HISTORY OF LEWIS XIII    

THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF LEWIS XIII. King of France and Navarre. CONTAINING The most Remarkable Occurrences in FRANCE and EUROPE during the Minority of that Prince.  
By Mr. MICHAEL Le ASSOR.  
LONDON, Printed for Thomas Cockerill, at the Three Legs and Bible against Grocers-Hall in the Poultry. 1700.   

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TO MY Lord Viscount WOODSTOCK.  
My LORD,  
AS soon as I began to write the Book, I now present you with, My Lord the Earl of Portland, your Illustrious Father, did me the Honour to employ me in your Service, to read History to you. I was surprised with Pleasure, to observe that the Providence of God having designed me for this Employment, had turned my thoughts upon a Subject; the knowledge of which is so absolutely necessary for you, that so you may reap the full advantage of those wise Instructions, which your Father who loves you tenderly, will one day give you, concerning those extraordinary Revolutions, which Europe has with Amazement beheld for thirty years together.  
He knows the secret Motives and hidden Springs, which produced them all; and he has always been the Depositary of the Secrets of that Great Prince, who had the greatest hand in them; he has served him in his brave and hazardous Erterprises, with equal Zeal and Courage.  
'Tis from a Father so tightly skilled in all the Arts of Politics and War, that you will learn, my Lord, the Intrigues of all the Negotiations, which have been transacted in his time, the present Interests of Princes, the Account of Battles, Sieges, Marches of Armies, in which he has always held a considerable Post. In giving you the Narrative of his own Actions, he will instruct you, how a Person of your Rank and Quality, may equally love your Country, and a Prince, who does you the Honour to trust you with his Secrets; what Rules you are to observe, that so you may do good service for the one, without entrenching upon that inviolable fidelity, which you own to the other. In short, he will teach you, what a Peer of England is obliged to do, that he may be serviceable to the King in Parliament, and at the same time deserve the Esteem and Approbation of a People extremely jealous of its Rights and Privileges.  
Others besides, my Lord, the Earl of Portland may possibly be able to give you good Counsel in these Affairs. But there is one thing yet behind, which your incomparable Father alone can teach you; And that is, My Lord, Moderation in an elevated Fortune. He has himself lately given you a rare example of it. The Greatness of his Soul in this respect, is a thing so extraordinary, that you will scarcely find an equal Instance, in all those Ancient and Modern Histories, which you design to read. Keep your Eyes always fixed on this Domestic Example. It can't but powerfully impress this weighty Maxim in your mind, That to set bounds to your Ambition, though just and reasonable, is truer and more substantial Glory, than 'tis to rise to the highest Dignities.  
I have told you my Lord, that the History of the Reign of Lewis the XIII. will be of great use to you, to let you into the understanding of those Revolutions, which have happened for some time passed in Europe. You will there see how the Affairs of the Empire put on a new face after the Peace of Munster; And there find the causes and first beginnings of the Decay of the Spanish Monarchy, which before that time, was dreadful to its Neighbours. You will there read the first steps of France, to that height which it arrived at, under the Conduct of the violent and refined Politics of a Cardinal, who renders his Master powerful at home, by humbling the Princes and great Men there, and formidable abroad, by entering him into a seasonable League with the Crown of Swedeland and the United Provinces. The good Correspondence which the great Frederick, Henry Prince of Orange, and this able Minister held together, did not a little assist the Cardinal, in compassing his vast Designs.  
The Swedes were hitherto hardly known, but for their Wars against Denmark, Poland, Muscovy, and some extraordinary Revolutions, which Religion, or the differing interests of King and Subjects had produced in Swedeland. We shall see in the course of this History, a new Warrior arising out of the North with a small number of Troops, for the Rescue of Germany, almost entirely enslaved by the Ambition and Arms of Ferdinand the Second. Gustavus Adolphus King of Swedeland makes the Emperor Tremble, for fear of losing his Hereditary Countries. The Rapid course of his Victorius Arms carried to the Rhine, makes jealous even those Princes which called him to their Assistance, and those Sovereigns which had desired his Alliance. That which you ought particularly to be affected with, My Lord, is the reading of the resolute Efforts of your Dear and Illustrious Country, to defend its Liberty after the twelve years' Truce was expired. The Spaniard's pleased themselves with the hopes of making great Advantages of the Divisions which arose in Holland, and some other Provinces, after the Conclusion of that Truce. But the Valour and Wise Conduct of Maurice and Frederick Henry Princes of Orange defeated those hopes, which seemed to be but too well grounded. You will be very much pleased to find here Sieges Formed by those Two Great Masters in the Art of Taking Towns, and Victories Won by those Two Famous Generals, to whom they came from all Parts of the World to learn the Art of War; and, in short, That Courage, not Inferior to that of the Ancient Romans, with which the United Provinces did weary out the King of Spain, until he renounced all his Pretensions to 'em, and was forced to acknowledge them, in a Solemn Treaty, for a Free Republic.  
I believe you have not forgot that which my Lord, your Father, told you in one of his Pleasant and Profitable Discourses which he had with you the last Summer, in the Walks of his beloved Solitude near the Hague. He recited to you one Day the Prediction of Prince Frederick Henry, a little before his Death: That his Posterity would be under a Necessity one Day to declare against France, as he had been to oppose the Ambitious Designs of the House of Austria. It has fell out as this Judicious and Knowing Politician had foretold. The House of Orange hath had the Honour to have given the first Blow, which shook the Power of Spain, and by a surprising Turn of Affairs, the only Remaining Branch of that Noble Stock, which hath been so fruitful in Heroes, can glory this Day, that by his Prudence and Valour he hath defended that same Monarchy, threatened with approaching Ruin. Can that fierce and bloody Philip II. have ever thought that the Posterity of that Man, whom he had basely murdered, after an unworthy and ridiculous Proscription, should be one Day the best Support of his tottering Crown?  
The History of the Reign of Lewis XIII. will discover to you, my Lord, the Reasons which Philip Frederick Henry had to foresee the Glory which was reserved for a Great King, the Heir of his Blood and of his Virtues, who gives you already signal Marks of his Distinguishing Favour.  
'Twould be but a small Matter to learn from History, The Interests of Sovereigns, the Accounts of Battles and Sieges, the Intrigues of Treaties and Negotiations, the Good or Bad Quality of the different Actors. It's greatest and principal End is to confirm in you the Good Sentiments of Religion, Virtue and Probity, which, my Lord, your Father hath took care to inspire you with. They charmed me the first Day I had the Honour to be in your Company; and I bless God, with all my Heart, that they appear so pure, and so deeply engraven in your Soul, that we have all the Reason in the World to hope, that the Contagious and insinuating Air of the Court, and of the World, will never be able to corrupt or wear them out; and that you will never wander from the Paths of Piety, Prudence, and Valour, which my Lord, the Earl of Portland, hath traced out to you. Heaven's grant, which have designed you to enjoy the great Advantages which a Father can leave to his Son, that you may make an Use of them worthy of the Purity of the Holy Religion which we profess. These are the ardent Desires of him, who shall be, all his Life, with a prosound Respect, and inviolable Fidelity,  
My Lord, Your most Humble, and most Obedient Sevant, MICHAEL Le VASSOR.   

THE PREFACE.  

Polybius in the beginning.  SInce all who have written History before me, says an Able and Judicious Writer, have taken pains to show the usefulness of things past. It would be to no purpose to excite the Curiosity of the Reader by a like Preface. All Men are sensible that the reading of History, is the most proper means to form the Mind and Inclinations of those who apply themselves to it, with Reflection and Judgement. They who are born to the first employs of the State, learn here how to govern those whom Providence has placed under them; and private Persons often find Instructions for the Conduct of their Lives. To read the Ancients and Moderns, and only fill the Head with a confused heap of different Facts, is the vainest thing in the World, and conduces most to Debauch the Mind. But to run through History with a design to learn Human Nature, to reflect on the Disorderly and Unjust Passions of Men; to distinguish Solid and Real Virtue, from that which consists in the mistaken Opinion of the Multitude; This certainly is the most proper Study to form a Man for the World and Business.  
Notwithstanding the reading History has these mighty Advantages, there are few that profit by it. The fate of those who spend their time in it, is often the same with that of Persons who Travel, live in a Court, or Converse in the World. A Man who has the Skill to make a good use of his Parts and Reason, Accomplishes himself very much in Foreign Countries, by Conversation with Courtiers, and Men of Business. But it ordinarily happens, that Travellers only seek to Divert themselves in the places where they come. A young Fellow returns out of Italy, France, Germany or England, as ignorant as he went there. And very often, in stead of correcting his Domestic Vices, he increases them, by the Addition of Foreign ones. Most Men who come to Court, or into the World, only think how to waste away their Lives, and spend their Time agreeably. Very far from considering how private Interest and Passion, play their parts on the public Stage, and reasoning with themselves o●… the different steps Men take, and profitably observing their good and ill Qualities they only strive to please them, and wi●… their savour, by some Motives of Interest or Pleasure. The greatest part of those wh●… read History, fall into the same Mistake They only aim to consume their Time and pass away the Tedious Hours. It is enough for them, if a Book be Pleasant and Diverting. They are never in Pain to profit, by the Examples of Virtue they meet with, or reflect on the Faults of those who are exposed in it. This Negligence proceeds from the little care taken to acquaint Youth with the Nature of Mankind, and infusing good Principles of Morality into them, before they are put on reading History, sent into Foreign Countries, or left to live at large in the World. If their Tutors and Governors which had the Charge of their Education, had accustomed them to Meditate on those Remarks, which the Incomparable Author of the Search after Truth, 
P. Malebranche, de Recherche de la Verity.  has made on the Mistakes and Delusions of our Senses, Imagination and Passions, on the Maxims of Mr. de la Rochefancault, and some other good Books published in our Times; I do not in the least question, but Minds thus prepared, would draw a wonderful Fruit from Travelling, Conversation in the World, and Ancient and Modern History.  
Perhaps too, the small number of good Authors in this and former Ages, is another cause of the little Progress made by those who promiscuously run over all, without Choice or Distinction. Herodotus, whom the Ancients call the Father of History, 
Cicero Liv. 1. De Legibu●….  is a polite Writer, and pleasant to read. One may learn good Jonick in him. Let him if you will have it so, be a good Model of an Elegant and Clean Style, but what Solid Knowledge can be gained out of an Author, filled with Fables and Falsities, who only aims to Divert, and not to Instruct? The History of Cyrus is thought to be a Romance, devised by Xenophon. I do not know whether the Plan of the Work do not come nearer Truth, than what Herodotus delivers of the Birth, Conquest and Death of Cyrus. The one at least, is more probable than the other. However this be, a Man of good Sense, will ever prefer the Reading of Xenophon, to Herodotus. If the former did not design an exact History of the Life of Cyrus, he draws at least the Idea, of a good and just Government. This should make us value the Eight Books of the Cyropedia of Xenophon, more than the nine of Herodotus his History, though they have the Name of the nine Muses given them. This may amuse me indeed, but the other will instruct me. I find a thousand Maxims, a thousand Reflections, proper to improve my Mind, and Reform my Passions. 
Discourse of the manner of writing History.  Thucydides was very sensible of Herodotus his Fault. Notwithstanding the great Reputation of a Man, who first writ History among the Greeks, I had rather, said he, as Lucian Reports, displease by speaking the Truth, than please by relating of Fables. If I do not please my Reader so well, I shall profit him more. I would not prejudice him, by Accommodating myself to his Vicious Palate.  
This Admirable Author, whom Sallust, Titus Livy, and all the good Masters have taken for a Model, saw farther, that a perfect Historian ought not only to Relate Matters with the greatest Sincerity, but must apply himself to the instruction of the Reader. This he has done in his Harangues in so Artful a manner, that Cicero was charmed with them. There are, says he, almost as many Sentences, as Words. 
Cicero L. II. De Orat●…re.  This way of Instructing by Harangues, was very proper in the History of the Republics of Athens or Rome. The Generals of the Army, and the chief Magistrates, spoke in the Assemblies of the People, of the greatest Affairs of State. These sort of Speeches now a days, cannot have place any where but in the History of England, or that of the Republic of Venice. For want of these Harangues, Modern Authors ought in imitation of Tacitus, to endeavour to instruct in the Body of their History. In his time there were yet some Speeches made in the Senate. But as the Successors of Augustus never proposed the most weighty Matters there; their Tyranny did not suffer the Senators to declare their Minds freely. Nothing was said there, but to flatter the Emperor. For this reason, Tacitus took a different way from Sallust, and Titus Livy. Instead of instructing by his Harangues, he does it by his Reflections on the Transactions he relates, or in the Pictures he gives us of the Principal Actors he brings on the Stage.  
I have often considered with myself, why Histories have been so rare in all Agesse Polybius mentions several, who had writ the same things as he has done, and cannot find one to satisfy him. There are several Reasons to be given for this. Some seek to flatter those, from whom they expect a Reward. Others only aim to divert the Reader, make Books of a quick and ready Sale, or acquire the Reputation of Writing with Politeness and Ease. 
Cicero ad famil. Lib. V Ep. 12.  There are other Pieces wrote by Command, or at the Request of Persons concerned in them, such was that which Cicero desired to have of his Consulat; the Author of which, did not scruple to extol his Hero, a little more than Truth would allow of Princes and great Men hire, Men of Wit to write the Lives of their Ancestors. We know some too, who will have their History writ under their own Eyes. What Sincerity, what Truth, what Instruction, can we expect from those Authors, who will give us hideous or beautiful Pictures, as their Interests, Passions or Desire to please their Patrons or Readers lead them? Besides, there is still another Reason why good Histories have been, and ever will be extremely rare; because these Works seem to demand a great number of excellent Qualities in him, who undertakes them.  
Cicero maintains, that a good Historian, 
Lib. II. de Oratore.  aught to be an excellent Orator. And how many things, good God does he require to make a finished Orator? 
Lib. X. Institut. cap. 10.  Quintilian will have the Style of an History, higher than that of the Tribunal and Bar, and approach to a Poetical one. What Care, what Application must a Man use, to keep that exact Medium of a Style, more sublime than that of an Orator, without being carried into the Dithyrambicks of the Poets. Though these two Men were great Judges, I do not know whether their Judgement be a sure Rule on these Occasions. Lucian seems to me, to speak more justly of the Historical Style. 
A Discourse of the manner of writing History.  This Author will have it clear, intelligible and natural, without being low, and that the Figures, which give a Relish to the Discourse, should not be too Sublime, or too far fetched. He allows indeed, the Style should swell a little on some Occasions, provided the Writer forbear all Euthusiasm and Poletick Rage. Excessive Strains and Lines, says Lucian, are the two greatest Faults of an Historian. If a Writer would rise, let it rather be by the things he represents, than Words. It is much better to relate Extraordinary things in a plain and common manner, than to weaken the Thought by straining the Imagination. I would have the Periods neither too long, nor too much studied; and the Discourse neither too Numerous or neglected. That the Thoughts should have more Solidity, than Lustre. That they should come nearer the Reasons of a Wise Statesman, than the witty Turns of a Declamer. In short, the Sentences must not too frequently occur, not be too far asunder. They ought as it were, to be enchased in the Body of the Work. Lucian requires much less than Cicero or Quintilian; but how difficult is it to reach that just Mediocrity, with which he is contented? Thucydides and Tacitus, strove to distinguish themselves by a Nervous Eloquence, which says a great many things in a few Words. But they have made themselves dark, and often are unintelligible. Titus Livy on the contrary, is embarassed by his measured Periods. By seeking to give Number and Harmony to his Discourse, he loses the weight of what should at first be presented to the Readers View.  
Polybius would have an Historian, to be a great Statesman. None will ever be capable of Writing an History well, says he, nor escape committing great Faults, till he has gained a Consummate Prudence by long Use, and a great Experience in the Business of the World. For this reason, that Author who himself was an excellent Officer in an Army, and Statesman, wished those who had a share in the Government, and Important Negotiations, and knew the Reasons and Motives of Erterprises, would apply themselves in the same manner he had done, to give the History of their own Times, and never decline an Employment so profitable and necessary to the Public. Polybius his Wish was good in a Republic. Men of Estates and Letters, being ordinarily employed in these sort of Governments, they are able to relate with more Art and Sincerity, the Affairs they happen to manage, and discover to Posterity, the true Motives of the Erterprises, and the different Interests of all Parties engaged with them. For this Reason it is, the History of Thucydides and Polybius, deserve so much to be commended. Their Probity shines in every line of their Works. The former lived in the time of the Peloponnesian War, which he has described. He had an Employ and Character in the Republic of Athens, whose Policy and Government he perfectly well understood. 
Polyb. L. III. & V  The other had been the Spectator of most of the things he relates: He had assisted in the Execution of some of them. In short, he Commanded in Erterprises, of which himself had been the Adviser. What Polybius had not seen, he reports from the Accounts given him by those who had been Eye-witnesses of them.  
In vain it is to wish, the present Ministers of State would write the History of their Times. These Gentlemen entirely, employed in making their Fortunes, think they can bestow their time better in advancing themselves and their Families. They will be sure not to give us an Exact and Faithful account of the Intrigues, of the Cabinet and Court, and discover to the World the true Motives of Wars, Alliances, and other Erterprises. Will they publish to the World their own Roguery and Villainies? Will they speak sincerely of the Infamies and Criminal Passions of a Prince, to whom they own their Places and Preferments? Will they tell the Artifices they used, to flatter or incense them, to ruin a Rival of more Merit than themselves, or advance their own ill-deserving Creatures? Statesmen and Ambassadors sometimes writ Memoirs. But these are not to be trusted to. Without fearing to make a rash Judgement, I will say, these Writers of Quality are like certain Persons, who published the History of their own Actions in Cicero's time. This Man, the vainest that ever lived, was even dead with longing to see his Consulat writ by some eminent and able Pen. 
Ad familiares. Lib. V Ep. 12.  Displeased that he could not obtain what he so earnestly coveted, he was tempted to do as others had done, and to write himself the Wonders of that Consulat, with which he had stunned the World in his Orations, Books and Letters. One thing restrained him. For, says he very Ingenuously, there are two very great Inconveniences, in being the Historian of a Man's own Actions. He must be too modest in his own Praises, and dissemble his Faults, to save his Honour. See here the Condition of all Writers of Memoirs. If Decency requires them not to speak too well of themselves, their Partiality leads them to conceal, or at least palliate, what they have done amiss.  
If an Historian ought to be a Statesman; for the same Reason he ought to be skilful in the Art of War. Without this, how shall he describe an Incampment, a Siege, or a Battle? If I may freely speak my Thoughts, these Particulars are not very necessary in a General History. This Caution belongs more to a particular Relation, or the Memoirs of a Man who intends to give Instructions to those of his Profession. 
Dr. Burnet Bishop of Sal●…sbury.  I have heard an eminent Prelate, who has a Noble Genius for writing History, as well as for the Pulpit and Divinity say, That the late Mr. de Schombergh, Marshal of France, and after a Duke in England, had advised him to forbear entering too far into Particulars in Matters of War. None, said that excellent General, but the most able Men of the Trade can speak well of these things. It is almost impossible to know exactly all the Circumstances of an Action. The General gives Orders, and after is ignorant of what passes. The Inferior Officers must give an Account of what they do themselves. It is reasonable to believe the Memoirs Caesar has left to Posterity should have the utmost Exactness: Yet there were some Men in his time, who did not exceedingly rely on them. Caesar, said they, 
Suetonius in Julio Caesare cap. 56.  too lightly gave credit to what was reported to him of other men's Actions, and is not very faithful in what he relates of his own; either because his Memory deceived him, or he would not sincerely speak the Truth. Since it is difficult to learn all the Circumstances of a Battle, where things on both sides are in great Confusion, an Historian may be excused, if he do not inform us of all Particulars. He may describe more exactly a March, an Incampment, or a Siege: But of what use is this at bottom? Few have any Interest here, except those of the Trade. The Business of History is more to form a Gentleman than to instruct a Soldier or an Officer. These Reasons have prevailed with me to think I may undertake to write the History of a Reign, which contains a great number of Sieges and Battles, though I understand nothing of the Military Art.  
I have not more Experience in Affairs of State, or Court Intrigues: This is true. But on the other Hand, I do not relate the Actions of my own time. I have chosen, with all the Industry and Judgement I am Master of, what is extant any where, of all that passed in the Reign of Lewis XIII. There are some who imagine a good History cannot be written, unless the Author have secret and curious M●●●●●● 〈◊〉 This is the way some late Wri●●●● 〈◊〉 ●●ken to raise and give a 〈…〉 Works. Varillas at first 〈…〉 by publishing, that 〈…〉 Histories from Extracts of 〈◊〉 in the King of France's Library, and Memoirs preserved in the Cabinets of some of the chief Families of the Kingdom. But when the World took the Pains to inquire into what this boasting Scribbler bodily advances, they soon discovered his Books were only Romances, wrote with something of Easiness. And when they pressed him to name his Authorities, he could only produce some exploded Writers, Manuscripts so confused, that no one could find out the Truth, and Memoirs so secret, that the Persons who owned them would not be named. For my part I will not dissemble, I have not yet procured any of those rare and curious Memoirs. After the Example of Titus Livy and Tacitus, who compiled their Histories out of the Works of those who writ before them, I have carefully collected the best Things I could find in the Country where I reside, and have composed out of them a continued History of the Reign of Lewis XIII. in the most useful and instructive manner I was able.  
I have taken that part of the Annals of Tacitus, which yet remains for my Model; not for the Style, or that mysterious Air which he affects in every thing he speaks of, but in the Design and Plan of the Work. It is plain, the principal End Tacitus had in view, was to show by what Means and Degrees Tyranny was entirely established in Rome after the Death of Augustus: And my chief Aim is to show the Practices after the Death of Henry iv to destroy the little remaining Liberty of France, to oppress the Clergy, the Nobility, and People; in short, to lay the Foundations of an enormous Power, which has struck a Terror into all Europe in our Days. Perhaps some will reproach me, that if I want the Strength and the Sententious Style of Tacitus, at least I have imitated his Malignity. Some charge him with giving an ill Turn to all the Actions of those he speaks of, and finding no Virtue and Probity any where. But not to say how small the number of the Good is, when a Man is obliged to bring on the Stage ambitious Men, who sacrifice all to their Rise, and Fortunes: Base and flattering Courtiers, who make no Scruple of betraying their Religion and Country; Can he give these Actors the Part of an honest Man? All that can be reasonably required of an Historian is, that Men being rarely entirely corrupt and wicked, he should not conceal what is good and commendable, where he finds it in the worst.  
When an Author is obliged to censure a Man, 
Polybius, L. XII.  Polybius judiciously remarks, he must not have regard to what may please the Enemies of him whom he speaks of. The Rules of Truth and Decency must be inviolably kept. Those who are led by their Passions or Malice, are imprudent and rash in their Relations and Judgements. Polybius had good Reason to blame a Greek Historian, who had not Equity enough to own what was good in Agathocles the Tyrant of Syracuse. If this Man, says he, whose first Employment was to serve a Po●…ter, knew how to make himself King of Sicily, and could embar●…ss the Potent Republic of Carthage, and die in the peaceful Possession of what he had acquired, it cannot be denied, but Agathocles had rare Qualities; without these could he have done any of these extraordinary Things? Historians ought then to do him Justice, in delivering with the same Sincerity, what was Good or Ill in him. This is the Rule which I propose to myself in respect of Cardinal Richlieu, and some others. Though I think of that first Minister quite otherwise than his Flatterers; for indeed I cannot regard, without Horror, a Prelate, who sacrifices the Liberty of France, and the Repose of all Europe, to his Ambitions; yet without falling into the violent Invectives of St. , and the Faction of Mary de Medicis, I will describe with pleasure what is Good and Valuable in that Great Politician.  
There is a Thing in which I would imitate Titus Livy, and Tacitus, and that is Brevity. The first employs but Ten Books in relating what passed remarkable in the Roman Commonwealth for several Ages; and the other has brought into one small Volume the Reigns of Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, and Nero. But I believe it is impossible to be so short: The Reason presents itself to every Man's view. The Roman Religion did not occasion any Disputes; it did not cause Schisms and different Sects: Their Divinity had no Connexion with Political Matters. It is not so with Christianity: There are great Disputes in this: It has always been divided into different Communions: Princes interest themselves, and take a part in the Quarrels of Divines. Since the Popes have settled their Monarchy in the Western World, the Court of Rome concerns herself in every thing. So that Matters of Religion, Controversies of Divinity, the Interests and Pretensions of Popes, Bishops, and the Clergy, the Cabals of Monks, and divers other Matters, which only regard the Church, considerably swell an History. The good Fathers, the Jesuits, have been at the bottom of every thing since the Rise of the Society. The Relation of their endless Intrigues, Erterprises and Quarrels, is Work enough to employ an Historian.  
Add to this, that in the Days of the Romans Things were in another Posture than they are at present. There were not so many Treaties with neighbouring Nations, so many Intrigues in the Senate, among the People, and in the Court of the Emperors. The Romans made War to extend their Territories; they had a small number of Allies, whom they protected against the Powers that threatened them. All Intrigues terminate in gaining the People by Donatives, or promising to procure them a Dividend of Lands, or to obtain for them a greater Share in the Government. The time of the greatest Intrigues in the Roman Commonwealth doubtless was that of the two Triumvirates. We have not a very exact History of this; but it is plain, all was transacted between some few Persons who had the Address to procure the Command of Armies in the remote Provinces. Others fell in with the prevailing Party, led by Ambition or Avarice. That which Tacitus calls the Great Secret of Government, in the time of the Emperors, was to be Masters of the Legions. He who had Interest or Money enough to procure them to revolt, was soon proclaimed Emperor. After this he had nothing more to do, but to beat out the old Possessor, or a Competitor. The Victor became lawful Sovereign, and the Vanquished was declared an Usurper. In an Absolute and Tyrannical Government, all things are ruled at the Pleasure of the Prince. The Favourite and the Mistress have their Share in the Authority. When these are once established, the Dagger, Poison, False Informations, and Violence, are the Means they make use of to rid themselves of their Enemies, and preserve their Power. Thus every thing was managed under the Successors of Augustus.  
The History of such a State as I represent the Commonwealth and Empire of Rome, cannot be very large. But the Affairs of all Christian Princes have so great a Relation to each other, they make so many Leagues and Alliances together; some for their own Greatness; others to defend themselves from their ambitious Neighbours, that it is impossible to write the History of Germany, France, Spain, or England, without speaking at the same time of what passes in the rest of Europe. If two Petty Princes have any Différence, one implores the Protection of the House of Austria, and the other throws himself into the Arms of France. If the two Crowns commence a War, some of these declare for Spain, others for France, in hopes of profiting by the Conjuncture. The Powers who have the smallest Interest are at last obliged to side with one Party; or at least to arm to keep the Balance even, and prevent the Conqueror from advancing his Power too much, by the Ruins of the Vanquished. The Intrigues of each Court; the Interests and Motions of Great Men in a State, where Arbitrary and absolute Power is not well settled, cannot be so succinctly related. Those Illustrious Historians, who shall write the present Reign in France, will be obliged, if I guess aright, to enlarge more in proportion on the Affairs of the Minority of Lewis XIV. than on what has happened since the Peace of the Pyrenees. The Designs and Advances of the Prince of Condé, the Cardinal Mazarin, and some Court Ladies, in the Parlements and Provinces, will fill a greater Space than the Events since the Death of Philip iv King of Spain. Since Lewis XIV. has obtained what Richlieu and Mazarin had proposed, and opened the way, to every thing is disposed of by one or two Ministers, a Mistress, or a certain Lady. What Character this Great Woman ought to have, Time perhaps will inform us. The Princes of the Blood, Great Lords, and Parlements, all keep the Respect and Silence. All Wars, Alliances, and great Affairs are resolved on, with the Ministers, Mistress, or the Lady. None can be preferred, or obtain any Employ or Honour, but through one of these Channels. There are no knotty, difficult Treaties abroad: Every thing is done by the Power of Money or Threats. It is the King's Pleasure it should be so: This is the Answer with which his Majesty's Ministers often pay those of Foreign Sovereigns as well as their Master's Subjects.  
Things were not so under the Reign of his Father. Mary de Medicis impatiently endured the excessive Power of a Favourite or a Minister. The King's Brother was not always in a Passive Humoun. If the first Prince of the Blood was weak, a younger Brother of his House would not submit to creep to a Cardinal. Some of the greatest and wealthiest Men of the Kingdom showed great Vigour and Courage on divers Occasions. The Reformed did not tamely suffer themselves to be oppressed without making any Opposition. The Court was forced to keep Measures with them, after they were Masters of their Cautionary Towns. The Monarchy of Spain was not at that time so formidable abroad. But the Emperor Ferdinand II. begins to grow so Potent in Germany, that it was apprehended he would entirely subdue it. There was a necessity to make Alliances with the King of Sweden, the United Provinces, all the Protestant Princes, and those of Transylvania, which created Trouble enough to the House of Austria. The Affair of Mantua caused extraordinary Motions beyond the Alps. There was a Necessity to assist the Duke, to preserve a Succession, which could not rightfully be contested. France began a Treaty and joined with the Princes and States of Italy, alarmed at the new Projects of the House of Austria. At length the Revolutions which happened in Portugal and Catalonia, gave occasion to several Projects and Treaties on the part of Spain. For these Reasons not one can write the History of Lewis XIII. without entering into the Particulars of what happened all over Europe. These are the Reasons why I have thought fit to proceed a little higher in some places of the first Part in the Affairs of Foreign Countries. Gustavus Adolphus, for instance, must make so great a Figure in this Work, that it was almost indispensable to ●…epresent how this Hero came to the Crown, to the prejudice of Sigismond King of Poland, Son to his Father's elder Brother. None can well understand the Affairs of the Empire under Ferdinand II. unless he understand what passed about the end of Rodolphus, and under the Reign of Mathias.  
I have not a good Opinion enough of myself to think my Style such as Lucian ●…equires for an History. Some of my Friends have told me, that the begininng of a pretty large Work would endure ●…eading. This is enough for me. The chief Business of a Writer, is to profit the Public, by discovering the Truth or Probability. For after all, in History we must often be content with the latter. The Principal Facts are certain; but in ●…he Reasons, Motives, and Circumstances of an Action or Enterprise, there are ever ●…ome Grounds of doubting; and we must ●…cquiesce in what is most likely. I am only follicitous for the most essential Qua●…ities of an Historian: 
Lib. II. de Oratore.  Not to dare to advance what he knows to be false, and to speak freely what he knows to be true, with●…ut being biased by Prejudice. 
Discourse of the manner of writing History.  Lucian on this Subject very judiciously says, That we must not imitate the Painter, who invented the drawing Side-Faces to conceal the Defect of a Prince who had ●…ut one Eye. The Historian ought to paint Persons whole. Let not his Affection for his Country hinder him from relating the Losses she has sustained, or the Faults she has committed. An Historian is like an Actor: Neither of them are accountable for the bad Parts they represent. The former is obliged to prefer Truth to his Interest and Passions. This is the only Divinity he should adore. He must ever have the Judgement of Posterity in his sight, if he would pass more for an Historian than a Flatterer.  
It is reported, Alexander desired to revive for a little time after his Death. He would have been pleased to see what Men would then say of a Prince who had made such a noise in the World. I do not wonder, said he, to find every one praise me now. Some are afraid of me; others court my Favour. If Princes judged as reasonably as this Conqueror, to whom they so much love to hear themselves compared, they would not be at the trouble to here Writers, or cause Triumphal Arches and Statues to be erected; nor assemble Men of Letters to form Designs for Medals to be coined to their Honour; or to compose Magnificent Inscriptions to be engraven on Marble or Brass, at the Pedestal of their Statues, or over a Triumphal Arch, or the Gates of a Capital or other conquered Places. Contented with well governing their People, and making them happy, they would leave to them the Care of immortalising their Benefactor after his Death. What Service will those Histories, wrote by Command, those Monuments of your Vanity, or the Flattery of Mercenary Wretches than do you? An Historian, who will not be led by Fear or Hope, Friendship or Hatred; who is of no Country or Party; who will call Things by their Names, without caring whether he please or give Offence; such an Author, I say, as Lucian requires, with one Stroke of his Pen, will show the ridiculous Folly of your Pride, and the Baseness of your Flatterers.  
Polybius, who may be called the Master and Model of good Historians, had given the same Precepts as Cicero and Lucian. A private Man, says he, 
Polybiu●…. L. I.  aught to love his Friends and his Country. He may show his Affection to those who do them good, and his Aversion to their Enemies. But when a Man has once put on the Person of an Historian, he must forget all that. Then you are often obliged to speak Good of your Enemies, and to praise them when their Actions deserve it. Farther, you ought to blame your nearest Kindred, and expose their Shame, if they have committed unexcusable Faults. Take Truth from History, and it is like an Animal which has lost its Eyes: What remains is useless. Let none then scruple to reprehend his Friends and praise his Enemies. Let him not fear, on certain Occasion, to condemn those Persons, whose Merit he commonly extols. Those who are at the Helm do not always succeed, on the contrary they do not eternally commit Faults. A good Author ought to judge of things without respect to Persons, speaking of these as the Subject requires. For my part, I so little fear being Censured for the Fault, Frenchmen are usually reproached with, of being fond of their own Nation, that I do not know whether I ought not to justify myself here to my Countrymen, for not speaking through the whole Series of this Work, very Advantageously of France and its Government. They would not do me Justice, if they thought I was fallen out with my Native Land, and this had introduced me to leave it.  
I am a Frenchman, and I think it an Honour to be so; but I am not so partial to my Country, as to think it far Superior to any other. There is good Sense, Merit and Virtue to be found in all places. If some Nations have more Vivacity and Politeness than others, these Advantages are not so considerable, that they should set themselves far above their Neighbours. Those People which some Persons look on as heavy, have often more good Sense, Solidity, and Plain dealing, than others that value themselves on their good Taste, Sharpness and Wit. The one without Dispute, is infallibly more valuable than the other. My Native Country is very dear to me, and I take pleasure in professing it. But I love it as an honest Man ought to do. To wish well to a Man's Countrymen, to pray God they may want nothing which can make them completely happy in this World, or the next, is in my Opinion, to have a true and sincere Love for a Man's Country. And I can protest, God be praised, I have such a Disposition of Mind. St. Paul wished, all his Auditors might become as he was, except in his Bonds. I pray in the same manner, for all Frenchmen. May Heaven grant they all become like me, except being almost under a necessity to leave their Native Country, to follow the Light of their Conscience. If I am bound to France by that grateful Sense which a Reasonable Man ought to have for a Civil Society, where God has given him Birth; this does not hinder me from thinking myself united to other Nations, by the Ties of Religion and Humanity. France may be Happy and Flourishing, without disturbing its Neighbours, or unjustly Usurping another's Right. Because I am of a Nation, must I desire to see her Mistress of Europe? Must I applaud the boundless Ambition of the Prince who governs her? Must I praise my Countrymen for working Fetters and Chains to bind themselves withal? Natural Justice requires me to contribute all I can, to the Prosperity and Repose of my Native Land, and that I should defend it when unjustly attacked. But I am bound by the same Laws of Nature, to prevent my Countrymen from destroying, and doing Mischief to others. Very far from extolling their Ignominous Slavery, and Criminal Erterprises, Reason and Religion require me to Condemn, and Oppose them to the utmost of my Power.  
By a strange Inversion of Language and Reason, a Man in France is said to be well affected to the Government, when he shows I know not what ridiculous Zeal for the Power of the King. Is the King, than the whole State? These two things are very different. The State signifies a certain number of Men Associated, and living under the same Laws. The King is the Person who has the Charge of Supporting them, and providing for the Welfare of the People. In what does the Happiness of a Nation consist? That she is only obliged to obey Laws confirmed by a long Use, or made in such manner, as was agreed on by the People in their first Confederacy, or in the Assemblies held after; in the Safe and Unmolested enjoyment of their Estates, and the Fruits of their Industry, without having these taken away from them by Force; in Taxes and Public Duties being so equally Levied, that no Man pay more than he conveniently can. To love the Government or ones Country, is ardently to wish it all the Advantages which a Man would give his Life to procure, when they are wanting, or to preserve them, when she has the good fortune to enjoy them. In this Sense it is pleasant and Honourable, for a Man to die for his Country. To love, as it is called in France, the Power and Glory of the King, is to labour for the Establishing Tyranny. Since the Principles and Detestable Policy of Machiavelli, have been brought into Europe, a Prince thinks himself Glorious and Potent, if he has found a way to become Absolute Master of the Lives and Estates of his People, and securely make himself Great, at the Expense of his Neighbours. If this be not true Tyranny, all Men in the World are deceived. What do they understand by the word Tyranny? The Government of those, who only propose their own Profit.  
Why should I Dissemble? The love I have for my Country, gives me an extreme Aversion for these Politics pernicious to Mankind. I cannot value those who pursue these Maxims, whatever good Qualities they have, or however eminent their Rank in the World be. Let some Persons born to Slavery, if they please, rail at me as a Seditious Author. This is the Language now for those who still preserve Love for Liberty, in a Country where it is almost Extinguished. I am not in any pain about it. A Learned Man Condemned the History of the Famous Mr. de Thou, because it is writ, said he, with a Liberty which does not suit with the Age. I have not the Presumption to compare myself with that Great Man. He was infinitely above me by his Birth, and Rank; and yet more by his Sublime Genius and Universal Knowledge. The Love of Truth, is the only thing in which I think I may imitate him; I will dare to say, in which I strive to surpass him. His Character, his Employs, his Relation to the Court, have obliged him to some Management, which I may lawfully dispense with. If his Liberty did not agree with his Time, mine will seem less proper for ours. But let the World speak as it pleases, I will follow the Example of this Great Man, who despised Mean-spirited Censors. We are not less free than the Men of former times, why should we not speak the Truth as well as they?  
There is nothing remains now, but for me to give a Reason, why in publishing this History, I have not waited till it was entirely finished. A great Book frightens the World. The Reign of Lewis XIII. has certain Remarkable Periods, the Majority of the King, the Removal of the Queen Mother, the Ministry of Cardinal Richelieu, the taking of Rochel, the Foreign War. The Reader may Repose himself at each of these Periods, where there is a considerable change of Affairs. For this Reason, I have divided this Work into different Parts, perhaps the Reader will not be Displeased, to have them one after the other. The Judgement which the Public makes of the first, may set me right, and be of use in the following ones. Those who will favour me with the Communication of any Memoirs, may address them if they please to the Bookseller. They will be thankfully received, and made use of with the Discretion they can reasonably expect, whether they desire to have the Honour of them, or will not be known. I shall only desire they will not take it amiss, that every thing be duly examined, nor expect we should engage ourselves to praise or blame, what does deserve neither.   

THE CONTENTS.  

BOOK I. THE Plan of this Work. The State of Europe and France, at the end of the Reign of Henry IV. Preparations for War. The Prince of Conde's Flight. Henry iv prepares to March at the Head of his Army. He is Assassinated the 14th of May, 1610. The Queen labours to be declared Regent during the Minority of Lewis XIII. her Son. Lewis XIII. sits in his Seat of Justice the first time. Intrigues and Cabals at Court, in the beginning of the Regency of Mary de Medicis. The Trial and Execution of Ravillac. The Condemnation of Mariana's Book and Doctrines. The Funeral of Henry IU. The Good and Ill Qualities of that Prince. The Regent's Council resolve to send Aid to Juliers. Edicts revoked to ease the People. A Declaration in Favour of the Protestants. The Prince of Conde's Return. His Arrival at Paris. Two Powerful Factions at Court. The Prince of Conde Head of the one, the Count of Soissons of the other. The Marshal de Bovillon attempts to unite the two Parties. The Queen Traverses this Reunion. The Rise of Conchini, the new Marquis of Ancre. The King of Spain's Prospect in renewing the Treaty of the double Marriage. Differences between the Emperor Rodolphus, and the Archduke Mathias, his Brother. A Treaty of Peace between the two Brothers. Mathias is Elected and Crowned King of Hungary. The Discontent of the Protestants of Austria appeased. Quarrels about Religion in Bohemia. The Pacification of the Troubles in Bohemia. The Diet of Prague in 1610. The Emperor gives the Elector of Saxony, the Countries of Cleves and Juliers. The Siege and taking of Juliers by Maurice Prince of Orange. The Meeting at Cologne, to determine the Affairs of Cleves and Juliers. Reflections on the Coronation Oath. The Oath that James I. King of England required of his Popish Subjects, occasions a Dispute of the Independance of Sovereigns in Temporal Matters. Paul V forbids the English of his Communion, to take the Oaths. King James prints an Apology for his Oath, without putting his Name to it. He declares himself Author of the Apology. He Addresses this to all the Princes and States of Christendom. Coeffeteau writes against the Apology. Cardinal Bellarmine addresses to the Emperor, and all the Kings of the Papal Communion, his Answer to the King of England's Apology. The Sentence of the Parliament of Paris, against Cardinal Bellarmine's Discourse of the Authority of the Pope. The King of Spain's Edict against the XI. Volume of Cardinal Baronius; his Ecclesiastical Annals. Differences of the Marquis of Ancre with the Count of Soissons, and the Duke of Epernon. Their Reconciliation; a Party made at Court against the Duke of Sully.  
BOOK II. A Quarrel between Bellegarde and Conchini. The Count of Soissons falls out with the Cardinal of Joyeuse, and the Duke of Epernon. A Difference of the Count of Soissons, with the Prince of Conde his Brother. The two Princes Reconciled. Another great difference of the Count of Soissons and the Duke of Guise. The Duke of Guise is Reconciled to the Count of Soissons. The Duke of Sully's Disgrace. The first Precedent de Harlay, lays down his Place. A Cabal to hinder Mr. the Thou from succeeding him. La d' Escouman charges the Marquis de Vernueil, and the Duke of Epernon, with being concerned in the Murder of Henry IU. She is Condemned. Reflections on her Sentence. The State of the House of Austria in Germany. The Ambitious Designs of Leopold of Austria, Bishop of Strasburgh, and Passaw on the Kingdom of Bohemia. The Troops of Leopold advance into Bohemia. Mathias King of Hungary, Marches to the Assistance of Bohemia. He is Crowned King of Bohemia. A Cabal at the Court of France, against the Duke of Epernon. The Cardinal of Joyeuse and the Duke of Epernon resolve to leave the Court. The Marquis of Ancre designs to Marry his Son to the Princess of Soissons. The Count of Soissons accepts the Proposition. The Duke of Epernon's Generosity. The Cardinal of Joyeuse's Instructions upon his going to Rome. The Regent justifies herself to Paul the V upon what she did in Favour of the protestants. Complaints of the Court of France, against the Duke of Savoy. The Perplexity of the Duke of Savoy, upon the Death of Henry IU. The other Princes of Italy not less embarrassed, than the Duke of Savoy. The Prudent Conduct of the Senate of Venice. The ill Designs of the Court of Spain, against the Duke of Savoy. Divers Treaties to oblige the King of Spain, and the Duke of Savoy, to Disarm in Italy. The King of Spain demands the Duke of Savoy to make him Satisfaction by way of Preliminary. France lays down her Arms in Dauphine. She has some Jealousy of the Spaniards remaining in Arms in Italy. The Voyage of Philibert Prince of Savoy into Spain. The Form of the Satisfaction which the Prince of Savoy gave the King of Spain for his Father. The Reconcilement of the Duke of Savoy to Spain. Velasco Constable of Castille, and Governor of Milan, receives Order to lay down his Arms. Divers Projects of the Duke of Savoy. The Duke of Savoy resolves to Attack Geneva, and the Country of Vaux. The Council of France resolves to protect them. At length they force the Duke of Savoy to lay down his Arms. The Civil Meeting of the Protestants of France. The Protestants preparation to hold a General Meeting. The Marshal of Bovillon suffers himself to be won by the Court. The Meeting of the Reformed is Transferred from Chatelleraut to Saumur. The Reconciliation of the Marshal of Bovillon, and the Duke of Sully. The Protestants renew their Oath of Union. The Duke of Sully's Affair proposed in the Meeting at Saumur. The Duke of Sully's Remonstrance to the Assembly. A Discourse between the Marshal of Bovillon and the Duke of Rohan, about the Duke of Sully's Affair. The Assembly declares for the Duke of Sully. The Court undertakes to break up the Meeting at Saumur. A Division in the Meeting at Saumur. The Wisdom of Du Plessis Mornay, on that occasion. The Book of Du Plessis Mornay, against the Papacy. The Book of Du Plessis Mornay is censured by the Faculty of Paris. Reflections on this Censure. The Troubles of Aix la Chapelle. The Meeting of several Protestant Princes of Germany, about the Affairs of Cleves and Juliers. The Princes of the Protestant League, meet at Rottenburgh in Bavaria. The Death of the Elector of Saxony. The Electoral Diet at Neurembergh. The Elector's Requests to the Emperor. The Emperor's Answer. The Death of the Queen of Spain. The Death of the Duke and Duchess of Mayenne. The Duchess of Lorraine, and the Cardinal of Gonzaga, come to the Court of France. The Count of Soissons discontented. The Faculty of Paris Censures the three Panegyrics of Ignatius Loyola. Reflections on the Miracles ascribed to Saint Ignatius, and the Character given him. Disturbances at Troy's in Champagne, about the Settlement of the Jesuits in that City. The Process of the University of Paris against the Jesuits, upon the opening their College there. Disputes on the Questions of Grace and Predestination. The Rise of Arminianism in Holland. Vorstius is chosen to succeed Arminius. James the I. King of England, opposes the Election of Vorstius. The King of England's Apology for his Conduct in the Business of Vorstius. Revolutions in Sweden, after the Death of Gustavus Ericson. John King of Sweden, Attempts to change the Religion Established by his Father. Sigismond King of Sweden, is chosen King of Poland. He succeeds to the Kingdom of Sweden. Differences between King Sigismond, and Charles Duke of Sudermannia. The States of Sweden give the Regency of the Kingdom in the absence of King Sigismond, to the Duke of Sudermannia. The Duke of Sudermannia, and the Senate of Sweden are divided. King Sigismond Attempts in vain to reduce the Duke of Sudermannia by Force. The States of Sweden depose King Sigismond. Charles Duke of Sudermannia, is chosen King of Sweden. The King of Sweden sends the Challenge to the King of Denmark. The Death of Charles King of Sweden.  
BOOK III. THE State of France since the Regency of Mary de Medicis. The Treaty of the double Marriage between France and Spain. The double Marriage is concluded between the two Kings. Intrigues in the Court of France, when the Treaty of the double Marriage was known there. The double Marriage at last passes in the Council of France. The Pope's Nuncio complains of the Sentence of Parliament, on the Process of the University of Paris, against the Jesuits. The Nuncio's Invectives against the Advocate-General Servin. The Nuncio's Advances to the Parliament, to procure a Modification of the Sentence. The Nuncio's Intrigues with the Clergy. The Difficulties of the Jesuits, to keep even in their Conduct to the Court of Rome, and Parliament of Paris. A Book of Doctor Richer, Syndic of the Faculty of Paris, makes a great Noise there. The Cardinal du Perron, and the Bishops of the Province of Sens, assembled together to Condemn Richers Book. Richer has the Syndicat of the Faculty of Paris taken from him. Public rejoicings for the double Marriage. New Disturbances in the Court of France. The Duke of Mayenne is sent into Spain, to demand the Infanta for the King. Mathias King of Hungary and Bohemia, is Elected Emperor after the Death of Rodolphus II. Antonio Memmi is chosen Doge of Venice, after the Death of Leonard Donato, The Embassy of the Marshal of Bovillon into England. The Discontent of the Marshal Lesdiguieres. Mary de Medicis depresses ●…e Factions of the Duke of Guise and Epernon. The Count of Soissons undertakes to ruin the Ministers, and engages outrageously, to Attack the Chancellor de Sillery. The Marquis de Coevures diverts the Count of Soissons from this Enterprise. The Impostures of the Marquis of Anchors. Some Persons suborned to accuse him of Magic. The Affair of the Duke of Rohan at St. John of Angeli. The Reconciliation of the French Protestant Lords. The Protestation of the National Synod of Privas, in the Name of all the Reformed Churches of France, against the King's New Declaration. The Entry of the Duke of Pastrane into Paris. The Signing of the Marriage Articles between the Prince of Spain, and the Eldest Daughter of France. The Duke of Mayenne's Entry into Madrid. The Signing the Marriage Articles between Lewis XIII, and the Infanta of Spain. A Conspiracy against the Duke of Parma. A Discourse of Marrying Christina second Daughter of France, to Henry Prince of Wales. The Death of Henry Prince of Wales. The Fortunes of Robert Carr in England. The Death of the Count of Soissons. A New Face of the Court of France. The Condemnation of a Book of the Jesuit Becanus. The Sentence of the Parliament of Paris, against a Book of Schioppius. Peace between the Crowns of Sweden and Denmark. Revolutions in Muscovy. A False Demetrius in Poland. Demetrius enters Muscovy, and causes himself to be Crowned there. Demetrius and a great number of Poles are Massacred at Moscow. Susky is made Czar of Muscovy, and after lays down. Ladislaus Prince of Poland, is proclaimed Czar of Muscovy. The Polanders are driven out of Muscovy, and Michael Federovitz is elected Czar.  
BOOK IU. THE Baron de Luz is killed by the Chevalier of Guise. The Regent's Anger against the Guises. The Duke of Guise desires to combine with the Prince of Conde. The Queen becomes jealous of the Prince of Conde. The Violence and Mercenary Temper of the Duke of Guise. The generous Sense of the Duke of Epernon. The Regent is Reconciled to the Dukes of Guise and Epernon. The Ancient Ministers are recalled. The Confusion and Perplexity of the Prince of Conde. The young Baron de Luz is killed again by the Chevalier of Guise. The Death of Francis Duke of Mantua. New Projects of the Duke of Savoy, upon this occasion. Artifices of the Duke of Savoy. The Governor of Milan demands the Duchess Dowager of Mantua, and her Daughter. The Regent of France opposes the Duke of Savoy's designs. The Pope's Conduct in the Affair of Mantua. The Republic of Venice supports the Cardinal of Mantua. Ferdinand, Cardinal de Gonzaga, takes the Character of Duke of Mantua. New Efforts of the Duke of Savoy, to fetch away from Mantua, the Princess Mary his Granddaughter. Ambitious Projects of the Duke of Savoy. The Duke of Savoy carries Montserrat. This Enterprise is the cause of New Metions in Italy. Manifesto's of the Duke of Savoy, and the Cardinal Duke of Mantua. Artifices and Bravades of the Duke of Savoy. His Intrigues at the Court of France are discovered. The Marquis of Ancre being found Intriguing with the Duke of Savoy, is exceedingly embarrassed. The Ministers are reconciled to the Marquis of Ancre. The Court resolves to send a powerful Aid to the House of Mantua. The Queen is diverted from sending Aid so soon to the Cardinal Duke. The King of Spain declares against the Duke of Savoy. The Emperor requires the Duke of Savoy to desist from his Enterprise on Montferrat. The Governor of Milan constrains the Duke of Savoy, to submit to the King of Spain's pleasure. A difference between the Duke of Nevers, and the Governor of Milan. The Marriage of the Elector Palatin, to a Daughter of the King of England. A Discourse concerning the Marriage of Charles Prince of Wales, with Christina of France. The Emperor Mathias comes to the Diet at Ratisbon. The Catholics and Protestants reciprocally complain of each other. The ill success of the Diet at Ratisbon. The Fortune of Bethlem Gabor Prince of Transilvania. A difference between the Houses of Brandenburg and Neuburgh, about the Government of Cleves and Juliers. Prince Wolfgang of Neuburgh, Marries the Sister of the Duke of Bavaria, and changes his Religion. Difficulties to make the Peace concluded between the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua lasting. The Governor of Milan presses the Duke of Savoy to Disarm. The Duke's Evasion. The Governor of Milan demands the Princess of Mantua on the King of Spain's part. The King of Spain's Views in this demand. The Republic of Venice traverses the King of Spain's Designs. The Perplexity of Mary de Medicis in the Business of Mantua. A Proposition made to the Council of France, to cause Troops to march into Italy. The Regent sends the Marquis de Coevures into Italy, to treat an Accommodation between the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua. The vast Ambition of Conchini, made a Marshal of France, and Galigai his Wife. A Continuation of the Disputes about Grace and Predestination in the United Provinces. A new Contest in Holland about the manner of choosing Pastors. The Differences in the United Provinces increase. A Conference at Delft between the Remonstrants and Contra-remonstrants. The Prejudice of James King of England against the Arminians is abated. Sibrund, a Frieseland Minister, publishes a Libel on the States of Holland. Grotius is ordered to reply. An Edict of the States of Holland to compose the Differences about the Questions of Predestination and Grace.  
BOOK V A New Party formed at Court by the Marechal of Bovillon. Artifices of the Duke of Savoy to raise a Civil War in France. Different Measures proposed to the Council of Franco, for dispersing the Prince of Conde's Faction. The Regent's Circular Letter upon the Retreat of the Prince of Conde, and some Lords of his Faction. The Duke of Nevers seizes the Citadel of Mezieres in Champagne. The Prince of Conde writes a Letter to the Regent in form of a Manifesto. The Weakness of the Parliament of Paris on this Occasion. Reflections on the Answer the Cardinal of Perron made the Prince of Conde. The Reply of Mary de Medicis to the Prince of Conde. Mary de Medicis raises Six Thousand Swisseses: Bassompierre is made Colonel General of the Swisseses in the Duke of Rohan's Place. The Conduct of the Reformed in France in the Prince of Conde's Business. The Wisdom of Du Plessis. The Prince of Conde solicits the Reformed. The wise Reply of du Plessis Mornay to the Regent and the Prince of Conde. The Duke of Rohan seems to hear the Prince of Conde's Propositions. The Duke of Vendome's Evasion. He writes into Britain. The Death of the Constable of Montmorency. The Duke of Savoy shuns meeting the Marquis de Coevures, Ambassador from France into Italy. The Jealousy of the Princes and States of Italy, occasioned by the Correspondence of the Two Crowns, about the Affairs of that Country. The Spaniards secretly traverse the Treaty carried on by the Marquis de Coevures. The Cardinal-Duke of Mantua accepts the Conditions proposed by the Marquis de Coevures. The Duke of Savoy seems likewise to accept them. Troops are raised at Turin. The Treaty of the Duke of Ventadour and the other Commissioners of the King with the Prince of Conde, and those of his Party. The Prince retires to Soissons, and goes into Champagne. A Division in the Regent's Council on the Demands which the Prince of Conde and the Malcontents make, with respect to their private Interests. Intrigues of the Marshal of Ancre to divert the Regent from making War on the Prince of Conde. The Pope's Nuncio's reasoning on the Resolution taken to make Peace with the Prince of Conde. An Examen of the Political Reflection of a Venetian Author of the Treaty made with the Prince of Conde. A Treaty concluded at St. Menehoud between the Regent and the Prince of Conde. The Sentiments of the Parliament of Paris against a Book of Suarez the Jesuit. Paul V complains of the Proceed of Parliament against Suarez's Book. A Discourse of the Pope to the French Ambassador upon the Parlements Sentence. The Conduct of the Court of France to satisfy the Pope. The Jesuits stir to have the Parlement's Sentence burnt. The King's Declaration in his Council concerning the Parlement's Sentence. The Pope will not be satisfied with the King's Declaration. The King at last is obliged to suspend the Execution of the Parlements Sentence. Differences in the Court of France. The Duke of Vendome refuses to accept the Treaty of Menehoud. The Ability and Prudence of du Plessis Mornay. Mary de Medicis sends the Marquis de Coevures to the Duke of Vendome to dispose him to an Accommodation. A new Disturbance of the Prince of Conde. An Interview of the Prince of Conde and the Duke of Rohan. The Prince of Conde thinks to make himself Master of Poitiers. A great Tumult at Poitiers. The Gates of the City are shut against the Prince. He retreats to Chateouroux in Berry. A Remonstrance of du Plessis Mornay to the Regent. The King and Queen Mother go to Poitiers. The Queen goes to Nants in Brettany to hold a Meeting of the States. The Prince of Conti's Death. New Differences between the Princes of Brandenburg and Newburgh, about the Administration of the Countries of Cleves and Juliers. The Town of Aix la Chapelle is put under the Ban of the Empire. The Marquis of Spinola reduces the Town of Aix la Chapelle, and seizes divers Places in the Countries of Cleves and Juliers. Maurice Prince of Orange takes divers Places in the same Country. A Conference at Santheim about the Succession of Cleves and Juliers. The Duke of Savoy is more embroiled with Spain than ever. He seeks to gain the Venetians into his Interests. The Marquis of Rambovillet is sent Ambassador Extraordinary into Italy. An open War between Spain and Savoy. Several Things writ on both sides. The Pope's Nuncio and French Ambassador labour for an Accommodation between them. The Duke of Savoy accepts the Conditions proposed, and Spain refuses them. The King of Spain is not satisfied with the Governor of Milan's Conduct. The Majority of Lewis XIII. His first Act. Sit in his Seat of Justice. Education of Lewis XIII.    

THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF LEWIS XIII. King of France and Navarre.  

BOOK I.  
THE Reign, whose History I am about to write, 
The Plan of the Work.  abounds in Great Events. Here is a Scene of Civil and Foreign Wars, Bloody Battles, Towns attacked and defended with great Conduct and Courage; The Protestants oppressed in France, and supported in Hungary, Germany, and the United Provinces; The Nobility, Clergy, Parlements and People reduced to Slavery. A King unable to extricate himself from those Difficulties in which some were still busy to involve him, leaves the Care of Affairs to his Favourites and Ministers. Alike averse to his Mother, his Wife, his Brother; he treats the one ill, and obliges the rest to form Leagues at Home and Abroad, and at last to throw themselves into the Hands of the ancient Enemies of France. The Princes of the Blood, and the Great Lords disgusted, sometimes at the ill Administration of a Regent, at other times with the excessive Power of a Favourite or Minister, rise under the specious Pretence of a Concern for the Public Good. The Protestants driven to Extremity by the frequent Infractions of the most inviolable Edict that ever was, at last take Arms to defend the Liberty of their Consciences, and preserve those Securities which had been so justly granted them in the preceding Reign.  
The Erterprises of the House of Austria on the Princes of Italy, force them to have recourse to the Protection of France, and make an Alliance with her. These Sovereigns, jealous of their Repose and Liberty, see, without concern, the Duke of Savoy give up to the King of France a Place which opens a way into Italy, whenever he shall think fit to send any Aid thither. A great Conqueror coming from the Extremities of the North to defend those of his Religion in Germany, overthrows the ambitious Projects of the Courts of Vienna and Madrid. The Emperor trembles, and fears to lose his Hereditary Countries; and France, by the help of a League opportunely made with Sweden, forces from the House of Austria part of her ancient Patrimony. The Success of the Spanish Arms in Picardy strikes a Terror into Paris itself. The King of France comes out of his Capital to repulse the Enemy, and cannot refrain from Tears to see the Fire advanced so near the Gates of his own Palaces. The Revolutions on the other side the Pyrences change the Face of Affairs. Catalonia surrenders to Lewis XIII. and Portugal drives out the Spaniards, and replaces the Duke of B●…aganza on the Throne of his Ancestors. Philip the iv in a Consternation leaves Madrid to secure the Country of Arragon, and reduce the Catalonians. But no soon●…r does he begin this Expedition, but he receives the unwelcome News, that France had seized the Town of Perpigan and the County of Rousillon.  
In this Variety of Events there may be ●…und many eminent Instances of Virtue ●…nd Vice, Treachery richly rewarded, ●…e highest Posts of Honour obtained by ●…e most infamous Crimes, some few be●…owed on Merit, great Preferments re●…cted with Contempt, from Motives of ●…eligion and Probity. Some great Lords ●…eanly ransom their Lives and Estates by coming Slaves to an Ambitious and Revengeful Cardinal: Others threatened to be made a Sacrifice to his Passions and Interest, with a Noble Haughtiness continue faithful to their Friends, and suffer Death with an Heroic Courage.  
This Fragment of the Modern History of France, which I design to illustrate, is so curious and full of Variety, it would soon tempt a Man who would employ his Time in writing something Diverting and Instructive. However the boldness of the Attempt has often awed me, and perhaps it is above my Abilities. If I praise the principal Actors who appear upon the Stage, I am in danger of being censured for Flattery; and if I speak too freely, I am sure to be charged with Detraction. Constant Panegyric disgusts and incenses most Readers. They love to have the Vices and secret Passions of Men laid open. This Air of Freedom pleases and diverts them. But if I should indulge this natural Inclination we have to hea●… others condemned, will not the World too say I am making a satire, and not wri●…ting a History?  
I shall endeavour then to avoid the●… two Extremes with all possible Care. have no Inducement to praise or bla●● Persons who were almost all dead befo●● I came into the World. What particular Reason can I have to love or hate them The difference of Opinion in Matters Religion and Government shall not hind the from doing Justice to Merit, or conmending what is worthy of Praise. I am, thanks to God, in a Country where every one enjoys a Happiness, which is so rare in this World, to speak their reasonable Thoughts with freedom. If I am not in a Capacity to do my Country Service. I have the Liberty to deplore its Misfortunes.  

The State of Europe and of France at the end of the Reign of. Henry IU.  Before I enter upon the Matter, I shall promise some few Things of Henry the Fourth, and the End of his Life. It's necessary to know the Posture of Affairs in Europe and France, when this latter lost one of the greatest Monarches she ever had. He employed the first Years of his Reign in reducing by force of Arms, or gaining by Treaties, all who had form a potent League against him, under Colour of Religion, and in carrying on a War against Philip II. King of Spain. This Ambitious Monarch had supported the League with a mighty Assistance of Men and Money, out of a Design to place a Prince of his House on the Throne of France, or at least to dismember that Monarchy, whose Power was an invincible Obstacle to the vast Projects he had conceived. But finding himself worn out with Infirmities of Body, and seeing his Country quite exhausted by the Immense Sums he expended, and the great number of Soldiers and Ships which he lost in his Wars against the United Provinces of the Low Countries, England, and France. Philip, I say, after so many Men, and so much Treasure consumed in vain, was glad to make Peace with Henry on such Conditions as the State of France, not less exhausted than Spain, could not give them leave to hope for.  
Elizabeth Queen of England, and the States of the United Provinces made loud Complaints, that the King abandoned his good and faithful Allies in pre●…sing ●…o cagerly the Conclusion of the Treaty with Philip. T●●●, say they, is a sure way to lose the favourable Opportunity of taking those Advantages against Spain, which its low and declining Condition must have put in our Hands. Henry excused this Proceeding of his as well as he could, alleging the Incapacity of his Kingdom to support a Foreign War, after it had been so miserably harassed by a Domestic one, which had lasted so many Years, and was not yet well extinguished. The Reason was specious: But the King seemed impatient to give himself up to his Pleasures, and with ease to enjoy so fair a Succession, which he had purchased with so much Hazard and Trouble.  
It must be owned Henry had good Reason to distrust his Strength for the future The Duke of Mercoeur, penned up in Britain, would not have made his Peace, if he had not believed that of Spain entirely resolved on. Besides, the Protestants of France, who had served a King bred up amongst them, with so much Courage and Constancy, took Umbrage and Jealousy. His changing his Religion and the Favours, with which he purchased the friendship of the Great Men, who had been Leagued against him, began to Alarm them; and his New Engagements to the Court of Rome, their crael and implacable Enemy, had like to have cooled them. Henry prudently confirmed his best Subjects by the Edict of Nantes, which was concerted with great Industry and Deliberation. Happy had they been, if the Successors of this good Prince, had left them peaceably to enjoy what he so justly granted them.  
No sooner was Peace settled at home and abroad, but Henry strove to win the Hearts of his Subjects, by publishing he would labour incessantly to make them live in Ease and Plenty. Several Manufactures were set up, and some certain Duties taken off: It is probable the great Debts he contracted, and the engagement of a great part of his Revenue, would not give him leave to take away divers others very burdensome, and made him give ear to all Projects, for bringing Money into his own Coffers. But in all this he had the Address to prevent, and stifle all Murmurs by making the French Nation since for a long time accustomed to patience, believe his greatest desire was to make them happy. The King flattered himself, he should check the turbulent humour of divers great Men, and perhaps by degrees, ruin them by engaging them after his Example, to make excessive expenses in Buildings, Play, and other more Criminal Pleasures. In this he found his Account in a double manner. It was his natural Inclination, though he was a Manager good enough; and those who could embroil the State, would be drained of Money and Credit, and forced to depend on the bounty of their Prince.  
This did not succeed in all points, as he had projected it. If the Constable of Montmorency, the Dukes of Montpensier, and Epernon, the Mareschals of Bovillon and Byron did not proceed so far, as to take Arms to express their Resentment; some because they were not Rewarded according to their mind, others because some Ministers Confidents of the King, had a greater share in secret Councils than themselves: Yet these Iords created him great Disquiet. The just punishment of Byron, the most imprudent and violent of all the Malcontents and the Submissions of the Marshal de Bovillon, Defeated the Conspiracy which Charles Emanuel Duke of Savoy, had laid in his Journey to Paris, and Philip the III. the New King of Spain, had promised to support. That of the Marquis de Vernueil, a Mistress of the King, who had foolishly promised to make her his Wife, before he was married to Mary de Medicis, was likely to have had terrible Consequences; but was fortunately broke by the Condemnation of d'Entragues, Father of the Marchioness; and the Imprisonment of the Count d' Auvergue, her Brother by the Mother's side, and Natural Son to Charles the IX.  
The King complained, the Court of Spain promised Aid to all his Factious Subjects. He showed his Resentment publicly, when he discovered an Intrigue of the Spanish Ambassador, with a Gentleman of Provence, who undertook to deliver up the Town of Marseilles to Philip the III. Two Rival Powers have ever matter to Recriminate, when the one thinks he can convict the other of a secret Infraction of Treaties. The Ambassador without scruple Reproached the King, with assisting the United Provinces after the Peace of Veruins, and endeavouring to raise the Moors in Spain. In some occasions Henry was not more upright and sincere, than Philip. Prince's seldom concern themselves much about so fair a Virtue: No sooner had the King of France settled his Affairs, and amassed several Millions, by the Care and Management of the Duke of Sully, Superintendent of the Finances, but he began to think in earnest, of Humbling the Pride of the House of Austria. This was the Language of those times; the World is busied at present in Leagues to oppose the Ambitious Designs of France.  
Henry waiting only for a Specious Pretence to make War on Spain, renewed his ancient Alliances abroad, and carried on Negotiations with divers Princes, to bring them over to his Interests. By the Treaty of Marriage between the Infanta Isabel, and Archduke Albert, Philip the II. had given his dear Daughter the Sovereignty of the Provinces, which Spain had at that time in the low Countries. Catherine Sister of Isabel, brought Charles Emmanuel Duke of Savoy, her Husband, but a very moderate Fortune. So unequal a Division, did not satisfy the Ambition of a Prince, who was always stirring to make himself Great, though he could never obtain his Aim. Charles thought the Duchy of Milan ought in Right to be given up to him; Henry seeks to take the Advantage of Discontent of the Duke: A Proposition is made, to Assist the Duke in the Conquest of a Country, which lay so convenient for him; and to give the King's Eldest Daughter in Marriage to his Son. On these Conditions, Charles voluntarily makes a League Offensive and Defensive with France.  
Some pretend all the Powers of Europe were engaged in it, or at least ought to have been, to confine the House of Austria to Spain, and its Hereditary Countries in Germany; but the Project which is ascribed to Henry on this occasion, is strangely Chimerical. If it be true, that this King ever entertained a thought of that kind, and proposed no other end in so vast Enterprise, than the glory of having brought Eu●…ope to a Balance; Henry doub●…less was the vainest Man in his Kingdom: Is it not much more probable, that seeing so favourable an occasion to revenge himself on Spain, he was resolved to make his advantage of it.  
The Declension of that Monarchy, was visible to all the World. Philip the III. a Prince Inferior to his Father for his Parts; found it in so ill a condition, that being unable to supply Archduke Albert with Provisions necessary for carrying on the War against the United Provinces, he was constrained to make a shameful Truce with the States-General; in which he owns them to be free, and Disclaims any Pretention of his own, or the Archduke's over them. We must not think Spain wanted good Generals, brave Officers, or Statesmen bred in the Cabinet of Philip II. but the Duke of Lerma her first Minister, had neither Genius nor Ability to gain his Master Reputation abroad, or govern a Monarchy oppressed with its own Greatness.  
The House of Austria was still weaker in Germany. The Emperor Rodolphus had no great Vices, but the Virtues which make up the chief Character of a Prince, were wanting in him. Shut up in his City of Prague, he employed himself in any thing, rather than Politics. Had he had good Ministers, he would not have hindered them from acting well. But he had so little care to choose them, or observe their steps that himself did not know, whether he was well or ill served. Rodolphus did not live in good understanding with his Brethren. The Archduke Mathias, forced him to give up the Kingdom of Hungary to him, and secure to him the Succession to the Crown of Bohemia. Both unable to keep their Subjects of different Religion in Peace, were obliged to receive the Conditions which the stronger Party imposed on them.  
England is so seated, it ought equally to fear lest Spain or France become too Potent. James the First succeeded to Queen Elizabeth, a Princess whose Memory is still dear to the English; for her great Courage, her matchless Prudence, and her sincere Love to her People. Both Crowns strove which should make an Alliance with the New King. They believed that being more Potent than his Predecessors, by the Union of the Crown of Scotland, to that of England; he would be more able to hold the balance even, or make it incline to which side he pleased. But James still fearful and wavering, governed by his Wife or his Favourites, soon shown the World, he was fit to manage the Pen, than the Sword; to write on a Question of Civil Law or Divinity, than to Reign gloriously and make himself formidable to his Neighbours. He made a Treaty of Alliance with Henry. Both Kings engaged to assist the United Provinces, and to defend each other in case either of them was attacked by the Spaniards. The Court of Madrid exasperated to find the King of Great Britain, take to a contrary Interest; possibly underhand countenanced the discontented Party, and the Papists in England, form that Horrible Attempt, which has since been called the Gunpowder Plot. Since that time. James ever dreaded the Spaniards. And they were so Skilful to improve this weakness of his, and Avarice of his Ministers, that far from opposing the Erterprises of the House of Austria, you will find he will patiently suffer her to dispossess the Elector Palatine, who married a Daughter of England.  

Henry iv prepares for War.  In this posture were the Affairs of Europe, when Henry Troops, and bring them to to raise Troops, and bring them to the Frontiers of Champagne. John William, Duke of Cleves, Bergh and Juliers dying without Children, lest a contended Succession. His four Sisters or their Children, had each different Pretenstions; some Imperial Constitutions contrary to each other, embroiled the Affair more. Some of these determined the Fees of the Contested Countries to be the right of the Heirs Male; and others supposed Daughter's capable of the Succession. Among all the Princes who were pretenders, the Right of John Sigismond Elector of Brandenburg, and that of Philip Lewis Palatin of Newburgh, were the most plausible. The first had married the Daughter of the Eldest Sister of the last Duke; and the other was Husband of the second Sister, who maintained, that the Succession was devolved on her, to the prejudice of the Children of her Eldest Sister Deceased, before Duke John William. These two Princes each took possession of a part of those Estates they pretended did entirely belong to them; But it was to be feared, a third stronger than both of them, would make himself Master of the best places, while they made War to drive each other out: Therefore the Landgrave of Hess, their common Friend, made them consent to a Provisional Treaty. In this they promised to terminate their Differences Amicably, and by Arbitration; and to join their Forces against any who should Attempt to usurp the Countries of Cleves and Juliers. Till this should be decided, it was agreed they should govern Individually, and in common; and without prejudice to the right of the Emperor, or the other Prince's pretenders. The States of the Country Assembled at Dusseldorp, took this Affair into their Cognizance at the Entreaty of the King of France, who already declared for the two Princes.  
They were both Protestants, and the United Provinces supported them as far as they were able. This gave Umbrage to the Archduke's of the low Countries, whose Estates bordered on one side, on those of Juliers. A certain Prince of their House in Germany, would have been glad to have made his Advantage in this Litigious Title. The pretence of Religion is never wanting upon occasion; and here it would have been very seasonable. The Governor of Juliers then is won over, and Leopold of Austria, Bishop of Strasbourg and Passaw, passes secretly into the place. He brought with him a Commission from the Emperor, who pretended to be the Natural and Sovereign Judge of a Difference arising about the Fiefs of the Empire; and in the mean time, he gave to his Cousin Leopold, the Administration of the contested places.  
This Sequestration, seemed to tend to an Usurpation. By the Addition of the Dutchies of Cleves and Juliers, to its other Hereditary Countries; the House of Austria was in a condition to oppress the Germane Liberties with more ease. The Neighbourhood of the low Countries, gave the King of Spain an opportunity to send his best Troops to the Assistance of his Kinsmen. This Enterprise ought to have alarmed equally all the Princes of Germany; but the Jealousy caused by difference of Religion, made the Duke of Bavaria, the Electours of Mentz, Triers, and some others, fear the Protestant Party would be too strong, if the disputed Countries should fall to a Prince of that Religion. See then the Catholics assemble at Wirtsbourg; and form there a League of which the Duke of Bavaria was Chief, and send a Deputation to Rome and Madrid, to demand Aid of Pope Paul the V and Philip King of Spain.  
On the other hand the Protestants come in great numbers to Hall in Swabia. The elector and Princes of Saxony, do not appear there. Those of the branch of Weymar and Koburg, had their particular Pretensions to the Dutchies of Cleves and Juliers; and hoped the House of Austria would espouse their right sooner than that of other Princes, more jealous of her growing Greatness. The Elector of Saxony contented himself to send to Hall, in conjunction with the King of Denmark, to exhort all the Pretenders to put their Interests, into the Emperor's hand. The Resolutions taken in that Assembly were kept private. The Prince of Anhalt, whom those of Brandenburg and Newburg, had desired to go on a Negotiation to the Court of France, returned to Hall, accompanied with Boissise Ambassador from the King. This Minister declared publicly, his Master would Assist them with all his Strength; and would march himself at the Head of a powerful Army, to oppose the Designs of the House of Austria. The United Provinces too, promised to join their Troops with those of Henry. The Neighbourhood of the Contested Countries, made it unsafe for them to suffer them to fall into the hands of a Kinsman or Friend of Spain.  
The mortal Displeasure the King of France had, to see the Archduke's of the low Countries, and the King of Spain, receive the Prince of Conde with open Arms, who had secretly withdrawn himself to Brussels, with the Princess his Wife; and promise him all sort of Assistance against the Injustice done him by Henry. This Accident I say, happening at the same time with the Affair of Cleves and Julie●…s, urged him more to a War, than the Noble desire to assist his Allies. Being Resolved to revenge the many Affronts he had received from Philip the II. and his Son; and to have the Princess of Conde back, what ever it cost him. Henry again sent Troops towards the Alps. Lesdiguieres, who from a mean Birth and Fortune, had raised himself by degrees during the Wars in Dauphiny and Provence; and had obtained the staff of Marshal of France. This Man was sent to conduct to the Duke of Savoy, the Troops designed against Italy, and to Attack the Milanese in Conjunction with him. Vast Preparations were made. These at first were covered with the ordinary pretence of the Public Safety, the preserving the R●…pose of Europe; and the maintaining the King's Allies in their rightful Possession; but a Vile and Criminal Passion made them to increase, and march with the greatest Expedition. Henry it was said had reason to fear, that his ancient Enemies abusing the easiness and resentment of the first Prince of the Blood, should excite an Ambition in him, and put it into his Head, to contest the Validity of the Marriage of the King with Mary de Medicis, after a Divorce founded on very frivolous Reasons, and the I egitimacy of his Children by this second Wife; but to speak the Truth, the Absence of his Fair Angel, for so he called the Princess of Conde, lay nearer his Heart than any thing besides.  

M●…moires de Bassompierre.  No sooner did Henrietta Charlotte of Montmorency appear in the World, but the good King became Amorous to the last degree of Folly. The Constable her Father, would have married her to Bassompierre, a Gentleman of Lorraine; who was well received at Court, and in great favour with the King; but Henry broke off this Match when it was very far advanced. Bassompierre seemed too likely to engage the Affections of his Wife. The Prince of Conde he thought would be a Husband less troublesome to a Lover, by giving him Diversion in Hunting; he flattered himself he should find time and means to deceive a Man, who was not so discerning and jealous, as the other would have been: In a word, Henry who could not content himself with his own Wife, was willing as he freely said to Bassompeierre, that his nearest Kinsman should be a Comfort and Support to him in his old Age, which he was now entering into.  

The Fli●…ht of the Prince of Conde.  The Prince soon perceived the King was desperately in love with the Lady he had married. Henry's Passion appeared more clearly every day than other, he could not keep himself within the Rules of Decency. The new Husband could not contain himself any more. He complains, is transported, and throws off all Respect. To make him more complaisant and tractable, his Pensions are taken away. Notwithstanding his pressing Instances for the Money promised in Marriage, he meets with nothing but denial. These Hardships served only to exasperate a young M●…n whom the Malcontents, and the private Enemies of the King, urged incessantly with Motives of Honour, and increased his Jealousy, by representing the King was not Master of his Passion, and might be transported by it to some Violence. So that in fine, the Prince of Conde determined to take his Wife with him, and retire into the Low Countries.  
The News of their Flight was a Clap of Thunder to the Amorous Old Man. He immediately calls his Ministers, who were his chief Confidents, to concert Measures with them in so nice a Juncture. The Chancellor de Sillery tells him, with a great deal of Gravity, He ought to make Good and Firm Declarations against the Prince of Conde and all his Adherents. Can the slow Proceed in a Court of Justice be a speedy and effectual Remedy for the Despair of a Lover, who thought himself the most unfortunate Man in the World when the Object of his Passion was separated from him? Villeroy, Secretary of S●…ate, was of Opinion, the King should write to his Ambassadors in Foreign Courts, and order them to press the Princes not to receive Conde, who had withdrawn himself without the King's leave, and send him forthwith into France. The Counsel of Villeroy was not heard. This would have required a Negotiation with the Princes into whose Dominions Conde was fled. A delay of this kind did not agree with the Uneasiness and Impatience of Henry.  
When the Duke of Sully was asked what his Opinion was; I foresaw this Accident; said he to the King. If your Majesty would have followed the Advice I gave you some days since, and put Monsieur the Prince in the Bastile, I would have taken care to have kept him well. That's true, replied the King, but what must we do now? Nothing, said Sully, after he had mused for a small time near the Window. A Fugitive Subject is soon abandoned by all the World, if his Master do not appear concerned to ruin him. If you show the least eagerness to have Monsieur the Prince given up, your Enemies will take Pleasure to vex you, by receiving him well, and aiding him. Doubtless this was the best part he had to act; but Henry was too Amorous to take it.  
The Counsel of the Precedent Jeannin was more pleasing to him. He proposed to send a Captain of the Guards after him to bring him back if he could seize him; otherwise, to send immediately to Brussels, where the Prince would not fail to shelter himself, and demand him of the Archduke and Duchess, and to menace them with a War if they refused to restore him. Albert and Isabel, added Jeannin, have no Tie to Monsieur the Prince; and the King of Spain will not have time to write to them to keep him. What appearance is there that weak and timorous Persons will for so small a Matter, draw your Majesty's Power on them?  
Doubtless the Event would have been as Jeannin had imagined, if the famous Ambrose Spinola had not been at that time with the Archdukes. Albert and Isabel, awed by the Menaces of a Warlike King, who had made great Preparations, would have complied with the Desires of Henry. But Spinola with vehemence represented to them; they could not in Humanity refuse a Retreat and Protection to a persecuted Prince, who asked no more than a Shelter for his Honour and Person against the Insults which he had reason to apprehend: That at least their Highnesses ought not to give a positive Answer, without first consulting the Catholic King in an Affair of that Importance. So in concert with the Court of Madrid, an Answer was given to those sent by Henry: That the Honour and inviolable Rights of Hospitality would not allow the Archdukes to restore the Prince without his own Consent into the Hands of the King: But their Highnesses would take care he should not do any thing during his stay there against the Respect and Obedience due to his Sovereign.  
So modest a Denial served only to inflame the King's Anger, and make him more obstinate in his Demands of the Prince and Princess of Conde. He sent Orders every Day to repeat the Instances to the Archdukes. While he was arming powerfully in his Kingdom, the French, who were at Brussels, took Measures to carry off the Princess, who gave ground to believe she was not very averse to it. The People ran to Arms to oppose this Violence. Conde at last resolved to retire to Milan: and the Infanta took the Princess into her own Palace. The Archdukes had promised not to give her up without the Consent of the Prince.  
The Constable of Montmorency, solicited by the King, demanded his Daughter; and the nearest Kindred of the Princess wrote to Brussels as well as he. They alleged, that all the Family would have the Marriage annulled. The King had recourse to the Pope. He pressed him to interpose his Authority, that the Princess being set at liberty, might demand a Dissolution of it. She did not love her Husband, and the Bigotry of the Infanta, who watched her narrowly, was so contrary to the Humour of a young Person accustomed to the Pleasures of the Court of France, that she seemed not very averse to the Divorce her Kindred proposed to her, at least in appearance. But all these Subtleties wore fruitless. The Archdukes, inflexible in their Word to the Prince, answered still to all the Instances and Menaces made them, That they would not restore the Princess without the Consent of her Husband, who had entrusted her with them. A very generous Resolution indeed! But is there not ground to think their secret Desire to excite some Commotions in France, to traverse the vast Projects of Henry, inspired them at least as much as their love to Equity and Justice?  

Henry iv prepares to march at the Head of his Army.  The great Preparations in France and other places, kept the World in suspense. None doubted the King had some greater Design than to drive Archduke Leopold out of the Countries of Cleves and Juliers. In the mean time the House of Austria appeared Serene: It could not be observed that she made any Provisions against this approaching War, which openly threatened her; either because she expected that Stroke, which soon changed the State of Affairs; or that the King of Spain, a stupid and unactive Prince, suffered himself to be persuaded by a weak Minister, that the Ardour of Henry would cool, when the French had spent their first Fire on the Countries of Cleves and Juliers, and some other places of Italy. The King had Thirty Thousand Foot, and Six Thousand Horse in Champagne, Sixty Pieces of Artillery, and abundance of Money and Provisions. Twelve Thousand Foot and Two Thousand Horse waited in Dauphine the Orders of Lesdiguieres, to go and join the Duke of Savoy's Army. The Venetians promised to declare themselves, on condition they might have that part of the Milanese which lay most conveniently for them.  
Henry burned with Impatience to march at the Head of so fair an Army. Sometimes he would try the Arms he designed to bear in the Day of Battle; at other times he took pleasure to see the brave Prince Maurice of Orange bring him the best Troops of the United Provinces. Vexed at the Advantages which Alexander Duke of Parma had gained over him in the Sieges of Paris and Rouen, he hoped to take his Revenge against the Marquis of Spinola, whose Reputation began to equal that of the other. He was the only General now which the House of Austria had to oppose to the King.  
Measures were taken for the Administration of Government in his Absence: The Queen was to be Regent, and the Duke of Epernon Precedent of her Council. It is amazing, that Henry would trust his Wife and Children in the Hands of a Lord whom he never loved, and whose Fidelity was ever suspected by him. But after all, he could never have made a better Choice. Of the Three Princes of the Blood, the first was in the Enemy's Hands; Conti passed for a weak Man, and the Count of Soissons was disgusted. 
1610.  Their ancient Enmity, and the strict Tie the Guises had to the Spaniard, made it unsafe for him to trust any of that House. Epernon had Wit, Courage, Honour, and was not without some Vanity. So great a Mark of Respect engaged him to exert himself, to answer the good Opinion the King had shown of his Prudence and Fidelity.  
Henry had yielded to the Importunities of the Queen, 
Henry is Assassinated the 14th of May 1610.  who ardently desired to be Crowned in all the Forms. He imagined this Complaisance would make that jealous Princess forget the ill Humour the King's Mistresses, and above all the Marquis de Vernueil had so oft put her in. The Ceremony of Consecration was performed at St. Denys, with great Magnificence. All things were disposed for the solemn Entry of the Queen into the Capital of the Kingdom. When on the Eve of the Day designed for that Pageantry, Henry going in his Coach to the Arsenal, to confer with the Duke of Sully, Superintendant of the Finances, and great Master of the Artillery, received two or three stabs with a Knife, one of which cut through the Artery of the Lungs. He fell down dead on the Duke of Epernon, who was on one side of him, and to whom he was whispering in the Ear, when he received the first blow.  
Francis Ravillac a Native of Angoulême, committed this execrable Parricide the 14th day of May, 1610. In the Hurry and Confusion which attend Accidents of this kind, he might have saved himself by hiding his Knife. But persuaded this was an Action worthy of Reward, he kept it in his hand till he was seized. One of the King's Gentlemen in ordinary, and some Footmen, would have given him a thousand stabs upon the spot; but the Duke of Epernon remembering the fault committed in killing in this manner the Monk, who murdered Henry the III▪ forbidden any on pain of Death to touch him. So he was secured, and carried to the Hôtel of Retz. By a Negligence which appeared suspicious and affected, instead of throwing this Wretch into a Dungeon, every one had the liberty to speak to him, during the two days he remained there. If the first Persons of the Kingdom thought they had more pressing Affairs than to revenge the Death of the King, what hindered the inferior Magistrates from doing their Duty, in discovering the Authors of so black an Attempt?  

