows likewise is false, that they( meaning the Clergy) from thence took occasion to pity him, and concern themselves about his Education. All this they no more did, than our Author is capable of clearing so easily this Point, which other People are not so concerned about, to lay so much stress upon.  
But it seems here is a new Grievance, and that is, That our Justices of the Peace, throughout all England, ( whose faithful Execution of the Law is the Strength of the Government) are such as would now certainly bid King James welcome, and many of them so scandalous in their Morals that the Queen was constrained, by Proclamation, to order the Execution of the Laws against Debauchery even among themselves.  
I am very sorry that the Nation has such Justices of the Peace as our Author mentions, for his sake, especially since no small number of 'em are of his Communion, and for that reason I may join with him, that they would willingly bid King James welcome. For if, as he says, their faithful execution of the Law is the Strength of the Government, so on the other hand their abuse of it may be looked upon as its Subversion, they are in a fair way of bringing in that Prince upon us again. For if these grave, but hearty, Administers of Justice, shall think fit to clap up Gentlemen, Clergy, and others in their respective Countries, contrary to Orders received from above, without Accusation, without formality of a Warrant, &c. can they be called just Executioners of the Law? And if not, our Author owns 'em to be Enemies to the Government. As for the Queens Letter to several of these, who are confessed to be too debauched, certainly her Majesty shew'd her Prudence and Piety in endeavouring to restrain them under their respective Irregularities, who were to set a good Example, that they might with a better grace restrain 'vice in others. But it's to be feared, that the most religious Command from the Hand of a Queen, will have but little effect upon the Manners of those, who have a better esteem of the Power and licentiousness of a Commonwealth.  
The 17th. page. is spent in railing, as before, against all in Authority in the State, Army, and Church, and has been already sufficiently spoken to. The Queen is highly accused of harkening to ill Advice, when she commanded the Militia to be raised, which I suppose proceeds from the Fears we find these two Officers under, in the beginning of this Paper. And with reverence be it spoken, if all the Officers of her Militia over England were like these, I presume it would not be advisable for her Majesty to raise 'em, since they would want both the good Will and good Courage to serve her. But God be thanked, that is not our Case, and 'tis hoped our Gentry can never want Honour and Bravery for the Defence of their Country.  
The 18th. and 19th. Pages are wholly taken up in showing how much for our Advantage it had been to have converted all our Money to the Building of Ships, and he says for many reasons, those were Enemies to the Government that advised the King to a War by Land.  
I am very ready to own( as far as my small Understanding comprehends the Interest of the Nation) that we cannot be too careful to increase our Strength at Sea; and the happy and glorious Victory we have had this Year there, does show how safe Success upon that Element makes us at home. But on the other hand, it is strange that our Author should be so very angry that we should have an Army too, at least to some Numbers of Men, since without it you certainly give up all Flanders, and consequently must loose Holland, whose naval Strength added to that of France, must, it is to be seared, beat us at our own Weapon. But be it otherwise, it is very hard that such Men as our Author should first put his Majesty upon a War, and then say he is betrayed for taking the Counsel. Indeed few People expected less from these sort of Gentlemen, but that they would be sure to bring him into danger, and then leave him in the lurch at last.  
( page. 19.) He owns that a vigorous War was wisely advised, and that the King should enter into a Treaty with no Prince or State, that should not make it one of the Articles of Treaty, to break off all Correspondence and Commerce with France, &c. and our King graciously promised it. It seems, we and the Dutch prosecuted this Resolution( but by some treacherous Advice, a Neutrality and free Trade was and is allowed, to the Crowns of Portugal, Denmark, and sweden, and State of Venice, and others, whereby the Enemy is provided with Naval Stores and Provisions of War, and is enabled to maintain a War both by Sea and Land.  
This is a very impudent and false Suggestion, and was surely spawned at edinburgh; for had the Gentleman been of this side the tweed, he must have known there scarce passed a Week, but such Ships as he pretends to have liberty of a free Trade, were brought into our Ports, or the River, and condemned as prise.  
As to what he next says; 'Tis true, the French King's Armies are very great, but is that a proper Argument for us to have none for the help of our Confederates? Because he is strong, is it to be inferred that they therefore stand the less in need of help? Are the Confederates of use to us or not; or to put the same Question in different Words, Is the keeping of Flanders and Holland for our Advantage? If not, why do you not make a Present of them to the King of France, who will be sure to make the most of your Civility, by carrying himself to England next? If it is of Importance to England, truly some of our Troops may be well spared for its defence, if our Lord Lieutenant and his Deputy thinks fit.  
The Deputy Lieutenant will have it in his Conclusion( p. 20.) That the King is so betrayed, and his Affairs brought into that condition, that he knows not what to do for His Service. When we find him so far from wishing well to their Majesties Interest, we cannot expect he should much study their Honor, but we hope yet by the Blessing of God, with the good Conduct of our King and Queen, and the honest Endeavours of their better Subjects, which are those that have been accused of Treachery all along our Authors Pamphlet, we shall be happily delivered from all the Dangers and Difficulties which such Men as we now answer know how to contrive and bring to pass, but desire not to prevent.  
And now my Lord, I doubt not but I have sufficiently tired you with this tedious Letter, which I could not contrive to make shorter, in the little leisure I have had, especially since I must have left many malicious Paragraphs unspoke to. You will find my Lord that he has Malice over and above all sorts of Men, and scarce Honesty enough to make good his Charge against any and then I leave it to your Lordships judgement, what is meant by its being so dispersed in your Country.  
I am Your LORDSHIPS Most humble Servant.