The Queen labours to procure herself to be declared Regen●…, during the Minority of Lewis XIII. her Son.  The Queen wiped off her Tears as soon as the Chancellor and Villeroy had made her sensible every Moment was precious and she must labour incessantly to make her Advantage of the absence of two o●… the Princes of the Blood, and the weakness of the other, to procure herself to b●… declared Regent during the Minority o●… her Son. The new King Lewis XIII▪ was about to begin the tenth year of his Age, being born the 27th of September, 1601. The Dukes of Guise and Epernon, seemed the most proper Persons to execute the Project. The unbounded Ambition of both these Men, made them equally believe, by doing this service to a Foreign Princess unskilled in the Arts of Ruling a Nation, they should make themselves Masters of the Government. Behold then both of them marching through Paris, at the Head of divers Armed Men, to suppress any Tumult might be caused by the unexpected Death of the King. Guise goes directly to the Town-House, Epernon arrives a little after, and both exhort Lejay Provost of the Merchants, the Echevins and the Citizens met there to continue faithful to the Son of him, whose Loss they Regretted, and to take all necessary care to prevent Disorder and Confusion.  
The Duke of Sully came from the Arsenal, as soon as he heard of the Death of his good Master. He went to the Lovure, as other Persons of Quality did, who all ran to offer their Services, and swear Fidelity to the New King, and the Queen his Mother. 
Memoires de Bassompierre.  Surprised to find Bassompierre at the head of a great number of Horse; he thought fit to exhort him to take an Oath of Fidelity to Lewis: Well Sir, replied Bassompierre, in a haughty disdainful Tone, We come here to require that of others, and there is no need of ●…our preaching to us on that Chapter. I cannot tell whether this answer made the Duke suspect these Men went to seize the Arsenal, and the Bastile, and that his Enemies were resolved to drive him out as soon as they could. However this was, Sully returns back, shuts himself up in the Bastile, takes away all the Bread in the Markets, and Baker's Shops, and writes to the Duke of Rohan his Son-in-Law, Colonel General of the Swisseses, to come to Paris with six Thousand Men of that Nation, which he commanded in Champagne. In a word, he seems to make Provisions to sustain a Siege, in case any Attempt should be made to Dispossess him without his consent. An Imprudent step and subject to the most Sinister Interpretations, especially in a time of universal Jealousy and Distrust.  
Whilst Sully confined himself in the Bastile. 
Vie du Due de Epernon L. VI  others were providing for themselves by labouring for the Queen. The Duke of Epernon had placed the Regiment o●… French Guards on the Pontneuf, and in th●… Streets round the Convent of Augustin●… The Parliament was there at that time because the Courts were fitted up for the Feasts prepared against the Crowning o●… the Queen. As soon as the Chamber were met by the care of the Presiden●… Seguier, with whom the Duke ha●… conferred, he entered boldly into th●… Hall, with his Sword taken out of th●… Belt. It is yet, says he, in the Scabbar●… with a Rough Menacing Air. If the Quee●… be not declared Regent before the Court break up, it must be drawn, and I foresee there will be Blood spilt. Some of you Gentlemen, says he, demand time to consider. This is an unseasonable Prudence, What I propose, may be done now without Peril, but to morrow it cannot without Blood. The Duke added somewhat to soften so violent an Advance, The Members looked on one another, astonished at the Novelty of the Proposition, to put the Administration of the Government into the hands of the Queen, without the participation of the Princes of the Blood, and the Officers of the Crown. The Magistrates remained for some time in a pensive Silence. The first Precedent de Harlay broke this at last, and said in few words, the Court was obliged to the Duke of Epernon, for the Zeal he had shown for the Public good, and exhorted him always to retain Sentiments worthy of his Rank and Virtue.  
This short and general Answer, made Epernon reflect a little. Far enough from persuading them, the Soldiers were placed ●…round the Covent, only to secure 〈◊〉 free Debate; the Duke gave occasion to believe, he intended to extort a Vote at any rate. He went out of the Hall to give the Chambers liberty to deliver their Opinions without Constraint. I ●…ave proposed, said he, as he withdrew, the ●…est way. There is no time to be lost. La ●…uesle, Procurator General, who had his Hopes as well as the rest, concluded in favour of the Queen, and the Parliament awed, declared her Regent during the under Age of her Son.  
In the breaking up of the Assembly, the wisest Men deplored more than before, the Misfortune of their Country, in losing a King whose Life was so necessary for its Welfare. Now, said they, are we once again at the Discretion of an Italian Woman. What good is to be expected from a Regent, Prodigal, Imperious, and unexperienced? Our dependence must be now on Galigai and Conchini her Husband, Confidents of the Queen, and Pensioners of Spain. What Confusions will not their Covetousness and Ambition cause in the Court and Kingdom. If the King, added others, had followed the Advice given him, and drove out that Rabble, who were always cherishing Jealousy and Discontent in the Queen, perhaps we might not have had occasion now to bemoan the loss of so good a Prince. It is well known, Conchini and his Wife threatened the Person of the King, if he attempted to punish their Villainies. Might not People of this stamp suborn an Assassin?  

●●●moi●…es de ●●●●gence de M●…rie de Medicis.  The next day all was serene at Paris. Guise so well managed the humour of the Duke of Sully, that he brought him to the Lovure to pay his Duty to the King and Queen. Villeroy had disposed them to receive him kindly. He insinuated incessantly to the new Regent, that the ancient Ministers of her Husband being most acquainted with Affairs at home, and abroad, it would not be convenient to make any alteration in the Council. The Secretary of State was afraid the Disgrace of the Superintendant, might be of dangerous Consequence to the rest. This was an Example might be made use of against Villeroy himself. Sully made a set Speech to the Queen, and being persuaded she was averse to the War with Spain, and would unite herself with those her Husband sought to depress; the Duke assured her Majesty, he had endeavoured to divert the late King from his Designs. The Duke of Vendome being luckily there, Sully appealed to him for the truth of what he had said to his Father, in his presence. Base Courtier! who Sacrificed so early the Reputation of his Benefactor to his wavering Fortune.  
The Provinces followed the Example of the Capital, Catholics and Protestants alike submitted to the Regency of Mary. All was calm in the Armies. At the Solicitation of his Father-in-Law, the Duke of Rohan had brought the Swisseses a days march towards Paris; but Sully content with the good Reception of the Queen, sending a speedy Countermand, he returned back. Gonzague Duke of Nevers, who commanded the Army in Champagne, made all the Officers swear Allegiance, and the Marshal Lesdiguieres kept that in Dauphine to their Duty. The News being dispersed on all sides, that the new King was Recognized by the Parliament the day after his Father's Death, and the Regency of the Widow was confirmed there in a Solemn manner; this did not a little conduce to settle the Tranquillity of the Remote Provinces.  
The Constable, the Peers of the Kingdom, and the great Officers of the Crown, 
Lewis XIII. sits in his Seat of Justice the first time.  appeared in the Parliament. The King came thither followed by the Queen his Mother, the Prince of Conti, and the Count of Enghien, Son of Soissons, who was retired to an Estate in the Country, Disgusted that some mark of Distinction was refused to his Wise at the Queen's Coronation. After every one had taken their place, Mary began a small Discourse which she had premeditated. Scarce had she uttered two or three Words, but a shower of Tears hindered her from proceeding farther. It was doubtful whether they proceeded from Grief or Joy. Every one made what construction he pleased. Resuming her Discourse after a sew Sighs, 
Mercure Francois. 1610.  either Affected or Sincere, I have brought you here my Son, says the Queen, to entreat you to take that care of him, which you are obliged to do. I conjure you to do this by the Memory of his Father, by the Love you ought to have for yourselves, and your Zeal for your Country. I will instruct him to follow your Advice, in all the concerns of State. It is your part to see this be wholesome and good. When she had done, she came down within the Bar, as if she would still give them a liberty to agree in their Opinions concerning the Regency. The Princes, Lords, and Magistrates convinced there was more Ceremony than Reality in this, begged her to take her place again. Marry skilled in the Art of Dissimulation, suffered herself to be pressed for a long time, till the Instances she required, seemed to be a force on her Modesty and Grief.  
Young Lewis rehearsed well enough the Discourse prepared for him. It was not omitted, here to insert the young King would follow the Advice of his Parliament. This is a Language which ancient Custom has made usual in the beginning of a Minority, but is never remembered by Princes, when their Authority is once Established. Ann of Austria, and her Son, said the same thing. Nevertheless we have seen with our own Eyes in the present Reign, and we shall see in that whose History I now write, that Lewis XIII, and his Successor, have too much given ear to vile Flatterers, who have prompted them to annul the Authority of a Body of Men, on which the Preservation of France does depend, 
Reisel Hist. de Lovis XII. & dans son liure de la Monarchie de France, 1. part. chap. VIII. & X.  and which was Established, to curb the Absolute power of the King. Thus Men talked in the time of Lewis XIII. And this Discourse is Seditious, under the Reign of Lewis XIV.  
The Chancellor assured them, the late King had more than once signified his Intention, according to divers preceding Examples; that the Queen his Wife should have the Administration of Affairs, in case he died before his Son was a Major. After the Chancellor's Harangue was over, the first Precedent began. He exhorted the young Prince to strive to deserve the Title of Father of his People, as the good King Lewis XII. had done, on whose Throne he sat, and to follow the Instructions which St. Lewis left to Posterity. Servin, Advocate-General, did the same; and all was concluded by the King's Decree, sitting in his Seat of Justice, and confirming that made the preceding Day, and by sending it to other Parliaments, and publishing it throughout the Kingdom. The Speeches of these Two great Magistrates would have been worthy of their Gravity and Reputation, if they had given less excessive Praises to a Princess, who never deserved the most moderate ones.  
The New Decree being given out, the King returned with mighty Shouts and Acclamations of the Multitude, who admire whatever strikes their Senses. All People wished a long Prosperity to the Son of the Great Henry, crying for Justice on the Authors of his Father's Death. Happy had it been, if the Prayers and Wishes of his Subjects could have obtained for him the Qualities of Mind and Inclinations necessary to tread in the Steps of the good Kings who preceded him; the number of whom is very small. But he had not Genius enough to acquire the one, and his Mother would not permit him to have a Governor to form him for the other.  
The Count of Soissons was extremely surprised to find all done in his Absence. He made haste to Paris, 
Intrigues and Cabals at Court in the beginning of the Regency of Mary de Medicis.  accompanied with Three Hundred Gentlemen on Horseback. To lessen his Discontent, which began to discover itself, he had the Government of Normandy given him. The Regent next rewarded those who had serv●…d her well. The Pensions of the Princes of the House of Lorraine were very moderate in the preceding Reign. But Sully, who strove to support the greatest Enemies of his Religion, raised them to a Hundred thousand Livres. The Duke of Guise obtained Two Hundred Thousand Crowns to pay his Debts, and the Queen promised to favour him in the Design he had to marry the Heiress of Joyeuse, Widow of the Duke of Montpensier, by whom she had only One Daughter. Epernon was so wealthy, and had such Places, he seemed above the Gratifications of the Court. He was rewarded according to his own Humour. He had great Honours done him, and all the Marks of a particular Distinction. The Queen lodged him in the Lovure. I do not, said she, 
Vie de Duc d' Epernon, L. IU.  think myself safe there wihtout him. The Secretaries of State communicated all Dispatches to him. In a word; he seemed on the Point to render himself as formidable now as he had been under the Reign of the weak Henry III.  
The Count of Soissons sought his Friendship with great earnestness. He He aimed by this to strengthen himself against the Prince of Conde, who was invited to return and take his Rank at Court; The Princess of Montpensier was Daughter to a Niece of the Duke of Epernon; and the Count hoped to bring the Wealth of that rich Family into his House, by marrying his Son to that Heiress. This Match could not be concluded without the Consent of the Uncle. Soissons hated Sully mortally. He flattered himself that Epernon exasperated against that Minister, who had done very ill Offices to the One, and the Other, with the late King, would join with him to rid themselves of their common Enemy, The Duke did not refuse the Friendship of a Prince of the Blood, but would not engage to serve him in all his Projects The Edge of the Count was not taken off by this: He proposes to his new Friend, to stab the Duke of Sully in the Lovure. A base and cowardly Action unworthy, I will not say of a Prince, but of the meanest Man in the World! It struck with Horror, one who valued himself on his Virtue and Probity. Epernon replied as civilly as he could, his Trust would not permit him to suffer a Violence of that kind in the King's House. The Count took this Denial ill. However the secret Desire he had to raise himself above the Prince of Conde, who filled a Place that Soissons thought belonged of Right to him, made him dissemble his ill Humour. Can Epernon after this maintain a Friendship with a Man who had discovered so villainous a Heart? However great a Prince is by his Birth or Interest, he can deserve nothing but Hatred and Contempt, when he once becomes guilty of so black a Crime.  
Jealousies broke out, and Intrigues grew numerous, 
State of Affairs in the beginning of the Regency.  when the Debates began about forming the Regent's Council. The Princes of the Blood justly pretended to have a place there by Right of their Birth. The Constable of Montmorency, and the Duke of Joyeuse, thought they ought not to be excluded. Those of the House of Guise, assured of the good Intentions of the Queen towards them, hoped to raise themselves. They were too weak now to flatter themselves for the future with obtaining the Superiority they formerly had over the House of Bourbon; yet they did not despair at least to rival the Princes of the Blood. But they found at home a great Obstacle to their coming into the Council: Two Lords of the same House could not be called to it. The Duke of Guise was the eldest; but the Age and Experience of the Duke of Mayenne his Uncle, required him to be preferred. Henry being dangerously ill some Years before, had a mind to form a Council. He named this Lord then, who was hearty reconciled to him, and since that time had given the King Marks of his inviolable Fidelity. This was a great Prejudice in his Favour. The Duke of Nevers too demanded to be admitted, and disputed the Precedence with the Guises. New Perplexities on all sides!  
The Emulation between the Marechal of Bovillon and the Duke of Epernon was grown to so great a height, that it was not possible the one should be in the Council to the Prejudice of the other. This latter was considerable for his Charge of Colonel General of the Foot, and other great Places. The Queen did not dare to give distaste to a haughty and powerful Man, who had just served her in a very Handsome manner. Bovillon had a great Heart, a capacious and discerning Mind, kept a strict Alliance and constant Intelligence with Foreign Princes. The Sovereignty of Sedan made him considerable at home and abroad. No one had more Interest than he with the Protestants of France. The late King stood in fear of him. He gave a Check to his turbulent and ambitious Humour, but would not push the Matter to an Extremity. So that the Marechal was capable of doing a great deal of good, if he followed his Reason, or a great deal of Mischief, if he abandoned himself to his Passion. There were other Lords of great Bitth, who might pretend to have a place in the Council, but they were yet of an Age, in which Men of Quality have stronger Inclinations to Pleasure, than to concern themselves in Matters of State. Of this number were the Duke of Vendome, the Grand Prior of France, both Natural Sons of Henry Duke of Longueville, and the Count of St. Paul, a younger Brother of the same House.  
The Chancellor de Sillery, the Duke of Sully, Villeroy, and the Precedent Jeannin, saw all this Emulation with Pleasure. This left the entire Direction of Affairs to themselves, under the Name of the Queen. Therefore in the first place they advised her, not to give Distaste to any Person till the first Prince of the Blood should return, and to admit into her Council all the great Lords who demanded a Place there. The greater the number of these was, the less Interest and Power any particular Persons could have. In the mean time, each took his Opportunity to entertain the Regent. They took care to prepare Matters to be proposed, to give seemingly some Employment to the Assembly. But these Gentlemen foresaw it would soon degenerate into Confusion: That some would take a distaste themselves, and others might be removed under colour of sending them to execute their Places and Governments.  
While these Intrigues employed the Courtiers, 
The Trial and Execution of Ravillac.  the Parliament was busy in the Process of Ravillac. The first Precedent, assisted by another, and Two Counsellors, examined him several times, All that can be drawn from the Interrogatories now extant, are, That Ravillac was an Enthusiast, who imagining on some Reports, that he had heard, that the King was about to make War on the Pope, and did not concern himself for the Conversion of the Hugonots, took a Resolution to kill a Prince, whom he looked on as an unjust Tyrant. What Ravillac had learned from the Sermons of the execrable Preachers of the League, who justified James Cl●…ment, confirmed him in his Belief, that any private Man might take away the Life of a Prince who was an Enemy of the Holy Father. 
Mercure François, 1610.  To make War on the Pope, says Ravillac to his Judges, is to make War on God, in as much as the Pope is God, and God is the Pope. This moves our Pity indeed. But do not those Princes, who by a strange sort of Politics, submit their Dominions to the Pope, deserve our Pity more than Assassins' seduced by the Emissaries of the Court of Rome? After the Attempt of John Chastel, Henry was always afraid of the Knife of the League. The Desire he had to keep himself from it, did not a little conduce to make him recall a sort of People, who have the Secret to make themselves formidable to Sovereigns. He loaded the Jesuits with his Favours. But had he not better provided for the Security of his Life, and the Public Good, by giving Ear to the wise Remonstrances of the first Precedent De Harlay?  
Ravillac, otherwise ignorant, knew so well how to maintain the Dogm of the Society of Jesuits, and the Leaguing Sorbon, one might easily guests a certain set of Men, had taken care to instruct him. But whether to pleasure a Religious, who called him his Friend, and recommended to him in express Words at the Hôtel of Retz, not to accuse honest Men: or that he conceived himself ●…he horrible Design; the Criminal constantly affirmed to the end of his Life, that no Person whatever, Frenchman or Forigner, had put him upon killing a Prince, who had never done him any wrong, and whose Death, though unpunished, could do him no good. He was condemned to suffer the Punishment which the Laws of France appoint for such Parricides, and the Sentence was executed on the 27th of May.  
The Proceed of Parliament the same Day Ravillac was executed, are an evident Proof that that Body saw that the Writings and Sermons of some Doctors of the Sorbon, 
The Condemnation of the Book and Doctrine of Mariana the Jesuit,  (engaged in the League, and poisoned by the Books which the Jesuits published to revive that pernicious Doctrine, which the Faculty of Paris had censured in the Year 1413. and was confirmed by the Council of Constance.) The Decree, I say, made the same Day Ravillac suffered, convinced the World, that they thought those Books and Preachments had plunged the Knife in the Heart of Henry and his Predecessor. The Parliament therefore ordered the Faculty of Paris to meet and confirm anew their ancient Censure, authorized by the Council of Constance, against those who teach. That a Vassal or a Subject may, and aught in Conscience to kill any Tyrant whatever, and Assault him all sort of ways, and that this Action is not contrary to that Oath of Fidelity, which Vassals and Subjects take to their Sovereigns. The Doctors obeyed the order signified to them. The Parliament on the 10th of June gave another Sentence, condemning the Book de Rege & Regis institutione of Mariana the Jesuit, to be burnt by the hands of the Hangman, as containing, says the Decree, divers execrable Blasphemies against the late King Henry III. and against the Persons and States of Kings and Sovereign Princes.  
The Jesuits have ever had their Partisans and Adversaries. The first were ready to excuse them, and the latter rose up against them with great Zeal and Vehemence. The Abbot Dubois preaching at St. Eustace in Paris, undertook in one of his Sermons, to refute the Opinions of Mariana. By a figure of Rhetoric lively enough, he addressed his Speech to the good Fathers, and exhorted them strongly for the future, to take care in the Books published in the name of their Body, and with Approbation of their Superious, to let nothing pass offensive to France; unless the Jesuits would expose themselves to Dangers, which all their Prudence, strengthened by the Power of their Friends, would not be able to avoid. This Discourse made a great Impression on the Audience, They went away enraged against the Society, and the People appeared extremely incensed against them.  
Complaint was made to the Queen of this Sermon, and she remitted the Affair to the Archb●…shop of Paris. Dubois protested before that Prelate, he meant no hurt to the Society. My Love, said he, to Truth, my Grief for the Death of the King, and a just Dread of the fatal Effects that the Doctrine of Mariana may produce, such Sentiments as these, made me speak in that manner. The Archbishop of Paris had nothing to reply, and contented himself with exhorting the Preacher to live well, with all the Servants of God, and particularly with the Jesuits. But it had been more to the purpose, to persuade effectually those good Fathers to pardon the Abbot, the injury which they thought they had received. I do not know how it came to pass, but Dubois had the Imprudence to go to Rome the next year, and then they did not want colour, to shut him up in a close Prison.  
The Patience of Father Coton Confessor to the late King, could not bear to hear the General Exclamation against his Brethren. He resolved to justify the Society, against the Imputation on the account of Mariana's Book. His Wise and discerning Friends, advised Coton to say nothing, for fear of any Misunderstanding in an Affair that must be so nicely handled. Every one wondered that a Man who knew the World so well, and wanted not Prudence, should not take so good Advice. He published a long Letter addressed to the Queen, to persuade the World, Mariana was a private Person disowned by their Body, who had true Notions of the Authority of Princes, and the Obedience due to them. The thing happened at the Friends of the Jesuits had foretold. A thousand Pamphlets were instantly published against the Father's Letter. It is full, say they, of Ambiguous Expressions and Tricking. They insulted him on his pretended disclaiming the Doctrine, which was plainly forced to comply with present necessity. It comes too late, said some, maliciously enough to the good Fathers, but perhaps it will not be useless to the Children of him, who is now in his Grave.  
Indeed the defence of Coton was weak, and ill put together. What he said of the Complaints of the Provincial Congregation held at Paris some years before, and the Answer of their General Aquaviva, gave an Advantage to the Enemies of the Society. The French Jesuits having desired their Superior to stop the Liceace, and Suppress the Books of some Authors, who had written some things to the prejudice of France, the Father gave them this Answer. We approve the Judgement and Care of your Congregation. And we are very sorry, that this was not discovered till after the Impression of those Books. We have taken order they shall be corrected, and we will have a care that nothing of the like nature shall happen for the future. This is very cold and ambiguous, for an Opinion which allows Attempts on the Lives of Sovereigns. Here are some of the Prudential Managements of the Children of this World. But there is no formal disavowing that execrable Dogm, the Defenders of which deserve an Exemplary punishment.  
We must be very simple to believe, that the Superiors of the Society did not know what Mariana and others of the same stamp wrote, till after the Publication of their Works; does not all the World know what are their Statutes relating to the Publication of their Books. It is to little purpose, that Coton citys several Authors, of different Sentiments from Mariana. If among so many able Men, there was none to be found who maintain Homicide to be absolutely forbid by the Laws of God, it would be a very extraordinary thing. The permission of the Society to print Mariana's Book, is ground enough to conclude they approve it, or at least do not condemn it as ill. These Writers pass for grave Authors, but according to the Principles of Probability, a Dogm which owes its Birth to, or at least is adopted by the Society in all its Forms; James Clement could on the Authority of Mariana, Assassinate Henry III. And his Successor might be killed with a safe Conscience, at least at a time when Sixtus V and Gregory XIV. darted all the Thunder of the Vatican against him.  
The Jesuits bore the most violent Assaults of the Preachers of Paris, 
The Funeral of Henry IU.  at the time of Henry's Funerals. The Ceremony was performed with the usual pomp. The Heart was sent to the College of Jesuits, which the King had founded at la Fleche in Anjou. He had ordered it thus before his Death. Coton made his Funeral Oration there. The Body was first carried to the Cathedral Church of Paris, and from thence conveyed to the ordinary Buryingplace of the Kings of France. The Bishop of Aire pronounced the Elegy of the Deceased King at Notre Dame, and the Bishop of Angers at St. Denys. Tho' Henry might deserve in the Eyes of the World the Title of Great, his Virtues and Actions did not deserve the Church of Rome should interrupt her Holy Rites, to make his Panegyric in a Pulpit, which ought to be Sacred to the Preaching of the Truth.  
What can a good Christian say in praise of a Prince, dead in several Criminal Habits, on the point of putting all Europe in a Flame, and causing a great Effusion of Blood, to satisfy his Ambition, to revenge himself of his Enemies, who were not in a condition to hurt him, to force away a Princess in the face of the World, whose Husband took Refuge, to defend himself from the Solicitations and Pursuits of a King, whom love had deprived of all Senseand Reason? His pretended Conversion was a fair Field for profane Orators, void of Religion to exercise their Eloquence. Their Triumph in so Important a Conquest, served to cover his ill Life, and impenitent Death. But were they ever assured Henry was sincerely a Catholic. Let us leave that to the judgement of God. If it be true, this Prince's Conscience was settled in matters of Faith, it is certain his irregular Life, did not do much honour to the Religion which Politics probably induced him to embrace. The flattering Bishops who praised him after his Death, had never the Courage to reprove him for his Debauches, as the Protestant Ministers had done before he left them.  
At and after the Funeral, 
The good and ill Qualities of Henry IU.  wise Men spoke very differently of the Qualities and Actions of the Deceased King. Some admired his Happiness in coming to the Crown from so remote a Degree, that it was doubted if the Right of Succession could extend so far. Others praised his Valour in War, his undaunted Courage in the most dangerous Occasions, his Experience and Ability in the command of Armies; his Moderation in his good Fortune, his Constancy in Adversity, his Clemency to his greatest Enemies, his Affability, his Love to his Subjects, his Prudence not to drive them to Extremity, but to leave them to return to their Duty when they went beyond Murmurs; and lastly, the Mildness with which he heard their Remonstrances.  
Other more discerning Persons, said there was more Rashness than Prudence in the Bravery of Henry. That he exposed himself to Dangers without Necessity, That if he had met with an Enemy more active and able, than the Duke of Mayenne, he would have been forced to fly into England a little after the Death of his Predecessor. That the Heads of the League were better rewarded, than his most faithful Adherents; that instead of being Liberal, he was Prodigal to Persons that deserved nothing. That he gave with Profusion to his Mistresses, and those who served him in his Pleasures. That he had an exorbitant Passion for Play: That he discovered a covetous Humour, very little agreeable with the Character of a great Prince: That under the colour of easing the People, he laid on New Taxes. That he introduced into the State, Selling of Offices.  
The Ill natured People did not spare to reflect on his Domestic Conduct. They censured him sharply for his manner of leaving Queen Marguerite, to follow the Gallantry of her Temper. More insensible than the Emperor Claudius, said they, he suffered this new Messalina, whom he owned for his lawful Wife, to dishonour him publicly. Did he intent at his own Expense, to teach those whose Wives he Debauched, to be easy Husbands. All Men spoke with Indignation of his advances towards marrying Gabriéle d'Etrees, and his Ingratitude to Harlay de Sancy, whom he turned out of his Places, for delivering his Thoughts freely on so scandalous a Match. They laughed at his promise to the Marquis de Vernueil, given under his own hand Writing, to take her for his Wife, in case she brought him a Boy within the year; His continual jars with the Queen, His easiness in suffering the Insolence of Vernueil, who always spoke of the Queen with the last Contempt. So true it is, that Persons of good Sense, will not judge of the Solidity of the Merit of a Prince, by studied Panegyrics, flattering Titles, Statues erected to him, or pompous Inscriptions engraved on Marble or Brass.  

The Resolves of the Coun●…il, to send Aid to Juliers.  Sometime before the Body of Henry was in his Tomb, there was a debate in private concerning the Armies which the late King had Raised, which were very chargeable to keep up. The Opinions were very different about them: It is not a time now, said some Persons, to give it to the House of Austria. 
Memoires de la regence de Marie de Medicis.  A Potent and Crafty Enemy, will find ways to embroil the State. His Catholic Majesty proposed to the late King, the double Marriage of the Infanta with Mons. the Dauphin, and of the Prince of Spain, with Madam the Eldest Daughter of France. We ought to Disband the Troops which give Jealousy to the King of Spain, and resume the Negotiation of the two Marriages, to make a firm Alliance. This Mary most ardently desired, being Prepossessed by her Italian Confidents, who were corrupted by the Court of Madrid, the new Regent imagined the Establishment of her Power, depended upon her good Understanding with the Pope, and the King of Spain.  
This latter indeed had made divers steps before the Death of Henry, to conclude this double Alliance, and Paul V laboured to effect it. The Court of Rome hoped to find her Advantage in it. Being convinced it was not possible to ruin the Protestants without the Concurrence of the two Crowns, she laboured with all her Might, to form an Alliance between those Rival Powers. Whilst the one was busy to overthrow the Protestant Interest in Germany, and the Low Countries, they Projected to engage the other to reduce the Hugonots in France. For the King of Great Britain, and the two Northern Crowns, they were not in any great pain about them. The first did not seem difficult to win. Sweden was employed against the King of Poland, who attempted to recover the Dominions, of which he thought himself unjustly deprived. The King of Denmark being unable to do any thing of himself, none doubted he woul●… take that side which James the I. his Brother-in-Law should embrace.  
This was the Project of the Courts of Rome and Madrid; but Henry too well understood his own Interest, and that of the rest of Europe, to fall into the snare laid for him. Very far from giving ear to the double Marriage proposed to him, he promised his Eldest Daughter to the Prince of Plemont, and sent Bassompierre into Lorraine to treat with the Duke, who had no Male Children for the Marriage of his Eldest Daughter, with the Dauphin of France. No sooner was Henry dead, but the Court of Rome resumed the Treaty of Alliance between the two Crowns by a double Marriage. The Regent had always desired it, and the private Pensioners of Spain supported it with all their Interest, in the Council of France.  
The Chancellor was one of the number of those who approved it. But he had reason enough to oppose those who proposed to have all the Troops Disbanded. Shall we make the World believe, says he, that we all stand in awe of the King of Spain? Shall we bid Defiance to our best Allies? They will think we intent to abandon them. Who will hereafter seek the Alliance of this Crown? I think it adviseable to keep up the Army in Champagne, and send A●…d to Juliers, to drive out Archduke Leopold. The Arms in Dauphiné gives more jealousy to Spain. This is commanded by a Protestant Marshal of France. I think ●…hese two Reasons, should move us to Disband it. But common Prudence will not suffer us to disarm ourselves entirely, before the return of Monsieur the Prince, before we have certain Information of the Disposition of the Court of Spain, before the Power of the King and Queen Regent be well Established.  
This Advice was looked on as best. The choice of a General to carry the Aid designed for the Countries of Cleves and Juliers, caused new Perplexities. The Marshal de Bovillon pretended to that Employ, and Villeroy gave him hopes of it. However the Marshal De la Chátre was preferred to him. The Court would not give an Ab●… Man, and a Protestant, whom they were jealous of, the Command of an Army designed to join Prince Maurice, his Friend and Brother-in-Law. Bovillon made a great noise. Must my Religion, said he, exclude me from all Employs due to my Rank and Services. When Mons. the Prince returns, I'll try to make a Party to oppose this new Triumvirate of the Count of Soissons, the Duke of Epernon, and the Cardinal of Joyeuse. These Men would be Masters of all things.  

Edicts revoked for the ease of the People. A Declaration in favour of the Protestants.  To hinder the Princes and discontented Lords from causing an Insurrection among the People, or raising the Protestants, they took care to give Satisfaction to every Man. Fífty four Edicts for taxing the People were Revoked, divers Commissions were superseded, and the price o●… Salt abated one fourth part. To remove al●… Distrust from the Protestants, a Declaration on was set forth to confirm the Edict of Nants. Though, as the young King is reported to have said, this Formality was not necessary, in regard that Law was Irrevocable and Perpetual. Those who had the greatest Interest in the Party, they strove to gain by Presents. The Regent sent word to Du Plessis Mornay, He might ask what he liked best, and that her Majesty would readily grant it. 
Vie de Mr. du Plessis Mornay 〈◊〉. a la fin.  No Man shall ever Reproach me, said that Wise and Religious Gentlewoman, with taking Advantage of the Disasters of my Country, or extorting the least thing from a Minor King, or his Distressed Mother. If the Queen order me to be paid, what has been long due to me, I will look on this Order as a new Gratification.  

The Prince of Conde's Return.  Affairs were in this Posture, when the Prince of Conde prepared to return into France. No sooner did the Count of Fuentes hear of the Death of Henry, but he employed all his Wit and Address, to persuade the Prince not to neglect so fair an Opportunity to make himself King. 
Mem. de la Regençe de Marie de Medicis.  The Divorce of your Kinsman from Margaret of France, and his Marriage with Mary de Medicis, says the crafty Spaniard, are contrary to the Laws of God, and of the Church. Will you tamely lose a Crown which belongs to you. Have but Courage to assert your Right, you will not want Power or Support. I offer you all the King my M●…ster can do for you. If the Authority of the Holy See interposed in the Divorce of Henry, we will find a way to engage Paul V to declare null, what his Predecessor did. The Thing is not without Example. Fuentes caused the Project to be proposed to the Pope, who rejected it. Condé did not any more give ear to it, either because the Design appeared Chimerical to him, or remembering the proceed against Charlotte de la Trimoville, his Mother, he did not dare attempt to contest the Legitimacy of the Children of a King, who had employed all his power to make him so, when a great many thought his Condition doubtful. Conde went from Milan to Brussels, to take the Princess his Wife. Firm in his Resolution, to content himself with the Rank he had in France, he would not suffer himself to be alured by a deceitful Appearance; and therefore prepares to resume his former place at Court. The Regent pressed him every day to it, and his Friends waited with Impatience for him.  

T●…e Arrival of the Prince Conde at Paris.  Those of the House of Lorraine, the Marshal of Bovillon, and the Duke of of Sulli went to Senlis to meet him. And now a new Part began to appear on the Stage. The Regent took Umbrage at this. The Count of Soissons, the Duke of Epernon, and the Cardinal of Joleuse, fearing there was a design to drive them from Court, began to think of defending themselves. Marry alarmed herself, harkened to the Advice given her to arm the Parisians. New Officers were chosen, who took an Oath to the Queen in the Town-Hall, and in less than eight days time, above an hundred Thousand Men were in Arms. However Conde entered Paris, accompanied with fifteen Hundred Gentlemen. He had received intelligence from different Hands, that at the Solicitation of the Count of Soissons, the Regent would secure his Person, and the Marshal of Bovillon. But the kind Reception he met with from their Majesties, dispersed all these Jealousies.  

Two powerful ●…a●…tions at Court The Prince of Conde at the head of one, and the Count Soisson 8 of the other. 〈◊〉  He declared at first, he had no design to dispute the Regency, which the Queen was in possession of. Notwithstanding this, the frequent Cabals he had with the Heads of his Party sometimes at the Hôtel of Mayenne, and sometimes at the Arsenal, gave an extreme Jealousy. The Duke of Sulii Master of the Artillery which was there, and the Money the late King had lodged in the Bastile, could have furnished Conde with means to undertake something considerable. But he had not the Courage. Either because the Arming the Citizens broke his Measures or the Guises united with him, were more concerned for their own Interests, than the greatness of a Prince, naturally an Enemy of their House. These Men privately had assured the Queen, they only joined themselves to the Prince of Conde, to screen themselves from the ill Designs of the Count of Soissons, who endeavoured to depress them, and they should be the first to leave him, if he ever declared against her Majesty.  
Conde might have spared the Guises, and might have made the Queen, the Count of Soissons, and all the contrary Faction tremble, by following the Counsel of the Marshal of Bovillon. 
Memoires de Dac de Rohan.  This was to return to the Reformed Church, which Henry had forced him to forsake, and declare himself Protector of the Protestants in France. Supported by the Experience and Credit of Bovillon, secure of the Money in the Bastile, which Sully could put into his hands, strengthened with a great number of Swisseses, which Rohan their Colonel General would have brought to him, followed by all the Protestant Nobility, who would have been at his Devotion, Master of several good and well fortified Cities; with all these great Advantages, the first Prince of the Blood would have balanced the power of the Regent, and made himself formidable at home and abroad. But he was only good, to enrich himself like a Country Gentleman, Covetous and Contentious in reasoning a point of Law, or Discussing a Question of School Divinity. Some had put it into his Head, to desire the Reversion of the Dignity of Constable, but he had the Mortification to see himself denied. Too Happy in obtaining the Hôtel of Condi, now called Conde, which the Queen bought for him.  
As soon as the Marshal of Bovillon, perceived that the Prince, 
The Marshal de Bovillon undertakes to Reunite both Pazties.  he made his Account of, had neither Genius nor Courage to follow the steps of his Predecessors, he resolved to reconcile himself with the Court. Bovillon would have put himself at the Head of the Protestants of France. He had thought of this in the preceding Reign. But the Dukes of Sulli and Rohan, the Marshal Les Diguieres, and divers other considerable Persons of the Party, were no Friends to him. So he made new Protestations of his Devotion to serve their Majesties. He proposes to the Marquis de Coevures the Reconciling of the two Princes. I'll undertake to dispose Conde, says the Marshal to the Marquis, if you will treat with Soissons, who has a Regard for you. Sillery, Villeroy, and Jeannin govern, whilst the Princes and great Lords are divided among themselves. Let us Reunite the contrary Parties, without prejudice to the Queen's Authority. This is the only way to remove these great Ministers, and reduce the rest to the simple, discharging the Duties of their Places.  

The Queen Traverses the Union of the Princes and great Lords.  The Count of Soissons was afraid this was a Trick of the Marshal. He imagined if those of his Party gave ear to Bouillon's Proposition, he would inform the Queen, and create a Distrust in her, of the Count and his Friends. The Cardinal of Joyeuse was of another Opinion, perhaps he sincerely meant the Good and Repose of the State. The Cardinal then obtained the consent of Soissons, to treat with the Marshal upon the Subject. The Queen to whom the Count communicated the Accommodation proposed, seemed to be well satisfied with it; however underhand she Traversed it. The Ministers made her sensible, that if the two Princes of the Blood, the Constable of Monimorency, the Dukes of Guise, and Epernon, the Marshal of Bovillon, and the Cardinal of Joyeuse were once agreed, her Authority would be much diminished by it. The Regent thought it better to keep up Jealousies and Misunderstanding between contrary Factions, and gain the Heads of both by her Favours.  

The Rise of Conchini the new Marquis of Ancre.  The Failing of so many Projects, made the Marshal of Bovillon resolve to retire to Sedan; at the same time preparations were making for the Inauguration of the King. The Mareschals Religion would not give him leave to assist at the Ceremony. But before he left the Court for some time, he was resolved to make a powerful Friend near the Regent. This was Conchini, Husband of Leonora Galigai, a Confident of Mary de Medicis. He had lately bought the Marquisate of Ancre in Picardy. As his Favour increased every day, he had obtained the Governments of Peronne, Montdidier, and Roie, in the same Province. So sudden a Rise, made all the Ministers uneasy. I cannot tell whether the Count of Soissons, and those of his Party neglected a New Favourite, whom they did not think able to serve or hurt them. However this was, Conchini strove to gain the good will of the Prince of Conde; This Man was the Instrument which the Queen employed, to divert the Prince and Duke of Guise from harkening to the Accommodation proposed by the Marshal of Bovillon; the Marshal was too discerning a Man, not to see the Friendship of the Marquis of Ancre, might be of great Service to him. He offered to lay down his Place of first Gentleman of the Chamber, if Conchini would buy it; the Bargain was soon concluded.  

The King of Spain's Prospect in the double Match.  All Foreign Princes the Republic of Venice, and that of the United Provinces had sent Ambassadors to the New King. The ancient Alliances were renewed, and Lewis with all Solemnity received in the Church of the Fevillans, the Garter which the Ambassador of England brought him from James I. The Duke of Feria appeared with great Pomp and Splendour in the Name of the King of Spain. Not being able to embroil France, by means of the Prince of Conde, Philip offered his Forces to Mary, against all those who should disturb her in her Regency. The Ambassador again proposed the double Marriage, which his Master had made an offer of to the late King. Philip knew very well, he could not propose any thing more agreeable to the Regent. The present posture of Affairs of the House of Austria, required her speedily to conclude a Treaty, which might give her time to settle her Affairs in Germany, and raise Jealousy and Distrust among those Princes, who were Allies of France. And because the Marriage could not so soon be finished, the King obtained Mary's Word, that France should not meddle in the Affairs of the House of Austria in Germany, and he engaged himself reciprocally, not to hear any Propositions which the Disaffected Party in France should make him. Behold now how the Court of Madrid was Embarassed.  

Differences between the Emperor Rodolphus, and the Archduke Mathias his Brother.  The Emperor Rodolphus extremely broken, seemed not likely to live a long time. Endeavours were used to secure the Empire in the House of Austria, by the Election of a King of the Romans. Rodolphus lived in a misunderstanding with his. Brethren, and the Protestants were very powerful. The King of Spain was afraid some Men should make use of so favourable an Opportunity to remove the Empire from a House which possessed it for too long a time, and seeks to make it Hereditary. The Archduke Mathias taking advantage of the weakness of the Emperor his Brother had carried on in the Year 1608. a Confederacy between the States of Hungary and Austria. He marched sometime after towards Moravia, at the Head of an Army of twenty Thousand Men, with a design to compel Rodolphus, to yield up the Kingdom of Hungary, the Arch-dutchy of Austria, and Stiria, and Moravia. Mathias took the Pretext of ill Administration, and Infractions of the Privileges of those Countries, who after the Example of the ancient Germans, never gave their Princes an Arbitrary Unlimited Power. A Fundamental Maxim of Government in all States, form out of the Ruins of the Roman Empire.  
Philip TWO King of Spain, had attempted to Abolish the Privileges of the Hereditary Provinces of the Low Countries, and he took them away entirely from the Kingdom of Arragon, the first Magistrate of which, would have opposed the unjust Oppressions of Antonio Perez. The Archduke Mathias, next Kinsman to Philip, better instructed than that cruel Tyrant in the Maxims of lawful Government, made no scruple to place himself at the Head of the United Provinces, for the Defence of their Liberty against the Spaniards. At present too, the same Archduke makes without scruple, War on his Brother, who violates the Privileges of the States of Hungary and Austria. If Rodolphus gave just cause for this Opposition, or not, it is not a place here to examine the Fact. I only Remark, that in the first years of an Unfortunate Age, in which Tyranny has Established itself almost every where; there have been some Princes of the House of Austria, have thought their Conscience and Religion allowed them, to stir up People to defend the Liberty of their Country, and march at the Head of an Army against their own Brothers.  
As soon as the Emperor found the Designs of the Archduke, he convened the States of Bohemia raised Troops, writ to the Elector and Princes of the Empire to demand Aid of them. There was in Bohemia at that time, two powerful Parties of a contrary Religion, the Catholics and the Gospelers. Under the name of Gospelers, were comprehended the ancient Hussites; those of the Confession of Ausburg, and the Reformed. The States of Bohemia were composed of Persons of both one and the other Party. They presented to the Emperor divers Articles for the Regulation of Policy and Justice. The Gospelers in particular required, That the Clergy should not meddle in Civil Affairs, That they should not determine Disputes concerning Marriage, That they should not acquire Estates in Land, without the consent of the States of the Kingdom. That all Persons should be admitted to places of Judicature, without distinction of Religion. Rodolphus consented to what the States demanded. The Concerns of Religion were remitted to the next Assembly, which was appointed the end of September following. And the States in conclusion swore to employ their Lives and Fortunes in the Emperor's Service.  
Mathias was already at the Gates of Prague with his Army. 
A Treaty of Peace between the two Brothers.  After some Negotiations, the two Brothers agreed to name Deputies on both sides, to confer together in a Neighbouring Village; The Peace was concluded on certain Conditions, I will relate the principal ones. That the Emperor should quit the Kingdom of Hungary; the States of the Country should choose no other King, than Archduke Mathias; that Rodolphus should give him and his Heirs Male, the Archdutchy of Austria, without reserving to himself any Right; That he should succeed to the Kingdom of Bohemia, in case the Emperor died without Issue Male; That the States of Bohemia should ratify this Article; That the Archduke should promise to maintain their Privileges if the Kingdom came to him; That Mathias and his Heirs should have the Administration of Moravia, with the Title of Marquis; That in the Assemblies of the Countries yielded up by Rodolphus, the Archduke should take care to have a certain Annual Contribution paid to the Emperor. When the Treaty had been ratified on both sides, Mathias goes to take Possession of the Arch-dutchy of Austria. The Catholics swear Fidelity to him, but the Protestants refuse to do it, and take Arms. By the Persuasion of Leopold of Austria Bishop of Strasburg, of Mellini Cardinal and Nuncio of the Pope, and Forgatsi Bishop of Vienna and Cardinal; the new Sovereign published an Edict, to forbid all his Subjects of Austria the exercise of the Protestant Religion.  

Mathias is Elected and Crowned King of Hungary.  From Vienna, Mathias passes into Hungary. Before they proceeded to Crown the new King, the Lords of the Country presented divers Articles to him, which they required him to swear to observe, viz. That the Protestants should have free exercise of their Religion in all Cities, not excepting that in which the King resided; That a Palatin should be erected, who should in Conjunction with the Senators, have the Administration of Affairs in case the King did not reside in Hungary; That the Jesuits should not be tolerated, and the Licentious Lives of the Clergy be reform. On these Conditions Mathias was proclaimed King, and Crowned at Presburgh in the year 1608.  

The Discontent of the Protestants in Austria abated.  The Protestants in Austria sent a Deputation to those in Hungary, entreating them to interceded with Mathias in favour of their Brethren, and desiring their Assistance, by virtue of a League Offensive and Defensive, still in being between the States of Hungary and Austria, in case Mathias persisted to refuse them the free exercise of their Religion. He replied to the Instances the Protestant Lords of Hungary made to him; That he would leave all things in the same State they were put in by the Regulation of the Emperor Maximilian his Father. The Consideration, said he, I am obliged to have for the Pope and the Catholic King, will not allow me to grant the Protestants the exercise of their Religion in the Towns of Austria. Let them lay down their Arms, and I will grant it them abroad. In the mean time, those of both Religions shall be indifferently promoted to places of Judicature. The Hungarian Lords thought this reasonable, and advised the Protestants to accept the Terms, rather than make War.  
It is hard to come to a Resolution on a sudden. After some Movements the matter was determined, in the year 1609. At the Entreaty of tha●… States of Moravia, and by the care of the Archduke Maximilian Brother of the Emperor and King of Hungary, Mathias consented That the Lords and Protestant Gentlemen of Austria, should have the free exercise of their Religion in their Castles, Villages, and their private Houses for their Family only, when they should be in Town: That they should have Public exercise of it in three Cities, specified in the Treaty, where the Churches should be equally divided between the Catholics and Protestants; That all places should be indifferently given to capable Persons of both Communions. The Protestants upon this submitted, and took an Oath of Fidelity to the new King.  

Differences about Religion in Bohemia.  The Emperor had longer and more difficult Contests with the Gospelers in Bohemia. The Assembly of the States appointed at the end of September 1608. was put off till January following. The Roman Catholics did all they could to exasperate Rodolphus against the Gospelers, and persuaded him, that they enjoyed the exercise of their Religion only by a simple Toleration. The Oath of Subjects, is relative to that of a Prince, said the Gospelers with Indignation to Rodolphus, harken to the ill Advice given him by certain Persons; If the Emperor will not keep the Oath he has made to us, we think ourselves discharged from that we have taken to him. Rodolphus remitted the hearing of their Complaints to the chief Officers of Bohemia, who were all Catholics. These interessed Judges contemning what the Gospelers alleged in their Defence, they protested in a full Assembly, against all the proceed of the States, and demanded time to give notice to the rest of their Brethren in the Kingdom of what passed, and to inform his Imperial Majesty.  
The Gospelers instantly sent a Deputation to the King of Hungary, and the Electors and Princes of the Empire, entreating them to intercede with Rodolphus. The Emperor resolved the States should continue to sit, and regulate all Matters of Religion. The Term of their Sessions being expired, the Emperor dismissed them, and forbidden the Gospelers to meet in the Court of the New Prague, or debate of their Affairs there. In vain did they Petition his Majesty to allow them a place of Meeting, for the taking Measures to represent to him the Justice of their Pretensions, and read the Answer which the King of Hungary, and the Electors and Princes of the Empire had sent them. Incensed at the unjust refusal of Rodolphus, the Gospelers take each other by the hand, and mutually swear to lose their Lives in defence of their Liberties and Religion, take Arms in the Court of the new Prague, broke open the Gates, enter and consult what was fit to be done in their Condition. They were not more than three Hundred. Budovitz their chief, lays open to the Assembly the Importance of their Undertaking, the danger they are threatened with, and the ill Designs of their Enemies. Then making an Ardent Prayer to God, sings the Hymn of the Holy Ghost in the vulgar Tongue. This animates the Assembly with new Zeal and Devotion, they continue to sing and shed Tears in abundance. A great number of Gospelers come presently into them, and all set themselves to sing and weep together. Notice is given, a great Body of Masqueteers were coming to charge them. Instead of being daunted, they take Courage, come down into the Area, seize all the Avenues, and prepare for a Vigorous Defence. There was about twelve Hundred Horse, and three Hundred Harquebusiers. The People of their Religion in Prague, came on all sides to the Assistance of their Brethren, so that there was soon about ten Thousand Men differently Armed. There was a Rainbow seen in the South, and the Sun appeared encircled with this new Phaenomenon. The vulgar naturally addicted to Superstition, interpret any thing which seems extraordinary, according as their Imagination is more or less heated. And now they conceive great hopes, thinking God has given this as a visible sign of the particular Assistance they had begged of him with great Ardour. The chief Persons were desired to return into the Hall of the Assembly, and consider what Methods were to be used. The People promised in the mean time, to guard the Avenues with all possible care.  
Rodolphus informed of what had passed, sent the first Burgrave of Prague, and the chief Officers of his Court to appease the Tumult. His Imperial Majesty, says the Burgrave in the Hall, cannot imagine for what reason, you have taken Arms. He has always loved you, as his good Subjects. The Emperor's Conscience bears him witness, he has faithfully kept his Word in every thing he promised to the States of the Kingdom, and hopes you will not be less steady in your Fidelity to him. He is disposed to summon a new Meeting, to determine all Disputes which may arise on the Head of Religion, contrary to the Intention of his Majesty. Budovitz replied in the name of the rest, that the Gospelers humbly thanked the Emperor for his good Will towards them, and entreated him to believe, they never designed an Insurrection against him. We only complain, says he, of certain Persons, who under colour of preserving the Catholic Religion, give his Majesty Advice, which tends to the Subversion of the Government. We hope to make this appear in the next Assembly, which he shall convene. Farther we most humbly entreat his Majesty, the Publication of this Meeting, may be made within three Days. This is the only way to prevent those Accidents, we have reason to be afraid off.  
The Suspicion which the Gospelers had of the Catholic Party, was the cause of more Commotions; Rodolphus appeased these without much Difficulty, by publishing a Proclamation. In this he owned, those of the Bohemian Confession, and the Protestants for his good and faithful Subjects, declared that in their Meetings held without his consent, they had no other end than the good of the Kingdom, and his Majesty's Service; required all the Deputies to meet in the Castle of Prague, the 25th of May, 1609. and to bring no Soldiers with them, promised on his side to send away all those in his Service, that so he might leave the States an entire Liberty to settle all matters of Religion. The Gospelers had a solemn Thanksgiving, upon the publishing this Proclamation; but their Enemies every day finding new Pretences to hinder the Conclusion of the matter, the Gospelers began to raise Soldiers, and brought them into Prague.  
All preparations were made for a Civil War, 
The Pacification of the Trrubles in Bohemia.  when at the Intercession of the Elector of Saxony, Rodolphus published a Declaration; That all his Subjects communicating under one or both kinds, should have free exercise of their Religion, and their Service in Bohemian or High-dutch, forbidding the Archbishop of Prague to disturb the Ministers of the other Party in their Worship; That Catholics and others should equally enjoy the same Privileges; That the Gospelers might build Churches, and found Colleges. This Edict was declared perpetual and irrevocable, and those who broke it, were to be punished as Disturbers of the public Peace. By Virtue of this Grant, the Protestants had the liberty to exercise their Religion in Prague, and the 15th of July, 1609. their Ministers preached publicly in a Church of the Hussites, shut up for a long time before.  
None doubted the Jesuits inspired into the Archbishop of Prague, and the other Officers of the Empire the violent Counsels, which caused all the preceding Troubles. The Catholics and Gospelers, were alike enraged at them. Both parties reunited to present jointly an Address to the Emperor. In this they represent, that the Jesuits being very poor when they came into Bohemia, had gained considerable Wealth, and did not contribute at all to the Charges of the State; for this Reason, they did humbly beseech his Majesty to take care, the good Fathers should not be exempted more than other Churchmen; and for the future, they should not receive any thing by Will or Donation, without the express consent of his Majesty.  

A Diet at Pr●…gue in 1610.  The Emperor soon repent of the Treaty with Mathias his Brother, and demanded the Restitution of Austria and Moravia. The Electors and Princes of that Empire, summon'd●…to meet at Prague in 1610. came thither to endeavour a Reconciliation between the two Brothers. Besides this, they were to Treat of the Election of a King of the Romans, and determine the Difference about the Succession of Cleves and Juliers. The Elector of Cologne, Ferdinand of Austria Archduke of Gratz, and Henry Julius Duke of Brunswick, went to Vienna to confer with the King of Hungary. After a long Negotiation, the two Brothers made a new Treaty. Mathias remained in possession of what had been given him, and the weak Rodolphus had only some seeming Submissions, and a sort of annual Tribute of a certain number of Tuns of Wine, and a small sum of Money.  

The Emperor gives the Elector of Saxony the Countries of Cleves and Juliers.  The Diet did not take any Resolution about the Election of a King of the Romans. The Posture of Affairs did not seem very favourable to the House Austria. As for the Succession of Cleves and Juliers, the Emperor had a mind to perplex this matter more. The Archduke Leopold, whose small Army every day received some check from the Troops of the States-General, or of the Confederate Princes, was not strong enough to preserve the contested Countries; Besides Maurice Prince of Orange, prepared in earnest to come and lay Siege to Juliers, with the Auxiliary Troops of France and England. The House of Austria then found it would be impossible for her to resist so many Powers united to oppose the Usurpation she designed. The only means she could have recourse to, was to bring the Succession of Cleves and Juliers into the hands of a Protestant Prince, less contrary to her Interests, than those of Brandenburg and Neuburgh. She cast her Eyes on the Elector of Saxony. His House had pretensions on this Litigious Succession, by virtue of several Grants of the Emperor. These had lain dormant a long time, though there had several times been occasion to have presented them. A Daughter Inherited the States of Cleves and Juliers, since the Emperors had granted the House of Saxony a Right to succeed in defect of Heirs Male. But when a fair Sovereignty is the Subject of Dispute, Princes are not very Scrupulous. The least colour of Right, is enough for them to dispose of it, or reserve it for themselves. Rodolphus then gave on certain considerations to the Elector, and House of Saxony, all the Estates which belonged to the late John William, Duke of Cleves and Juliers.  

The Siege and taking Juliers by Maurice Prince of Orange.  This had been a more handsome Present, if when the Act of Concession was put into his Hands, he had at the same time an Army given him to assert his Title. Maurice Prince of Orange, invested the Town of Juliers the 28th of July, with the Troops of the United Provinces, joined by those sent from the King of England. The 18th of August, the Marshal de la Chatre, brought twelve Thousand French Foot, and two Thousand Horse. Rauschemberg Governor of the Place, defended it with great Prudence and Courage; But Prince Maurice was so great a Master in the Art of Attacking, and taking Towns, that Rauschemberg Capitulated the 1st of September. Thus Juliers was put into the Hands of the Princes of Brandenburg and Newburg. These were then called the Prince's Possessors, to distinguish them from the other Pretenders.  

The Meeting at Cologne to adjust the Affairs of Cleves and Juliers.  After the Surrender of Juliers, some Princes of Germany met at Cologne, to find out some way of Accommodation. The Elector of Triers, and the Count of Hohenzollern came thither in Quality of Commissioners for the Emperor. Lewis Landgrave of Hess, made divers Propositions. The Princes in possession, did not care to accept them. They tended to a Sequestration into the hands of the Emperor, and to put the Elector of Saxony in possession of the Litigious Countries, conjointly with the Princes of Brandenburg and Newburg. The French Ambassador proposed another way, which was not liked by the Landgrave, nor the Imperial Commissioners. The Germane Princes never love that Foreign Sovereigns should meddle too much with the Affairs of the Empire. There was a great number of Writings on the side of the Possessors, the Elector of Saxony, and the Commissioners of the Emperor; but they could not come to any Agreement. The Assembly broke up, and each one protested for himself; he was not the cause that hindered the Troubles from being pacified. This was the better for Brandenburg and Newburgh. They continued in peaceable Possession of the Countries of Cleves and Juliers, till the Affair should be determined. The Protestant confederated Princes did them yet very good Service, by obliging Maximilian Duke of Bavaria, Head of the Catholic League to Disarm, and the Elector of Collen to put a stop to all Hostilities of his Subjects against those of the Country of Juliers.  

The Coronation of Lewis XIII.  The Court of France was then at Rheims, for the Coronation of the young King. The Cardinal of Joycuse representing the Archbishop of the place, performed the Ceremony with the usual Pomp. The Princes of Conde and Conti, the Count of Soissons, the Dukes of Nevers, Elbeuf and Epernon, Represented the ancient Dukes of Burgundy, Normandy, and Aquitain, and the Counts of Thoulouse, Flanders, and Champagne. It is not needful for me to relate in this place, all the particulars of this long Ceremony, it may be found in divers places. There is one thing not to be forgotten, which well deserves our Attention. Before that which the Credulous People call the Holy Bottle be made use of, the King promises when required by the Prelate who Officiates, to the Bishops and Churches, to preserve their Canonical Privileges, to make good Laws, to do Justice, to protect his Subjects according to the Obligations of a King to his People. Two Bishops Peers of France after this, ask all present if they receive this Prince for their King, and all the Orders of the Kingdom having given their consent, the Solemn Oath of Inauguration is administered to him. A convincing proof, there is a Reciprocal and Relative Engagement between a Sovereign and his Subjects.  

Reflections on the Coronation Oath.  In an Elective Kingdom, the Subjects oblige themselves only to the Prince, who is chosen on Conditions mutually agreed on in the Act of Election. But in an Hereditary State, they stand engaged to him whom they have Elected, and to his Descendants; it being still understood, they shall observe all the Conditions promised by the first of the Royal Family. Thus we see, why each of these in particular is not received as King, till after the Ratification of the Original Contract made with him, from whom they derive their Pretensions to the Crown. This Maxim is founded on Divine Right, and Natural Equity. The good Frenchmen commonly believed this in the XV. Century; 
Joan Gerson Oposculo adversus adulatores Principurm. Considerate. VIII.  It is a gross Mistake, says one of the most Famous and Pious Writers of the Gallican Church, to pretend that a Sovereign has not contracted any Obligation to his Subjects. In the same manner as by Divine Right, Natural Equity, and by the true end of Government, the latter are bound to continue faithful to, and assist their Prince, so he Reciprocally engaged to be Faithful to them, and protect them. If it shall happen then that a Sovereign shall do manifest Injustices, without having regard to the Remonstrances of his Subjects, they have a Liberty to defend themselves according to the Rule of Natural Right, which allows every one to repel Violence with all his Might. 
Claude Despence Institution d'un Prince Chrétien.  Another Divine of Paris, not less Eminent for his Birth, than his rare Learning, said frankly to Henry II. That his Majesty ought to detest a Tyrannic Maxim, more fit for a Turk or Tartar Sovereign, than a Christian Prince; a Maxim I say, since received at Court, That the King is Master of the Body and the Goods of his Subjects. The Courtiers who instilled this, Doctrine into Sovereigns, this Judicious Divine without Ceremony, calls Dogs and Court-Parasites.  
To prevent the ill effects of the bad Politics of the Cardinal Director of the Education of King Lewis the XIV. they printed the same things during the Minority of that Prince. Neither the Bookseller nor the Author, did dare to set their Name to it. This Book was writ by a Churchman, Eminent for his Learning and Probity. 
Mr. Jolli Chantre de Nôtre-Dame de Paris Maxims veritables & impnrtantes pour l'institution du Roi.  He since enjoyed one of the first Dignities of the Church of Paris; but what was spoken freely to Henry the II. and what was published covertly about 50 years since, the French would have now lost the Memory of, if it were as easy to forget, as it is to be silent, to avoid Danger; all Books of this kind, are now burnt by the hands of the Hangman. Can those unworthy Magistrates who order this, believe that the flames by consuming of Paper, will erase out of the Hearts of good Frenchmen, those Sentitiments that right Reason hath deeply inscribed in them?  

The Oath which James the 1. King of England requir●…d of his P●…pish Subjects caused a Dispute concerning the Independance of Sovereignty in Temporal Matters.  The Parliament of Paris on the 26th day of November, the same year, made a Decree for the Suppression of the Treatises which Cardinal Bellarmin a Jesuit had published, concerning the power of the Pope in Temporal Matters; since this new Book was a Consequence of the Dispute of the Author with James the first, King of Great Britain, upon the occasion of the Oath which that Prince required of the Roman Catholics of England: I will in a few words, Relate the beginning and Progress of the Controversy. After the Horrible Gunpowder Plot, King James thought for his own Safety it was necessary to require the English Papists, to take a particular Oath of Allegiance to him. The Form of this was so ordered, that it might not offend the Conscience of those, who without renouncing their Religion, would pay that duty to their Sovereign, they rightfully owed him. In this they acknowledged, the Pope had no right to Depose Kings, or dispose of their Kingdoms, or any Foreign Prince to Invade them, or Absolve their Subjects of their Oath of Allegiance, or Command them to take Arms against their Sovereign; they promised farther to be faithful to the King, and serve him, notwithstanding all that the Pope should attempt against him or his Successors; and to discover all Conspiracies which should come to their Knowledge. They Abjured and Detested as Impious and Heretical, the Doctrine of those who teach, it is lawful to Depose and Assassinate Princes, Excommunicated by the Pope; and lastly, they protested they believed, that neither the Pope nor any other power, could dispense with the keeping of their Oath, and Renounced all Dispensations, which the Pope might think fit to give. The thing appeared reasonable to the English Papists, the Nobility, Gentry, Priests, and all others swore in this Form. George Blackwell nominated Archpriest of England by the Pope, not content with taking the Oath himself, wrote in Defence of it against all its Opposers.  

Paul V forbids the English of his Communion, to take the Oath.  The Court of Rome made a quite different Judgement in the matter. Thinking Men were not surprised at it; a Proposition which she makes, one of the Fundamental Articles of her Religion was here Rejected, as Impious and Heretical. Whatever be said on this Subject, those who approve the Oath, reason inconsequently, if they own the Pope for the Vicar of Jesus Christ. Paul V scared at these proceed of the English Catholics, without his Knowledge and Consent, sent a Brief immediately, to forbid them to take an Oath Inconsistent, as he said, with the Catholic Faith, and the Salvation of their Souls. These Expressions are as moving and strong, as if he designed to dissuade these poor People from subscribing the most Impious Tenets, against the Divinity of Jesus Christ. This thundering Brief discomposed them so much, they thought they could not do better then regard it as Subreptitious or Spurious. His Holiness not being well informed of the proceed in England.  

King James his Apology for his Oath, without setting his Name to it.  They were not suffered long to remain in this voluntary Mistake, Paul soon dispatched another Brief, to confirm the first. Cardinal Bellarmin was the greatest and most eminent Champion of the Pontifical Power, since the Death of Cardinal Baronius, which happened not long before Bellarmin I say, wrote a well studied Letter to Blackwell, to reduce him into the right way. A more passionate Remonstrance could scarce have been made, to one who had renounced the Gospel, and embraced the Koran. This made James lose all Patience, he wrote himself to defend his Oath against the two Briefs of the Pope, and the Letter of Bellarmin; and now he did not set his Name to the Work. Had not a King better forbore Writing at all, and left this care to another? This good Prince owned himself publicly, that it became a King more to Judge than Dispute. A little Jesuit made a Cardinal, by blotting of Paper, was not an Adversary worthy of a great Monarch. Borghese behaved himself like a King, and James acted the part of a Doctor; one Commanded, and the other Disputed. Except a Prince then, writ as Julius Caesar, or Marcus Aurelius, he is in the wrong to become an Author. Julian was pleased to take his Pen to defend his Philosophic Gravity and Religion, and with all his Learning, made himself Contemptible and Ridiculous.  

The King of England declares himself Author of the Apology, to the Princes and States of Christendom.  Bellarmin did not fail to reply to the King, but under a borrowed Name. A Learned Prelate of England, undertook to refute the Cardinal; he shown that before Gregory the VII. no Ecclesiastical Writer had attempted to maintain the Authority of the Pope, over the Temporalities of Sovereigns. The King of England caused another Edition of his Apology to be printed, and declared himself the Author of it. Shall I say, he thought in this to do himself Honour, by becoming a Champion for the common cause of all Sovereigns, or had a mind to display a Learning not very common in Persons of his Rank? The Work appeared with a very pompous Preface at the Head of it. This was a Manifesto, addressed to all the Kings, Princes, and other Republics of Christendom, to give an account of his Oath and his Conduct, with regard to his Roman Catholic Subjects. Rouse yourselves, it is high time, said the King to them. The Common Interest of all Sovereigns is concerned, a Formidable and Obstinate Enemy, is undermining the Foundations of your Power, unless you act in Concert, to put a stop to the Progress he makes every Day; your most incontestable Right, will be soon Usurped. He that attacks me to day, will declare himself against you to morrow; should a Wise Man stand with his Arms folded, when his Neighbour's House is on Fire. The Advice was wholesome, but his Majesty of Great Britain, had the Dissatisfaction to hear several Catholic Princes did not dare to read his Apology, for fear of giving offence to the Pope. A strange Slavery! Can Policy or Superstition, reduce Princes to so mean a Complaisance; to a Bishop who would have great Honour done him, in leaving him the first Subject of the Empire.  
Henry IU. of France, was as weak as the rest. 
Coeffeteau writes against K. James his Apology.  He forbidden any Translation should be published of that Book, which his good Ally had sent him. His Care and Orders were ineffectual; the Apology appeared in French, in spite of him. Coeffeteau a Religious Dominican, after Bishop of Marseille, an Author who successfully begun first to give an Elegance and an Agreeable and Neat turn to the French Language; Coeffeteau, I say, was desirous to Signalise himself on this occasion, and so enter the List against a King. This Man was obliged to speak after the manner used in France, and to own the Independance of Sovereigns, in regard of their Temporal Concerns. But the poor Dominican Embarassed himself terribly. Indeed, says he to the King of Great Britain, If the Catholic Church teacheth this Furious Zeal, if she arms her own Children, against Kings, and puts them on making Attempts against their Lives; she is not only unworthy of their Favours, but deserves to be Exterminated, and her Memory erased by a General Decree of Mankind; but if on the contrary, she condemns all these Attempts as Parricides, if she desires Princes should securely enjoy their Dominions, have their Armies Victorious, an obedient People, a Faithful Counsel, and all Happiness that can be desired; is not her Greatness Harmless, notwithstanding the Rage of some private Persons whom Despair, and not Religion has pushed on to Brutality. She knows she cannot subsist without the State, that she is born in it, and the State is her Support.  
The Catholic Church, this is a word strangely Equivocal in France. If it may be allowed to signify a certain Number of the most enlightened and sincere Persons in the Roman Communion, the Author I have just now cited may speak Truth. But if by the Catholic Church we must understand, as is more reasonable its Supreme Pastor, the great number of those which fill its chief Dignities, its most Famous Writers: I very much fear, the good Coeffeteau has advanced a Notorious Falsehood. The Pope and Cardinals gave him the Lie in a very Remarkable manner, the very same year he answered King James. Barclay had wrote against Bellarmine, about the Authority of the Pope, and followed the Principles commonly received amongst the better Men of France. His Book was Condemned at Rome, as well as the Noble History of Mr. De Thou, the Famous Argument of Antony Arnaud, against the Jesuits, and the Sentence itself of the Parliament of Paris, against John Chastel, who had made an Attempt on the Life of Henry IU. That poor Prince was not yet dead. This strange Censure which he endured so patiently, did it not serve to Animate the Rage of that Wretch, who Assassinated him the year following? If the pretended Head of the Church of Rome, if the Cardinals, and the greatest number of its Paftors did not teach this Furious Zeal; If they condemned their Attempts as Parricides, would they have destroyed so many good Books, so Just and so Christian a Sentence? Let us then conclude with the Opinion of the Eminent Coeffeteau, The Pope and Cardinals deserve to be exterminated, and their Memory erased by a public Decree of Mankind.  
As the Cardinals pretend they are not Inferior to Crowned Heads; 
Cardinal Pellarmine Addresses to the Emperor and Kings of the Popal Communion, his Answer to the King of England's Apology.  Bellarmine in the same manner, Addresses to the Emperor, and the Kings who own God for their Father, and the Catholic Church for their Mother, the Answer which he had some time since made under a borrowed Name, to the King of Great Britain's Apology. It must not be thought strange, says the Cardinal, that I undertake to refute a King; It is for the Defence of the Faith, I have taken my Pen in hand, after the Example of divers Prelates of Antiquity. Hilary of Poitiers, and Lucifer of Cagliari, have writ against the Haeretical Emperor Constantius; Gregory Narianzen, and cyril of Alexandria, have Encountered Julian the Apostate. This did James the first draw on himself from a Priest, for turning Controvertist without necessity. If he had contented himself with publishing a Manifesto, to prove the Justice of the Oath he required of his Popish. Subjects, he would have embarassed the Court of Rome, and its Advocates. But he laboured to show the Pope was Antichrist, and that Rome is the Seat of the Son of Perdition. Was not this a way to please the Sovereigns of the Pope's Communion, by furnishing them with a pretence for not receiving kindly the King's Apology, and applauding the Cardinal's Answer.  

A Deeree of the Parliament of Paris, against the Treatise of Bellarmine, of the Authority of the Pope.  The Dispute stopped there; Bellarmine set himself to reply to Barclay. This Man had refuted what the Cardinal advanced concerning the Authority of the Pope, in the first Volume of his Controversies. The Magistrates opposed the printing them at Paris, and the first Sheets which were worked of, were Suppressed by order of the Solicitor General. As soon as they had notice of the New Book which Bellarmine had published, of the Authority of the Pope in Temporal Matters, Servin Advocate General moved the Parliament, to provide against any Mischiefs which the Publication of so ill a Book might cause. This Magistrate urged the Duty of his Place, obliged him not to be less Diligent or Zealous for the Service of his Master, than Peter de Cugnieres, and John le Cooq his Predecessors had been; the one in the Reign of Philip of Valois, and the other in that of Charles the VI Farther he alleged, the late proceed of the King of Spain and his Officers, against that Volume of the Annals of Cardinal Baronius, wherein the Monarchy of Sicily is attacked. The Chambers meeting upon the occasion of this Remonstrance, ordered Cardinal Bellarmine's Work to be Suppressed; let us now see what was done this year in Spain against Baronius.  

An Edict of the King of Spain, against the XI. Volume of the Ecclesiastical Annals of Cardinal Baronius.  The Kings of Sicily have for a long time, been the only Popes of this little Kingdom. By Virtue of a certain Bull which Pope Vrban the Second granted, say they to Roger Count of Sicily, and his Successors, the Sovereign, is Legatus Natus or Born Legate of the Holy See. His Spiritual Power is so great, that he Excommunicates and Absolves by himself, or his Magistrates all Laymen and ecclesiastics, Bishops and Cardinals themselves, residing in his Kingdom. This Right, say they farther, though derived from the Holy See, is now Irrevocable, it is the Sovereign's Property. Thus the King of Spain is alike in Spirituals and Temporals, and has the same Right there, as the Pope has in Countries under his Obedience. Joan the foolish Mother of Charles V and divers other Princesses who Reigned alone Sicily, every one of these Ladies were Sanctissimo Padre. This Title was given them, and their Magistrates. They might in this Quality preside in Provincial and National Councils, or substitute others in their Room. The Kings of Spain are so jealous of this rare Prerogative, that in the Reign of Charles V a Viceroy of Sicily Collected all the Titles and Acts which serve for the Justification of it. Three Authentic Copies of this Collection were drawn at the same time, by order of the Viceroy. In the year 1698. one was exposed to Sale in London; it had been brought away the last time Barcelona was taken by the French, I had it a pretty while in my Hands. The Right Reverend the Bishop of Norwich, curious in all good Books, did not purchase it too dear, considering the rarity of the Manuscript. This is a Collection like that of the Proofs of the Liberties of the Gallican Church. It contains chief divers Judgements given in the Tribunal, commonly called of the Monarchy of Sicily.  
The Cardinal Baronius in the eleventh Tome of his Annals, vigorously Attacked this Spiritual Power, which the Catholic Kings ascribe to themselves without Scruple. A Right never heard of, says the Cardinal, A Right that Frederick the Second, and his Children, those unjust Tyrants and Rebellious Persecutors of the Roman Church, never were so Audacious as to usurp. This caused a great Contest between Baronius and the Cardinal Colonna, who pretended his Brother had no Reason to set himself so violently against the King of Spain. The Court of Madrid was so displeased at the Author of the Annals, that she procured him to be excluded in a Conclave, where he had 37 Voices. At last upon the 3d of October, 1610. Philip III. published an Edict, where after great Complaints made against the Invectives of Baronius, and a long Enumeration of the Services which the Kings of Spain and Sicily his Predecessors had done for the Church of Rome, he forbids his Subjects on severe Penalties, to Read or Sell the Eleventh Volume of Baronius Annals, till the place Repugnant with the Monarchy of Sicily was Expunged.  
Servin knew very well the example of the King of Spain, was of great weight with Mary de Medicis, who every day contracted new Ties to Philip; he hoped this would hinder the Regent from taking exception at the Proceed of the Parliament against Bellarmine's Book. The Advocate General was deceived in his Conjecture. The Queen was not less devoted to the Court of Rome, than that of Madrid. The Nuncio in Spain, did not dare to open his Mouth against the Edict of Philip. The Pope's Agent was bolder, and more Successful in France. At his Solicitation, the Regent ordered the Execution of the Decree of Parliament against Bellarmine's Book, to be Superseded. The Enemies of the Sovereign Power of Kings, ever had Liberty of Speaking and Writing.  

Differences of the Marquis of Aucre, with the Count of Soissons, and Dpke of Epernon.  The Marquis of Ancre a Favourite of Mary's, began to be insupportable to the Princes, and first Lords of the Court. In the King's Journey to Rheims, the Servants of the Machioness had some Contest with those of the Cardinal Joyeuse about Lodgings. Conchini made first Gentleman of the Chamber, had likewise a Dispute about the Precedence with Bellegarde, Great Esquire at the Public Entry of the King into Paris, on his return from his Inauguration. The Duke of Epernon, a Kinsman of Bellegarde declared against Conchini; 
Mem. de la Regence de Marie de Medicis.  and the Count of Soissons enraged at him, for assisting the Duke of Guise to marry the Dowager of Montpensier, would not any more speak to the Marquis of Ancre. The Enmity of two such powerful Men, made him very uneasy; He laboured to be reconciled to them. Soissons was not very averse to this, but he required the Marquis and his Wife should serve him in two Things, which he passionately desired; to marry the Count of Enghien his Son to the Princess Heiress of Montpensier, and to ruin the Duke of Sully.  

Their Reconciliation,  For the first Proposition, the Marquis delivered himself in General Terms, to those who were concerned in this Accommodation. He spoke more positively on the Article of the Duke of Sully, in case the Ministers would side with him. Conchini did not love the Duke. He was afraid the Interest of an Old Minister, might be an Obstacle to his growing Favour. Nevertheless the Count of Soissons did not dare to conclude this Reconciliation, till the Duke of Epernon was satisfied. It was not so easy to bring down his Haughty and Stubborn Spirit, who pretended to be his own Support, independently on all Favourites. Epernon required, Conchini should come to him, and make him Satisfaction in the presence of the Count of Soissons. He, blown up with his Favour, and New Honour, refused that Submission to the Duke, which he could without meanness make to a Prince of the Blood Soissons found an Expedient, which might be a Salvo for the Nicety of the one, and satisfy the Haughty Humour of the other▪ The Precedent Jeannin had presented Conchini to the Count; after those Compliments had passed, which were agreed o●… before, the two New Friends sat down to play together. The Game being over It is not enough says Soissons to the Marquis, that we are Reconciled. You must have a right understanding with all my good Friends. I am going to make a visit to on●… of them, I beg your Company. I am disposed to do what you please, replied Conchini They were soon at the Hôtel of Epernon; all things were carried there to th●… content of both Parties. That which 〈◊〉 looked on as a Trifle amongst Private Me●…passes for a weighty Matter with grea●… ones.  

A Party form at Court against the Duke 〈◊〉 Sully.  There was no need to take much pain●… to gain the Ministers over to act in Concert with the others, to ruin the Duke of Sully. He had a Misunderstanding wit●… Villeroy, the only Man of their Number who had taken pains to keep him in Employ. Sharp and Affronting words pa●…sed between them in the Council, in th●… Queen's Presence. Villeroy who though himself to be the more necessary, and to have the better Interest, leaves the Court. This was a sort of Menace, that he would not return as long as Sully had a share in the Government. The Regent herself was inclined to dismiss him. A Protestant could not be very grateful to a Princess, who blindly followed the Impressions of the Court of Rome. Marry disliked too the Austere Humour of the Duke, who would not fail to oppose her excessive Expenses, and Imprudent Liberalities. The fear of causing Murmurs amongst the Protestants, in discarding a Lord of their Religion without Reason, possibly would have restrained the Queen, and defeated the Cabals against him. But they reckoned upon the Interest of the Marshal of Bovillon, with the Party. He mortally hated the Duke of Sully; and the Prince of Conde tempted by the Confiscation of the Estate of a Superintendant, which Bovillon made him cast his Eyes on, Declines interceding for a Man whose Plunder would enrich him, 
Man du Duc de Rohan, Liv. 1.  a Powerful Spur to make a Prince Act, says one of the Wisest Men of that Time.   

THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF LEWIS XIII. King of France and Navarre.  
BOOK II.  

1611. The Quarrel of Bellegarde and Conchini.  IN the Year 1611. Conchini entered upon the Exercise of his New place of first Gentleman of the Chamber. Bellegarde who had served the preceding year in the same Quality, was loath to leave the Apartment in the Lovure appointed for him, who served in that Quality. The Marquis of Ancre having already Lodgings in the Lovure, upon the account of his Wife; but the latter had not respect enough for him, to give him any thing which of Right belonged to himself. The Key of the Apartments was demanded of Bellegarde. Divers pretences were found to defer this. The Marquis of Ancre tired with these affected Delays, demands it himself of the Great Esquire, in the Queen's Closet. Upon a positive Refusal, several Affronting Words passed on both sides, Conchini did not want Courage. He goes out of the Lovure, to avoid a Prohibition of Fight, and with a Design to demand the Reason of the Affront and Wrong, Bellegarde had done him.  
This Quarrel made a great noise at Court, 
Memoirs de la Regence de Marie de Medicis.  every one followed that side his Passion or Interest led him to. The Count of Soissons, and old Friend of the Great Esquires, forgot all his New Ties to the Marquis of Ancre. He threatened Conchini to drive him from Court, and his Passion of which he seldom was Master, had Transported him farther, if the Marquis de Coevures his Confident, had not stopped him. Is this the way you take, said the Marquis to him, to compass your Design of Marrying your Son to the Princess of Montpensier, and ruin the Duke of Sully your Enemy, to quarrel with the Queen and her Creatures? Bellegarde is your Friend, but, the Duke of Guise whom you don't Love; has he not contracted an Alliance with this Gentleman, by Marrying the Dowager of Montpensier, his near Kinswoman? Do you think for the future, your Interests will be dearer to Bellegarde, than those of the House of Guise; if you have no Consideration for Conchini, at least consider yourself. The Count began to reflect a little, when a Gentleman came to tell Coevures, the Marquis of Ancre desired to have some Discourse with him in the Hôtel d'Etrees. Coevures goes instantly, exhorts Conchini to consent to an Accommodation. Monsieur the Prince, and the Duke of Epernon have offered me their Mediation, says the Marquis of Ancre, but if it comes to that, Monsieur the Count will be more grateful to me. Coevures made his Advantage of this Offer. The Count of Soissons valued it as a piece of Merit with the Queen, to accommodate a Quarrel which gave her Majesty some Disturbance.  

The Count of Soissons quarrels with the Cardinal of Joyeuse, and the Duke of Epernon.  Conchini thought himself extremely obliged to the Count, for having so dexterously managed his Honour; Full of Gratitude the Marquis of Ancre promised Soissons to labour effectually to procure the Marriage of Mr. of Enghien with the Rich Hieress of Montpensier, and to ruin the Duke of Sully. The Queen consented in effect to the two Propositions, which the Ministers and Marquis of Ancre strenuously pleaded for; But when the Duke of Epernon, and the Cardinal of Joyeuse came to understand the Queen disposed of their grand Niece without their consent, they complained to her Majesty, she had not Communicated to them a Matter which concerned them so nearly. Farther they made great Complaints, that the Count of Soissons had slighted them in carrying on a Matter of that kind with the Regent, without their Privity. This Prince full of Life, but very Indiscreet, took a Pique very unseasonably against two Persons, whom he sought to engage in his Interests. Endeavours were used for an Accommodation, but all in vain. Soissons was too passionate, and Epernon too haughty. The late King had designed the Princess of Montpensier for the Duke of Orleans his second Son, and had declared this only to the Cardinal Joyeuse, and the Duke of Epernon; otherwise the Match would have been agreeable to the Niece and the Uncles. But how could they prefer the last Prince of the Blood, to the first Son of France. The young Duke of Orleans died the 17th of November this year. In default of him, the Princess of Montpensier was desired for Gaston Duke of Anjou, third Son of Henry IU.  

A Quarrel between the Count of Soissons with the Psince of Conti ●…is Brother.  The Count of Soissons had the beginning of this year two Notorious Quarrels, one with the Prince of Conti his Brother, and the other with the Duke of Guise. Three days after the Marriage of this latter with the Dowager of Montpensier, the Prince of Conti going in the Evening to the Lovure in his Coach, met near the Croix du Tiroir, the Count of Soissons, who likewise was in his. There being a stop in the Street, it was necessary one of the two Coaches should put back, to make way for the other. The Count's Gentleman began to be rough, and without observing the Liveries, to use Threats, and command the Prince's Coachman to put back immediately. Conti's Men would not yield, bid the Coachman drive on, and fear nothing. The Count of Soissons then saw it was his Elder Brother in the Coach, he instantly sent to make excuses for the Indiscretion of his Gentleman. They protested to the Prince in the Name of the Count, this happened by Accident, and not by Design. The weak Conti was not contented with the Deference which Soissons paid him. When a Man has little Merit, he easily thinks he is despised. To Morrow with your Sword drawn, cries the Prince, as he passed by his Brothers Coach. To stifle brutally for a small point of Honour, all Sense of Religion and Nature, was this the way to make himself less contemptible?  

The two Princes are reconciled.  The Regent being informed of what had happened, prays the Prince of Conde to intercede, and Reconcile his Uncles: She sends the Duke of Guise whose Sister Conti had Married, to dispose his Brother-in-Law to receive the Excuses that Soissons made him. Conde and Guise go the same day to the Abbey of St.  des prez, where the Prince of Conti's Residence was. Whether the Duke had a mind to show the Princes of the Blood, and his New Wife, that the House of Guise, was not less considerable now, than in the preceding Reigns, or whether it was mere Accident; he went from the Hotel of Montpensier, where he was at that time, attended with an Extraordinary number of Gentlemen on Horseback, to Visit the Prince of Conti, and did not decline passing by the Hotel of Soissons in this mighty Pomp.  
In his Return from the Abbey of St. , Guise met the Prince of Conde going thither with only four or five Horsemen following him. They Saluted each other; the Duke told Conde, that the Prince of Conti was well disposed, and had promised things should not go farther. If your Highness will give me leave, added the Duke of Guise, I will return back and have the Honour to Accompany you to Monsieur the Prince of Conti, and put him in mind of his Promise to me. Conde did not care to accept this Civility of Guise, the Train of one was too different from that of the other; the Prince would have appeared to have done the Duke honour in a day of Triumph. The Chevalier of Guise, Brother to the Duke, left the Company, and followed the Prince of Conde to the Abbey of St. . Conti repeated to his Nephew the Assurances he had given his Brother-in-Law, and this Difference was ended.  

Another great Difference between the Count of Soissons, and the Duke of Guise,  The Duke of Guise only pretended, said he, to persuade the Prince of Conti not to break in such a manner with his Brother. In the mean time he made himself work with the Count of Soissons. Guise, cried they, at the Hotel of Soissons, had with him a Hundred and Fifty Horse armed, and fit to Fight. It was not without Design, that he affected to pass by this House. He would huff the Princes of the Blood; thinks he to awe us, and show us, that if the House of Guise should take part with the Prince of Conti their Kinsman, ours would be far inferior. The Count of Soissons Jealous of the great Advantages which the Heiress of Joieuse brought into an Enemy's House, believed all these Reports. The Prince of Conde perhaps vexed that the Duke of Guise had made a far better appearance in the Eyes of the People, than himself, fell into the same Sentiments, and drew in the Constable of Montmorency, who still remembered the old Jars between the Marshal his Brother, and the Guises. The crowd of Lords and Gentlemen which came in on all sides to the Hôtel of Guise, served very much to Exasperate the two Princes, and the Constable. 
Mem. de Bassompierre mercure. Francois, 1611.  The World was amazed to see the grandchildren of the Admiral of Coligny, the Dukes of Sully and Rohan, the Marshal of Bovillon, and the most considerable of the Protestant Party, forget the bloody day of St. Bartholomew, and go to offer their Services to the Children of Balafre, against the Son of the brave Lewis, Prince of Conde.  
The Regent and the Ministers feared, this Affair would have troublesome Consequences. Orders were given to the Inhabitants of the parts of the City, which were nearest the Lovure to be Armed, the Chains were ready to be put cross the Streets, in case there should be need, and the Marshal of Brisac was sent to the Count of Soissons, to hinder him from coming out of his House. The Marquis of Vitry Captain of the Guards, had order to continue near the Duke of Guise, and his Brethren. Soissons was not denied Permission to speak to the Queen, but Guise did not obtain the same Favour. A slight Distinction to content the Nicety of the Princes of the Blood.  
When the Council came to consider of a way to put an end to this New Difference, the Constable demanded Justice of the Queen against the Duke of Guise, who had Insulted, said he, the Count of Soissons, by passing by his House with a hundred and fifty Horse. The Duke of Sully strenuously defended Guise. Was it an Offence, replied he, to Monsieur the Count, to pass by his House. Was not this the Duke's way to discharge the Order her Majesty had given him, to treat with Monsieur the Prince of Conti; Divers of his Friends and Servants Accompanied him. There was no Design in this. A great deal of Company went to Compliment the Duke on his Marriage; They followed him to the Abbey of St. , was this such an extraordinary Matter. Princes and Lords come every day to the Lovure, attended with such Gentlemen who have a Respect for them. The Duke is the Counts Humble Servant. He is disposed to give the Princes of the Blood, what is due to their Birth. Monsieur the Count would have had a proof of this, if he had met the Duke in his way. What more can be required of Monsieur, the Duke of Guise. The Marshal of Bovillon, and the Duke of Epernon, confirmed what the Duke of Sully said.  

The Reconcilement of the Duke of Guise. with the Count of Soissons.  The Regent sent to ask whether the Count of Soissons was satisfied with the Excuses made for the Duke of Guise. Very far from accepting them, he denied Admittance to four of the Council, upon the score they were Friends of, and Related to the House of Guise. Nothing but a Treaty would serve; the Duke of Guise tired with his long Confinement to his House, consented to Visit the Count of Soissons, and make very humble Excuses to him. But the Duke of Mayenne Uncle of Guise, laying before him the Consequences of a Step, which gave so many Advantages to the sworn Enemies of their House; he recalled his word. Soissons was extremely moved at this, he threatened the Regent to leave Paris, if he had not that Satisfaction given him which had been promised. However he was persuaded to content himself with the Duke of Mayenne's, making Excuses to the Queen for the Duke of Guise's marching through the Streets of Paris, with so great a number of Horse. Monsieur of Guise, says the Duke of Mayenne, never designed to cause any Disturbance; he would sooner die, than do any thing Displeasing to your Majesty. For Mons. the Count of Soissons, our House will always preserve that Deference and Respect is due to him. When Monsieur the Count will please to be reconciled to Messieurs of Guise, they will not fail to Honour him, and be his Humble Servants.  
The Queen replied, she would acquaint the Count of Soissons, what the Duke of Mayenne had said; I will speak to him, said she, to forget what is past, and content himself with this Satisfaction. The Prince of Conde on the Queen's part went to his Uncle, and told him, her Majesty wished things might stop there. The Count of Soissons promised to conform himself to her Pleasure. Mayenne by his Address and Resolution, had brought his Nephew with Honour in a very Nice case, if it be true that the Duke of Guise had no ill design; yet he made an Ostentation, which might well give umbrage to the Princes of the Blood.  
In vain did the Duke of Sully thus meanly make his Court to the Guises. 
The Duke of Sul'y's Disgrace.  They would not hinder the accomplishing the Design on foot, to ruin him; their Party indeed made a Mien, as if they would Combine to oppose the Ruin of one, who had taken pains to very good purpose to serve them; but the contrary Cabal, was too Powerful and Zealous. Perhaps too, the House of Guise were not very Solicitous 〈◊〉 Bottom, to support a Protestant Lord whom the Courts of Rome and Madrid were dissatisfied to see in the chiefest Employs. The Marquis of Cevures was the Man whom the Enemies of the Duke made use of to sound the true Sentiments of Marshal of Bovillon in this matter of Sully. The Interest of their Religion ought to have united these Protestant Lords. It's Preservation depended in part, on a good Understanding between them; but Courtiers never think of this. Sully deserves the worst that can befall him, says the Marshal, However I ought not to appear among those who declare against him. It concerns me very much, that those of our Religion should not Reproach me with removing a Man, who is necessary to them in the post he is in. If Bovillon would seriously have avoided that Reproach, should he have joined himself to the Count of Soissons? The World saw plainly, the poor Duke of Sully was the Sacrifice in his Reconciliation.  
The Prince of Conde and the Count of Soissons, jointly demanded of the Regent to have him removed. Her Majesty readily granted a thing she desired, no less than they. To keep fair with the Huguenot Party, who must think it strange Mary should so soon take away the Rewards Sully had deserved by his good Services to the late King. They gave out, and would make Sully himself believe, it was his desire to have his Ease. The Regent civilly offered him a Sum of Money for the Government of the Bastile, which she took away from him at the same time with the place of Superintendent of the Finances. The Duke was very much surprised to see himself taken at his Word, upon General Compliments made to the Queen. He had protested upon some Occasions to her Majesty, that she might dispose of all that he had. 
Mercure Francois, 1611.  I did not think, said Sully, that such Offers made to one's Prince, were Crime enough to forfeit one's Places. I have now learned this new Maxim, but I do not repent of having done my Duty.  
The Duke shown great Constancy in his Adversity, and was Skilful enough to conceal his inward Disturbance. He writ a Letter to the Queen, which was filled with fine Thoughts; was not this a Noble Effort of the secret Pride of his Heart, to seek thus to repair his Losses, by making himself Admired. Perhaps he thought he should persuade the World, he deserved those Places, which he could quit with so much equality of Mind ●…nd Disinterestedness. This Greatness of Mind would have appeared less affected, if he had not made a long Enumeration of the Services he had done for the late King. This was Reproaching his Widow, he might talk plausibly, how that without increasing, nay, by lessening the Excises and Duties, he had paid the immense Debts of his Master, had put the Finances in a good Method, subsisted three great Armies, amassed seventeen Millions in ready Money; the People could not believe him in his Word. Fifty four Edicts revoked in the beginning of this Reign, were a proof the Superintendent had not yet found the secret to enrich the Prince, and at the same time to ease his Subjects.  

The first Precedent de Harlay, resigns hi●… Place. A Cabal to hinder Mr. the Thou from succeeding him.  The Duke retired to his Castle of Sully on the Loire; no Superintendent was put in his Room. The Precedents Jeannin, de Chateauneuf, and the Thou, were named for Directors of the Finances. De Thou declined this Employ; this did not suit with a Magistrate so Upright, so Zealous for the public good, and so great a Lover of all good Learning. The Place of first Precedent of the Parliament of Paris, was more worthy of his Noble Ambition. Christopher de Thou his Father, had filled it with a mighty Reputation. His Memory would have been Irreproachable, if the necessity of excusing his Master, had not forced him to seek out for frivolous pretences, to give colour to that cruel Massacre of St. Bartholomew, which this Wise Magistrate abhorred in his Heart. Achilles de Harlay succeeded him in the most unhappy and difficult Time, that ever was. All Men still speak with Honour of the Integrity, Justice, and Affability of that great Man. All good Frenchmen cannot forget the Services he did for his Country, when she was almost oppressed by the Efforts of the League.  
Worn out with Age and Labour, he desired to lay down his Office. 
Memoires de la Regence de Marie de Medici●….  All Honest Men wished to see James Augustus de Thou, in the Place his Father had formerly been, but the Regent too much depended on the Pope. The Knowledge and Moderation of so Learned a Magistrate, did not suit with the Interest of Rome, besides the Jesuits had too important Business to Solicit in the Parliament of Paris. They did not care a Man who was not less acquainted than his Brother-in-Law had been, with the secret designs of the Society, should preside in the determining the Process they had against the University of Paris. Condé who had great Obligations to the Precedent de Thou, promised to assist him in his Pretensions to a Dignity, justly due to his Merit and Services. But the Weak and Ungrateful Prince, had not the Courage to oppose a Cabal of Bigots. Villeroy made his Advantage of this Opportunity, he procured Verdun his Kinsman to be preferred, who ought to have been content with seeing himself at the Head of the Parliament of Toulouse.  

La d'Escouman accuses the Marquis of Vernueil, and the Duke of Epernon, of being concerned in the Murder of Henry IU.  Some few days before his Resignation, Harlay had presided in the Sentence against La d'Escouman. This Creature it is said, did not want either Wit or Address. But her lewd Life ought to have taken away the Credit of her Evidence, if all concerned in Villainies, were not of necessity Scandalous Persons. It is not known who put d'Escouman upon presenting herself to Queen Margaret, whom she was known to, and discovering to her, that the Duke of Epernon and the Marquis of Vernueil had suborned Ravaillac. Whether Margaret was in a Combination to ruin these two Persons, or was afraid of ill Consequences, if she did not give notice of what she heard to the Court; the Princess sent to let the Regent know, that La d'Escouman had great things to Reveal. Some Persons were ordered to go to the Hôtel of Queen Margaret. They conceal themselves in an adjoining Closet, while the Princess makes la d'Escouman repeat with a loud Voice, what she had said. Margaret testified the Woman did not vary, but repeated Word for Word before to her, what they had now heard.  

She is Condemned▪  Upon the Report made to the Regent, her Majesty ordered her Letter Patents to be dispatched for the Parliament of Paris, to take cognizance of this New Affair. La d'Escouman being examined by the first Precedent de Harlay, accuses two Persons, one of which had been Valet de Chambre, to the Marquis d' Entragues. These Men are Seized, Examined, thrown into a Dungeon, confronted with d'Escouman, who affirms peremptorily, all was true she had charged them with. Farther she declares, the Marchioness of Vernueil had sent Ravaillac to her with a Letter for one Madamoiselle du Tillet; and that in her Presence, du Tillet had spoke to Ravaillac, to Assassinate the late King. But the Evidence so ill maintained her Charge, was so deficient in describing the Person of the Murderer, and said so many things directly false, that no Credit was given to her Depositions. The two Prisoners were acquitted, and la d'Escouman condemned to close Imprisonment for the rest of her Life.  

Reflections on 〈◊〉 Sentence.  The care taken to confine this Wretched Woman, and the keeping her Examination so private, gave occasion for divers Suspicions, and many Reflections. It was pretty commonly believed, Persons of Eminent Quality had a share in this Mystery of Iniquity, and it was not judged convenient to disclose it. Some pretended this was only done to spare the Reputation of certain Persons of the first Rank, who had made this use of la d'Escouman, to ruin their Enemies. So ill and revengeful a Woman as la Vernueil, said they, may well enough be guilty of a great Crime. But is it to be believed, the Queen who mortally hates the Marchioness, would spare her. Can she ever find a fairer opportunity to revenge the frequent Disquiets, which the ill Nature and Raillery of a Rival had given her. The Duke of Epernon 's Interest, added some Judicious Men, could never stifle this Matter. He has powerful Enemies at Court. The Prince of Conde, and the Count of Soissons, declare openly against him. The Marshal de Bovillon, and the Marquis of Ancre strictly tied together, seek to remove and ruin him. If any one reflect on the Conduct of the Duke of Epernon, his Humour and Inclinations; he will not appear capable of so black an Attempt. And if he had Malice enough to conceive it, is he so void of Common Sense, to trust this in the Hands of a Fool, as Ravaillac was? In short, if he suborned the Assassin, would he have taken pains to keep him from being killed on the spot, as James Clement was. The Duke of Epernon said, some who were the most prejudiced against him, could not be called to an Account, without bringing in the Queen, whom he served in it. Doubtless said others to them, it would be much safer and easier to have poisoned the King, than to depend upon a Blow of that Importance, on such a Fellow as Ravaillac was.  
There was a greater Division in the Court of Prague, than that of Paris, and the Princes of the House of Austria in Germany, lived in a more visible Misunderstanding, than the Princes of the Blood in France. The Emperor Rodolphus had three Brothers, Mathias, Albert, and Maximilian. The first had forced from his Elder Brother the Kingdom of Hungary, and the greatest part of what the House of Austria calls her Hereditary Countries. Albert lived contented with the Provinces of the Low Countries, which the Infanta Isabella brought to him in Marriage; and Maximilian having long ago relinquished his Pretensions to the Kingdom of Poland, which he disputed with Sigismond King of Sweden, led a quiet Life with Mathias King of Hungary. These four Brothers had two Cousin Germans, Children of Charles, Brother to the Emperor Maximilian II. The small Country of Gratz in Stiria, did not satisfy the Ambition of Ferdinand, the Eldest of this second Branch of that House, and Leopold the younger Brother, desired something more than the Bishoprics of Strasburg and Passau. Rodolphus and his Brothers had no Children; this gave their Cousins mighty Hopes, but as yet they were a great way off. The King of Hungary this year, Married Ann Archdutchess of Austria, and might leave Heirs.  
Ferdinand Wisely concealed his vast Ambition, he seemed contented with managing the Pope, and keeping a strict Correspondence with Spain, and seemed willing to wait patiently for a more favourable Opportunity, to obtain the Succession of his Cousins. All Men looked on the Emperor as a dead Man. The Courts of Rome and Madrid were not very well satisfied, that Mathias kept fair with the Protestants, which he did to prevent being opposed by them, when there should be a Debate about choosing a Successor to his Brother. Perhaps too his Inclination led him to follow the steps of Maximilian II. a very Wife and Moderate Prince. He had had a good Opinion of the Protestant Religion, and it is thought would have embraced it, if he had not met with Obstacles from Ferdinand the I. and the Court of Rome. The Emperor his Father pressed by the Pope, threatened Maximilian to Disinherit him; but if the Son had shown greater Resolution, the Father would have found it no easy Matter to have made such an Exclusion valid. I very much doubt, if he would have dared to attempt it. Ferdinand Archduke of Gratz, was very far from this Moderation of Maximilian. He was violent against the Protestants, to a prodigious degree. The Jesuits and Ignorant Monks, who had too great Influence on the Councils of this Prince, and his Descendants, kept him in this extravagant Bigotry, flattering him with the Assistance of the Pope, and King of Spain to obtain the Empire, even whilst those of the Elder Branch were yet alive.  
The Archduke Leopold had no less Ambition, but was still more impatient, 
The Ambitious Designs of Leopold of Austria Bishop of Strasburg, and Passaw on the Kingdom of Bohemia.  vexed to see himself reduced to live on his Benefices, and to find his mighty Designs on the Countries of Cleves and Juliers prove Abortive; he resolved to take his Advantage of the Weakness of Rodolphus, and to make himself King of Bohemia, to the prejudice of Mathias, to whom that Crown was promised, after the Emperor's Decease. Leopold had raised a small Army with the consent of Rodolphus, under colour of keeping Juliers against the Confederate Princes. The Town being taken by the Brave Maurice of Orange, the Archduke kept his Troops in his Bishopric of Passau, with an intention to employ them in some greater and more profitable Work.  
Romeo their General, as Active and Stirring as Leopold, persuaded him to treat with his Friends in the Court of Prague, and the Roman Catholics in Bohemia, who could not endure to see the Gospelers enjoy the free use of their Religion. Leopold designed in the first place, to make an Alteration in the Government of Prague, and Expel divers Lords of the Emperor's Council, who were in the King of Hungary's Interests; the thing did not seem practicable in a free Country, as that of Bohemia was. There was a Necessity for him to content himself with gaining over the Catholic Party, and chief the Churchmen and Monks, by giving them hopes that if Leopold should enter Prague by force of Arms, he would oblige the Emperor to revoke the Edict in favour of the Gospelers. The Jesuits were the most forward to favour the Designs of Leopold; they filled their College with Canon, Arms, and Ammunition, to make use of in case there should be occasion.  

Leopold's Troops ●…arch into Bohemia.  Leopolds Army was composed of nine Thousand Foot, and four Thousand Horse. They marched straight towards Austria, under the Command of Romeo, who found the means to help the Soldiers to Money; in their way they plundered divers considerable Castles. King Mathias being unprovided to resist, was very much alarmed. He writ to his Subjects and Friends to come immediately to his Aid. In the mean time Romeo passes the Danube, ravages wherever he comes, marches into Bohemia, under pretence of exacting those Subsidies the Emperor had promised Leopold, for the Subsistence of his Troops. He took two or three important Places, and Leopold joined him when he was at the Gates of the Capital. The States of the Countries amazed at these Motions, prepared for a Defence. The Gospelers appeared more active and warm, than the rest; they were afraid to fall under the Government of one of the House of Gratz. But it was not possible to hinder Leopold from entering into a third part of the Town, which is called the little Prague. He had a good Intelligence there; the two other Quarters which they call the Old and New Prague, defended themselves so vigorously, that Leopold could not make himself Master of them.  

Mathias King of Hungary, Marches to the Assistance of Bohemia.  During the Confusions which Accidents of this Nature must needs cause, in a Town divided into two Factions, Violent against each other, Rodolphus remained in his Castle, contented with commanding both Parties by a Herald, to lay down their Arms, he seemed to stand Neuter. His old Piques against his Brother, made him incline to Leopold, who seized on the Castle, and was declared Lieutenant General for the Emperor. The King of Hungary had at that time a Dispute with Gabriel Battori, Prince of Transilvania. He chose rather to give up his Pretensions, than to have Bohemia taken from him. Behold him then, at the Head of an Army of eighteen Thousand Men. Leopold and Romeo make a quick Retreat to the Frontiers of Bohemia, as soon as they are informed Mathias was entered into the Kingdom; too fortunate in carrying off their Booty, and two Hundred Thousand Florins, which the Emperor gave them. The King of Hungary being come to Prague, the States of the Country received him with all possible Magnificence.  

Mathias is Crowned King of Bohemia.  After some of Rodolphus his Counsellors were clapped into Prison, and others forced to fly, it was no hard Matter to make Rodolphus consent to a Demise of the Kingdom of Bohemia, in favour of his Brother. This poor Prince had very good Conditions in appearance made for him, at the Solicitation of the Elector of Saxony, who always was a Friend to the House of Austria. The States of Bohemia too, proposed theirs to the New King, for the securing the Privileges of the Kingdom, and Liberty of Conscience. The City of Prague made some separate Stipulations, and particularly that the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction should be restrained, and the Abuses of it corrected. After Mathias had been Solemnly Crowned at Prague, the 23d of May, by the Cardinal Ditrechstein, an Agreement was made with Leopold, who still had divers Important Places in his Hand. He promised to quit these, upon the payment of a certain Sum of Money. In Conclusion; the King of Hungary and Bohemia, having agreed to some Articles for a perfect Reconciliation with the Emperor, he went to Breslau; his Design was to go and take Possession of Silesia, which had likewise been given up to him. The Bishop of the City, the Lords and States of the Province, took an Oath of Fidelity to him, and he likewise swore to preserve to them the free Exercise of that Religion, each of them professed before. 
A Cabal in the Court of France, against the Duke of Epernon.   
The Princes of the House of Austria, lived the rest of that year in a good Understanding, as to outward Appearance; those of the Royal Blood, did the same in France. Conde and Soissons being now combined together, were not content with Supplanting Sully, they resolved farther to ruin the Duke of Epernon, the Marquis of Ancre took part with them. He promised the Count of Soissons to remove a Man, who was insupportable to all the Favourites. Epernon hated them in effect, because he loved to engross Favours; he thought no one besides himself, could deserve it. Conchini provoked by the great Contempt the Duke treated him with, resolved to humble a Man, who owed his Rise to the Favour of Henry the III. and was now more haughty and hard to be bended, than the Princes of the Blood. The more Epernon found his Interest at Court sink, the more he strove to make the Princes of the Blood Sensible, if they would not love him, they should have reason to fear him. After the Count of Soissons had threatened to insult him, he went through the Streets of Paris, attended with Seven or Eight Hundred Gentlemen; he would sometimes take Pleasure in going to the Lovure a foot. His Men marched in order of Battle, and when the first were at the Lovure, the last were at the Hôtel of Epernon. The Distance of these is near two thousand Paces.  
In the midst of this outward Splendour, the Discontent to see himself Excluded from Public Business, tormented him exceedingly. The Cardinal of Joyeuse, who only Subsisted by the Duke's Support, resolved to go to Rome and Divert himself, in the Chapels and Congregations there, since there was no more occasion for him in the Court of France. Epernon desired leave to go to his Estate and Government; this he obtained with the good liking of the Court. 
Mem. de la Regence de Marie de Medicis.  The Regent gave him on this occasion, several Marks of Confidence and Respect. The Prince of Conde had a mind to go and take Possession of the Government of Guienne, and nothing could divert him from this Resolution. His stiffness gave Umbrage to the Court. The Reformed had a civil Assembly at Saumur, and the Regent did not know whether Conde might not have some secret design to take his Advantage of this, when he should be in that Neighbourhood. The Duke of Epernon's going to his Governments of Limosin, Angoumois and Xaintonge bordering on Guienne, gave great Satisfaction. The Queen gave him a thousand Caresses, and recommended earnestly to him to observe Conde's steps. This Precaution was not necessary, the good Prince thought no harm, he was too well satisfied with his feigned Greatness, and acting the part of an Imaginary King on the Stage at Bourdeaux, and elsewhere, he was charmed to see himself received with so much Ceremony, took his Place in the Parliament, made his Progress through the several Towns, and heard with great Gravity, the Harangues and Compliments of the Magistrates and Gascon Gentlemen.  

The Marquis of Ancre designs to marry his Son to the Princess of Soissons.  The Count of Soissons was now the only Person who managed the Queen. The Marquis of Ancre whose Favour increased every day, showed an extreme Devotion to him. Soissons Transported with bringing so potent a Favourite into the interests of his House, did him all the good Offices he could. He Assisted him in obtaining the Government of the Town and Citadel of Amiens, in Spite of the Opposition and Discontent which the Count of St. Paul shown at it. This Lord being a younger Brother of the House of Longueville pretended to this Employ. But Soissons who had an entire Ascendent over him, made him desist. Farther he engaged St. Paul, to return out of Picardy where he Commanded, during the Minority of the Duke of Longueville, 
Memoires de la regence de Marie de Medicis.  to prevent any Difference that might happen between him and the New Governor of Amiens, if they should meet. Conchini was now risen to such a height, nothing seemed to be above him. There was a Discourse of Marrying his Son to one of the Princesses of Soissons. You have a mind to flatter me said the Favourite, to a Gentleman who made the Offer, but I confess, this Flattery does not displease me.  
He did not long continue in this Modesty, he affected at that time. 
The Count of Soissons accepts the Proposition. The Generosity of the Duke of Epernon.  Conchini had the boldness to say to the Marquis of Coevures, a Confident of the Count of Soissons, that the Marriage talked of must be concluded; that a Prince of the Blood would find great Advantages in it, that the Queen had already given her consent. Soissons meanly complied with this shameful Match. He was punished for it, as he deserved. The Ministers laid before the Queen Consequences of a Marriage, which would sooner or later draw on it, the Indignation of the King, the Princes of the Blood, and all sensible Men. 
Vie du Duc d'Epernon L. VI  Thus the Count of Soissons by this Treaty, only obtained the Scandal and Reproaches of consenting to prostitute his Daughter to a young Italian, whose Father and Mother soon became the Horror of Mankind, not so Wise and Generous as the Duke of Epernon, inferior in Birth to a Prince of the Blood. Conchini caused a Marriage to be proposed for his Daughter, with the Marquis de la Valette, second Son of the Duke. Besides the Great Wealth he would have given with his Daughter, he promised to obtain the Sword of Constable of France for Epernon, as soon as the King should be a Major. Far from hearing his Friends and Servants who advised him to accept this Proposition, the Duke rejected it with a Noble Scorn. Nay, he was Angry with those who pressed him to make an Alliance, which if rewarded by the first Dignity of the State, would be still the more Scandalous.  
The Cardinal of Joyeuse took for the pretence of his Journey, the Obligation he had to go to Rome, to perform the Functions of his Dignity of Protector of France; a Pompous and Ridiculous Title, which the Pride of the Court of Rome has invented, and the mean Complaisance of Sovereigns has Authorised. These like Monks, have each their Cardinal Protector with the Pope. A Subject who is Agent for his Prince, becomes his Protector at Rome. The Regent Diverted herself at that time at Fontainbleau. There on the 12th of April, she drew up a long Instruction for Joyeuse. No one can read these Pieces without complaining of, or to speak better, contemning Crowned Heads, who suffer such a strange Slavery to be imposed on them. A King must give the Holy Father an account of what he does at home, 
Siri Memory recondite. Tom II. pag. 502, 503, etc.  for the good of his Dominions; and what Alliances he contracts abroad for their Security. Has he done any thing which is not well relished at Rome, then see him humbly making his Excuses, and taking all ways imaginable to extenuate his Fault. He is very Submissive, he promises to do great and mighty wonders on some other Occasion for the Holy See.  
What a Pother's here about the Instruction of the Cardinal of Joyeuse! 
The Regent justifies to Paul V. what she had done in favour of the Protestants.  Mary de Medicis will have him to inform Paul V. exactly of what has been done since the beginning of the Regency, without omitting the least Particular. To justify her confirming the Edict of Nantes, he must represent to his Holiness, this was extorted from her, to prevent the Jealousies of the Protestants, and disappoint some busy Turbulent Men. The Protestants having Permission granted them to meet for the Regulating other Civil Matters; she pretended it was impossible to do otherwise in a Minority. Endeavours are used to pacify the Disquiet which that Assembly gave the Pope, promising to allow the Hugonots nothing that could be dispensed with. The Regent had given several Employs, and bestowed her Favours on some Protestant Lords; for fear the Court of Rome should be alarmed at this, it was said, this was to gain the Heads of the Party over. Paul the V took it ill, that the Parliament of Paris had made a Decree for the Suppression of Cardinal Bellarmine's Book, against Barclay. Her Majesty is a little embarrassed upon this Article; she is troubled the Defamatory and Scandalous Books of the Gardinal, should give occasion to the Magistrates to concern themselves. But the Queen in Recompense has interposed her Authority, to hinder the Sorbonne from vigorous Censure, which she intended against the Propositions of Bellarmine. It was not thought fit to give the Hugonots so great Advantages; what Baseness, what Trickings are here, but this is not all.  
The Renewing the Alliances with the Protestant Princes and States, were coloured with the common good of Christendom, and the Example of the King of Spain was alleged, who made a League with the United Provinces; all good Offices were promised with the Electors and Protestant Princes of Germany, in favour of Mathias King of Hungary, whom the Courts of Rome and Madrid wished to have Elected King of the Romans. In the last place, the Court would make the Old Man believe, they were about to form a Potent League against the Turk and hoped to engage the King of Great Britain, the United Provinces, Prince Maurice of Orange, and the rest of the House of Nassau in it. These Men, says the Queen, Lovers of Glory, they will not be uneasy to have this occasion to add more, to that which they acquired by their Valour. The Picture which she makes of King James the I. must not be omitted here. I own continues Mary, that he persecutes the Catholics cruelly. But in short●… he is a Prince who loves nothing but Peace He does not seek to make himself Great a●… the Expense of his Neighbours, he declare●… himself an Enemy to all Subjects, who Rebel against their Princes. If he could b●… sure of the Fidelity and good Intentions of th●… English Catholics, he would let them live peaceably. As he is very averse to the Calvinists, he will soon change in favour of his Catholics, if they give him no occasion of Suspicion or Distrust.  

Complaints of the Court of France, against the Duke of Savoy.  The Principal Article of this Instruction, regards the Duke of Savoy. He seemed to threaten to Attack the City of Geneva, and the Country of Vaux belonging to the Canton of Bern. The Queen will have it represented to the Pope, that the Ambition and Turbulent Humour of the Savoyard, would put all Europe in a Flame, and hinder the conclusion of the League, which it was pretended was designed against the common Enemy of Christendom; and that Henry III. and Henry iv having taken Geneva, and the Country of Vaux into the Protection of their Crown, honour and Justice engaged their Successors to defend the one and the other, in case the Duke of Savoy should attempt to attack them. He beasts, adds the Queen, that his Holiness approves and favours his Designs, that it is not probable. The Pope knows better than any other Man in the World, the Humour, Power and Interest of Charles Emanuel. His Enterprise can never succeed. And when the King of Spain shall Reflect on the ill Consequences of these Motions of the Duke, he will be the first Man to Condemn them; Besides it is not well known, what are the true Designs of Charles Emanuel. When we demand why he keeps so many Troops afoot, he answers the Spaniards being in Arms in the Milanese, Prudence requires him to provide for the Security of his Dominions. The Catholic Swiss Cantons making the same Demands, the Minister's reply, their Master will Reinstate the Bishops of Geneva and Lausanne in their ancient Rights. He promises one thing at the same time he is under contrary Obligations to the King of Spain. We have great reason to believe, he keeps secret Intelligence with the Protestants of France, and other Countries. At present he is Intriguing to make an Alliance with the King of England, by a double Marriage of their Children. For the better understanding this Article, it is necessary for me to take things a little higher, and relate the several steps of Charles Emanuel, Duke of Savoy, after the Death of Henry IU.  

The great Perplexily of the Duke of Savoy, upon the Death of Henry IU.  This unforeseen Accident mightily embarast him, and he was forced to act an hundred different Parts, sometimes to pacify the Court of Spain, incensed against him; at another time to preserve the powerful Support he had from France; and lastly, to find an Opportunity to gratify his unbounded Ambition. In the first place, the Duke was Solicitous to gai●● from the Regent a Confirmation of th●… Promise which Henry had made him, 〈◊〉 give Madam the Eldest Daughter 〈◊〉 France, in Marriage to the Prince of Pi●●mont, whom he preferred to the Prin●● of Spain, who had likewise been propose to him. If I would make my Son a Great King, said Henry, 
Mem. de la Regence de Marie de Medicis.  like a Man of good Sense, it is not necessary my Daughters should be Queens. Care was taken to amuse Charles Emanuel with fine Words, whilst a Treaty was privately managed with King Philip. As soon as the Duke discovered this, he made complaints to the Court of France; but the Regent very far from having regard to his Instances, Demanded of him all the Writings about the Marriage designed by Henry IU.  

The rest of the Princes of Italy, not less embarrassed than the Duke of Savoy.  The other Sovereigns of Italy were not involved in lesser Difficulties than Charles Emanuel. The Republic of Venice, and some others, had a share in the Designs of Henry, on the side of the Alps. As soon as they heard of his unfortunate Death, they were all equally afraid Spain delivered from so Formidable an Enemy, should now in earnest think of overrunning Italy, under colour of chastising the Duke of Savoy, and the rest who kept Intelligence with Henry, in order to drive the Spaniards out of the Milanese. Paul V scared, sent for the Venetian Ambassador to him. Writ instantly to the Seignoury, 
Siri Memory recordite. T. II. p. 285, 286.  says the Pope, that I entreat them for the love of God to take care, we may all agree in so Terrible a Juncture. Measures must be taken for preserving Italy, and the young King of France. I plainly see he is in great Danger. The Spaniards are busy to create strange Work for him. I am ready to labour in Concert with, and declare myself with the Republic,  

The Wise Conduct of the S●…nate of Ve●…ice.  The Duke of Savoy had sent his Secretary to Venice, to press earnestly the Senate to conclude with all Speed, a League Offensive and Defensive against the Spaniards. 
Siri Memory recondite. Tom. II. p. 288, 291,  They make new Levies, says his Minister, and Distribute Money to draw Officers into their Service. The Duke my Master, sees these Preparations are more designed against him, than any other. He is resolved to continue steady to his Union with France, will defend himself to the last gasp of Breath, and sooner submit to the Turk, than Spaniard. You are to consider whether his Fall, will not be followed by that of your Republic. The speedy Conclusion of a League Offensive and Defensive, is the only Means to prevent the Disasters which threaten us alike. The Venetians who very well knew the Power of Spain, did not presently take the Alarm. They thought it necessary before they declared, to be well assured of the good Intentions and Concurrence of France, the Minority of the King having changed the face of Affairs there. To engage Mary de Medicis to declare herself, the signory wisely caused the League Offensive and Defensive against Spain, to be proposed to her. The Regent did not in any manner intent to pursue the Designs of Henry. This therefore without farther Consideration, she replied to the Senate, that the Underage of her Son, would not suffer her to engage in a Foreign War; but if the Senate thinks it Expedient, that she make a Defensive League for the Safety of Italy, we are ready to give our ancient Allies proofs, we desire nothing more than to preserve and secure that Repose they enjoy.  
Upon this Declaration, the Senate answered very Wisely to the Duke of Savoy; that it very much concerned all the Sovereigns of Italy, to keep a good Understanding, and provide for their common Safety. But it is to be feared, said they, this will only serve to incense the Spaniards more, and increase the Distrust and Jealousy of a Crown, whom it behoves as much, nay more than its Neighbours, to seek for Peace. The Wise, Politic, Old Ministers of Henry iv saw very well, the Spaniards were not so much to be feared, and there was more Ostentation than Reality, in the threatening Advances of the Court of Madrid. The Death of the Count of Fuentes Governor of Milan, which happened at that time, helped to revive their Courage. They thought Spain would not be able to find a Subject capable of so well Supporting the Reputation of the Crown, and covering so artfully the weakness of Philip III. and the Duke of Lerma his first Minister. Pedro Gusman of Toledo, Count of Fuentes, died aged 85 years, on the 22d of July 1610. He was a Man of extraordinary Capacity, and great Experience in all Civil and Military Affairs. He gained mighty Reputation in the Campagnes of Picardy, about the end of the preceding Age, and especially at the taking of Cambray. But the care he took to profit by the Lessons of his Master Philip II. sullied the good Qualities of so finished a Statesman and Soldier.  

The ill Designs of the Court of Spain, against the Duke of Savoy.  As Charles Emanuel was the boldest, and I will add, the most Imprudent of the Italian Princes, to declare against Spain; so he was the first and chief Object, which felt the Displeasure of that Revengeful Court. In the first place, all the Spanish Troops in his Service were remanded back. He saw plainly they were seeking for an Occasion to pick a Quarrel with him; being assured of a speedy Aid from the Marshal Lesdiguieres his Friend, 
Siri Memoire recordite. Tom. II. p. 282, 304.  who commanded in Dauphine, the Duke was not struck with the Threats made him from the King of Spain. He spoke not only like a Man, who was resolved to defend himself Courageously, but like one who would pursue the Designs set on foot before Henry's Death. All the World was so fully convinced, that the Superiority of Genius and Strength, which had formerly made Spain formidable, were entirely wanting in Philip III. that Princes far inferior to him, haughtily insulted him.  

The Imprudence and double dealing of the Duke of Savoy.  The Duke of Savoy might have securely despised all the Threats of the Spaniards, if he had been more prudent, and less Knavish. Can he not plainly see, France had no design to break with Spain, but that the Regent would stir to prevent him from being Oppressed. He ought not then in point of Discretion, to have provoked a Neighbour, who notwithstanding her Weakness, was stronger than a Duke of Savoy. At the same time that Charles Emanuel was earnestly pressing Mary to obtain what the late King had promised him, he was at the same time keeping secret Intelligence with the Count of Soissons, and the rest of the discontented Lords, and Heads of the Protestant Party, in hopes of kindling a Civil War in France. Being persuaded that the King of Spain would be glad to be reconciled to him, and sought his Friendship; he endeavoured to insinuate into the Court of Madrid, that if she would grant him good Conditions, he would do her very good Service against France. Both Parties soon saw his Ways. Thus was he equally odious, and suspected in all the Courts of Europe, suffered the Disgrace of being humbled in Spain, despised in France and Italy, and hated in his own Country, which he ruined by his Chimerical Projects.  

Divers Negotiations to oblige the King●… of Spain and Duke of Savoy, to lay down their Arms in Italy.  Whilst these Intrigues were carrying on, the King of Spain was in Arms in Italy, and the Duke of Savoy had a considerable number of Soldiers there. Strange Confusions for France, and the Sovereigns of Italy! The Regent was very impatient to Disband the Army in Dauphine, Commanded by a Huguenot General, but Prudence would not suffer her to do it in such a Juncture. 
Siri Memoire rec●…ndite. Tom II. p. 335, 336.  The Pope apprehended lest the Marshal Lesdiguieres should pass the Alps, under colour of coming to the Assistance of the Duke of Savoy. When Mary pressed Charles Emanuel to lay down his Arms, he asked such conditions, as she did not care to grant him. The Pope too made his Instances, that Spain and Savoy should send away those Troops which gave France and Italy so great uneasiness. But Philip pretended Charles Emanuel ought in the first place to lay down his Arms, and make him Satisfaction. The Duke on the contrary alleged, that the weakest ought too stand upon his Guard, when he seemed to be threatened by a Powerful Neighbour; so that the Difference now seemed only to consist in Ceremony. Nevertheless the more discerning Men thought, they saw a Collusion here. The Duke Dissatisfied to find the Regent intended in earnest to fall in with the Spaniard, he began to talk too, of sending Prince Philibert his Son to Madrid.  

The King of Spain demands the Duke of Savoy should first of all make him Satisfaction.  Whether it were that the Court of Spain were assured, that the Regent of France would willingly suffer the Duke of Savoy to be humbled, provided no harm were done him; or that Philip was absolutely resolved to reduce his Brother-in-Law, who behaved himself so Haughty at a time, when he sought the King of Spain's Favour; Charles Emanuel received News from Madrid, That his Catholic Majesty was exactly informed of his Ties to the late King of France, and that before the King would consent to an Accommodation, he required a very mortifying Preliminary of the Duke of Savoy. 
Siri Memoire recondite. Tom. II. p. 336, 337.  This was, that he should send his Sons, or at least one of them to Madrid, to remain there as a Pledge of their Father's Fidelity; and farther, that he should ask Pardon for his secret Treaties with France, to the prejudice of the Crown of Spain.  
Charles Emanuel presently summoned his Council together. No Expedient could be found to evade these hard conditions, but to press France earnestly to send a speedy Aid. For now the Spanish Troops in the Milanese seemed ready to pour into Piedmont. Lesdiguieres gave the Duke fair words, but Marry de Medicis very far from breaking with Spain, in favour of Charles Emanuel, advised him to send Prince Philibert to Madrid, to pacify King Philip. Thus did the two Courts make sport with a Man, who thought himself crafty enough to deceive them both. There was no way left, but for Charles Emanuel to assure the Spanish Ambassador at Turin, that he was disposed to make his Brother-in-Law Satisfaction: He only demanded to have a Suspension of Arms agreed on, and to have Assurance given him, that the Governor of Milan would not make any Attempt on Piedmont, till the King of Spain should be satisfied. In stead of hearing the Duke's Propositions, they quarrelled with him, demanded he should Renounce all his Treaties with France, not excepting that of his Son's Marriage; and Lastly, Philip's Officers at Milan answered, they had no Orders to grant a Suspension of Arms, or that Security which the Duke of Savoy proposed.  

France lays down her Arms in Dauphine, and is jealous of the Spaniards, who continue in Arms in Italy.  At the Solicitation of the Pope, Mary de Medicis had broke the Army of the Marshal Lesdiguieres in Dauphine. The Regent's Council had consented to this more willingly, because they were persuaded the King of Spain would not dare to begin a War in Italy. Was it probable he could be in a condition to support one there, who had not the boldness to oppose the taking of Juliers by the Confederate Princes. Philip had assured the Pope, his Design was only to mortify the Duke of Savoy, to give him a Check, and Constrain him to make him Satisfaction. The rest of the Princes were not displeased to see the Pride of Charles Emanuel humbled. All this while he wasted insensibly, because he would stand on his Guard, and keep up his Troops till the King of Spain Disbanded his. Who could yet be sure that Philip would not at last invade Piedmont, after he had fatigued the Duke of Savoy, and craftily engaged the Regent to Disarm on the side of the Alps.  
The Council of France was of Opinion, the Queen should make some Advances, and declare positively she would not abandon the Duke of Savoy. That the Disbanded Troops might soon be brought together, and she would send a powerful Aid into Piedmont, if Spain should undertake to attack that Country. Charles Emanuel was very glad, to understand the Regent had Writ to the Pope to complain, that the King of Spain continued in Arms, though France had broke her Army in Dauphine; and to assure his Holiness of the Resolution taken in Council, to preserve the Country of Savoy. But the Duke of Feria, Ambassador Extraordinary of Philip in France, had settled so strict a Correspondence between his Master and Mary de Medicis, that the Pope could without much Difficulty, dispel the Umbrage which the Regent had taken, and persuaded her to wait quietly the Success of the Journey, which Prince Philibert was about to make into Spain.  

Philibert Prince of Savoy goes into Spain.  The Prince went through Lions and Bourdeaux, attended by the Count of Verüe, and the Bishop of St. John de Maurienne. These were to be his Directors in so nice a Matter. The Prince Arrives on Post-Horses at Madrid, without having received the least Civility or Mark of Respect from the King his Uncle, in any of the Spanish Towns he passed through. 
Siri Memory recondite. Tom. II. p. 416, 417,  This was to prepare him to appear as a Suppliant, to make Satisfaction to a Great King justly incensed against a petty Prince. And now he was to endure all the strain of Spanish Pride. At the first Interview, Philip gave his Nephew an obliging Reception enough. Not one Word was said of the Duke of Savoy; no News of him was asked; the Court affected to inquire of the Welfare of the Princes and Princesses of Savoy, without making any mention of their Father.  
The Second Audience was more Slippery and Difficult. Here was a Submission to be made, to satisfy the Spanish Humour, which might not be too mean and low for the Duke of Savoy. Charles Emanuel stood very much on an Extreme Nicety in point of Honour. His Son framed an Harangue, according to the Instructions he brought with him. The Count of Verüe and the Bishop, assisted the young Prince in the drawing it. He learned it by Heart, and spoke it with a good Grace. It was accompanied with all the Demonstrations of Respect and Submission, which the Dignity of a Prince could allow of. The King was not Displeased with it, but the Duke of Lerma, and the Grandees of Spain, thought very heinously of it, because he had not thrown himself on his Knees before the King, and begged Pardon for the Duke of Savoy. Lerma made great Complaints, and required that the Prince should make Satisfaction by Writing. The Spaniards drew up the Form, and required Philibert to Rehearse it in the King's Presence.  
The Savoyards did all they could to spare their Prince so shameful a step; 
The Form of the Satisfaction, which the Prince of Savoy made for his Father to the King of Spain.  But the Spaniards continued inflexible. Philibert was treated very roughly, till he consented to what was required of him. It was in vain, the Count of Verüe represented the Prince had exactly followed the Instruction his Father had given him, and that he had not Orders to make any such Submissions. The Spaniards were pleased to suppose the Prince had a second Instruction, in case their King was not satisfied with what was prescribed in the first. However this be, said they farther, the Duke of Savoy will ever be in a condition to disavow his Son's Action.  
After much canvasing the Matter, no other Remedy could be found, but Philibert and his Council must agree to the following Form. The Spaniards drew it almost all up; Great Sir, said the Prince of Savoy, the Duke my Lord and Father, sends me hither to throw myself at your Majesty's Feet, His Age and Business not giving him leave to come in Person, to entreat your Majesty on my Knees, to be content with that Satisfaction I make you. I have not Words lively enough, to express the extreme Grief the loss of your Majesty's Favour has given the Duke my Father. I throw myself once again at your Feet, and resolve never more to rise, but die here, unless your Majesty shall grant me the Favour I sue for; That is, to Receive the Duke my Father, and all our House, into your Royal Protection. In this, Great Sir, you will give us a Mark of your Clemency, in pardoning the greatest Faults, and of the goodness you have always shown to our House, which is perfectly devoted to you, and Honours you as its Lord and Father. A Prince of your Blood protests this now at your Majesty's Feet, and I will Sign it with mine, if it shall be necessary. The Duke my Father relies wholly on your Majesty's good Will, and we put ourselves all into your Hands. If your Majesty shall receive us into your Favour, this will be a new Obligation, and indissolubly ties us to become your Majesty's Servants.  

The Accommodation of the Duke of Savoy with Spain.  The Bishop of St. John de Maurienne, gave the Duke of Savoy an Account of what passed at Madrid. When he heard his Son was received with great Haughtiness and Indifference, That the Duke of Lerma boasted he had a Copy of the Treaties made with France, and that the Court required Prince Philibert to ask pardon in the Name of his Father; Charles Emanuel fell into so furious a Rage, that for a long time, he could not contain himself within the Bounds of Decency. I will sooner lose my Life, 
〈◊〉 Siri Memory recondite. Tom. II. p. 424, 425.  my Children, my Dominions, than consent to any thing so unworthy of my Rank. Am I then a Vassal to the Crown of Spain, that I must ask Philip's pardon, for making a Treaty which does not suit ●…ith his Interests? There is now no need for management, thanks be to God, I am not so weak but I can hazard a Battle against Spain. Let them Treat my Son ill; Let them break the Laws of Hospitality. These Hardships shall not oblige me to do so mean an Action. When the Pope's Nuncio undertook to represent to the Duke, that the State of his Affairs would not allow him to refuse to make some sort of Submission to his Catholic Majesty, he was more Transported than before, he said a Thousand nasty things; he protested he would never consent tho' the Pope himself should order him.  
The Nuncio was not Diverted by this, he briskly told the Duke, that he must not expect any Aid from France, whatever happened; if his Country became the Stage of a War, it must unavoidably be ruined. So that Charles Emanuel convinced at last by the News he had from France, that the Regent would assist him with all her good Offices at the Court of Spain; he consented Prince Philibert should make Satisfaction, according to the Form agreed on with the Duke of Lerma. The thing was done the 19th of November, 1610. At the Entreaty of the Pope, and the King of France, replied Philip with his usual Gravity; In consideration you are come hither, and the Request you have made me, I will not put in Execution, what I have designed. I will give Marks of my good will to the Duke your Father, as his good Behaviour shall induce me. Prince Philibert made a profound Reverence, and humbly thanked the King for his Majesty's Gracious Regard to the Duke of Savoy had always.  

Velasco Constable of Castille and Governor of Milan, receives orders to Disarm.  Philip answered to the Pope and the rest, who pressed him to withdraw his Troops out of the Milanese, that he must wait till Velasco, who was appointed to Succeed the Count of Fuentes, was Arrived at Milan. He was on the Road when the Prince of Savoy performed the Conditions proposed to him. The Pope and Mary de Medicis redoubling their Instances to Philip to Disarm, he was under a necessity of complying. As soon as Velasco was in Possession of his Government, he received Orders from Philip, to Disband the Army. The posture of Affairs of the House of Austria in Germany were so bad, and the Kingdom of Spain was so much exhausted of Men and Money, that Philip ●…ad no other way to revenge himself of an inferior Prince, who had attempted to take the Milanese from him. Nay, France and the Pope were for●…ed to assist him privately to save his Honour. Without this, Charles Emanuel would have been a Match for him, and the King of Spain would not have dared to attack him.  

Different Projects of the Duke of Savoy.  The Duke of Savoy was ready to burst with Spite, to see himself made the sport of all Europe. He resolved to defer laying down his Arms, as long as he could, and to make his Advantage of the Troops he had on Foot. Sometimes he would declaim against the King of Spain, and made a Mein, as if he would Disavow all the steps of Prince Philibert. At others, he was violent against the Regent of France, and threatened to make work for her in her own Kingdom, in case she would not perform the Treaties made with the late King. One day he thought of Surprising Genoa, and for that purpose entered into a Negotiation with the Marshal Lesdiguieres, because the thing was not fesible, without the Concurrence of France. Some time after he Resumed his old Project on the City of Geneva; Filled with new Hopes, he strove to engage the Pope and Constable of Castille to favour him in the design to destroy a Common-weath equally hateful to the Courts of Rome and Madrid: Charles Emanuel was on the point of Surprising Geneva at the end of 1602. Some of his Men were got upon the Walls, and ready to open the Gates to the Duke, who was come near it, if the Enterprise had not been happily discovered. In the year 1609, he hoped to succeed better on the side of the Harbour. The Contrivance was to conceal divers Soldiers in Vessels loaded with Wood, and to run these down the River. The second Attempt was defeated sooner than the first. Du Terrail Head of this Enterprise, imprudently spoke of it to some Persons, who gave the Magistrates of the City notice to be upon their Guards.  
After this in the Spring time, 1611. the Duke of Savoy thought to try if he might not succeed better with open Force. 
The Duke of Savoy resolves to Attack Geneva, and the Country of the Valleys.  His Troops were ordered to pass out of Piedmont into Savoy. This sudden Motion of a Restless Ambitious Prince, gave great Suspicions at first; he strove to conceal his Designs on the Country of Geneva, but the Inhabitants of the Town, and those of the Canton of Bern, soon discovered them. They first Addressed themselves to the Marshal Lesdiguieres, and desired him to procure Assistance from the Regent. Lesdiguieres promised his good Offices. Before he wrote to Court, he laid before the Duke his Friend, that Geneva and the Country of Vaux, as being under the protection of France, she would not fail to defend them. Charles Emanuel did not seem to give much heed to these Discourses, and therefore the Marshal earnestly pressed the Queen and her Council, to oppose the Designs of the Duke, they saw very well the Consequences. La Nove, Son to that Brave and Religious Gentleman, who gained so fair a Reputation in the Wars of France, and the Low Countries, had order to go to Geneva with two Thousand Foot, and the Canton of Bern, received New Assurances of the King's Protection.  

The Council of France resolves to protect Geneva and the County of Vaux.  Bellegarde Gentleman of the Horse was sent into Burgundy, and the Marquis of Alincourt to Lions, to watch the Duke of Savoy's Motions. Berrault appointed Ambassador extraordinary at Turin, went to represent to Charles Emanuel, that his Enterprise would have troublesome Consequences, and declare directly that the Regent's Council were gathering Troops to defend a Town and Country, which the Predecessor of Lewis the XIII. had taken into the Protection of their Crown. The Duke who reckoned on the Assistance of the Pope and Governor of Milan, did not desist for all this. The Count of Soissons sent him privately, word to be very reserved to Berrault, a Creature of Villeroy, who aimed to surprise and daunt the Duke. 
Siri Memory recondite. Tom. II. pag. 463, 464.  The Pope's Nuncio in France declared, his Master knew nothing of the Designs of Charles Emanuel; but this Italian Minister maintained them as well as he could, and strove to prove the Justice of them to the Queen. All this gave Umbrage. This was the reason she earnestly recommended to the Cardinal of Joieuse to Discourse with the Pope upon this Subject, and to Represent the Reasons which France had to oppose the Enterprise which the Duke of Savoy seemed to design.  

The Duke of Savoy is forced to Disarm.  The World could not comprehend the Intrigues of this Prince; perhaps he himself did not very well know what he would have. Charles Emanuel undertakes to make a War on the Protestants; and his chief Prospect is to raise the Hugonots of France, in case he were left alone to act against Geneva. At the same time he proposes to the King of England, a double Marriage of the Prince of Wales with the Princess of Savoy, and of the Prince of Piedmont, with a Daughter of England. It was very difficult at first, to make King James hear the Envoy from Savoy, and yet the Duke pushed the Matter so far, that the Court of Rome was alarmed at it. Paul V took Measures to break the Treaty, which the King of England and the Duke of Savoy had no great mind to conclude. A Capucin had Orders to go to Turin with an Instruction from Cardinal Borghese, to divert Charles Emanuel from thinking on an Alliance with England. All that could ever be guessed of so capricious a Movement, was, that the Duke thought to create a Jealousy in France, and bring her by this means to finish the Treaty, or the Marriage of the Eldest Daughter of that Kingdom with the Prince of Piedmont. He hoped too, the Pope would break the Treaty of the Double Marriage between France and Spain, and Assist the Prince of Piedmont, to Marry the Eldest Daughter of either of those two Crowns, rather than suffer the Duke to bring a Protestant Princess to Turin.  
The poor Duke spoiled all his Affairs, by aiming too much to be crafty. His Intrigue with England did not succeed better than any of the rest. The Regent determined too on the double Marriage between France and Spain, thought no more on the Prince of Piedmont, except for Madam Christina, second Daughter to the late King. For his designs on Geneva, and the Country of Vaux, these he must quit too. Mary de Medicis had acted her part so well with the Pope and King of Spain, that they joined with her to compel the Duke of Savoy to lay down his Arms. Lafoy Varenne was sent from the Court of France to Turin, to conclude this Matter. Charles Emanuel still flattered with some Hopes, the Regent would be his Friend, had a mind to do this with a good Grace. He thought at least to make this Advantage, that Mary de Medicis should take in good part, the Deference which he feigned to have for her Majesty.  

A Civil Meeting of the Protestants of France.  The Queen was the more Solicitous, to put a stop to the Commotions in Savoy, because the Court feared the Protestants met at Saumur, might take Umbrage at it. When the Reformed of France saw there was a necessity for them to defend themselves against those who attacked them with open force, they began to form set Meetings in different Provinces of the Kingdom, to agree on Measures for their Safety, and the free Exercise of their Religion. One or more Provinces joined together, first held their Provincial Assembly. Out of these, they deputed a certain number of Gentlemen, of those they called Elders or Ministers, to form the General Assembly, who were to take Resolutions for the common Good of the whole Body. Reason and Natural Equity allow of these sort of Confederacies. The Primitive Christians united, and had their Meetings for the Regulation of their Discipline, and preserving the Purity of the Gospel. After their Example, the Reformed had their Synods to draw up their Confession of Faith, and form the Government of their Churches. These being born in a Christian State, where Subjects have Privileges and Liberties, had not only their Religion to take care of, but were under an Indispensable Obligation to defend their Right, as far as the Rules of Natural Equity and Christianity admit against their King, and a Faction of their Countrymen, who strove to oppress them.  
The Sovereign Power ought to hinder as far as may be, all Associations and Meetings which may cause Disorder and Confusion in a State; but this must be by a due Execution of the Fundamental Laws, and maintaining those Rights and Privileges which Subjects cannot without Injustice be deprived of. It is reasonable to allege, Men ought not to form a State within a State. None would think of this, if they were left peaceably to enjoy their Birthright. But for Princes to pretend to prevent Disorders which would never happen, if they were disposed to do Justice; and to use these plausible Maxims, to oppress with more ease those whom they have Sworn to protect, is a Tyranny which it is lawful to oppose. This is ever most dangerous, when it is covered with the fair Colours of the public Good.  
The King of Navarre liked these Principles very well, and thought them solid and conducing to the Welfare and Repose of Civil Society, whilst he was struggling to defend himself against the power of the League; but when he once saw himself Master of a fair Kingdom, he soon abandoned those Sentiments, which Interest more than Reason had led him to embrace. Prince's never consult this Oracle; they are only entertained with Discourses of Reason, when they are not in a condition capable of understanding it. In the following part of their Lives they are flattered, and Transported with Passion for their own Greatness. Whatever makes them absolute and Independent, ever seems most Just and Reasonable to them. After the Verification of the Edict of Nants, Henry did not without great difficulty, grant the Protestants leave to hold a General Meeting. He was afraid the Lords that resorted to it, or had their Creatures there, should attempt any thing to his prejudice.  
Are not the Synods, said the King, sufficient to determine Matters of Discipline and Religion? As for Civil Affairs, and the keeping the Edict of Pacification, the two Deputies General which I allow the Protestants to have in my Court, can represent to me the Griefs and Complaints of the Provinces. I will take care to do them Justice. This manner of Reasoning had been good, if Henry had had the Knowledge and Integrity not to be Surprised by the Pope's Nuncio, and other crafty Men, who were ever near him, to Extort something to the Disadvantage of the Reformed. The continual Industry of their Enemies to do them Mischief, made these Meetings almost Indispensably necessary. The King having come to an Agreement with the Protestants, that they should Nominate six capable Persons for their Agents, and that out of this Number, he should choose two which he liked best, it was necessary they should meet for the Nomination of these Men.  
Henry indeed declared, his Intention was, these Assemblies should only concern themselves in the Choice of fit Persons, to be their Deputies General. But those who resigned this Employ, being to give an Account of what they had Transacted, it was not possible for this Assembly to avoid entering upon the Discussion of some Political Matters. Henry saw this very clearly. The good King contented with, taking Precaution against the Marshal of Bovillon, and some other Protestant Lords whom he was jealous of, granted a Permission to the Reformed, to meet and Address their Complaints and Desires to him. The Duke of Sully his Faithful Minister, was a great Assistance to him on these Occasions. He strove to manage all things so, as to give the King Satisfaction, and the most moderate Protestants might have no reason to complain, Sully's Station was enough to Embarass any Man. To serve his Master, and content the Reformed, was no easy Matter. Turbulent Restless Spirits were continually Exclaiming, and the Marshal of Bovillon, all whose Motions he observed, conceived an Implacable Hatred against him.  
The time of Villarnoul and Mirandu exercising their Office, 
The Protestants prepare to hold another general Meeting.  expiring in the year 1611, these two Deputies General followed the Court in the Journey to Rheims. Here they presented a Petition, to beseech his Majesty to permit his Subjects of the Reformed Religion, to hold a General Meeting. This Request was too reasonable to be Rejected, especially in a time when there was a necessity to manage every thing. The King's Letters were dispatched away the 10th of October, 
Mercure Francois 1611.  1610. He allowed the Reformed to meet at Chatelleraut the 25th of May, in the following year. From that time they prepared in earnest, 
Mem. du Duc de Rohan. L. 1. Relation de ce qui s'est pass a l'assemblee de Saumur 1611. aptly les Mem. precedente.  to present their Grievances to the Regent, in expectation of Redress. The Court flattered them with ●…air hopes, the Mareschals of Bovillon and Lesdiguieres, show a zeal for the Interest of their Religion. They engage Du Plessis Mornay, to draw up Memorials to be sent into the Provinces, that all might agree what to ask of the Regent in the present Juncture. The Resolves of the Provincial Assemblies were brisk enough. Bovillon does not conceal these, publishes them at Court, shows Copies of them to Villeroy, values himself on this to the Ambassadors of England, and the United Provinces, promises to do Wonders in the Assembly, then retires to Sedan. This was to let the Regent know, he would take effectual ways to do his Brethren Justice.  

The Marshal of Bovillon suffers himself to be won by the Court.  Whether the Marshal of Bovillon had at that time any ill Intentions, or whether he suffered himself after to be won by the Promises and Caresses of the Queen, and her Confidents, God knows. As for Lesdiguieres, he had little sense of Christianity; his Life was almost a continual Series of so black Crimes, that the sacred Name may be spared. In short, he was an absolute Libertine. But what ever the secret Designs of Bovillon were, after his return from Sedan, he changed his Language. In the time of a Minority, said he, to Aersens, Ambassador from the State's General, is it not the Duty of good Christians to suffer, rather than form Cabals and Intrigues to amend their Condition? In the first place, let us give the young King some Marks of our Loyalty and Devotion to his Service. God will give us the rest, when he pleases. I go in this mind to our Meeting, and I will endeavour to inspire the same Thoughts into others. I would here praise his Noble and Generous Sentiments, if other Memoires than those of the Duke of Rohan did not farther inform me, that a certain Person carried a promise from the Queen, to the Marshal of Bovillon of the Government of Poitou, which she designed to take from the Duke of Sully. Villeroy and the Marquis of Ancre, drew up Instructions for Bovillon, they put Money in his Hands to be distributed as he should think fit; they gave him Commission to gain several Mercenary Souls, by New Gratifications from Mary de Medicis.  

The Meeting of the Reformed is removed from Chatelleraut to Saumur. Mercure Francois 1611.  Chatelleraut being one of the Towns under the Government of the Duke of Sully, whom they intended to ruin; the Marshal of Bovillon was of Opinion, the Meeting should not be held there. Saumur seemed to be a place more convenient for his designs. The Letters for this Translation were Dated at Fontainbleau, the 2d of May 1611. Before the opening of the Meeting, Bovillon had declared to Du Plessis Mornay, and some other Persons of Quality, that he would not be Precedent of it. I think too, added he, this Place ought not to be given to any great Lord; This must needs create Jealousies. But the Mareschals New Engagements to the Court, made him change his Mind. 
Mem. du Due de Rohan. Liv. 1. Relation de l'assemblee de Saumur.  No sooner were they at Saumur, but he declared without farther Ceremony, that he desired to preside. This Distinction, said he, is due to the long and considerable Services I have done for the Reformed Churches of France.  
The Dukes of Sully, Rohan, de la Trimoville, Soubize, Chatillon, lafoy Force, and divers other Protestants of Quality came to Saumur. Some of these, and the greatest part of the Deputies, had a Distrust of the Marshal. For this reason they agreed to stand by the first Motion which Bovillon himself had made, not to Elect any Great Lord for their Precedent. Du Plessis Mornay, Governor of the Town and Castle of Saumur, justly valued for his great Knowledge, Religion and Probity, carried it by a Plurality of Voices. At first he refused a Place, which exposed him to the Envy and ill Humour of the Marshal his old Friend. His Opposition was in vain. The Company earnestly entreated him, to give on this Occasion, New Proofs of his Zeal for maintaining the Reformation, and his usual Integrity in the most difficult Matters. Bovillon shown visibly his Resentment, and threatened to revenge the Affront done to him. This particularly regarded the Dukes of Rohan and Sully.  

The Reconciliation of the Marshal of Bovillon and the Duke of Sully.  Reflecting after some time, that this Transport was capable of overthrowing all his Projects, he appeared more calm. Some common Friends proposing a Reconcilement between him and the Duke of Sully, he thought Prudence required this to be done, at least in Appearance. When the Marshal had Reproached the Duke, that in the late King's time, he had drawn the Canon out of the Arsenal, to destroy the Town and Church of Sedan. Let us forget what is past, says he, I will become your Friend and Servant. If you a●● attacked in Sully upon account of Religion, I will as readily bring down the Canon of Sedan to defend you, as you drew out that of the Arsenal, to destroy me at Sedan. Let us agree for the benefit of our Religion. Conscience and our Common Interest require it; We cannot subsist without an Union. The Party we follow cannot procure us great Advantages, but it is capable of supporting a moderate Fortune. That which is commonly called Greatness of Soul, is most commonly Vanity and Ostentation. The Marshal would appear generous, by feigning to Sacrifice a private Injury to the public Good. And perhaps he was sincere in what he did. The Sense of Religion and Probity, sometimes awakes in Noble Minds; but Passion in its turn rising again, stifles every thing that opposes it. Bovillon sought an Advantage from the Reformed, he gave Proofs of it in this Meeting. He discovered Vigour in some weighty Affairs; in others blinded by his Hatred and Ambition he could not see, that by serving the Court he scattered the Seeds of fatal Division amongst his Brethren.  

The Protestants renew their Oath of Union.  To prevent the ill effects of Differences amongst them, the Protestants thought fit to renew the Oath of Union they had formerly taken on divers Occasions. This Oath was first used amongst them, when they had a Prince of the Blood, and the late King at their Head. 
Mercure Francois 1611.  After he had changed his Religion, he did not show his Dislike of his Protestant Subjects renewing their Union at Mante under his Eyes, and swearing publicly before the Catholics of his Party, that they would die in defence of their Confession of Faith. A Just Prince should never complain of an Oath made under his Obedience. In it they protested, they would ever continue Loyal to the King; But Henry being now in peaceable Possession of France, he was much offended at an Act which the King of Navarr had approved off. The Renewing this at Chatelleraut, put him into an ill Humour. He resented it highly, that Lesdiguieres had Signed what himself had done under preceding Kings. Sully gave him good Reasons for this proceeding. The Reformed would not be afraid of any thing that could happen; Sir, said he to him, if the Crown could make you Immortal. But the Memory of St. Bartholomew, will strike a Terror into them. We are not ignorant the Catholics press you, only to give a Toleration for a Time; See then what Reasons the Protestants have to take care for Futurity. When the Reformed had so many just Grounds to distrust the Regent and her Council, could it seem strange they should renew their Union at Saumur, but the cry was against them They were ever Reproached with this Oath, in the Reign whose History I am now writing. To make a thing which was Innocent and Necessary in the Opinion of Henry Criminal; was not this, plainly to declare to the poor People, their Ruin was absolutely resolved on?  

The Affairs of the Duke of Sully propose●… in the Meeling at Saumur.  Boissise and Bullion Counsellors of State, and Commissioners sent by the King to the Assembly at Saumur, having brought with them hopes of the Favour of the Court, there was a serious design to draw up the Complaints and Requests of the Reformed Party. Whilst this was managing by Persons appointed for that purpose, there arose a Debate about the Duke of Sully's Concerns. He feared the Consequences of the Threats, made him to appoint Commissioners to inquire into his past Actions, and proceed against him, if he persisted to refuse to lay down his place of Great Master of the Artillery, and his Government of Poitou. To bring him to do this with the better Grace, the Court offered him the choice of two sorts of Recompenses, a Dignity as that of Marshal of France, or a considerable Sum of Money. The Duke desired to keep his Places and Government, and convey both to the Marquis of Rony his Son. He could find no way besides to baffle the Potent Enemies he had at Court, but by engaging all the Huguenot Party to support him and declare loudly their cause was concerned in his Preservation. He took Measures to succeed in this Project, and the Marshal was no less busy in Traversing it; reckoning the Government of Poitou his own, by Virtue of the Regent's Promise, when Sully should be deprived of it.  

The Duke of Sully's Remonstrance to the Meeting.  Sully made a Remonstrance to the Meeting. Under Colour of desiring their Advice, he dextrously insinuated, that his Religion was the only cause of Disgrace, and the Association Oath which he had just now taken, would expose him still farther to the Displeasure of the Court. This was at least true in part; 
Mercure Francois 1611.  the Deputies were convinced it was so, and the most Disinterested amongst them, declared for Sully. The Consideration all Men had for the Duke of Rohan, a Lord already very Eminent for his great Courage, his rare Probity, 
A Discourse between the Marshal of Bovillon and the Duke of Rohan; concerning the Duke of Sully's Affair.  his Discernment, and capacity still increased the Friends of Sully, whose Daughter he had Married. This was an Invincible Obstacle to Bouillon's designs and embarassed him exceedingly. He thought to surmount, this, by persuading Rohan to abandon his Father-in-Law, pretending his Cause was desperate.  
However Upright and Careful a Man be, who has the Administration of the Finances and Artillery, says the Marshal to the Duke of Rohan, in a Visit he made him when he was ill; It is hard for him to avoid committing some fault, which deserves to be punished, if it be enquired rigorously into. A Superintendent of the Finances, and a Great Master of the Artillery, are not only answerable for what they do themselves, but for the Management of their Commissioners and Inferior Officers. If the Court should appoint Commissioners to inquire into the Duke of Sully's Administration, do you think they would not find some plausible Pretence, to take away his Places. The Assembly and the Reformed, will have no colour of Complaint, nay, though wrong be done to the Duke of Sully. The Matter will be Determined in the usual Forms of Law. For you, My Lord, you make such a Profession of exact Probity. You are so great a Lover of good Order, in a Word, you have so Loyal a French Heart, you will not be able to stir, when the Matter shall be determined Judicially. The Duke of Rohan took this Compliment very ill? What, replied he with some Disturbance, after the Great Services the Duke of Sully has done to the late King, shall he become a Prey to those who were always doing Mischief to the State. His Conduct is unblamable, and we do not fear it should be examined. He is a Peer, and cannot be judged but by a Court of Peers. If his Enemy's endeavour to bring him before any other Tribunal, his Kinsmen and Friends will never endure such an Indignity. Be assured, My Lord, that I will do my Duty on this Occasion, and will not leave my Father-in-Law to be trampled on.  
The Steddiness of the Duke of Rohan, discomposed the Marshal of Bovillon. 
The Assembly declares for the Duke of Sully.  The Assembly declared for Sully. They pressed him to keep his Places, and particularly that of Great Master of the Artillery. But if he was inclined to accept of a Reward, they entreated him rather to accept of a Dignity, than a Sum of Money. The one suited better with the Duke of Sully's Family, and the other with the good of the Reformed Churches. In the Conclusion, the Assembly declared Sully's particular Interest, and that of the whole Protestant Party were Inseparable on this Occasion; and that they would assist him if any should Attempt to give him Trouble for his Administration, by any unlawful Methods. This Resolution was attacked in several Libels. One came out with the Title of the Overseer of Charenton. This was a satire on the Rough and Covetous Humour of the Duke. The Author Admonishes the Reformed, that this step of theirs in supporting thus highly a private Person, was subject to the most Sinister Interpretations, and they would do well to be moderate and reserved.  

The Court resolves to break up the Meeting at Saumur, with all speed.  The Court Resented it, that the Reformed should use such high Language in their Assembly. The Duke of Rohan made a Speech full of Vigour, Courage, and Piety. He was heard with Pleasure, and every Man discovered more Constancy than before. That which Rohan then delivered as a Maxim of State, is since become a Prophecy, 
V le Discourse du Duc de Rohan a Saumur apres ses Memoires in 4.  and we see the Accomplishing of it in our Times. Rules of State, says that Lord, change with the Times. No certain Maxims can be laid down. That which is profitable to one King, is prejudicial to another: If whenever the King of France becomes a Prosecutor of our Religion, he loses the Protection of it all over Christendom: He enriches some Neighbour with that Title: He does not increase his Interest in the Church of Rome, he entirely ruins his Kingdom. The Regent's Council being devoted to the Court of Rome, was very far from following Counsels so safe and conducing to the Welfare of France. The Consequences of the Union, and good Correspondence of the Hugonots, scared the Court. This was enough to break the Double Marriage, which the Queen Negotiated. It was resolved therefore to divide the Party, and break up the Assembly, and to do this in such a manner, that they should have no reason to complain of any but themselves.  
After some time treating with the Commissioners of the King about the Paper, Boissise and Bullion declared, they had no Orders to give an Answer, and it was requisite for the Assembly to depute some Persons to the Court, to carry their Complaints and Requests. This is done. The Deputies are well received by the Ministers. They are amused with fair words; But how were they surprised, when in stead of giving them the Paper with a favourable Answer, 
V lafoy Relation de l'assemblee de Saumur apres les Memoires de Rohan in 40.  as they were made to hope, the Chancellor declared, this should not be done before the Nomination of six Persons, two of which the King would choose for Deputies General of the Reformed Churches. This was in plain French, to tell them the Court would not give them any Answer to the Paper they presented, till after the Dissolution of their Meeting. This could not hold longer than till the Nomination was made, the King having only allowed of it for this purpose. It was in vain to insist, and make very humble Remonstrances. The King never treats with his Subjects, replied the Ministers, He grants what Favours he thinks fit. Proceed to your Nomination. The Paper is answered as favourably as you can wish. Bullion protested this at Saumur, with a Curse on his Eternal Damnation.  

A Division in the Assembly at Saumur.  The Question is only about a Formality, said some Mercenary Slaves of the Court. The King will not deliver to us the favourable Answers which he intends to give us. This is but decent, to show it is his favour which he voluntarily grants, and not Articles extorted by a long Treaty. It concerns us to obtain what we desire, but in what manner this is indifferent. Those who had most Knowledge and Integrity, were not dazzled with this. They saw that if the Assembly were once broke up, they must be content with what Terms the Regent would please, and the Remonstrances of the two Deputy Generals, would be too weak to oblige the Court to take notice of them. But the Marshal of Bovillon had gained a very considerable Party. La Varenne, Valet de Chambre of the King sent by the Court, a Man of great Address and Management, went from Door to Door to distribute, or promise Gratifications to those who would purchase them.  
When the Marshal of Bovillon thought the Party well enough united, he drew up himself the form of a Letter, which the Regent should write to the Meeting, and sent it privately to Court. The tenor of this, was to require the Assembly to proceed incessantly to the Nomination of six Persons, to receive the Answers given to their Paper, and then to break up. Those who refused to obey this Order, were declared Rebels; and the lesser Number which were won over by the Marshal of Bovillon, was Authorised to Name six Persons to the King. The Regent sent the Letter as Bovillon had contrived: This was Communicated in the first place to divers Persons, to sound their Inclinations. Most were of Opinion they should withdraw, and not hear it read. But Du Plessis Mornay, and the Wisest part, thought the Party made by the Marshal and the Court, should pay a blind Obedience, and the rest refuse to do it; that such a Separation would cause a fatal Division in the Reformed Churches. For this reason, they strove to persuade the most Warm and Zealous to use Prudence and Management on this Occasion.  

The Wisdom of Du Plessis Mornay, upon this Occasion.  We know well enough the Author of this Pernicious Advice, said the Wise Du Plessis. Without him our Enemies would not have dared to have attempted a thing of this Consequence. Let us not flatter ourselves. He who has begun to snare, is not of a Humour to leave it unfinished. He will have the Honour to have Accomplished that which the Persecutions, Civil Wars, and the Bloody St. Bartholomew could not do. Our Union will be broke, our Churches divided by an unhappy Schism. Let God judge between him who has given this Advice, and us, and make him to see his Fault. Gentlemen, the Judgement of Solomon is before you. Let us show that we are the true Mother. The Bowels of Jesus Christ are torn in a more cruel Manner, because some among us will not see it. These Men are not concerned, to teach us what Obedience is due to the King; we know one another well enough. Whatever happens, let us make our Nomination as the Queen Commands. Our Churches will pardon us for not following their Instructions, when they see into what danger the ill Advice of some Men has thrown us. The Schism is ready to be form; This is enough for our Justification. This Discourse full of Religion and Wisdom, calmed their exasperated Minds. They resolved to hear the Queen's Letter read, and obey her Majesty.  

The Conclusion of the Meeting at Saumur.  Bullion goes the next day in the Morning to the Meeting, presents the Regent's Letter, and demands the King's Orders to be executed. They shall be so replied, Du Plessis Mornay, since we have the Misfortune not to have our Remonstrances heard; but we hope their Majesties will have regard to our Submission, and those Just Requests we have made. Do not take it ill, Sir, said he, turning to the Commissioners if I frankly tell you those who have sowed Division amongst us, have not done his Majesty good Service. It was our Union which settled the late King upon the Throne of his Ancestors; he knew so well the profit of it, that it was renewed and sworn to in his Presence, and in the midst of his Court at Mante. Heaven grant a peaceable Minority to the King, and a happy Regence to the Queen. The more the Reformed are united amongst themselves, the more they will be in a condition to serve their Prince usefully. Three or four of the Court Faction, would have stood up at the Instigation of the Commissary, and have made a noise, but the Prudence of the Precedent, and the Remonstrances of the rest stopped them.  
The fifth of September, the Assembly named the six Persons, out of whom the Court might choose two for Deputies General of the Reformed Churches of France. After this, the Answer made to the Paper of Complaints and Requests was read. What the Court granted was so inconsiderable, that the Persons who declared on that side were filled with Confusion and Rage, We'll sooner burst, cried one, than stop here. The time of considering was over; The Assembly was broke by the same Writ that permitted them to sit. Let us break up, says Du Plessis. Let every Man leave his Animosities here. It would be an Addition to our Misfortune, to carry these along with us into our Countries. Every one has failed, every one has done well. Let us endeavour to obtain by a Respectful Silence, and a Christian Patience, what we could not gain by our Petitions and Remonstrances.  
This was the end of one of the most Famous Protestant Meetings, after three Months Sitting. It was composed of the most Eminent Men for their Birth, Ability, and Experience in Business. They would have been more Successful in their Labours, for the benefit of their Churches, if they had not furnished the Court with means to make an Advantage of Divisions, by the Ambition and Covetousness of some particular Members. This Assembly had given the Regent some Disquiet, and alarmed divers Towns, who imagined the Reformed would now be more potent than ever. When it was found they were broke up without gaining any advantage, their Enemies insulted them on all sides, and divers Libels against them were published. In one of these the Anonymous Author, divides the Metres into three Classes, the Malicious, the Zealous, and the Judicious. Under the Name of Malicious, were designed the Duke of Rohan, and the rest who were of Opinion, they should show their Resolution to obtain a favourable Answer. These Men said they, only seek to Embroil the Nation, and kindle a Civil War. As for the Zealous, they painted these as People whose love to their Religion, made them Suspicious and Diffident. Their ignorant Zeal, said they, their Prepossession, that all endeavours are used to distress them, made these comply with the former. In the last place, the Judicious were the Marshal of Bovillon, and those of his Party. Their Obedience and Moderation was praised. A Civil War was in their Opinion, the worst of Evils. They would suffer any thing, rather than put the Nation into a Flame.  

A Book of Du Plessis Mornay against the Papacy.  A New Book of Du Plessis Mornay, enraged the Roman Catholics strangely. The Title of it was, The Mystery of Iniquity, or, The History of the Papacy. The Design of the Author was to show against the Cardinals Baronius and Bellarmine, by what degrees the Monarchy of the Pope was form, and the several Oppositions which Honest Men made, to the Establishing a Power so contrary to the Spirit of the Gospel. There was nothing very extraordinary in this, the Roman Catholics were accustomed to this Controversy. It had been handled in an Infinity of Books; the Cut in the Front of this Book, gave greater Offence to them, than all the rest. Paul the V was represented in it, with the Flattering and Impious Inscriptions made for him on the other side of the Mountains. Some Persons applied to him, what the Holy Ghost says of Jesus Christ himself, gave him the Title of the most Invincible Monarch of the Christian Commonwealth, the most Ardent Defender of the Papal Omnipotence; in short, Vice God. This was a word newly invented to his Honour. Since Men who make a Profession of the Gospel, have pushed Flattery to such an Extravagance, can we admire that Pagans should place their Princes in the number of the Gods, whom they adored?  
Du Plessis made him ridiculous by a pleasant and lucky Remark. By adding the value of the Numeral Letters of the Latin words, which signify Paul V Vice God, he found the number 666. which makes the Mysterious number of the Beast spoke of in St. John's Revelation. The Reformed applauded this Discovery, and their People being now persuaded that Paul V was truly the Son of Perdition, whom the Lord Jesus would destroy, by the Breath of his Mouth, and the Glory of his Coming, they flattered themselves they should soon see the Fall of Babylon. Du Plessis himself was so well pleased at the Success, 
Vie du M. du Plessis L. III.  that his Friends writing to him, that his New Book was a great prejudice to his Fortune, and that Villeroy, and some other Ministers were cold to him, whereas before they intended to have given him some considerable Employ. He comforted himself without much difficulty on this Cross, and showed, he contemned the Threats, which his Enemies exasperated against him, made him on all sides.  
The more enlightened Persons in the Church of Rome, did only laugh at the Fancy of the Author. This Sportive Wit seemed very seasonable to them, to put to Confusion a Priest who being come to be Bishop of Rome, was pleased to see himself flattered in such an Impious manner. But the Monks and Bigots made a great Noise. The Pope's Nuncio was in a terrible Heat, and Paul himself sent Briefs to complain of the Outrage done him. The Regent was not less alarmed than the rest. She could not endure to hear it said, the Pope was Antichrist. Besides the Reason's common to all of her Religion, to oppose a Dogm which make them pass for Worshippers of the Beast, Marry de Medicis had a particular one. The Validity of her Marriage with Henry, was grounded on the Authority of the Pope, who declared his former with Margaret of France, null, and the Regent imagined all who looked on the Pope as Antichrist, could not look upon her as the lawful Wife of Henry the iv This made her desire to see the Mornay's Book blasted, at least in appearance.  

Du Plessis Mornays' Book is censured by the faculty of Paris.  It is carried to the Sorbonne, the first of August, 1611. The Dean and Doctors of the Faculty of Paris, having said a Solemn Mass of the Holy Ghost, met to appoint Doctors to examine the Work. They make the Report the 19th of the same Month, and Condemn the Book, as filled with an Infinity of Blasphemies, 
Mercure Francois, 1611.  and Execrable Impieties against the Catholic Faith and Religion, and against the Apostolic See. These big Words only serve to dazzle the Simple. They would have the World believe, the Catholic Faith and Religion are inseparable from the Pontifical Authority. Every Doctor, every Magistrate, every Courtier, may believe what he pleases. But Policy does not allow People to be drawn out of their Ignorance and Superstition. The Censure of the Faculty was made according to the Report of the Doctors, who were deputed to censure it. The Book was detested and condemned as Heretical stuffed with Furious Zeal, exceeding Seditious, contrary to the Divine, Natural and Canon Law, in short, whatever those good Gentlemen pleased.  

Reflections on their Censure.  Can they have declared themselves with more Vehemence against the Impious Dogms of Paul of Samosata, Arius or Photinus? To ask these Wise Master's ●…f the Sorbonne, what reason they had ●…o thunder thus on an Author, who de●…ies the Monarchy of the Pope, to be of Di●…ine Institution, would be an useless loss ●…f Time. The Doctors set up for little ●…opes. They thunder, but do not instruct. ●…o they think the Papacy founded on Na●…ural Right? The greatest part of Man●…ind hitherto have not discovered this. ●…trange Blindness indeed! For the Di●…ine Law, they show us one or two Pas●●ages in the Gospel. The Roman Catho●●cks Disagree about the true sense of these ●…laces, the Gravest Christian Writers did ●…ot see the Primacy of the Pope in them, ●…efore there were any Protestants in the ●…orld. If by the Canon Law the Mo●…ern Decretals are to be understood, we ●…ill submit to Condemnation. But if the ●…ue Canon Law of France be as we are ●…ften told, the ancient Code of Canons, ●…ade or received in the first General ●…ouncils, the Judicious and Disinterested ●…octors of Paris, will find nothing less ●…an the Primacy and Monarchy of the ●…ope there.  
It was the Name of Antichrist, which ●●d most disturb the Roman Catholics. The Pope does not care to be the Beast, ●…nd those of his Communion will not be ●…is Worshippers. But in short, if it be ●…ue, and it is not commonly denied in ●…rance, that the Dominion usurped by the ●…opes, is contrary to the Spirit of Jesus ●…hrist, and the Institution of the Apostles, it cannot be denied that the Pope is Antechrist in this Sense, and that his Monarchy is Antichristian. If it be true, as it seems to be, that to rise and oppose what is called God, or what Men adore, be to put a Man's self above those to whom the Lord of all things has said; Ye are Gods, and the Sons of the most High, and to assume Honours which are due to him alone, is it not evident then that the Pope is, or at least resembles very much the Son of Perdition, and the Man of Sin, foretold by St. Paul? As for the Prophecies of St. John the Protestants, are not the first who have applied them to the Pope. There is no need of seeking ways round about, to find Characters very much resembling those we see in him. The Comparison between the Pagans and Christians in these latter times, seems so just, that it is difficult to determine which of the Interpreters are in the Right, who Explain the Prophecies of the Revelations, of one and the other Rome.  
One Ferrier thought to distinguish himself in the beginning of this Age, by maintaining a public Thesis at Nismes, where he was Professor of Divinity, that the Pope is Antichrist. The Parliament of Toulouse proceeded against him, but he declined their Jurisdiction, and removed the Affair to the Chamber of the Edict at Castres'. Some little time after, the Protestants made a New Article of Faith in their National Synod of Gap in Dauphine, in which they declared, that they believed and would maintain; That the Bishop of Rome is properly Antichrist, and the Son Perdition foretold in the Word of God. This New Article was to be the XXXI of the Confession of Faith of the Reformed Churches in France. Henry iv took it ill, than in his Reign they should devise a thing they had never once thought of, when the Disputes were hottest in the times of his Predecessors.  
Whether it were that he feared for his own part the Consequences, with regard to his second Marriage, or that he was displeased the Reformed should Reproach him, with leaving the true Religion to become a Worshipper of the Beast; Henry commanded absolutely, this New Article should be left out. The more Wise and Moderate of the Protestants, disavowed what was done at Gap; or at least thought the Synod wanted Prudence and Moderation. The Question of Antichrist was again brought upon the Board, at the Synods of Rochel and St. Maixant. But Henry the iv constantly opposed the making of an Article of Faith, which did not seem very necessary to Salvation. Viguier having published a Book with the Title of the Theatre of Antichrist, the Jesuit Gontier, a famous Converter of these Times▪ preached against it in a Violent and Seditious manner. The King forbidden the publishing of the Book, and imposed Silence on this Outrageous Controvertist. Du Plessis Mornay's Book, coming out immediately after these Disputes, which were not yet entirely stifled, it is not to be wondered that it made such a mighty Uproar. If it be owned, this Gentleman who was very able and judicious in all other things, failed in his usual Consideration and Conduct here; the censure of the Sorbonne is no less extravagant and ridiculous.  

Troubles of Aix la Chrpelle.  Mary de Medicis began to take that Method, which has since been so constantly followed in the Reign of her Son▪ and is still in our Times. She applied herself to divide the Protestants of France, and weaken them; but did not refuse her good Offices, and the young King's Protection to those of Geneva and Germany. The Marquis de la Vieuville, du Brueil Precedent of Mets, and Villers Hotman, were sent of her part to Aix la Chappelle towards the end of September, to endeavour to appease the Troubles raised a little before in that City. The occasion of these was thus. In the year 1598. the Protestant Inhabitants of Aix la Chappelle, 
Mercure Francois 1611.  having driven out the Roman Catholic Magistrates, the City was put under the Interdict of the Empire. The Elector of Cologne had a Commission to see the Emperor's Orders put in Execution, and Accomplished it by the Aid of the Elector of Triers, and the Duke of Cleves. So the Catholic Magistrates were restored, and the Protestant Ministers in their turn, drove out of the City. The Protestants showing great uneasiness to be thus deprived of the Exercise of their Religion, the Catholics to strengthen their Interest, put themselves under the Protection of Albert, Archduke of the Low Countries. The Revolution which happened after in the Dutchies of Cleves and Juliers, which Countries fell into the Hands of two Protestant Princes, gave some Consolation to those of Aix la Chapelle, who were of the same Religion. They went two Leagues off into a Village in the Country to pray to God, and hear his Word. This displeased the Roman Catholics. The Magistrates forbidden the Protestants to go into that Village upon pain of Imprisonment, and paying a great Fine. They added to this a Clause, that all who should not be able to pay the Fine, should be banished out of the City.  
Some by Virtue of this New Law, suffered Imprisonment, and after were condemned to perpetual Banishment. Their Friends and Neighbours moved with Compassion in taking their leaves of them, went in a considerable Number to the Magistrates, when they were met to present a Petition in favour of those poor Wretches. They alleged, that the Sentence against them was contrary to the Privileges of the Inhabitants, and required the Rigour of it to be abated. The Magistrates very far from considering this, Ordered every one to return immediately to their Respective Houses. Those who were thus remanded, began to exclaim against the Hardships of the Magistrates, and the Jesuits whom they looked on as Authors of these violent Counsels. It is now twelve years that we have groaned under this Oppression, said some of them; have we not had Patience long enough? Shall we never think of Revenging three hundred Families of our fellow Citizens, driven out of their Country in less than eight days time? The love of Liberty is common to Men and Brutes. But it is the Advantage of Men to have Courage and Industry to defend it, and recover it when it is lost, Our Ancestors have ever preferred Death to Slavery. Let us follow the Examples which they have given us. It is sweeter to die, than endure Banishment. If God bless our just Efforts, for the Preservation of our Estates and Liberties, We shall obtain the free Exercise of our Religion into the Bargain.  
Fired with this warm Speech, several run presently to Arms, and others join with them. They seize the Town-House, oblige the Burgomaster to let out those who were unjustly kept in Prison, seize the Keys of the Gates, and put up the Chains in all parts of the City. The Protestants being Masters of the Town, chose Captains, settled a New City Council, and took all ways they could think of, to prevent Trouble and Confusion. Being persuaded it would be hard to keep peace in the City, as long as any Jesuits remained in it, the New Council sent Men to secure the good Fathers, and secure their College. The Consternation they were in, not giving them leave to Intrigue, they withdrew to their Church, to implore the Assistance of God, and their Great Patron Ignatius Loyola, whom the Pope had newly Canonised. When Bigots have rashly brought themselves into danger by their Cabals and Indiscreet Zeal, they have a vain confidence that God will work Miracles to bring them out. The Jesuits were carried to the Town-House, and put under a strong Guard, without having any harm done them. The Superior of their professed House at Paris, was then at Aix la Chapelle to drink the Waters. He was treated with all imaginable Respect, as soon as he discovered himself. The Townsmen shown they did this in consideration of the King of France, and the Queen his Mother.  
The Wise and Moderate Catholics disapproved the Severity of the Magistrates to the Protestants; several of them would not quit their Places in the City, or the Pretensions they had to them, but seeing in the Conclusion they were the weakest, they had Recourse to Archduke Albert. The Protestants of their side, begged the Assistance of the Prince of Brandenburg and Newburgh, Masters of the Neighbouring Countries of Cleves and Juliers. Count Solms Governor there for the Princes coming to Aix la Chapelle with a good number of Horse, the Protestants remained absolute in the City. And now they publish a Manifesto, setting forth the Reasons they had to change the Form of their small Commonwealth for a time. In this they offered to agree to these Conditions; that those of the Confession of Ausburg, and the Reformed should have free Exercise of their Religion; that a certain Number of Protestants should be admitted to the Magistracy, with a Provision in the last place, that the Jesuits should be expelled the place.  

The Regent of France interposes to calm the Troubles at Aix la Chapelle.  The Archduke Albert, and the Elector of Cologne, had sent Persons on their part to labour for an Accommodation. But the Threats of the Persons cut by Archduke Albert, having Exasperated the Minds of the People, their Mediation was not accepted. The Marquis de la Vieuville and his Colleagues, were heard more favourably. After a Wise Remonstrance, they made the Protestants agree to a conditional Treaty, without prejudice to the Emperor's Power, or what he should order hereafter. The Protestants agreed to wait for his Imperial Majesty's Decision of their Differences with the Catholics, and that all things in the mean time, without excepting the College of Jesuits, should be Reestablished in the same condition they were, with a Provision that the Protestants should have the free Exercise of their Religion in some convenient Place, without the Walls of the ancient City of Charlemain. But the Catholic Magistrates refused to Sign the Treaty, upon a pretence that the Empepor had Commissioned Archduke Albert and the Elector of Cologne, to pacify the Troubles in such manner as they should think fit.  
In vain did Vieuville and his Colleagues, make a second Remonstrance to the Catholic Magistrates, to incline them to Peace. They obstinately refused it, and the Jesuits retired into the Catholic Low Countries. And now the Envoys of France caused New Magistrates to be Elected, with the consent of the Protestants. The Ambassador of the Archduke's of the Low Countries at Paris, made an Instance to the Regent, to Annul the Regulations made by the Marquis de la Veuville, and his Colleagues. But the Regent being informed of the truth of Things, declared to the Envoys of the Princes of Brandenburg and Neuburgh, and those of Aix la Chapelle, that her Son would not suffer any thing to be done to the prejudice of their Masters.  

The Meeting of some Protestant Princes of Germany, about the Affairs of Cleves and Juliers.  They were afraid in Germany, that the Litigious Succession of Cleves and Juliers, would cause a Division among the Protestant Princes. The Elector of Brandenburg and the Duke of Neuburgh had their Pretensions; the Elector of Saxony too was resolved to maintain the Rights of his Family. The difference of these three great Protestant Houses, was like to give great Advantages to the Roman Catholics. Divers Princes met in May at Introbock near Leipsic in Saxony; to Advise about Means to prevent this unfortunate Clashing, and bring the Pretenders to an Agreement. The Electors of Saxony and Brandenburg, 
Mercure Francois 1611.  divers Princes of the two Houses, and of that of Hesse, and some other agreed, that the Matter should be decided by the Emperor, the Countries of Cleves and Juliers, should be jointly Possessed and Admin●…stred by the Elector and Princes of Saxony, together with the Princes of Brandenburg and Neuburgh, on condition that the Saxons should advance a certain Sum of Money to the two Princes which were in Possession. The Protestants were glad of this Means, to Reconcile the two Electoral Houses. But the Prince of Neuburgh having refused to consent to it, notwithstanding the whole Assembly of Princes in the Protestant League at Rottemburg in Bavaria, entreated him earnestly to comply; this Treaty of Introbock had no effect.  

The Princes of the Protestant League meet at Rottemburgh in Bavaria.  The several Persecutions which the Reformed suffered in Bavaria, at Bambergh, Wirtsburgh, Cologne, Worms, and elsewhere, gave occasion to this Meeting of the Princes of the Protestant League at Rottemburgh. They were glad they still had the liberty to Regulate some common Matters, and take Measures to preserve and strengthen their Union. The Emperor sent two Persons of his Part to the Assembly. Complaints were made to these Men, 
Mercure Francois 1611.  of the new Execution of divers things, which his Imperial Majesty had promised to the Protestants, and of the Persecutions which those of the Religion suffered in several places. The Emperor's Deputies excused this, as well as they could. His Imperial Majesty, said they, will keep peace among the Subjects of his Hereditary Countries, without any Distinction of Religion. But having no Power to Control the Archbishop of Cologne, nor the Bishop of Wirtsburg, and Bambergh, he cannot be Responsible for what those Prelates do. The Electors must meet in a little time at Nuremberg, to debate there of the General Affairs of the Empire. The Emperor desires to act, so as to give every one Satisfaction. The Protestant Princes being accustomed to these sort of Delays, replied in high Terms, if the Emperor deferred any longer to keep his Word, they would make such Provision as the State of Affairs should require.  
Mathias King of Hungary, who hoped to procure himself to be chosen King of the Romans, sent the Baron de Polheim to Rottembergh, to manage the Princes of the Protestant League. It concerned him not to have them Traverse him in his Designs. Polheim thanked the Princes for the Affection they showed to his Master, assured them of the Friendship of Mathias, and communicated to them the Agreement made between the Emperor and his Brother. After the Compliments which Princes Reciprocally make each other on the like occasions, the Protestants prayed the King of Hungary to forbear all sorts of Violence, to preserve a Respect for the Emperor his Brother, and prevent the Foreigners of his Council, from taking Measures which might disturb the Repose of Germany. The Republic of Venice, the Swiss Cantons, and the Seignoury of Geneva, had likewise sent to the Meeting of the Protestant Princes. The Venetians were upon their Guard against the House of Austria, and especially against the King of Spain, and Ferdinand Archduke of Gratz. The Swisseses and the People of Geneva, feared the Erterprises of the Duke of Savoy. This made them seek the Goodwill of all the Protestant Princes of Germany. A like Assistance was promised to the signory of Geneva, and a very civil, obliging Answer was given to the Republic of Venice, and the Swiss Cantons.  
The Affair of Aix la Chapelle was brought under debate; The Princes resolved to defend the Protestant Citizens if there were occasion for it, but they pressed them to live peaceably with the Catholics. They undertook to intercede with the Magistrates of Cologne, to admit the Protestants to go without Scandal or Fear of being Disturbed, into the Countries of the Neighbouring Princes, to pray to God with those of their Religion. But if the Magistrates refused to comply with this Request, they were exhorted to suffer patiently, and to avoid committing any Violence. Besides this, they writ to the Bishop of Bamberg and Worms, to pray the first not to disturb his Protestant Subjects, and the latter not to introduce the Jesuits, and to send away those he had admitted. I take pleasure in relating these particulars. It shows the Wisdom and Moderation of the Protestant Princes of Germany. They did not take Arms for Religion, till the last Extremity. These Princes farther sent into France, England, and the United Provinces to renew the Alliances, and thank the two Kings and the States-General, for the Aid they gave in the War of Cleves and Juliers. In the Conclusion, several Counties and Towns of the Empire upon their desire, were admitted into the League, and the Affairs of greatest consequence, were remitted to the Judgement of the Electoral Diet appointed at Nuremberg.  
Christian the Second, Elector of Saxony, 
The Elector of Saxony's Death.  died of an Apoplexy before. John George his Brother succeeded him. Excess of Drinking is a common fault among the Germane Princes. It is surprising the unfortunate and untimely Death of so many of their Kinsmen, as are daily killed by the excess of Wine, should not divert them from a Vice so unbecoming Persons of their Rank, and so contrary to Christianity. Christians ever rewarded the greatest Drinkers best. His Successor was forced to be at a greater charge to redeem the Castles and Lordships which he had lavishly given to the Companions of his Debauches. 
Mercure Francois 1611.  There is a Report that the Princess his Mother sent a Minister to him, to exhort him to leave off that Vice. The Elector placed him at his Table; and knowing he loved Money, promised him a great Golden Cup, if he would drink it off at a certain number of times. The Minister accepted the Condition, but was drunk before he finished it. The Elector caused him to be set in a Chair, and ordered the drunken Preacher to be carried back to the Princess. The next time Madam, he bid them tell her, Make a better choice of your Men. If you would have me profit by your Advices, send such Men as are more proof against the Temptation, than I am. Prince's often would want place in History, if it was not necessary now and then to divert the Reader, and paint the Folly of Vice.  

The Electoral Diet at Nutembergh.  John George the New Elector of Saxony, came to Nurembergh with his Colleagues, about the beginning of October, The first Affair treated of there, was the Contest between the Dukes of Deux-Ponts and Neuburgh, about the Administration of the Electorate, during the Minority of the young Count Palatine of the Rhine. 
Mercure Francois 16●●, & 1611.  This was to continue till he was arrived at 18 years of Age, according to the Golden Bull. Frederick VI Elector Palatine, deceased the preceding year, had given by his Will the Guardianship of his Children, and the Administration of the Electorate to John Duke of Deux-Ponts. He was received at Heidelbergh in this Quality, notwithstanding the Opposition of Philip Lewis Duke of Neuburgh, who pretended to the Administration, as being the nearest Kinsman, as is appointed in the Golden Bull of the Emperor Charles IU. The Counsellors of the Palatinate liked the Duke of Deux-Ponts best, because he was of the Established Religion of their Country, whereas Neuburgh was of the Augsburg Confession. They grounded this Preference on the Examples of several Electors Palatine, who appointed Guardians to their Children, and Administrators of the Electorate, to the prejudice of their nearest Kinsmen. The Affair was remitted to the Emperor. Till a full Decision of the Guardianship and Administration were adjudged with a provision to the Duke of Deux-Ponts. The Electoral Diet of Nurembergh, did not any more give a Defensive Judgement. It was concluded here, that the Duke of Deux-Ponts, should keep the Place of Count Palatine, without prejudice to the Duke of Newburgh's Title.  
In the beginning of November, the Electors sent a Deputation to the Emperor, 
The Electors Demands of the Emperor.  to represent to him the things which they thought proper to desire from him. These were, that Justice should be Reestablished; That he should choose more Faithful Counsellors; That he should Summon a General Diet; That the Electors having no design to choose a King of the Romans, without the consent of his Imperial Majesty, or to remove the Empire from the House of Austria; Rodolphus would Name his Successor. The Electors assured him at the same time, they did not approve of the Attempts of his Brother Mathias. In the close, they Admonished him that the ill Administration of the Empire proceeded from his Majesty's not following the example of his Predecessors, who used to consult with the Electors.  

The Answer of the Emperor Rodolphus.  Rodolphus only gave a General Answer. I know, says he, the Empire does want a King of the Romans. The Electors have spoke to me of choosing one, and I design to Nominate one, who is fit to fill the Place. I should have done this sooner, if the Troubles in Bohemia had not entirely taken me up. But before I declare myself, I shall be glad to see a General Diet, and I will be present there. The Electors should take care that I may speak freely there, what I think to be for the good of the Empire. The Electors having received the Emperor's Answer, broke up the 12th of November, after they had resolved to hold a Diet at Francfort in the Month of April, the next year for the Election of a King of the Romans.  
Europe was then in Mourning for the Death of Margaret of Austria, 
The Death of the Queen of Spain.  Wife to Philip the III. King of Spain. She left behind her four Sons and two Daughters. Philip, Charles, Ferdinand, Alphonso and Ann, whom we shall soon see Queen of France and Margaret. There was a Solemn Service for the Queen of Spain in the Cathedral Church of Paris. The Princes of Conde, Conti, and the Duke of Guise, performed the Honours, and the Archbishop of Ambrun spoke the Funeral Oration.  

The Death of the Duke and Duchess of Mayenne.  The House of Guise had not long before lamented the Death of the Duke of Mayenne, the Famous Head of the Holy League in France. He died at Soissons the beginning of October. The Duke of Aiguillon his Son Succeeded him, and took the Name of the Duke of Mayenne. The Father had gained a mighty Reputation in War; but his Remissness made him lose many fair opportunities of increasing it. His Revolt against King Henry the III. was pardonable for the desire he had to Revenge the Death of his two Brothers, if it were lawful, I will not say for a Christian, but for any Man whatever, to kindle a Civil War to Revenge a private Injury. His Opposition of Henry the iv was not wholly the effect of his Zeal for the Old Religion. The Duke of Mayenne was more moderate against this Prince, after he left the Communion of the Reformed, than before. The ill Humour which the Miscarrying of the League had put him into, made him take in Despair, a Resolution to retire into Spain. But the Clemency, or rather the Policy of Henry, stopped him. The King proposed very Advantageous Conditions to him. The Duke had in some manner deferved well from him, though he strove to exclude him from the Crown. Whilst the League was active, Mayenne always opposed the design of Philip, to procure a Prince of his House to be chosen. Farther, he kept the Duke of Guise his Nephew steady, who was dazzled with the deceitful promises of the Spaniards. When they proposed to the Duke of Mayenne to follow the Example of Hugh Capet, who reserved the Sovereignty for himself, permitting the Governors of Provinces and considerable Towns, to make themselves Dukes and Counts Vassals of the Crown. I would sooner die, replied he generously, than make an Advantage of the Misfortunes of my Country. Henrietta of Savoy his Wife died of Regret a few days after him, and both had the same Funeral Solemnity at Soissons.  

The Duchess of Lorraine, and the Cardinal de Gonzaga came to the Court of France.  The Court was at Fontainblean, when they heard of the Death of the Duke and Duchess of Mayenne. The Cardinal of Gonzaga, and the Duchess of Lorraine his Sister, were come thither to pay a Visit to Mary de Medicis their Aunt. They had great Honours done them, and were regaled with all the Diversions which the place afforded. It is reported, the Duchess of Lorraine came to mention the Match which the late King had proposed himself, of his Eldest Son with the Princess of Lorraine. This was the best thing the Regent could do for the young King's advantage. 
Siri Mem. recondite, To. II. p. 577, 578.  This Alliance would have brought him the Dutchies of Bar and Lorraine. But the Imprudent Queen managed by the Pensioners of Spain, had contracted so strict an Engagement with the Court of Madrid, that nothing could divert her from the double Marriage which the Pope and Great Duke of Tuscany carried on with all their Power. The Ambassador of Spain observing strictly all the steps of the Duchess of Lorraine, talked in big Language. That the King of France could not have two Wives, that his Match with the Infanta was concluded, and that Philip would not suffer himself to be mocked, without punishing the Authors. If Mary de Medicis had contemned the Threats of the Spaniards, what harm would have ensued? All true Frenchmen, and especially the Protestants, exclaimed against this double Match. England and the United Provinces, traversed it with great Application. Aersens' Ambassador from the State's General, underhand excited the Hugenot Party to oppose a Treary which must be prejudicial to all the Protestants in Europe. The Discourses of the Spanish Ambassador, were only vain Romances. His weak Master who was over-strained to support his House in Germany, was he in a condition to awe France, who was in a good Union at that time with its Neighbours. But the Regent neither understood her own, nor her Sons true Interest.  

The Count of Soissons discontented, contracts new Ties with the Prince of Conde.  Her Ministers jealous that the Count of Soissons their Enemy, would unite himself with the Marquis of Ancre, took care to push on their Mistress to remove a Prince, who aimed to drive them from Court. The first occasion of Discontent which the Regent gave him, was the refusal of a thing she had made him hope for some Months before: The Duchy of Alenson was engaged to the Duke of Wirtembergh. Soissons who had received Money from the Duke of Savoy, for the Goods and Estate which the Countess his Wife had in Piedmont, had a mind to employ it in acquiring that Duchy, by reimbursing with his Money, what the Crown owed to the Duke of Wirtembergh. In order to this, it was necessary first to obtain the King's consent. 
Mem. de la Regence de Marie de Medicis.  Mary de Medicis prepossessed by her Ministers, refused this to the Count of Soissons, Would you, says she roughly to him, obtain a Duchy which is designed as Honour appropriated to a Son of France? I see you have no small Designs. The Regent foresaw the Count moved at this Repulse, would discover his Resentment, and for this Reason, she hastily recalled the Prince of Conde and the Duke of Epernon to Court, to oppose him.  
The Project of the Queen and the Ministers, did not succeed in every point. The Marquis of Coevures a Confident of Soissons, seeing the poor Count thus jarring with the Regent and Ministers, and secretly incensed against Conchini, though he always kept in appearance fair with him, though he could have recourse to nothing now to support him at Court, but to unite himself entirely with the Prince of Conde his Nephew, and oppose all those who combined against him, by the Power of that Interest, which their Birth gives to all Princes of the Blood in France, especially in the time of Minority. Coevures then set himself to treat with Beaumond, Son of the first Resident de Harlay, a Confident of the Prince of Conde, who was then expected at Court, to settle a good understanding between the Uncle and Nephew. They agreed the two Princes should see one another in the Beaumond House, which was not far from Fontainebleau.  
This Interview gave the Queen a Jealousy, though it was pretended only to be a Divertisement, and a Huntingmatch. The Count of Soissons thought to remove the Umbrage Mary de Medicis took at this, by bringing the Marquis of Ancre over to the Meeting. They go together to Beaumond. After a great deal of Diversion in the Daytime, the two Princes entertained each other with Discourse, till it was late in the Night. They bind themselves strictly, and mutually promise not to receive any Favour or Satisfaction from the Queen, but by common consent, and engage that if one be obliged to leave the Court for ill Treatment, the other shall quit it at the same time, and not return but by agreement. This Union was made perpetual, and lasted till the Death of Count Soissons.  

The faculty of Paris Censures the three Panegyrics of Ignatius Loyola.  The Sorbonne was divided as well as the Court: Duval declared for the Jesuits; Filesac Theologue of the Church of Paris, and divers other Eminent Doctors were strangely averse to the Society. The good Fathers are very desirous to appear perfectly prudent, but they are deficient in this point, when they set themselves to Discourse of their Saint Ignatius, and the Advantages of their Society. Paul the V their good Friend, having Canonised this Man, (truly extraordinary in more than one manner) and allowed them to celebrate his Feast, the Jesuits did what the Monks do on like occasions: What shall I say, they strove to surpass each other? They gave a thousand fine Spectacles of Devotion in their Churches. The Men of Wit, who are Spectators of these Ceremonies, cannot forbear Laughing at the Foppery of them. But those who have a real Sense of Religion when they Reflect seriously on the apotheosis, introduced into Christianity, and the Profane Pageantry in Churches, where the Wor●…hip ought to be Pure and Spiritual. True Christians I say, can they forbear deplo●…ing the strange Corruption of the most Holy, and most August of all Religions? The most profane part of all these So●…emnities, are the Panegyrics spoke of ●…he New Saints. Here he is set above all others, above the Prophets and Apostles, ●…nd often in parallel with Jesus Christ ●…imself. The Jesuits did not fail to take ●…uch Preachers, as were most disposed to ●…alue Ignatius Loyola. And as the Spani●…rds are more Extravagant in their Superstition and Impiety than others, several ●…ermons were made and printed in that Country, with which the Enemies of the ●…ood Fathers in France, diverted the Pub●●ck at the Expense of the Society.  
A Limosin Jesuit thought he had done 〈◊〉 considerable piece of Service, in Translating three Spanish Sermons preached at evil, Valentia, and Barcelona, on the ●…east of the New Blessed Ignatius of ●…oyola. The one of the Preachers was ●…n Augustin the other two were Domini●…ns. The good Limosin imagined that ●…he Frenchmen seeing his Patron praised by Religious Men of a different Order, ●…ey would easily believe the Institutor ●…f their Society, was the greatest Saint 〈◊〉 Paradise. But whilst he thought to ●…ork Miracles, he drew a new Storm ●…n his Brethren, who had work enough ●…efore to support themselves at Paris, and elsewhere. Some Learned Men, and Eminent for their true Piety, as it was said, brought to Filesac Theologue of Paris, and Curate of St. John in Greve, the French Translation, and four Propositions extracted out of them, desiring to know if the Faculty of Paris thought it fit, a Doctor of their Body should give his Approbation to such Pieces.  
Filesac proposed the Question in one of the Meetings, which the Faculty ordinarily have upon the first Day of the Month This was in the beginning of October; One of the Propositions was this, Tha●… Ignatius with his Name writ on Paper, could do more Miracles than Moses, and a●● many as the Apostles. The second pretended, that the Life of Ignatius was so Holy, and so elevated in the Opinion of Heaven, that only the Popes as St. Peter, the Empresses as the Mother of God, or some S●…vereign Monarch as God the Father, and 〈◊〉 Holy Son, had the Happiness to see 〈◊〉 One of the two Dominican Preachers a●…serted, that the Founders of preceding O●…ders were sent by God; but God, added he, 〈◊〉 these latter Days, has spoken by his Son I●…natius, whom he has made Heir of all thing There is one thing only wanting to consu●…mate his Praise, That God did not make 〈◊〉 World for him. There was nothing be excepted against in the third Sermo●… but that the Preachers had advanced, th●● the Martyr Ignatius was particularly ●●voted to the Holy Father, and the Pope Rome, as the lawful Successor of Jesus Christ, and his Vicar upon Earth.  
Andrew Duval a Famous Doctor of the Sorbonne, who was in the Interest of the Jesuits and the Court of Rome, opposed the Censure of these four Propositions; They may be piously Interpreted, said he. But the Enemies to the Society prevailed. What Pious Interpretation could Duval give to words which were manifestly Impious? The three first Propositions were condemned as False, Heretical, Execrable, Impious, and full of Blasphemies. This Censure was more Just and Judicious, than that of Du Plessis Mornay's Book. The Wise Masters of the Sorbonne, were more Reserved and Circumspect on the fourth Proposition; the Authority of the Pope was concerned here. This contains, said they, two Contradictious Positions. The one is true and Orthodox, that the Pope is the Vicar of Jesus Christ upon Earth. But the other, that the Pope is the Lawful Successor of Jesus Christ, is manifestly False and Heretical. The Jesuit was not long without answering. He wrote an Apologetic Letter against the Censure. Here by a Subtlety which a Limosin would never have thought of, if he had not been instructed somewhere else besides at Bricue la Gaillarde, he feigned not to have a Copy of the Condemnation. This was to avoid speaking of the Power of the Pope. His Friends, he pretended had sent him an Article quite different from that which the Faculty had Censured. There is nothing more violent than the conclusion of this good Father's Apology. He Reproaches the Doctors of the Sorbonne, as those of their Society always Reproach their Adversaries, that they are Huguenots in their Souls. The Sorbonne Curses the Jesuits, says he, while the Heretics at Charenton, pray to God for the Sorbonists.  

Reflections on the Miracles ascribed to Saint Ign●…tius, and the Character given of him.  An Author who was Contemporary with the Rise of the Society, honestly owns in the first Edition of his Life of Ignatius, that he wrought no Miracles. He laboured to give good Reasons, that a Man might be a Saint without doing any. The Establishing a Society which was become so Numerous, so Famous and Powerful, in so small a time, seemed a great Miracle to the Author. But this was not enough to Canonize Ignatius; and for this Reason, they were obliged to seek for others. Till this was done, Rome would never put him in her Martyrology. And what Mortification must this be to so good Children, that their Father was not a Saint of the first Order. As soon as once they got it in their Head, that Ignatius must work Miracles, as well as other Saints, they found a Million of Glorious Ones. The Author who had been too honest, Retracted fifteen years after, as handsomely as he could. His Saint then wrought some every day, if we may believe the second Edition of his Book. As for the flourishing Estate of the Company, before and after the Death of the Founder, those who shall read the History of its Settlement and Progress, will find nothing more than Human in it; if they reflect on the Nature of Mankind, and what is proper to give Interest and Reputation in a Body Composed and Governed as the Church of Rome has been for many Ages.  
I am Astonished that Men of Sense and Learning, should become Disciples of such a Person as Ignatius is Represented to be, in the different Histories of his Life, wrote by Jesuits, with too much Sincerity in some places, and too much Art and Disguise in others. But my Surprise is over, when I Reflect that the greatest Men fall into Superstition and Trifling. They might fancy there was something Divine in the Irregular and Fanatic Fancy of a Spaniard, who imposed on the World by an Exterior show of Gravity and Mortification. When they saw this, they were soon ready to serve him in his vast Designs. Ignatius who was Master of as much Craft and Dissimulation as any Man in the World, knew how to make his Advantage of the Light which the Admirers of his Sanctity gave him, and make the World believe he drew that out of his own Stock, which he learned from others.  
The Jesuits have pushed the Extravagance so far, as to compare their Saint with the Caesars and Alexanders. They came nearer the Mark in my mind, who said he was an absolute Don Quixot in Devotion. The good Fathers must have an ill Opinion of Mankind, if they believe them capable of esteeming their Founder, after what they relate themselves of his Paladin and Romantic Actions, of his Whimsical fancy of becoming a Knight of the Virgin, and an Infinity of other Circumstances of his Life. 
Vie de S. Ignace par le P. Bohours.  The reading of it politely writ in French, fully convinced me that Melchior Canus, a Learned and Judicious Bishop of the Canaries, saw perfectly well the Genius of the Man, in a Conference he had with him at Rome. Ignatius there without any necessity told him so many  Stories of his pretended Sanctity, of the Persecutions he had suffered in Spain, of the Revelations and Private Favours he received from God Almighty, that this clearsighted Divine soon perceived in him, a great Distraction and Pride of Mind.  
Canus adds one very singular Passage. Ignatius brought him a pretended Saint, who was a Member of the Infant Society. Canus soon discovered this Companion of Ignatius, was an absolute Idiot. He mixed so much Folly and Heresy in his Discourse, that Ignatius was in some Confusion. This good Man, says he to Canus, is not an Heretic but his Mind is a little out of order at present. He has his Intervals at times. The New Moon makes him talk so Heretically. A Man who can let a Fool pass on him for a great Saint, can he be very wise himself? Melchior Canus by the Jesuits own Confession, had so ill an Opinion of the Institution of their Company, that he applied to them this Prophecy of St. Paul. In the last days there shall be Men lovers of their own selves, Covetous, Boasters, false Accusers, Blasphemers, Ungrateful, Wicked, Despisers of those that are good, having a Form of Godliness, but denying the Power thereof. The Character of this Prelate might be Rejected, as proceeding from a particular prejudice against the Jesuits, if good Fathers had not given occasion to a certain number of the most Eminent Men of the Roman Communion, to maintain that Canus had Reason. The only Secret the Society has yet found to elude those bloody Reproaches, which are often too well proved, is to recriminate, and set up the cry of a Heretic against those Adversaries who are like to ruin them.  

A Disturbance at Troy's in Champagne, about the Settlement of the Jesuits in that City.  The Inhabitants of Troy's in Champagne, do not pass for the most refined People in the World, and yet they have show a great deal of good Sense, in refusing to receive the Jesuits into their City. When this has been proposed, the Townsmen have ever answered, That Society can never do any thing but Mischief wherever it comes, In this Matter they think, as all People formerly did in France, Venice, Germany, Bohemia, Hungary and Poland. The Jesuits found it hard to gain Admission in those Countries, and when they were better known, great endeavours were used to drive them out. The good People of Troy's learning Wisdom at the expense of others, remained Inflexible in their Resolution, to continue without any Jesuits among them. It is no small praise to that City, that in the Reign of Lewis XIV. so great a Friend to that Society, they opposed an Intendant, and a Bishop who engaged to establish the Jesuits where they had more than once tried in vain to place themselves. The good Fathers have reason to compare themselves to the Thunder of War, and the Conquerors of Antiquity. They cannot suffer a little corner of the Earth, never so inconsiderable a Town, should have the Courage to hold out against them.  
In the preceding Reign, they made three several Attempts to enter Troy's. Henry granted them Letters of Jussion, as they are called, to the Inhabitants to receive them. But the Town had the good Fortune or Industry, to frustrate the Solicitations of the Jesuits. In the year 1611. they began the Charge again. In an Assembly held at Troy's for the Election of a New Principial of the College, the Bishop, the Precedent, and some of the old Faction of the League, demanded to have the Jesuits let in. But the Chapter of the Cathedral, that of the Collegiate Church of St. Stephen, the greatest Number of the Clergy, the Presidial, the Officers of the Townhouse; in short, all who declared for the late King in the time of the League, would have no Jesuits. It was to no purpose, to say the Queen had ordered they should be admitted. In case it be so, said they, we will obey. But we will first go and throw ourselves at her Majesty's Feet, and make our Humble Remonstrances to her.  
The Bishop then seeing it was impossible to Surmount so great an Opposition, broke up the Assembly, under colour of making farther enquiry in a more numerous one. This raised a great Commotion among a People jealous of their Liberties and Privileges. The Jesuits Faction had privately dispatched away to the Court, a Curate of the City, with a Verbal Process drawn up after their manner. In this they laid before the Regent, that the Inhabitants desired the Jesuits for the instructing their Youth. As soon as the opposite Party was informed of what had passed, they drew up a Verbal Process to the contrary, and a Counsellor of the Presidial was sent away with it immediately to the Court. The Curate, who was gone some days before, obtained a Letter from the Regent for the holding an extraordinary Meeting. This they hoped would be more favourable to the Jesuits. When the News was spread through the Town, that Father Coton, who interessed himself in this Affair, had surprised the Queen, it made a greater Noise than before. It was feared the People would rise. Praslin Governor of Troy's, applied himself with all diligence to prevent Disorder, and all the considerable Bodies in the City met to disavow by an Authentic Act, what the Friends of the Jesuits had done of their own Head. Pithou Mayor of the City, the Dean of the Cathedral Church, and two or three others, were named to go and lay their Complaints before the Regent. They set forth the Reasons which they had to refuse the good Fathers a College among them. Some of these were taken from the Situation, the Commerce and Convenience of the City, which would not let them admit in the Jesuits. Others were grounded on the Humour and Behaviour of the Society, which did not suit with the Temper of the Inhabitants.  
These Honest Patriots said, without disguising the Matter, that the settling so great a number of Jesuits in the best Cities of the Kingdom, might serve to make the Society great, but was Injurious to the Public. Since our City, added they, was reduced by Henry the iv we have lived in perfect Tranquillity. The Jesuits will come here to revive the old Quarrels of the League. We shall soon have two contrary Factions; one influenced by the Society, who will be the Good Catholics, and the other the true lovers of their Country. The first will ever be crying, we are Heretics, Latitudinarians, Worldly minded Men, and Lukewarm lose Catholics. Has not P. Binet had the Insolence to treat us in this manner, in a Sermon which he preached at Troy's? No sooner do the Jesuits get footing any where, but they pretend straight to govern the World; they sow Divisions, insinuate themselves into Families to discover their Secrets, what passes between Man and Wife, cannot escape their Curiosity. The Queen being better informed of the Affair of Troy's, answered to the Petition of the Inhabitants, whose Deputies were presented by the Duke of Nevers, Governor of the Province, that she had been given to understand, the Town desired to have Jesuits. Since it is not so, said her Majesty, I will not constrain the Inhabitants to receive Men they do not like. She wrote to Praslin to Advise him, and the Precedent for the future to moderate their too Impetuous Zeal for the Settlement of the good Fathers.  

The Process of the University of Paris against the Jesuits, upon the opening their College.  The first Project of their Institution, was conceived in the Bosom of the University of Paris. But she has always regarded the Society, as a Monstrous Abortion. When the Jesuits began to make themselves known in France, the Faculty of Divinity of Paris declared Solemnly, after a mature Examination of the Bulls, which two Popes had granted them, and the Rules which the Founder prescribed his Disciples, that the New Institution was Dangerous to the Faith, capable of disturbing the Peace of the Church, and in one Word, more tending to destroy than edify. When the Jesuits desired to be incorporated in the University, she rejected them with Indignation and Contempt. When they attempted to teach publicly, she opposed them with Vigour. The Pasquiers and Arnauds, undertook her Defence. The Learned Arguments are still extant, in which they lay before the Parliament of Paris, the Reasons which the University had to declare against this Hermaphrodite Body, said they, which is neither Ecclesiastical nor Regular. The Attempt of John Chastel against the Person of Henry iv was the cause which moved the Parliament of Paris, (whose most Eminent Members were bred in that University) to give a terrible Sentence against them, commanding all Jesuits to remove out of Paris, and all other Cities within three days, and out of the Kingdom in fifteen, branding them for Corrupters of Youth, Disturbers of the Public Peace, and Enemies to the King and Government. After, when Henry iv at the Solicitation of the Pope, at the Instigation of Sillery and Villeroy, and Instances of de la Varenne, the Infamous Minister of his Pleasures, had granted them his Letters Patents for their Reestablishment, the Precedent de Harlay employed all the power of his Wit and Eloquence, to persuade the King this Act of his was inconsistent with the Safety of his Person, the Preservation of his Authority, and the Welfare of his Kingdom. But neither the Decrees of Sorbonne, nor the excellent Discourses of two Illustrious Advocates, nor the wise Remonstrances of the gravest Magistrate of that time, could hinder the King from being worse advised, than the Mayor and good Commonalty of Troy's in Champagne. Henry resolved to forget the League, was first conceived among the Jesuits; and that Barricre and Chastel who made an Attempt on his Life, were instructed and pushed on by Varade and Guignard, Jesuits. His Imprudence cost him dear, poor Prince! Ravillac profited by the Doctrines and Lessons of the Writers and Doctors of the Society.  
The World was not exceedingly Surprised to see them, within three Months after the bloody Death of Henry IV, when all the Preachers of Paris were exclaiming against the Jesuits, and an Infinity of Pamphlets had been published to expose their Temper and Doctrines, have the boldness to desire a Permission from the New King to open their College of Clermont, 
Mercure Francois, 1611.  which had been shut up ever since their first coming to Paris, and to make their Public Lectures there. All Men were now pretty well acquainted with the humour of that Body. A long experience had taught them, that they are not confounded with Noise. That Just and Reasonable Confusion, which makes other Men fearful and modest, increases the Courage and Boldness of these good Fathers. That which most amazed all Honest Men, was to see the Regent and her Council give the Jesuits Letters Patents to be confirmed in Parliament, at the same time that these Magistrates all well affected to the King and Government's Repose, declared peremptorily in their Decrees, that the Doctrines of Mariana, and some other Writers of the Society, had plunged the Knife in the Heart of the two last Kings of France. Father Coton was not less busy in the Hall, than at Court. He demanded the entering the King's Letters with the same boldness that he had Solicited the Regent and her Ministers for them. But the Rector and the Faculties of the University of Paris opposing this, the Decision of the Affair was remitted till the following year.  
During a pretty long delay caused by the Proceed and Formalities of Law, the Jesuits got together four-score or a hundred Scholars, whom they taught in the College of Clermont. At length the matter came to a public Hearing. This was in the Month of December 1611. La Merteliere Advocate for the University made a long Discourse, where he repeated with Emphasis, what Pasquier, Arnaud, and the first Precedent de Harlay had formerly said against the Jesuits. He added, all they had been accused of having done in England, Holland, at Venice, Genoa and elsewhere. The Divinity of these good Fathers was not forgot. He shown the Corruption and Danger of it. In the last place, the University concluded by the Mouth of her Advocate, that if the Parliament would not have regard to her wholesome Remonstrances, she should at least have the Consolation of having done her Duty, and having given more than once by her repeated Oppositions, to the Erterprises of the Society, a certain Testimony of her sincere and continual Affection for the Service of the King, and the Good of her Coutry. Montholon Advocate for the Jesuits, answered in a very short Discourse. He affected too to speak so low, that the greatest Part of the Auditory, could not hear his Defence. After this, Hardivillier Rector of the University, spoke a long Harangue in Latin. This was rather the Declamation of a College Rhetorician, than a Solid and Eloquent Discourse. The Advocate General Servin spoke according to Custom after the rest, and concluded in favour of the University.  
The Parliament being tired with the Importunities of the Jesuits, thought of a good Expedient to free themselves. They proposed to them to subscribe to four Articles, repugnant to the Doctrines imputed to them. You cannot be incorporated with the University, nor have Permission to teach publicly, said the Magistrate to the good Fathers, unless your Sentiments agree with those of the Sorbonne. This Turn was well devised. They foresaw the Jesuits would never sign such Propositions, for fear of incurring Displeasure at Rome, and their Refusal would clear the Parliament at Court, for not passing the King's Letters. Can we, the Magistrates might have said, allow a Body to teach publicly, which refuses to subscribe the Doctrine commonly received in France? The first Precedent de Verdun, then ordered eight Jesuits to be called, who were in Court, to hear the issue of their Cause. Will you, says he to them, Subscribe these four Propositions, and undertake your General shall likewise do it? The first was, That a General Council is above the Pope. The second, That the Pope has no power over the Temporalties of Sovereigns, and that he cannot deprive them by Excommunication. The third, That a Priest who by way of Confession, comes to the Knowledge of a Design or Conspiracy against the Person of a King or his Government, or any Act of High Treason, is obliged to Reveal the Matter to the Magistrate. The fourth, That Churchmen are Subjects of the Temporal Prince, and Civil Magistrate.  
The Provincial of the Jesuits did not know how to extricate himself in this difficulty. In our Statutes, says he with a Modest and Devout Air, taking a Book and setting himself to read, We have a positive Order to obey the Laws of the Country where we live; but we cannot promise any thing for our General. We will write to him upon this Matter, and do all we can to obtain his consent. The Advocate Montholon seeing what Confusion his Clients were in, had a greater Presence of Mind, than the good Father Provincial. The Jesuits, says he, will readily follow the Laws of the University. When these four Propositions shall be Signed by the Sorbonne, the Jesuits will not make any scruple of subscribing them. The dextrous Montholon knew there were so many Leaguers and Doctors in the Pope's Interest amongst the Sorbonists, that they would never agree in these four Propositions. And if the Faculty would have resolved to have Signed them, the Court was so afraid of offending the Pope, they would not have suffered them to do it. So much Respect and Deference had Mary de Medicis for his Holiness.  
The first Precedent himself embarassed by the Advocates Reply, would seem not to understand it; being well pleased that the Jesuits had not handsomely explained themselves, on what was proposed to them. He pronounced a Decree, forbidding any of that Society to teach the Youth at Paris, or read any public Lecture there. The Members of the University Triumphed, made a thousand Verses, some good, some bad, in praise of their Judges and their Advocate. The Jesuits obeyed the Decree. They dismissed their Scholars, continued silent, and did not write at all, or at least did it under the borrowed Names of their Friends. Here they comforted themselves on their Disgrace, shown the Imprudence of those who would renew Disputes out of Season, which might create Differences between France and the Pope. Every Man discoursed of the Decree of Parliament, as his Fancy led him. Some took part with the Jesuits, others with the University. The Pope's Nuncio complained of the Parlements having required such a Subscription of the Jesuits. The Cardinal Gonzaga was then at Paris. He was offended the good Fathers had been so ill spoken of. 
Mercure Francois 1612.  Montholon whose Voice was so low in his short pleading to the Audience, printed a more ample Argument the following year. This Discourse was divided into three Parts. In the two first he justified the Conduct and Institution of the Jesuits. The third answered the Objections made against the Doctrine of the Society, and the Perverse Consequences which its Adversaries drew from it.  

Disputes concerning Grace and Predestination.  The Zeal which the Jesuits shown the latter end of the last, and the beginning of this Age, for the Doctrine opposite to that of St. Augustin and Thomas Aquinas in the Matter of Grace and Predestination, drew still a greater number of Enemies on them, the Advocate of the University Reproaching them with this in his Plea. Not only the Order of Dominicans, which is more Potent in Italy and Spain, than in France (where it is trampled on with the rest of the Mendicants) had declared openly against the Jesuits. But a great Number of the Doctors of Paris and Louvain,  to the Hypotheses of St. Augustin and Aquinas condemned too against the Society. They decreed it as Pelagian, At least, said they, she attempts to revive the Sentiments of Cassian, and the old Priests, who were called Semipelagians. The Dispute began in Spain, upon occasion of a Book of Molina a famous Jesuit.  
This Author boasted of having found out a new System to reconcile the Certainty of God's Foreknowledge, and the Operation of Grace, with the Liberty of Man. The Invention pleased the Society, and she adopted it. This was a Deviation from the first Laws of the Founder, who ordered she should follow the Doctrine of Thomas Aquinas. When the Jesuits reproached their Adversaries with maintaining the Sentiments of Luther and Calvin, condemned in the Council of Trent, they recriminated instantly: Your Hypothesis, said they to the good Fathers, is the same with that of the ancient Enemies of St. Austin in Gaul.  
The Dispute was so warm in Spain, that the Matter was remitted to Rome. Clement VIII, resolved to determine this Controversy. It is reported, that he not only made Preparations for this, by a serious Examen of all the Questions, for which he settled a famons Congregation of Divines and Cardinals, but farther had recourse to Prayer, Fasting, and extraordinary Mortifications. The Holy Father believed that the Holy Ghost had inspired him to condemn the Sentiments of the Jesuits. The Bull was ready. But to speak after the manner of the People beyond the Mountains, God did not permit Clement to pass on the Church his private Illusions for Divine Oracles. The Pope died very lu●…kily for the Jesuits. Paul V pleased with the Zeal the good Fathers had shown for the Interests of the Holy See, in the Difference between the Pontif and the Republic of Venice, suppressed his Predecessors Bull. He imposed silence on the Dominicans and Jesuits. Few, except these two Orders, had engaged publicly in this first Dispute. The Universities of Douai and Louvain declared too against the Jesuits; and their Doctrine of Grace was condemned there. After this the Book of Jansenius, Bishop of Ipres, caused a long and famons Contest in the Faculty of Paris, and all the Gallican Church.  
At the same time that Paul V endeavoured to stifle in his Church the Disputes concerning Grace and Predestination, the Protestants of Holland were divided on the same Questions. Luther, and the first Reformers had at first embraced the Hypothesis of St. Austin, either because they were prepossessed, or because it seemed most proper, to combat the Dogms of the Roman Church, and settle those of the Reformation. However Luther himself, or at least his first Disciples, soon saw the Inconveniences and ill Consequences of the Augustinian System: That of the Greek Fathers appeared both more Ancient and Reasonable. Melancthon took to this; and his moderate Sentiments prevailed with those of the Augsburg Confession, Calvin, Zanchy, Beza, and the greatest number of the Reformed, adhered strongly to the Opinions of St. Austin. Some strained them higher, and used harder Expressions. The rigid Thomists did the same in the Roman Church. Towards the beginning of this Age divers of the Reformed Divines opened their Eyes after the Example of the Lutherans. Upon examining the Scripture more attentively, the Sense of St. Chrysostom and the ancient Greeks, appeared preferable to that of the Bishop of Hippo, who did not certainly very well understand the Old or New Testament.  

The Rise of Arianism in Holland.  As the Books of Erasmus, Melancthon and Bulllinger, were much esteemed in Holland, where these Works had much conduced to give a Relish to the Reformation, so the most knowing of the Magistrates and Laiety were inclined to the mild and moderate Sentiments of these Divines on Predestination and Grace, rather than the rigid Hypothesis of the first Reformers. They thought at least they were very tolerable, and compatible with the Reformation which that Province had embraced. But the greatest part of the Ministers on the contrary, who had only studied Religion, 
Grotius Apolog. eorum qui Hollandiae praefue●…unt.  in the Books of Calvin and Beza, stiffly maintained the Opinions of their Masters. This occasioned a great difference in Religion between the Churchmen and the Magistrates. The one and the other form a different Idea of what they called the Reformation, or, the Reformed Doctrine. The Ministers meant by these Words, the Opinions in Divinity, explained by their great Authors, and inserted into the Confessions of Faith, which the first Reformers had drawn up. These Servants of God meant well: But they did not consider, that by aiming in their Formularies of Faith and Catechisms to compile a complete and regular Body of Divinity, they inserted their own Speculations as certain and essential Truths. The Magistrates and wise Laity of Holland urged, that the Reformation being only a purer Worship, and more free from vain Superstitions than the Church of Rome, with a greater Latitude of Opinions in things not plainly revealed in the Holy Writings, it could not be said the Reformation stood on what some Persons thought the most crabbed and difficult Questions of School Divinity.  
The Ministers, always warm for their Opinions and Prejudiced, often cried, the Magistrates wanted Zeal for the true Doctrine: And these in their turn complained, that the other were stubborn and inflexible, and would force all the World to be of their Mind. When the Churchmen, fired with Zeal, brought  the Magistrates those who opposed the Hypothesis of Calvin and Beza, about Predestination and Grace, as Men who subverted the Foundations of the Reformation, the more wise and discerning asked these new Inquisitors, if it were impossible to be a true Reformed Christian without embracing the Opinions of St. Austin and his Disciples. From the first Reformation in Holland, the contrary Sentiments had always prevailed in the City of Tergow. The States of Holland too had not solemnly approved the Confession of Faith received in the Belgic Churches. Is not this a Proof, that those wife Magistrates thought there were Articles put in this Formulary, which were not absolutely necessary, which ought to be expressed in a more soft manner, and less offensive to those of a different Persuasion from the first Reformers? This appears very probable, since we read in History, that the States of Holland, in other respects very averse to the Convocation of a General Synod of the Seven United Provinces, consented in the Year 1597. to the holding such an Assembly, where the Confession of the Faith should be exactly revised and amended in a Spirit of Charity and Peace.  
For my own part, when I consider the Disputes which have caused such a fatal Division in Holland, I am in pain to comprehend how Men of Sense can be persuaded that the Opinions of St. Austin concerning Predestination and Grace, are essential to a Reformation of Christianity. How many Holy Men were there in the Times of the greatest Purity of the Church of Rome, whose Thoughts were differen●… from the Fathers? Cannot we renounce the monstrous and ridiculous Dogm o●… Transubstantiation, the Religious Worship of Saints and Images, the Fable o●… Purgatory, Indulgences, the false Traditions of the Church of Rome, the Tyranny of the Pope, without believing absolute Predestination, and irresistibl●… Grace? Did all those honest Men who convinced of the Absurdity and Falsity o●… the Things which I mentioned, embrace●… the Reformation, think of the Hypothes●… of the Bishop of Hippo? Were they anxious to know if it were true or false 〈◊〉 These abstract and difficult Questions only employed some Doctors, who were projecting to make a complete System of Divinity: Among these who took this pains there were some who preferred the moderate Sense of the ancient Greek Fathers Calvin himself was not persuaded, tha●… his Thoughts of Grace and Predestination were essential to Religion. He took the pains to translate the Common Places o●… Melancthon into French; whose Thoughts of these Matters were quite different from his own. In his preface, he gives all imaginable Praises to Melancthon. Can he in Conscience have done this, if he had been persuaded the Opinions of his Author undermined the Foundations of the Reformation? Able Divines of the Reformed Churches have publicly maintained, that ●…e Opinons of Universal Grace, of the ●…ower of resisting its Operation, and ●…onditional Predestination, are of the num●…er of those Articles which every one may ●…elieve, without renouncing the Principles ●…f his Religion.  
Several learned Hollanders had highly ●…efended this Doctrine before Arminius ●…ad preached it at Amsterdam; and taught 〈◊〉 at Leyden, before Gomar risen up against ●…im. These Books are still extant. It is ●…ue, certain warm Ministers made a stir 〈◊〉 blast those Works, and ruin their Au●…ors. But the States of Holland always ●…op'd this impetuous Zeal. The Professors ●●d an entire Liberty to teach according to ●…e Sense of Melancthon. And when Ar●…inius was called into that University, ●…one were ignorant of his Opinions: He ●…ad declared them in the Church of Am●…erdam; which gave an advantageous ●…estimony of them. Gomar himself, and ●…vers more of the same Mind with him, ●…tring into a Conference with Arminius, ●…ade no Scruple to say, their Differences ●●d not concern the Grounds of Reformation. It is true, Gomar did not long live 〈◊〉 a good Understanding with Arminius his ●…ew Colleague; either because his Reputation gave him Umbrage, or the Enemy's ●…f Arminius kindled his Choler by some ●…sinuation, and then he vigorously oppo●…d a Man whom he looked on as Ortho●…x but a little before.  
The two Professors had soon their Disciples and Party. The Division was so great in the University of Leyden, that the Affair was brought before the Synod held at Rotterdam. Gomar's Party was the strongest there. The Assembly ordered, that all the Pastors should subscribe the Confession of Faith and the Catechism. Arminius and his Party refused to obey. There are some things to be amended in both of them, said they: They ought to be considered in a National Synod. We hope to see one meet in a little time. The manner in which Questions should be treated and determined in this Synod, caused new Difficulties. One side required certain Conditions; others rejected all. In the meantime the ordinary Synods pressed Arminius and his Party, to declare publicly what Exceptions they had against the Confession o●… Faith, and the Catechism, in order to have the Matter duly determined. Arminius, persuaded his greatest Enemie●… would be Judges in such an Assembly, declined the Jurisdiction of a Synod as much as possibly he could. Vtenbogard, a Minister of great Reputation in the Hague, his Friend, and of the same Opinion with himself, did him considerable Service, with several of the chief Persons of the Government. Never did Synod in its first Steps, and perhaps through the whole Course of it more follow the Council of Trent, than the Synod of Dort; except that there were more able Divines at Dort than at Trent. This is not in any manner surprising, almost all Councils are alike. The same Interests give occasion to them, and the same Passions reign in them.  
Arminius presented a Petition to the States of Holland and Westfriezland. In this he desires, that the Council of the Province might take Cognizance of his Affair. His Adversaries on the contrary asserted, that a Dispute, which was purely Theological, aught to be decided in an Assembly of Churchmen. Arminius carried it. Gomar and he were heard by the Magistrates. These Gentlemen made their Report to the States, That the Contest of the two Parties was only about certain subtle Me●…aphysical Questions concerning Grace and Predestination; and that both Parties would do better to leave their Disputes and Animosity, and support themselves mutually with Charity. Gomar was not of this Mind. How! 
Preface before the Acts of the Synod of Dort.  The Dispute is of the last importance, cried he. I would not appear before the Supreme Tribunal of God with the Sentiments of Arminius. If the States do not find a speedy Remedy to the Evil which so pernicious a Doctrine is like to cause, we shall soon see Altar against Altar, Town against Town, Province against Province: All will be in Disorder and Confusion. The States of Holland and Westfriezland, always composed of wise and discerning Men, are not so easily carried away with the Passions of Divines. To give their hot heads times to cool, they deferred as long as they could the holding of the ordinary Synod. And when they were obliged to permit it to meet, they ordered no one should speak there of the Controversies between the Arminians and the Gomarists.  
In the mean time Arminius and his Party found themselves always pressed by their warm zealous Enemies, to communicate to the other Ministers their Remarks on the Confession of Faith and Catechism. They threatened to proceed against them by way of Church-Censure, if they persisted to refuse. The States of Holland, who desired to stifle this Difference if possible▪ saw well, that if Arminius published his Reasons, this would only serve to make the Dispute hotter. The Gomaris●… would have refuted them; the Arminians would have replied; the Synod●… would have Matter to make their Determinations on. For this Reason, the State●… ordered wisely the Arminian Ministe●… should send to them their Remarks in Writing, and sealed, to be kept till the first extraordinary Synod should meet to examine the Controversy. All this did no●… content the Gomarists: Nothing would serve but he must explain himself. And now he desires again to be heard in a Meeting of the States of Holland; being persuaded these Gentlemen would have more Equity and Moderation than prejudiced and passionate Ministers. Gomar and he appeared. Arminius delivered his Thoughts on the Principal Articles of Religion, and particularly on Predestination, Grace, the Liberty of Man's Will, the certainty of Salvation, and the Perseverance of the Regenerate. He did not forget at the same time, to show his Adversaries Sentiments were repugnant to the Justice and Goodness of God That his System deprives Man of that Liberty which God has given him; that it conduces to throw Sinners into Despair, to harden 'em in Impenitence, to extinguish the Love and Ardour of Prayer in Believers, and makes the Preaching of the Gospel, and the Remonstrances of their Pastors useless in a Word that it Subverts all Morality and Religion. Arminius said nothing new in all this. Several Persons and Learned Men in Gaul, made the same Objections against the New Doctrine which S. Austin introduced in the West.  
Gomar spoke next. Convinced that the solid Proofs of Arminius, aught to make a great Impression in the Minds of the States; he thought to elude the Force of them by Reproaches, which signified nothing at bottom. Is it not a deplorable Thing, said he, that a Professor of our University should inspire into his Disciples, the Opinions of the Jesuits, and weaken the Proofs which our first Reformers brought, to ruin the Reformation by strengthening the Arguments of the Papists against us. These Declamations are only proper to move an ignorant Populace: Can the Jesuits speak no Truth? Calvin, Beza, and the rest, are they Infallible? Has the Reformation no solid Foundations, but the Speculative Questions of Grace and Predestination? The States did not give any great Attention to Gomar's Discourse. His Party persuaded they should have more Advantage in an Assembly of Ministers, persisted to demand, that this Dispute should be decided in a Synod. But the States had just reason to fear the Issue. The Experience of several Ages teaches us, that Councils rather increase, than end Divisions.  
The way of Conference appeared less dangerous to the States. The two Professors of Leyden, had order to come to the Hague. This happened in 1610. Arminius took four Ministers with him, and Gomar as many. There in Presence of the States of Holland, Arminius began to reduce the Controversy to five Principal Points, which were after the five Famous Articles of the Arminians, concerning Predestination, the Death of Jesus Christ for all Men, the necessity of Grace, its Operation on us, and Perseverance. It was not Surprising at the end of this Conference, to see what ever happens on the like occasions. The Heat was greater than before. Arminius fell ill, and died in a few days after. His Friends and Disciples maintained what he had advanced. They boldly preached their Thoughts, and refuted the Gomarists with great Vigour and Courage. Afterwards they United themselves more strictly, and then they concerted a Remonstrance, to present in a Body to the States of Holland; they laid down their Sentiments, and the Gomarists on the five Articles. After this, they most Humbly begged the Protection of the States, against all Sentences with which the Synods would blast the Persons and Doctrines of the Arminians. Since this Remonstrance, they had the Name of Remonstrants given them.  

Vorstius is chosen to succeed Arminius.  In the mean time it was necessary to Elect a Successor to Arminius, in the Divinity Chair at Leyden. Vorstius Professor and Minister at Steinfurt, was chosen by the Interest of the Remonstrants. This did them a great deal of Mischief. Vorstius was suspected of Socinianism, and not without some Ground. He had published a Book, in which he speaks of the Divine Nature in a very Absurd and Gross manner. From that time the Gomarists charged their Adversaries with secretly favouring the Impious Doctrines of Socinus. Their Complaints did not appear ill grounded to a great many Persons. They procured such Disadvantageous Accounts of Vorstius, that he was not permitted to enter upon the Functions of his Employment, though he was called to it in a Legal manner, and brought good Certificates with him. In the year 1611. there was a more famous Conference at the Hague than before, in the Presence of the States of Holland. These Gentlemen had a mind to pacify the Troubles, without lying under a necessity of calling an Extraordinary Synod. But Divines are not so easily stopped, when their Heads are once hot. There were six Gomarist Ministers on one side, and six Remonstrants on the other. The Learned Episcopius was one of these. He has wondrously well defended the Cause of his Party, but has done it a great Injury too. Though he does not think as Socinus does of the Trinity, the Incarnation, the Nature and Operations of God; yet he maintains that the Socinian Doctrine is tolerable, and not contrary to the Fundamental Articles of Christianity. The Arminians of Holland embraced the same Sentiment, which makes it to be believed, that Arminianism and Socinianism are near a kin. Yet these two things are very different. It is common in the Church of England, to find Learned Divines who think in the same manner as Arminius did on the five Articles, and yet vigorously Defend the Decisions of the four first General Councils.  

James King of England, opposes the Election of Vorstius.  I will not speak of this Conference at the Hague. This was as Fruitless as the preceding ones. Vorstius appeared here. He made a Harangue to the States, to justify himself, against the Errors imputed to him. These Gentlemen were well satisfied. They demanded next of the Ministers of both Parties, if they had any thing to say against Vorstius. The Remonstrants declared, they thought him Orthodox. But the others alleged so much against him, and intervened with so great Opposition, that he continued still without doing any thing, tho' the States were well affected to him. 
Mercure Francois 1611.  The Opposition of James I. King of Great Britain, made the greatest Noise in Europe. Vorstius' Books were brought to the King, when he was taking the Diversion of Hunting in the Country. King James run over these in less than an Hours time. He saw such Shoals of Heresies with one cast of his Eye, he immediately sent an Extract to his Ambassador to the States-General, with an express Order to declare to them from him, that if they suffered such a dangerous Man at Leyden, his Majesty would publish a Manifesto to show the World his Aversion against the Authors of these Heresies, and those who allow them to be taught in their Universities.  
The Ambassador punctually executed his Master's Orders. The States-General were a little surprised, to see the King concern himself in an Affair that was purely Domestic. The Zeal which a King shows for the preserving the Purity of the Faith, is not to be blamed. He does well to extend it beyond his Kingdom. But however there are Measures to be kept towards his Allies and Neighbours. His Britannic Majesty's Threat was very high and brisk. The States-General gave their Answer some days after to the Ambassador. If Vorstius, said they, with great Discretion and Respect, be guilty of the Errors he is accused of, we will not suffer him to teach in Holland. The High Esteem we have of the King of Great Britain's Goodness and Wisdom, gives us grounds to hope, that his Majesty will be satisfied with our Conduct, when he shall be better informed of this Matter, and the Uprightness of our Intentions. In the mean time, James burned the Books of Vorstius at London, Oxford and Cambridge. The Reply of the States-General, did not satisfy him. He wrote a long Letter, exhorting them to Banish Vorstius out of their Provinces. Arminius was treated in this, as an Enemy of God; and for Vorstius, his Majesty looked upon him as a downright Atheist. He concluded his Letter with threatening the States, to separate from the Communion of their Churches, if they suffered so abominable a Man as Vorstius amongst them.  
He was at Leyden before this Letter of King James came. The English Ambassador made a long Remonstrance, when he delivered it to the States-General. He gave them the Propositions which his Majesty had extracted out of Vorstius' Books, and exhorted them to show no less Zeal and Courage, to preserve the Purity of the Faith against so pernicious an Heretic, than they had done in the Defence of their Liberty against the Spaniards. The States-General did not know what to think of the Letter, nor the Harangue. They answered the Ambassador, that the Matter in Question only regarded the particular States of Holland, who were Sovereigns in their own Province. That Vorstius was only at Leyden as a simple Inhabitant in the Town, and waited till he should justify himself in the next Meeting of the States of Holland. For the rest, said they, we humbly thank his Majesty for his Concern for the good of these Provinces, and the preserving the Purity of the Gospel in our Churches.  
The States of Holland were not to meet till three or four Months after. This made the English Ambassador look upon this Delay as a Civil Denial. And now there was a New Remonstrance from the King his Master to the States-General. This bad a Text after the manner of Sermons. The Ambassador began with that place of the Gospel, which order Brotherly Correction, and will have those brought before the Church, who will not hearken to it. He complained of their want of Respect to the King, in receiving Vorstius not only in their Country, but in a Famous University. The States-General were threatened a second time with a Manifesto from his Britannic Majesty. These Gentlemen kept their Phlegm: They answered, the King should have Satisfaction in the next Meeting of the States of Holland. This was to be in the Month of February, the following year.  
In the mean time the King of England saw his Zeal against Vorstius was not so favourably Interpreted, 
The King of England's Apology for his Conduct in the Business of Vorstius.  as he hoped for. Illnatured Wits Censured him for making Ostentation of his Learning and Divinity. Others imputed this to his Ambition, and thought it an Usurpation on the Liberty of the Provinces for him to concern himself in Matters which Sovereigns are not obliged to give their Neighbours an Account of. The King of Sweden this year, sent a Challenge to the King of Denmark, to fight a Duel with him. A thing not seen since Francis the I, and Charles V James I. like another sort of Fight better. To justify himself from the Sinister Interpretations, put on his Conduct, he took his Pen in Hand, and printed his Apology. In this the King gave an account to the Public, of what had passed between the States-General and him. His Majesty farther protested, he had no other design than to oppose the Rise of a Heresy, to give the States-General a new Mark of his Kindness, and to hinder the young Hollanders and the English themselves, who should go to Study at Leyden, from being infected with the Pernicious Opinions, Vorstius should spread there. The King's Apology had the same Fate with all Personal Quarrels. Every one believed as he pleased.  

The Revolution in Sweden after the Death of Gustavus Ericson.  Let us conclude this year with the Death of Charles the IX. King of Sweden, and speak something of his Elevation to the Throne. He was the youngest Son of Gustavus Ericson, so Famous in History, for having delivered his Country from the Oppression of the Danes, for having by his Great Services, Merited the Crown to be Entailed on his Heirs Male; in short, for settling Luther's Reformation in his Country, and Abridging the too great Power of the Clergy. Eric the Eldest Son of Gustavus, Succeeded him, but wanted the Virtues of his Father. He introduced into Sweden the Dignities of Count and Baron, which before were unknown there. It was thought this was done to divide the Nobility among themselves. The too great Union of this Powerful Body, was able to create Trouble to a Family newly raised to the Throne. The Dignities bestowed on some, gave a Jealousy to the rest. Those who had most Ambition, made their Court to the King, to obtain the same Distinction. And the New Nobility were obliged to support the Authority of the King, and adhere here to his Family to preserve their Privileges. Eric made himself Odious by his Cruelties, and Despicable by his Debauches and Extravagancies. His ill Treatment of John Duke of Finland, and Charles Duke of Sudermannia, obliged them to rise and put themselves at the Head of the Malecoutents. These two Princes Attacked Eric in Stockholm itself. He first delivered up his Favourite, whom all the Kingdom Exclaimed against. They inflicted an Infamous punishment on him.  
John and Charles would have something more than all this. They agreed to take the Sovereign Power from Eric, who abused it unjustly, and that the Duke of Finland should be declared King, and the Duke of Sudermannia should share with him in the Government, without having any outward Marks of Royalty. John thought himself now discharged from the Oath he had taken, when Eric delivered him out of a close Prison, where he had kept him three or four years. The Duke had given Assurance by a Writing under his Hand, that he would continue faithful to the King, and not aspire to the Crown, neither before nor after the Death of the King his Elder Brother, and that he would acknowledge those Children for lawful Heirs of the Kingdom, which Eric had by a Mistress of Mean Birth, whom he afterwards Married Solemnly. But John was not very anxious about the Religious observing his Promises. When he was Master of his Eldest Brother, not contented with shutting him up in a Castle, he soon poisoned him. John and Charles continued to attack Stockholm. The Senate of the City delivered it up to them, and poor Eric reduced to Extremity, was left to the Discretion of his two Brothers. The States of Sweden declared him fallen from the Crown, and John Duke of Finland was set up in his place.  

John King of Sweden endeavours to alter the Religion Established by his Father.  The New King of Sweden was not truer to the Duke of Sudermannia, than he had been to his Predecessor. Charles had no share in the Administration of the Kingdom. Men promise any thing when they are to ascend a Throne; but when they are once Established in it, they find other Principles of Religion and Honour. John had Married Catherine Jagellon Daughter to the King of Poland. Whether the Princess had inspired her Husband with an Aversion to the Protestant Religion, or the Reading the Books and Conversation of able Men of the Papal Communion, had raised doubts in him, or he hoped to be King of Poland, after the Death of Sigismond Augustus, his Brother-in-Law, who had no Children; as soon as John had made a Peace with Denmark by the Treaty of Stetin in Pomerania, he applied himself seriously to change the Religion which his Father had settled in Sweden. It is not a place here to relate all the Artifices he made use of, to prepare the Minds of his People for the Alterations he designed. I shall only observe, that the King who wanted not Wit or Judgement, was convinced there were a great many things to be altered in the Worship and Doctrine of the Church of Rome. He can neither be reckoned among the good Catholics, nor the true Protestants. Ever uncertain and wavering, sometimes he relished the Project of Accommodation, which Cassander had given to the Emperor Maximilian II. at other times he was inclined to the Greek Church. The Answers of Jeremiah Patriarch of Constantinople to the Divines of Wirtembergh, pleased him so much, that he once thought to unite with that Communion.  
Possevin a Learned Jesuit, whom Pope Gregory the XIII had sent into Sweden, thought he had persuaded King John to Reunite himself in earnest to the Church of Rome. He confessed himself to that Jesuit, the Pope's private Nuncio; he received the Communion in the Form used in that Church. Possevin imposed as a Penance on him for the Murder of his Brother Eric, whom he had poisoned, to fast every Wednesday throughout the year. It is said, John observed this Practice regularly all the rest of his Life. Nevertheless he frequented the public Service of the Church of Sweden. There was a New Liturgy used which himself had introduced, and the Pope refused to approve of. The Mixture of these two Religions, was one of the ways by which this Prince pretended insensibly to bring the People to forsake the Worship and Belief of the Protestants of the Augsburg Confession.  
Several Romish Churchmen came into Sweden. The Irresolution of King John and his Indulgence drew them thither. Several of his own Subjects too favoured his dissembled Designs. By their manner of Discourse, the more unthinking People took these Preachers for free Protestants. But others observed, in spite of their Disguises, all they spoke tended to insinuate into the Minds of the People the Doctrines of Popery. The Archbishop of Vpsal suffered himself to be won by them. Some Prelates, and divers ignorant or ambitious Churchmen followed his Example. There were some Bishops ordained according to the Roman Pontifical. The Bishop of Linkoping, several of his Brethren, and a great number of Churchmen, courageously defended the Reformation settled by Gustavus Ericson. The Clergy of the Duchy of Sudermannia shown a firmness of Mind, which much confounded King John. Charles, his Brother, declared highly for the Augsburg Confession. He opposed this Alteration with all his Might. Neither the King nor I can make any Innovation in the Religion established by Law; he replied to those sent to dispose him to comply. All things are well regulated by the last Will and Testament of the late King our Father. We must fix there. For my part I am resolved never to departed from it.  
The States of Sweden showed great Vigour on several Occasions. They represented to the King, that mighty Jealousies were risen in Sweden and Foreign Countries; that his Majesty would overthrow that Constitution which his Father had wisely established; and that to put an end to all those Rumours, it concerned him to declare publicly, that the Reformation received in that Kingdom, was conformable to the Sense of the Primitive Church. Farther, the States commanded several Popish Books brought into that Country, to be suppressed; they pressed the King to place able Men of unblemished Reputation in the Public Schools to instruct the Youth. In the last place they desired, that Sigismond, the King's eldest Son should be bred in the Protestant Religion, because that young Prince began to give some Umbrage. Queen Catherine Jagellon, his Mother, had so strongly tinctured him with the Principles of the Church of Rome, that the Senators, of the Kingdom having one day threatened him that he should lose the Right of Succession to the Crown if he did not soon renounce the Religion he had imbibed, and embrace the Augsburg Confession. I prefer, replied he boldly, the Kingdom of Heaven to all the Crowns in the World. No other Answer could be got from him.  
On some Occasions the States of Sweden had more Complaisance for the King. All seemed disposed to receive the new Liturgy, and the Accommodations he had invented. Charles of Sudermannia, the Clergy of his Provinces, and some great Lords, were the only People who defended the Reformation; but the Interest of the Duke, and the effectual Remonstrances of the rest, brought back several, whose Hopes and Fears had abated their Warmth and Zeal. The King himself had lost much of that Ardour the Jesuit Possevin had inspired into him. Whether he could not accommodate himself to the haughty Humour of Sixtus V Successor to Gregory XIII, or his Doubts were not sufficiently cleared, or the great Power of his Brother kept him in awe; John humbled the Catholics, who thought themselves now Masters of all things. He drove out the Jesuits, and demolished their College. Gennila Bielke, whom the King married after the Death of Catherine Jagellon, cooled the Fervour her Husband had before showed for the Roman Religion. King's often think they do that of their own Heads, which a dextrous and insinuating Woman inspires into them. John King of Sweden, thought he had solid Reasons to doubt of the Truth of the Protestant Religion. But his principal Motive, though he scarce knew it himself, was, his great Complaisance for Catherine Jagellon. The Queen Gennila might have brought him back to his first Religion, in the same manner as the other had seduced him from it.  

Sigismond Prince of Sweden is chosen King of Poland,  After the Death of Stephen Battori King of Poland, Ann Jagellon his Widow, and Aunt of Sigismond Prince of Sweden managed the Polish Nobility so well, that the greatest part declared for him. The contrary Faction chose the Archduke Maximilian, Brother to the Emperor Rodolphus. But Sigismond's Friends carried it. He was received in Poland, beat the Archduke; and Maximilian being taken Prisoner, redeemed his Liberty, by renouncing all his Pretensions to the Crown of Poland. The Swedes made their Conditions before the Prince left that Kingdom; as the Poles made theirs before they received him. The Principal thing which the Senate of Sweden stipulated with Sigismond was, the preserving the Privileges and Religion of their Country. They added this Clause in the Treaty, that if the King of Poland, becoming King of Sweden after the Death of his Father, should contravene any of the Articles agreed on, that then the Swedes should be discharged from the Oath of Allegiance they had taken.  
It is very probable that Sigismond before his departure from Sweden, urged the King his Father to pursue his Design of causing his new Liturgy to be received, together with the ancient Ceremonies which he had established a little after his coming to the Crown. When Princes have begun a Work that makes a great Figure, they are loath to quit it, and soon resume it, when they see the least Prospect of Success. Sigismond hoped his late Advancement would make it easy for him to accomplish the Work which his Father had drawn a rough Draught of: And the King of Sweden, strengthened by the new Alliance of Poland, flattered himself, that Charles of Sudermannia would not dare to oppose him. He was deceived in his Conjectures. The Churchmen of the Duchy agreeing perfectly well with the Prince, refused to receive his Liturgy. This disturbed the King so much, who was now at greater variance with his Brother than ever, that he thought of recalling Sigismond in earnest. The new King himself was tempted to return into his Country. He would willingly have done it, if the Poles had not briskly opposed it. A Foreign Prince is easily dazzled with the glittering Title of King of Poland: But he soon takes distaste at the false Lustre of a Crown which only appears fair at a distance. Those who have left their Hereditary Countries to go into Poland, have repent. This is the way to hazard the loss of an Effective Sovereignty for a Title which has more Pomp than Reality. Sigismond knew by Experience the Truth of this Maxim.  
The King, his Father, finding so great opposition from the Swedes, who were more upon their Guard since the Election of Sigismond, had nothing else to have Recourse to, but to reconcile himself speedily to the Duke of Sudermannia, and admit him to a Share in the Administration of Affairs. The Apprehensions of John were something lessened by Charles' losing his Wife. She left no Issue behind her; and John pretended his Brother promised him never to think of a second Marriage. If it were so, the Duke in his turn broke his Word. He soon after married Christina, Daughter of Adolphus, Duke of Holstein. It is reported, Sigismond courted this Lady before he went into Poland. But a Sister of King John diverted the Prince her Nephew from the Match. He after married Constance of Austria, Daughter of Charles, and Sister of Ferdinand Archduke of Gratz in Stiria. Christina, enraged at this Contempt, conceived so great a Hatred against Sigismond, that after she was married to Charles of Sudermmannia, she incessantly urged him to force the Crown of Sweden from Sigismond. King John was not well satisfied with this second Marriage of Charles. But his ill Humour did not last long. He died soon after at Stockholm.  
The Duke of Sudermannia was active as soon as he heard this News. He set at liberty the Senators and Clergymen, 
Sigismond King of Poland succeeds in the Kingdom of Sweden.  whom the late King had confined for opposing his Designs. Sigismond very much disinherited his Uncle. To prevent his enterprizing any thing to his Prejudice, the new King writes, that he was making all Preparations to come speedily into his Hereditary Countries. In the mean time the Duke of Sudermannia takes the Administration as next of Kin to the King. 
Puffendorf. Introduction à Histoire, Tom. IU. p. 11. Rhap. 1. & 2.  John left another Son by his second Wife; but he was yet a Minor. The Senators, without prejudice to their Oath taken to Sigismond, promised to obey Charles in every thing he should order, with their Consent, for the Glory of God, the Preservation of the Protestant Religion, and the maintaining the just Rights and Privileges of the Nation. The Duke promised of his Part, not to transact any thing of weight without the Advice and Consent of the Senate. A Council is thereupon assembled at Vpsal, to regulate Matters of Religion. They abolished the Liturgy and Ceremonies, introduced by the late King, and reassumed those of the Protestants of the Augsburg Confession: They elected an Archbishop, who was well affected, and deprived those of the Clergy who had devoted themselves to serve the late King in his Innovations. The Swedes and the Goths only assisted a●… this Assembly: The other Provinces we●● afraid of displeasing King Sigismond, i●… they engaged without his Consent. Th●… Decrees of the Council were confirmed by the Duke of Sudermannia, by the Senate, the Clergy, the Nobility, the Ministers of State, and the Burgo-Master●… who were present. Those who were no●… there subscribed after.  
Sigismond, and his Uncle Charles, observed each other. The Nephew's Distrust was increased by Charles his demanding, that before he left Sweden, his Majesty would give him a Promise under his Hand, that he would confirm the Liberties and Privileges of the States of the Kingdom, and suffer them to enjoy the same Freedom of Religion they had done under the Reign of Gustavus Ericson, and in the beginning of the late King's. The Duke of Sudermannia farther represented to the King, that the ill Condition of his Country would not admit him to carry much People away with him. These Instructions and Demands increased Sigismond's Jealousy. He thought his Uncle plainly discovered he had vast Designs. Sigismond was resolved not to heed the Duke's Remonstrances. And now Charles had greater Hopes than ever to embarass the new King, when he saw the Poles gave Sigismond leave to go into his Hereditary Country, under Condition to keep his ancient Oath, not to abandon Poland, as Henry III. King of France, had done; ●…nd that his Majesty should return when he ●…ad settled his Affairs in Sweden, and have ●…is usual Residence amongst them.  
The Swedes were dissatisfied the new King had plainly declared the Decrees ●…ade at Vpsal in his Absence, and without ●…is Consent, to be null. However they re●…eived him with great Marks of Joy ●…nd Affection. Duke Charles withdrew, ●●fter he had made his Compliments to his Majesty. He thought it proper to leave ●…im alone with the Council of his King●…om. The Pope's Nuncio, who was with ●…igismond, much disquieted the Swedes. ●…t was visible the new King harkened to ●…he Councils of the Court of Rome. He ●…roke the Regulations made at Vpsal, and commanded another Archbishop to be chosen. He who was raised to that Dig●…ity, was in his Opinion, an Enemy to the late King. Afterwards he demanded a Church in every great Town, for the Roman Catholics. The States of the Kingdom and the Clergy, vigorously opposed his Enterprise, being assured of the Protection of the Duke of Sudermannia. The time of the Coronation approaching, the Senators demanded in the Name of the States of Sweden, that the King should first promise under his Handwriting, not to hinder the Exercise of the Protestant Religion. Sigismond replied only in general Terms, that he would give his Subject's satisfaction after his Coronation. All these Difficulties retarded the Ceremony.  

The Quarrel between King Sigismond and Charles Duke of Sudermannia.  Men cover Liberty and Independence, only for themselves. Very far from procuring it for others, they strive by all ways possible, to enslave the rest of the World. The Polish Nobility so Jealous of their Privileges and Liberty, but accustomed to keep other People in Slavery, incessantly cried to their King Sigismond, that an Hereditary State is Governed otherwise than an Elective Kingdom. That in Poland he was subject to the Laws, but in Sweden he was above them. These Maxims easily insinuate themselves into the Mind of a Prince. Sigismond displeased to see himself dependant on the Senate of Poland, was better satisfied with being Absolute in Sweden. He Rejected the Petitions presented to him. The Duke of Sudermannia stood Neuter in the beginning of the Dispute. He advised the King to have regard to the just Requests of his Subjects, but he was not very uneasy to find a Difference arise between them by his Denials and Delays. The States secure of Charles Assistance, abated nothing of their Pretensions. The stubbornness of the King strangely incensed them, and the Sermons of some zealous Preachers of the Protestant Religion, warmed the most cold ●…nd indifferent. They talked of offering ●…he Crown to the Duke, and giving it to Prince John, in case he would not accept ●…t. Being persuaded it was not yet time ●…o hear a Proposition of this kind, he con●…ented himself with going to wait upon ●…he King at Vpsal, and strongly backing ●…he Pretensions of the States. The Ne●…hew and the Uncle so heated each other; ●…hey were upon the point of Fight. They were parted, and as soon reconciled, ●…o prevent any Confusion and Disorder in ●…he Kingdom. These Accidents con●…irm'd the States the more in the Reso●…ution they took, to make the King Ex●…lain himself, before they would proceed ●…o his Coronation.  
The Pope's Nuncio, and such of the Po●…ish Nation as then attended at Sigismond's Court, now perceived clearly that in Pru●…ence he ought not to stand it out any ●…onger, but must yield to the present Exgency of Affairs: They told him withal, That he was not bound to keep a Promise ex●…orted from him by Violence. Now Sigismond promises 'em any thing they'd have. He reserved only, that he might have the ●…ree Exercise of the Popish Religion for himself within the private Walls of the Castle, where he should make his Residence. But he from that very time, took a Resolution of destroying his Uncle. The Plot of Murdering him at a Play, having miscarried, they undertook to drive at him with all the Vigour and open Violence that was possible. Immediate Orders were given to the Polish Army to march toward Stockholm. This made the States of that Kingdom begin to think of their own Security. They Summoned the Inhabitants of the Highlands to come down to their Assistance. In the mean time during all this bustle, the King took no care of the Government, nor of securing the quiet of the Kingdom. When any Proposal was made to him by the States, he likewise would make a demand of some other thing at their Hands. The Polanders were still at him to return home, and to come to no Conclusion with the Swedes. They flattered themselves, that the wider the Breaches and Divisions grew in Swedeland, the easier it would be to reduce it. So that Sigismond, in fine following their Advice, took thipping for Dantzick. He left Orders how he would have the Kingdom Governed in his Absence; but neither the Duke of Sudermannia, nor the States, would submit to any of them; as judging the Persons employed therein, to be averse to the Treaty concluded at Vpsal before the King's Coronation. 
The States of Swedeland commits the Government of the Kingdom during the King's Absence, to the Duke of Sudermannia.   
Soon after his Departure, the States of Swedeland prayed Charles of Sudermannia, to take upon him the Government. The Duke desired to be excused; yet declared at the same time, that neither his Conscience, nor the Love he bore his Country, could ever permit him to comply with the Orders left by his Nephew; yet notwithstanding his seeming Modesty, the Duke wanted only to be further courted in the Matter. The Senate was to have almost an equal share with him in the Government, and Governors of Towns did exercise a sort of Sovereignty in their Jurisdictions. The King had contrived it should be so, as a necessary precaution to balance his Uncle's Authority, and to lessen his Power. Such a Scheme of Government was not for the Duke's turn. He expected that the Senators would abate somewhat of their Rights and Privileges, and that more Authority would be allowed him over the Governors of each City. Matters were accordingly brought to that pass, as he would have it. The Duke then, as if he had only yielded to the repeated Address of the Senate, slides into the Saddle of State, and marches to Stokholm: Then, he was wont to say, That the best way of Government at that juncture, was to put into execution what the King was indespensably bound to perform himself. And are we bound, said he, to obey such Orders of his, that are found to be contrary to his Corona●…ion Oath? As soon as the Duke entered ●…tokholm, he Cashiered the Governor of ●…he Castle for being a Roman Catholic; he ●…lso forbidden the Exercise of that Religion within that City, he made great Presents to the Senators, he granted Pensions to the Bishops, and to the Professors of Colleges, and won his Clergies and Citizens Love by his Affable and Courteous ways: His Wife Christina was brought to bed at that time, and the Child was Christened by the Name of Gustavus Adolphus. This Ceremony was concluded with a splendid Entertainment, which he gave to the Senators, and to the chief of the Nobility; The Famous Astronomer Tycho Bradhe, who then Calculated this young Prince's Nativity, pronounced, that he should one day wear a Crown. This was sufficient to raise his Parents hopes to a high pitch It is usual for Persons that are entered upon Difficult and Glorious Designs, to entertain such uncertain Prognostications, 〈◊〉 undoubted Oracles. The Duke of Sudermania thought that the calling together of the States, would be a means to Establish his Authority. The Confusion in which the King left Matters in Swedeland at his going away, was a Specious pretence enough for this Convocation. Charl●● together with the Senate, writ to the King about it. But he made them no Answer This Silence of his, was by some Interpreted, as an Assent to this Meeting 〈◊〉 the States; by others, as an unjust Dissent But if so, the Prime Officers of State i●… Swedeland, do pretend that in such a Ca●● they are empowered by the ancient Law●… and Constitutions of the Kingdom, to convene a General Assembly of the States. They met accordingly at Suderkopin. As soon as the News of it came to the King, he charged them not to proceed any further, declaring that he would never ratify such Resolutions, that were taken contrary to his Will and Pleasure. But no Regard was had to such Prohibitions of the King's. The States maintained that their Meeting at this Juncture of time was both Lawful and Necessary for the Welfare of the Kingdom. They then came to a Resolution, not to allow of any other Religion in Swedeland, saving the Protestant Persuasion, according to the Ausburg Confession of Faith. That the Rites and Worship after the manner of Rome, should be every where Abolished. That Priests of that Communion should hasten out of the Kingdom in a Fortnight's time. The Duke of Sudermania was declared Regent during the King's Absence: With this Limitation, that all Affairs should be Administered by him in Concurrence with the Senate. Many other Laws were ordained for the Preservation of the Liberty and Privileges of the Country; and they who would not submit to such Regulations, were declared to be evilly affected toward the Welfare of the Land, and to be Disturbers of the public Tranquillity.  
Charles his Regency seemed now to be well Established; 
A Misunderstanding betwixt the Duke of Sudermania and the Senat.  so that Sigismond had no other way left him, but to endeavour to create Jealousies and Divisions betwixt that Duke and the Senate. This took; and it was cunningly carried on. Charles was the more readily disposed to fall out with the Senate, for that he did suspect them with holding a Correspondency with those of the Province of Fineland, who still held for the King. The Senators on th'other hand complained, that he did all things after his own fancy, and dealt harshly with such as opposed his Designs in the least. Charles alleged, that they did waste the Public Revenue; and had fomented Misunderstanding betwixt the King and him, with a design (as it should seem) to ruin both his Majesty and himself, that they themselves might thereby become sole Masters. He made a show of laying down the Administration of Affairs that was committed to him; but was extremely surprised when he found not one of the Senate opposed that his seeming Resolution. Therefore considering with himself, that he had gone too far to retreat (in hopes to slip his Neck out of the Collar) he again laid hold of the Helm of public Affairs. He Summoned a General Assembly of the Senates to be held at Arboga. There the Senate with many of the Nobility form a distinct Party, in opposition to that of the Dukes; many went home again, and there were not very many that came to this Parliament held at Arboga. The Decrees of the Convocation at Vpsal, were here confirmed, and whatever was enacted by the late General Diet at Suderkoping. Addresses were made to Charles, to request him not to Abandon the Government at this juncture, with a promise that none should be allowed to have so great a sway as he, in the Administration of public Affairs. Yet the Senate refused their Assent to these New Regulations, and the Chancellor with some others left the Kingdom upon it.  
Such a favourable Conjuncture as this, 
King Sigismonds' unsuccessful Attempt, to reduce the D. of Sudermania by force.  prompted Sigismond to march with a good Army towards Swedeland; if he had made more speed, he might have dispersed the Duke's Party, which grew weaker every day; but the King's slackness, gave him time to gather strength, and to seize on many fortified Places, and to secure the Fleet. When Sigismond Landed, the Elector of Brandenbourg, and other Princes of Germany, used their Endeavour to Reconcile the Nephew and Uncle, but their Negotiations proved ineffectual. Charles protested, that he only sought the Preservation of the Peace of the Privileges, and of the Religion of the Country. But Sigismond would not trust him. He resolved to be the ruin of an Uncle, who openly aspired to no less than the Crown. These two Princes was each of 'em at the Head of his own Army, and there was great likelihood that the Fate of one Battle, would decide the Quarrel. Sigismond was so overseen, that his Camp was surprised at Linkoping. Part of his Army was killed, and some drowned. To save the remainder, he sued to his Uncle for a Peace. Charles agreed to it, on condition that the five Swedish Senators that were with the King, might be delivered up to him; he charged them to be principal Authors of all these Distractions, and that they should be brought to their Trial for it, at the next Sitting of the States. The two Princes concluded a Treaty: Charles renewed his Oath of Allegiance to the King. And Sigismond engaged that for his part, he would govern the Realm henceforward, according to the Constitution of the Country, and his Coronation Oath. He further promised to call a Parliament in four months' time, and that all Matters in Controversy should be there decided, in presence of such Commissioners as the Emperor, the Confederate Kings, and Electors should appoint, on Application made to 'em for it. There were other Stipulations made for the Mutual security of both Princes, and for the Disbanding of their Forces on each side. Care was taken to add this farther Article, That in case King Sigismond performed not this Treaty, his Subjects of Swedeland should be discharged of their Oath of Fidelity to him.  

The States of Swedeland depose King Sigismond.  The King and Duke had frequent Meetings, and all things seemed disposed toward a lasting Peace. Charles seemed sincerely inclined to observe the Treaty on his part. But Sigismond vexed to the Heart, to see himself forced to submit to his Uncle's Terms, retired secretly into Poland, instead of going to Stokholm, as he had promised. He was no sooner arrived at Dantsick, but that he published in all Courts of Europe, that his Uncle was a Traitor, and a Rebel; and therefore pretended that he himself was in no ways bound to the Treaty concluded at Linkoping. Was it possible for him to do any thing that could more contribute to the promoting of Charles his Designs? who knew accordingly to turn all this to the best Advantage. He therefore so managed the point, that the States met at Linkoping, where Sigismond was cited, and summoned to make good his Promises at the last Treaty of Accommodation, That he would embrace the Protestant Religion, that he would come to make his Residence in Swedeland, or that at least, he would send his Son Prince Ladislaus to be brought up under his Uncle's Tuition, in case that he himself did choose rather to tarry in Poland. It was at the same time Enacted by the States, that in case the King refused to accept these Terms, that he and his Issue should forfeit all their Right to the Crown of Swedeland, which would be bestowed on a Person capable to govern this Realm, after the Fundamental Laws of the Land. Whilst Sigismond dallied to return an Answer, the Duke of Sudermania was desired to take the Government upon him, and to maintain the Protestant Religion. The States since held at Stokholm declared, That they were no longer bound to the Oath of Allegiance they had taken to Sigismond, because he had contravened his Grandfather's last Will and Testament, had not performed the Office of a good King, refused to observe the Treaty concluded with him at Linkoping, and slighted all Remonstrances made to him. Yet after all this, they made an offer of the Crown to Prince Ladislaus, in case that in a years time, he came to reside in Swedeland, and would be instructed in the Protestant Religion. But that if Sigismond and his Son refused to agree to such reasonable Demands as these, they Solemnly protested, that neither himself nor his Issue, should be ever capable of pretending to the Crown of Swedeland.  

Charles Duke of Sudermnia, chosen King of Swedeland.  Nothing in the World could be more favourable to Charles his Designs, than such a Conjuncture of Affairs as this was. King Sigismond took a fancy to maintain the Claim of the pretended Demetrius in Muscovia. He had afterwards several wrangling Contests with the higher Nobility of Poland, so that whilst he was thus taken up, all he could do in some of the Remotest Provinces of Swedeland, proved to be very weak and unsuccessful. Then the Duke become Master of the Heart of the Country, and of the best Garrisons, summoned the States to meet at Norkoping in March following, in the star 1607. To make the World believe that he had no hand in perverting the Loyalty of Sigismond's Subjects, nor of Usurping of his place on the Throne, he offered to lay down the Regency committed to him, and even proposed to accommodate Matters with Sigismond, or to place John the King's Brother on the Throne. The States would have no further mention of either Sigismond, or of his Son. As for Prince John, whether it was that he more loved his Ease than Ambition, or whether he rightly guessed at his Uncle's Real Sentiments in the bottom, who made such Proposals but for a show, but truly coveted the Government for himself; John (I say) did very generously refuse it in outward appearance, declaring at the same time, That he was content with his Duchy of East Gothia, and would always approve himself a faithful Subject, if any Person that was better able to govern the Realm than himself, in such Troublesome times as these. Charles therefore after so many shows of declining the Crown (which were never thought to be sincere) accepted it at last. It was ever settled on his Heirs Male, and not to devolve to John, but for want of such Issue Male of the Body of Charles. The States being moreover sensible that Queen Catherine Jagellon was the chief Promotress of the Troubles and Difficulties, that King John her Husband, and her Son Sigismond had brought the Protestant Religion under, decreed that their King might be only Married to a Protestant. The New King without any more ado writ to Sigismond, 
Mercure Francois, 1607, & 1608.  and to the Commonwealth of Poland, to give them notice of his Accession to the Crown, and to make them an offer of renewing former Alliances betwixt both Kingdoms. The States of Swedeland writ to the same purpose, to the Senate of Poland in particular. Charles was presently after Crowned at Vpsal, together with Christina his Wife, overjoyed to see herself now above Sigismond's disdain.  
The King of Poland did not vouchsafe to make any Answer to his Uncle's Letter, looking on him to be no better than an Usurper. The Senate writ only to the States of Swedeland. The Polanders took upon 'em to tax the Swedes, after an insultting way, with Disloyalty towards Sigismond; they protested they would own no other as lawful King of Poland, saving him: They inveighed bitterly against the cunning Tricks made use of (as they pretended) by Charles to strip his Nephew of the Crown. The States of Swedeland replied to this Letter by a Manifesto directed to the Senate of Poland; wherein they did justify their own Conduct all along towards Sigismond, and the choice they had made of a new King. Some Arguments were made use of in this Apology, which were unanswerable by the Senate of Poland, they being leveled peculiarly against it. On Sigismond's sudden and clandestine Retreat after the Treaty of Linkoping, the Swedes retort it thus on the Polanders: You must needs own, that if your King had served such a slippery Trick, you would have long ago taken away the Crown you had bestowed upon him. The Act you formerly made against King Henry III. of France, is an evident proof of it. He secretly retired, unknown to you, to take Possession of his Father's and of his Uncle's Succession: He soon after writ to you, that he would take care, ye should be as well governed as if he were among you in Person: You took no notice of such a Pretence, but immediately proceeded to a new Election. Poland (said you) was never wont to be governed by Deputies. Well, be it so. And what do you make of us, whose Case is no ways inferior to yours? Swedeland neither cannot be without a King resident in it. The Swedes made as pertinent Answers to that Charge of their having called an Assembly of the States without Sigismond's leave. It is a received Custom among us (said they) That the chief Officers of the Realm have a Right to summon an Assembly of the States in the King's Absence; and you have practised the same on certain Occasions. It is not so long since that you held a Diet without your King Sigismond's leave: It was for the maintaining of your Liberties: Well then; and we are resolved to do the like for the preserving of ours.  

The King of Swedeland sends a Challenge to the K. of Denmark.  Charles, both before and after his coming to the Crown, was engaged in a War in Livonia against the Polanders. He sometimes got the best; at other times he sustained considerable Losses. But the Polanders had Work enough both at home and in the Parts of Muscovia, that hindered the Advantage they might have taken by a considerable Victory they had obtained in Livonia. After this, Christian IU. King of Denmark, declared War against the King of Swedeland. Perhaps Christian thought he might easily reduce Swedeland, weakened by Civil Divisions, and the Diversion of its main Strength and Army at that present employed abroad, both in Livonia and Muscovia; where Charles supported against the Polanders the Interest of Suski, whom the Muscovites had placed on the Throne. However, the King of Denmark wrote a long Letter in the Year 1611. to the States of Swedeland; wherein he complained of several Losses and Damages, which he pretended himself and Subjects, had sustained by means of the Swedish Nation. Their Answer did not satisfy Christian; and he doubtless expected a satisfactory one: Denmark therefore declared War against Swedeland. They that have a mind to pick a Quarrel with their Neighbours, are generally more ready to make an Irruption, than those are to make a Defence. Christian enters into Swedeland, takes the City of Calmar, attacks the Islands of Oeland and of Borkholm, becomes Master of them. But the King of Denmark, at his coming back, finds the King of Swedeland encamped before him near Calmar.  
Then it was that Charles sent a Challenge by a Herald at Arms to King Christian: Copies of it were spread abroad in all Parts of Europe. After some hard and reproachful Expressions that Charles uses against his Enemy, Since you are at the Head of your Army (said he to him) Let us spare the innocent Blood of our Subjects; let us decide our Quarrel in a single Combat, after the laudable Custom of the Grecians of old. I challenge you to it: If you decline fight, I'll never look on you to be a Man of Honour, or a gallant Soldier. But the King of Denmark's Answer was much more abuseful. He declared, That whatever Charles chargged him with, was but a parcel of impudent Lies, vended by one who was better at such Rail than at downright fight at the Head of his Army. As for the Challenge he had received, he said it argued, that Charles stood in need of some Hellebore to purge his Brain withal. Might not such course Language as this justify that way of the Greek Poet of old, who is taxed with representing his Kings and Princes scolding at one another after a mean and scurrilous manner? Truly Princes are much like other Men; they forget themselves too often; they happen to utter Words sometimes unbecoming their Rank and Character. Here you have a Proof on't.  

Death of Charles King of Sweden.  It is likely that Christian, by those last Expressions, intended to upbraid Charles with an Apoplexy, of which he had a Fit not long before. Charles required pretty large Supplies of Money for making the necessary Preparations for a War, with which Swedeland was threatened by the King of Denmark. The States refused to grant any; which put him into such a violent Passion, that he fell into a Fit of Apoplexy upon it. This Accident left such ill Symptoms behind, that they brought a Weakness both of Body and Mind on him ever after. It was thought the Grief which seized him to see the Progress the King of Denmark had made over him, did occasion this Relapse, which cost Charles his Life, for he died the 31st of October following, being sixty one Years old. His Son Gustavus Adolphus succeeded him. This Prince was yet in his Minority; though notwithstanding he had already given signal Proofs of his Courage and Valour.   

THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF LEWIS XIII. King of France and Navarre.  
BOOK III.  

1612. The Condition France was in since Mary of Medicis came to be Regent.  THE face of Affairs was quite altered in Europe, since the Death of Henry the 4th. France was in such a Flourishing Condition both at Home and Abroad, that Spain which a year or two before did stand in extreme awe of her, began now by degrees to get the uppermost. The false Maxims of a depraved Policy, with which the Pope and the Duke of Tuscany had slily prepossessed an Imprudent Queen, together with some Spanish Pistoles, seasonably bestowed among her Cabinet-Councellors (as a great Statesman in those times has it) did bring about this sudden Revolution. This Queen Mary of Medicis, being persuaded that an Alliance of a double Match to be made between both Crowns, was altogether necessary toward the Establishing of her Authority both against the Princes of the Blood, and all other Opposers, 
III. Discourse du Duc de Rohan sur l'Etat de la France Apres ses Memoires in 40.  did therefore foment Divisions both at Court and throughout the Kingdom; She created Jealousies, and gave Umbrage to the best Allies the Crown had; and raised the sinking Spirits of her Sons most formidable Enemies. The Confederacy with England, the United Provinces, the Protestant Princes of Germany, the Commonwealth of Venice, and the Duke of Savoy, had been the Bulwark and Strength of France. These Princes who were Apprehensive of the too great Power of the House of Austria, were entered into a League with the Deceased King. The good Correspondency that he took care to maintain in this sort of a Confederacy which he Headed, did keep Spain in awe, and within due bounds. This put Henry in a capacity of undertaking any thing, whenever he should think it most expedient. But so soon as these Allies of France perceived that the Queen Regent was entering into a strict Alliance with the House of Austria, they presently grew Jealous, and betook themselves to other Measures. The Venetians did not so openly declare themselves. The Duke of Savoy, extreme angry that no regard was now had of the Treaties that had been made between King Henry and him; sought all manner of ways to raise Commotions in France, he had thoughts of siding with Spain, if he might be secured of any thing to content his Ambition. France taking no care to preserve the old good Correspondency that was between the Protestant Princes of Germany, and elsewhere, they fell off, one from another. The House of Austria that has always a watchful Eye to its own Interest, was wise enough to make the best of these Divisions. James King of England might have in this case, supplied the Place of Henry the 4th, and compelled the Queen Regent to keep to the Model of Government that was left with her by the late King her Husband. The concern of the Protestant Religion, as well as the Welfare of England, did require, that James should have at that time, thought on't better. But alas, the good Prince never loved sincerely either one, or th'other. Such a State of Affairs as this, did well for the Court of Rome. The Popes have been ever Spaniards by Inclination. The Kings of Spain are wont to bring the Popes over to their Interest, by affecting a great Zeal to ruin Heresy. The aim of these, is to raise their Worldly State; and of the former, to serve those that will best contribute to restore their Spiritual Monarchy. It appears that the Court of France at this time was pleased with this old policy of Spain, whereby to gain the Pope's favour. But was it not a little too late to think of this way? The Court of Rome never keeps a Neutrality with France, but when reduced to it by some emergent Necessity. The French have Principles that are opposite to the Pope's Pretensions, and to the greediness of his Courtiers.  
The Factions which had formerly put France into such a Confusion, under the Regency of Catharine of Medicis, were now seen to revive under this Government of Mary. For the maintaining of her own Authority, Mary took care to bring down the Princes of the Blood Royal, as that other Queen her Cousin had done before. She thought fit to make use of the House of Guise, which entered into a new Knot with that of the Duke d'Epernon. Instead of joining with the real Friends, and Wellwishers of the Crown, she gave herself over to be led by the Popes, and King of Spain's Counsels, who could not grow great, but at the cost of young Lewis. The Princes of the blood understood this great Evil. They were in the Right, but in renouncing their Forefathers Religion, they had lost all their Credit. They likewise wanted Strength to oppose the Queen Regent's Designs. They of the Reformed Religion in France being well inclined, sought to prevent the Mischief this double Alliance with Spain, would bring on the Head of the protestants. But alas, how could they help themselves? There were now, no Princes of the Blood to Head them any more. The Grandees of that Communion divided more than ever, since the Assembly at Saumur, were now ready to undo one another. I come now to particulars, of the History of the year 1612. We shall in it begin to see these three different Parties following, their Intrigues, and the different condition they are in. The Queen Regent and her Confidents, shall make use of the King's Authority to cover their wicked Designs. The Princes of the Blood shall exclaim against the ill Management of the Government; but either no ear shall be given to what they'll say, or their Mouths shall be stopped by false Promises, or slight Gratifications. The Hugenot Party fully convinced that ●…ll effectual ways are taken to ruin them totally, shall make loud Complaints, and shall bestir themselves without being able to mend their Matters in the least thereby. Their mutual Divisions will hinder them from having sufficient Strength, to cause their just Remonstrances to be heard.  

Negotiations touching a double Marriage betwixt France and Sp●…in.  Cosme Grand Duke of Toscany, now entered into a Closer Alliance with the House of Austria, by a Marriage with Magdalen  of Grats, does set on foot the Negotiation that was begun by his Father Ferdinand, concerning a double Marriage to be concluded betwixt the two Crowns of France, and of Spain. The better to succeed, for to obtain the Deceased King's consent, he proposed a third Match between Don Carlos, King Philip the 3d's second Son, and the Princess Christina, second Daughter of France. The King of Spain did offer to give with the Infant the Sovereignty of the Low Countries, after the  Isabella's Death. But Henry gave no ear to this New Proposal, no more than to the former, being convinced that it was only a Snare for to get him to Abandon the Protection of the United Provinces.  
As soon as the News of his Death was brought to Madrid, 
Siri Memory r●●●ndite. pag. 3●…0, & 3●● etc.  the Duke of Florence's Ambassador at that Court, did again s●…t on foot the Business of the double Marriage. He knew well enough how agreeable it would be to his Master, to gratify Mary of Medicis, who had an extreme desire this Affair might Succeed. The Duke of Lerma, and the other Spanish Ministers of State, readily agreed to the renewing of this Negotiation; but they finding that France was not now so much to be feared as heretofore, they made some other lower Proposals. These Gentlemen would hear no more of that third Marriage of Don Carlos with the Princess Christina, pretending that their King was unwilling to Alienate and cut off for ever, the Sovereignty of the Low Countries, from the Monarchy of Spain; and they did even give out, that Philip was not out of Hopes of reducing the United Provinces, as soon as the Truce was expired, or broke. And on pretence, that the Daughters of France do not carry along with them into another Family, any Right of Succession to the Crown; the Council of Spain scrupled moreover to give the Eldest Infanta of Spain to the New King of France; so that they would offer only the Second Daughter. Marry of Medicis would have been contented with this itself, so that Philip would also accept of the Second Daughter of France. By this means a way was left to satisfy the Duke of Savoy, who with great earnestness challenged, that the promise made to him by the late King, of giving the Eldest Daughter of France in Marriage to the Prince of Piedmont, might be now made good. But Spain would also hinder any such strict Alliance and good Correspondency betwixt this Duke Charles Emanuel, and the Crown of France. So many different Views that Spain had, rendered the New Negotiation very difficult.  
The Council of Spain out of a desire to defend the Duke's designs, 
Siri Memory recondite. Tom TWO pa●… 359, 447, 448.  choose rather to give the Eldest Daughter to the King of France, than that the Prince of Piedmont should go away with the Eldest Daughter of France. So that they came to this Agreement about the latter end of 1610. that Lewis and Prince Philip should each of them Marry the Eldest Daughter of the two Houses of France and Spain, on condition that the Infant Ann that was designed for the King of France, should renounce all the Pretensions that she or her Children might ever have on any of the Estates belonging to the Monarchy of Spain. This was the only Expedient that was found, to prevent that the King of France's condition in the case, might not be better than those of Philip. Both Kings Authorised the Duke of Tuscany to demand in Marriage the two Princesses in their Names; Marry of Medicis had now obtained, what she had a great while longed for. But she knew not how to bring about, that this double Marriage might be liked of in France. Villeroy did Negotiate this Treaty. Being always suspected to be a Pensionary of Spain, he used all the Intrigues possible, to compass this Business. The Duke of Sulli, before he was put out of Favour, did vigorously oppose the Matter. I'll hinder you well enough (said he) one day in the presence of the Queen Regent, from persuading her Majesty to suffer herself to be led by all the Fegaries of the Popes, and of the King of Spain. The Friendship of the Protestant Potentates is more useful to this State, than that of Paul, and of Philip. The Queen heard all this, without saying a word. But such bold Expressions, and so becoming a true Frenchman, did not a little contribute to hasten the Duke's Disgrace. It was hoped that this Project of the double Marriage, would be carried on very easily, when Sully was removed from the Ministry. The Marshal of Bovillon as less stiff, was looked upon as a fit Person to get this Undertaking to be liked off by the Protestants, both abroad and at home.  

The double Marriage is concluded between the two Kings.  At the end of the Month of April, 1611. all points were agreed upon. The Treaty of the double Match was Signed, and both Kings promised one to the other Reciprocally in Writing, to accomplish it. The Pope and Great Duke of Florence, were to be the Mediators of it. 
Siri Memory recondite. Tom. II. pag. 524, 525, 526, etc.  The Treaty of the particular Match between the King of France, and the Infanta, was to be drawn up and published at Paris; that of the Prince of Spain, at Madrid. Another Treaty was likewise made of a League Defensive between the two Crowns. Lewis and Philip engaged themselves to give mutually each other certain Succours, in case either of them should be Attacked from Abroad, or any Insurrection was to be suppressed within either of their States. The Spaniards had demanded an Offensive League to be made, but the Queen Regent would not consent to it. This was sufficient to convince her, that Philip sought after nothing more, than to make France lose the Amity and Confidence she had in the Protestant Princes and States. Marry content to Stipulate, that the two Treaties should remain secret for some time, had not the prudence to break off a Negotiation, wherein the Enemies of young Lewis his Prosperity, might serve themselves with an Opportunity of laying Snares for him on all sides. The Approaching Assembly of the Reformed Protestants at Saumur, was the cause why the Queen demanded this Delay. It was feared, that this News would too much alarm them, and they should take Measures to oppose a design so Contrary to the Repose and Common Security of all Protestants.  

Intrigues at the French Court, as soon as the Treaty about the double Marriage came to be known.  The Queen and her Confidents employed all their Wit and Industry, to gain to their side the Princes of the Blood and the Grandees, to the end the Affair of the double Match might pass without any Contradiction. The Union of the Prince of Conde and Count Soissons, was one of the greatest Obstacles to get over. Intrigues were laid to Disunite them, and when 'twas perceived, they were too steadfast one to tother, it was endeavoured to gain them separately, by promises of granting them some new Gratifications. 
Memoites de l●… Regence de Marie de tri●…dicis.  Both these retired from Court, discontented that a Treaty had been made with Spain, without their Knowledge, though express Couriers were dispatched to give Cardinal de Joyeuse, and the Duke of Epernon notice of it. The Count of Soissons had a design in his Head to remove from Court, the present Ministers of State, and chief the Chancellor Sileri, whom he hated more than the rest. Soissons accused this prime Magistrate, of shameful and insatiable Covetousness, in selling Justice publicly to the dishonour of the Government, and damage of particular Persons, who had any business to Solicit with him. Though the Count de Soissons was extremely angry with Conchini, since the rapture of a Marriage between the Son of the one, and the Daughter of the other, yet he kept still some measures with the Marquis of Ancre. They agreed very well together for displacing Ministers of State. The new favourite believed he should find some Obstacles to the increase of his Power, as long as they held any Office. After some Negotiations, both the Princes returned to the Court.  
The Constable de Montmorency was lured in by a Marriage of his Son, 
Siri Memory recondite. Tom. II. pag 599, 600, 601, 609 612.  with a Princess of the House of Mantua the Queen's Niece. The Marshal Bovillon said sometimes well in Counsel, that too strict a League with Spain, would be prejudicial to the State: But at the bottom, he had made his Market. Lesdiguieres longed excessively to be Duke and Peer in all Forms. The hopes which were given him of making the Letters, which he obtained to be approved in Parliament, made him pliable, and complaisant to every thing the Court would have. The Duke de Guise, to whom Mary had recourse in all her perplexities, which the Princes of the Blood had given her, assured her of the Service of his whole Family, and all their Friends. I have only one Favour to ask of you, Madam, said he to the Queen, which is, that after this Important Service, your Majesty will not abandon us, as you have already done, to the Resentments of the Princes of the Blood.  
The Duke of Epernon was yet more necessary to the Queen upon this occasion; he was gone from Court much discontented, but he was gently dealt with during his Absence; as soon as he came back to Court, they made him all imaginable Caresses. The Prince of Conti, the Duke de Guise, and the House of Lorraine, the Duke de Nevers, all the Courtiers, except the Creatures of the Prince of Conde, and Count Soissons, paid him extraordinary Honours. The Chancellor, Villeroy and Conchini, shown him as much respect and deference, as he could possibly wish from them. 'Twas the surest way to engage this proud and haughty Man, by letting him gain to himself a point of Honour of being Victorious over the Princes of the Blood, and opposing them vigorously, when ever they should undertake to break the Treaty of the double Match. The Ambassador of England complained aloud of this Alliance; but 'twas hoped they could appease his Master, by sending to him the Marshal de Bovillon. Aersens' Ambassador from the United Provinces made a great Noise, he moved Heaven and Earth to hinder this Affair, the Consequences of which, appeared to be dreadful to his Republic. Refuge was ordered to go to the Hague, to secure the Amity of Prince Maurice, and the States-General. Lastly, Schomberg was sent to the Protestant Princes in Germany, in order to dissipate the jealousies which this Alliance might give them.  

The Double Marriage is in fine carried in Council.  The Prince of Conde and the Count de Soissons being come back to Court about the beginning of the year, 1612. all Persons were brought about to consent to the double Match, whensoever it should be proposed in Council, but the two Princes were not yet satisfied. 
Siri Memory recondite. To. II. pag. 618. 619, ctc.  The same day they were called to Council, Conde first demanded, that every one might declare his Opinion according to his degree. Chancellor Sileri spoke much in praise of the Queen's Administration of Affairs, and laid open the great benefit which would accrue to the State from this double Match. The Duke de Guise set forth the Eloquence, which was natural to his Family. There's no need, said he, of Deliberation upon so Advantageous a Proposition, we ought only to thank God that her Majesty hath happily brought about the Noble design, which Heaven had inspired into her. The Constable Montmorency with the Dukes of Nevers and Epernon, extremely approved of what was said. The Marshal Bovillon, and Lesdiguieres said only this, that they ought to take care, the New Treaty with the Spaniards might not be prejudicial to the ancient Alliances of the Crown, with other Sovereigns.  
At last came the Prince of Conde's turn to speak, but he was so startled with the Duke of Guise's positive way of delivering himself, as that he was quite dashed out of Countenance; and after an indifferent manner said, that, since this was an Affair resolved upon, it was needless to ask our Opinion. It was believed; that the two Princes came with a design to oppose the Treaty. The words which the Count de Soissons let fall, confirmed Persons in this Opinion. You see, Sir, said he, turning himself to the Prince of Conde, that we are dealt with here, as Fools and Servingmen. The Queen vexed at this Reproach, would have spoke, but the Chancellor cunningly turned her by from it, by proposing some other matter to discourse upon; and so it was concluded, that the double Match should be published the 25th day of March following, and the New Duke of Mayenne was designed for an extraordinary Embassy to Spain, to demand the Infanta with the usual Ceremonies. The Prince of Conde and Count Soissons, shown a great weakness upon this occasion; their Consciences would not suffer them to approve the thing, and either fear or hope, hindered them from speaking; as they ought to have done. Sir, than said the Constable to his Son-in-Law the Prince of Conde, you neither know how to Fight with Courage, or yield with Prudence.  

The Pope's Nuncio's Complaint of the Edict of Parliament, given in favour of the University, against the Jesuits.  The Queen Regent found herself otherwise troubled upon the occasion of an Edict, which the Parliament had made upon the Contest of the University of Paris with the Jesuits, for the opening of their College of Clermont. The good Fathers flattered themselves that the chief Precedent de Verdun would be as favourable to them, as his Predecessor had been to the contrary; but they were deceived in their Hopes, whether it was that this Magistrate affected to appear Zealous for the Liberties of the Gallican Church, or that the Remonstrances of Dr. Richer Syndick of the faculty of Paris, 
Siri Memory recondite. To. II. pag. 624, 625, etc.  or the plead of the Advocate General Servin had convinced the chief Precedent, that if once the Society should set footing in the University of Paris, it would Establish there its pernicious Doctrine; or Lastly, whether it was that Verdun did not love so much the Jesuits at the bottom of his Heart, as other Magistrates had done; before he pronounced the Edict, he put on so gay and content a Countenance, as the good Fathers believed they had gained their Cause: But what was their Mortification, when they understood that 'twas ordered them forthwith to Sign a Conformity to the Doctrine of the Sorbonne Schools, and even in what concerned the preservation of the sacred Persons of Kings, the maintaining their Royal Authority, and the Liberties of the Gallican Church, according as it was mentioned in the four Articles which had been proposed to them, and were recited in express words in the Edict! From hence was the Society brought to great Extremity. They must Subscribe a Doctrine detested by the Court of Rome, or must be exposed a second time to leave the Kingdom. The Curates of Paris had now bound themselves to present jointly a Petition to the Parliament, that they should be hindered from hearing of Confession: The University put up another Petition, that the Jesuits might be enjoined to shut up their Colleges, in all the Towns of the Parliament of Paris' Jurisdiction where they have taught, without allowing their Letters Patent, which the late King had granted them, to be made good in Parliament. Now the good Fathers had no other Remedy, but to make use of the Nuncio's Intercession, and cause the Cardinals and Prelates devoted to the Court of Rome, to act for them.  
Vbaldini the Pope's Nuncio, was very forward to bestir himself in favour of them; he was no less alarmed than the Jesuits. The chief Precedent bragged, that he would make the four Articles proposed to the Jesuits, be made Solemnly, received in the faculty of Paris, and whatever the Advocate-General maintained in his Pleading. The Nuncio in his first Audience he had of the Queen, greatly complained against the New Edict and Servin: His Discourse ended in earnest Prayers to her Majesty, for this speedy prevention of the Mischief which this forward undertaking of the Parliament was making, (said he) against Religion. Mary de Medicis gave the Nuncio good words: But it was not sufficient to have Circumvented a Woman not so clearsighted, Superstitious to the utmost degree, and absolutely depending upon the Pope; for the Ministers of State, and the principal Men in Parliament were to be brought over: The Queen was not in a capacity to do any thing without them, upon this occasion. The Nuncio sent first his Auditor to the Ministers of State's Houses. There he made a great noise, Is it then come to this pass, saith this Italian, that the King's Advocates General believe, they have right to propose in Parlements, Questions which respect the administration of Sacraments? Doth this Assembly pretend to be the Sovereign Judges of them? If the Edict which it hath set forth, did only oblige the Jesuits to follow the Doctrine received in every Church, or at least, what the Prelates of the Gallican Church profess to believe, the Matter might have been born withal; but when a Parliament shall constrain them to conform to what is not taught, but in so small a Corporation as Sorbonne, the Pope must needs condemn so unsufferarable a procedure, Then the Auditor insisted from the Nuncio, that the King's Privy Council might make void the Edict of Parliament, or at least Suspend the Execution of it.  

The Nuncio's Railing against the Advocate General Servin.  Then the Master on his part bawled, and asked if the Sorbonne pretended to make a Schism in the Church, by the Adoption of a Doctrine, which was contrary to any received in all other Universities. If this continue, saith he, the Pope will be obliged to call a National Council in France, in order to have the Sorbonne Doctrine Condemned there, as Rash, False and Erroneous. In the mean time his Holiness shall proceed by way of Ecclesiastical Censure against those Doctors, who shall subscribe the Articles which the Parliament proposes to the Jesuits. As for Servin, added this Italian Minister, all the World knows how he is a downright Huguenot, and a Pensioner to the King of England. His Office ought to be taken from him, or he for the future be prohibited to speak any thing that concerns Religion, the Pope, the Court of Rome, and the Immunities of the Church. This Man infects the young Lawyers with his evil Sentiments; he strives to serve the Huguenot Party, by breaking the good intelligence betwixt the Court of France, and the Holy Chair, and by sowing Jealousy and Distrust betwixt the Pope and the most Christian King. The Nuncio maintained further, that the Clergy of France ought to Excommunicate the Advocate General. If Humane respect, he added, stop the Bishops from doing this, the Pope himself shall proceed against a Man, who meddles with making of New Articles of Faith, and Condemns for Heresy, Doctrines conformable to the Truth, which the Catholic Church teacheth. Paul the 5th, could he have dared to undertake the Excommunication of the principal Magistrates of France, for having stood up for the Interests of the King and State? Would to God, this bold Pope had undertaken it. One might have seen then, how the Gallican Church would have defended this great Article of its Liberties, viz. That a Magistrate cannot be Excommunicated for any thing, that regards the exercise of his Office. I question whether Paul the 5th could have got rid of this Affair, as well as of his Interdiction fulminated against the Republic of Venice.  
The Nuncio complained chief of the Article touching the Seal of Confession, as it refers to ill Attempts upon the Persons of Kings and the State; he spoke of this, as if 'twas nothing less than Impiety and Sacrilege. This Doctrine, said he, is against the Security of the Persons of Princes. This is Surprising; for the Parliament intended to do the King good Service in Establishing, that the Confessor is obliged to Reveal what he knows of ill Attempts, upon the Person of the Prince and State. Observe here, how the Pope's Minister argued. Should this be received, he continued. Those who conceive such black Designs, will never come to Confession; a Priest will be no longer able to dissuade his Penitent from the execution of his wicked Enterprise. When such sorts of Practices are made known by way of Confession, it's permitted to give the Prince or Magistrate notice of them in general Terms, without Naming or describing the Persons; but to use such a way of dissuasion, Discourageth Men from Confession of the Crime, they intent, and deprives their Confessors of the means to do this good Service for the Public. What Vbaldini said against the Article, touching the Pope's Superiority over the Council, was more Malicious, and more capable to affright the Queen Regent. The same Arguments, said he aloud, which the Sorbonne use to establish this Doctrine, prove likewise, that the State's General of the Kingdom are above the King. The Hugonots, or at least the troublesome Catholics, will be able to appeal to a future Council from the Sentence of Divorce, which Clement VIII. hath pronounced betwixt the Deceased King and Queen Margaret. The Birth of the King is not certain, according to these Principles, and that Man is in the Right, who provides against the Queen's Regency. This is that which Servin aims at. He's a declared Enemy to the Queen and her Council.  
This great bustle raised through the Nuncio's means, was the reason why Mary de Medicis and her Ministers, resolved to appease the Italian: But the Grandees and Ministers of State, could not well agree amongst themselves about the Expedients, which ought to be taken. The Grandees were for the Queen's Suspending the Execution of the Parlement's Edict, for the calling of this Affair to her Counsel, and that the Advocate General should receive a sound Reprimand, and be advised never to engage the Queen again to such Difficulties. The Ministers of State were not of the Grandees mind: They were afraid, lest this high dealing should provoke the Parliament: Prudence required, they should handle this Matter much more discreetly in a time of the King's Minority, than at any other time. 'Twas found at last more convenient, to hinder the Sorbonne with soft words, from explaining themselves upon the four Articles, and to engage the Parliament itself to Limit the Edict, and not to receive any more New Petitions against the Jesuits. 
The Nuncio's tampering with the Members of Parliament, to get this Sentence Mitigated.  Conchini was ordered to speak to the Precedents of Parliament from the Queen, and inform them, that her Majesty wished their Edict were Limited. The Chancellor Sileri and Villeroy were further employed, for the obtaining the same from the Magistrates.  
This Resolution did not at all please the Nuncio: He sees himself sent back to the Parliament to Limit an Edict, by a Negotiation with them, which might not be to the Pope's liking. These Gentlemen are usually more stiff, and have less complaisance for the Court of Rome, than Ministers of State are. But now see once again, Vbaldini's Auditor besti●● 〈◊〉 himself, he goes to visit the chief P●●●ident de Verdun. His Master had ordered him to speak to this Magistrate as skillfuly, and with as much Civility as he could. The Auditor gins with the great praise of the chief President's Zeal for the good of the Church, his Devotion towards the Holy Chair, his Affection to the Service of the Queen, and his Inclination to do good to the Jesuits, After long Compliments after the Italian Fashion, came his Complaints against the Edict of Parliament, and Servin's pleading. Lastly, followed the Instances to this Magistrate, not to lessen the good Opinion Men had of him, but to confirm it, by causing the Edict to be Limited. Verdun excused himself, saying, he was not Master of what the Parliament had ordained by a plurality of Voices; he told him, that the Advocate General had not spoke of the Holy Father, but in respectful Terms, and promised, that no more New Petitions against the Jesuits should be received, and measures taken to stifle this Affair. As for what concerned the Limitation of the Edict, Verdun answered, that if the four Articles had not been there in express words, one could not believe the Nuncio had any reason to complain. Then proceeding, We shall see, saith he, in the Interim, what can be done for his Satisfaction. The Auditor insisted, that the Edict would be still reflecting upon the Jesuits, and ●…hat might be therein supposed, their ●●●●ety taught a Doctrine contrary to the Security of the Person of Princes; How, going on, the Auditor said, can they promise with a secure Conscience, to conform to the Sorbonne Doctrine, touching the Liberties of the Gallican Church? These words include all what the Advocate General had said in his Plea, against the Authority of the Pope, and Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction.  
In vain did the Auditor display all his Eloquence. The chief Precedent remained always inflexible to retrench from the Edict any thing which was there said concerning the Liberties of the Gallican Church. The Chancellor and Villeroy having pressed Verdun to this by the Queen's Order; Her Majesty, replied he Courageously, would do better to Dissolve the Parliament, than oblige it to alter its Acts, for the pleasure of a Foreign Minister. 
The Act of Parliament Limited.  All that could be got from the chief Presisident, was, that the four Articles should not be expressed in the Edict, and that where there was mention of the Liberties of the Gallican Church, there should be added these words; At all times kept and observed within the Realm. 'Twas promised likewise, that the Jesuits should not be constrained against their will. The Queen confirmed all this to the Nuncio, declaiming very much against poor Servin. I promise you, said she, that he shall not any longer thus escape, we shall make him become more prudent for the future.  
Vbaldini was farther Intriguing with the Clergy, for to stir up and incense the Bishops. The Cardinal Perron and Gonzaga, who was then at Paris, cried every where against the Advocate General, A Heretic, a Heretic. Marquemont Archbishop of Lions, was stoutly busy on his part with the Ministers and Prelates. Servin happening one day to be in the Queen's Closet with Cardinal Gonzaga and Perron; this latter had the boldness to tell the Advocate General, that he was an ignorant Fellow: The Cardinal was become extremely proud from the Applauses, which his easy way of speaking and writing had procured him from the common People, who are rather dazzled by the false appearance of a brisk and lively fancy, than convinced by any solid Reasonings, which the greatest part of Men are not capable to discern. The remains we have of Servin, and the Cardinal sufficiently prove that the Advocate General knew near as much as Perron. At least this Magistrate had greater Integrity of of Mind, and Sincerity. The Subtle Cardinal dared not to take up the Cudgels against Servin, upon the Pope's Authority or Liberties of the Gallican Church; He could not have got the better of him, but he fell upon the Article, touching the Seal of Confession, and as the Cardinal was a great Prattler and Sophister, he entangled the question after such a manner, for to find Heresies in what the Advocate General had said, as Servin being put to a Nonplus, denied what the Cardinal had laid to his Charge.  
Cardinal Gonzaga not content to have given a Memoir to the Queen against Servin, had a mind to affront him in her Presence. He called Servin Heretic, the King's, Queen's, and State's Enemy. The Advocate General replied without being moved, that his Office obliged him to be careful of what concerned the Interest of his Master, and the good of the Realm.  
I know, Sir, he added, That you have the Honour to be Related to her Majesty. The Quality of being the Queen's Nephew, makes me have a Respect for you; but I am not to give an account of my Behaviour, to any besides the Queen. Gonzaga answered, that the best Service Servin could do the King, was never to swerve from the Catholic Faith, and not to divide France and the Holy Chair, and that one could not be a good Servant to the King, and an Enemy to the Pope at the same time. Before you prescribe us Lessons, said Servin, being incen'st at the Cardinal's boldness, who led a Scandalous Life at Paris, you ought to consider, Sir, of showing us good Examples. The Queen presently interrupted the Advocate General, and dismissing of him, ordered him to give the Cardinal Satisfaction. I don't require any, replied, Gonzaga, this Man is not in a capacity to give me any Offence. Poor evasion of a Grandee, whom the Truth of a Reproach had touched to the quick!  
The Prelates who were at Paris, Animated by the Archbishop of Lions, set themselves likewise a crying against the Edict of Parliament, and the Advocate General. They very much blamed the Bishops of Beauvais and Noyon, who 〈◊〉 present at the Judgement as Ecclesiastical Peers, for that they went not out of the Audience, as soon as they had heard what Servin had said against the Authority of the Holy Chair, and Immunities of the Church. Some were of Opinion to condemn for Heresy, what the Advocate General had said touching Confession: But this did not content the Nuncio. To stop at this one Article, was tacitly to approve all the other, which concerned the Council's Superiority over the Pope, and the Liberties of the Gallican Church. The Bishops too did not well agree amongst themselves upon the Article of Confession. They believed, that they had not Authority enough to declare in a private Assembly, upon a question of this Importance; neither had they the boldness to undertake it. Vbaldini had better luck at the Sorbonne; He formed there a Cabal numerous enough to hinder the Paris faculty from declaring upon the Articles: Dr. Duval at the Head of his Party promised to answer, in case the Parliament pressed them to it, that the Faculty could do nothing without the Bishops, or without an express Order from the Queen; that the Articles in question had not only a Reference to Religion, but to State Affairs also. In the mean time the Jesuits were at a stand, they longed to open their College of Clermont: To obtain this Permission, 
The Jesuits puzzled how they could content the Court of Rome and the Parliament at the same time.  they were to follow the Advice which the Precedent Seguier their good Friend, and some others, gave to the Society, which was, to content the Parliament by a Promise, to conform to the Doctrine generally received in the University of Paris. But this exposed them too, to the Indignation of the Holy Father, and Court of Rome. The Cardinal Perron, the Bishop of Paris, and many other Prelates, Counselled them not to content the Parliament so far. Vbaldini entreated them from it, being persuaded, that the Honour of the Holy Chair was concerned in this Affair. After great Consults, the Provincial accompanied by five other Jesuits, goes without giving notice to the Nuncio or Cardinals, to make a Declaration in Writing before the Register of Parliament, like to that which the Provincial had made in Parliament, viuâ voce. The good Fathers believed, they should easily Extricate themselves in this Affair with the Court of Rome, when the thing was done, and should escape with only a chiding from the Nuncio, and their General, who would not be sorry for it at the bottom of his Heart.  
As soon as the Nuncio had understood what the Jesuits had done, he was in a furious Passion. Father Coton was ordered to wait on him, to Appease him. The oily Tongued Jesuit represented to him to little purpose, that his Provincial did not think to do any Mischief in signing what he had already said, viz. That the Rules of the Society required, it should conform to the Sentiments of the Universities, where it had Colleges; that their good Friends counselled them to prevent the Troubles which the Parliament would not fail to give them, if the Society should obstinately refuse to obey the Edict; Lastly, that they had believed the Pope to have Reasons, why he did not give them expressly Permission, to submit to a Law which the Parliament would impose upon them, but that they hoped the Pope would not take it ill from them likewise, to have contented the Parliament, without the knowledge of the Court of Rome. The Nuncio was not paid with these Reasons. Doth it belong to you, said he to Coton, to guests the Intentions of his Holiness? You should have consulted his Minister, who knows them better than any one else. And since you ought to conform to the Sentiments of Universities, why have you not tarried till the Sorbonne explained clearly what it believes? In stead of consulting your Precedent Seguier, and the Lawyers, it might have been more expedient to have taken mine, and the Prelates their Advice, who have good Intentions, and have expected Orders from your Father General. Coton had nothing to reply; but the business was over. The Nuncio likewise could not further complain to the Queen, of the violence the Parliament had done the Jesuits; for one might have answered him, that the good Fathers went of their own accord, without any new Summons, to promise to conform to the Sentiments of the University, and Intentions of the Parliament. As Equivocations, Silence keeping, and Mental Reservation, are always the Society's great help; the Jesuits of Paris made wonderful use of them in the Letters they wrote to the Pope and Cardinal Borghese his Nephew. Can any one forbear laughing, and see Coton speaking down right to his Holiness, that by the Liberties of the Gallican Church, they understood nothing but the Concordate made betwixt Leo X. and Francis I.  

A Book of Doctor Richer Sindic of the Doctors of Paris, occasions there a great stir.  Vbaldini bestirred himself yet farther with the Clergy and Sorbonne, to ruin Richer, Doctor and Syndic of the Faculty at Paris. At the beginning of the year, two Books were put out, one of which brought great trouble to the Author, tho' his Name was not put to it. The first was but a Collection of some Decrees of the Faculty at Paris, upon the Authority of the Pope. 'Twas intended to prove herein, that the ancient Doctrine of Sorbonne is, That Jesus Christ hath instituted an Aristocratical Government in his Church. And because the Court of Rome accuseth all those of Huguenotism, who oppose its Usurpations, the Author of this Collection was willing to prevent this Reproach against the Faculty, in joining to his Collection the Sorbonne Decrees against Luther, and du Plessis Mornai. The second Book unfolds the Hypothesis of the Aristocratical Government of the Church. The Title of the Book is, Of Ecclesiastical and Politic Power.  
The Author pretended that Spiritual Jurisdiction belongs properly to the Church, and that the Pope and Bishops are but the Instruments and Ministers whom she makes use of, to exercise this Jurisdiction; that Jesus Christ is the Essential Head of the Church, of which the Pope is only Head Ministerial, as they term it, and that the Authority of the Pope extends only to particular Churches, where he is to see, that the Decrees and Canons published in General Councils be observed; that the Church ought not to be governed by one Absolute Monarch, but by the Canons; that Infallibility is given to the Church in general, that is to say, to the Body of the chief Pastors, every particular Bishop and Pope likewise being subject to Error; that the frequent calling of General Councils is necessary; that the Decrees of the Pope oblige no further, than they are Conformable to the Canons; Lastly, that the Pope cannot impose any Obligation upon the Church against her will, and without her consent to it.  
As to politic Power the Author maintains, that Jesus Christ hath given no Temporal Jurisdiction to the Church, and that she hath not any power to use the Sword, or Constraint; that Censures and Excommunications are the Spiritual Arms of the Church, and that they could not heretofore be employed, without the Counsel of the Assembly, which they called Presbyters; that the King is the Defender and Protector of the Natural, Divine, and Canonical Law, and that in this Quality, he hath right to make Laws, and use the Sword to maintain, what God and the Councils have ordained; that Christian Emperors have by Right called the first General Council: That Appeals as Appeals from Abuse or Error are lawful, and that Sovereigns ought to receive them in quality of being Protectors of the Canons; that the Church hath an indirect Power over Temporal Matters, by way of Persuasion and Excommunication, but not by way of Constraint and Deposition of Sovereigns; that the Decrees of Popes, wherein Sovereigns who done't Exterminate Heretics, are Excommunicated, have no more Authority, than the Decrees of Boniface VIII. and other Constitutions of Ambitious and Usurping Popes; that the Examples of Emperors and Princes Excommunicated and Deposed by Popes, are facts which can't prove a Right lawfully acquired. And so this Work ended in submitting all these Propositions, to the Judgement of the Church.  

Richer's Testament at the end of the 2d Vol. of his Works.  Edmund Richer had composed this Book at the Entreaty of the chief Precedent Verdun. He put it into the Press after the Sentence made betwixt the University of Paris, and the Jesuits. As soon as this Book appeared, Duval and other Doctors of the Pope's Faction excited by the Nuncio, made a fearful noise; they got at first too strong and numerous a Cabal, for having the Work to be censured at Sorbonne. Vbaldini's Auditor and Forgemont, 
Mercure Francois, 1612.  went from Door to Door to Solicit the Censure: When the Parliament had cognisance of it, they sent for Richer and Forgemont: The first was Reprimanded, for that he had published his Book without permission, and any Precedent Examination according to the Statutes. The other Doctor was much blamed, because he was in League with a Foreigner, to procure by extraordinary ways an Assembly of the faculty at Paris, which was to Deliberate upon a Work, where the Author treated of many Important Questions, touching the Rights and Liberties of the Gallican Church. The Parliament put forth another Act, to prohibit the Faculty from proceeding to the Examination of Richer's Book, and to order, that all the Copies should be carried to the Registry of Parliament. The most Prudent and most Apprehensive Doctors declared themselves for Richer, but Duval and some hot Spirited Men, penned bloody Books against him. 
The Cardinal Perron, and the Bishops of the Province of Sens, condemn Richer's Book in an Assembly.  The outcry was so furious, as they threatened him with nothing less than Transportation to Rome, and sending of him to the Inquisition, to be burnt there afterwards. The greatest and most dangerous Enemy of Richer, was Cardinal Perron, pushed on by the Cardinal Gonzaga, and the Nuncio Vbaldini: Perron had the Malice to say in the Queen's Council, that he had been a long time heretofore in the party of the League, that he did not set the Council above the Pope, but because he supposed that the State's General are above Kings; Lastly, that he had it in his Eye, to fling at the birth of the King and his State, with the Children of Henry IU. and the Validity of the Marriage of the late King with the Queen Mother. Richer asked leave to defend himself against the Calumnies of the Cardinal; but the Nuncio made so great a noise on his side, as so just a Request could not be granted him. Vbaldini even threatened to departed presently from Paris, without taking his leave of the King. The Cardinal de Bonzi declared one day to Richer from the Chancellor Sileri, that he should be taken into Custody, if he answered any of the Libels which his Adversaries published against him. How! said Bonzi, The King and Queen his Mother, know how to deal with the little Republic of Geneva. And why will you say, can't their Majesties as well keep the Pope in awe, who, is otherwise more powerful than the signory of Geneva? Besides that his Spiritual Dominion extends over all the World, he is Sovereign of many Provinces in Italy. 'Twas thus, that the Grandees imagined their Elevation gave them right to pay others with most extravagant Answers.  
The Enemies of Richer seeing there was nothing to do in the Sorbonne, by reason of the Parliament, they sought some other Means to slain the Reputation of this good Man. Cardinal du Perron was to hold an Assembly at Paris, consisting of the Bishops of the Province of Sens, of which he's the Metropolitan, for to depute at a General Assembly of the Clergy, to be held in the Month of May, and to Nominate an Agent of the Clergy. An occasion was taken to present Richer's Book to this sort of Provincial Council. The Precedent failed not to have it condemned there, as containing many false Propositions Erroneous, Scandalous, Schismatical and Heretical, without touching however, said they, the Rights of the King and Crown of France, or the Rights, Immunities and Liberties of the Gallican Church! Never was there a more Irregular Censure than this. The Prelates had not power to Assemble, but upon some certain Temporal Affairs of the Clergy of their Province; The pretended Cardinal's Council was not therefore called according to the rightful Form. Of eight Bishops who composed it, five Signed the Condemnation, without having been present at the Examination of the Book: One might have been surprised, to find there the Name of Gabriel de l'Aubespine, Bishop of Orleans, well known by his Books, wherein he endeavours to clear some curious Passages of Ecclesiastical Antiquity, if one did not otherwise know, that this Prelate was a Courtier, who led a Disorderly Life. The Bishop of Orleans, they were won't to say in those days, is writing for the Church, when he hath no more Money to game withal.  
The Parliament having taken in hand the Affair of Richer's Book, the Bishops of the Province of Sens could not pronounce upon it without encroaching upon the King and Parlement's Authority. They ought to send for the Author, and hear his Defence. At last the Cardinals condemned, and absolved at the same time. All the Propositions pretended to be erroneous and heretical in Richer's Book, respected the Rights of the King, and Liberties of the Gallican Church; and this was the reason why the Fathers of the Council would not meddle: 'Twas expected from their Knowledge and Equity, that they would have declared to the Public, Richer's Heresies, which have no Relation to the Rights of the Crown, and Privileges of the Gallican Church. Gondi Bishop of Paris, having caused to be published in all his Parishes the Decree of the Council, where he was present, Richer appealed as from an Abuse. He presented a Relief of Appeal to be Sealed, but they refused him the Letters he asked for, without any regard to the good Reasons he alleged, in offering to justify himself: The Cabal was so strong, as the Parliament dared not receive the Petition which Richer had presented, to demand from the Court, that they would be pleased to order his Letters of Relief should be Sealed. Perron was too subtle to suffer, that the Decree of his Provincial Council should be examined in Parliament. The Advocate General would not have failed to prove to the Cardinal, that 'twas himself who was downright ignorant, or at least a Malicious Accuser, and Cowardly Flatterer of the Pope.  

Recher is devested of his Sindic or Headship of the Doctors of the faculty of Paris.  Injustice was pushed to the utmost against poor Richer. Some Months after Harlai de Chanvalon, Abbot of St. Victor at Paris, a Man, who according to the Nature of his Family, declared for or against the Court of Rome, as the Court of France would have it; the Abbot Chanvalon, I say, proposed in an Assembly of the Faculty of Paris, that another Syndic might be chosen in the room of Richer. The Dr. modestly opposeth this last Effort of his Enemies. The Faculty was divided. Duval was at the Head of 43 cowardly Doctors or Ignoramus's, who upheld the Abbot's Proposal. 25 Doctors of clearer Judgement, and no less fearful, declared for Richer. The Division in the Sorbonne was so great, as the Queen and Parliament made a Prohibition, that the Faculty might not proceed to the Election of a New Syndic: But Perron the Nuncio, and other Creatures of the Pope's, stickled so mightily, as notwithstanding all the just Oppositions of Richer and his Friends, the King sent an express Command to the Faculty, to choose a new Syndic. They must obey. Richer protested openly, that he would die in the Communion of the Roman Church; that he was a good Servant to the King and Queen; that he would ever defend without Stubbornness and Ambition, the ancient Doctrine of the Schools at Paris; that he believed he ought to oppose the Pernicious and Detestable Doctrine, which was Artificially insinuated. viz. That it is lawful to Depose Kings, and kill Tyrants: Lastly, that he submitted his Book to the Censure of the Church, and the Faculty of Paris, and his strongest Passion was to see it examined by equitable and disinteressed Judges. What remains to us of Richer, proves, that he suffered with much Moderation and Patience, the Injustice done to him. Filesac was chosen to Succeed him in the Syndicate.  
Amongst all these Troubles, the Queen Regent diverted herself more than Religion or Decency, in the second year of her Mourning would allow of; she Mourned not the Tragical Death of the Deceased King, but for mere fashion sake. Nothing, said Mary de Medicis to the Precedent Jeannin, whose Son had been Murdered, Nothing hath so much appeased my Sorrows after the Death of the King, as the Affairs of the Regency. Her Majesty might have said with more Reality, if she had said, as to see myself Mistress. The Duke's de Vendosme and de Cheureuse were with Bassompierre, 
Memoires de Bassompierre.  to dance a Ball every Sunday; sometimes at the Prince of Conti's House, sometimes at the Duchess of Guise's, because the Regent dared not to hold public Assemblies in the Lovure. The double Marriage being solemnly declared the 25th of March by the Chancellor, in presence of their Majesties, the Prince of Conti, the Peers and Officers of the Crown; the Spanish Ambassador gave his consent to it from the King his Master. From that time he rendered to Madam the Eldest Daughter of France, all the same Honours which the Spaniards give their Queens: But the French Courtiers whose Demeanours are much different from those of the Spaniards, could not forbear Laughter, observing the Ceremonies, and affected Gravity of the Ambassador. Mary de Medicis had ordered a Magnificent Tournament in the Royal Square, for joy of the double Marriage. The three Champions were the Duke de Guise, the Duke de Nevers, and Bassompierre. The Constable and four Marshals of France, were to be Judges. This Festival which doth not deserve a place in any serious History, cost an infinite Deal of Money. Marry spent in shows and indiscreet Liberality, the Millions which the Deceased King had spared with too much providence. 
New Broils at the Court of France.  The Prince of Conde and Count Soissons, were not present at the Declaration of Marriage. They were retired from Court, with a Resolution not to return till after the King's Majority, and not to Sign the Contract of Marriage. The Queen, said they, is able to finish all alone, what she hath resolved upon, 
Siri Memoire recondite. Tom. II. p. 640, 641, 642, etc.  and Negotiated without our Knowledge. God forbidden we should do this injury to the late King's Memory, as to consen●… that the word which he hath given the Duke of Savoy, should not be kept, whose House hath been so many times allied to this of France.  
Such good Sentiments would deserve praises if Princes did not ordinarily use such Pretensions, when they are acted only by mere Interest. Conde and Soissons did not see that the Regent was forward to grant them the Gratifications, which they were made to hope for. The Queen being strengthened with the House of Guise, and the Duke of Epernon, assured of the Constable and the Mareschals of Bovillon, and Lesdiguieres, who had been brought over Discontented with what the two Princes had said in Council, when the double Marriage was proposed, the Queen seemed not to be any more concerned for the Princes of the Blood. The Constable only endeavoured to serve them, by putting Mary de Medicis in fear. He ofttimes represented to her, that the Civil Wars and Miseries of the precedent Reigns, had no other cause than the evil Counsel given to Catharine de Medicis, for to despise and lay aside the Princes of the Blood. They, Madam, said he, who insinuate into you the same Methods, think more of Establishing their Fortunes and Reputation, than the good of the State: If your Majesty gives ear to them, I foresee that Trouble and Confusion will speedily follow. The Advice of the Constable allied to the Princes of the Blood, and Enemy to the House of Guise, was look'●… upon as Partial; the Regent gaudino Attention to it, but at the last push. The Guises and the Duke of Epernon Triumphed, while the Prince of Conde and Soissons were absent. The House of Guise had taken care to order the Tournament. Under pretext of contributing to the Queen's Diversion, they became more powerful than ever. Some Satirical Wits said, that she looked upon the Chevalier de Guise with too favourable an Eye: He ordinarily waited on her at Table, when the Princess de Conti, or the Duchess de Guise regaled her Majesty. Marry seemed very much content to look near the fine Hand of the Chevalier, which he himself affected to show. The Marquis d'Ancre, who all of this House, and the Duke of Epernon hated, could not endure the great favour showed the Guises and their Ally. The Ministers of State were much alarmed at it. They thought to pluck down the pride of these two Ambitious Houses. Conchini was so much the more disquieted, for that the Queen was angry with him. Marry raised him up to this Greatness, but in consideration of his Wife; and the Marquis did not live kindly with her. His anger at home proceeded sometimes so far, as he talked of leaving the Court: They quarrelled lately at Table with so much heat, as they threw Plates at one another's Head; The Regent upheld the Marchioness: The Guises and the Ministers of State who loved not Conchini, took Goligai's part, and bemoaned her, to Exasperate farther the Queen against her Husband. All this set Conchini forward to side with the Princes of the Blood, who had a mind to humble the Guises and Eper●…on, and who pretended to drive away ●…rom Court, the Ministers of State. Conchini had a mind, especially to do this good ●…urn for the Chancellor. He was busied ●…o obtain for Dole his Creature, and his ●●timate Friend, the Office of Attorney General at the Parliament of Paris, va●●ant by the Death of De la Guesle; but ●…ileri had procured it for Belieure, Allied ●…o the Chancellor's House. To revenge ●…imself of this Affront, Conchini took a ●…esolution to get the Seals taken away from Sileri, and to cause them to be given to Dole.  

The Duke of Mayenne is sent to Spain, to make a demand of the Infanta in the King's Name.  In the mean time the Affair of the double Marriage was to be made an end of, and Dispatches given to the Duke of Mayenne, which were necessary for to demand the Infanta Ann, in the King's Name. The Presence and express consent of all the Princes of the Blood, were of the greatest importance upon this occasion. The Ministers of State employed divers Persons to Negotiate the return of the Prince of Conde and Count Soissons: But the Uncle and Nephew would not hearken to the Ministers, whom they had undertaken to ruin. 
Memoires de la Regence de Marie de medicis.  The Marquis d'Ancre, who had need of the Princes for his own ends, willingly took upon him the Office of going to invite both of them to come to Court. All considerations were promised, which were due to their Birth Soissons suffered himself to be Lured, by the hopes of being Governor of Quilleboeuf in Normandy. After this it was no●… hard to persuade Conde. The two Princes at first went to Paris, accompanied with 500 Horsemen. The Regent seemed to be afraid of this, but she recovered her Spirits. They came in few days after to Fontainbleau, where the Cour●… passed away the Spring.  
The Count de Soissons Friends counselled him to refuse his consent to the double Marriage, till he was more assured o●… what he was to hope for, and hinder th●… Prince of Conde from giving his; but the Marshal Lesdiguieres always deceived by the hopes of having made good in Parliament his Brief, to be made Duke and Peer, though the Court had amused him for more than Six Months; Lesdiguieres, I say, persuaded the Count of Soissons to do what the Regent would have him do. The double Match having been then proposed in Council with the Envoy of the Duke of Mayenne and de Puisieux Secretary of State, and Son to the Chancellor; the Business came to a conclusion, without any one's opposing of it: Moreover the Procuration and Instruuctions prepared for the Duke of Mayenne were read, who immediately set out on his Journey with Puiseux. The Duke de Pastrana came on his side into France, to demand from the King and Prince of Spain, Madam Elizabeth, the Eldest Daughter of France.  

Mathias King of Hungary and of Bohemia, is chosen Emperor after the Death of Rodolphus the Second.  The year 1612, was styled the year of Magnificences, by reason of the Festivals and Shows set up in France, Spain, and Naples, for the Publication of the double Marriage betwixt the two Crowns; and in Germany, at the Election of Mathias King of Hungary and Bohemia, who was Proclaimed and Crowned Emperor at Francfort. Rodolph the Second his Brother, died at Prague in the beginning of this year, of a Distemper in his Legs. 'Twas in the 60th year of his Age, and 23d of his Reign. A Prince whom one might judge would Govern well, if he never had arrived to the Sovereign power. 
Mercure Francois, 1611.  After his Death, the Duke of Neubourg contended for the Vicegerency of the Empire, with the Duke de Deux-Ponts, as he had already contested the Administration of the ●…alatinate, and the Tutelage of the young Elector. The two Dukes sent their Letters Patents into the Provinces of the Vicariat Palatine, as the Elector of Saxony had sent into his Vicariat for to Exhort all the People to remain Peaceable, and seek for Redress before the Vicegerent of the Empire in all Affairs which are needful, till the approaching Election. But the Duke de Deux-Ponts having been received as Administrator at the Diet at Neuremberg, the preceding year, it was a great step to promote his interest. He was present in the same Quality at the Election of the New Emperor, and there gave his Vote.  
The Elector of Mentz according to the right which the Golden Bull gives him, had convoked a Diet at Francfort, to be on the 24th of May. Ferdinand of Bavaria New Elector of Cologne, since the Death of Ernest his Kinsman, arrived in the Month of February, whom he Succeeded in full Right, in Quality of Coadjutor nominated. The Archbishop of Treves, and John George Duke of Saxony rendered themselves there. John Sigismond Marquis of Brandenburg, sent thither his Ambassador to stand in his place. Mathias came the last, as King of Bohemia, accompanied with the Queen his Spouse, and followed by 3000 Persons. He had asked leave of the Electoral College, to have with him a great number of Men, which the Golden Bull does not allow of to Electors in the like occasion. They held their first Meeting in the Town-Hall at Francfort. They observed there all the Formalities which were to precede the Election. The 13th of June the Electors went to St. Bartholomew's Church. After they had taken the usual Oath, they went into the Imperial Chamber, and Mathias II. King of Hungary and B●●emia, and Archduke of Austria was Elected and Proclaimed Emperor. This is not a place to give a Description in of all the Ceremonies, which are practised on this occasion. The Concourse of the Princes and Nobility of Germany, makes the finest Sight: Besides the Princes of Sovereign Houses, who came in crowds to Francfort: Besides the Barons, which the Emperor and the Electors had in their Train, there were counted Ninety others who paid their Devoirs to Mathias.  
He was Crowned the 24th of June, with the usual Pomp. The Oath cannot but be approved of, which they made him take, viz. to be a Defender and Protector of the Church in General, and in particular, to govern the Empire according to the Justice of his Predecessors; to preserve carefully all the Rights of it, to defend the Poor, the Rich, Widows and Orphans; Lastly, to submit himself, and obey Jesus Christ. But is not this the greatest Indignity in the World, that they should put into this Oath the Roman Highpriest, immediately after the Saviour of the World? The Emperor promises to obey God, and the Pope alike. Strange blindness of Princes, who will not know the Spirit of the Religion they swear to maintain! Let the Bishop of Rome be Sovereign of the same Provinces in Italy; 'tis a grand abuse in Religion: But the Emperors and Kings engage to obey him, this is an entire overthrow of the Gospel. They were wont heretofore to say, that the Church is in the Empire; The primitive Christians, did they pretend the Empire to be in the Church? She ought to obey God and Sovereigns; but Emperors and Kings have none but God above them. Thus they thought in the primitive Ages: All the World would think still the same, if Sovereigns would be instructed in their true Interests, and those of the Religion they profess. By giving great Riches and Principalities to the Clergy, they have given them wherewith they may degrade their Benefactors. Mathias having wished the Empress his Spouse was Crowned, the Ceremony was performed two days after.  
Leonard Donato, Doge of Venice, died almost at the same time. 
Antony Memmi chosen Doge of Venice after the Death of Leonard Donato.  Antony Memmi was Elected in his place the 24th of July, and Crowned the next Morning. The Dogate of Donato, was famous for the Contest of the Republic with Pope Paul V. who interdicted all the Country of the Seignory of Venice. The Doge and Senate seemed at first willing to defend courageously the lawful Authority of Sovereigns, but when they were come to treat of this with the Pope, the Venetians Degenerated from the Vigour and Steadfastness of their Ancestors, upon the like occasions. They yielded cowardly to almost all the Articles, which the Court of Rome required from them, except the Reestablishment of the Jesuits, who had been gone after the Fulmination of the Interdiction. The Society had done much more Mischief in France, than at Venice. In the mean time being extremely content to see themselves delivered from the good Fathers, these Wise Senators Resisted a longer time, than France, the Solicitations of the Court of Rome, for the Reestablishment of their Society. During this quarrel with the Pope; the Seignory had forbid the Subjects of the Republic, under pain of perpetual Banishment, to have any Commerce with the Jesuits, or send their Children to study in their Colleges. The same Act was this year renewed, 
Mercure Francois 1612.  upon the account of a Woman of Bresse, who was gone to Castilione to live there, under the direction of the good Fathers. They had Established there, I can't tell what College of Women, and a great many Maids had put themselves into it. The Brissan Lady sold the Estate she had in the States of the Republic, to Augment this New Foundation; but the Senate endeavoured to stop the Money that arose from the Alienation, and caused the Venetian Dames to be recalled, that might have put themselves under the conduct of the Society into the College of Castiglione.  

The Marshal d'Bouillon's Embassy to England.  The Marshal Bovillon was gone extraordinary Ambassador into England, and this was to impart to King James the double Marriage, and so dissipate all Suspicions and Jealousies, which this double Alliance might create in his Majesty: Bovillon had a particular design in this Voyage. 
Siri Memoire recondite. Tom. II. p. 684, 685, 686.  He was minded to Negotiate a Marriage of the young Elector Palatine, Nephew of the Marshal's Lady who was of the House of Orange, with the Princess of England. Marry of Medicis, whom the Court of Rome always made use of for its own ends, had recommended to her Ambassador, that he should complain to the King of great Britain, for that he had entered into a League with the Protestant Princes of Germany, against the Roman Religion, and to desire his Britannic Majesty to moderate, the Rigour of the Laws against the English, who were of the Popish Communion. The Marshal had besides express Order, to cause King James to Disapprove of the Demeanour of the Reformed of France, in their last Assembly at Saumur; but especially to bid him beware of the Duke of Rohan, who was the most Zealous of the Protestant Lords. Bovillon had already done to Rohan, such ill Offices with the Queen of France, as he himself was enough disposed, not to be more favourable to the Duke in the English Court.  
King James was easily made to believe, that France thought of nothing but the General good of Christianity, by making this double Alliance with Spain, and that the Regent would not less preserve the Amity of Princes and the States Protestants. Bovillon endeavoured at last to make his Majesty understand, that the Pope would not use violent means against the Protestants, and that he intended only to Convert them by Preachments, and the good Examples of the Clergy. The Marshal laid hold on this occasion, to insinuate into the King the Regent's Complaints, for that he had entered into the Protestant League of Germany, and the entreaty that Mary of Medicis made him in favour of the English Papists. I don't know whether this good Prince was inclined to believe what the Ambassador had told him, concerning the good Intentions of the Pope. Whatever the Matter was, James answered, that the Protestants looked only to the Reciprocal Defence of the States of the Confederate Princes, and that Religion was not concerned in it. As to the English, who were of the Roman Communion, his Majesty protested, he willingly would let them be at Rest, as soon as they could give certain Assurances of their Fidelity and Obedience. Bovillon sent this into France, and then Villeroy imparted it to the Nuncio, as a great Secret. The Regent pressed Vbaldini to make his Master acquainted of it, Subjoyning, that she would write of it to Breves her Ambassador, to the end his Holiness might find some Expedient to content the King of Great Britain.  

Memoires de la Regence, de Mary de Medicis.  When they came to speak touching the Matters of the Reformed Churches in France, James was not altogether so Tractable. The Duke de Rohan held a great Correspondence with Henry, the King's  Son. This was a very hopeful Prince; he showed a Zeal little common to Persons of his Age, for the good of the Protestant Religion. Never did the Roman People so much love Germanicus, as the English loved this Prince of Wales; and the Father perhaps was not much less jealous of the Applauses they gave his Son, than Tiberius was of old jealous of the Reputation of him whom Augustus made him adopt. Rohan had gained over a Gentleman of the Ambassador's Retinue. This secret Friend of the Duke, was to instruct his Britannique Majesty with the truth of all, which passed in France: Insomuch as the King was well prepared, whenever he was spoke to concerning the Assembly at Saumur. If the Queen your Mistress, replied he, to Bovillon, will break Acts agreed to the Protestants of her Realm, I don't pretend, that the Alliance I have made and confirmed with France, aught to hinder me from succouring and protecting them: When my Neighbours are Attacked in a Quarrel that respects me, Natural Law requires, that I should prevent the Mischief which may arise from thence. Believe me, Monsieur Marshal, said the King, you must be Reconciled to the Duke of Rohan, I will let him know, 'tis my desire that you live friendly together. Would to God King James and his Children had always preserved Sentiments so just and necessary for the good of England, and the Reformation; Lewis the XIII. or his Son, had never dared to oppress so many innocent Frenchmen. The Marshal Bovillon, who was minded to be fair with the King, did not insist further upon the Assembly at Saumur. The ill success of his Negotiation upon this point, brought him to Discredit with the Queen's Ministers of State. They published, that Bovillon had neither followed the Intentions or Orders of her Majesty. The Marshal complained on his side, that he was not well dealt withal, he pretended that they had a mind to Affront him.  
Lesdiguieres was not more content with the Ministers, 
The Marshal de Lesdiguitres is discontented.  than Bovillon. Whether it was that there was an underhand dealing betwixt the Queen and the Parliament, or that this Assembly really believed, that the prime Dignities ought not to be given to Protestants, never could Lesdiguieres bring it so about, as to have his Brief of Duke and Peer approved of. They represented to the Queen, 
Siri Memory recondite. Tom. II. p. 696.  that Brissac and Fervaques, ancienter Mareschals of France than Lesdiguieres, would have reason to complain, if they had not likewise granted them the same distinction; that the Duke of Rohannez had a Brief from the Deceased King, which promised him, that no other should be received in Parliament before him. At last, that in a time of Minority, 'twas dangerous to discontent the most Illustrious and most Ancient Houses of the Realm, for to pleasure an Upstart. Notwithstanding these Remonstrances, the Queen sent the Orders of her Son for passing his Brief, Lesdiguieres could not yet obtain it, when the Chambers were met to deliberate upon this Affair. 
Memoires de la Regence.  The Suffrages were twice divided; and the Queen who had compassed what she expected from the Marshal, would not use all her Authority, under pretence that Prudence did not permit her to provoke the Parliament in the present juncture of Affairs. Lesdiguieres vexed to see himself played upon, joined himself to the Princes of the Blood and others, who had a mind to ruin the Ministers of State.  

Marry of Medicis brings down the Duke de Guise's, and de Epernons Party.  Conchini Reconciled to his Wife, made use (the most Artificially 'twas possible for him) of the Prince of Conde and Count Soissons, in order to diminish the great Authority which the Dukes of Guise and Epernon had taken. Caesar Duke de Vendosme, was joined with them to the good liking of the Queen; but this declared Union drew upon him such troubles, as he did not expect. As there was need of the presence of the Princes of the Blood, to make an end of the Marriage with the Duke of Pastrana, whom the King of Spain had sent for this purpose; the Queen endeavoured to content them, by bringing down their opposite Party. Vendosme desired to go and hold the States of Britanny, whereof he was Governor. The Princes of the Blood, to punish him for having been in League with the ancient Enemies of his Father, and the House of Bourbon, told the Queen in private, that Caesar might be able easily to make a Party in a Province so far distant, where he had great Reputation and Estate by his Wife, Heiress of the House of Mercoeur. Conchini and the Ministers, made these Reasons of State prevail with Mary de Medicis. When the Duke then of Vendosme came to ask of her leave to go and preside over the Estates of Britanny, her Majesty flatly refused it him. The Marshal de Brissac Lieutenant General of the Province, who had been employed to do Caesar this Injury with the Queen, had this Important Commission bestowed on him. The Duke of Vendosme was so outrageously angry at the Refusal, as that he challenged the Marshal. This young Gentleman's outrageous Heat, greatly displeased the Queen: She without tarrying till Caesar and Brissac were Friends, ordered the former to remove from Court, and go to his House at Anet. The other went afterwards on his Journey for Britanny, in spite of all the Endeavours and Intrigues of the Dukes of Guise, Vendosine and Epernon, who were extremely nettled at the Repulses and disa agreeable Words, which they received upon this Occasion from the Queen Regent.  

The Count de Soissons undertakes to ruin the public Ministers of State.  This Mortification of the Guise's and Duke of Epernon, rejoiced the Count of Soissons; but his Revengeful Humour was not as yet satisfied: He plotted in his Head to ruin the Ministers, but especially the Chancellor Sileri. Soisson's Hatred against them was so much the more lively and vigorous, for that he thought Sileri, Villeroy and Jeannin, hindered the Queen from granting what she had given him ground to hope for. The Prince of Conde was as much impatient of the Court delays, as his Uncle; they both feared, lest the Ministers should Mortify, 
Memoires de la Regence de Marie de Medicis.  and bring down the Princes of the Blood, as well as the Dukes of Guise and Epernon, for to keep up their Credit with the two opposite Parties. The Marquis de Ancre craftily Discoursed the Prince of Conde and Count Soissons upon this opinion. The Queen, said he to them, hath good Intentions for the Princes of the Blood. She would give you both Satisfaction, if the Ministers did not constantly Represent to her, that 'twas dangerous you should be too powerful in two Provinces, so considerable as Normandy and Guienne are. This is the reason why the Queen defers so long, to give the Governments of Chateau-Trompette to Monsieur the Prince, Quillebeuf to Monsieur the Count: From the first day of the Regency, the Ambitious Conchini had taken a design to alter all things at Court, to remove the Ministers of the deceased King, and put into their places, Persons who should entirely depend upon him. The present Conjuncture of time appeared favourable to the Marquis d' Ancre, for putting in execution the Project he had contrived.  

He undertales to put a grand Affront on the Chancellor Sileri.  One day being with the Prince of Conde, the Count of Soissons and the Mareschals Bovillon and Lesdiguieres, he caused them to agree to work out jointly the entire ruin of the Ministers. The Count de Soissons promised them at his return from a small Journey, he was to make into Normandy, he would deal with the Chancellor Sileri, after a very Outrageous manner. Lesdiguieres, who discontent returned into Dauphiny, promised to give the Prince's Succours, and to bring 'em in case of necessity 10000 Foot, and 500 Horse, even to the Gates of Paris. The Duke of Savoy secretly entered into all these Intrigues; he entertained a Secret Correspondence with the Count de Soissons. The desire he had to be Revenged of the Queen Regent, who gave to the Prince of Spain, the Eldest Daughter of France, promised to the Prince of Piedmont, the hopes to make Advantages of the broils of France, and to retake what Henry the iv had forced him to give, in exchange for the Marquisate of Saluces; all these Motives spurred on Charles Emanuel, to omit nothing of what ever was capable to kindle a Civil War in France by means of the Princes of the Blood, or at least by the Huguenot Party. And for this reason, he constantly Negotiated sometimes with the Count of Soissons, sometimes with Marshal Lesdiguiers. He renewed his Intrigues, according as he saw one or other Dissatisfied with the Court.  

The Marquis de Coevures d●…ver●…s the Count de Soissons from such a Design.  The Prince of Conde and others, had made Count Soissons promise to say nothing to the Marquis de Coevures, his intimate Friend, of the Complot against the Chancellor. They foresaw that Coevures being used to stop the Count when his Choler had carried him too far, he would not fail to Represent to Soissons, that it was unworthy of a Prince of the Blood, to be Outrageous against the chief Magistrate of the Realm. The thing happened, as they had guessed it. The Count de Soissons could not keep the Secret: He discovered it to the Marquis de Coevures, who showed him the troublesome Consequences of such like undertake. But the Subject Matter, was, how to Disengage the Count from his Word, which he had given to others. Coevures luckily found out a way. The difference that Soissons had in his Journey to Normandy with the Marshal de Fervacques, on the occasion of the Garrison of Quillebeuf, which Fervacques had reinforced unknown to the Count, this Difference, I say, occasioned the Marquis de Coevures to go several times into Normandy, and to come back again to Court, to give some satisfaction to the Count de Soissons, who complained aloud of the Marshal Fervacques.  
Conchini impatient that Soissons did not return time enough to work the ruin of the Chancellor, told himself to the Marquis de Coevures at the Marshal bovillon's House, in the presence of the Prince of Conde, Harlai of Beaumond and Dolé, the Reasons there were to hasten the Count of Soissons to return. Coevures feigned not to know any thing of a Plot amongst them against the Chancellor. When they had discovered it plainly to him, he so lively represented the Indignity of the Action, as they were ashamed of it. If you have wherewithal to prove, said he, that the Chancellor hath not done his Duty, is it not a more honest and surer way to inform the Queen of it, and persuade her Majesty to take the Seals from him, than to outrage unworthily the Chief Justiciary? So great a Violence offered, will not fail to pluck more upon your own Heads. Who hereafter will succeed Sileri, when he sees he can't exercise the Office with Security, which of times exposeth him who is possessed of't, to discontent Princes and Grandees, in obeying the King's Orders? The Marshal de Bovillon was the first who yielded to the Remonstrances of Coevures. These Reasons, said he, have so much the more reason in them to be received; for that the Marquis generously allegeth them in favour of one, of whom he hath cause to complain. 'Twas not then farther thought upon, to put any such bloody Indignity on the Chancellor, every one than took only Measures to destroy his Reputation he had in the Queen's Breast.  

The Marquis d' Anchors knavery, and double dealing.  Conchini and his Wife laboured herein with better Success, than all the rest. This Italian was the falfest Politician in the World. At the same time he made use of the Count Soissons, to destroy the Chancellor and Ministers of State, he himself was the Person, who hindered the Regent from contenting the Prince, in giving of him the Government of Quillebeuf. The Baron Lutes Agent for the Marquis d' Ancre, Solicited in his behalf the Duke of Guise to declare for the Queen, and uphold the Refusal, which she designed to give the Count of Soissons. Guise was so adverse to this perfidious dealing of Conchini, as he gave notice of it to Soissons. The House of Guise, the Cardinal Joyeuse and Bellegarde, Master of the Horse, dissatisfied at what Mary de Medicis had done to the Duke of Vendosme, sought to reunite themselves with the Princes of the Blood, against the Marquis d' Ancre. Only the Duke of Epernon neglected to enter into this new Treaty; whether it was that his Pride hindered him from Courting the Princes of the Blood, to confirm his reeling Credit, or that the Rheumatism which then afflicted him, would not give him opportunity to think of Court Intrigues. There was in Guise's Party a pack of French Lords, who were not much better, and perhaps worse than the Marquis d' Ancre. 'Twas generally believed, 
Persons suborned to accuse him of Witchcraft.  that Bellegarde had this year Suborned some Persons to accuse Conchini, that he had of a long time used some Love-spells, by means of a Looking-Glass. This Affair much Alarmed the Marquis d' Ancre. He believed himself now so near his Ruin, as he tried to make the Duke of Mayenne his Friend to return to Court, who was now at the Foot of the Pirenees to go into Spain. Conchini intended to serve his Occasions with him and the Count of Soissons, against his Enemies: But he found out a means to rid himself of the Intrigue, without the Duke of Mayenne's Assistance. This occasion served him likewise to do the Chancellor ill Offices with the Queen. He had got some Commissions to Seal, in order to have his Accuser Examined. Sileri who did not love the Marquis d' Ancre, but favoured his Enemies, made some Scruples of putting the Seals t' ' 'em. Conchini complained of this to the Queen, who from that time began to show to the Chancellor some Displeasure.  

Affairs of the Duke of Rohan at S lean d' Angeli's.  The Evil Counsels which the Queen Regent harkened to, caused her troubles on all sides with the Princes of the Blood, with the Grandees, with the Parliament, and at the end with the Reformed Protestants. The Division amongst the principal Persons of this Communion, afforded Mary de Medicis and her Ministers, the means of undertaking certain things against the Edict, which never would have been thought on, if two Men capable to maintain their Religion against the whole World, had lived in good Intelligence amongst themselves, and acted Unanimously. 
Memoires du Duc de Ro●…ohan Livre f. Vie du Plessia ●●rna Livre ●…L.  I speak of the Marshal Bovillon, and the Duke of Rohan. The first served himself with the Queen's Ear, to ruin the other in the good Apprehensions she might have of him. What passed in the Assembly at Saumur, exasperated so much the Marshal against the Duke, that Bovillon undertook to throw out Rohan from the Government of St. John d' Angeli, which the Deceased King had bestowed upon him: The Duke de Rohan being well advised of the evil Offices that were constantly done him at Court, went to justify himself. After having represented to the Regent, that he had behaved as a good Man in the Assembly at Saumur. I confess to you, Madam, said the Duke, that I opposed the Designs of Monsieur de Bovillon: But this was done but in order to give your Majesty fresh Tokens of my Fidelity and Zeal, which I have for your Service. I Distrust those Persons who turn Scales, and pay their Services on both Sides: 'Tis seldom known, that such Men are upright in their Intentions. If Monsieur Bovillon had brought his Designs about in our Assembly at Saumur, he might have understood how to have used them, and prevailed even against yourself. When Monsieur Bovillon comes to be the Master amongst us, your Authority shall be never the better Established in this Realm.  
The Duke of Rohan upon this occasion, proved the Truth of a Reflection which he himself made, viz. That a Prince who hath a prejudicated Opinion, is hard to be persuaded. The Regent gave no Attention to these Remonstrances. The time now of the Election of the Mayor of St. John of Angeli was near. It was a thing of the greatest Importance that could be to the Duke of Rohan, that he who was in the place might not be continued. The adverse Party to the Governor, had got over this Man to their side; and if their Project had succeeded, the Duke had lost all his Authority in the place: Feigning then that his Brother was dangerously sick, he took a Journey suddenly from Paris. Rohan took Soubize in his way, and they both got to St. John d' Angeli. The day of Election being come, a Letter under the King's Privy Seal was produced, that the Ancient Major should continue; this not being to be any Rule for the future, and to be without prejudice to the Privileges of the Inhabitants. The Duke de Rohan Remonstrated, that her Majesty had been ill informed of the State of the City, where there was not any thing at all of Division, as the Letter under the King's Privy Seal had supposed, and that they might proceed to a new Election, according to the accustomed Form; I hope said he; I shall bring her Majesty to agree to it: To this effect I send my Secretary to Court.  
The Marshal Bovillon flattered himself, that the Duke of Rohan would infallibly lose himself, whatever Party he would take, in an Affair that was so ticklish for him to manage: If Rohan suffers the former Major to be continued, they would strip him of all his Authority, and if he opposed the Court's Orders, this would find itself in a necessity of punishing a Man who neglected to observe the Authority of the King: To engage the Queen after such a manner, as she should not flinch back for the future; the Marshal persuaded her to send a more express Order for to contitinue the old Major. But the Duke of Rohan being persuaded, that if he lost the Government, he himself was lost without any Redemption; believed, that he ought not to obey the Orders which the Queen had sent, as being Surprised unwarily by his Enemies: A New Major was chosen; that is to say, three Persons were Nominated, whose Names were sent to the Court, to the end her Majesty might pitch upon one whom she judged most proper for the place: Whilst they were expecting an Answer from the Regent, the Keys of the Town were put into the Hands of the Eldest Alderman, and thus the Duke of Rohan made himself Master of the Town; from whence he caused some Subaltern Officers to be put out, who were against him.  
This bold Action mightily stirred up the Queen against the Duke of Rohan? Those whom he had sent to Court, were committed to the Bastile. 'Twas forbid the Duchess his Mother, his Wife, his Sister, to stir out of Paris. Some Persons proposed to the Counsel, that 'twas fit to go and Besiege the Duke in St. John d' Angeli, as a Rebel: Orders were dispatched for raising Troops, and sending the Artillery. The Queen published abroad, that she would go herself in Person to the Army, which the Marshal Bovillon and Lesdiguieres were to command, to make the Reformed know, that there was no point of Religion here in Question, but only a Chastisement of a particular Lord, who had Revolted from his Obedience: The Duke as soon as he understood this, published a Manifesto, which he Addresed to the Reformed Churches; he gave them notice that his Zeal for their Preservation, brought upon him this Persecution; that the loss of St. John d' Angeli drew along with it other places of Retreat and Security, and their Enemies would not stop in so fair a way, after they had taken from him his Government. 
Mercure Francois, 1612.  The Manifesto ended with a lively Exhortation; The Duke complained, because his Enemies had made Information of his Conduct, and that having found him irreprovable, they had informed against some Gentlemen, who were not at all faulty of any other Crime, than his giving him a Visit: The Court, said he, fears that our divided Body will reunite, the Reputation Monsieur de Rohan hath acquired by his Quality and Probity, which he hath always made profession of, giveth Vnbrage; must they for this cause apply themselves by little and little to weaken our Party, and to undo us by Peacemeals? Let us know ourselves, if we would Live and Subsist: Let us revive the good Intelligence which was heretofore amongst us: Let us Devote ourselves to the Service of our God and our King: Let us work for the Good of our Church, and the State: We were the most judicious and considerable Party, before our Divisions at Saumur. This great Man, who knew better to Fight than to Writ, not standing upon Manifesto's only, prepared himself for a courageous Defence.  
Another Manifesto was published on the Queen's side. She took great care therein to advertise the World, that her Majesty complained only of the Duke of Rohan's Undertaking. All the French of either Religion, were exhorted in it to relieve their Majesties in the just Design they had to punish a Crime of so dangerous Consequence to the Common Good of the State. At last the Queen protested to the Reformed, that Religion not being concerned in this Affair, the Edicts of Pacification should not be less exactly observed. Du Plessis Mornai was then in a great Perplexity: The Town of Saumur, of which he was Governor, was in the Queen's way in case she went to St. John d' Angeli; and Prudence required, that she would assure herself of that important Passage. Du Plessis did not know which side to take: If I fortify myself, said this Judicious Gentleman, if I call for Succours, they will attack me under pretence of Rebellion. Besides, if I don't think at all of being ware beforehand, I leave a place of Security, which I am entrusted withal, to the Discretion of our Enemies: Let's run rather the Risque of yielding to Force and Injustice, than augment the hatred they already have against our Reformation, by giving our Enemies a new Pretention of accusing us of Rebellion. What Crime can they upbraid me withal? I don't fear their Scrutinies, or their Informations; what have they to find fault with me? I have no part in Mr. Rohan's Concerns. Set upon me for Religion! This would be to set the whole Kingdom on Fire. Du Plessis resolved not to stir: He was contented to let the Ministers of State know the troublesome Consequence of the ill Counsels, which were given her Majesty, and to exhort them to let the Reformed enjoy peaceably the Repose, which the deceased King had granted them with so much Justice and Prudence.  
It had been better to have harkened to the good Counsels Du Plessis gave, if the Enemies which the Duke of Rohan had amongst those of his own Religion, had not obstructed it. In the mean time, whether the Regent gave any heed to what the King of England had answered to the Marshal Bovillon upon the Subject Matter of the Protestants in France, or that she feared many Provinces declaring for the Duke of Rohan, a Civil War might break out in France; her Majesty at last acknowledged, that if the Duke of Rohan had withstood her Orders with too much Haughtiness, she likewise had too easily given way for the King's Authority to be undermined. There was sought then some way to accommodate Matters. Themines, Seneschal of Querci, was sent to St. John d' Angeli, to bring back the Duke. Du Plessis Mornai had given him wise Counsel, to yield willingly and fairly, as if the Queen was in the Right; provided he kept his Government in the same Condition as it was before. The Negotiation was set on foot on that Condition. The former Major was again put into the Exercise of his Office, and the Subaltern Officers, whom the Duke of Rohan would not suffer to be in the Town, entered there again: But in few Days after there was a new Election, and the Regent gave other Employments to those whom the Duke did not at all approve of.  
The Reformed Protestants after this held a National Synod at Privas, in Vivarets: They agreed there, That the Division of the greatest Persons of their Communion was going to make Destruction of the Reformation in France. The Synod was resolved to make a Reconcilement amongst them efficaciously. They wrote to Du Plessis Mornai, to join all his Earnestness and Diligence to that of the Commissaries, which the Company had nominated to agitate in this important Affair. The Marshals, Bovillon and Lesdiguieres, not content with the Court, easily consented to the Reunion. This made them more formidable to the Regent and her Ministers. The Princes of the Blood, with whom they were lately confederated, should have had more Consideration for Persons who were capable of bringing the Huguenot Party well united on their side. In the Act of Reconciliation, prepared by consent with Du Plessis Mornai, the Reformed Lords mutually promised to forget all that had past; to love one another, to give one another reciprocal Testimonies of their Amity, as far as Religion and their bounden Faith to the King would give them leave; to labour jointly for the Advancement of God's Kingdom, and the Repose of their Brethren; to do nothing which might prejudice the Union and Conformity of the Doctrine and Discipline established in the Reformed Churches of France. The Duke's de Rohan and de Sulli, the Marshals Bovillon and Lesdigueres, Chatillon, Soubize, La Force, and Du Plessis Mornai, signed the Writing. They agreed further, that the Governors of places of Security, and Gentlemen distinguished in the Provinces, should be asked to subscribe the same.  
The Protestation which the National Synod of Privas published in the Name of all the Reformed Churches in France, made a great noise in the World. See here the Occasion. The Regent, in her Letter to the General Assembly at Saumur. had enjoined the Deputies to retire into their Provinces, and there make report of the good Intentions of her Majesty. The Reformed seeing at last that this Assembly was obliged to break up, before they had time to examine the Answer made to their Address of Complaints and Demands, thought to remedy this Misfortune, by convening Provincial Assemblies. The Regent seemed to suffer these, by ordering the Deputies to make their Report in their Provinces. They assembled then for this Effect; without that the Court could find any thing to say against them. The King's Lieutenants had themselves called some; and the Precedents of the Sovereign Court were present at others. The Regent had herself given order to the Commissioners sent to examine the Contravention made against the Edict of Nants, That they should repair to the Provinces, before any Assembly was held. They were present upon certain Occasions: One can't say then, that these were held without the Knowledge and Sufferance of her Majesty. She thought that she had so fully allowed them as her Commissioners had had Orders to assist there in Person; and her Officers, with the Magistrates, were present there likewise.  
The Deputies of the Eight Provinces being come afterwards to Paris, with design to finish what the Assembly at Saumur was not able to perform, and to solicit more favourable Answers to the Remonstrance which they had presented, the Regent found herself in a Perplexity she had not foreseen. It is to be confessed, that the way of the Reformed upon this Occasion was not ill contrived. This was a Means to hinder their secret and professed Enemies from gaining so great Advantages from the Separation of the Assembly of Saumur. There was much likelihood that the Duke of Rohan had furnished them with this Expedient for to cross the Marshal Bovillon, who had deserved much at Court, by having managed so well Affairs in the Assembly at Saumur, as the Regent could not from thence expect a more favourable Issue. These Deputations put the Regent and her Council at a stand; which was as troublesome as if the General Assembly had continued. And the Marshal Bovillon did not now seem to have done such great Feats. It concerned him to save his Reputation, by seeking some Remedy for this new Inconvenience. A better could not be found out, than to send back the Deputies of the Provinces, as being sent from People who were assembled against the King's Will, or at least without his Permission. And for the Court should not scruple this, by reason of the Discontent that the refusal to hear the Deputies might raise, the Marshal Bovillon took all the Blame upon himself that might ensue.  
They went yet further. The Regent had put forth a new Declaration, which forbidden the Reformed to hold for the future these Provincial Assemblies. Consistories, Colloquies, Provincial and National Synods were only allowed them, upon Condition that none should be there besides Ministers and Elders; and that they should treat of nothing, but what concerned the Doctrine and Discipline of the Reformed Churches in France. The Assemblies held since the Separation of that at Saumar, were in very mild Terms declared unlawful: And to the end that they who had been present there might not be disquieted, the King pardoned them this pretended Crime, and forbidden his Officers from prosecuting any of them. His Majesty supposed they went thither with downright Intentions; and that they had no Thoughts of disobeying the deceased King's Orders. The Reformed were extremely surprised, they should be pardoned a Fault, which they pretended to have in no wise committed. Their Deputies General presented a Petition to the Parlements, for opposing the registering of this Declaration. They protested, that being far from requiring any such Pardon, their Churches looked upon it as injurious and reflecting; and that none of the Reformed intended to make use of it. This Opposition stopped the Registering of it: But the Court having got over some of the Reformed, under pretence, that they had need of it for their own Security, the Declaration was registered and approved of in Forms.  
This Affair made a great noise in the National Synod of Privas. 'Twas resolved there, to draw up a public and solemn Protestation, that the Provincial Assemblies had not been held against the King's Will; and that the Reformed looked upon the Pardon, which his Majesty had granted them upon this Occasion, as a Reflection which they had not deserved. They declared at the end of the Act, that they would never make use of the Pardon, which the King pretended to grant 'em, and downright disavowed those amongst the Protestants, who sought for it. As this caused great Stirs in some Provinces, so the Court designed to appease them by another Declaration put forth in Form to explain the former. His Majesty acknowledged therein, to be very well satisfied with the Fidelity and Obedience of his Protestant Subjects; but at the bottom he did not remedy the Mischief t'other Declaration had done. The Provincial Assemblies remained forbidden: And this is all that the Court now delivered from the Deputies Solicitations intended.  
The Arrival of the Duke of Pastran●… at Paris was of great use to diminish the Troubles which all these Affairs had given the Queen: He was received in all the Towns he passed through, with extraordinary Honours. The Dukes of Nevers and Luxemburgh went to meet him out of the Gates of Paris, accompanied with four o●… five hundred Horse. He made a Magnificent Entry: He had a splendid Equipage and abundance of Men in his Retinue very well clothed. Don Francis and Do●● Diego de Sylva his Brothers, and many other Spanish Lords were come with him. The King gave him his first Audience the 6th of August. The Princes of the Blood, the Grandees, and the Cardinals Sourdis and Bonzi, were invited to this Ceremony. These endeavoured to be excused, under pretence their Dignities would not suffer them to be beneath the Princes of the Blood. Ridiculous and insupportable Pretention! These Gentlemen, to speak properly, are no better than Priests and Deacons of the particular Church of Rome: Since they have been suffered insolently to put on Purple, they believe themselves not to be inferior to crowned Heads. Mary de Medicis, who had had a mind the Spaniards should see the Court of France in all its Splendour, wished that the Cardinals were present at the Audience. They were told from her, That there should be no distinction of Places, and that every one should sit as he came. The Princes of the Blood straight took their Seats on the Right Hand of the King. The Cardinals, excluded from this place, ●…ut themselves on the side of the Queen. They did not tarry there long: The Prin●…ess Dowager of Condé would not suffer ●…hem above her; and the Regent fear●…ng to cross the Princes of the Blood, ●…ho would not fail to maintain the Right ●…f the Princess, let the Cardinals go out ●…ith Confusion, with their sottish deserved ●…mbition.  
There was another difference, which made more noise on the King's side. The Duke de Nevers had placed himself on the Bench of the Princes of the Blood. The Count de Soissons, busied in speaking with the Prince of Conti, his Brother, was not ware that Nevers had seated himself immediately after him. As soon as the Prince of Condé, who sat above his two Uncles, perceived it, he jogs Conti; and he did as much to Soissons, who failed not to push at the Duke of Nevers with all his strength. I don't know, said he then, why you crowd me after this manner: Because this here is none of your place, replied disdainfully the Prince of Condé. There were interchanged on one side and another's sharp biting Words. We will explain ourselves better in another place, said at last the Prince of Condé, giving a Wink upon him to follow him. The Marshal Bovillon run hastily to stop the Prince, who in passing by the Duke, made him understand, that this was a Challenge. The Quarrel was presently made up by Order of the King; and the Regent blamed the Duke of Nevers, because he had seated himself in a Place, which was not designed but for the Princes of the Blood. The Guises had no ●●mtest abo●● their Places. The Duke and his Brothe●… were to go and conduct the Duke 〈◊〉 Pastrana to his Audience. After the Ambassador had made his Compliments, and presented to the King and Queen his Catholic Majesty's Letters, he was conducted to Madam Elizabeth, designed for the Prince of Spain, and from thence to the Duke of Anjou's Apartment, to Salute the Prince and his other two Sisters Daughters of France.  

Articles of Marriage signed between the Prince of Spain, and Eldest Daughter of France.  The 25th day of August, the Festival of St. Lewis, was appointed for Sealing the Articles of Marriage between Madam Elizabeth, and the Prince of Spain. The Duke de Pastrana and Don Innigo de Cardenas, King Philip's Ambassador in ordinary into France signed them, as the Fathers and Sons Proxies; immediately after the King and the Queen his Mother, Madam Elizabeth, and Queen Margarite. The Nuncio and Ambassador of Tuscany, as representing the two Mediators, set their Names after those of the Princes of the Blood. Elizabeth's Dowry was 500000. Crowns in Gold. They were to be paid down the Night before the Consummation of Marriage. The Princess renounced all the Rights she could pretend to in the Succession of her Father, Mother, and Brothers, without excepting the States which are not Fief-Males, into which the Daughters may Succeed. This Clause had an Eve upon the Rights in the Kingdom of Navarre, and Principality of Bearn, which Henry the iv held in right of his Mother. The Duke of Pastrana tarried yet some days at Paris: He was regaled with all Divertisements possible upon such an occasion. Having got to Board aux in his return to Spain, he found there the Duke of Mayenne, who came back from Madrid. He had been gone thither to Sign likewise the Articles of Marriage between Lewis XIII. King of France, and Ann Infanta of Spain.  
The Duke of Mayenne had received greater Honours in Spain, 
Entry of the Duke of Mayenne into Madrid.  than the Duke of Pastrana in France, whether it was that they had regard to his Quality, as Prince of a Sovereign House allied to the House of Austria, or that the Spaniards had an Ambition to outgo the French in Magnificence and Gallantry. He found in his way the Duke of Lerma's Mansion House. 
French Mercenary 1612.  This Favourite gave Orders, that Mayenne should be splendidly regaled, and to the end, the Feast might seem more Gallant, it appeared, that all was done at the expense of the Inhabitants of Lerma, who were Ravished with Joy, to have amongst them a Guess so honourably distinguished. The Duke failed not upon this occasion, to set out all his Sumptuous Movables and Tapestry, the Borders of which were all Embroidered with Gold, and richly set out with Rubies and Emeralds. The Duke d' Alva de l'Infantado, d' Albuquerque, the Admirante of Castille, and many other Grandees of Spain, accompanied with 500 Cavaliers, whose Horses were proudly Harnased, went to receive the Duke of Mayenne without Madrid. He made a very fine Entrance: But the long and close Mourning the Ambassador wore for his Father and the Court of Spain, had put on for the Death of the Queen, rendered the Ceremony less Glorious. The 17th of July, the Duke d'Vseda conducted the Ambassador to his Audience of the King. The Prince of Spain stood at the left hand of his Majesty and the Duke of Lerma at the right. The Father and Son embraced the Ambassador, when he drew near to kiss their Hands. This was a Distinction granted to the Quality of the Prince, who was of the House of Lorraine. After this, he was Conducted to the Audience of the Infanta. The Duke kissed her Hand; because her Highness had declared, she would use the Ambassador, as the Queen had used one of her Subjects.  

The Articles of Marriage signed between Lewis the 13th, and the Infanta of Spain.  The Signing of the Articles of Marriage, was fixed to be upon the 22d of August. All the Court left off their Mourning for that day, besides the King. The Duke of Lerma went to the Ambassador, to Conduct him to the Palace. Neither his Majesty, or the Prince or Infanta of Spain, were present at the Ceremony of Sealing: Two Acts were prepared, one in French, and another in Spanish. The Duke of Mayenne, Puisieux Secretary of State, and Vaucelas Ambassador in ordinary at Madrid, first signed the French Act as Proxies for the most Christian King, and the Queen his Mother. The Duke of Lerma signed afterwards in quality of Proxy for the Catholic King's Father, and Guardian of the Infanta. It was after another manner composed in the Spanish Act: Lerma put there his Name first, and the French after him: The Infanta renounced for herself and Children, all the Rights of Succession to the States of the Crown of Spain. Two Cases were only excepted: That if the Infanta was a Widow without any Children, she should return into Spain; or that for reason of State, and the public Weal of the Spanish Monarchy, she should Marry again with the consent of the King her Father, or the Prince of Spain her Brother, she should in this second case re-enter into her Rights of succeeding one and th'other. After the signing of the Articles, the Duke of Mayenne was Conducted into a Hall, where the King was with the Prince and Infanta at each side of him; The Ambassador only made a Reverence to the Father. He harangued chief the Daughter, in Quality of the Queen of France. When the Duke took his leave some days after, he entreated her to give him some Orders to the King his Master. Assure, him, said the Infanta, that I am very much impatient of seeing him. This Answer did not seem grave enough to the Countess d' Altamira her Governess. Ah Madam! cried the Spanish Lady; what will the King of France think, when the Duke shall report to him, you have so great a passion for Marriage? You have taught me, answered the Infants with a great deal of liveliness; that one must always speak the Truth. She poor young Princess, had a heart burning for a Husband, who did not make her so happy as she fancied he would.  

Conspiracy against the Duke of Parma.  We shall see anon, the face of Affairs wholly altered in Italy, by the Death of Francis Duke of Mantua, which happened at the end of the year 1611. But before I enter into this particular, which I reserve for the following year, I think I ought to say somewhat of an Affair, which made a great noise in Italy in the Month of March this present year. Francis Duke of Mantua, had some days ago succeeded Vincent his Father, Husband of the Eldest Sister of Mary de Medicis. At this same time Ranutius Duke of Parma, discovered a Plot laid against him for above a year since, and against all the House of Farnese. He thought that he had sufficient Witnesses to believe, that the Deceased Duke Vincent of Mantua, the Cardinals Sforza and Este, the Prince of Modena, the Duke of Mirandola, and some other Sovereign Princes, had had a part in so horrid a design. Here's what is discovered now of it. Many Gentlemen, and some Ladies of Quality of the States of the Duke of Parma, and the Neighbouring places, Conspired together to kill him, with all those of his House, and to possess themselves of the Towns of Parma and Placentia, which they were afterwards to deliver up to some Neighbouring Princes, from whom the Conspirators had received Money. There's this difference betwixt the true Religion and Superstition, that the one Abominates the smallest Crimes, whereas the other can very well accord with the blackest Actions. The Wretches who attempted upon the Life of Henry the IV were confessed, and took the Sacrament afterwards, to prepare themselves for their barbarous Design. They who Conspired a little time after against Ranutius Duke of Parma, and against all the House of the Farnese's, swore by the Image of the Virgin Mary, to keep their Trust and Fidelity one to tother, and not discover their Enterprise.  
Their first Project whereby they might bring their Design about, was to lay hold of the Opportunity, which the Solemn Baptism of the young Prince of Parma afforded them, where the Cardinal Farnese was to be present with the rest of the Family. They had resolved to slay there Ranutius his Children, the Cardinal, and all the Persons Devoted to the Farneses'. The Ceremony of Baptism having been happily put off, the Conspirators notwithstanding continued their Meetings, and took their Measures for the Execution of their Conspiracy: They had already got a great number of Men, and some Neighbouring Princes were to furnish them with Soldiers at the appointed time. But seeing that the Ceremony of Baptism was put off too long a time, and that the Plot might be discovered, the Conspirators took a Resolution to set up the Duke of Parma in an Abbey, whither he had been retired to take the Air, and be devout with the Capuchins, and Assassinate him in this place. They were to come after this was done, to Parma in the Nighttime, to kill the Duke's Children, and those of his House, to sack the Palace and City, and possess themselves of the Citadel. Another Party of the Complices were ordered to make themselves Masters, by means of some Intelligence of the City and Castle of Placentia, which they were to deliver up to the Duke of Mantua.  
In all Conspiracies which require long time for Execution, and a great number of Complices, there's almost always some one found, who upon consideration reflects seriously on the Enterprise. The fear of Punishment, the hopes of being well rewarded, the Horror likewise of the Crime, and Remorse of Conscience, bring them to discover the Contrivance. The Duke of Parma happened upon some Persons of this Humour, who gave him notice of the Danger he was threatened withal. After an exact Information of all the particulars of the Conspiracy, Ranutius caused a Manifesto to be fixed up in all public Places, which contained the Story of the plotted Enterprise, and the Names of the principal Complices, whom the Duke summoned to come and justify themselves: It appeared, that the Names of some Persons who were considerable for their Degree and Quality, were suppressed. Vincent Duke of Mantua some days ago Deceased, was so well described, as every one presently knew him by the Name of Chief Conspirator, which was given him. The Captain of his Guards was the second Man amongst the Plotters. Francis his Successor complained aloud, of the injury done to the Memory of his Father. For this he demanded Reparation. This Affair was so much noised in Italy, insomuch that they feared an open breach betwixt the Duke of Parma and the Duke of Mantua. The former had his Recourse to the King of Spain for Protection, for whom the Famous Alexander of Parma, had done Signal Services. And the other, the Queen Regent of France's Nephew, implored the Succours of that Crown. Charles Emanuel Duke of Savoy, would intervene for an Accommodation betwixt the two Princes. But 'twas straight known, that this Disquieted Spirit sought to embroil them further, and rather raise a War from whence he hoped for an Advantage, than any ways to make an end of the Differences. The Parties agreed to refer themselves to the Arbitration of the Duke of Urbin, as to one part of the Contest. The Governor of Milan stifled the rest of this Affair in the Name of the King of Spain, and so the Princes dismissed the Troops which they had raised.  

A Proposal of Marriage between Christiana the 2d Daughter of France, and Henry Prince of Wales.  To stop the continual Complaints of the Duke of Savoy, the Regent sometimes offered to give Christina her second Daughter, to the Prince of Piedmont; yet this did not hinder the talk of Marrying her to Henry Prince of Wales, the Eldest Son of James the I. King of great Britain. Whether it was that Mary de Medicis had an Ambition to make all her Daughter's Queens, or that she would break off the Negotiation already much advanced betwixt his Britannic Majesty, and the Duke of Savoy, for Marrying the Prince of Wales with the Princess of Savoy: James had demanded the Eldest Daughter of France; but seeing that the Regent was so far engaged with Spain, he gave ear to the Duke of Savoy's Proposition, which he had made him. As his Majesty had got in the World a great Name for loving Money very well; so Cosmus Great Duke of Florence, a more Moneyed Prince than Charles Emanuel, thwarted the Design. He offered one of his Sisters for the Prince of Wales, with a more considerable Fortune. But the Pope perhaps at the Instigation of the Regent, who pretended to make the Duke of Savoy amends, by bringing about a Match for the Prince of Piedmont with the Princess of Florence; the Pope, I say, wrote forceably to the Great Duke, for to persuade him from any Alliance, which the Holy Chair could not approve of. Notwithstanding the Pope's Letter, which seemed to be Precarious, Cosmus thought always to Marry his Sister into England; he pressed the Queen to assist him with her good Offices at Rome, to obtain a Dispensation; but Marry de Medicis who had other things in her Head, flatly denied him. The Duke of Savoy wrote to his Ambassadors in France, to tell the King of England's Ambassador, that his Highness knowing well the Difference there is betwixt a Daughter of France, and a Princess of Savoy, Charles Emanuel might not think it strange, that a Daughter of Henry the IV, should be preferred before his; but he thought he should receive a sensible Affront, if his Britannic Majesty should Reject a Princess of Savoy, for to Marry his Son into the House of the Medicis.  
The Regent showed so much eagerness for the Marriage of Christina with the Prince of Wales, as edmond's, Knight and Ambassador from England, believed, that after the way Villeroy had spoke to him, it might be King James' fault, if this Affair was not concluded, and that Mary de Medicis would with much willingness yield to him all the Conditions he could ask of her. When the King had heard this News, he ordered Robert Carr Viscount of Rochester, his Favourite, to write to Prince Henry, who was then at Richmond, and pray him to speak freely, if he liked of the Match. Henry had notice that Christina was not yet nine years of Age, and that her Eldest Sister's Portion was but 500000 Crowns in Gold. But France, said Rochester, seems to have so great a desire for this Marriage, as no one doubts, but she may give more to the Second Daughter, in case the Augmentation of her Fortune be insisted upon.  
The Prince of Wales with great Prudence answered the King his Father upon all the Articles of the Letter of the Chevalier edmond's, which he had sent him at the same time. As for the time, said he ' they'll bring the Princess of France into England; I believe, the sooner it is, the better; and that your Majesty ought not to demur hereupon. As long as the Princess shall be in France, the Queen her Mother will be Mistress either to forward the Marriage, or to stave it off; and to oblige her Daughter to give her Consent, or hinder her from it. The younger she is, the more time we shall have, and easiness to instruct her in our Religion, and Convert her. Since they ask of your Majesty to Explain yourself, as to the Liberty the Princess shall have in the exercise of her Religion; I desire, you, Sir, to answer your Ambassador positively, that you will not agree to any other Conditions with France, than what the Duke of Savoy had demanded, when he offered you his Daughter; That is to say, that the Princess shall have the liberty to follow her Religion in private, and in the most Retired Chamber of her Apartment. I confess, that these are too straight and narrow Conditions; but if France speaks sincerely, I don't question but that she will be contented with them.  
Henry very well knew his covetous Father's Humour. For this reason, he had a touch upon the Article of her Fortune, in a somewhat more nice manner. If your Majesty, continued he, regards the greatness of a Dowry, I think you will prefer the Princess of Savoy; she brings with her Two hundred thousand Crowns more than the Lady of France; for at least, I can scarce persuade myself, that the Regent will give more to the second Daughter, than to the Eldest. But if your Majesty lays aside Interest, to do what shall be more to the mind of the General Body of Protestants abroad, it seems to me, you will rather incline to France than Savoy. Lastly, concluded the Prince; I fear lest your Majesty should not be content with the indifference I show for all the Propositions of Marriage which are made me. I most humbly beg your pardon for it. 'tis you Sir, who is to take the most advantageous Resolution that may be, for the good of the State. I have but little experience in politic Affairs▪ and can't speak like a Man smitten with Love upon this Occasion. I have with the greater willingness inserted into History this Letter, because it might be perhaps the last he ever writ. 'Twas dated the 14th of October 1612. and the Prince died the 16th of November.  
Having drank some small Beer to quench his Thirst, after hard Riding, he fell dangerously Sick. All the skill of the ablest Physicians, could do no good against the violence of his Distemper. Heaven was deaf to the prayers of all England, for the recovery of a young Prince Nineteen years of Age, the Hopes and Delight of the Nation. Those Persons who at first affected to show the greatest grief for his Death, were not sorry fort hearty. At lest 'twas so believed. The Affliction of the common People was more sincere, and of deeper impression, than that of the Court. They generally said, the Applauses which we have so hearty given the Prince of Wales, have been Ominous and Fatal to him. They who will Reign as absolute Masters, don't love to see their Children too popular. The Affection which young Henry had for Religion, and the Libertie's of his Country, had caused the course of life to be cut off, which had been so happily begun. Charles his Brother, and Frederick Elector of Palatine, who was come to visit the Princess of England, designed in Marriage for him, were present at the Funeral in close Mourning. The Tears of the People who accompanied him to the Grave, in reckoning up his Virtues which shined already in his Person, and in bewailing the irreparable loss which England had suffered, were the greatest Ornament of this Ceremony.  
The Prohibition the King his Father made some few days after, to appear at Court in Mourning, redoubled the suspicions and indignation of the Englishmen. Did not he think as a Roman Emperor did once heretofore, that it did not become the Majesty of a Prince to sully his Face with Tears, that great Afflictions are for little private Persons; and that Kings may die, but the State is Immortal. This was the reason why King James thought he ought not to Interrupt the Divertisements which were usual, at the beginning of a new year. 'Twas said, that France was not sorry to hear of the Death of the Prince of Wales, who seemed rather to have the Inclinations of the ancient Kings of England, than of the Kings of Scottish Race; and one could but very badly Interpret the Sentiments which the Prince showed, when he heard of the Death of Henry IU. I have lost, cried he, my second Father. The common Opinion is, that young Henry had resolved to steal away from the English Court, and go learn the Trade of War under the King of France, as soon as he marched at the Head of his Army. At the same time the Prince of Wales lamented the Tragical Death of Henry the iv a Courtier resolved to tell him, that this Occurrence would give his Highness the means of making the pretention of England's Kings to France, more strong and prevalent. Get you gone idle Flatterer, replied the Prince in Anger; dare you talk to me of making War against an Infant? I am ready to defend him against all those who shall venture to attack him. The Son of that Person for whom the Prince had so Noble Sentiments, hath not had this delicate Generosity, though he was much more advanced in Age.  
I doubt whether it be needful to carry the Suspicions of young Henry's Death, as far as many in England have carried them. If it was hastened, as the report of Physicians made People believe, the Viscount of Rochester may have committed so horrible a Crime. He and his Wife were accused since then, as being guilty of Poisoning. The Prince had no kindness for his Father's Favourite; he always looked sourly upon him, and showed a great Repugnance of Spirit to suffer him near his Person. Robert Carr, a Gentleman of a mean Birth in Scotland, having found out a way to be Page to the King; his pleasant Countenance, fine Stature, insinuating Behaviour pleased him extremely. In a little time Car was Knighted; and the King disgusted with the Count of Montgomery, set all his Affection upon the Scotch Knight. He raised him up further to the Dignity of Viscount of Rochester, and afterwards to be Duke of Somerset. The Fall of this unworthy Favourite was as shameful, as his Rise was astonishing. He at last fell in Love with the Countess of Essex, who sought to engage him; and he afterwards married her. This is not a fit Place to relate this Lady's Adventures. 'Tis said, that the Prince of Wales was struck with her great Beauty; but Rochester was preferred before him. The Despite which the Prince harboured from hence, increased the Aversion he had for his Rival. The Countess having let fall her Glove, as she was dancing, he who had taken it up, presented it to the Prince of Wales, thinking to please him, in giving him an Opportunity of showing the Lady a Civility, whom he seemed to have a Kindness for: But Henry threw the Glove back with Disdain; saying, Another hath stretched it out. As the Two Lovers were expert in the Art of Poisoning, so, 'tis very probable, they had a mind to be rid of a Prince, and make him away, who would have been a great Impediment to their Repose, and the Establishment of their Fortune.  
The Count de Soissons, dead some Days before the Prince of Wales▪ left behind him vacant Places of great Dignity; the Governments of the Dauphiny and of Normandy, with the Office of Lord High-Steward of the King's Household. The Regent gave this Office to the new Count, Son of the Deceased, with the Government of Dauphiny: She was willing to keep that of Normandy to herself, and have it managed by a Lieutenant General. But the Prince of Conti was to be satisfied, who asked for one of his Brother's two Governments. This seemed very reasonable, Conti having heretofore given up the Government of the Dauphinate to the Count To give him and the Guises some satisfaction, a Sister of whom the Prince had married, it was caused to be proposed to Charles of Valois, Natural Son of King Charles IX. whom we before called Count d' Auvergne, and henceforth shall be styled Duke of Angoulesme, to lay down the Government of Auvergne. Henry iv had put him into Prison for a Conspiracy; and the Regent kept him there still. The Marquis de Coevures was ordered to speak to him for accommodating the Matter. The Duke d' Angoulesme, who longed for his Liberty, accepted the Proposition to obtain his Liberty; and so the Prince of Conti was made Governor of Auvergne.  
The Count de Soissons had vast Designs rolling in his Head when he died. 'Twas said, that he had bound himself in a great Correspondence with Henry Prince of Wales, Maurice Prince of Orange, the Duke of Savoy and the Huguenot Party. The Duke of Rohan perceiving him discontented with the Regent and her Ancestors, sent to offer him his Services. He did not ask for the Government of Quillebeuf, but only to be in a Condition of giving Entrance to the Succours, which he had projected should come from England and Holland. His greatest Passion and Desire was to remove the Ministers, and quell the Party of the Guises, and of the Duke of Epernon. He would have had the Joy of seeing his Wishes almost fulfilled, if Death had not taken him hence the first Day of November. The Marquis and Marchioness d'Ancre, had so much prepossessed the Queen against the Ministers of State, and especially against Sileri, that she began to keep them in the dark as to her Cabinet Affairs. Galigai had the Insolence to say a thousand offensive things to the Chancellor in presence of the Queen, and to upbraid him with the ill Administration of his Office. Mary de Medicis suffered her She-Confident to speak all; and poor Sileri dared not to answer a Word for himself. He was afraid lest the Queen should second the Reproaches, perhaps too true, which were said against him. The Marchioness d'Ancre, being sure of her Mistress' Sentiments, spoke confidently, as she was able to put out of Countenance the boldest Man alive. 'Tis a Maxim amongst interested Courtiers, not to be put off and repulsed easily, and not to quit the Game, but at the last Extremity. The Chancellor went into the Queen's Closet with other Ministers; but there he was afresh mortified. Her Majesty turned her Back to him, affecting to speak with a deal-of trust to the Precedent Jeannin.  
A new Party was now set up at Court, which having got the upper most, dissipated all the rest. The Prince of Condé headed it. The Dukes of Nevers, Maienne, Longueville, the Marshal Bovillon, and the Marquis d' Ancre came into it: The Guises, Epernon, Amville, and their Friends, found their Affairs retarded by these Means. The Duke of Amville was Brother to the Constable Montmorenci; in whose Absence, being gone to his Government in Languedoc, he joined himself to the Guises, whom he thought had got further into the Queen's Favour than others. The Master of the Horse, Bellegarde, of the same Party, was then at Bourgundy, as Governor of it. He received Orders to come presently to Court. Bellegarde obeyed the more willingly, for that the Duke of Guise had hastened him to come to their Relief. As soon as he had reached Sens, they gave him notice that the Queen had sent for him, only to put him out of his Government: Understanding this, he went back to it with all speed. The Marquis d' Ancre had laid an Intrigue for causing Bourgundy to be given to the Duke of Mayenne.  
There were more open Contentions at the Sorbonne than at the Court. 
The Jesuit Becanus his Book condemned.  The Jesuits let lose against the lawful Authority of Sovereigns, published new Books every Day upon this Subject, to court and please the proud Borghese. Becan, a famous Author of the Society, had printed one this Year, 
Mercure Francois 1611.  with this Title, The Controversy of England touching the King and Pope's Authority. When Doctor Filezac, new Syndic of the Faculty at Paris, had perused it, he spoke of it to Cardinal Bonzi, to know whether the Queen would think fit the Sorbonne should censure so pernicious a Book. The Nuncio and the Jesuits strove alike to shake off the Blow. Vbaldini saw that the Faculty would not fail to have a fling in its Censure, at the pretended Authority of the Holy Chair. The good Fathers feared, lest a new Decree of the Faculty of Paris published throughout all France, might further confirm the common Opinion, That the Society makes Profession to teach constantly a Doctrine, which is contrary to the Authority of Kings, and Security of their Persons. But the Propositions of Becan were so loudly complained of, as it was expedient to appease men's Minds by some Condemnation of them. Here's the Expedient which the Pope's Counsel and the Jesuits resolved upon. They told the Queen, that it would be of greater efficacy to have these sorts 〈◊〉 Books condemned at Rome; and that 〈◊〉 Censure coming forth from the Holy Chair, would carry more Authority with it, than one from the Faculty of Paris Mary de Medicis was easily drawn into the Snare they had laid for her. She bid the Cardinal Bonzi tell the Syndic of the Faculty, That her Majesty would not have the Sorbonne to determine any thing upon Becan's Book, because the Queen had a design to have it condemned by the Pope, the Court of Rome, and the good Fathers to make for them this Evasion. If the Sorbonne had left off making a noise, the Examination of the Book had been stopped. Whatever came on't, the Inquisition condemning a Book in general Terms, without specifying any thing, People could not exactly know upon what Point the Condemnation fell; and thus the exorbitant Proposition, concerning the Pope's Authority, would have been not touched or meddled with. It was supposed, that the Inquisition never intended to condemn them.  
One Paris having presented in the Sorbonne, the first of December, some Propositions extracted out of Becan's Book; wherein the Assassination of Kings and Princes was permitted, and many other things contained, which were contrary to Divine and Humane Laws, the Syndic made a Report of what Cardinal Bonzi had told him concerning the Queen's Intentions. Dr. Paris' Mouth being stopped with this Answer, desired, that what he had proposed, might be registered; and that a Copy of what the Faculty had concluded upon, might be given him. It was granted him. The first Day of the Year following, the Faculty of Paris deputed four Doctors to represent to the Chancellor, that they desired to make a public Testimony of their Steadfastness for the Service of the King, by censuring Becan's Book; and to make, at least, the Public know, that it was not their Fault, if so dangerous a Book had not been condemned in Forms, or formally. They moreover said, that they entreated leave to remonstrate to the Queen upon this, as an Affair of the greatest Importance. Sileri approved the Zeal of the Sorbonne. He gloried, that he had all his Learning in the University of Paris: And so he promised the Doctors to introduce them into her Majesty's Presence, Dr. Fayet, who was the Spokesman, told the Regent, that the Faculty of Paris not being accustomed to receive Orders from the King by the Mouth of any private Person, or by Letters under the Privy-Seal, but only by Letters sealed with the Great Seal, they had obeyed, as soon as it was reported to them what the Cardinal Bonzi had told the Syndic of their Majesty's Intentions. Nevertheless, Madam, said he, the Faculty hath believed it was their duty to receive your Order from your own Mouth. If you don't judge it convenient for us to deliberate upon Jesuit Becan's Book, we most humbly entreat your Majesty to take care, that our Silence upon this Occasion be not interpreted as a tacit Approbation of those pernicious Sentiments, which deprives Kings of their lawful Authority, and justifies their Assassination. The Regent answered, that she would speak of this Affair to her Council, and that the chancellor should by the Faculty know her Intentions.  
Dr. Fayet being come to the Chancellor some Days after: The Queen, said Sileri, is informed, that the wicked Book of Becan is become too common. Her Majesty gives you leave to do what you judge convenient. 'Tis a great Mischief, that the Sorbonne is divided, for what concerns good Sentiments. Will you never unite and agree again? Fayet answered the Chancellor, That the Faculty was willing to preserve its ancient Doctrine; and that they had always taught the same Doctrine in the Sorbonne, till some certain Persons had broached there some Foreign O●…inions. The Chancellor commended the Doctors for their Zeal, and gave the Queen's leave to censure Becan's Book; ●…ut the Nuncio Vbaldini cunningly turned he Blow aside: He being persuaded, that ●●mething would be attempted in France ●…gainst the Jesuits Work, straghtways solli●…ited a Decree from the Inquisition. As ●…on as he received it, he communicated it 〈◊〉 the Queen: She being always submis●…ve to the Pope, told the Faculty, that it ●…as sufficient to read the Decree openly in ●…e Sorbonne. The Affair thus rested. One ●…ight be surprised to find Robert Bellar●…in's Name amongst those Cardinals, ●…ho condemned the Author's Book, who ●…llow'd Bellarmin's Principles, if it was not known, that the Cardinal promoted in the Society, had in a readiness his Equivocations and Mental Restrictions, to condemn with safety of Conscience in the Work of one of his own Fraternity, the Doctrine which he maintained as the most Orthodox in the World.  

An Edict of Palement against Scioppius' Book.  It was the Jesuits alone, who courted Paul V by writing against James I. King of England, concerning the Authority of Sovereigns and the Holy Chair. Gaspar Scioppius, the most violent Enemy of that Society, would enter the List likewise, and show some of his fine Latin in this notable Dispute. His Book having been brought from Frankfort-Fair to Paris, there was a Presentment made of it to the Parliament. Scioppius discoursed herein of Henry iv as if he was a Prince without any Religion. He seemed to approve of the infamous Action of Ravillac. All Kings and Sovereigns, who let Heretics live in repose in their States, were, in his Opinion, Heretics themselves. What do I say? nay, even Turks and Atheists. The Parliament ordered, that this extravagant and impious Book should be burnt by the Hands of the Common Executioner; and that all the Copies should be suppressed. That it should be branded in England after the same manner, 
Dictionaire Hist. & Critic de M Bail.  is no wonder. But I can't enough admire, the King of Great Britain should suffer a Farce to be acted before him, wherein Scioppius was represented and hanged upon the Stage. A Revenge alike unworthy of a Prince and an Author! If his Majesty had looked upon Scioppius' Work as the Libel of a contemptible Declamator, should not the King have despised it, or at the best, contented himself to have left to the Magistrates the Execution of the Laws against defamatory and pernicious Libels? But to take a Pleasure to be revenged of the Author after such a manner, so little becoming a Crowned Head, was to show the Public, that the Book had touched to the Quick the Person whom the Author had attacked.  
The Care which his Britannic Majesty took at that time to reconcile the King of Denmark with Gustavus Adolphus, 
Peace betwixt the Crowns of Swedeland and Denmark.  the new King of Swedeland, was a Work more worthy of a Prince. Christian IV. endeavoured this Year to push on his Conquests in Swedeland. He, accompanied with George Duke of Lunenbourg, who had brought him Succour, advanced as far as Jenkoping, laying all the Country desolate, where he went. The young Gustavus gave now such clear Tokens of his Wisdom and Valour, as that the Queen Christina his Mother left to him the Administration of the Realm, though he was but yet in the eighteenth Year of his Age. He stopped the Enemy's Progress, and obliged him to retire into the Province of Schonen. Gustavus followed him thither; and after the way of using Reprisals, he put all to Fire and Sword. The Swedish Army had some disadvantage in their Retreat. The King of Denmark made a new Irruption into West Gothia. Being aboard the Fleet, he tried to get near to Stockholm. Gustavus broke the Enemy's Design with an extraordinary Prudence and Courage. At last the Hans Towns, and the United Provinces, troubled that the War betwixt the two Northern Crowns broke off all Commerce in the Baltic Sea, engaged the King of England to intermediate for a Peace. Christian himself treated with four Swedish Senators. After some Conferences held at the end of this Year, the Treaty was concluded at the beginning of the next following. Denmark gave up to the Swedes the City of Calmar, and the Isle of Oeland; but kept E●…sbourgh for a time, and till the Crown of Swedeland had paid a certain Sum of Money, which Denmark pretended was due to him.  

Revolutions in Muscovy.  Gustavus very freely surrendered something on that side, to be in a Condition of marching towards Muscovia. There was a strong Party who desired of him Prince Charles Philip his Brother, whom these People intended to set upon the Throne of their Nation. Although the Affair of Muscovy seem to have no Relation to those of France, I think I ought to say something of the surprising Revolutions which were seen there at the beginning of the XVII. Century. This may give us a more particular Light into the State of Eu●●pe in Levis XIII. his time. The Czar, John Basilovits, famed for his Cruelties, and the War which the brave Stephen Battori King of Poland waged against him with so much Glory and Advantage, 
French Mercury, 1605.  as the Muscovite was obliged to have recourse to the Pope's Intercession for obtaining a Peace. Basilovitz, I say, had left but two small Children behind him of seven Wives which he had, Theodorus and Demetrius. The eldest, stupid and heartless, succeeded him. Whilst he diverted himself in ringing of Church-Bells, Boris Frederovits, a Muscovite Lord, who had married his Sister, governed the State. This wicked Ambitious Man caused young Demetrius to be slain, who dwelled with his Mother in a Castle remote from Moscow: And the better to conceal his Crime, he procured him to be assassinated, whom he made use of to commit this Villainy. The Czar Theodore died in a little time after. 'Twas though Boris had poisoned him. The Masculine Line of the ancient Czars being thus at an end, it was not hard for Boris, Brother-in-Law to this last Prince, to mount up into the Throne. Being as crafty as he was cruel, he had taken care to gain the Love of the People, and to remove far from him, under specious Pretences, the Lords, who were in capacity to oppose his Ambition. He was crowned at Moscow in all Forms and Ceremonies: His bloody and suspicious Nature rendered him quickly odious to the Muscovites. A Nation accustomed to Slavery, doth not so patiently suffer the Tyranny of a Prince newly raised up to the Throne, as that which is established in a long Succession of one and the same Family.  

A Counterfeit Demetrius in Poland.  About the year 1604. Boris received News from Poland, which put him to strange Difficulties. A Russian Monk had carried thither a young Man, who much resembled in Stature and Countenance the Prince Demetrius, whom Boris had caused to be put to Death. The Monk first puts this youth into the Service of Vietsnovisky a Polish Lord, who had Married the Palatin's Daughter of Sendomir, from whence he got into the Palatines Wine-House. When the Monk thought he had prepared Men well enough, he told the Palatine as a Secret, that this young Man was Demetrius, lawful Heir of the Empire of Russia, who had been privately and happily conveyed away from the Cruelty of Boris, by putting another Child in the Prince's room, whom the Tyrant intended to cause to be slain. This adventure was related with such probable Circumstances, as the Palatine believed all that was told him. He presently discovered the Secret to Sigismond King of Poland, who was willing to be fully acquainted with the pretended Demetrius.  
The Youth who neither wanted Wi●● or Education, Rehearseth the Misfortunes of his Life in the presence of the King, with much Craftiness, and a good Grace; he showed certain natural Marks on his Face, and upon one of his Hands, which he pretended to be undeniable Proofs of the truth of his Birth, and then addressing himself to Sigismond, he thus proceeded. I am, Sir, very happy to have fallen into the hands of a King, who having been himself unfortunate and persecuted, during his Infancy by his Uncle, must have the greater Compassion for my hard Fortune. You was born in the Prison where the Cruel Erric had put your Majesty's Father and Mother. The Polanders have made choice of you, before all the Princes in Europe. This distinction, Sir, aught to render you the more respected by the Swedes your Natural Subjects. Another Ambitious Uncle raiseth 'em against you, he endeavours to snatch forcibly away your Patrimony. Thanks be to God, your Majesty is still powerful enough to help me to be Restored to mine. As soon as you shall put me into a condition to be thankful for so great a Favour, the Polanders and Muscovites united together, shall quickly reduce the Swedish Rebel. May Heaven grant, that after this Happy Expedition, we may jointly set upon the common Enemy of the Christians. If King Sigismond did not believe what was told him, he hoped however that the Story, whether true or false, might stand him in some stead against the Muscovites. 'Twas resolved upon to Assist the pretended Demetrius, and to send him first into Lithu mia, that from thence to write to the Pope, he might be nearer Muscovy. He asked of him to do him all the good turns he could in Poland. The Court of Rome always attentive to what is capable of extending her usurped Domination, willingly gave an ear to the Person, who made her hope to Reduce the Russians to the Obedience of the Holy Chair.  

Demetrius enters into Muscovy, and there Crowned.  A private Rumour presently run aboroad at Moscow, that the Prince Demetrius having scaped the fury of the Tyrant Boris, showed himself near to the Frontiers. The Malcontents and they who loved Novelty, confirmed for truth what others had said. The People easily drawn to believe extraordinary Contingencies, and who flatter themselves with finding a milder and more supportable Government, seemed to wait with impatience Demetrius' coming. Boris informed of what had passed at Poland, and of the practices begun at Moscow, did not know which side to take, whether he should despise this Story, as if it was but a ridiculous Story, the noise of which in a little time vanisheth, or if he should downright prepare himself to press and quell a Party, which seemed to fortify itself every day, both at home and abroad: Persuaded at last that nothing was to be neglected, he caused it to be spread abroad on his side, that the pretended Demetrius was a known Madge cian; and after Orders for the safety of the Frontiers, he sent Ambassadors to the Diet at Warsaw. They were to complain to the King and Republic of Poland, for that they had Transgressed the Conditions of Peace made betwixt the two States, by showing their willingness to uphold the Impostures of the miserable Son of a Priest, and to demand the delivery of him up to 'em alive or dead. In case the Ambassador could not obtain of 'em a favourable Answer, Boris had ordered 'em to Negotiate with some Popish Lords, for to engage them to oppose a design, which the King might have against him. Sigismond answered the Muscovites in general Terms, and in the mean time, prepared himself underhand to assist him, who averred himself to be the rightful Heir of the ancient Czars.  
Demetrius entered into Moscovy at the Head of an Army, consisting of Ten thousand Poles and Cossacks, which the Palatine of Sendomir commanded under him. Demetrius and he not having known the advantage they had of so good an occasion to rout the Muscovite Army, were themselves defeated in the beginning of the year 1605. Demetrius too weak to keep the Field any longer, shut himself up in a Town, which he had before taken; he hoped to receive new Succours from Poland, before the Enemy could retake the places which had been taken from him. The Death of Boris, while these things were doing, arrived and changed the face of Affairs. Tho' the Muscovite Army had sworn fealty to his Son, division got into it in a little time after. All followed the Example of some Lords, who declared aloud for the pretended Demetrius. The Son and Widow of Boris, were Apprehended and Stifled. At length the New Czar is received and Crowned at Moscow the last day of July, 
French Mercury 1600.  in 1605. The Palatine Sandomir's Daughter, whom Demetrius afterwards Married by a Proxy at Cracovia, was conducted in great Pomp the following year to Moscow. Her Father, and her nearest Relations were present at the Ceremony of her Marriage and Coronation.  

Demetrius and many Polish Lords are Massacred at Moscow.  The New Princess did not long enjoy her good Fortune. Susky, a Moscovite, to whom Demetrius had pardoned his Life, against the Advice of many Persons, who Counselled him to let the Sentence of Death be executed, which had passed against a Man of a restless and ambitious Spirit, and of whose Fidelity no one could be assured; Susky, I say, and a great number of Muscovite Nobles, had now laid a Plot against Demetrius. They rendered him odious to the Clergy and People, by spreading abroad a Rumour, that he designed to alter Religion, to bring Muscovy into subjection under the Pope and cause Jesuits and Roman Priests to come in: And because the People thought Heaven would not have so much declared in favour of the New Czar, if he had been an Impostor, 'twas endeavoured to make it be believed, that he had not go●… so great advantage against Boris and hi●… Son, but by the help of Magic. This Discourse made so great an Impression, as the People could hardly suffer, that Demetrius should have two or three Companies of Foreigners to guard his Palace and Person. The natural Aversion which the Muscovites have for the Poles, made the People yet more apt to receive what they took care to insinuate into them; to wit, that the Treasure of the Czars was to be Transported into Poland, and that the State should be governed for the future by a Polish Princess, and other Confidents of the same Nation. Susky and the principal Heads of this Conspiracy, having taken their Measures by the favour of the Malcontents, to make an Insurrection of the People in Moscow, the 27th of May 1606. came to the Palace at the Head of a great number of armed Men, broke it open with violence, slew the pretended Demetrius betrayed by his best Friends, and did a thousand Indignities to his dead Body. The People afterwards put all the Polanders to the Sword; 'tis reported, that there died of 'em more than seventeen Hundred. The Palatine of Sendomir was only saved, his Daughter, his Son, and some Lords, who were every one of them put into private Houses.  

Susky is made Czar of Muscovy, and after lays down his Dignity.  Susky caused himself to be chosen, and Crowned in the room of Demetrius, whether he was the right, or Sergeant one; for at last many pretended that he spoke truth. But the Circumstance of the Monk who conducted him into Poland, and that of his being put into Service in two different Houses; this I say, makes the History to be very much suspected. It seems to me, that a Child of this Importance, should have been first carried to the King of Poland. What had he there to fear from him? Whatever this Affair was, yet to confirm further the People in their Opinion, that this was a Cheat, Susky was willing they should dig up the dead Body of him, whom Boris had caused to be Slain. The Bones were carried to Moscow, and the Patriarch ordered that he should be Reverenced as a Martyr. Susky not doubting but that the Poles would wage a War against him, entered into a Negotiation with Charles of Sudermania, the New King of Sweden, who sent him Succours under the Conduct of de la Gardie. The Divisions of Sigismond with the Palatines of his Realm, did not permit him to attack the Muscovites so soon. In the year 1609. he resolved to take the City of Smolensko, which the Muscovites had taken from the Poles. The Siege or Blockade of this place, lasted two years; and more than two Hundred Thousand Inhabitants died, before it was surrendered. He sought several times to cause the Siege to be raised. Susky troubled at the ill success of his Arms, retired into a Monastery, after having laid down the Sceptre and Crown.  
Muscovy was then divided into three Parties. A New Demetrius was put up, 
Ladislaus Prince of Poland, proclaimed Czar of Muscovy.  and a great many declared for him; others to remedy the ill condition Muscovy was in, would have Ladislaus, King Sigismond's Eldest Son, and a hopeful Prince, set upon the Throne. At last a third Party would have a great Lord of the Country; these being united to Ladislau's Party, he was chosen Czar in his absence, in the year 1610. and the most considerable of the Clergy and Nobility, took an Oath of Fidelity to him. The false Demetrius strove to make himself Master of Moscow; but the Poles having twice beaten him, he was obliged to Retreat beyond the River Volga. This put the Poles into a condition of undertaking every thing. They made themselves Masters of the Castles of Moscow, and made it known to King Sigismond, who daily Besieged Smolensko, that his Son was Proclaimed Czar. The Inhabitants offered to yield themselves to Ladislaus, Elected Sovereign of Moscovy: But Sigismond was willing to get the place for Poland. The Inhabitants resolved not to separate themselves from the interest of Moscovy, held still the Siege out, till the Month of June, 1611. So that Sigismond had got but a City almost quite Dispeopled, and reduced to Ashes. The King of Poland, who did not think so much of Establishing his Son in the Throne of Moscovy, as to make advantage of the Country's Divisions, and bring it into Subjection, deferred too long to carry Ladislaus into Moscow. He had put off this Affair to the year 1612. but the continual Contentions he had with the Palatines, did not suffer him to execute his Project.  

The Poles are driven out of Muscovy, and Michael Federovits is chosen Czar.  So long a delay gave time to the Relations of the Deceased Czar Boris, to get together a strong Party. Michael Federovits put himself at the Head of 'em, and marched towards Moscow. The Polish General came out of the City, gathered Troops together, and gave Battle to the Moscovites revolted from Ladislaus. The Poland●…rs were Defeated, and their General Retreated towards Smolensko, with the broken Remnant of his Army. After this 'twas easy to drive the Poles out of the Castle of Moscow. The Moscovites thus delivered from a Foreign Power, chose a New Czar in the year 1612. This was Michael Federovits, the nearest Kinsman of the Deceased Czar Boris. A New Party united in favour of Charles Philip, Brother to Gustavus King of Poland, might have been able to have thwarted this Election, if Gustavus had not lost the Opportunity, by thinking rather to extend his own Dominion, than endeavour his Brother's Establishment. The Muscovites had time to reunite themselves. Their New Czar having nothing more to fear at Home, undertook to be revenged of the Poles. He said Siege to Smolensko the following year, and the City being but weakly defended, was in a little time taken. The Poles were then so divided, as that they were not in a condition to hinder the Enemy from retaking all that Poland had taken away from him, and making inroads further into Lithuania.   

THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF LEWIS XIII. King of France and Navarre.  
BOOK IU.  
FRance was not much less troubled with Commotions, than Poland. 
1613. The Baron de Luz. Slain by the Chevalier de Guise.  If there was not yet Civil War in France, the Number of Malcontents was so great, and the Factions increased after such a manner every day, as all seemed to be in a readiness for an open Rupture. The Death of the Baron de Luz, Knight of the King's Order, and his Lieutenant General in Burgundy, who was killed in the midst of Paris the 5th of January 1613. by the Chevalier de Guise, gave the Queen new Disquiets.  
Luz whilst he lived, had made many Persons; he had been in a League with different Parties, and we find him in several Intrigues. Under the Reign of the Deceased King, he was one of the intimate Friends of the Marshal Byron. At the beginning of this, he was Intrigued with the Guises; but believing he should settle himself better through the Marquis d'Ancre's favour, he left them to be of Conchini's side. He was suspected to serve this Italian in a design he had to undo Bellegarde, and take away from him the Government of Burgundy. This provoked more against him, the House of Guise, Friend and Ally to Bevegarde. This House sought but an occasion to be revenged and rid of a Man, who not content to have left him in the Lurch, was moreover Intrigued to mischief him as much as he could. 
French Mercury 1613.  Some of the Baron's indiscreet words seemed to the Chevalier de Guise, 
Siri Memory recondite. Tom. III. pag. 23, 24.  a sufficient reason to fight him. The Baron had unwarily bragged of his being at Blois with the Marshal Brissac, in the Chamber where King Henry the III. had taken a Resolution, to cause the Duke of Guise to be Slain, and to have hindered Brissac from Advertising the Duke of this evil Design against him. This was reason enough to animate the Chevalier de Guise to be revenged of an Enemy of his House, who boasted to have contributed to the Death of his Father, by hindering Brissac from saving his Life. The Chevalier then met the Baron in St. Honoré's Street, makes him draw his Sword, and at the second Pass he made at him, kills him.  

The Queen's Anger against the Guise●….  The Regent who made use of the Baron de Luz, was extremely provoked at this boldness. She being persuaded that they thought rather to give her Trouble, than revenge the Death of the Deceased Duke of Guise, left her Dinner which she had just set down at; as soon as she heard of the Baron's Death, and throwing the Napkin upon the Table, she retired with Tears in her Eyes into her Closet. Her Majesty straghtways calls for the Princes and Ministers to deliberate upon this Affair, 
Memoires de Bassompierre.  which she extremely took to Heart. It was there resolved, that the Parliament should take Informations, and proceed immediately to prosecute the Murderer, and send somebody in her Majesty's Name to Guise's House, for to command the Nobility, who were met there, to be gone forthwith, and forbidden the Duke appearing at the Lovure, till such time the Queen had sent for him. 'Twas said, that Guise was resolved to go to Court, accompanied with a great number of Gentlemen. Some scrupled to go out of Guise's House, though the Duke had prayed the to obey the Regent's Order. The Count de la Rochefoucault, Master of the King's Wardrobe, Signalised himself amongst all the rest. He alone refused to go out, and the Queen was angry at his Disobedience, and commanded him to be gone presently from Court.  
The Mind of Mary de Medicis was somewhat quieted, when she heard, that the Duke of Guise had made the Chevalier his Brother departed from his House, and that he had ordered him to be gone into the Country. Bassompierre a friend to the Guise's, for the Princess of Conti's sake their Sister, whom he loved, and to whom his Person was not indifferent took an Opportunity to tell the Queen, that the Duke humbly. desires leave of her Majesty, to justify himself. The Queen granted him this, on condition he would only come when it was almost Night, and without any Company. Bassompierre went and fetched him immediately. The Duke spoke in such Respectful and Submissive Terms, as her Majesty seemed to be appeased: But the Duchess, Mother of the Guises, spoiled all in a Visit she afterward made to the Queen. The Duchess spoke of the Matter so proud and lofty, as her Majesty was more provoked against the Guises, than before.  
The Duke was enraged against the Prince of Conde's Party, 
Siri Memoire recondite, To. III. pag. 24.  which had opposed him: He could not Digest, that the Duke of Mayenne his Cousin was entered into it: Guise, if the Duke of Epernon had not stopped him, in company of some of his Friends, would have Assaulted Mayenne, who likewise walked well Guarded, insomuch that there might have been mach Blood spilt. The Queen advertised of this New Accident, ordered the Duke of Mayenne to be reconciled with the Head of his Family, and to go and visit Guise at his House. They had a long Discourse together, and parted seemingly good Friends.  

The Duke of Guise would join himself to the Prince of Conde's Party.  I don't know whether it was not Mayenne, who persuaded the Duke of Guise, incensed that the Queen denied him to call back the Count Rochefoucault to Court, to unite with the Prince of Conde for removal of the Ministers, already sunk in their Credit. The Marquis d' Ancre had so great a desire of drawing into this new Confederacy the Dukes of Guise and Epernon, which was so prevalent at Court, as Guise having addressed Conchini, to get the Regent to give the Count de la Rochefoucault leave to return to Court, this politic for me a Reward? I should look on it as an Affront done me. What I can do for the Queen is already sufficiently paid. I should be unworthy of the Name I bear, and the Offices I am dignified withal, and aught to be as despicably looked upon as the most ungrateful of all Men, if I should make my Master buy my Services. Bassompierre averred, that he never forgot what he heard the Duke of Epernon up-this Occasion. The Words certainly deserve to be committed to Memory; and if there was not more of Vanity perhaps, than of Reality in the Duke of Epernon's Sentiments, it must be confessed to his Glory, that he had a more Noble Heart than any Prince or Grandee of the Court of France.  

The Regent reconciled with the Dukes of Guise and Epernon.  In the mean time Bassompierre went to wait again on the Queen, after she had dined, as her Majesty had ordered him. I am so sick at Stomach, said Mary de Medicis, when she was alone with him, as all that I have eaten seems to be Poison: If I am not suddenly rid of this Trouble, I fear that I shall be out of my Wits. She spoke probably more Truth than she thought for. They who best understood this Business, testified this of her, that she had a great Spirit; but not the large Capacity, nor the Constancy and Experience, which another Queen of the same House showed in some Precedent Reigns; and those excellent Qualities were needful to Mary de Medicis for to govern a State full of Factions. Bassompiere, continued she, you must bring me back the Duke of Guise whatever it costs: Offer him a Hundred Thousand Crowns, which I'll pay him in ready Money, with the Lieutenancy-General of Provence for the Chevalier his Brother, and the Reversion of the Abbey of St.  for the Princess his Sister. In a Word, I give you full Power to offer what you please, provided you make him quit this Cabal, and I can be ascertained of his good Intentions. ' Madam, answered Bassompierre smiling, you have put such a Stock into my Hands, as 'twill be very hard if I do not make a good Bargain.  
Now see here what the Reversion is of the Abbey of St.  de Prez at Pa●…is. The Prince of Conti enjoyed this rich Benefice, though he was married. The same was promised to the Princess his Wife, in case he died before her. Strange Abuse of Ecclesiastical Revenues! But a Dispensation from the Pope solves all. Let it not be said, that these Disorders are now reformed. Have we not seen a younger Brother of the House of Lorraine in France, 
The Count of Marsan.  confirmed by a solemn Edict in the Enjoyment of a considerable Pension from a Bishopric; because the Pope had granted him a Dispensation to keep it, notwithstanding his Marriage? And certainly, every thing fully considered, if the Revenues of the Church been't employed for the Relief of the Poor, or any other good Work, they are as well in the Hands of a Prince or Princess, as in any idle Monk's hands, Cardinal's, or Abbot's of Quality, who spend them in rich Equipage, great Feasts, keeping of Horses and Dogs and maintaining Misses. But I return to Bassompierre's Negotiation.  
Before he had taken leave of Mary de Medicis for to go and execute his Orders, he spoke to the Queen to call back to Court the Duke of Epernon. I would withal my Heart, she replied, but he is a Man whom I have offended; and he never pardons. ' Yes, his Enemies, answered Bassompierre smiling; but not his Masters. The good Princess did not well know the Duke's Temper. He was not so good a Christian, as to pardon his Enemies; yet he was too ambitious not to pardon the Regent, provided she would set him up higher in Authority and Reputation. Tell the Queen answered he to Bassompierre, that I only supplicate to her to be somewhat more constant for the future; to distinguish better, and continue her good Servant. At length Bassompierre proposed to the Regent, she would be pleased to give leave that her Ministers of State might come back to Court again. He offered to speak for Villeroy and Jeannin; but as for what concerned the Chancellor, the Regent was to declare herself to the Chevalier Sileri, Brother to this Magistrate.  
It's needless to relate all the Particulars of Bassompierre's Negotiation: He had so good Markets to make, as there was not much trouble to bring 'em to an end. The Duke of Guise, said Bassompierre, at first ranted according to his Custom, but afterwards he consented to all. His Lady Duchess, who was made use of in this Affair, did not make many Words to make him accept of a good Sum of Money. The Duke of Epernon asked nothing better, than to have a Share in the Government. This haughty ambitious Man saw, with Pleasure, that they thought him the most proper Person to break up a puissant Faction, contrived by the first Prince of the Blood and Grandees of the Realm. The Two Dukes saw the Queen the next Morning in private, to both of their Satisfactions.  

The old Ministers of State recalled  As for these Ministers of State, they were not less tractable. These Gentlemen were too much discontented to lose their Credit. The Chancellor and Villeroy were at odds, but quickly reconciled. Jeannin had a Commission to give the Queen a Visit in the Name of these Three, in Luxembourgh House, whither she repaired every Day to see the fine Palace she had begun to build, and the pleasant Gardens she was planting. The secret Discourse which the Queen had with the Precedent Jeannin, caused many Thoughts in the Marechal de Ancre, who was come to Luxemburgh House. His Surprisal was yet greater, when the Officer of the Queen's Guards would not let him come near to her, because she had given express Order, to hinder whomsoever he was that came, from interrupting her, whilst she was talking to the Precedent Jeannin.  
Conchini from that time began to fear some new Revolution at Court; he did not doubt of it farther, when he saw the next Evening the Queen give the Duke of Epernon a Thousand Marks of distinction. She caused a Chair to be brought for him, and placed next to her, under pretence that he was newly recovered from a great Sickness. They discoursed a long time together. She invited him to see a Play; and ordered a Chair to be brought for him and Zamet, the Duke's great Friend, who bore him Company, without giving the least Attention to the Duke of Mayenne, who was there present. Conchini swore bloodily; and considering how the Scene was altered, said, I laugh at the Affairs of this World. The Queen takes care of a Seat for Zamer, and never takes notice of the Duke de Mayenne. After such a Stir as this, depend, if ye will, upon the Friendship of Princes.  
Marry of Medicis was then the most satisfied Princess in the World: The very Day that she was reconciled to the Duke of Guise and Epernon, was, in her Opinion, the most difficult and weightiest Day of her Life. This is a Play, said she, with a many Intrigues in it; at the end we have nothing but Peace and Rejoicing. Whilst she was in so good a Humour, she plentifully bestowed her Liberalities. The Duke of Guise was secured of an Hundred thousand Crowns: and that the Count of Rochefoucault should be called back to Court. The Chevalier de Guise got the Lieutenacy-General of Provence; and the Queen caused all Processes to cease which were commenced against him. The Princess of Conti obtained the Reversion of the Abbey of St. . At last Bassompierre was promised the Office of Chief Gentleman of the King's Bedchamber.  

Confusion and Troubles of the Prince of Conde.  The Prince of Conde went next Morning to Court: But what was his Amazement, when he found the Queen shut up in her Closet with the Ministers of State without suffering any one to open the Door to him! After a great many Reflections upon this sudden Accident, the crafty Bassompierre insinuated, That the Marshal d●… Bovillon might have put a Trick upon his Highness in this Occasion, and have made his Peace with the Queen and the Ministers of State, leaving the Prince in the Lurch. This Suspicion seemed likely enough to poor Condé; who went straight away to the Marquis d' Anchors, for to consider together upon this Conjuncture, and found him no less cast down than himself was, at the good Understanding that wa●… between the Queen and her Minister's o●… State, and the new Favour of the Duke o●… Guise and d' Epernon.  
The Death of the young Baron de Luz●… slain in a Duel by the Chevalier de Guise did not make a less noise in the World; though the Court did not so much bestir itself about it, 
The young Baron de Luz killed in a Duel by the Chevalier de Guise.  as about the Murder of his Father. The Guises were at that time in Favour with the Regent. Luz, the Son of him whom I but now spoke of, instructed in the false Maxims of the French Nobility, thought himself to be bound in Honour to require Satisfaction for his Father's Death. A Month after he sent a Challenge to the Chevalier de Guise, by a Gentleman named du Riol. Sir, 
Mercure Francois. 1613.  imported the Challenge, you ought to be the only and trusty Witness of my just Grief. Pardon then, I pray you, if I require you, by this Note, to see you with Sword in Hand, for to have an Account from you of my Father's Death. The good Opinion I have of your Bravery and Courage, makes me hope you will make no use of your Quality for an Excuse to grant me a Request which Honour exacts from you. This Gentleman will show you the Place where I shall be with a good Horse. I have Two Swords, you shall have the choice of them. If you won't come hither, I'll go wherever you shall command me. The Chevalier de Guise was in Bed when du Riol gave him the Challenge. He quickly dressed himself; and taking the Chevalier Grignan to be his Second, they went all Three to the Place where the young Baron expected them. After the usual Formalities in premeditated Duels, the Four fought with their Swords on Horseback. Guise was wounded at the first Pass; but at the third he run Luz quite through, who fell from his Horse in a little time after. Grignan could not make his Part so good with du Riol, who had given him Two great Thrusts with his Rapier. The Chevalier de Guise ran speedily to help him; and du Riol, seeing Luz at Death's Door, made the best of his Way. 'Twas said, that the Court Bravoes went to congratulate the Chevalier de Guise upon this Achievement; which, in the Sense of all reasonable Men, he ought to be rather ashamed of. He had barbarously killed the Father, to rid his House of a Man who was a Thorn in their side. Though the Rule of false Honour did not allow him to deny the Son the Satisfaction he required, yet this second Homicide was not less Criminal than the former before God and Men, who have a right and sound Apprehension of things. One should be so far from applauding this wretched Murderer, as he ought to be looked upon with Horror, who after having unjustly killed the Father, was drawn on into the unfortunate Necessity of killing the Son, blinded by his just Resentment, and hurried on by the Evil Custom of the Times. That which is more astonishing is, that Mary de Medicis sent to visit the Chevalier de Guise after this second Duel, and ask how he did after his Wound; 
Memoires de Bassompierre  she who but few Weeks before had commanded the Parliament to prosecute him in less than eight Days for the first Duel.  
Behold how this weak and imprudent Queen executed the Declarations published by her Son, and under her Directions, at the beginning of the Year, against Duels. The precedent Kings had tried to abolish this pernicious and abominable Custom without ever being able to compass their Design. Lewis XIII. was more vigorous in the matter in the last Years of his Reign. Let us not deny his Son the just Praise he deserves in this Case. His Severity has almost completed what his Predecessors undertook, but could never bring about. This is the best, and perhaps, the only good Action he has done in fifty six Years of his Reign. If the Justice of Men let the Chevalier de Guise go unpunished, 
Mercure Francois 1514.  yet this false Brave can't escape God's Judgement. The following Year, being at the Castle de Baux, five Leagues from Arles in Provence, he would needs himself fire a Cannon, which burst asunder. He received such a Wound from a Splinter of it, as he died in two Hours after: Time, God wots, short enough for Preparation to appear before the terrible Revenger of Blood unjustly spilt. His Name was, Francis Paris de Lorraine.  

The Death of the Duke of Mantua. New Designs of the Duke of Savoy upon this Accident.  Affairs abroad disquieted the Regent as well as the Commotions at home. Francis Duke of Mantua, her Nephew, died the latter end of the precedent Year. He left behind him by Margaret his Wife of the House of Savoy, and Daughter of Charles Emanuel, but one Daughter about four Years of Age. Ferdinand Cardinal de Gonzagua, Brother to Francis, succeeded without any Contest, to the Duchy of Mantua. But Montferrat not being a Fief Male, it was to descend to the young Princess of Mantua. This Marquisate, formerly given by the Emperor Otho to a Saxon Lord, had fallen since into the Possession of two different Houses. The Paleologues first got into it by the Marriage of Yoland, an Heiress of the Line of Saxony, with Andronicus Paleologus, Emperor of Constantinople. Theodorus, their second Son, having had Montferrat for his Share, his Issue Male were in Possession of this Fee of the Western Empire, till for want of such Heirs, the House of Gonzagua came to inherit it, by Virtue of a Marriage of Margaret Poleologus with Frederick Duke of Mantua  
The Duke of Savoy disputed the Succession with the Family of the Gonzagua's. There is said they, an ancient Agreement made between Theodorus Paleologus and Edmund Comte de Savoy. That when the Line Male of the Paleologues should be at an end, the Issue Male of Yoland his Daughter, and of Edmund of Savoy, whom she had married, should inherit Montferrat; preferably to the Daughters of the Family of the Paleologues, who might only pretend to a Portion suitable to their Quality. Charles Emanuel had other Pretensions to a part of Montferrat, by Virtue of the Will of Blanch Paleologus, married into the House of Savoy. She made Duke Charles II. Heir of a part of Montferrat, which she laid claim to, and of what was besides due to her for her Jointure. The Sum was but Fourscore Thousand Crowns; but the Interest for a long time added to the Principal, made it amount almost to a Million of Livres. This occasioned a very long Suit between the Houses of Savoy and Gonzaga. Instead of ending the Process by a Definitive Sentence, the Emperor Charles V made the Affair more perplexed. He, to content both Parties, awarded the Possession of Montferrat to the House of Mantua, and left, as they were, the Pretensions of Savoy, by Virtue of a Testamentary Donation of Blanch Paleologus.  
The Marriage of the last deceased Duke Francis with Margaret of Savoy was at last concluded, with design to put an end to all the Differences of both Houses. In favour of this Alliance Charles Emanuel gave up all his Pretensions to his Daughter, and the Children begotten of her, if she should have any. 'Twas agreed likewise on both sides, that a Line should be drawn to divide, as equally as possible could be, the two Prince's Estates which ran into one another. But this Division being made, the Duke of Savoy was minded to renew his ancient Rights: insomuch as he was not so ready to maintain the Pretensions of Mary his Grandchild for Montferrat, as his own.  

Cartifices of the Duke of Savoy.  As soon as he had heard of the Duke of Mantua's Death, he sent two Persons, whom he chief relied upon, not so much to comfort his Daughter, as to instruct her in what she was to do in this present Conjuncture. The first counselled her to say she was with Child, to hinder Cardinal Gonzaga, who came in haste from Rome to put himself into Possession of the deceased Duke's Estate, his Brother. Margaret was extremely fixed on the Interest of her House; and Charles Emanuel had taken care to breed up his Children upon an entire dependence on their Father; so that the young Widow was easily brought over to counterfeit herself big with Child. Victor Amedaeus, Prince of Piedmont, went in Person to Mantua, under pretence of visiting his afflicted Sister; but he had secret Orders from his Father to take her out of Mantua, with her Daughter, to Turin, or Milan; or, lastly, to Montferrat; of which Place the Princess Mary was Heiress. It is not convenient, said Victor Amedaeus to the Court of Mantua, for a disconsolate Widow to live in a Place, where she constantly finds Objects to renew her Sorrow; and Decency will no more permit her to be with the Cardinal her Brother-in-Law, who is not much older than she, and hath so great Interest for the Succession of Mantua. He besides aught to wish it so, for his own Reputation. Would he make himself responsible for all the Accidents ●…hich might happen to the Mother or the Daughter? My Sister, continued he, ought ●…lso to take along with her the young Prin●…ess; she can't be in better Hands: Natu●…al Right gives to Mothers the Education of ●…heir Children: They can take more care of them, and be more tender of them than any other Person.  
The Cardinal Ferdinand understood very well, that the Savoyards thought of nothing more, than making sure to themselves Montferrat, under the Name of the Pupil who was in their Hands, or at least, at the disposal of John Mendoza, Marquis of Inojosa, Governor of the Milanese, their good Friend. Therefore the Cardinal alleged several Reasons to hinder his Sister-in-Law and his Niece, from going out of the States of Mantua. Is it Reasonable, answered Ferdinand, that we should suffer the Princess to go away, who perhaps may quickly bring an Heir capable to make this Country happy? The Princes of the House of Gonzaga are ordinarily born, where they are to Govern; and is it not more convenient for my Niece to be brought up in a Country, where we shall endeavour to make her some time a Sovereign Mistress, by Marrying her to the Heir of the House of Mantua? If the sight of my Deceased Brother's Palace troubles too much his Widow, we have other places whither she may retire for her Pleasure, with all imaginable Liberty.  
Charles Emanuel Negotiated at Milan, with as much Zeal and Artifice. He persuaded, that they would not consent to entrust with him the Heiress of Montferrat, caused it to be reported at Inojosa, that she was the King of Spain's Grandchild, that his Catholic Majesty was interess't to get her out of her Uncle's Hands by the Father side; that they should beforehand beware of the Cardinal, from whom she carried away with her the Succession of a rich Marquisate; that Philip III was to take so much the more care of the Princess Mary; that it was of great concern to his Majesty, that Montferrat should be in the possession of a House, which might be the best agreeable to him; Lastly, that it was to be feared, lest the Gonzagues should marry their Niece into France, with the Son of the Duke of Nevers, their near Relation.  

The Governor of Milan demands the Widow Duchess of Mantua and her Daughter.  These Reasons, 'twas said, backed with some Presents which Charles Emanuel had sent to the Marquis Inojosa, engaged this Governor to send the Prince d'Ascoli to Mantua with a great Retinue, to demand of the Cardinal the Widow Duchess and her Daughter. Such a Proposal at first surprised him, but recovering himself a little, he found an Expedient which broke the Measures of the Prince of Piedmont, and the Envoy of the Governor of Milan. 'tis true, answered Ferdinand, that the Princess Mary hath the Honour to be related to the King of Spain, but she hath this likewise, of being the Emperor's and Queen of France's Niece. I can't disdispose of her, without the consent of their Majesties. Besides, the Duchess my Sister-in-Law, and I, are at difference about the Tutelage of her Children. It belongs to the Emperor, on whom our Estates depend, to judge which of our two Rights are best grounded. The Prince of Piedmont and d'Ascoli, departed after this Answer, whether it was that the respect they had for so grea●… a Name, stopped their Mouths, or that they had not taken necessary Measures for speaking more resolutely.  

The Regent of France opposeth the designs of the Duke of Savoy.  The Marquis Trenel was at Turin, i●… the behalf of Mary de Medicis, when the News was received there of the Death o●… the Duke of Mantua. Amongst the Compliments of Condolence to Charles Emanuel, upon this troublesome Accident which happened in his Family; Trenel, as from himself insinuated into the dissembling Savoyard, who feigned to talk of the Count of Spain, that his most Christian Majesty had so good Intentions for the House of Mantua, as he would never fail to take it into his Protection, and Oppose with the force of his Arms, those who should undertake to offer violence to his near Relations. Charles Emanuel well understood this Discourse concerned him, more than it regarded the Spaniards. He then laying aside his ordinary Dissimulation, answered frankly, that he hoped from the Equity of the King, and his Mother Queen, their Majesties would not take it ●…l, if he maintained, in case he was forced ●…'t, the Right of his Children to the Estates of the House of Mantua. My Daughter is big with Child, proceeded he, ●…nd don't we know, but that she may be ●…rought to bed of a Son? Be it what it will, ●…he Princess Mary is the undoubted Heiress ●…f Montferrat. If the House of Gonzaga ●…ill do any Injustice to the Mother or Daughter, am not I in a necessity to take their In●…rests? I can't be persuaded, that his most ●…hristian Majesty, whom I have always ●…erv'd the best 'twas possible for me, would ●…rotect upon this occasion, Persons who would ●●ke away Mine and my children's Rights. Whatever comes on't, if Men fail to do Justice, we shall have Recourse to the Sovereign Judge of the World, and we trust he ●…ill be favourable to us. Such is the Lan●…uage of Princes, when they are going ●●on unjustifiable Actions. Geffier Resi●…ent from France at the Court of Savoy, ●●d Orders to speak more positively to ●●e Duke, and declare to him, that the ●●areschal Lesdiguieres, should have an ●…rmy ready to march forward into Italy, as soon as there should be any Attempt against the House of Mantua, which the Crown of France took under its Protection. The French being gone to Mantua, to make his Compliments of Condolence, in behalf of the King of France, and the Queen his Mother, to the Cardinal, upon the Death of the late Duke, gave the same Assurance by the Queen's Order. This did not a little serve to secure Ferdinand, whom these Affairs had put into great perplexity.  

The Pope's Conduct in the Affairs of Mantua.  He was to expect some Succours from the Pope, whose chief Interest is to maintain peace in Italy; but the fearful and interessed old Man, acted but weakly in this matter. However urgent Breves, the French Ambassador at the Court of Rome was with Paul V for to stir him up to prevent the Troubles which this Controversy might raise in Italy; 
Siri Memory recondite. To. III. pag. 16, 17, etc.  no other answer could be got from him, than that the Queen of France ought to press th●… Catholic King, to send a precise Order to the Governor of Milan, not to bac●… the Pretensions of the Duke of Savoy. The Pope secretly gained over by the Spaniards, to whom he was wholly devoted and who at first flattered themselves o●… making an Advantage of the Ambition 〈◊〉 Charles Emanuel, had Counselled the Cardinal of Mantua, to send the Mother and Daughter to Milan. And when it was proposed to him, to take them both to Boulogne, under the Care and Protection of the Holy Chair, he excused himself of this; for that Charles Emanuel had no confidence in him. At length Breves having told Paul, that it was however expected from his love for the common good of Italy, that he should oppose his Spiritual and Temporal Arms against the Duke of Savoy, in case he attempted to attack with open Force, the Cardinal of Mantua; the Pope answered in General Terms, that he would follow the Dictates of his own Conscience, and do as God should inspire him; an usual Evasion of these Gentlemen, who harken to their Interests and Passions, more than to the Voice of the Holy Spirit. Pope Paul spoke with more Sincerity, when in Reference to this same Affair of Mantua, he said, that he would not meddle with the concern of Princes, who had no regard for his Authority; and such indeed are the Sentiments of the great Personages, who are of the Pope's Communion. They all of 'em know, that this is but Usurpation, Deceit and Pageantry; yet in the Interim, I cannot understand by what politic Interest, all these Princes who are under the Pope's Obedience, keep still in with him. These imagine, whether it be good or bad, that his Authority is necessary to them upon certain occasions, and the Court of Rome crafty to make an Advantage of their so beneficial prejudicated Opinions, think that they are quit with 'em, if from time to time they wipe off, and connive at some disdainful Aspersions, whilst they can preserve their Revenues and a Spiritual Power over the Ignorant and Superstitious People, without which, the Pontifical Chair could have no long continuance or Duration.  

The States of Venice stand by the Cardinal of Mantua.  The Venetians upon this Occurrency were less Fearful, and more Wise than the Pope; for these able Statesmen foresaw too well, the Consequences of the Affair of Mantua, and easily discovered where the Artifices of the Duke of Savoy drove at. The Senate therefore took particular care to encourage Cardinal Ferdinand, and gave him the best Advice, for not to suffer himself to be surprised unawares. 
Nani Hist. Veneta. Lib. I. 1613.  The Republic did moreover Negotiate very effectually both at Vienna, and at the Court of France, to persuade those Princes to oppose the secret Designs of the Spaniards, and the undertake of Charles Emanuel. Mathias the Emperor did as much instruct his Kinsman the King of Spain, as any other Prince in Europe, and the Cardinal de Clessel kept him in this Jealousy.  
Being both persuaded that the Spaniards designed rather to Ruin, than to Support the Authority of the Emperor in Italy. Upon this account Mathias did not make any difficulty to choose the Cardinal of Mantua for the Guardian of the Children of the late Duke, and to dispense with his Age, he not being old enough according to the Common Laws, to be their Guardian.  

Ferdinand, Cardinal of Gonzague takes upon him the Title of Duke of Mantua.  At length after Three months' pretence, the Duchess Margarita declared, she was not with Child; and Ferdinand de Gonzague took the Quality of Duke of Mantua. The Prince of Piedmont came to fetch his Sister, and Conduct her to Turin. Isabel of Savoy, another Daughter of Charles Emanuel, Married to Caesar d'Este Duke of Medena, came also to Mantua, that so she night have a meeting with the Prince of Piedmont her Brother, and the Duchess Margarita her Sister. This was a new ●…ontrivance of Charles Emanuel. The Marriage of the Cardinal, 
Nani Historia Veneta. Lib. I▪ 1613. Siri Memorierecondite. Tom. III. p. 52, 53▪ 54. etc.  Duke of Man●…ua was thought a proper expedient to ●…ompose all Differences: 'Twas proposed, ●…nd Ferdinand did not seem very averse to 〈◊〉 Margarita thought by shedding a few Tears 'twould be easy to work upon her ●…over, and to obtain leave of him to ●…arry away the Princess Maria; but though ●…he Cardinal might have some inclinati●…ns for Margarita, yet his love was not so ●…olent as to overcome all those Reasons which engaged him not to part with his Niece. The Prince of Piedmont seeing him resolute in this point, thought fit to try another method, which was this; that the Duchess Dowager should retire to Modena with her Daughter, till the proposed Marriage should be Consummated; but in case it should be broke off, she should go alone to Turin; and that Caesar de Este should be obliged by promise to send back the Princess Mary to Mantua, if the Emperor or Cardinal Duke should re-demand her.  

New efforts of the D. of Savoy, to fetch the Princess Mary his Grandaughter from Mantua.  Ferdinand was caught in the Snare: Whether it was that his Ministers were bribed, or that he had not quickness of apprehension enough to receive it; the Cardinal imprudently accepted the proposal, which his Enemies made him: When the Ministers of France had notice of it, they admonished Ferdinand, that if his Niece should once go out of his hands, 'twould be impossible for him to get her again, and that the Duke of Modena would be so confined by the artifices of Charles Emanuel, and the Marquis d'Inojosa, that he would not be able to restore her, though he should be willing to do it. They added farther, if you should marry any one but Margarita, and it should please God, you have any Children, what perpetual disputes will there be between them and the Heiress of one part of the Estates of your Family?  
Have you duly weighed all these inconveniencies? This Remonstrance opened the Cardinal Duke's Eyes; but he had given his Word, and he could not tell how to go back. The Ministers of France, and the Venetians helped him out by persuading the Duke of Modena, not to charge himself with a Trust which was like to en●…angle him in a great deal of trouble and vexation: So that the Prince of Piedmont set out for Turin with his Sister Margarita, ●…he being very much grieved to leave her Daughter behind her. They came to Milan in the holy Week. The Governor ●…nvited them to spend those days of Devotion there: But Victor Amadeus and ●…nojosa had something else to mind than holidays. The latter sent immediately ●…o Modena to engage Este, to charge himself with the Duchess and Princess of Mantua, which according to Agreement were to be committed to his Care: And when they were sure of the Duke of Modena, the Captain of the Governor's Guards was sent to Mantua, in Inojosa's Name, to desire the Cardinal Duke to be ●…s good as his Word. Ferdinand, who ●…id not expect thus to be importuned a●…resh, had no other way to come off, but ●…o retract what he had said. He al●…edged for his excuse, that he could not ●…eliver up his Niece without the consent of the Emperor, who had committed her ●…o his Guardianship. The Titular Bishop of Diocesarea was sent to Milan, to make up the business with the Governor. Ferdinand ordered this Prelate to go likewise as far as Verceil, whither Charles Emanuel was advanced, under a pretence of coming to meet his Daughter Margarita, but really with a design to execute a Project, which he had in his Head.  

The ambitious Projects of the D. of Savoy.  The Bishop of Diocesarea had power to Negotiate the Marriage proposed between the Cardinal Duke and his Sister in Law. The Dissembling Savoiard sometimes seemed to listen to this Expedient, but he had no desire to bring the matter to a conclusion. The opportunity which he had of seizing on Monferrat, was too good to be neglected: Charles Emanuel plainly told the Bishop of Diocesarea, that he would not give up the pretensions of the House of Savoy to Monferrat in favour of the Match; he demanded back again not only the Jewels which his daughter had carried into the Family of Gonzague, but also those which her Husband had presented her with. The Cardinal Duke refused to restore the latter, and Charles Emanuel full of great expectations, designed nothing, but to satisfy his Ambition.  
He pleased himself with the thought●… of having time to effect his Enterprise before the Princes of Italy would be awakened out of that Sleep, which ●…long and profound Peace had brought upon them. The watchful Eye which the Republic of Venice had upon every thing that was doing in their Neighbourhood, gave him some Disturbance: But he imagined that if they did not approve of his Invasion, yet they would stand by, and look on, rather than engage in a War. As for the Emperor, he did not much concern himself about it: The Authority of the Empire in Italy is but a vain Title without Power. The two Crowns were more to be feared. But the Duke thought Maria de Medicis, having her hands full by reason of the Factions of the Princes and great Men at home, could not send any mighty Assistance to the House of Mantua. And then he hoped to curry favour at the Court of Madrid, by means of the Governor of Milan, his Friend: Besides, there were at that time no Troops in those parts; and it would require time to bring them thither: However, he thought the fear of bringing the French into Italy, would make the Court of Madrid backward to declare itself either one way or the other. And this in the very thing, which would have checked Charles Emanuel, if he had not been blinded by his Ambition.  
For indeed his Catholic Majesty fearing nothing more, than that the French should have any pretence to carry their Arms into Italy; his business was to take care that the Duke of Savoy should not tacque the House of Mantua, which France would not fail to take under its Protection.  

The Duke of Savoy invades Monferrat.  Charles Emanuel assembles his Troops as secretly as he can, and parts from Verceil the 22th of April 1613. to enter Monferrat with his Army: He presently surprises several places; others being not prepared to make any Resistance, Surrender; so that within a few days, he was Master of all the Province except Casal. He had also took this important Town, and the rest of the Marquisat, if Charles of Gonzague Duke of Nevers in France, had not happily been in Italy at the time of his Invasion; whether it was upon the account of assisting the Cardinal Duke with his Advice, and with his Sword if there should be occasion, or whether he pretended to Negotiate at Rome and at Venice, about an imaginary descent into the Morea, which he had designed; he undertook to Conduct to Florence his Sister in Law, Daughter of the late Duke of Maienne, married to the Count of Saintfiore, Son of the Duke of Sforce. When Nevers was arrived on the Coasts of Genoa, he received Letters, which invited him in the Name of the Nobility of Monferrat, to come immediately to their assistance, to stop the progress of the Arms of the Duke of Savoy. Nevers went away presently with some Soldiers, which he got together, and with the assistance of a good Guide he luckily entered Casal, which the Cardinal Duke had made as strong as he could. Vincent de Gonzague the Cardinal's Brother hasted towards that place at the same time, and in his Passage through Milan, he endeavoured to convince Inojosa of the secret designs of the Enemy of their Family, who flattered himself that the Conquest of Monferrat▪ would facilitate that of Milan one day, which was a thing he had long ago contrived.  

This Enterprise occasions great commotions in Italy.  All Italy was alarmed at the report of the March of Charles Emanuel. 'Twas not doubted but Inojosa was privy to his Designs, tho' he took particular care openly to condemn the Duke's Enterprise.  
And tho' the Governor inveighed against him, sent Circular Letters to the Princes of Italy, and writ to France, declaring that the King his Master disapproved the Action of the Savoyard, and that his Catholic Majesty would vigorously oppose all those that troubled the Repose of Italy. All the World believed that Charles Emanuel and he understood one another, and that he had received considerable Presents from him. And 'tis a question whether the Marquis of Bedmar, Ambassador of Spain at Venice, was more sincere in the Protestations which he made to the Seignory, implying that Philip would willingly concur with them in securing the quiet of Italy, that the Cardinal Duke should be reestablished in his Possession of Monferrat, and that Charles Emanuel should be punished for his Temerity.  
When the Duke of Savoy's designs were publicly known, the Republic of Venice represented to him, that they were surprised to see him begin a War, which in all probability, would draw Foreign Forces into Italy, which must first pass through his Territories. These prudent Senators said to him, There are some Conquests, which done't deserve to be bought with the loss of that Quiet and Tranquillity, which a Prince enjoys. Have a regard to your Glory and to your Interest: You thus hazard the loss of the one, and expose your Country to be the Theatre of a War, the End of which perhaps you may not live to see: France and Spain will Interest themselves; at least they will make themselves Arbiters in the Case, and you must submit to their Decision. Instead of listening to these wise Admonitions, Charles Emanuel ordered the Ambassador of the Republic to leave him; but 'twas not long before the Ambitious Duke perceived he was engaged in an Enterprise, which was not like to prove Honourable to him in the Issue. The Venetians sent Three thousand Men for the preservation of Casal. The great Duke of Tuscany promised Two thousand Foot, and Two hundred Horse to the Cardinal Duke. The House of Mantua levied Three thousand Swissers; so that they hoped in a short time to be in a Condition to meet the Duke of Savoy, with Sixteen or Seventeen thousand Men; but things did not perfectly succeed according to his Expectation. As for the Pope, he only promised his good Offices in order to a Peace. The Quality of Universal Father is of mighty use, when he thinks fit rather to Enrich his Family, than to Secure an injured Prince.  

The Manifesto's of the D. of Savoy and the Cardinal D. of Mantua.  In the mean time they published Manifestoe's on both Sides. The Duke of Savoy asserted, that the Guardianship of the Princess Mary belonged to the Duchess her Mother; he insisted mightily on the Cardinal Duke's refusing to keep his word; 
Mercure Francoise. 1613▪  and the excuse that that Prince could not part with a Pupil, which the Emperor had committed to his Tutelage, was pretty well refuted; as indeed it was not a very good one. The Emperor's Interposition in that affair was desired by him, that so he might make use of it afterwards, as there should be occasion. And he had sufficiently explained himself as to that Point, when he promised to deliver back his Niece into the hands of the Duke of Modena. Charles Emanuel laid forth his Pretensions to Monferrat; with as much boldness, as if they had been the clearest and justest in the World. This is the way of Ambitious Princes. They imagine that the World is easily imposed on, and that Men will believe them upon their Word. As for the Cardinal Duke, he replied in his Manifesto, that the Duchess his Sister-in-Law not being of Age, the Law did not allow her to be Guardianess of her Daughter, and that Mothers forfeit the Guardianship of their Children, when they voluntarily withdraw from the Family and Dominions of their Husbands. From whence he concluded that Margarita, having earnestly desired to go to Turin, had thereby renounced her Guardianship of the Princess of Mantua. He endeavoured to make good the Emperor's committing her to his Care. But the Promise which he made, and broke afterwards, was such a Slur upon him, that he could not possibly give it a good Colour: His best way had been ingeniously to have confessed his Imprudence; such a false step costs a Prince Dear: The superannuated and extravagant Pretensions to Monferrat are very well refuted. He did not fail to put the Duke of Savoy in mind of the Grant which he had made upon the Marriage of his Daughter with the late Duke Francis of Mantua. In which Point, he had been guilty of a far more considerable Breach of his Word than that was, which Charles Emanuel made such a noise about: How could he have the Face to insist so much upon the retractation of a surprised Man, who himself was the most Perfidious, and falsest Prince of his time.  
At this time he Acted a Thousand parts to justify his Conduct to the World, or at least to gain time in managing the two Crowns. 
Artifices and bravadoes of D. of Savoy.  Sometimes he proposed to set the Arms of the King of Spain over the Gates of all the Towns which he had taken in Monferrat, and to put them into the hands of his Majesty, on Condition, there should be a Garrison of Savoyards. Sometimes he offered to let Philip III. have Casal, on Condition that the House of Savoy should remain in Possession of all the rest of Monferrat. When he writ to the Queen Regent of France, he did it in the most submissive manner imaginable; he was ready to deliver up to her Majesty, all that he had taken from the House of Mantua.  
And when Charles Emanuel perceived that his pretended Submissions did him no kindness, he put on another Shape; he Hectored and Threatened all the World; Just as if all Europe had been at his Disposal. If the Spaniards required him to desist from his Enterprise, he answered them haughtily that he would side with France. If the Pope urged him to make Peace, he talked of calling to his assistance an Army of Protestants into Italy. And, if the Republic of Venice pretended to assist the Cardinal Duke, he threatened them with nothing less than bringing the Turk against them, and covering the Adriatic Sea with Corsairs and Pirates. Sometimes, nevertheless he talked of Peace, but his Proposals were so extravagant, that they could not be accepted, or else so ambiguous, that no body could tell what he meant.  

His Intrigues at the Court of France are discovered,  The Intrigues which this turbulent Spirit had form in the Court of France, with some great Men there, gave him more Confidence than any thing else. He sent Couriers continually to the Marshal de Lesdiguieres, his Friend, who Commanded in Dauphine by reason of the Nonage of the Count Soissons. 
Siri Memoirie recondite Tom. III. page 81.  He made Lesdiguieres believe that he did nothing without his Privity and Advice; that so he might get him into his Interests, and hinder him from obeying too punctually the Orders, the Queen Regent had sent him to assist her Nephews of Mantua; and amuse the Marshal with divers Proposals of accommodation: Charles Emanuel held also a great Correspondence with the Duke of Bellegarde, one of the Malcontents of the Regency. The Government of Burgundy, in which he was settled, might render him very useful to the Designs of the Savoiard. In short, he had Agents and secret Spies in the Court of France, who gave him notice of every thing, and who were nearly Allied to the Prince of Conde, the Malcontented Noblemen, and even the Marquis and Marchioness of Ancre, the most intimate Confidents of the Queen. Being exactly informed of all that past at Court, and in the several Provinces; The Duke of Savoy flattered himself that Mary de Medicis being embarrast with Factions, which he managed with extraordinary application, would not be in a condition to let her thoughts run abroad; and that she would shortly be engaged in a Civil War.  

Memoires de Bassompierre.  And really, what care soever the Queen Regent took to secure herself of the Duke of Guise, he still wavered, and the Prince of Conde was forward enough to take notice of it. The Duke of Vendome, Gevernour of Britagne had given his word to the Duchess of Mercoeur, his Mother-in-Law, that he would be faithful to the Queen: And nevertheless he grew into a great intimacy with Conde, before he set out for Bretagne, whither he went to call together the States of that important Province. The Marshal of Bovillon disgusted that he could not rise so high as he aspired, was the Man, who underhand endeavoured to take off the Duke of Guise from the Queen's Interests, and to strengthen the Prince of Conde's Party, that so Marry de Medicis might see her need of him, and buy him at a dearer rate. The Marquis d' Ancre being earnestly bend upon the ruin of those Ministers, which the Cab●…l had a mind to undermine, went so far in that business, that the Queen Regent was obliged to threaten him with Banishment, if he did not break up the Cabal, and presently return to Court, from which he affected to be at a distance, under a pretence of some Discontent. I am a Man of Honour, answered he to Bassompierre, when this Nobleman spoke to him in the behalf of his Benefactress, The Queen thinks she may break her Word to People; for my own part, I'll be Faithful to Mr. the Prince, and those others, with which her Majesty has united me. The cunning Italian loved Conde no more than those Ministers, but being resolved to remove all those Princes and Noblemen that stood in his way, after he had driven from the Court all those which he thought had too great a share in the management of Affairs. The Ministers did not let slip so good an occasion of irritating the Queen against the Marquis; they studiously aggravated the Ingratitude of a Man, whom the Queen had raised. Galigai his Wife was the first that exclaimed against him: But at the bottom there was a very good understanding between him and his Wife, they were both in the same Intrigues.  
Their Enemy's thought they had found out enough to be the Ruin of both without remedy. Gueffier the Resident of France in Savoy had discovered that the Duke had notice of all the secret Passages at Court, 
Mercure Francoise. 1613.  and that the Letters were directed to a certain Baron de la Roche of Dauphiny, whom Charles Emanuel often kept company with, and I can't tell how, Gueffier had gotten a piece of a Letter written by the hand of the Duke of Savoy's Spy. He sent it back to France, 
Memoires de la Regence de Marie de Medicis.  to be examined, to see if they could know the Hand of this Person that sent secret Advice. They suspected divers, and the Officers of the Post had Orders to seize him, who should bring Letters written by the same hand. The Queen Regent was then at Fontainbleau, where she was entertaining herself with the Pleasures of the Spring. 'Twas there they seized a Dauphinois, by Name Magnac, as he was carrying to the Post a Letter addressed to the Baron de la Roche; they examined him before the Queen's Council. Magnac accuses the Marquis and Marchioness d' Ancre; but above all, Dole their intimate Confident. The Ministers began to triumph hereupon. They boasted that Conchini and his Wife, or at least Dole should never get clear of this unhappy affair. And certainly there was matter enough to ruin them entirely, 
The extreme Embarrassment of the Marquis d' Ancre, which he brought himself into by intrigueing with the D. of Savoy. Memoires de Bassom.  if their Friends had not stood by them, and if they had had a Mistress more Advised, and less Indulgent than Maria de Medicis.  
Bassompierre had dextrously gotten all the Secret out of Lomenie the Secretary of State, something of which the Queen had before told him. He thought he was obliged immediately to advertise Conchini of it whom he looked on as his Friend. The Marquis d' Ancre denied that he knew Magnac, and affected to speak without any concern. Bassompierre being satisfied that he had performed a good Office to a Man that might make his advantage of it if he pleased, left the Marquis, and took a walk along the Canal of Fountainbleau. But Conchini reflecting upon the notice that had been given him, he presently sent to inquire for Bassompiere: They shut themselves up in a Gallery, and Conchini being uneasy, having walked sometime without saying any thing, Cried out all of a sudden in his odd Language, half French and half Italian, I am Ruined. Mr. Bassompierre, The Ministers my Enemies have got the better of me with the Queen. Then he wept bitterly, and threw out a thousand Execrations. Bassompierre suffered him to torment himself for some time. After the Marquis was a little come to himself, he said thus to him. Sr. your business now is to take a good Resolution. The favour of the Queen may be a great stay to you against your Enemies. They can never hinder her from hearing you make your Defence if you are Innocent. But if your. Conscience reproaches you with any thing, rather retire to your Government of Amiens. Let your Wife and Friends do what they can; they will find a favourable moment to appease the Queen.  
Conchini, who knew himself guilty, at present though it the best way to secure his Person in Amiens, to which Place Bassompierre was willing to accompany him. But Dole fearing he should be Ruined, if the Marquis d' Ancre left the Court, persuaded him to change his Resolution. He had recourse to the Goodness of the Queen, who too much doted on Leonora, Conchini's Wife. The Queen was not very backward to forgive them this Trick. The Commissioners who examined Magnac, gave in an account very favourable of the Marquis and Marchioness. Mazurier and Mangor, whom they had made their Friends, did them good Service in this Rencounter. And these mercenary Souls were well Paid for their Pains. Each of them was advanced to be a First Precedent. Mazurier was named for the Parliament of Tholouse, and Mangot for that of Bourdeaux. The Names of Conchini and his Wife, were suppressed in the Proceed of the Lieutenant du Prevot de l'Hotel against Magnac; and this wretch, which had not the greatest share in the Gild, was broke upon the Wheel alive at Fontainbleau.  
This being a certain proof, that the Marquis and Marchioness of Ancre were so well settled in the good graces of the Queen, 
The Minissters renew their Friend ship with the Marquis d' Ancre-  that nothing could make them Forfeit her Favour: The Ministers took a Resolution to come to an Agreement with Conchini. The Precedent Jeannin, who had always carried himself well enough towards the Favourite, proposed to the Queen the Reconciliation of Villeroi and the Chancellor, with the Marquis. She desired nothing more than to Reunite her People, in order to oppose the contrary Party, There was a proposal made of a Match between Conchini's Daughter and the Marquis of Villeroi, 
Memoirs de Bassompierre.  Grandson to the Secretary of State. And at the same time the Ministers promised this Favourite, who was all along endeavouring to Raise himself upon their Ruin, that they would assist him in all his Erterprises, and contribute their utmost for the making his Fortune as great as he could wish. Bassompierre who had done such Service, both for the Ministers and Conchini, complained, that they coming to an Agreement, without his having a hand in it, both united in their endeavours to turn him out of the Queen's Favour: They made the Queen so Jealous of Bassompierre's Conduct, that despairing to obtain any thing of her, he was upon the Point of leaving the Court of France, and going to seek his Fortune elsewhere. But Bassompierre's good Friends, especially the Duke of Guise and the Princess of Conti, spoke so effectually to the Queen Regent, that her Majesty gave him good words to Retain him. The Princess of Conti would not lose her Lover, and the Duke of Guise was persuaded by a long Experience, that Bassompierre was serviceable to him.  
The Queen Regent was not so taken up with these Intrigues at Court, that she did not at all reflect upon foreign Affairs. That of Monferrat seemed to her the most important, 
They resolve at the Court of France. 〈◊〉 to send powerful Succours to the House of Mantua. Memoires de la Regence de Marie de Medicis.  that was likely to come into her hands during the Administration. But her Majesty would not come to any Resolutoin without the Advice of the Princes, and all the Principal Men of the Kingdom. Here was an opportunity to recall to Court the Prince of Conde, and the other Heads of the Party. They had withdrawn one after another, very much disgusted that the Queen was Reconciled to the Duke of Guise and d' Espernon, and that she had called back the Ministers. They presently agreed to send Two thousand Men to Casal, 
History du Connètable de Lesdiguieres. Liv. VIII. Ch. 4. & 〈◊〉.  under the Command of the Chevalier de Guise, who should Embark in Provence, to pass by Savone into Monferrat. And the Court of France being persuaded that the Governor of Milan privately sided with the Duke of Savoy, or at least that the Spaniards would make their Advantage of this Quarrel, resolved to send Three Armies to attack Charles Emanuel in three different Places. The Mareshal de Lesdiguieres was to march the greatest through Dauphine into Piedmont. 
Siri Memoire recondite Tom. III. p. 92.93. etc.  The Duke of Guise had the least considerable, to attack the Savoyard on the Side of Provence. Lastly, the Third was designed to make an Irruption through Burgundy, under the Command of Bellegarde.  
As soon as this was concluded on in the Queen's Council, The Duchess of Nevers went away to Grenoble, to engage the Marquis of Lesdiguières to march with all speed. 
They dissuade the Queen Regent from sending so speedy Succour to the Cardinal Duke. Nani Historia Veneta. Lib. 1.1613.  But the earnest desire, which the Queen Regent at first discovered to Succour her Nephews, grew cool by degrees. The secret Friends of the Duke of Savoy cunningly represented to her Majesty, that 'twas dangerous to trust great Men with Armies under their Command, during a Minority, and to place a Marshal of France an Huguenot, at the Head of the most considerable. Vbaldini the Pope's Nuncio was on their side, for fear the Arms of France should make too great advances in Italy, and that Lesdiguieres should bring too many Protestants along with him; of which the Court of Rome has been always very Jealous. The cunning Italian, with some others endeavoured to persuade the Queen, yet fearful and irresolute, that it was not necessary to be hasty in carrying the Arms of France into Piedmont; since the King of Spain himself intended to oppose the Duke of Savoy, and to take care, that what the House of Mantua had lost in Monferrat, should be restored. Said they, Madam, if you send powerful Aids to the Cardinal Duke, that step will create a jealousy of you, in King Philip. Then he'll assist the Duke of Savoy, and so of Course you must break with Spain. Had not your Majesty better threaten the Duke of Savoy to agree with Spain; would not that be sufficient to stop a Prince, who has begun a War, which he can never maintain, without the assistance of one Crown or the other. By these insinuations the Queen was persuaded to suspend the march of the Armies, till she should see, how affairs went at the Court of Madrid. The Spaniards having seriously considered the consequences of those Commotions, 
The K. of Spain declares against the D. of Savoy.  which the ambition of the Duke of Savoy had raised in Italy and other Places; his Catholic Majesty resolved in good earnest to oppose the designs of this restless and turbulent Prince. He sent his Secretary Vargas to Milan, to declare plainly to Charles Emanuel, that if he would not consent to restore the Towns he had taken in Monferrat, that Philip. would force him to it. Besides that the Duke of Lerma hated the Duke of Savoy, this Minister did not care for War; whether it were, that he thought Peace more proper for the Conservation of his Authority, or whether he was willing to conform himself to the calm and pacifique temper of his Prince.  
So that Charles Emanuel is in worse confusion than ever He had pretended to listen to some proposals of accommodation, 
Siri Memoire recondite To. III. p. 81, 82. etc. Nani Historia Veneta 1613.  which Massimi the Popes Nuncio had made him in the Name of the Pope. Victor Amedeus, Prince of Piedmont was also gone to Milan to Negociate that Affair: But his Father always found some occasion when the matter was near being concluded. And even at that very time, when the Duke appeared inclined to Peace. He endeavoured to carry on his Conquests in Monferrat. Althô France and Spain then threatened him equally, and the Princes of Italy had almost all declared against him; yet he was not daunted, but steadily resolved to make a new Effort to lay the Storm, which roared on both Sides of him. He sent out of hand the Prince of Piedmont to Madrid, to represent his Rights to the Catholic King, and he engaged his Brother, the Duke of Nemours, to make a Journey into France, to bring over the Queen Regent, if he could, or at least, to oppose the Duke of Maienne, who made a powerful Interest in favour of the House of Mantua. But they had less Respect for him in Spain, than they had in France; when Victor Amadeus arrived in Catalonia, the King let him know, that he forbidden him to pass any farther, till he should receive news of his Father's submission to his Majesty's last Orders. 
The Emperor Commands the D. of Savoy to desist from his Enterprise- upon Monserrat. Siri Memoire recondite To. III. p. 84.85. etc.   
According to the Project of Accommodation proposed by the Pope's Minister, the Duke of Savoy was to deliver up to his Holiness, the Places, which he had Possession of in Monferrat. At this, the Court of Vienna took offence. And indeed, the Marquisat being a Fief of the Empire, It belonged to the Emperor to decide the Controversy and to be the Sequester, preferably to all others. Mathias therefore sent Orders to the Prince of Castiglione his Commissary in Italy, to go to Turin, and tell Charles Emanuel, that he should immediately raise the Siege, he had laid before Nice de la Paille, a Town of Monferrat, and consent to the suspension of Arms, which his Imperial Majesty had ordered on both Sides, upon pain of forfeiting the Emperor's Protection and that he must with all speed lay down his Arms, to dissipate the Jealousies which his Enterprise had given him. But as the Emperor pretended to be the sole Judge of a Controversy concerning a Fief of the Empire, so the King of Spain, he too, would be the Arbiter without the concurrence either of the Empire or of France. All these incidents, pleased Charles Emanuel. What with Criticising on some of the Articles that were proposed to him, and expecting till the Competition should be decided, he had time to push on his Conquests in Monferrat.  
The Prince of Castiglione tired with the delays of the Duke of Savoy, published a Proclamation in the Name of the Emperor; where he enjoined Charles Emanuel to deliver up to his Imperial Majesty's Commissary, all that he had taken in Monferrat, to send within Ten days a Deputy who should Treat, (the Prince of Castiglione being present) with him, whom the Duke of Mantua should send, about means to determine the Controversy, to the satisfaction of those who were concerned in it: And that the Affair must be finished within a Month, after they should meet on one Side, and on the other. But, was it prudent, to use a precise and absolute way of speaking before he had sufficient Forces in Italy to Command Obedience, if either of the Two Sides should resist? This was to expose the Authority of the Emperor too rashly. The Dukes of Savoy and Mantua had no other regard for him, but as his great Name might sometimes do them a kindness. The Princes of Italy, Feudatories of the Empire, are willing to withdraw themselves as much as possible, from any Authority which incommodes them, as weak as it is. The King of Spain himself undermines it slily upon this occasion. His Catholic Majesty will have no other Arbiter in a Country where he is most powerful.  
The Governor of Milan acts more effectually than the Imperial Commissary. 
The Governor of Milan compels the D. of Savoy to submit to the K. of Spain. Nani Historia Veneta. Lib. 1.1613.  Inojosa, being persuaded that his Master was resolved to bring this Affair to a Conclusion, without the interposition of France, sends the Prince of Ascoli at the Head of Five thousand Men, which joined Three thousand more of the Troops of Mantua, Commanded by Prince Don Vincent, the Cordinal Duke's Brother. This Army advances towards Nice, near to which, that of Charles Emanuel lay; the Savoiards did not then doubt, 
Mercure Francois. 1613.  but that the Governor was firmly resolved punctually to execute the Orders of his Catholic Majesty. There being no other way left, but that of putting a good face upon it; the General of the Duke's Army sent word to the Prince of Ascoli, that the Duke his Master entered into Monferrat, not imagining that King Philip would have espoused the Cause of the House of Mantua, against a Prince which had the Honour to be his Majesty's Brother in Law. Since it is so, added the Envoy, the Troops of the Duke my Master are ready to retire. I will only say, that 'tis not the fear of the Arms of Mantua, but the Respect which his Highness has for the King of Spain, that inclines him to this Resolution. He will never Employ his Forces in any thing that shall displease his Catholic Majesty. The Prince of Ascoli, answered that he had Orders to Relieve the Town of Nice, and to take Care, that the Army of the Duke of Savoy leave Monferrat. He added, If the General will lead off his Army, no body will pursue it; but if he is resolved to stay, we'll presently be with him.  
After so many cunning Tricks and Contrivances, the Duke of Savoy was entaged to see himself once more the Jest of all Europe, and to have spent a great deal of Money in Projects that were defeated in a Moment. Before he would quite give up, he had a mind to try Inojosa whose friendship he had always reckoned upon. He proposed to him, that he would blindly devote himself to the King of Spain, in opposition to all the World, on Condition he would leave him in Possession of what he had taken. Offers, so Honourable, so Advantageous to the King of Spain in appearance, were despised. The Duke was reduced at last humbly to desire, that till the entire decision of the Controversy, he might have one Place left him in token of his pretensions to Monferrat. They would not enter into any Treaty with this good Prince, but sent him Padilla a General of the Artillery, one of the most morose Men in Spain, who at first word told his Highness, in Terms very concise, and with an Air of severity, that he must even restore all. To complete his mortification, Padilla produced a Letter of the King of Spain's, Short, but Expressive, which obliged the Duke to comply with whatsoever the Marquis of Inojosa should prescribe to him.  
Nothing so much mortifies an haughty and valiant Prince, as to be treated like a Subject by one that is more powerful than himself. But what shall say? Poor Emanuel abandoned of all the Word, was forced to receive the most rigid Terms. Instead of giving a Positive answer to grave Padilla, he sent of his Ministers to Milan, with such proposals, as tended to lengthen out the business, and delay his Resolution. Inojosa rejected them with Indignation, and sent word to Charles Emanuel, that if he did not presently Restore all that he had Usurped, the Prince of Ascoli should lay Siege to one of those Places, which were Redemanded, that the Governor of Milan should come himself upon the Spot, and hang up every one that dared to Resist him. The Duke knowing no means to prevent it, offered to Surrender and Resign all that he was in Possession of in Monferrat. I can't tell, but still he might have some little hopes of gaining time, by reason of a Quarrel that arose between Inojosa and Castiglione. Each pretended that the Places were to be delivered up into the hands of his Master: But Castiglione who had only the Name and Authority of the Emperor to back him, soon complied with the other who had the Power in his hands: The Imperial Commissary only received one Town for Form sake, and the Spaniards took Possession of the rest. Never was there an Agreement sooner Concluded than this, though the Duke of Savoy made a great many Difficulties, before he would be brought to it. This was the last Artifice of a Prince who had a mind to have in Reserve a pretence to Break, when he should see it Convenient. A Treaty made with precipitation, is never well fixed. there's always some room for Evasion left for one, that has no mind to be honest.  

A dispute between the D. of Nevers and the Governor of Milan.  Before the conclusion of this Agreement, the Duke of Nevers, who, as we said, was come thither for the Relief of Monferrat, had some words with the Governor of Milan. Nevers had joined Prince Vincentius of Mantua with an Hundred, or Six score French Gentlemen. 
Mercure Francoise. 1613.  These observing the steps of the Spaniards, grumbled that the Prince of Ascoli had not the pleasure of an opportunity to Bang the Savoiard Army. The Marquis of Inojosa, being angry that his Collusion with Charles Emanuel was discovered, declared openly, that he would not suffer the French to have any Soldiers in Italy, nor that any should come into the Country of Milan, that he would give no civil reception to any that should pass through that Province; and if the Two thousand Men which the Chevalier de Guise was to bring with him into Italy, should come thither, he would cut them in pieces. This Spaniard was so offended at the coming of the French, that he Commanded the Galleys of Naples, of Sicily and Genoa, unitedly to oppose those Vessels which brought Aids from Provence, and to hinder the French Troops from Landing in the Coasts of Italy. Inojosa after all, endeavoured to make the Cardinal Duke Jealous, by giving it out, that Nevers had a greater design to make himself Master of Monferrat, than to assist the House of Mantua.  
The Duke affronted with the arrogance and moroseness of the Governor, told him that 'twas too much in all reason, for a Man of Inojosa's Quality to march with so great a Train, but that the Duke Nevers, of the Family of Gonzagua, might be allowed to have an Hundred or Sixscore Men at his Heels. He added, excepting four or five Friends that are come to me, all the rest belong to me; If the Marquis d'Inojosa offers to abuse any of them, I know the Reason. As for his threatening to cut in pieces the Troops which may come from France, to assist the House of Mantua, 'tis not to be rhought that his Catholic Majesty approves such Language: There's no body in the World can hinder the most Christian King from Assisting his Kinsman and Ally, or opposing the unjust Designs of the Duke of Savoy. He would also raise a suspicion concerning me, but I am not afraid that the vain talk of the Marquis d'Inojosa, should make the least impression. My Interest is so much one with that of the House of Mantua. Monsieur the Governor confirms himself the just suspicions we have of his Conduct: We know his Aversion to the Cardinal Duke, and we are not ignorant of the Reasons which he has to favour the Duke of Savoy, agrinst the Pretensions of his Catholic Majesty. Thus it was that the Duke of Nevers supported the Honour of France, better than the Regent of the Kingdom. And not listening to the wise Remonstrances of the Senate of Venice, who pressed her to bring Troops into Piedmont and other Places; she suffered the Court of Madrid to have all the Honour of this Affair, being ready to reap advantage from it, as there should be opportunity.  
Whilst the greatest part of Europe was in some Commotion, 
The Marriage of the Elector Palatine, with the K. of England's Daughter. Larrey Hist. d' Angliterr Tom. II. 1612.1613.  on the account of the death of Francis Duke of Mantua, James, King of Great Britain, who did not much concern himself with the Affairs of Italy, lived peaceably in his own Island; he was Entertaining himself with Diversions, and giving the People afflicted for the death of the Prince of Wales a Thousand spectacles. Some said, that the Father had a mind insensibly to efface the Memory of his Son, which a little before charmed all England. Instead of taking pains to discover the secret of the hasty death of his Son, the King heaped new favours upon his unworthy Favourite, who was thought by some to be the Author of it. Robert Carr, Viscount of Rochester was made Earl of Somerset, a very high Title, which was not wont to be bestowed, but upon the Princes of the Blood of England, or at least to the near Kindred of the King by the Mother's Side. This Favourite married afterwards Frances Howard Countess of Essex, famous for her Crimes and Exploits. Should I make a rash judgement, if I should say, that the good King looked upon himself as a Man happily raised from the dead, after the death of his Son, whose Court having for some time been fuller than his, made him Jealous. This was clear enough from a word that fell from him: What will they bury me alive? An expression, which the World reflected on, when the Prince of Wales came to die a little while after.  
The occasion of so many Diversions and Festival Solemnities in England, was the Marriage of the Princes Elizabeth, the King's Daughter, with Frederick Count Palatine of the Rhine. This Alliance pleased the English extremely, and all the Protestants. 
Mercure Francois. 1613.  The House of Austria took a great deal of pains to Traverse it. And the Queen, whom the Court of Madrid had took Care to make their Friend, did her best to dissuade the King from it: But he concluded it, notwithstanding the Intrigues of the Spanish Faction. James conferred the Honour of the Order of the Garter upon the Elector, before the Solemnity of the Wedding. The Illustrious Prince Maurice of Orange, was Received into the same Noble and Ancient Society at the same time with his Nephew. The Chapter of the Order was Convened at Windsor Castle, the 14th of February this Year: The Ceremony was performed with all the Solemnity imaginable. The Elector Palatine, who was himself in England, to Negotiate his Marriage, Received the Order in Person, and Maurice being absent, Received it by Count William of Nassau, his Proxy. Ten days after, Frederick was publicly Married to the Princess Elizabeth. Before and after their Wedding day, the King Entertained the People with Plays and magnificent Spectacles.  
Holland also was well pleased, and joyful for a great while. Prince Maurice Received in the Presence of the State's General of the United Provinces, the Garter which the Herald of the Order had brought thither, and there was nothing omitted, which might contribute to the Glory of the Ceremony. The wise Barnavelt, Pensionary of the Province of Holland, Returned thanks in the Name of the State's General, to the English Ambassador, who had presented the Garter in the Name of the King his Master, to Prince Maurice. The New Electoress having passed from England into Holland, in the Month of May following, to go to Heydelberg, she was Received almost in every City of the Province, and particularly at Amsterdam, with a Magnificence answerable to their Wealth, and the Memory which they retained of the great assistances which their Infant-Republick had received formerly from the Crown of England.  
The Protestants were in hopes, that the Marriage of the Elector Palatine, with the Princess of Great Britain, would be very advantageous to their Religion: But there was yet one thing which they wished for; And that was, that King James would abondon his Design of Marrying his Heir to a Princess of the Popish Communion: 
A Marriage talked of between Charles Pr. of Wales, & Christiana of France.  But althô his Majesty did not stick publicly to say, that the Pope was Antichrist, yet he never had a sincere and fervent Zeal for the Establishment of the Reformation. As soon as Prince Henry was in his Grave, James proposed the Marriage of Charles his Second Son, now Prince of Wales, with Christina, 
Siri Memoire recondite To. III. p. 44.45. etc.  Second Daughter of France. The Regent frankly received the Memoires, which the Ambassador of England delivered, touching this Affair, to Villeroy Secretary of State. She hoped that the Protestants of France and elsewhere, alarmed with the double Marriage concluded with Spain, would be calmed, when they saw that nevertheless the Crown of France was not set at such a distance from an Alliance with Protestants, but that it still designed a strict Union with them, in giving the younger Sister of the King to the Heir of the most powerful Prince of their Communion. Althô the Conduct of Maria de Medicis in this Negociation, was full of Artifice and Dissimulation, the Court of Rome was Jealous, and the Pope used all his Power to dissuade the Regent from listening to the offers of his Britannic Majesty. The Pope plainly told Breves the King's Ambassador, that he took it ill, that there should be any design of mingling the Blood Royal o●… France, with that of an Heretic Prince●… Breves took the liberty to represent to the Pope, that the welfare of the Kingdom and of Religion itself required that the Proposals of the King of England should not be rejected. The Old Man being devoted to Spain, did not regard him. He insisted to conjure the Regent not to enter into a Negociation, so disadvantageous to the Church, which is really, as much as to say, so little conducible to the Interests of the Court of Rome.  
The Nuncio Vbaldini very much bestirred himself in France, 
Ibid. p. 50.51. etc.  he tired the Queen with his Remonstrances; he exhausted himself in finding out the most pressing motives of Piety and Religion; at length he heated the Cabals of Devotees, which are always numerous and powerful, in an ignorant and superstitious Court. Said this Italian Prelate to the Queen, Is it possible, Madam, that your Majesty should be so little sensible of the particular kindness of God to you! 'Tis to distrust his Providence, to have recourse to the Alliance of Heretics, as a thing necessary for the Repose and Conservation of the Dominions of the King your Son. Your Ministers think it convenient that you should hear the Proposals of an Heretic Prince: Your Majesty agrees with them, but that is not sufficient to clear you before God and all those who detest this sort of Politics. You should rather listen to the Voice of your Conscience, and the good Advice of the Pope, than the vain speculations of a Council, that govern themselves by the maxims of the wisdom of the Children of this World, rather than by those of Religion.  
This Prelate advanced at that time, a Principle of his particular Gospel, which deserves to be related. He declares that these pretended good People, whom he would make the Queen afraid of, entertain this piece of corrupted Morality, that the Princes of their Communion, are not obliged to observe Treaties made with those, whom they are pleased to call Heretics, if the Terms appear to them to be never so little contrary to their Religion, that is, to the Court of Rome. This Nuncio said moreover, It is true Madam, that promises made against the interest of God, don't in any wise oblige, and that we ought not to keep them. But consider that your Majesty will hereafter find it more difficult to break your promise with the King of England, than it is now to reject his Proposals. Your Affairs are thanks be to God, in a better Posture, than they have been since the death of the King your Husband. The Kingdom is in a peaceful State, without the assistance of such an Alliance. The time of your Administration will shortly Expire: What a comfort will it be to you, to deliver up to the King your Son, France in a better Condition than you found it, without doing any thing against your Conscience, or the welfare of Religion. These studied Discourses made no great impressions on the Queen. She coldly answered the Nuncio, that all her Council except the Marschal de Bovillon were good Catholics, and that they were the best Judges, what made for the Interest of the Kingdom, and of Religion. Besides, added her Majesty, I do nothing upon this occasion, but what certain Princes of Italy have done as well as I, and that before the Pope's Eyes. The Duchess of Tuscany, with all her Devotion, did she refuse to allow of any Discourse concerning the Marriage of her Daughter with the late Prince of Wales?  

The Emperor Mathias goes to Ratisbonne to the Diet.  Of all the Protestants, the United Princes in Germany, were those which flattered themselves with deriving great Advantages from the Alliance of the Elector Palatine with the Crown of England. They hoped that King James would Support their League, of which Frederick his Son-in Law, was the Chief. Since the Dispute that arose concerning the Succession of Cleves and Juliers, the Animosite which the Catholics and Protestants bore towards one another in Germany, was inflamed. The Two Parties got all the Strength they could, and made Attempts upon each other. The weakness of Rodolphus contributed much to this unhappiness. Mathias his Brother, and Successor, tried to Cure it in the beginning of his Reign: But he had neither Power, nor Wisdom necessary to reconcile so different Interests, or to Command equal Respect from Princes that were soured one against the other, with mutual Discontents. Possibly the Emperor had not very ill intentions with respect to the Protestants, at least he seemed to imitate the moderation of Maximilian his Father: But not having so much Sense and Resolution, he was ensnared with the Contrivances of the Court of Rome, the Catholic Party. The Progress the Turks made a little while ago in Hungary, seemed to threaten Mathias with a War near Home. This obliged him to keep even with both Sides, because he equally needed their assistance against a formidable Enemy. The Protestants endeavoured to make their use of this opportunity to better their Condition, and to secure the repose of their Churches. 
The Catholics and Protestants complain of each other   
Mathias had promised at his Coronatiion, to call a Diet, to consult about means to secure the Peace and Tranquillity of the Empire, and to remedy those Disorders, of which several parts of it had complained a long time. It was appointed to meet at Ratisbonne. The Emperor and the Three Ecclesiastical Electors came thither: But the other Electors, only sent their Deputies. Lewis, Landgrave of Hesse declared at large the Reasons the Emperor had to convene the Diet. 
Mercure Francois. 1613.  Five were with relation to the particular Government of the Empire, and the Sixth related to the Attempts of the Turks upon Hungary. His Imperial Majesty thinking it necessary, vigorously to oppose them, desired that they would grant him certain Contributions for that purpose, but before they would enter upon the Consideration of what the Emperor proposed, the United Protestant Princes, who were then called Correspondans, presented several Grieveances, of which they had before complained, under the preceding Reign, without obtaining any Redress: 'Twould be to no purpose to give an account of them here. The Emperor in vain endeavoured to Elude the Demands of the Correspondans; and to defer till another time the Examination of that Affair, they stood to it, that his Imperial Majesty ought first to Redress their Greivances.  
The Catholic Princes being convinced of the Justice of the pretensions of their Adversaries, were of Opinion, without having any regard to the Complaints of the United Protestants, that they should immediately proceed to deliberate upon the Articles proposed by the Emperor. The Consideration of some particular Persons, less in Number, said they, aught to be preferred before the necessity of the public Welfare, which was very pressing. Being sure to have the plurality of Voices on their Side, these Gentlemen had a mind that what ever they Ordered; should be looked upon as a Resolution of the Diet: There could be nothing more contrary to the Repose and Tranquillity of the Empire, in the present posture of Affairs. At this Rate they would presently have Ruined all the Protestants in Germany. The Catholics did likewise maliciously insinuate to the Empire, that the Protestants had ill Designs underhand, and that there was Reason to fear they would at last Contest the Lawful Authority of his Majesty. Within a little while after, they presented a long account of the Complaints which the Catholics had to make against the Protestants: They accused them of divers Infractions of the Treaty of Pacification that was made some time passed at Passau, and of divers Attempts contrary to the Constitutions of the Empire. The Catholics Demanded Justice in their turn of his Imperial Majesty. These Gentlemen have been a long time used to cry out of Injustice, and Persecution, against those very Men which they Tormented and Oppressed: Not to suffer them to Tyrannise, is to Persecute them. So that the Pope grants Jubilees and Indulgences with a liberal Hand, to obtain the Deliverance of those of his Religion, as if they were unjustly Oppressed; althô at the same time, they live in perfect Tranquillity, This, we see done every day.  

The bad Success of the Diet at Ratisbonne.  Not being able to Reconcile Spirits which were more and more soured against one another, the Emperor endeavoured to avoid the Examination of the Complaints which were made of either Side: He proposed to defer it to another time. Nevertheless he demanded Assistance for the Security of Hungary, where Bethlem Gabor, the New Prince of Transilvania, Supported by the Turks, had made himself dreadful. The Protestants answered, that they did not doubt but the Emperor was well affected to them, and that they were ready to Contribute both Men and Money for the Defence of his Majesty's Hereditary Countries: But that they could not forbear to desire his Imperial Majesty in the first Place to restablish the Peace and Tranquillity of the Empire, and take Care of redressing the Greivances which they had presented to him. The Archduke Maximilian, the Emperor's Brother, a Prince of a sweet and moderate Temper, was then at Ratisbonne: Mathias desired him to Treat with the Protestants, hoping he was able to bring them over; but althô they professed a great Respect for the Archduke, yet he could obtain nothing of them. With a design to make the Emperor more favourable, the Catholics shown themselves Liberal and well Inclined: They promised to furnish him for Two years, with their Ancient Contributions to carry on a War against the Turks. the Protestants opposed this Deliberation, being resolved not to suffer, that the Resolutions taken by the Catholics should be looked upon as the Decrees of the whole Diet of the Empire: Thus the Diet of Ratisbonne broke up; instead of remedying the disorders of Germany, it made them greater and more incurable.  

The Fortune of Bethlem Gabor. Pr. of Transilvania.  Since Bethlem Gabor must often appear upon the Stage in this History, I think it necessary to say something of his Fortune, and Elevation: He was one of the most dangerous Enemies the House of Austria had in this Age. I will look a pretty way backwards upon things, that so the Reader may the better understand the Ancient pretenions of the Emperor upon Transilvania. The brave Stephen Battori was the first, who was declared Prince of Transilvania, under the Protection of the Ottomans. After his Elevation to the Crown of Poland, by his means Christopher his Brother, was Elected to the Principality of Transilvania. Sigismond his Son and Successor, steered another Course by the persuasion of the Emissaries of the House of Austria, which he had about him. This Prince, who did not want Courage, was persuaded that it was more advantageous and more honourable for him to quit the Alliance of the Sultan, and unite with the Emperor. But to the shame of Christianity, Sigismond found, that, which has happened to a great many more, I mean he met with less Justice and Fidelity among those of his own Religion, than his Uncle and his Father had found among Infidels. That he might be more firmly united with the Emperor Rodolphus, he Married a Princess of the House of Austria, but this marriage was the cause of the misfortunes of his Life. They made him give up his Right to Transilvania for a certain Duchy which they gave him. At length repenting of the bad Market which he had made, he retracted the Session which he had made to the Emperor, and gave his Principality to Cardinal Battori his Brother, who was chosen by the States of the Country under the Protection of the Grand Signior. The new Prince had a terrible War to maintain against the Emperor, and in it lost his Life.  
Botskay his Kinsman Elected afterwards by the Transilvanians, 
Mercure Francois. 1606, 1607, 1608, etc.  defended himself with a great deal of Courage and Success, insomuch that he took a great many Places from the Emperor in upper Hungary. The House of Austria was forced to make a Peace with him. One Article of the Treaty Imported, that if Bortskay died withot Male-Issue, Transilvania should Devolve upon the Emperor: The Sultan Ratified this Treaty in another, which he afterwads made with Rodolphus. The House of Austria not long before it Demanded Transilvania, by Virtue of this Agreement. Borskai being poisoned immediately after, by his Chancellor, The States of the Country did not fail to choose Sigismond Ragotski for their Prince. There were then so great Divisions in the House of Austria, and such Commotions in Hungary and Bohemia, that neither Rodolphus nor Mathias his Brother, were in a Condition to press the Execution of the Treaty made with Botskay. The New Prince did not long enjoy Transilvania, but Generously gave it up to Gabriel Batori, Heir of that Family, whom the Turks publicly Supported.  

Mercure Francois. 1613.  He being rendered odious by his Cruelties, Bethlehem Gabar a Transylvanian Gentleman, of boundless Ambition, took care to gain the Favour and Protection of the Ottoman Court. This is the Man, which form a powerful Party against Batori, and which made War against him. The Assistance of the House of Austria was of no use to Batori, who was presently Reduced to the lowest Despair, so that he begged of his own Friends to kill him: His Enemy's Soldiers did him that kindness, which they refused. Three days after his death, Bethlem was declared Prince of Transilvania, by the General of the Turkish Army, who invaded Hungary, The States of the Country assembled at Claussembourg, afterwards chose him, upon Condition that he should ask the Authentic Confirmation of the Sultan. When Bethlem was in Possession of his New Principality, he wrote a Letter to the Palatine of Hungary, to desire the Favour of the Emperor: But his Imperial Majesty intended to make the best of his Pretensions to Transilvania, by Virtue of his Treaty made with Botskai, which the Sultan Confirmed. Mathias declared this publicly in the Diet of Ratisbonne, and it was principally for this End, that he desired Assistance of the States of the Empire. With this Prospect the House of Austria kept up the Party of Batori, who refused to acknowledge the New Prince. Bethlem Protected by the Turks, whose Favour he had cunningly gained, not only maintained himself in Transilvania, but was upon the Point of taking away Hungary from them that would oppose him.  
The Protestant and Catholic Leagues, were Form in Germany upon the occa●…ion of the Quarrel that arose about the Succession to the States of Cleves and Ju●…iers, 
The Division between the Houses of Brandenburg and Newbourg concerning the Government of the, States of Cleves and Juliers. Interests de Princes per M. de Rohan. Part 1. Disc. 4.  the Princes of Brandenbourg and Newbourg Governed these Dutchies in Common, Peaceably for many Years, under the Favour of the Protestant League, The strong Places were guarded by equal Garrisons. The Two Princes Resided in the same Palace, and did all by Concert. But how difficult is it that a Country should be long governed after this manner, without Divisions? Princes of a different Family and different Religion, have not the same Interest and Designs. These began to fall out about Ecclesiastical Affairs. 
Mercure Francoise. 1613.  Brandenburg would have ordered something, without the consent of his Colleague, and Newbourg opposed him. The King of great Britain, and the States of the United Provinces, Mediated for a Reconciliation, they were afraid their Division would give opportunity to the House of Austria to Seize upon a Contested Succession, which would have been so convenient for it; to prevent the Increase of their misunderstanding, their Friends proposed a Marriage, between the Two Families.  
That of Newburg was free to it. Prince Volfgang goes to the Elector of Brandenburg, and desires his Daughter in Marriage. But this step made by the wholesome Advice of those, who designed nothing, but to Establish a good Correspondence between the Two Houses, was the occasion of an inplacable hatred between them, and of the Distraction of those fine Dutchies, which they might have divided between them. I cann●…t tell how it came to pass, but in the heat of Wine. and at a Feast, The Prince of Newburg said something at the Table of the Elector, which displeased him. Brandenburg was so enraged at it, that he gave a Box in the Ear to him, who desired his Alliance. This unhappy accident might have been redressed, if the Elector would have made a suitable Satisfaction; but he obstinately refused to do it. Volfgang being provoked with such an Affront, returns to the Country of Cleves, being resolved to be Revenged on him, what ever it cost him. From that time, Brandenburg and Newburg did nothing by Concert, in the Government of the States of Cleves and Juliers; they Cavild at every little thing, and the one pretended to disannul, what the other had done. 
Prince Wolfgang of Newbourg marries the D. of Bavaria's Daughter, and changes his Religion.   
The Spaniards wisely made their Advantage, of so fair an occasion to weaken the Protestant League, and to bring over the House of Newburg, to their Faction. They proposed to Prince Volfgan a Match with Magdalen, Sister of Maximilian, Duke of Bavaria, and of Ferdinand, Elector of Cologne. They promised him the Protection of the House of Austria, a Pension from the King of Spain, and the Support of the Catholic League, if he would quit his Religion, and enter into the Communion of the Church of Rome; a very sensible Temptation to an Ambitious young Prince, and who was big with Revenge for the horrible Affront, which had been offered him. Newburg falls before the force of it: But Wolfgang, whether 'twere to keep fair with his Father, who was a zealot for the Confession of Ausbourg, or whether he had some other Reasons, would not renounce his Religion before his Marriage. He only consented to Marry the Princess Magdalen, and the Duke of Newbourg gave his Consent, not seeing the Snare, which was laid for his Son, who was blinded with Passion. The Marriage was Celebrated at Munich, the 10th of November, this Year: And that he might keep within bounds, as to outward appearance; the Prince was not Married by the Mass, he only received the Nuptial Benediction by the hands of the Bishop of Aichstat at Evening Service, in the great Church of Munich: But at length Wolfgang declared himself in the Month of May, the next Year. He made public profession of the Popish Religion at Dusseldorp. The Duke his Father was extremely troubled at it. The Proclamation which he published immediately, after, is an infallible proof of it; It imported, that every Monday throughout the Year, public Prayers should be made for the Conservation of the Protestant Religion in the Duchy of Newbourg.  
The Artifices and Fetches of the Duke of Savoy, 
The Peace mude between the D of Savoy &. Mantua, has much ado to continuefirm & stable.  oblige us frequently to return to him. The Treaty of Peace between Charles Emanuel and the Cardinal Ferdinand, Duke of Mantua, had been concluded with so much precipitation, that they spoke there only of Resigning the Places in Monferrat, without making any mention of the Mutual pretensions of each Party, of the reparation of the Damages done in Monferrat, which Ferdinand demanded, nor of an Amnesty for the Subjects of the House of Mantua, who had declared for that of Savoy, which Charles Emanuel was willing to obtain. These Affairs not being settled, Disputes must presently revive: Neither were the Princes of Italy very well satisfied with a Peace, that was so infirm and subject to a Rupture. They imagined, and that with probability enough, that the Marquis d'Inojosa had made it, because he could tell how to refuse Obedience to the positive Orders of the King his Master. They were still afraid there was a Collusion between him and the Duke of Savoy, and that they, both of them had an underhand Design, At the very same time that Charles Emanuel Restored the Towns in Monferrat, he reinforced his Troops, and the Governor of Milan remained in Arms, diligently observing all these steps, of which the most penetrating head could not understand the Secret. The Venetians took care to continue to the Cardinal Duke, the assistance which they had given him since the beginning of the Quarrel, and to be themselves upon their Guard. The Quarrel which arose between their Republic, and Ferdinand of Austria, Archduke of Gratz, who had a great Interest at the Court of Madrid, obliged them to distrust the King of Spain. 'Twas upon the account of the Vscoques Pirates and Robbers upon the Coasts of Dalmatia, whom the Archduke openly protected, although the Venetians and the Turks did equally complain of their Robberies. We shall say something in the Course of this History concerning this Quarrel, which occasioned the Vscoques to be known in the World.  

The Governor of Milan presseth the Duke of Savoy to lay down his Arms.  That which most perplexed the speculative Italians about the Affair of Monferrat, was, that the Governor of Milan who was thought to be in the Interest of Charles Emanuel; nevertheless powerfully pressed him to lay down his Arms as soon as possible: And at the same time, that he was contending with him, he would constrain Ferdinand to do all that the Savoyard could wish. These steps Contrary in appearance, are not difficult to be reconciled. Spain endeavoured to make its advantage of the Quarrel. His Catholic Majesty pretended to be the absolute Arbiter, and to direct the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua as should be most for his Interest. The Governor of Milan who had no mind to be at the charge of having an Army on Foot to oppose the Duke of Savoy in case his Attempts should make it necessary, was continually pressing him to Disband his Troops: And because it was of Importance to the King his Master to have at his Disposal the Heiress of Monferrat, he boldly demanded her of the Cardinal Duke; and thus the Intrigue comes out. Now let us see how these Two Parties will get clear of the Demands of the Catholic King. Inojosa had sent to Turin the Commander of the Castle of Milan, positively to tell the Duke that he must comply immediately with what was required of him. Charles Emanuel bore very impatiently this Imperious way, which the Spaniards took with him, and with the other Princes of Italy, althô he had been used to it for many Years. But not being able openly to resist the will of King Philip, he found out according t●… his usual way, divers pretences to shrin●… back. Never was a Mind more fruitfu●… of such Inventions, than that of thi●… Prince.  
He answered to this Message, that he was ready to dismiss his Troops, when the Marquis of Inojosa should perform the private Articles, to which the Cardidal Duke of Mantua had agreed, at the time of the Treaty made with him. Mr. the Governor hath himself given me positive assurances, said Charles Emanuel, that the Cardinal Duke did consent to deliver up into my hands the Princess Mary my Granddaughter, and to grant a general Amnesty to ●…he Subjects of Monferrat, which declared for me. Is it not fit that I should continue ●…n Arms till this be performed? All the World was mightily surprised when this Answer of the Duke of Savoy was known. The Cardinal Ferdinand denied that he had ●…ver promised any such thing. He pretend●…d likewise that Inojosa had told him to the ●…ontrary. People could not tell what to ●●ink of this Riddle. Some said that ●●e Governor of Milan having received ●…resents from Charles Emanuel and Ferdi●●nd, had imposed upon them both, in telling the Duke of Savoy that which I have ●●lated before and in promising the clear ●●ntrary to the Cardinal Duke, that the savoyard would not re-demand his Gran●●ughter, nor require an Amnesty from ●…ose of Monferrat who had appeared for 〈◊〉. Inojosa was enraged that the Duke 〈◊〉 Savoy would have him pass for a Cheat. 〈◊〉 that he could say in his own Defence, ●●s, that Charles Emanuel had played many such tricks before. In his Negociations with the Ministers of Henry IU. and the most considerable Persons in the Court of France, he often affirmed that in their private Conferences they had promised him things which they never thought of.  
Whatsoever this Intrigue was, if the Governor of Milan had ever said such things to the Duke of Savoy, he was not much concerned about them afterwards. Inojosa persisted to press Charles▪ Emanuel to lay down his Arms. It was his business now to find out other Evasions, France, said he, hath Troops in Dauphine. The Marshal de Lesdiguieres expects only the Queen Regent's last Orders to advance towards Piedmont. Doth his Catholic Majesty expect that I should not be upon my guard? This cunning Duke knew very well that Mary de Medicis being fully satisfied that the Houses of Savoy and Mantua had made a Peace without France's sending any Troops over the Mountains▪ had no design that Lesdiguieres should March. The Queen Regent for her part desired likewise, that he should lay dow●… his Arms. Charles Emanuel had answered the Ministers of her most Christian Majesty, that the Spaniards did not wis●… him well, and that Prudence obliged him to be in a posture of Defence, agains●… those which had not forgot that he was i●… a League against them with the late King Vargas, Secretary to his Catholic Majesty, was upon the point to return to Madrid, after he had executed the Orders which were given him with relation to Italy. They sent him New ones, to pass first by the way of Turin, and to know the last resolution of the Duke. This business perplexed Charles Emanuel less than any of the rest. 
Nani Hist oria Veneta. Lib. I. 1313.  He pretended to dismiss his Troops in the Envoy's Presence. But he Cashiered only the Militia of his Country, which he could recall in a Moment. It was enough that he retained the Foreign Troops which were in his Pay. We see the reason why he used all these Tricks, unworthy of a Man of his Quality. His Spies in France gave him an account, that the Prince of Conde and the other Malcontents would shortly Rise, and that there would be a Civil War. Charles Emanuel was in hopes to make his advantage of this Conjuncture, to re-establish his Affairs in Italy, or on the Side of France. 
The Governor of Milan demands the Princess of Mantua in the Name of the K. of Spain.  But the poor Duke was always deceived in his Expectations, and unsuccessful in his Intrigues and Artifices.  
The Cardinal Duke would have been pleased to see his Enemy perplexed with ●…he Spaniards, if the Governor of Milan had not been as troublesome to him as ●…e was to Charles Emanuel. 
Nani Historia Veneta. Lib. I.  The Veneti●…ns advised Ferdinand to make this Answer ●…o the Demand that Inojosa made him, to send his Niece to Milan, that as to all his Quarrels with the Duke of Savoy, and particularly that which related to the Princess of Mantua, 
Siri Memo. recondite. Tom. III. p. 123.126.127. etc.  he was ready to refer himself to the Judgement of the Pope, the Emperor, and his Catholic Majesty: But in his Arbitration, the Spaniard could not endure that Philip should have either a Superior or an Equal, Without having any respect to that which his Imperial Majesty had told him by the Prince of Castiglione, that he ought to treat the Princes of Italy with more Softness and Civility; the Governor sent Pimentel General of the Milanois Horse to Demand in the Name of the King of Spain, that they would forthwith send the young Princess to Milan to be Educated there Pimentel represented to the Cardinal Duke that Philip would take care of the Education of his Niece, and that the repose of Italy depending in a great measure upon the disposal of the young Princess, his Majesty who was careful of th●… Conservation of the Peace, aught to have the Princess in his keeping, for fear they should Marry her to one that should no●… be agreeable to the Neighbouring Princes and perhaps might raise a War: Pimentel concluded his Remonstrance in giving Ferdinand to understand that if he would not deliver up his Niece willingly, the●… would take her away by Force. Th●… Cardinal Duke answered according to hi●… usual manner, that he could not do any thing without the consent of the Emperor and the Queen of France. Pimentel not being satisfied with this answer, he told him further, that the Princess was not well; and because he would not believe it, he gave him a sight of her, to convince him that she was not in a Condition to be removed; after this Ferdinand dismissed him as Civilly as he could.  

The Designs of the K-of Spain in this demand  It was no hard matter to penetrate the Designs of the Court of Madrid. The Cardinal Duke and Don Vincent his Brother, had so ruined their health by their excessive Debauches, that it was thought they would never have any Children, and that they were not long lived. To preserve Monferrat in the Family of Gonzague, it was necessary to Marry the Princess to the Son of the Duke of Nevers, the undoubted Heir of the Duchy of Mantua: And it was this which the Court of Modrid had a mind to hinder. The King of Spain had a mind to make himself Master of the Dominions of the House of Mantua, for fear they should one day fall into the Hands of a Prince of French Extraction, who would favour the French Interest, by reason of his great Possessions and Alliances in France. This ●…s too true, that Ferdinand at this time ●…alling dangerously ill, the Ministers of Spain had already laid their Design, to declare the Duke of Nevers had forfeited all his Right to the Succession of Mantua, and that the Investiture of the Duchy should be given by the Emperor to him, whom the House of Austria should best like of, as if the Male Line of the Gonzagues had been utterly extinct.  

The Republic of Venice traverses the designs of the King of Spain.  The Cardinal Duke of Mantua who had neither understanding nor experience enough in Affairs to extricate himself out of all these Intrigues, did supply his defects by his teachable Temper, and by the Respect which he paid to the good Counsels which the Senate of Venice carefully sent him. These refined Politicians saw with extreme Jealuosie that the Spaniards had no less a Design than to devour all Italy. 
Nani Historia Veneta. Lib. 1.  Not being content to assist Ferdinand with their Counsels, and with their Forces, and to encourage him resolutely to maintain the Interests of his Family; this Republic further gave pressing Orders to their Ambassadors at Rome, 
Siri Memo. recondite. Tom. III. p. 133, 134, 137.  Vienna, and at Paris, to Treat zealously with the Pope, the Emperor and the Queen of France, in Ferdinand's favour. The Ministers of the most Christian King, and the Republic of Venice represented to Paul V that his Title of universal Father, indispensably obliged him to prevent the ill Consequences of the Enterprise of the Spaniard, but the Pope was unconcerned, and acted not in this matter, being resolved peaceably to enjoy all the rest of his days the advantages of the Popedom; he would have seen all the Princes of Italy Ruined without any Concern, so that they let him alone and suffered his Nephews to grow Rich at their ease. Breves, Ambassador of France, affronted at this natural or affected Negligence, writ to Mary de Medicis, that the Pope was but a lump of Flesh which grew Fat in Laziness, a Man without Courage and without Experience, who took no other Care but of making his advantage of the highest Place in the Church, which Fortune had given him, though he did not see Merit in himself to pretend to it: So that there were not hopes that his Holiness would give the least assistance to the House of Mantua. All that Paul V. could do, was to whisper in the Ear of the Cardinal Duke that he should obstinately refuse to part with his Niece, and to Marry Margarite his Sister-in-Law, to which the King of Spain persuaded him, so much afraid was this timorous Old Man to offend the Court of Madrid: Might it not be thus also, that the Pope being well informed of the peaceable Temper of Philip III. and of the Weakness of the Spanish Monarchy, did rightly Judge that all this Bustle was but an Intrigue of the Catholic King's Ministers, and that when their Master should see himself ●…hreatned with a War with France, ●…e would put a stop to the forwardness of his Ministers, and hear Reasons?  
As to the Emperor, there was less to be hoped for from him than from the Pope. 
Mary de Medicis perplexed about the Affairs of Mantua-Siri Memo. recondite.  Mathias neither was in a Condition nor in an Humour to send Troops to Italy, and besides he was afraid too openly to offend the Court of Madrid. His Imperial Majesty confirmed to the Cardinal Duke the Guardianship of his Niece: But he writ immediately to King Philip to excuse himself, and tell him that he could not fairly refuse that favour to Ferdinand. And to satisfy the Spaniards yet more, Mathias advised Ferdinand to deliver up the Princess Mary into the hands of his Catholic Majesty. The House of Mantua had no other Refuge but the Protection of France. The Kindred and Friends which it had there, Solicited for it with all its might: The Ambassadors of the Republic of Venice and of some other States did still Treat in its favour: Marry a●… Medicis was well pleased with the Reasons which they alleged to her, to exhort her to take her Nephews under the Protection of her Son. Interest of Blood was united together with Reasons of State. But the Timorous Regent could not come to a Resolution: Being fond of the double Marriage with Spain, which she had managed with a great deal of application, and which she looked upon as the strongest support of his Authority, her Majesty was afraid lest the Affairs of Mantua should produce a Rupture between the two Crowns, and all her Projects should be unravelled. She suspected the Importunities of the King of Great-Brittain, 
Ibid. p. 174.  the Republic of Venice, the States of the United Provinces, the Prince of Conde and the great Men of the Party used with her, to send Troops into Italy. Her skill went so far as to discover that all these endeavoured only to Engage France openly to oppose the Designs of the Court of Madrid to declare War against the King of Spain, and consequently to break the Treaty of the double Marriage which did not so well suit with their Interests.  
In this perplexity Mary de Medicis did her endeavour at the Court of Madrid, that the Affair of Mantua might be soon amicably Concluded: But the Spaniards which knew her Temper, did amuse her with fine Words, whilst they hearty endeavoured to effect their Enterprise; not being concerned about the Negociations against their Master in France and Italy, 
Nani Historia Veneta. Lib. 1.1613.  the Ministers of Philip declared plainly that he expected that he should have the Princess of Mantua committed to his Care, and that the Cardinal Duke should Marry Margarita of Savoy, his Sister-in-Law, in order to compose the differences of the two Houses. That Charles Emanuel and Ferdinand should immediately lay down their Arms, and that the other contested Points should be referred to the Judgement of the Pope, the Emperor and his Catholic Majesty. 
1615.  These Conditions were agreeable to the Demands which Charles Emanuel had made: And hence it appeared that the Prince of Piedmont who had at last obtained leave to go to Madrid, had not ill managed the Affairs of his Father. In the mean time the Duke of Savoy was enraged to find himself always curbed and overruled. But Ferdinand was more aggrieved than he. They were not content to take away his Niece, but would also force him to Marry against his Will, his Sister-in-Law whom he did not Love. The hatred which he bore to Charles Emanuel very much Estranged him from the Daughter of a declared Enemy of the House of Gonzague. He liked better the Sister of Cosmo, Great Duke of Tuscany; she would be a considerable Fortune. The Venetians, his particular Friends advised him this Match: And Cosmo was inclined to Conclude it as soon as the Quarrel between the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua should be made up.  

It is proposed in the Council of France to send Troops to Italy.  The Spaniards spoilt their Business by speaking too proudly. It was earnestly represented to the Queen Regent that it was a Shame and a Dishonour to suffer the King of Spain to Domineer over Princes Allied to that Crown, and that he should endeavour to hinder the King of France from concerning himself about the most important Affairs of Italy, Mary de Medicis hard put to it on every Side, began to give some signs of Life. She declared roundly to the Ambassador of Spain that the King her Son should not see the House of Mantua Oppressed, 
Siri Memo. recondite. Tom. III. p. 141, 142. etc.  and that he should employ his Arms to assist his Kindred and Allies. They talked of nothing in France but a Rupture between the Two Crowns: And the Nobles who breathed nothing but War, althô it be the Instrument of their Ruin and by consequence of their Slavery, were in readiness to get a Horseback. They held a great many Councils at Court about the Affair of Mantua, every one advised according to their own particular Interest. Villeroy and the Ministers who were best pleased with Peace, Represented, that before they were Engaged in a War, which ●…ight be a long and Bloody one, it was fit to try if the Quarrel could not ●…e adjusted by way of Negociation. The Princes and Great Men who thought that War would tend most to their Ad●…ancement and Reputation, did not utterly reject the Experiment of a Negociation: but to make this Negociation ●…ow Effectual, that they should have an ●…rmy ready to March, in case the Duke of Savoy and King of Spain should refuse reasonable Terms.  
When the latter had learned by his Ambassador in France, that they spoke in earnest of sending Troops into Italy, his Majesty and the Duke of Lerma his Favourite, who had no mind to go to War, 
The Q. Regent sends the Marquis de Coevures into Italy, for to negociate an Agreement between the D. of Savoy and Mantua.  began to speak with more humility. They declared themselves inclined to terminate the Affair of Mantua, by way of Negociation. Philip coldly desires the Prince of Piedmont to write to Turin, that his Majesty would not fall out with France, and that he would not give occasion to others to break with Spain, for the Duke of Savoy's Fancy's who had every day new Chimaeras in his Head. 
Siri Memo. recondite. p, 165.172.173.175.  Let your Father, added the King, think of nothing but lying still, unless he find himself able to Cope alone with the Two Crowns, and all Italy. A certain Author relates upon this occasion a Circumstance which if True, 
Hist. du Connetable de Lesdiguieres. Liv. VIII. Ch. 6.  proves Charles Emanuel to be the most fantastical Man in the World, at least Villeroy told it for certain to the Nuncio Vbaldini. The Cardinal Aldobrandin an Enemy to the Borghese being at Turin, persuaded the Duke of Savoy to become a Cardinal. It would be very easy for you afterwards, said Aldobrandin, to be Elected Pope in the first Conclave, I will undertake for all my Uncle's Creatures. In the mean time we will stick to one another, and make the Pope and Court of Rome do what we please. The Count de Verve, a Confident of Savoy, approved of this Project, and thought it one of the finest in the World. Let us return now to see what became of the Affair of Mantua.  
His Catholic Majesty sent Orders again to his Ambassador in France, to Declare that he would withdraw his Troops from Monferrat, provided the Cardinal Duke would grant an Amnesty to his Subjects which had Sided with the Duke of Savoy, and desist from demanding reparation of Damages. The Marriage of Ferdinand with his Brother's Widow, was proposed at the same time: And as for the young Princess of Mantua, Philip consented that she should be disposed of in a Third hand by the Agreement of the Two Crowns. These Offers were tendered in the most Civil Language imaginable: All this seemed to give an opportunity to the Cardinal Duke to Extricate himself with Honour. The Court of France was intent upon the Method of Negociaton, and sent one for that purpose into Italy, in Quality of Ambassador Extraordinary.  

The unreasonable Ambition of Conchini, now Marshal of France, and of Galigai his Wife.  The Marquis de Coevures who was fixed upon for this Employ, set out from Paris at the End of this Year, took the Road of Turin that he might Confer with the Duke of Savoy, in the first place Coevures informs us himself that he had secret Orders to Treat with the Cardinal Duke about surrendering his Cap to Galigai the Mareschalless of Anchre's Brother. These People set no Bounds to their Ambition. Conchini obtained the Staff of Marshal of France in the room of Fervacques lately dead: And now Galigai not being content that her Husband was raised to the Second Military Honour in France, 
Memoires de la Regence de Maria de Medics. Siri Memo. recondite. Tom. III. p. 36.160.  proposes to obtain for her Brother the Second Dignity in the Church of Rome: This Creature so far forgot herself, that she did not observe the Rules of Decency, with the Princesses of the Blood. A little while before she had spoke in the Queen's Closet to the Princess of Conde in such a Proud and Imperious manner, that her Highness was extremely Affronted. All the World was offended at the Insolence of Conchini's Wife, whofe behaviour did not a little provoke the Princes and Great Men against her Husband, whose new Dignity of marshal of France did yet more expose him, to the jealousy and hatred of the Courtiers.  

Continuation of the Disputes about Questions concerning Grace and Praedestination in the United-Provinces.  There was not less Confusion in the United Provinces. about Questions concerning Grace and Predestination, than in Italy about the Interests of the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua. James King of Great-Britain interposed in the Disputes of the Divines of Holland with as much Heat and Zeal, as the Kings of France and Spain did in the Quarrel occasioned by the Pretensions of Charles Emanuel upon Monferrat. Winwood the English Ambassador to the State's General of the United Provinces, was very much in the Interest of the Divines which adhered to Gomarus; They did say, that it was a Point of great Concern to the Crown of of the King his Master. Nevertheless, 
Prèface dee acts du Synode de Dordrecht. Brand. Hist. de la Rèformation. Liv. XX, XXI. Grotius. Apologeticus eorum qui Hollandiae praefuerunt. Cap. VI & alibi passim.  the Question was only to know whether Vorstius should be excluded the Universi●…y of Leiden, which had Invited him thither ●…r at most, to determine whether the Five Articles of Arminians were contrary to the Fundamental Doctrines of the Reformed Churches. The Ambassador pub●…ickly Declared, that Barnevelt Pentiona●…y of Holland, was Governed by Vytenbo●…ard Minister of the Church of the Hague, and that the States of Holland, led by Barnavelt, did all that he Suggested to them. The Gomarists which now began to be called Contra-Remonstrants, by Reason of the Contra-Remonstrances which they opposed to the Requests and Writings of the Arminians, their adversaries the Gomarists I say did continually offer new Memorials to their Winwood, some●…imes against Vorstius, sometimes against the States of Holland, whom they accused as ●…oo favourable to the Remonstrants, and Socinians themselves. The Ambassador Communicated every thing to the King, or to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and publicly disallowed Vorstius and the Arminians. The Support which the Contra-Remonstrants Received from his Majesty, did strangely perplex the States of Holland. They tried all possible ways to stifle these Disputes, which might have unhappy Consequences. And the Contra-Remonstrants which always reckoned upon the Protection of King James, would not be at Rest.  
After the famous Conference held at the Hague, in 1611. the States of Holland Ordered the Divines of each Side to draw up their Thoughts in Writing, concerning the Five Articles in Controversy. And to give their Opinion concerning the Means which might be most proper to compose the Disturbance which their Dispute had occasioned in several of the United Provinces. The Remonstrants declared that their way of Toleration seemed the safest and most convenient; so that every one should have the Liberty to Teach and Preach his Opinion concerning the Five Articles in Dispute. The Contra-Remonstrants proposed a Convocation of the National Synod, which should Examine and Determine which of the Two Opinions was most agreeable to the Word of God, and to the Doctrine commonly received in the Reformed Churches. When the States of Holland were consulting about this matter in their Assembly, they found themselves divided into Two Parties, the one approved the Advice given by the Remonstrants, and the other was for a National Synod. The First carried it.  
Without declaring for one or the other, the States of Holland published an Edict, in which it enjoined both the Remonstrants and Contra-Remonstrants, Charitably to bear with one another, not to disturb the Peace of the Churches, not to say which had got the better of the other, to speak with a great deal of Wariness and Consideration concerning the controverted Points in their Sermons, to take more care to inculcate upon the People the duties of the Christian Life, and the necessity of preserving Peace in the Church and in the Commonwealth, then to explain to their Auditory abstracted and difficult Points in Divinity, and whereas the Contra-Remonstrants complained that their Adversaries entertained Opinions contrary to the Doctrine of the Reformed Churches, not only concerning Grace and Predestination, but also about original Sin, the Satisfaction of Jesus Christ, and other important Articles of Religion. The States of Holland forbidden them to Preach in their public Lectures and their Sermons any thing contrary to what the Reformed Churches had always Professed to be concerning Original Sin, the Satisfaction of Jesus Christ, and other Articles specified in the Edict of the States.  
This is sufficient to refute the Calumny of certain zealous Contra-Remonstrants, who had the Impudence publicly to accuse the States of Holland of a design to introduce into their Province, the Impieties of Paulus Samosatenus, which Servetus and Socinus had revived in the last Age●… They which composed this Illustious Assembly, always detested the Enemy's o●… the Divinity of Jesus Christ. If severa●… Deputies to the States of Holland did no●… think themselves obliged to declare agains●… Vorstius, his being called to the University of Leiden, the Reason was because Vorstius publicly disavowed the Opinions o●… Socinus. The States desired him to Prin●● the Declaration that he had made, both in Latin and in Dutch, and to send it to the King of England. They Commanded him also particularly to answer all th●… Accusations which he had been charged with in Print, and to stay at Tergow til●… they were better informed of his rea●… Opinions. Grotius so renowned for his Works, was then Fiscal Advocate of Holland, he had a great share in what the States did, with relation to these disputes. This Learned Man did so abhor Socinianism, 
Epistola Grotii 13. ad Walaeum 1611.  that he declared that the Followers of Socinus did not deserve the Name of Christians, and that he saw but little difference between a Socinian and a Mahometan. Grotius afterwards did not seem to have quite so bad an Opinion of the Disciples of Socinus, but yet he never espoused their Sentiments. This might be clearly proved by abundance of Passages in his Letters and in his Works. Whatsoever ●●ey might say to slain his Reputation he, ●…ill always have the Glory of having ●…etter refuted the deceitful subtleties of ●●cinus against the Satisfaction of Jesus ●…hrist, than any who have writ before ●●m.  

New Contests in Holland about choosing their Pastors.  The Wiser and more moderate Divines easily submitted to the Edict ●…ublish'd in 1611. Those of the Walloon Churches signalised themselves upon this ●…ccasion, they promised in their Synods 〈◊〉 1612, and 1613. to Respect as Brothers those which maintained the Five ●…rticles in Dispute. But the far greater ●…art of the Dutch Ministers were not so ●…ractable. They had almost all took ●●e Side or other in this Quarrel; they ●…hich were for the Contra-Remonstrants, ●●claim'd against the Edict; they accused the States of Holland of a base Con●…escention to Men whose Doctrine tend●● to re-establish Popery, 
Grotius Oratione habità in Senatu Amstelodamensi, & Epist. 18. ad Uytenbogardum. 1613.  or at least to introduce Socinianism into the Reformed ●…hurches. In the Year 1612. there a●●se a business which occasioned a new ●…ontest, the Remonstrants complained ●●at their Adversaries were more numerous in their Synods and certain Assemblies which are called Classes in the Vni●●d Provinces, and which the Reformed 〈◊〉 France call Colloques, they complained ●●at it often happened that they refused 〈◊〉 admit to the Ministry, those which ●…eclar'd for the Doctrine of the Five Articles; upon this and some other considerations, Barnevelt proposed in the Assembly of the States of Holland, the Revival of a Law made in the Year 1591. concerning the manner of choosing the Pastors of the Church.  
It seems that at the beginning of the Reformation in Holland, 
Grotius. Apologeticus eorum qui Hollandia praefuerunt. Cap. VII.  William Prince of Orange, and the States of Holland had a design to make a Law, that the Election of the Ministers should belong to the Magistrates of the Places, but the Clergy had Wit enough to baffle this Project. A National Synod Convened at the Hague in 1586. Ordered that the Pastors should be chosen by the Consistory, that they would do the Magistrates the Honour of giving them notice of the Election, and of ask them whether they found any fault with the Manners or the Doctrine of the Person chosen. The Decree of the Synod overturned the Right of Patronage Established in Holland a long time before the Reformation which the States and Gentlemen of that Country endeavoured to retain, as well as many other Reformed Provinces. Far from approving this Order the States of Holland published an Edict the same Year, by which they declared, that their Intention was to reserve to themselves and to the Gentlemen the Right of Patronage, upon Condition that they who are Named by the Patrons should not be received into the Ministry but after an exact Information of their good Manners, and of their sound Doctrine. Neither did the States of Zealand observe this Canon of the National Synod at the Hague. In the Year 1591. They Convene'd a particular Synod of their own Province. 'Twas there Decreed that the Consistory should desire the Magistrates of the respective Places to Name certain Persons from amongst themselves, who should proceed Jointly with the Consistory in the Election of their Ministers.  
In Holland, there almost every day arose some dispute when there was a Vacant Church, to be provided for; the Consistory maintained that this privilege belonged solely to them: The Magistrates and the Gentlemen endeavoured to maintain their Right of Patronage. But to remedy the disorders which frequent disputes about this Point occasioned, they endeavoured in the Year 1591. in the Assembly of the States of this Province, to make a New Regulation concerning the manner of choosing Pastors. According to this Project the Magistrates and the Consistory were to Name each Four Persons of their own Body, to Elect Jointly: The Act of Election was to be carried afterwards to the Body of the Magistrates, who should have power to Accept or Reject the chosen Minister: And in this last Case they were to proceed to a new Election. This Law was agreeable enough to the Civil Law Established by the new Constitutions of the Emperor Justinian, touching the Election of Ecclesiastical Ministers. And because it was convenient to Reserve some Privileges to particular Persons, who had the Patronage of Churches; it was added in the same Law, that if there were a Pastor to be chosen to a Church of which a particular Person was the Patron, than this Person was to depute Four others to Elect in Conjunction with the Four Named by the Consistory: So that a Gentleman had the same privilege with respect to the Church of which he was Patron, as the Magistrates had reserved, with respect to the Churches of Towns and Cities. A Regulation so well Contrived for the Satisfaction of all the World, met with so much opposition in the Assembly of the States of Holland in the Year 1591. from several considerable Cities, that it was not possible to pass it into a Law.  
In the Year 1612. the Pensionary Barnevelt proposed a second time to the States of the Province, as more necessary than ever, by reason of the Quarrels that arose about the Five Articles. Besides that the Synod and Classes did not dare to make use of the pretended Heresy 〈◊〉 Remonstrants to Interdict those which ha●… been chosen after this manner, by th●… Consent of the Consistory's, and Magistrates, and Patrons; this Project had a considerable Advantage in the present Posture of the Churches of Holland. It allowed the Magistrates to choose none but wise and moderate Pastors, and such as should be acceptable to all the World, and well inclined to Peace. When Barnevelt spoke in the Assembly of the States of the Province, of the Revival of the Law proposed in 1591. Their Opinions were then decided. Some thought it fit that they should publish it; others thought that it was more convenient first to have the consent of the Synod. These latter were apparently afraid that this Law should more provoke the Ministers of the Contra-Remonstrant Party, who grumbled very much that the States pretended singly to decide matters belonging to Religion and the Government of the Church.  
Barnevelt, in this Affair, in which he was so hearty engaged so managed those that were concerned, that he brought them all over to his own Opinion. The States of Holland at last resolved, that the Laws which had been Projected concerning Ecclesiastical affairs in the Year 1591., should be from that time observed; but they found great difficulty in the Execution of them: There arose immediately great Disputes both by word of Mouth and by Writing, concerning this Deliberation of the States. The Contra-Remonstrants said, that the States had gone beyond the Bounds of their Lawful Authority, and that it was not fit for them to put their hand to the Censor, in Regulating the Doctrines of Faith, and the Government of the Church. The Remonstrants' side with the States. By this means they had opportunity to curry favour with the Government, and likewise found their account in the Enacting of this Law. The Armenians maintained, and not without Reason, that the States of Holland being Sovereigns in their Province, had power to Establish any thing that was not contrary to the Law of God, and to regulate the Government of the Church, to make Laws for the Security of its Peace, according to the Example of Christian Emperors and Princes, which have done so before them, without any Contradiction from the primitive Church. So that for the future we shall find there were disputes in the United Provinces, not only about the Five Articles of the Remonstrants, but also about the Right of Patronage, and the Lawful Power of Sovereigns in matters of Faith and Discipline of the Church. This was the occasion of an excellent Treatise which Grotius published to the World. This Learned Man does in that Book defend at large that which he had before advanced in an Apology for the State's o●… Holland, 
Grotius De Imperio summarum potestatum circa Sacra.  touching the Authority of th●… Sovereign Power in Ecclesiastical Affairs But, before we speak of this Apology published by Grotius, It is fit to say something concerning this Quarrel, which intreased every day in the United Provinces.  

The divisions increased in the United Provinces.  Before this time there had been Synod ●…gainst Synod, that of Vtrecht in 1612. ●…eclare that the Five Articles of the Re●…onstrants were Tolerable. That of the ●…rovince of Guelderland, maintains that ●●l the Doctrine contained in the Confession of Faith, and in the Catechism of ●●e Belgic Churches, was agreeable to ●●e Word of God. 
Preface des Actes du Sinode de Dordrecht.  The Synod Solemn●●● Engage themselves to maintain and de●●nd it. In Some Cities they Suspend and ●…epose the Remonstrant Ministers as Heretics; in others they drive out the Contra-●●monstrant as Violent and Seditious. ●●e People being devoted to their Old ●●nisters would not acknowledge those ●●t were put in their Room: So that there ●●s a Schism in one and the same Church. 
Brand Hist. de la Reformation. Liv. XX. XXI.  ●●e part of the People assembled with 〈◊〉 Deposed Minister in spite of the Ma●●rates: Another part stuck to the new ●●e. One Geselius gave a great deal of ●●ble to the magistrates of Rotterdam. ●●ey Depose him, he sets up Conventi●● they Banish him, and he refuses to ●●ey them. The Magistrates published Manifesto, giving an account of their ●●duct to the People; Geselius answers 〈◊〉 his own Justification. In one Word ●●e were not greater Divisions in the Church in the time of Arianism. Circular Letters flew about to Exhort to forsake the Communion of those who embraced the Five disputed Articles. The Contra-Remonstrants called themselves the unjustly persecuted Church. They had a private Meeting in a Barn at Rotterdam. The Magistrates ordered it to be shut up, the Contra Remonstrants opened it again. Can they have had more Zeal and more Heat about the Fundamentals of the Christian Religion!  
During these Confusions Gomar quitted the Chair of Divinity-Professor at Leyden, and retired to Middleburg in Zealand. Polyander a great Stickler for the same Opinion was put in his Place. The Remonstrants comforted themselves under this disappointment with Episcopius, being called to the same University. He had obtained a great Reputation in the Party, by his strong Defence of the Five Articles at the Conference in the Hague in 1611. There seem d to be a good understanding at first between the Two Professors: But it did not last long. Whether 'twas that Polyander was Jealous of the Reputation of Episcopius a Man of uncommon Learning, of a clean subtle and penetrating Head; whither he was urged by an honest Zeal and Love of the Truth, to prevent the Mischiefs which the Free Opinions of Episcopius', concerning Important Points 〈◊〉 Grace and Predestination might do in the University of Leyden. There arose an open War between the Two Professors. Polyander had a very strong Party. The liberty with which his Adversary discoursed concerning the Nature and Attributes of God, the Trinity, and the Incarnation, did the Remonstrants a very great Injury, since they were headed by Episcopius and Vytenbogard.  

The Conference of Delft, between the Remonstrants and the Contra-Remonstrants.  The latter kept himself more within Bounds, and stuck closer to the Belief of the Ancient Church. Count William Lewis of Nassau, Governor of Frizeland, being at that time in the Hague, and contriving means to Calm these Contests about Religion, which were like to be of ill Consequence to the Church and Common Wealth, brought Vytenbogard and Festus Hommius a Professor of Leyden, and one of the moderatest of the Contra-Remonstrants, to a Conference. The Count first of all ask them, if they could think of an Expedient, and to restore peace to the Churches of the United Provinces; Hommius answered, that 'twould not be hard to reunite the differing Parties, if till such time as there should be a general Synod, the Remonstrants would declare positively that setting aside their Five Articles, they sincerely received the Confession of the Faith of the Belgic Churches. As for me, saith Uytenbogard, I have no other-private Sentiments of my own, I am ready to Declare it, when you please; And I don't doubt, but the Wiser part of the Remonstrants will do the same. This Declaration occasioned another Conference in the City of Delft, in the beginning of the Year 1613. between certain Select Persons on each Side.  
The States of Holland thought it convenient that there should be but Three Divines of a Side, when they came to Discourse concerning means of healing their Divisions: The Remonstrants proposed the way of Toleration, and desired that their Adversaries should declare whether the Doctrine of the Five Articles were Tolerable or not. The Contra-Remonstrants were for a Convocation of a National Synod, which should definitively pronounce concerning the Five disputed Articles. As for a Toleration added they, you demand it in too general Terms, Tell us plainly if the Five Articles are the only Points in which you differ from the Confession of Faith, commonly received among us. Explain your Thoughts concerning the Satisfaction of Jesus Christ, of Original Sin, and certain other Important Points. We have taken out of the Books of Arminius, Vorstius, and some other Remonstrants, several Tenets that are contrary to the Coufession of Faith, in other Essential Points, as well as those of the Five Articles: Let us see you Reject these Tenets, which are evidently Bad. The Remonstrants answered, that Councils had often done more harm than good, that a Convocation of a National Synod did not look like a good Expedient to end the Quarrel, and that the Province of Holland did not think themselves obliged to submit themselves to the Judgement of the other Provinces in matters of Religion. 
Grotius Apologeticus eorum qui Hollandiae praefuerunt. Cap. IU.  As for the Declaration which you require of us concerning the other Artiticles of the Confession of Faith, said the Remonstrants, We will deliberate of that Proposal with our Brethren. 'Tis likely we may grant your desires, provided you will Sign that the Doctrine of the Five Articles is not contrary to the Fundamentals of Christianity. And thus, the Conference of Delft, was attended with no better Success than the preceding ones, They broke up without coming to any Resolution. Vytenbogard one of the Deputies for the Remonstrants, and Festus Hommius for the other Side, went immediately for the Hague, to inform the States of the Province of what had passed at Delft.  
In good truth, these Divines and Professors are a strange sort of Men. Instead of bringing things to a happy Conclusion, they are good for nothing, but to perplex them more, when they are left to their Prejudices and Passions. What hindered them from giving Peace to their Churches and Country, which their Disputes exposed to remediless Peril? only a ponctilio of Honour. The Remonstrants did not care to humour their Adversaries so far as to explain themselves upon certain Articles, and (I know not what) Tenets of Arminius and Vorstius. As for the Contra-Remonstrants they were afraid of giving ground of Triumph to the others, by letting them obtain a Connivance in favour of the Five Articles. For what reason should they both refuse to make an advance which appeared so reasonable? With a little Charity and Condescension they might have prevented all those Miseries which ensued. For my part I cannot approve of the obstinacy of the Remonstrants on this occasion. If they spoke sincerely, why did not they stop the Mouths of their Adversaries, by a clear and distinct Explication of their Faith? It cannot be denied but that the Writings of Vorstius and some others of that Party, give just ground of Suspicion, both to their Adversaries, and to wise and disinterested Persons.  
In the mean time Vytenbogard had the skill and Reputation to insinuate a good Opinion into the States of Holland, of the Conduct of the Remonstrants in the Conference of Delft. He excused their backwardness, by representing to them that the Contra-Remonstrants had a mind to have the same Power as the Inquisitors of Spain. It is Lawful said he, to prosecute Men when one has sufficient Proof to Convict them: But to oblige those whom they think fit to suspect, to accuse themselves, is a Tyrranical Maxim of the Tribunal of the Inquisition. If we Teach any Heretic Doctrines, our Adversaries have the Liberty to Convict us: But if they have no Proofs against us, why should they spread abroad suspicions of Persons, whose Doctrines are Irreproveable. This come-off was specious, but had nothing in it at the Bottom. We ought not to think much to give a reason of our Faith, when Charity and the Edification of our Neighbour, and the Conservation of Peace demand it. Certainly there was something in the Conduct of the Remonstrants which wanted Fairness and Sincerity.  
Vytenbogard and those of his Party, 
James K. of England is loss prejudised against the Arminians, Preface des Actes du Synode de Dordrecht. Uytenbogard Hist. Ecclesiastic Part. IU. 16113. Brand Hist. de la Reformation.  did not take so much Pains to obtain the Favour of the States of Holland, but that they did endeavour also to Efface the ill Impressions which his British Majesty had received of their Doctrines and their Persons. It was of high Concernment to the Remonstrants to withdraw from their Adversaries that Support which they flattered themselves of receiving from King James the I. Winwood his Ambassador at the Hague, had prejudiced him against the Remonstrants, and the Archbishop of Canterbury, the declared Enemy of the Opinions of Vorstius, gave the King a bad Character of them: In short, this Prelate imagined that all the Remonstrants' Ministers, and the Magistrates their Protectors had an Inclination to Socinianism, with which he thought Vorstius was infected. 
Grotius Apologeticus eorum qui Hollandiae praefuerunt. Cap. VI & in Epistolis. 1613.  Vytenbogard and the Rest thought good to oppose to the Archbishop, several Doctors and Prelates of the greatest Note and Meritin England, and especially the learned Casaubon, whom his Majesty had a particular Value for. His Majesty owing his Entertainment of the Sentiments of Calvin, concerning Predestination, more to the prejudices of his Education, than Reason or Study, Casaubon and others easily persuaded him to listen to what they had to Offer in favour of the Remonstrants in Holland. These took the advantage of this favourable Conjuncture. They sent to Charon the Dutch Ambassador at London, a Memorial, in which the Questions in Debate were fairly and clearly Stated. This Memorial was read to the King, and gave him Satisfaction. His Majesty writ a Letter to the States of Holland, and to ●…ell them it was his Opinion that they should Tolerate the Remonstrants, and that the Magistrates should use their Authority to suppress their Disputes, and to forbid them to Preach such difficult and abstruse Doctrines. The King's Letter extremely vexed the Contra-Remonstrants: but it did quite dicourage them. They sent privately into England a Memorial, to persuade the King that they had imposed upon him. The Conduct of the States of Holland, and those who had the greatest share of the Government, was there railed at in so outrageous a manner, that his Majesty sent a Copy of it in a Letter which he wrote to the States of Holland.  
Grotius was sent into England about this time, to adjust some Affairs for the East-India Company: I am ap●… to think there was something else in the Bottom of this Commission. The States of Holland were very glad that so able a Man undertook to undeceive the King of Great-Britain, and that he Conferred upon the Five Articles with the Bishops and chief Divines of England. Grotius found that the Bishop of Ely, the Dean of St. Paul's of London, Casaubon and several others were very nigh of the same Opinion with the Arminians, in the Points of Grace and Predestination. They all gave him a favourable hearing, except the Archbishop of Canterbury, who was always deeply prejujudiced against the Remonstrants, and consequently against Grotius, who Strenuously defended them. He had many Audiences of the King, who frankly told him, that the Opinions of Calvin and Beza seemed to him too Rigid, and that according to their Nypothesis, God would be the Author of Sin. But his Majesty persisted always to Condemn the ill Opinions which he had observed in Vorstius' his Writings. To gain his Favour, it was necessary to Reject whatsoever savoured of the Impious paradoxes of Socinus, concerning the Divivinity and Person of Jesus Christ. If you have a mind that I should entertain a better Opinion of Uytenbogard, and the Remonstrants said the King to Grotius, you must persuade me that these Men don't favour Socinianism. Grotius informed Vytenbogard his Friend of his Majesty's Opinion concerning him and the rest of his Party. Hereupon Vytenbogard by the advice of Grotius, writ a Letter to Casaubon, that he might show it the King. He plainly saw that Vytenbogard had too great an Esteem for Vorstius.  

Sibrand Minister of Frizeland, publishes a Libel reflecting on the States of Holland. Grotius is ordered to answer it.  The Contra-Remonstrants did all they could to hinder the success of the Negociations of Grotius in England. A Professor of the University of Franneker in Frizeland, by Name Sybrand, wrote against Vorstius, whom he accused of maintaining an Hundred Heresies. The Book was Dedicated to the Archbishop of Canterbury. Under pretence of praising the King of Great-Britain for the Zeal which his Majesty had discovered against Vorstius. Sibrand in his Epistle Dedicatory accuses the Curators of the University of Leyden, and the States of the Province, of a design to introduce Socinianism into Holland. He endeavoured to render the Conduct of the States suspected, because they would not Consent to the calling a National Synod; he pretended that the Civil Power went beyond the bounds of their Authority, in taking Cognizance of Religious Controversies, which ought not to be Treated of, but in an Ecclesiastical Assembly; He declaimed against the Revival of the Law made in 1591. in short, he maintained that the Magistrates had nothing to do with the calling of Pastors and the Government of the Church. The States of Holland were highly affronted at the Sauciness and Insolence of this Frizeland Minister. He might have Refuted the Errors of Vorstius; and they would have had nothing to say against him: 
Ordinum Hollandiae ac West fri siae pietas.  Was it pardonable for a private Person to publish such vile Calumnies against the Governors of a Province Allied to his own, and to speak Reproachfully of Laws which they had Right to publish. Grotius was ordered to make an Apology for the States of Holland. He acquitted himself wonderfully well of so Honourable a Charge. His Book is Wrote very Elegantly, full of lively Strokes against his Adversary, and is altogether a learned Composure, worthy of its incomparable Author. He there fully Justifies the Conduct of the States of Holland in the Affair of Arminianism: Grotius there Treats by the by, of the Authority and necessity of Councils, and Solidly and Frirmly Establishes the Power of Sovereigns in matters of Religion, and the Government of the Church. Sibrand endeavoured to answer Grotius: But he was not a Match for him. It Cost Grotius only Three or Four Sheets to show that the Professor of Franeker was an unfair Man, and that he understood not the things that he pretended to talk of.  

B●…na fides Sibrandi Lubberti. Edit des Etats de Hollande pour assoupir le di●●●r●…nd sus les Questions de la Prèdestination & de la Grace. Mercure Francois. 1614 Uytenb●…gard History Rèformation Dordrecht. Ecclesiae. Part. IU. 1614 Brand History de la Livre XXI. Preface des Actes du Sinode de Grtotii Epistolae. 1614  The States of Holland were very well pleased with the Advice of the King of England, that they should Employ their Authority to suppress these Disputes, and Command the Divines of both Sides, Charitably to bear with one another, not to disturb any longer the Peace of the Church with abstruse Questions of no Importance to Salvation. Grotius now Pensionary of the City Rotterdam, had Orders to prepare an Edict, which they should propose to the Assembly of the States of Holland, Here occurred great Difficulties. One Side said that it was fit that the Five Articles should be Considered in the Synod, before they that maintained them should be Tolerated by Law. To give leave to any, said they, in the same Church, in the same Pulpit, to Preach such contrary Doctrines, is to expose the Province to great Distractions. The Disputes, Replied the others, are about Speculative Doctrines, which are of no Importance to Salvation. What Inconvenience is there in giving every one the Liberty of Speaking their own Thoughts with Modesty? The Emperors and Christian Princes have often without the Assistance of the Clergy made Laws to Regulate the Doctrine and Practice of the Church. These Reasons did not then Convince the Deputies and Magistrates of several Cities of Holland. They a long time denied their Consent to the publication of the Edict. These of Amsterdam were more obstinate than the rest. They Demanded that their Dissent should be Entered in the Register of the State.  
And hence it came about, that the Edict Projected in the Year 1613. was not published till the beginning of the Year 1614 The States of Holland Exhorted the Ministers when they Preach●… from those Texts where Predestination destination is mentioned, to follow the Precept of St. Paul, and to Preach that the Beginning, Progress and End of Salvation was owing alone to the Grace of Jesus Christ, and not to Works of those that are Called. They were forbid to Preach that God made Men to damn them; and that he puts them under a necessity of Sinning, and that he invites those to Salvation, whom he has resolved never to Save. Lastly, the States Ordered that they should not be molested, who in explaining the Doctrine of Predestination, suppose that Men are saved by the alone Grace of Jesus Christ, in persevering in the Faith unto the End, and that all those that believe not in Jesus Christ are damned: As for all other Doctrines, the States forbidden them to Preach any that was not agreeable to the Doctrines commonly received in the Chuches of Holland.  
So far was this Edict which was drawn up with such Care to satisfy all the World, from Calming the Tempest which had some time continued, that it increased its Fury, some Contra-Remonstrants Ministers wrote Books to persuade the People not to submit to the Edict. They openly accused the States of favouring Popery, and of introducing a bad Doctrine into the United Provinces. Vytenbogard wrote in Defence of the Edict of the States. There came out every day some Book or other for, and against the Edict. One for Sibrand and another for Grotius. This Division entered the Churches. The Contra-Remonstrants being resolved to hold no more Communion with their Adversaries, met by themselves in private Houses.  
It was matter of great Dispute between them, whether the Edict was approved of in England, or no. Grotius received a Letter from Casaubon, a Man equally sincere and accomplished with all polite Learning. Casaubon assured his Friend, that the King, the Archbishop of Canterbury and several other Prelates of greatest Note had approved of the Edict. The Strain in which it is Writ, says Casaubon, seems to the King and to the Rest equally distant from the Two opposite Extremes, Manicheism and Pelagianism. The necessity of Grace is there Established. The Contra-Remonstrants produced of their Side Letters from England, which Imported, that neither his Britannic Majesty, nor the Prelates of the Church of England approved the Edict, and the Conduct of the States of Holland. But upon the whole, the Testimonies of Casaubon who in Person spoke to the King, and the Bishops seems prefer●…able to any angry Man's Letters, which the Contra-Remonstrants pretended to.   

THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF LEWIS XIII. King of France and Navarre.  
BOOK V.  
THE Joy which Mary de Medicis had conceived to see herself, delivered from a Rupture with Spain, occasioned by the Affair of Mantua, was of short Continuance. The Retreat of the Prince de Conde and several other Discontented Lords, who by Consent had left the Court in the beginning of the Year 1614 very much alarmed her Majesty. The Marshal de Bovillon had very cunningly Form this new Party to serve his own Interests. This subtle and ambitious Man, taking it ill that he was not entrusted enough in the management of Affairs, 
Memory du Duc de Rohan. Siri Memoire recondite To. III. p. 222.  and that the Regent did not Reward him suitably to the great Services he imagined he had done her Majesty, tried to make himself necessary to the Queen and her Ministers, by involving them in Troubles, out of which he alone was able to deliver them. Hereupon he persuades with all his might the Prince de Conde whom the Queen had disgusted by the denial she had given him of the Chàteau-trompette, and by recalling the Old Ministers, who he thought were utterly turned of, as also by the hasty Rise of Conchini who had been drawn of from his Party, publicly to make known his Discontent. The Duke's de Nevers, de Maìenne, de Vendòme, de Longueville, de Piney-Luxembourg, and several others being brought over by the Marshal de Bovillon, enter into New Engagements with the first Prince of the Blood. They agree to retire all from Court almost at the same time, and to meet in Champagne in order to Demand conjunctly Redress of the Disorders of the Government. An Illusion with which the Princes and great Lords have too often blinded the Eyes of the People, when they have a mind to make use of them, to effect their own private Designs. The People would have been Fooled by them to this very day in France, If having been less Covetous of the Preferments of the Court, they had had at least the Wit to have kept them from utter Slavery, and had not utterly incapacitated them to join with them upon occasion. But the Princes and great Lords by Sacrificing the Interests of the People to their own avarice and ambition, are now themselves undone without Remedy. After having oppressed those who might have stood by them, It was an easy matter to reduce them to a most shameful Slavery.  
The Party which was then formed under the specious Pretence of the public Welfare, might have done good Service to the whole Kingdom, if those who Listed themselves in it, had done it with an honester Design, and had taken better Measures. Nevers Commanded in Champagne, Maìenne in the Isle of France, Vendòme in Bretagne, Longueville in Picardy, the Government of which the Comte de St. Pol his Uncle had Surrendered to him. But the Marshal de Bovillon upon whom they most depended by reason of his wisdom and his Sovereignty of Sedan, had no mind to Unite a Party which he was not able to dissipate, when he should find it for his advantage so to do. The Prince of Conde Retired to Chateauroux, an Estate which he had in Berri. The Duke de Nevers went to Champagne, Maìenne to Soissons, the Dukes de Longueville and the Vendòme were shortly to follow: But the latter having delayed too long, was seized at the Lovure, and kept close Prisoner in a Chamber by the Regent's Order. 
Mercur●… Francois. 1613. Memoires du duc de Rohan.  The Marshal de Bovillon was one of the last to leave the Place. To render himself less suspected, he got himself Commissioned to Visit the Ministers first, and to declare to them the Intentions of the Prince and the Rest. The Marshal was always Master of the Affair, and could manage Conde as 〈◊〉 pleased; he made no offer to stir from Court, till he had first promised the Queen to bring back Conde and all the Lords of his Party.  

Artifices of the Duke of Savoy to raise a Civil War in France.  'Twas so much for the Duke of Savoy's Interest to find business for Mary de Medicis in France, that he must by all means Correspond with the Prince de Conde. Besides that a Civil War would incapacitate the Regent to secure the House of Mantua, Charles Emanuel had yet further hopes that the Prince and Lords combined with him, breaking the double Marriage, which was concluded with Spain as they pretended to him, he would revenge himself on the Regent, in forcing her to give her Eldest Daughter to the P. of Piedmont, and perform the Promise which the late K. had made him. The D. of Savoy at the same time that he held a private Correspondence with tha Party, endeavoured to amuse the Regent; he exhorted her vigorously to exert her Authority against all that should oppose it. The Agents of Charles Emanuel had Orders to Protest to her Majesty that he did readily forget all the occasions of Complaint, and the Affront she had given him in the Sight of all Europe, by the Treaty of the double Marriage with Spain; that he was extremely concerned to see the new Troubles which Men of a Factious and unquiet Disposition gave her; and that he never ha●● a Thought as some Persons would accuse him, to support the Party of the Prince of Conde, and to give him any Assistance. Although his Highness said the Agents of Savoy to the Regent, Doubts not but your Majesty's Prudence will soon dissipate this new Faction, as you have the former, the sincere Respect which the Duke our Master has for the Crown of France, makes him take the Liberty to offer his Mediation to your Majesty, If you believe 'twill be of any Service to you. He would likewise offer his own Person and his Troops, if he was not persuaded that your Majesty has no need of such weak Assistance, and if he was not under a necessity of putting strong Garrisons into his own Towns, till the Difference between him and the House of Mantua should be adjusted.  
The Regent had need of more sincere and honest People than the Duke of Savoy. The King of Spain and the Duke of Lorraine offered her their Assistance as well as Charles Emanuel: 
Different advice in the Council of France, how to dissipate the Party of the Prince of Conde. Memoires de la Regence de Mary de Medicis.  But her Majesty had no Inclination to bring Foreign Troops into her Country. That might have been the way▪ 〈◊〉 have made more Rise than did. The Duke d'Epernon was immediately called back, whom the Queen had again disobliged, since her last Reconciliation with him. There was more of Ostentation than Reality in the generous and disinterested Temper, which this Nobleman affected, when he was recalled. Epernon had a little before solicited the Queen to receive the Office of first Gentleman of the Chamber, 
Vie du Due d'Epernon. Liv. VI  which he had enjoyed under Henry IU. and to bestow it on Candale his  Son. Being disobliged that he could not obtain a thing which he thought due to his Services, he desired leave to go to Mets, of which Place he was Governor. But when she began to hear the threatening Storm to Roar, she pacified the Duke d'Epernon by granting what she had before refused. The Duke de Guise received also new marks of distinguishing Favour. He pleased himself with the hopes of being General of the King's Forces, in case they should March against the Prince of Conde.  
'Twas the Advice of the Cardinal de Joieuse, of the Duke d'Epernon, and de Villeroi. They said that the Malcontents not having Troops nor Money, nor any Place of Retreat, that therefore they should pursue them out of hand with the Troops of his Majesty's Household; and that if his Majesty should advance as far as Rheims with that little Body of Men, the Prince and the Lords of his Party, being surprised unawares, would be necessitated humbly to implore the King's Mercy, or to flee out of the Kingdom in Disorder and Confusion. The New Marshal d'Ancre and Chancellor de Sillery were of another Opinion, they said it were better first to Treat with them. He could not endure that the Duke de Guise whom he both hated and feared, should have the Command of the Army. The other being fallen out more than ever with Villeroi, was blindly led by Conchini. Ever since the death of Madam de Puisieux the Chancellor's  Son's Wife, and Grandaughter of Villeroy, these two could never agree. Dole a Creature of the Marshal d'Ancre, was disgusted upon the Conclusion of the Marriage of the Marquis de Villeroy, Grandson of the Secretary of State, because they had not given Dole the Office of Controller of the Finances, which the Marquis d'Alincourt Son of Villeroy had given him hopes of, in case the Marquis de Villeroy should Marry the Daughter of Conchini. The Chancellor de Sillery took the advantage of this Discontent of Dole, to gain the Favour of the Marshal d'Ancre and to Ruin his Rival, with whom Conchini had fallen out.  
This Second Expedient pleased the Regent best, who relied upon the assurances that the Marshal de Bovillon had given her. 
Mercure Francois. 1613.  She sent the Duke de Ventadour and Boissise Counsellor of State, to Invite the Prince of Conde, who was thought to be at Chateauroux, to Return to his Post at Court. Villeroy could not forbear saying, that she exposed herself to the same Inconvenience which befell Henry III. when the League first took Arms against him. The Duke d'Epernon had advised him to March immediately against the Duke de Guise, who could not then make any Resistance: But Henry not listening to such wholesome Advice, rashly threw himself into those Misfortunes which cost him his Life. God grant, said Villeroy, that the same thing doth not befall us, since we neglect to crush this Conspiracy in its Birth, which is likely to produce great Revolutions in the State. They thought that this Old Statesman spoke thus only to get the Command of the Army for the Duke of Guise, and that he would not be sorry to see a Civil War, which might in the Issue prove fatal to the Marshal d'Ancre, and the Chancellor de Sillery. The Prince de Conde and the Duke de Guise hated them both. Conde would have had them removed from Court, if he could have had any advantage against them; and the Duke de Guise would have done his endeavour to have removed them, as soon as he should have been at the head of the King's Army. The Duke d'Epernon angry that his advice to oppose the Malcontents with an open force, was not followed, resolved not to assist at any Treaties which they should afterwards hold with the Prince and the united Lords, where the King was to buy of his Subjects a short lived Peace at a shameful Rate.  

The Circular Letter of the Regent upon Retreat of the Prince de Conde, and the Lords of his Party.  When the Duke de Vantadour and Boissise were gone to the Prince de Conde in Berri, the Regent wrote a Circular Letters dated the 13th February, to all the Parlements of the Kingdom, to the Governors of Provinces and other Places, to the Provost of the Merchants, to the Mayors and Sheriffs of the Cities, to exhort them to remain faithful to the King, and not suffer themselves to be surprised by the Prince de Conde and his Party. If you will believe Mary de Medicis, 
Mercure Francoise. 1614  These Gentlemen had no just ground of Complaint, neither with relation to their own private Interest, nor to the Administration of the public Affairs. Her Majesty had Treated this Prince and those Lords with all the Respect imaginable, she had heaped as many Favours on them as they could reasonably desire, and had taken no Step of any consequence without their Advice. The Kingdom was in as flourishing and quiet a Condition, the Dignity of the Crown of France as well Supported, the People as easy and happy as ever. To write the History of a Reign from Manifesto's, from prefaces of Edicts and Declarations, from Letters and other Papers published under the King's Name, is to have but very bad Authority for what one writes. In the mean time to amuse the People with the hopes of a better Government, the Regent declared in a Letter that her Majesty resolved to call as they speak in France an Assembly des Notables of all Orders in the Kingdom, in which they should consult together for the public Welfare.  

The Duke de Nevers seizes on the Citadel de Mezieres in Champagne.  Ventadour and Boissise had Intelligence upon the Road, that the Prince de Conde was gone from Chateauroux, and designed ●…o pass the Loir, accompanied by 30 or ●…o Horse. They sent one of their Com●…any to inform him of their Commissi●●, and to know where they might meet ●●m. 
Mercure Francoise. 1614  Conde refused to receive the King's ●…eputies, and went immediately into ●…hampagne, where the Duke de Nevers ●●ceived him. The Prince was immedi●…ely Conducted to Chalons, from thence ●●vers and he went to Mezieres. Descu●…es Commanded there in the absence of ●●e Marquis de la Vieuville. There ●●ing a good understanding between him and the Duke de Nevers. Descuroles made as if he would shut the Gates of the Citadel, and defend it according to the Order which he had received from Vieuville. But the Prince and the Duke de Nevers threatening to attack it, if he did not show express Orders from her Majesty to Resist them, Descuroles received the Prince and Duke into the Place. Nevers wrote afterwards to the Queen, to complain of the Marquis of Vieuville, to desire that Justice might be done him for the resistance that had been made him, who was the Governor of the Province. Was not this to Affront the Queen, under pretence of paying, I know not what respect to the Majesty of a Sovereign?  

The Prince de Conde wrote to the Regent a Letter in Form of a Mànifesto. Mercure Francois. 1614  The Prince de Conde, the Dukes de Nevers, de Maìenne, de Longueville, and some others of the chief of the Party, being met at Mezieres, Conde wrote a long Letter to the Queen in form of a Manifesto. He expresseth there an extraordinary Zeal for the public Good, and offers to Restore the Pensions and Gratifications which he had Received from the King, to her Majesty's hand, when all the States shall be assembled, and Act with entire Liberty: In a Word, he speaks much like the Ancient Greeks and Romans; of whose Impartial Justice we read of in History. If he had a mind to impose upon the World, he should have taken care that his Actions did not contradict his Words. In truth, the Complaints which the Prince de Conde and those of his Party made concerning the wasting of the Treasury, the giving the highest Employments to People unworthy of them, the too great Authority of the Ministers, the little Respect that was paid to the Princes and Peers of the Realm, the Officers of the Crown, the Obstacles which the Parliament found in exercising of their Power, the Ruin of the Nobles, the excessive Price of the Places of Judicature, the Oppression of the People, neglecting to Assemble the States of the Kingdom, the Haste with which they had concluded the Marriage of the King before his Majority; all these Complaints I say, were well founded. In the mean time, what ever Protestations the Prince of Conde made, that he had no other design, but to procure an effectual Remedy for these heavy Grievances, yet the World could never firmly believe the integrity of his Intentions, nor the sincerity of his Words. He added to these, Three or Four Demands which were not less Reasonable; the Assembling of the States of the Kingdom within Three months at farthest, the Suspending the Marriage of the King and his Sister, till after the sitting of the States, and the placing near her Majesty, Persons of known Honesty and Integrity.  
Conde at the same time wrote to the Prince of Conti his Uncle, to the Dukes, Peers, and Officers of the Crown, to the Parlements, to Cardinals, and he sent them a Copy of the Letter he had sent to the Queen. In that to the Parliament of Paris, he Styled them, the Chief Guardian of the Kingdom. He was willing to give them an account of his Actions, he desired their Advice and Concurrence in this Laudable undertaking of his, to Reform the Government. Thus it is that Kings and Princes, and great Lords have used to play with a Senate, 
The weakness of the Parliament of Paris on this occasion.  the Chief Members whereof being Ambitious and Slaves to the Court, take no care to maintain its Reputation and Authority. When there are hopes that the Parliament of Paris will be of any use to impose upon the People, they bestow upon it magnificent Titles, and Treat it with the greatest Honour and Respect imaginable; but when these Considerations cease, they despise and ridicule it. The Parliament upon this occasion gave a Proof of its Weakness. They would not open the Letter which the Prince de Conde sent them. Two of their Members were deputed to carry it to the Queen, who sent them to the Chancellor. I should not have found fault with these grave Magistrates for not relying much upon a young Prince, whose little Genius and low Conduct gave them no great hopes; but what shall we say of People that pretend to be the Guardians of Kings? Here we see they dare not open a Letter written by a first Prince of the Blood, to complain of the ill Administration of Affairs during a Minority. Our Fathers were then Born to Slavery, and we have gone on in the Paths they chalked out to us.  

Reflections upon Cardinal Perron's answer to the Prince of Conde.  None of the Parlements had the Courage to Answer the Prince, several Officers of the Crown sent their Letters to Court unopened, some few Printed Answers. I find that of Cardinal Perron seems to me to deserve some Reflection. This flattering and mercenary Pen did not dare to deny that there was a great many disorders to be regulated in the Government under the Minority of Lewis XIII. 
Mercure Francois. 1614  They have been pleased to multiply them since his Minority, and during the long Reign of his Son. How great a Reformation is necessary now, and who at this time dares to Demand it? One of the Ancients, said the Cardinal, hath wisely said, that there is no Prince so bad, but that he is better than a Civil War. And thus we may say of the Government of Kingdoms, that there is no Administration, let it be what it will, but it is better than Civil Discord. Whether the Author who laid down this Maxim be a Greek or Latin one, it is all one to us, if we take it in its utmost Extent, it tends only to Establish Tyranny in the World. Would it be better to endure all the extravagancies and Bloody cruelties of a Caligula and Nero, than to take Arms to Resist such abominable Monsters? If any say that these two never had their like, I will grant it. But they that follow too near the Politics of Philip II. of Spain, and Charles IX. of France, will find some there like them. Is it not lawful to defend one's Life and Liberty against such Tyrants? I confess 'tis often better to bear the inconvenience of a bad Prince, to a certain degree than to raise a Civil War. A good Prince is a great Rarity. The World would never be in Peace, if it were lawful to take Arms, as soon as a Prince ceases in all Instances perfectly to do his Duty. But that a King who loads his Subjects with heavy Taxes to Indulge a boundless Luxury and Ambition, who Sacrifices without Remorse, the lives of a million of Men to his Vast and Unrighteous designs, who Ruins at pleasure the Nobles of his Country, who overthrow's the Privileges of Princes and Great Noblemen, who Orders that his Edicts, how contrary soever to the public Good shall be Registered, before there can be any Remonstrances made, who shuts up the mouths of Parliaments, who Banishes and Imprisons without any legal Process, those who testify their dislike of his Usurpations upon his Subjects and his Neighbours, who abolishes without all Reason the most sacred and inviolable Laws, who thinks it meritorious to make a million of Men miserable, because they won't renounce a Religion, which, I may say, they have had the liberty to be Born and Bred up in, who does his utmost to enslave a Nation which has been always Free; that such a Prince as I describe, is better than a Civil War, undertaken and carried on with wisdom and discretion, so that one might hope for some redress of those miseries, which would be but increased by patiently enduring of them; this is the thing the Cardinal du Perron will never persuade Men of Sense to believe, with all his Skill and Rhetoric.  

Answer of Mary de Medicis to the Prince of Conde. Mercure Francoise. 1614  Mary de Medicis returned a large Answer to the Prince de Conde, in Form likewise of a Manifesto, to clear herself from his Imputations, and to show the irregularity of his Conduct, who accused her. If her Majesty does not make the best Defence with respect to some Articles, yet with respect to others, she gives good Answers enough. The greatest number of those Disorders which the Prince Complains of, began before the Regency. The Avarice of Conde himself, and of the Lords, put her under a necessity of wasting the Treasure, which had been heaped up by the late King. They increased the number of Malcontents, formed Cabals, threatened to Rise: So that she was obliged continually to give them Money, to appease some, to retain others. To what purpose did the Prince begin to Complain now in the Fourth Year of a Regence, which was now expiring? Had he not done much better, to have employed that Reputation and Authority, which the Quality of first Prince of the Blood gave him, in endeavouring to Establish a good Council, and to regulate the Administration of Affairs. But instead of applying himself to that, which was of absolute necessity, he spent his time in Intrigues, to remove one, or prefer another. His irresolution and mildness of Temper, made him a Cully to all the Factions that were on Foot at Court, during the Minority of Lewis the XIII. Nevertheless Marry de Medicis fearing lest the Prince should strengthen his Party by reason of the general Discontent of Men of all Ranks, through the Kingdom, Judged that the surest way to allay the begun Heats and Animosities, was to promise in her Answer to the Prince of Conde, an Assembly of the States of the Kingdom, in order to redress every thing which they Complained of. This experiment succeeded well. The Faction of the Prince was weakened, and her Majesty took Care that the Assembly of the States, should not entirely answer their Expecttations.  
But she did not so far rely on the way of Negociation resolved on in Council, nor upon the assurances of the Marshal de Bovillon, that she had no thoughts of having an Army ready to Fight the Prince of Conde, 
Mary de Medicis raises Six thousand Swisseses.  in case they refused the advantageous accommodation which was proposed to them by the Precedent of Thou, whom the Queen sent for that purpose into Champagne. This Magistrate, whose integrity and ability, the Princes and great Lords had a Respect for, had a Conference, with them at Soisson, in which he endeavoured to adjust the matters in dispute between them and the Queen. To secure herself against the Fears of the Malcontents, it was resolved to send away the Colonel Galatis into Switzerland, to raise Six thousand Men of his own Nation. But the Duke of Rohan, who was made Colonel General of the Swisseses by the late K. was suspected by the Queen. She did not dare to trust him with a Body of Troops, in which the chief strength of the King's Army was to consist. Mary de Medicis, she thought convenient, to make another Colonel General of the Swisseses, in the Room of the Duke of Rohan, and to give him a Sum of Money in requital. Rohan, whose great Design was to be Head of those of his own Religion, whom he was willing to Defend, and to maintain the Reputation which he had gotten by his Zeal, and Probity in Poitou, in Guienne, and Languedoc, where he had very well Supported the Interest of the Reformed Party, against the Connestable Governor of the Province; Rohan I say, was not concerned to keep his Post near the King. A Sum of Money was very welcome to him in the present posture of Affairs.  

Bassompierre is made Colonel General of the Swisseses, in the Room of the Duke of Rohan.  The business was to get a Man devoted to the Queen, and agreeable to the Swisseses. She proposed Bassompierre in the Council. But Villeroy, who favoured the Duke of Longueville, whose Family he was a great Friend to, told her Majesty, that the Place of Colonel General of the Swisseses had always been filled by a Prince, and that the late King promised to give it to no Person, but one of that Rank, when he renewed his Ancient Alliance with the Thirteen Cantons. The Duke of Rohan, said Villeroy, was afterwards chosen as a Prince of the Blood of Navarre and Scotland. Several of the Ancestors of the Duke of Longueville have Commanded the Swisseses. The offering him this Post of his Forefathers, will be a likely way to draw him off from the Party of the Malcontents. Marry did not approve of trusting a young Lord, who declared against her, and who had often quarrelled with the Marshal d' Ancre, about the Execution of their Offices. Longueville was Governor of Picardy, and Conchini of the City and Castle of Amiens. Because Bassompierre was excluded by the Treaty with the Swisseses, Mary de Medicis proposed the Chevalier du Guise, who unhappily died a little after. Villeroy interposed a Second time, by saying that this would open the mouths of the Malcontents more than ever, who complained of the too high preferments, of the House of Guise.  
'Twas happy for Bassompierre, that they did not come to a resolution then. After he understood from the Queen herself, that he was excluded from the Office of Colonel General of the Swisseses, because he was not one of the Princes, he used all his endeavours to take away this obstacle. One of the Montmorenci's having had this Employ with the consent of the Helvetick Nation, Galatis a Friend of Bassompierres, undertook after all to obtain for him the consent of the Cantons. He acquainted the Queen with this, who gave him Three Weeks, to try what might be done. Galatis went directly to Switzerland, where he obtained leave to raise Six thousand Men, and the Consent of the Thirteen Cantons in favour of Bassompierre. And thus this Lorain Gentleman became a Colonel General of the Swisseses. The sooner to bring this advantageous business to an Issue, he paid out of his own Estate the Money promised to the Duke of Rohan. But her Majesty afterwards re-embursed him. Bassompierre was afraid that if the Duke of Rohan was not paid presently, he might have some contrivance to prevent him from an Employ that was likely to be a Step to higher preferment.  

The Conduct of the Reformed in France, in the Affair of the prince of Conde.  The better to Engage the Prince of Conde and his Party to Rise against the Government, the Marshal de Bovillon flattered them with hopes, that the Reformed Churches, would declare for them. He had taken care to discover this Project to the most intimate Friends of the Duke of Rohan, 
Memoires of the Duke of Rohan.  whether it were that the cunning Marshal had a mind to make the Prince believe that Rohan would readily join him, or whether he had a mind to raise yet greater suspicions in the Court against a Person, whom he had a mind to Ruin, and make himself more necessary to the Regent, Conde seemed so well persuaded of the favourable Inclinations of the Huguenot Party, that he wrote to the Deputy Generals of the Reformed Churches to let them know the Obligations he had laid upon them, in not forgetting the Interests of the Protestants in the Manifesto, which he had Addressed to the Queen: But the Wise du Plessis-Mornai, had the precaution to prevent the Deputy Generals from interesting themselves in this Affair, and to prescribe to them the Conduct which they were to observe in this Conjuncture. After having reflected upon the Steps of the Prince, and the measures which he had taken with the Malcontented Lords, du Plessis said very aptly, that they which Halt at the Threshold, are not like to go far. And when he had read the Prince of Conde's Letter to the Queen, he said Judiciously to the Ambassador of the State's General of the united-provinces to the Queen, that he could not imagine what was the Principle of that Charity, which the Prince of Conde and his Party pretended to the Reformed Churches. These Gentlemen, added he, are no less at the Devotion of the Pope than the Queen herself, of whom they Complain. Th●… Court of Rome will interpose to reconcile them, and his Emissaries will not fail to make us more odious, if we imprudently Side with those who hate us in reality, and solicit us, only with hopes thereby to obtain better Terms for themselves.  

The wisdom of du Plessis Mornai.  Villarnoux came to visit du Plessis, his Father-in-Law, upon the first report of the Rising of the Prince of Conde. He sent him immediately back to Paris, with Orders, to admonish the Deputies-general, that they should take Care, not to draw the Reproach upon themselves, of Rising upon any other account, but the obtaining of the liberty of their Conscience. That would be to wrong their good Cause, to mix with it Interests purely Civil, and that those of the Religion, as they were Reformed Christians, ought not to meddle with the Reformation of the State. Although, added he, we should think it our Duty to join witih them as Frenchmen, who desire it of us; the Opportunity is not Inviting, the design of the Prince according to all appearance will not succeed. His Retreat will be looked upon as an effect of his Discontent, or as a desire to Embroil the State. The Queen will easily break all their Measures by promising to assemble the States of the Kingdom, and to defer the Marriage of the King. To what purpose do they think to meet together in a Corner of France? Those People which the King can Attack without making any great diversion of his Forces, will not continue long before they are reduced to beg his Mercy. The Event justified this right Guests of this able Old Man. Conde could not have drawn himself out of the Intrigue so safely, if the Marshal de Ancre had not apprehended that the Duke de Guise would have been too powerful, if he should have had the Command of the Royal Army.  
When the Marshal de Bovillon had joined the Prince of Conde in Champagne, 
The prince of Conde solicits the Reformed.  he advised him to send some of his Domestics to the Heads of the Huguenot Party, to exhort them to take Arms. Conde and Bovillon had each their particular Designs in this Step. The first hoped to make a more advantageous Treaty with the Regent, if the Reformed Declared in his Favour. The other thought to make himself doubly necessary, to reclaim the Prince, and the Discontented Lords, and to Travers the Designs of the Duke de Rohan amongst the Reformed. Des Marais Lieutenant of the Prince's Guards was of the Religion, he seemed a fit Man to Negotiate with the Duke of Rohan, they sent him therefore to St. Jean d'Angeli, with Orders to pass first through Saumur, and to sound his old Friend du Plessis Mornai. They did not doubt, if Rohan and du Plessis would listen to the proposals of the Prince, but that the Credit and Reputation of these Two Men, would draw after them all the Protestant Party in France.  
Mary de Medicis did likewise manage the chief Men amongst the Reformed, 
The wise answer of du Plessis Mornai, to the Regent and the prince of Conde. Hist. du Connetable de Lesdiguieres. Liv. VIII. Chap. 6. Memoires de Duc de Rohan.  she sent immediately to the Marshal de Lesdiguieres to Treat at the same time with those of the Religion, and the Prince of Conde and the discontented Lords to hinder the one from being drawn over, and to persuade the other to an accommodation. The Duke of Rohan was likewise solicited by her Majesty; he answered, that his Design was always to adhere to the Reformed, and that the readiest and surest way to reduce the Party of the Prince of Conde was to give Satisfaction to the reformed Churches, who are able to weigh down the Scales to that Side which they should be of. As for du Plessis Mornai, the Precedent Jeannin and the Queen herself writ obliging Letters to him. They knew that this Gentleman, who was very honest and zealous for the welfare of his Religion, and his Country, might be gained, by showing themselves willing to maintain the Edicts which were granted by the late King to his Reformed Subjects. They gave therefore du Plessis the highest hopes in the World, in this respect. Jeannin assured him that the Regent had not Concluded the double Marriage with Spain, with a design to Effect the Ruin of the Protestants in Conjunction with the House of Austria. The Marriage which is at present Negociated with England, said this cunning and dissembling Minister, is a convincing Proof of the Contrary. This business is in such forwardness, that in my Opinion nothing can hinder it. In the mean time, they had no desire to Conclude it. This was but a Trick to amuse the Protestants, whom the double Marriage Alarmed through all Europe.  
Du Plessis gave the Ministers and the Regent, all possible assurance of his Fidelity and Devotedness to the Service of their Majesties. He took this occasion to represent to the Court, how important it was for the Peace of the Kingdom, exactly to observe the Edicts, which had been granted to the Reformed, who were better Subjects than the Catholics, when they were left to the free Exercise of their Religion. The Answer which du Plessis gave the Prince of Conde, is yet more worthy of his great Wisdom. We have seen several Princes, saith he, 
Vie de Mr. du Plessis. Liv. III. 1614  use the specious Pretences of the public Good, only to carry on their own particular Interest. I would believe the Designs of his Highness are upright and sincere, but that is not sufficient, we must use lawful means to obtain a good End; all the World knows that there are Disorders in the State, they are greater than Men imagine: But prudence will not admit that Mr. le Prince should apply Remedies worse than the Disease. The well meaning Towns of the Kingdom are so afraid of a Civil War, that they will never Declare for Mr. le Prince. He has a mind to Correct some Abuses, which 'tis for the Interest of the Towns to suffer; those which tell him that the Reformed will Rise, don't know us, or at least they have a mind to impose upon his Highness. They offer him People, which are not at their disposal. 'Tis true, we Complain of some Grievances, but we will remain peaceable as long as the Edicts are observed. The Allies of the Crown will not approve of this Enterprise of Mr. le Prince. France is the only Counterpoise which can oppose the greatness of the Spanish Monarchy. If a Civil War should arise in the Kingdom, who can resist the ambitious Designs of the House of Austria.  
The Agent of the Prince de Conde had better encouragement at St▪ Jean d' Angeli, than at Saumur. He invited the Duke of Rohan to take Arms, in Favour of his Highness, 
The Duke of Rohan seems to listen to the proposals of the prince of Conde. Memoires du Duc de Rohan. Vie de Mr. du Plessis. Liv. III. 1614  promising that his Highness would not come to an Agreement with the Court, without his Consent. The Duke did not seem very backward to join the Party: But the distrust, which he had of the Marshal de Bovillon, whose artifices and ill-will to him, he was ware of, made him more reserved. Before he would Engage himself, he sent one of his Confidents to the Prince, to discover the real Designs of his Highness, and the discontented Lords. When du Plessis Mornai understood that the Duke of Rohan was inclined to join with the Prince; Mr. de Rohan said he, does not think to appease the Troubles by Interesting himself. The Queen will be more inclined to satisfy the Prince, and the Marshal de Bovillon, jealous of Mr. de Rohan, will take care to conclude a Peace as soon as possible. No body could have better foretold what would come to pass. The Envoy of the Duke was kindly received by the Prince; the Party gave out, that Rohan offered a Thousand Horse, and Eight thousand Foot. The Treaty with the Court, that was already far advanced, was immediately concluded, and the Prince obtained that, which otherwise would never have been granted. As for the Marshal de Lesdigui●…res he only exhorted Conde to the Peace, and offered him his good Offices for that purpose.  
Caesar Duke of Vendome, 
Hist. du Connetable de Lesdiguieres. Liv. VIII. Chap. 6. The escape of the D. of de Vendome, he retires into Bretagne.  that was seized at the Lovure, and kept Prisoner in his Chamber, made his escape, Eight days after, he took the Road to Bretagne, but when he came to Ancenis, he found that the Regent had given such good Orders on that Side, that the Duke de Montbason, who was sent to Command in his Place, and the Comte de Vertus in Conjunction with the Parliament de Rennes, took care to have the Gates of the best Cities in the Province, shut against him. Nevertheless Condi Duc de Rets joined Vendome, they gathered together some Troops, and set about Fortifying B●…avet, of which they had made themselves Masters, as also of some other Places of the Duchy of Ponthieure, which belonged to the House of Mercoeur, whose Heiress Caesar had married. He writ to the King to Complain of the unjust Treatment that he found. Instead of Answering this Duke, who was never feared nor valued, they sent Orders to the Comte de Vertus and to the Parliament of Britagne, to hinder him from Levying or Assembling any Troops, not excepting his Company of Guards, unless he shown express Orders from her Majesty. Caesar wrote a Second Letter to the King, he Complains there of the Affront which was offered him, in degrading him from his Government, and justifies himself as well as he can with respect to the Fortifications of Blavet. The Court as little regarded this Letter as the First. Being more concerned about her Negociations in Champagne, the Regent slighted the Duke of Vendome, and Concluded a Treaty with the Prince of Conde.  

The death of the Connetable de Mont morenci.  Henry Duc de Montmorenci, Pair and Connetable of France, died in his Government of Languedoc during these Troubles. The late King had invested him with the First military Dignity, which had not been filled since the death of Anne de Montmorenci his Father. History gives us no great Character of this Connetable, he was a Man of moderate Merits. The judicious Precedent the Thou, is far from giving us so fine a Description of him as of his Eldest Brother, the Marshal de Montmorenci. Henry his Son had married some time ago the Daughter of the Duke de Bracciano, of the Family of the Vrsins in Italy. He left Three Daughters, Two by a First Wife, one of which married the Duke de Ventadour, and the other, the Comte d'Auvergne, afterwards Duke d'Angouleme. The Third, by his Second Wife, was married to the Prince of Conde.  
Whilst the Duke de Ventadour, the Precedent of Thou, and Jeannin Boissise and Bullion Counsellors of State, were in a Conference at Soissons, for Mary de Medicis with the Prince de Conde, and the Lords of his Party, the Marquis de Coevures, Ambassador Extraordinary from France, in Italy, was there finishing his Negociation concerning the Affair of Mantua. The Duke of Savoy, 
The D. of Savoy avoids meeting the Marquis de Coevures the Fr. Ambassador in Italy. Memoires de lo Regence de Marie de Medicis. Siri Memo. recondite. Tom. III. p. 109. 191.  who was not Ignorant that this New Minister of France was to join with the Ambassador who was sent from Spain, at the same time to press his Highness to Disarm, and to Conclude the marriage of his Daughter, the Widow of Duke Francis of Mantua, with the Cardinal Ferdinand de Gonzagua, his Brother and Successor; Charles Emanuel I say, went out of Turin, as soon as he heard of the Arrival of Coevures, under a pretence of going to settle some Disorders which had happened in his County of Nice in Provence.  
He could not digest the loftiness of the Court of Spain towards him. Two of his Sons were Hostages as it were, Victor Amadaeus, Prince of Piedmont, the Eldest, which his Father had sent into Spain very imprudently, upon the occasion of his Quarrel with the House of Mantua, and Philibert, whom the Spaniards had the precaution to hold in Custody, ever since Charles Emanuel had sent him, to make Satisfaction to his Catholic Majesty, as we said before. Indeed they had given Prince Philibert the Command of the Spanish Galleys, but this Important Charge, was properly spèaking, but an Honourable prison. The Guards and Officers, which were about his Person, had an Eye upon all his Steps and Actions. Althô Two Hostages so Dear to their Father, might have Secured the King of Spain, that Charles Emanuel had no ill Design upon the Country of Milan, yet his Majesty Ordered him to Disarm presently, and Acting upon this occasion in Concert with the Regent of France, his Orders were the more positive and pressing.  

The Jealousy of the Princes of Italy, by reason of the Correspondence between the two Crowns, with relation to the Affairs of Italy.  The Republic of Venice and the Secular Princes of Italy, saw with excreme Concern that the Alliance made between the Two Crowns, by the Treaty of the Double Marriage, tended only to Enslave Italy, and that they must be contented for the future, with whatsoever Spain should resolve upon, in Conjunction with the Regent of France, who willingly sacrificed the Interest and Authority of her Son, to a prejudice which she had taken up, that the surest way to be absolute in France, was to hold a good Correspondence with the Court of Madrid. The Cardinal Duke of Mantua, whom the Two Crowns pretended to Protect, Complained that the Catholic King endeavoured to marry him to a Woman he did not care for, and to take away the young Princess his Niece from him. Charles Emanuel made a greater noise because they would have the absolute disposal of his Daughter, and compel him to lie at the Discretion of the Spaniards, when he was Disarmed. What now? said he to the Ministers of the Princes of Italy which were about him; Are we become the Subjects of the King of Spain? Where we shall do the least thing that displeaseth him, must we humbly beg his Majesty's Pardon, and undergo the penance that he shall impose upon us? Shall we bear the Caprices and the Haughtiness of his Ministers and Governors, who upon any pretence will wage War against us, and we be not in a Condition to oppose them?  
Althô several Princes of Italy were not sorry to see the Duke of Savoy humbled, yet they murmured: Every one was afraid that upon the first occasion, the Court of Madrid would Treat them in the same Imperious manner. The Prince of Piedmont gave his Father notice that the Duke of Lerma, an Enemy to their Family, threatened to humble the Pride of the Duke of Savoy, and to punish him for his Attempts. We must submit, said Victor Amadeus, or prepare to feel the Effects of an angry and imperious Favourite against us. All these Remonstrances did not shake the Duke of Savoy, being resolved to do nothing unworthy of his Quality. He protested he would rather abandon his Two Sons to the Discretion of the Spaniards, and die with his Sword in his Hand, than be another's Slave. And this is the reason why he left Turin, when he understood that the Ambassadors of France and Spain were come to speak with him. He would not stay to have Terms imposed upon him by these Two Ministers, who had before agreed together to make the same Proposals. Charles Emanuel had yet some hopes that the Face of Affairs in France, would be changed by the motions of the Prince of Conde, and that he should then find some way of coming off with Honour.  

The Spaniards privately traverses the Negociations of the Marquis de Coevures.  In the mean time, he took care that the Ambassadors of the Two Crowns should be received with all Respect. He writ very Civil and Obliging Letters to the Marquis de Coevures, sometimes to desire him to come to Nice, sometimes to tell him that within a few days he would return to Turin. 
Memoires de la Regence de Marie de Medicis.  The French Ambassador easily understood what he meant. He informed the Court of France of all this management. They thought there that it was not agreeable to the Dignity of the King, 
Nani Historia Veneta. Lib. 1. 1614  to let the Duke of Savoy any longer play upon an Ambassador Extraordinary, which his Majesty had sent to him. Coevures was Ordered to go to Mantua, and to take Milan in his way, that he might there take some Measures with the Ministers of the King of Spain. The Marquis d'Inojosa, received the Ambassador with a great deal of Civility. And they took care to give him the Pleasures and Diversions of the Carnaval. But when they began to speak about the Affair of Mantua, the Spanish Ministers who could not bear that the Court of France should have any hand in this Accommodation, told the Marquis de Coevures, that that Affair would henceforward be negociated at Madrid, whither the Cardinal Duke had sent one of his Principal Ministers.  
The French Ambassador then understood that the Jealousy of the Spaniards would underhand give him a great deal of Trouble. He set out for Mantua. The Governor of Milan dispatched immediately a Franciscan Friar, with Orders to Treat privately with the Cardinal Duke, to hinder him from accepting with the Mediation of France, and to give him hopes of better Terms, by the single Mediation of the Catholic King, who was provoked by the delays and resistance of Charles Emanuel. The Prince de Castiglione, the Emperor's Commissioner in Italy, went himself to Mantua. He lay Incognito in one of the Duke's Houses, near the City, This Journey was undertaken by Agreement with the Marquis Inojosa, who designed to Corroborate, by sending the Prince de Castiglione all that the Franciscan should say, or at least to interpose the Name and Authority of the Emperor, as a new Obstacle to the Interposition of France, in the Affair of Mantua. Castiglione represented to the Cardinal Duke, that the Dispute between him and the Duke of Savoy, being about a Feif of the Empire, his Imperial Majesty took it ill that their dispute was referred to the Arbitration of another Power.  

Thè Cardinal Duke of Mantua accepts the Conditons proposed by the Marquis de Coevures  In spite of all these Intrigues of the Spaniards, the Cardinal Ferdinand took the Advice of the Republic of Venice, to accept the Terms proposed by France, and to Consent to what was Demanded of them, provided he should have the liberty of keeping the Princess Mary at Mantua. Ferdinand made some Objections against the Amnesty which they desired of him, in favour of those of Monferrat, who had declared for the Duke of Savoy: But he consented at last. The Marquis de Coevures having therefore obtained the Consent of the Cardinal Duke to marry the Duchess Margarita, the Widow of his Brother Francis, to choose before the Consummation of the marriage, Arbiters to Examine the pretensions of the Duke of Savoy to Monferrat, to Pardon all those Rebels which Charles Emanuel protected; lastly, to require no Reparation for the War, which had been made against him. Ferdinand dispatched a Courier in●…o France, to give the Queen Regent notice of what had been done. He desired her to persuade the Catholic King to approve of this Agreement. The Court of Madrid did not seem to wait till it was solicited. Affecting to be as it were the sole Agent on this occasion, and to give Laws to the Two Parties, the Catholic King sent Express Orders that he should come to an Agreement upon these Terms. The Republic of Venice thought that this Expedient would avert this War, with which Italy was threatened, if the Quarrel was not quickly ended, and the Cardinal Duke by this Submission, would gain the Favour of the Two Crowns, in case the Duke of Savoy refused to accept the Terms which they jointly proposed.  
The Marquis de Coevures went to Venice to divert himself, 
The D. of Savoy pretends to consent likewisè  expecting Orders to return to France. Mary de Medicis sent them to him. She was well pleased to have made a certain show of her Authority in Italy, at a time when the Spaniards spoke so big there. Coevures was Commanded to return by Turin, and there to Treat with the Duke of Savoy, to persuade him to accept of the Terms which the Cardinal Duke of Mantua had agreed to. The Court of France was not much concerned that Charles Emanuel should so soon come to an Accommodation with Ferdinand. Being persuaded that the Spaniards would sufficiently mortify him, they were hearty glad that this bold and turbulent Man had his hands so full in Italy, that he could not Succour the Prince of Conde. The Marquis d' Vrfe was lately come to Turin, to Treat with the Duke of Savoy, 
Siri Memoire recondite To. III. p. 222.223.  in the Name of the Malcontents of France. Coevures received a thousand Caresses at the Court of Charles Emanuel. They there seemed well disposed to the Accommodation: But under a pretence that the Spaniards had ill Designs against him, the Duke of Savoy Levied New Troops, and strengthened himself more than ever.  

New Troops levied at Turin.  The account which the Prince of Piedmont upon his return from Madrid, gave of the Coldness and Haughtiness with which he was Received there, 
Nani Historia Veneta. Lib. I. 1614  and of the aversion which the Duke of Lerma had for the House of Savoy, made Charles Emanuel almost mad. Not content to make continual Invectives against the Attempts of the King of Spain, upon the Liberty of the Princes of Italy, he endeavoured to put himself in a Condition to Resist any that should Attack him. Hereupon he Negociates with Maurice, Prince of Orange. John Comte de Nassaw comes into his Service, Invited by a great Pension. He raises new Regiments of Swisseses, and offers Commissions to several French Officers; in short, he intrigues with all Nations that were Enemies to, or jealous of the Monarchy of Spain. What an unhappy thing is it for poor Subjects to be at the Direction of a Restless, Ambitious and Revengeful Prince. They are ruined to day for the carrying on a chimerical Design; to morrow, to satisfy the desires of an unreasonable Ambition; or else for the revenging of an injury which a Wise and Judicious Prince, would out of Prudence overlook. But such was the Fate of Piedmont and Savoy as long as Charles Emanuel lived.  

The Negociation of the D. of Ventadour and other Commissioners of the K. with the P. de Conde and those of his Party.  The Marquis de Coevures was informed before his departure from Italy. that the Prince of Conde and the Regent were upon the point of Agreement. This News unravelled the Designs of the Duke of Savoy: He flatterred himself, he should have time to make good his pretensions to Monferrat, in spite of the King of Spain, whilst his Catholic Majesty should be busied in Supporting the Authority of Mary de Medicis, shaken by a Civil War, raised by the Prince of Conde in France. The Treaty which the Regent was about to Conclude at St. Meneboud in Champagne, 
Memoires de la Regence de Marie de Medicis.  with the Malcontents, was not so Binding, but that the Prince de Conde held still a great Correspondence with Savoy, 
Mercure Francois. 1614  and there was still great Confusions in France. These Considerations gave Charles Emanuel some hopes of being in a Condition to make the Governor of Milan know, that his Catholic Majesty was not powerful enough to be absolute Master of all the Affairs in Italy. Before we relate this new Quarrel which the Duke of Savoy had with the Marquis of Inojosa, or rather with the Court of Madrid; it is necessary to look back on the Course of the Affairs in France, and to give an account of the Negociation of the Duke of Ventadour and the other Commissioners of the King of France, with the Prince of Conde and the Lords of his Party, at the Conference of Soissons. The latter came thither, attended by Six or Seven hundred Horse, and Four thousand Foot. The Duke de Mayenne, Governor of the Isle of France, had put a strong Garrison into Soissons, for the Security of the Prince and the Lords that came with him.  
The 14th, April. they assembled in the Castle of Soissons. After the Prince of Conde and the Malcontented Lords, had protested that they had no other Design, but to Serve his Majesty, and to secure the Peace of France, they desired Three things of the Regent; that the States of the Kingdom should be Convened as soon as possible, that the double Marriage with Spain should be Superseded, and that both Sides should lay down their Arms. Hitherto things went very smoothly, they pretended to design nothing but the public Good. But they reserved a Power to Treat, not only concerning the Liberty and Security of the Assembly of the States of the Kingdom, but also concerning the particular Interests of each of the Lords. The Convocation of the States were granted, without any difficulty. The Regent had offered, that in her Answer to the Prince de Conde's Manifesto. There was a dispute about the Second Article. They demanded a Suspension of the double Marriage, till the End of the Assembly of the States. The Commissioners of the Court had only Orders to grant it till the Majority of the King. And to save the Authority of the Regent in an Affair which she had Negociated, and solemnly Concluded with Spain, the Court would not allow that this Article should be inserted in the public Treaty. They offered a particular Letter of the Regent to the Prince, in which her Majesty would engage herself to defer the double Marriage, till the Majority of the King. The thing was accepted of, with this modification. There was only a formality wanting. The day appointed for the opening of the Assembly of the States, falling out before the Majority, the double Marriage could not be Celebrated before the end thereof.  

The Prince de Conde retires from Soissons and goes into Champagne.  The proposals which the Prince de Conde and the Lords of his Party made with Relation to their particular Interests, raised great disputes in the Council of Mary de Medicis, under a pretence of providing for their own Security. The Prince and the other Malcontents, demanded, that they would put some important Place into their Hands, and grant them several things for their own convenience. 'Twas necessary to send Couriers to Court, 
Memoirs de Bassompierre. Mercure Francois. 1614  and to receive Instructions concerning these Affairs. Thus the King's Army gained time to reinforce itself considerably. Galati brought Six thousand Swisseses, which he had Commission to Levy. 
Memoires de la Regence de Marie de Medicis.  Bassompierre, their New Colonel General went to receive them at Troy's in Champagne; from thence he Conducted them to Vitri, where Praslain was gathering together the King's Army. These motions made the Prince de Conde Jealous, who immediately left Soissons. He had written to the Queen before, to thank her for the Three Articles which she had consented too, and to Advertise her Majesty, that the Duke de Maierne and the Marshal de Bovillon remained at Soissons, with full power to Treat of those other Conditions which his Highness and the Lords of the Party had demanded. Conde had a mind to seize Vitri with his little Army, which he led towards Sedan: But the King's Troops prevented him. He made amends for this, by assisting the Duke of Nevers to make himself Master of St. Menehoud.  
When the particular Demands of the Prince and the Malcontented Lords were proposed in the Queen's Council, their Opinions were divided. The Duke's de Guise, d' Epernon, de Bellegarde, 
The Regent's Council divided about the demands which the P. of Conde & the Malcontents make with relation to their particular Interests.  the Cardinal de Joieuse and Villeroi Secretary of State, cried out upon them, as unworthy Conditions, which the Queen could not grant with Honour, and without parting with too much of her Authority. Guise and Epernon, said boldly, that if the Regent granted Places of Security to their Enemies, they likewise would demand the same, and that they would look for Assistance out of the Kingdom. This was plainly to threaten, 
Siri Meme. recondite. Tom. III. p. 238, 239 etc.  that they would join themselves with the Crown of Spain. This appeared so much the more a contrived Design, because the Ministers of Philip declared, that the King their Master would not send the Infanta, his Daughter into France, as long as the Enemies of the House of Austria were there the Strongest. Mary de Medicis began to be shaken by their Reasons, who were of Opinion that she should suppress the Prince of Conde by Force. The Parliaments, the greater part of the military Officers, in a word almost the whole Kingdom were at her Majesty's disposal. The Hugonots did not Rise, only the Duke of Rohan was perhaps tempted to join with the Prince of Conde: But Rohan did not ear to embark himself, without having a prospect what was like to be the Success. However, 'twas easy to stop him, by giving some Satisfaction to the Reformed Churches, concerning the Edicts of Pacification, and above all, in not accepting the assistance which the King of Spain offered, and of which the Regent had no need: Her Majesty did not want Money, she had a good Army, Conde and the Lords of his Party, lying in the extreme parts of the Kingdom, without hope of Foreign Succour, were not furnished with any necessaries to maintain a War.  

The Intrigue of the Marschal de Ancre to dissuade the Regent from going to War with the P. de Conde.  Mary de Medicis would have followed this Advice, the most advantageous to her Reputation and her Authority, if the Marshal d' Ancre and the Chancellor de Silleri had not dissuaded her. Not content to allege their Reasons in the Council, that it was the best way to grant the Prince of Conde and those of his Party, 
Siri Memo. recondite. Tom. III. p. 241.  almost all their Pretensions, they Intrigued in the Parliament, they excited the People of Paris earnestly to demand the conclusion of the Peace. They engage likewise the Deputies General of the reformed Churches to say, That if the Regent gave the Command of the Army to the avowed Enemies of their Religion, they should think they had very good reason to take care of their own preservation, by uniting with the Prince of Conde. The Marshal de Lesdiguieres represented that the War would be looked upon as a revival of the Ancient Quarrels between the Guises and the Bourbons. In this diversity of Opinions, the Queen thought, that to save herself from the Reproaches which might be hereafter thrown upon her, 'twas necessary to assemble an extraordinary Council, and to Summon thither the Precedents of the Parliament and the chief Magistrates of Paris. All these Gentlemen of the Robe, being prepossessed by the Chancellor, favoured a Peace.  
The Cardinal de Joieuse seeing that their Advice would not carry it, went out of the Assembly. Guise, Epernon, Villeroy, and some others who had spoke for the War, were afraid to oppose the Torrent, therefore they approved the continuation of the Treaty begun at Soissons. Viguier was dispatched by the Regent to the Prince of Conde, who was retired to St. Menehoud. This new Agent had. Orders to persuade his Highness to agree that the Duke de Maienne and the Marshal de Bovillon should conclude the Treaty with the King's Commissioners, who remained at Soissons, notwithstanding the Retreat of the Prince with some other Lords. Conde having answered by Viguier that things would sooner come to an Issue, if the Duke de Ventadour and his Colleagues would advance as far as Rhetel to Treat with himself; her Majesty, sent an express Commission to her Deputies to make an end of the Negociation. The Regent sent likewise a particular Letter to the Prince. She there promised a Suspension of the double Marriage, till the Majority of the King her Son.  

The reasons of the Pope's Nuncio about the resolution taken to make a Peace with the P. of Conde.  The Pope's Nuncio was troubled at the Resolutions which Mary de Medicis had taken to come to an agreement with the Prince of Conde, upon Terms so disadvantageous to her Royal Authority, he was afraid that this Treaty would make the First Prince of the Blood too powerful, and put him into a capacity of pushing his attempts much farther. Conde, said this Minister of the Pope, hath a design to break the double Marriage. How must he Effect it? 'Tis necessary then that he Support the Huguenot Party, that he favour the continual Usurpations of the Parliaments upon the Jurisdiction of the Church, that he make Creatures in the Sorbonne, by fomenting the Richeriste Party, who endeavour to Ruin the Authority of the Holy See in France, and if the Pope hath not Power to dispense with Canons as he thinks fit, how can the Divorce of the late King from Marguerite his first Wise stand good? This Prince of Conde hath but one Step more to make, to Ascend the Throne. The Italian Politicians, 
Siri Memo. recondite. Tom. III. p. 241.  oftentimes carry their Reasonings beyond all Bounds. The Author which relates these Speculations of the Nuncio adds, that the fear of this Minister would have been very well grounded in any other Country besides France. The Genius of the Nation is so changeable, they take different measures every day, 
The examination of a politic reflection of a Venetian Author, concerning the Treaty with the Prince of Conde.  so contrary one to the other, that one can moke no certain Conjectures about the several Commotions there. The Reflection is not amiss, and indeed we must agree with him: But this Author should have added, that Conde was a Man of so faint a Temper, so little capable of any Resolution, that he would never have done the Regent much mischief, though she had granted him Conditions yet more advantageous.  
A Noble Venetian speaking of the same Affair in the History of his own Republic, says that France did Recompense those Actions, 
Nani Historia Veneta. Lib. I. 1614  which elsewhere they Punish by the hands of the Hangman. I approve no more than he, that which hath often happened in France, in these Leagues which the Princes and great Lords have often made under the Honourable pretence of the public good, they more designed their own Interest than those of the People. But why does this Senator affirm so boldly, that the Prince of Conde and the Lords of his Party ought to have their heads cut off for this Enterprise? This is done in other Places. I grant it in those Countries where the Government is Tyrannical. One would be surprised to hear a Republican speak at this rate, if we did not know that the Government of Venice is rather an absolute Domination of a small number of Noblemen, than a free Administration of public Affairs, by a well-composed Senate. This Decemvirate which is always standing, is as good an Invention to maintain Tyranny as ever was. It keeps both the People and Nobility equally in awe. They study and pursue the Maxims of Matchiavel in Venice, as much as in any part of Italy. The undertaking of the Prince of Conde was neither Honest nor Prudent enough: But in what was it so Criminal?  
This Man must be well seasoned in the Tyrannical principles of his Matchiavel, to maintain that a first Prince of the Blood, and the Lords of the first Rank in a Kingdom, who Demand the Re-establishment of good Laws, the general Assembly of the States of the Kingdom, the Suspension of a marriage concluded during the Minority of the King, against the true Interest of his Crown; to maintain, I say, that these who only make use of that Privilege which their Birth and Dignity gives them, and which desire some Security for their Persons, against a Regent and suspected Ministers, deserve to die upon a Scaffold. The Prince of Conde is not to be blamed for Combining with some other Lords, to Demand those things of which he speaks in his Manifesto: But he did not take the Right way to do any good. His Designs did not appear Sincere, nor Disinterested. The Parliament and the Magistrates of Paris were very Wise in advising a Peace. A Civil War might have been fatal to France; and in making a Peace, they were sure of a speedy Convention of the States. The well-meaning Men would have endeavoured at a Reformation of the Government, if they had been better Seconded, and the Prince of Conde had had more Wisdom and Sincerity.  

A Treaty concluded at St. Menehoud between the Regent and the Prince of Conde.  He concluded at last his Treaty with the Regent at St. Menehoud, in Champagne, the 15th of May. The Duke de Ventadour and his Colleagues were there. I will not recite all the Articles. The Castle of Amboise was to be put into the Prince's hands, until the meeting of the States. The Duke de Nevers had St. Menehoud, 
Mercure Francoise. 1614 Memoires de Duc de Rohan & de la Regence de Marie de Medicis.  say some Authors, though it is not mentioned in the Treaty. These gave him besides a Sum of Money to satisfy him for pulling down his House, to make way for the Fortifications of Mezieres, which were part of them to be demolished. Blavet and the other Places that were Fortified a little before in Bretagne by the Duke de Vendome being Dismantled. He was restored to his Government and all his Places. This was all that was agreed upon for Vendom. He highly complained that the Prince o●… Conde had abandoned him in this Negociation. As for the Marshal de Bovillon, it was easy to satisfy him. The Money which the Regent Ordered to be paid him, was thought by him a sufficient Recompense. See, said the Duke of Rohan, who had more Integrity in him than all the rest that made such a noise, see, saith he, how men's private Interest make them forget the public welfare of the Kingdom. The Prince de Conde, the Dukes de Nevers, de Longueville, de Maienne, and the Marshal de Bovillon, who signed the Treaty, very readily performed their Conditions. Mary de Medicis was not less punctual of her Side.  
The Duke's de Longueville and de Maienne were the first that returned to Court. Conde retired to his House of Vallery, where Descure Governor of Amboise, went to resign that Place into his hands. His Highness came sometime after to pay his Devoirs to their Majesties. That Restless Temper that was Natural to him, would not suffer him to stay long at Court. Being vexed that his late Design had lessened the Respect due to his high Quality, instead of increasing it, as he had flattered himself it would. This Prince was again tempted to raise new Troubles before the meeting of the States: But having taken no better Measures than he did before, he was forced to let the Regent alone, who was endeavouring to reduce the Duke de Vendom, who refused to agree to the Treaty of St. Menehoud.  

The Decree of the Parliament of Paris against a Book of Suarez the Jesuit. Mercure Francoise. 1614  It is a great while since we have had occasion to speak of the Jesuits. But we shall now see them appear again upon the Stage upon the account of a Book published by Suarez, a famous Divine of that Society in Spain. The Book is Entitled, The Defence of the Catholic and Apostolic Faith against the Errors of the English Heretics. There are always a certain sort of Men at Paris, who narrowly observe all the Actions of these Good Fathers, and will not forgive-them if they do amiss. This new Book of Suarez being come to France, Abstracts of it were presently made, and brought to the King's Officers in the Parliament of Paris. The Solicitor General looked upon it as a Book so dangerous, that he thought it his Duty to desire the Condemnation of it. The Parliament met upon the 26th of June, and Condemned the Book to be burnt by the Hands of the Common Hangman, as containing Seditious Principles, tending to the Subversion of Kingdoms, and to persuade the Subjects of Kings and Princes to attempt their Sacred Persons. They ordered besides. That certain former Decrees of the Faculty of Paris, which condemned the Doctrine of Suarez, should be Read every year on the 4th day of June, not only in th●… Schools of Sorbonne, but also in those in the College of Clermont, and of the Mendicant Friars.  
The greatest mortification to the Society was this, that the Parliament Decreed that the Father's Armand, the Rector of the Society, Cotton the late King's Confessor, Fronton le Duc and Sirmond, two Persons very famous for their Learning, should appear the next day before the Parliament. When they came thither, the first Precedent told them in the Name of the Court, that the Book of Suarez their Brother Jesuit, was contrary to a Declaration they had made, and to a Decree of their General in the Year 1610. They commanded them afterward to write to Rome, for a Revival and Publication of that Decree, and to get from thence an Order in Six Months to prevent the Members of that Society from writing any more in their Books, such damnable and pernicious Doctrine, and to Command them to Preach to the People Doctrines contrary to those of Suarez, or else the Parliament would proceed against such Offenders, as Guilty of High Treason, and disturbers of the public Peace.  

Paul V complains of the proceed of the parliament against Suarez his Book.  The Court of France foresaw very well that the Proceed of the Parliament of Paris against the Book of Suarez, would make a great noise at Rome; for indeed the Book was writ by Order of the Pope: But the Regent, to whom the Parliament had been very Serviceable in the Affair of the Prince of Conde, would not oppose their Zeal, which they expressed against these pernicious Opinions. 
Siri Memo. recondite. Tom. III. p. 256, 257. & 270.  Her Majesty had more need than ever, to keep fair with the Parliament, by reason of the approaching Assembly of the States. As soon as Paul V had notice of the Decree of the Parliament, against Suarez his Book, he sent the Bishop of Foligni to the Marquis of Trenel, who succeeded Breves in his Embassy at Rome. This Prelate had Orders to complain in the Name of the Pope, of the proceed of the Magistrates of Paris, by which they Encroached on the Rights of the Holy See. His Holiness, said he to the Ambassador, is the more surprised, because he expected nothing less than a grateful acknowledgement of his kindness to the Queen of France. Her Majesty cannot be Ignorant of that Affection that he has always showed to her, and the King her Son. All the World is witness of that Zeal, which his Holiness has discovered for the prosperity of France. 'tis not long since he offered his good Offices to the Queen, to appease the Troubles of the Kingdom. And they are no sooner ended, but the Parliament of Paris makes a Decree injurious to the Holy See. If Suarezs Book contains any Positions contrary to the Sovereignty of the most Christian King, her Majesty might have complained to the Pope. He would have censured the Doctrine of the Author, and punished him severely; he would have made him left out what was of ill tendency in the Book. Since the death of Henry IU. many French Authors have published several satirical Libels, against the Holy See, and the Person of the Pope. They have endeavoured to Ruin his Authority at that time, when he employed it for the Interest of the King, and for the Prosperity of France. The Bishop of Folìgni charged the Ambassador to inform the Regent, that the Pope complained of the violent Proceed of the Parliament, and to desire her Majesty to get the Decree revoked.  

The Discourse between the Pope and the F. Ambassador about the Parlements Decree.  The Marquis de Trenel having an Audience of the Pope, sometime after he represented to his Holiness, how impossible it was to obtain what he desired of the Queen, who in the present juncture of Affairs, could not fall out with the Parliament of Paris. Her Majesty, said the Ambassador to the Pope, will always retain a remembrance of those kindnesses which you have done her, but she will be concerned, to understand that your Holiness gives protection to a Book, the Author of which is so far from encouraging Subjects to Obey their Sovereigns, as be is obliged by his Profession to do, that he lays down Maxims to stir them up to Rebellion, and make an attempt on the Lives of their Princes. France still bewails the Bloody death of Henry IU. Her Parlements will never fail to oppose those Authors, whose pernicious Doctrine Struck the Knife in the Breast of so good a King. The Magistrates will never cease to employ their utmost Care for the preservation of the Person of his Son, without being defective in that Respect that they own to your Holiness, and the Apostolic See. Accordingly the Parliament of Paris hath taken all possible Care, that their Decree might not violate the Lawful Authority of the Successors of St. Peter. These Remonstrances did not at all affect a proud and angry Pope. If the King of France, replied he, will not revoke the Decree of Parliament as to those Points which concern the Rights of the Holy See, I will follow the light and dictates of my Conscience. You must not imagine that the fear of a Rupture, will be any restraint upon me in this matter. In case Her Majesty refuses to give me the satisfaction that I desire, I'll endeavour to do myself justice, and follow the examples of my Predecessors. Must I maintain ●…a Nuncio at Paris, to be there the Spectator of the outrages that are done me, and the Indignity with which they there trample under their Feet the Authority of the Holy See? Is it so hard a matter to stop the proceed of the Parliament? I know the Chancellor well enough: Maxims of Politics are more pleasing to him, than truths of Religion.  
The Ambassador was not at all dismayed. He desired the Pope to reflect upon the reasons which the Parliament had to Condemn Suarez his Book: I have heard say, added he like a Gentleman, that Divinity is a holy Science. It is therefore inconsistent with an Opinion which allows the murder of Kings. The Parlemen●… is indispensably obliged to take care of the preservation of good Divinity in the Kingdom, of the Authority and Person of the King. They have a Book brought before them which maintains that in some cases a particular Person may attempt with a safe Conscience, the Life of his Prince. Ca●… any one desire that the Magistrate should be Silent, when Two Kings have been successively murdered by fanatics, who have imbibe●… this damnable Divinity. Paul replied that the matter in dispute was not about the kill of declared Tyrants. I have forbid myself, said he, the teaching such Doctrines, and I do not know but that I have complied too much in that matter. Many approved Authors in the Church are of the Opinion. But I complain of the Condemnation of certain passages, recited in th●● Decree, which speak only of the Prerogatively of the Holy See. And what were these▪ They were those, where Suarez affirms that the Pope may depose Princes, when they become Tyrants. That which Paul V●● acknowledges, deserves to be remark●… He pretends to be very favourable to Kings, in forbidding any to teach that i●… was lawful to kill them with a safe Conscience in any Case what ever. But with a moderation altogether worthy of the Successor of St. Peter, he reserves to himself the Right of Deposing them, when ever he should judge that their Government is degenerated into Tyranny. Trenel replied very aptly, that Princes were not so much obliged to him, and that it was his Holiness' own Interest, that such a Doctrine should be banished all Christian Communions. For, says he, the Protestants hold that the Popes are Heretics, Tyrants, and Antichrist, and if the Opinion which allows the attempting the Lives of Tyrants, be once Established among Christians, It is not impossible, but a Fanatic Huguenot may take a fancy to do a brave Action, and kill the Pope.  
Paul V was enraged instead of being pacified. He said again with a threatening and angry Air, that nothing should hinder him from defending the Rights of the Holy See, if the King would not revoke the Decree of Parliament. I wish your Holiness, replied the Ambassador in a submissive manner, would have the goodness to offer some Expedient, that you would write to your Nuntio, and would send Orders ●…o the Cardinals which are in France, to consult with him about some means of accommodation; the Queen will agree to any thing that she can do with Honour. As for Revoking of the Decree, it is not a thing possible to be done at present. Trenel's design was only to hold him in play, that so the hot and haughty Old Gentleman might have time to grow cool, and reflect upon the Consequences of his Threaten. After some farther discourse, he took a resolution to write to the Nuncio, and to send to the Cardinals de Joieuse, du Perron, and de la Rochefoucault, to enjoin them to confer with the Nuncio, about the Satisfaction which his Holiness should Demand, in the present posture of affairs in France. In reciting these particulars, Two things seem equally Surprising to me: The arrogance of the pretended Vicar of Jesus Christ, who will not endure that Crowned Heads should make use of their Authority to support their Sovereign and Independent Power, or to preserve their Lives from Assasins. They must humbly desire of the Pope the Condemnation of a Jesnit, who allows attempts upon their Lives: They must be content with his publishing throughout their Dominions, that the Pope hath a Right to examine their Conduct, and to Depose them, when he thinks they Tyrancically abuse their Power. The other thing which does not less amaz●… me, is the mean and low-spirited Superstition of the Princes of the popish Communion. What good Reason did he allege, to oblige them blindly to submit to the arrogance and pride of the Bishop of Rome, which grosily abuses a Religion, the principles of which, reduce him to the simple Quality of a preacher of the Gospel, and an Overseer of a particular Church.  

The Methods used by the Court of F. to content the Pope.  The Regent of France and her Ministers, were pleased with the Marquis of Trenel, for having engaged the Pope to take the way of Negociation, for his obtaining Satisfaction, concerning the Decree of the Parliament, of which he so bitterly complained. 
Siri Memo recondite. Tom. III. p. 269. 270. etc.  'Twas not that the Court of France were afraid of the Menaces of the good Man. His Quarrel with the Republic of Venice▪ had taught the World, that though his anger might make him take a violent Resolution, yet he soon repent of it, and became more mild when when he was steadily Opposed. No one could imagine that a Man of his Age and Experience, would have ever been so Imprudent as to break with France. This Step would have done the Pope and the Roman Religion more mischief than it would those whom he threatened with his Thunders and Anathemas. This would have been matter of Triumph to the Protestants. They would have certainly have yet more insulted over the arrogance of Paul V on whom they had already bestowed many sharp and ingenious Raileries. He would thus have exposed himself to the Indignation of all Wise and Judicious Catholics, who would have highly blamed him for an Effort so contrary to good Sense and the true Interests of those of their Communion. The Court of France resolved therefore not to meddle with the Decree of Parliament. They had good reason to disgrace Suarez his Book: And at this Juncture 'twas not convenient to put the Chief Magistrates of the Kingdom out of humour. They applied themselves only to find means to content the Pope, and to quit themselves of this Affair with Honour. When Vbaldini the Nuncio, presented the Brief which the Pope had written with his own hand, to the Queen, she answered him very handsomely: Her Majesty intimated that she should be very glad that the Nuntio should agree with the French Cardinals upon an Expedient, which might please his Holiness.  

The Jesuits bestir themselves at Rome for to have the Decree of tae Parliament burned there.  The Jesuits at Rome were more enraged against the Decree of the Pralement, than the Pope and his Ministers. If we will believe their Founder, that Society is to do every thing for the great Glory of God. But did not he secretly Inspire this Principle into his Disciples, that the Honour of their Society ought to be dearer to them than the Glory of God, and the welfare of his Church. This hath been the Temper of the Jesuits ever since they have been taken notice of in the World. They don't care what Scandals and Divisions they cause in the Church of Rome, so that that they can preserve and increase the pretended honour of their Society. This they have plainly enough discovered in the business which I am speaking of. If Paul V had been carried away with the first motions of his Anger, he might have lost France, as Clement VII. did England. The Jesuits were not concerned to prevent the Pope from exposing himself to the same Inconvenience. They used their utmost endeavours, that the Holy Office might avenge the honour of Suarez, by Condemning the Decree of the Parliament of Paris, as Heretical, and ordering it to be burnt by the hand of the Common Hangman, in the Field of Flore. To stop this impetuous Zeal, the Marquis of Trenel was forced to admonish them, that they run the risk of being a Second time driven out of France. The Court enjoined also, the chief Jesuits at Paris to write to Rome, and to declare to their enraged Brethren, that if the Pope took any violent Resolution, her Majesty would impute it to the Suggestions of that Society, and that she knew how to punish them sufficiently.  

The Declaration of the K. in his Council upon the Decree of Parliament.  One of the first things the young King did, who was become of Age the end of the Month September, was to give the Pope Satisfaction. His Majesty having had the Decree of Parliament read to him in full Council, Ordered an Act to be drawn up, in which, after having expressed his Zeal for the Honour of the Apostolic See, and the desire he had of satisfying the Pope, Lewis XIII. declared that his Intention in Executing of the Decree, 
Siri Memo. Recondite. Tom. III. p. 303.  is not to do any prejudice to the Pope's lawful Authority, nor to the privileges of the See, which his Predecessors had always acknowledged. When the Declaration was read to the Nuncio Vbaldini, he thought fit to object against that part which supposed that the Temporal Power of Kings is Supreme and Independent. This was, in the Opinion of the Italian Minister, very unreasonably to reject the pretensions of the Court of Rome, who would have, that Crowned Heads should at least be subject to the Authority of the Pope in some particular Cases; but they did not much concern themselves about the long reasonings of the Nuncio.  

The Pope is not content with the Ks. Declaration.  His Master was no better pleased than he with the Declaration of the King. Paul V said plainly, that that would not remedy the Disgrace, which they had thrown upon the propositions of Suarez, with relation to the Authority which Jesus Christ had given to St. Peter and his Successors. 
Siri Memo. Recondite. Tom. III. p. 298, 299. etc.  This Author, said the Pope, like a Divine well versed in the Holy Scriptures, and the Ecclesiastical Antiquity, had good reason to maintain, that I have Power to Excommunicate Heretic Princes, and even to Depose them when they continue obstinate in their ill Opinions, and endeavour to eompel their Subjects to embrace them. If Jesus Christ had not given this Power to St. Peter and and his Successors, they would have wanted a Power requisite for the preservation of his Church. God forbidden that I should be guilty of a base prevarication, by ceasing to defend the Right of the Chair of St. Peter, to which God hath advanced me. Thus the Popes are pleased to form a Plan suitable to their Ambition, according to which Jesus Christ in their Opinion ought to Govern the Church. Who told them that the Saviour of the World would not have Established a good Order in his Religion, if he had not followed the fine System they give us? Should God have called them to his Councils? The Ancient Popes, who Deposed neither Constantius nor Valens, nor Julian the Apostate, were then either downright Fools, or base Prevaricators. Is it credible that they did not know the Power which Jesus Christ had given them, for the welfare of his Church? And if they did know it, why did they not employ it against those Emperors, who endeavoured to re establish Idolatry, or to force their Subjects to embrace one of the most pernicious Heresies that ever was?  
Upon this Ridiculous Foundation, Paul V. would never be satisfied with the Declaration of the King, he always demanded with Arrog●…nce and Threats, that the Decree should be legally Revoked. 
The K. is at length obliged to suspend the Execution of the Decree of Parliament.  They were forced to use humble entreaties, that the Execution of the Decree should be suspended. Poor Mary de Medicis had in all her Son's consent, to give this satisfaction to Paul V There was no necessity of such a base compliance with the Pope, whose Threaten were but mere Rhodomontadoes. What could he have done, if the Court had resisted him? The general Assembly of the States were Sitting. They zealously demanded that the Doctrines of Swarez and such like, should be declared heretical and pernicious. If the fierce Borghese had thought fit to throw out his thundering Anathemas, they would have been as much despised in France, as they were sometime before in Venice. All the Kingdom, except a few Monks and Eccle iasticks, would have opposed him. But it is not only now that France makes a great noise against the arrogant pretensions of the Pope, and at last basely comply. Lewis XIV. in the height of his Power, hath made a more shameful Submission than his Father did, when he but just entered into his Majority. He published Declarations to maintain his Sovereign Power; The Archbishops spoke more boldly than ever; The Ambassadors and Ministers of France insulted the Pope, even in the Vatican. To what did these appeals to a Council and the other proceed of the Parliament, against the Court of Rome, come to? To sacrifice to the Pope the honour of the Clergy, who did nothing without the express Order of his Majesty.  

Divisions at the Court of France.  Mary de Medicis had more troublesome affairs to settle, than that of Rome, occasioned by the Condemnation of Suarez's Book by the Parliament of Paris. The Marshal d'Ancre, and the Ministers of State, were always Quarrelling with one another. There had been endeavours used the Year before to reconcile them. The Marquis de Coevures did all he could to effect it. One would have thought, that the marriage between the Marquis de Villeroi, the Secretary of State's Grandson, and Conchini's Daughter, might have produced an Agreement, which had been endeavoured with so much Care. But whether it were, that he being advanced to one of the first Dignities of the Kingdom, imagined that an Alliance with Villeroi was not sufficient for him, who reached at all; or whether Dole the Marescal's Confident, and Villeroi's secret Enemy, (who accused him of having, broken his word in not getting him some preferment which he had promised him) did continually create Jealousies between them; or in fine, whether there were some other secret Cause, which we are not acquainted with, the Marshal d' Ancre, and Villeroy, were greater Enemies than ever. And besides, the Chancellor de Silleri and the Secretary of State, professed an open hatred one to another. There seemed to be a necessity, that either the one or the other should leave the Court. Silleri had the advantage of him, because he was supported by Conchini. All these Divisions were hindrances to the Affairs of the Regent. Her Ministers and her Favourites, had each their Friends and Enemies at Court, and in the Prince of Conde's Party, which they would favour, or otherwise, according as they thought it tended most to the Establishment of their own Fortune.  

The Duke of Vendome refuses to consent to the Treaty of St. Menehoud.  There was yet another thing, which was vexatious to the Regent. Caesar Duke of Vendome was very unquiet in his Government of Britagne. Taking it ill, that the Prince of Conde had too much neglected him in the Treaty of St. Menehoud, he refused to stand to their Agreements, with relation to himself. But Caesar was not strong enough to maintain the War alone in Britagne. The principal Towns and the Parliament declared for the Court. Not knowing how to render himself more formidable, and to obtain better Conditions of the Queen, be thought it his best Course to try the Duke of Rohan. La Roch-Gifart, a Gentleman of Britagne, and of the Reformed Religion, undertook to go to St. Jean d'Angeli, and in Caesar's Name, to make the greatest promises imaginable, in favour of the Reformed, upon Condition he would join with the Duke of Vendome. Rohan answered, that he was very sorry that Caesar's Interest had been no better provided for in the Treaty of St. Menehoud; but that in the present Conjuncture, the Duke of Vendome ought not to discover his concern, but that 'twas his best way to come to a speedy Agreement with the Queen. He is not in a Condition to resist, added Rohan, what will he do, if the Court undertakes to reduce him by Force? Thus he will be Ruined without Remedy.  
The Duke of Rohan himself, had not Interest enough in the Huguenot Party to make them Rise, as the Duke of Vendome imagined. Rohan had made an Essay, to call a general Convocation of those of the Religion at Tonneins in Gascogne, where they were to hold at the same time a National Synod. I cant tell whether the Duke intended to take any Resolution there in favour of the Prince of Conde, and the discontented Lords: 
The wisdom of du Plessis Nornai.  But du Plessis Mornai, who had no mind that the Reformed should engage themselves. in an ill contrived Civil War, prevented it. The Convocation which the Council of the Reformed of the lower Guienne had called at the solicitation of the Duke of Rohan, was judged unlawful, and the National Synod, by the advice of the Wise and Religious du Plessis refused to have any hand in Politic affairs. The King of England always inclined to interest himself in Disputes of Divinity, and to neglect his great Duty, had writ to this Assembly upon occasion of a difference between du Moulin and Tilenus, both Professors at Sedan, concerning the Hypostatical Union. The Synod judged that 'twas the best way to let fall a Controversy between Two Divines, that disputed only for want of understanding one another. They desired du Plessis to reconcile them. He accepted the Commission, and succeeded. Let one turn over never so much both Ancient and Modern History, I question whether one should find his equal. Being alike versed in Learning and the Affairs of the World, he defends by Religion, he discusses the most difficult Points of Divinity, supports the Reformed Churches by his Prudence, Negociates the most troublesome Affairs, gives good Advice to Ministers of State, Princes and Kings themselves, who heard him with pleasure.  

Marie de Medicis. saends the Marquis de Coevures to move him to an accommodation.  The Regent being resolved to avoid War as much as possible, sent into Britagne the Marquis de Coevures, lately arrived from his Embassy in Italy, to reclaim the Duke de Vendome. Coevures would willingly have excused himself: but he was forced to obey. He was afraid that his Enemies procured him this troublesome Commission, that so he might fall out with the Queen, and the Duke, 
Memoires de Mary de Medicis  whose near Kinsman he was by the Side of the famous Gabriel d' Etrees. The Marquis at first made no Impression on him, only brought some Complaints of the Dukes de Vendome & Retz, who thought that the Treaty of St. Menehoud was injurious to him. Mary de Medicis ordered him to Return, and to tell the Duke de Vendome that her Majesty would not Demolish the new Fortifications of Blevet, provided he would let the Garrison March out, and suffer Swisses to be sent in their Room. 
Mercure Francois. 1614  Vendome Subscribed this, and some other Conditions which were offered him. The King and the Queen his Mother, advanced towards Orleans, with a design to pass the Loire, and to go into Poìtou and Bretagne. The Marquis de Coevures made a Third Journey into Britagne. He Garrisoned Blevet with the Swiss: And the Duke de Vendome having laid down his Arms, was reestablished in his Government by Letters Patents from her Majesty, dated at O leans the 14th July.  

New Discontents of the Prince of Conde.  The Prince of Conde was come to take Possession of his new Government of Amboise. He there observed that the Court had not granted him any thing considerable, and that he should reap no great advantage from that Place of Security, which he had Demanded with so much Earnestness. Discontent seizes him, he seeks for new Occasions for falling out, 
Vie de Mr. du Plessis. Liv III.  he endeavours to render himself formidable to the Regent. Accordingly he goes to find out du Plessis Mornay at Saumur, and has a meeting with the Duke of Rohan, at Roche des Aubiers in Anjou. He thought if he could have at his Devotion those Two Men, who had the greatest Reputation in the Reformed Churches in France, that all the Huguenot Party would Declare for him, upon the first opportunity. The Prince affected to discover a great Confidence in du Plessis Mornai. He endeavoured to justify his Retreat from Court, and his Enterprise against the Regent; he told him his pretended Designs in desiring a Convocation of the States of the Kingdom; and how it was the likeliest way to promote the Reformation of Abuses; he desired du Plessis Mornai to give him his Advice freely.  
This experinced Gentleman knew very well what Conde was able to do. He exhorted him only in general Terms, to preserve the Peace of the Kingdom, to take those measures which were most agreeable to the welfare thereof, (whose present Condition could not bear violent Remedies,) to manage Affairs in concert with the Queen, lest a misunderstanding between them, should hinder that good success of the next Assembly of the States, lastly, to listen to the Advice of the most wise and understanding Persons, with relation to the rectifying such Abuses, which the present posture of Affairs would admit of. When Conde saw that du Plessis was not so easily to be persuaded, he pretended to take in good part the Counsels which he gave him. He desired du Plessis to prepare a Memorial of those things which were necessary to be done in the Assembly of the States. But his Highness who did not care for such wise Remonstrances, and so contrary to his Inclinations, went immediately to la Roche des Aubiers, where Rohan and Soubize expected him.  
The Prince made great Complaints of the Marshal de Bovillon 'Tis he, 
The Interview of the P. de Conde and D. de Rohan.  said he, who hath drawn off the principal Men from my Party. He hath endeavoured to make his advantage of every thing. If the ●…est had testified as good an Affection for me as the Duke de Nevers, I should not have been forced to so sudden an Accommodation with the Court. I know very well that you have the same reason to Complain, that I would have Engaged you in the Treaty when it was almost Concluded, 'twas none of my design to be so hasty. But how could I help it? The Marshal de Bovillon deceived me. Thanks be to God, there is yet some Remedy left us. I shall have a powerful and numerous Party in the Assembly of the States. The great Men of the Kingdom in Conjunction with myself, will be able to oblige the Queen to change her Conduct. It will be easy to set Bounds to her Authority, and to make Considerable Alterations in the Administration of Affairs. If the Queen absolutely refuses to grant our desires, we shall have a fair pretence to Arms. We are never without Malcontents in France. There is a great number of Gentlemen and Soldiers ready to Declare themselves.  
Althô the Duke de Rohan had other Principles than du Plessis Mornai, and his displeasure against the Court inclined him to a violent Resolution, yet he had the Prudence not to Engage himself with the Prince de Conde. He only remonstrated to his Highness, that he ought not to depend so much on the States of the Kingdom. The Queen will have more Authority there than you, added he. Those which you reckon upon at present will leave you, instead of Supporting you. Fear and Hope, are the Two great Springs which move the Members of these Assemblies: You are not in a Condition to promise them great matters, nor to fright them by Menaces. The Queen has Preferments and Places to dispose of, she can do a great deal of mischief to those that oppose her Will. Who is there that will Declare openly for you, against her Majesty. Believe it Sir, the State's General will oppose your Designs. Conde seeing that this Interview did not at all encourage his new Projects, he was afraid that his Discourses with the Duke of Rohan should raise some Jealousy in the Regent. He writ immediately to the Precedent Jeannin, to tell him that his Discourse with the Duke of Rohan, only tended to hinder him from joining with the Duke de Vendome. What meanness, what shameful Artifices are these, for Men of high Birth? Was it necessary that Conde, to excuse himself to the Court, should render the Duke of Rohan suspected, that he held Intelligence with the Duke of Vendome? The Prince knew that Rohan had advised Vendome to consent to the Treaty at St. Menehoud Rohan told Conde this, who appeared very well pleased, that he had given this Advice to a young Man, who was like to Ruin himself.  

The Prince of Conde designs to make himself Master of Poitiers.  The Prince de Conde had yet another Design in his head. He thought to make himself Master of Poitiers. The Duke de Roannez, Governor of the City, favoured his Design, and the Marquis de Bonnivet was to assemble the Gentlemen to serve this purpose. The time for choosing the Mayor was at hand, there were a great many Factions in the Town. Roannez and some other Friends of Conde had made one, to put into this important Office, a Man in their Interest. Chataigner Bishop of the Place, informed the Regent of their several Practices, and gave her Majesty reason to suspect a secret Design of the Prince of Conde. The Court was higly pleased with the Prelate. They ordered him to have a watchful Eye upon their Contrivances, and to oppose as much as he could the Intrigues of the Governor and Conde's Friends, Chataigner, who was skilled in something else, besides his Breviary, gains the greatest part of the Inhabitants, doubles the Guards every where, and rendered himself more powerful than the Duke de Roannez in the City. His precaution disappointed the Party of the Prince de Conde. He expected with Impatience at Anjou, the news of the Success of the Intrigue which had been form for him at Poitiers. He sent Latrie, a Gentleman, to exhort his Friends not to desist from their Enterprise. But great Men often spoil the Success of their Affairs, by carrying themselves too high. Conde Being offended that the Bishop did not only openly thwart him, but had spoken disrespectfully of him, writ to Chataigner a sharp and provoking Letter, which Latrie was to deliver to him. The Prelate was confirmed in his Opinion, that the Prince had some secret and great Design upon the Town; he resolves to be Revenged of Conde, and to prevent, what ever it cost him the Execution of his Design.  
Chataigner having conferred with some of his Relations and Friends, thought it his best way to rid himself of the Prince de Conde's Emissary. 
A great Tumult at Po●…tiers.  A certain Person suborned for that purpose attacked Latrie, and wounded him in several Places. The Bishop caused a Cry to be made in the To●…n, 
Mercure Francoise. 1614  that there was a Design to deliver it up to the King's Enemies, the People Rose, shut the Gate, put up the Chain, Barricadoed themselves in several Places. The Bishop Arms himself with his Pike in his hand, he encourages the Inhabitants to Stand upon their Guard. The Duke de Roannez, the Governor of Poitiers, runs immediately thither from his House, which was hard by; And Commands them to demolish the Barricadoes, and goes to the Bishop's Palace to ask of him the reason of this extraordinary Tumult. But the People being yet more heated by the noise of the arrival of the Prince de Conde near the City, fell upon the Governor, and slightly wounded him in the Face. The Bishop, at whose Instigation all this was done, pretends to receive Roannez into his Palace, to defend him from the fury of the People. Under this pretence, they secure the Person of the Duke, and Chataigner by virtue of a Commission from the Queen, gives all necessary Orders for the safety of the Town. What a fine thing it was to see a Bishop turned Soldier and a Captain? With his Sword by his Side, he Marches round the City every Night, he encouraged the Soldiers, and gave them Money out of his own pocket. The contrary Party reproached him in the highest manner: But the good Prelate was not concerned about it. He caused an Apology to be published, the Author of which proved, that it is Lawful for ecclesiastics to take Arms in case of necessity. The Duke de Roannez took it for a favour, that he might have Liberty to go home. Some of the Magistrates, and the principal Inhabitants of the Party of the Prince, and Governor left the Town. Latrie who was not very dangerously wounded, likewise made his escape, and found the Prince of Conde, who was come in great haste to Poitiers with a Resolution to stand by those of his Party. But the good Prince had not laid his Designs right.  

The Gates of Poitiers are shut agaenst the Prince of Conde.  When du Plessis Mornai understood by an Express from his Highness, that he was gone to Poitiers, with a design to revenge the outrage that was done him in the Person of Latrie. He sent a Gentleman immediately to the Prince, to beseech him not to expose himself upon this occasion, and content himself with writing to his Majesty, and demand Justice. 
Vie de Mr. du Plessis. Mornai.  A Person of your Rank said du Plessis in a Letter, is in danger of being Mortified, when you Expose yourself to an enraged Populacy, who have no reason to be afraid of you. The Inhabitants of Poitiers have formerly refused to open their Gates to King Henry III. They may well keep them shut now against the first Prince of the Blood. In the Name of God don't proceed to Action, don't call the Neighbouring Nobility to your assistance. The Queen will think this to be a Consequence of your Interview with Mr. de Rohan, and that you have a design to raise new Troubles. A Prince ought not to take one Step from which he may be forced to retire, whether he will or no. Conde, who was neither wise, nor cool enough to receive this good Advice, pursues his March towards Poitiers, accompanied with a very small number of Men, but soon saw reason to acknowledge that du Plessis had guest right; they shut the Gates of the City against his Highness, the Inhabitants take Arms, and Fire upon his Men. Enraged with this Affront, he retires to Chateleraut with those Gentlemen that had joined him, and discharged his Anger upon the Country House of the Bishop of Poitiers, which lay in his way. From Chateleraut he writ to the Regent, complaining of the Inhabitants of Poitiers, and to demand Justice of her Majesty, who laughed hearty at the Mortification, which he had brought imprudently on himself.  
These new Motions, the Consequences whereof were to be feared, obliged the Regent to go into Poitou and Bretagne with the King her Son, and to make the Troops March at the same time. 
The K. and the Q. his Mother, set out for Poitou and Bretagne.  They had spread abroad a Report, that young Lewis was so ill, that he could not Live very long. The safest way to confute this Report, to Reduce the Duke of Vendome, who was always aiming on some ill design in Britagne, and to appease the discontented Prince de Conde, was to carry the King well Guarded into Poitou and Bretagne, and show him to the People in those Provinces. In the mean time, Marry de Medicis sent Monpezat to the Prince de Conde, to amuse him with good Words. Mazurier, Master of the Requests had Orders to go to Poitiers. He had either a real or pretended Commission, to inquire who they were that acted against the Prince of Conde. Monpezat pressed him to retire from Poitou. The Queen, said they to him, designs to do you Justice. Mazurier comes to this end to Poitiers. But the Prince being reinforced by the Nobility, and the Soldiers which the Marquis de Bonnivet had brought him, refused to go till they had given him Satisfaction. 
The Confusion of the P. de Conde, he retires to Chateauroux in Berry.   
He was extremely troubled, when he understood that their Majesty's were at Orleans, and that the Troops were on their March. Uncertain which way to take, he sometimes made a show of going to the Duke de Rohan at St. Jean d' Angeli. But what Assistance could he expect from the Huguenots. They were never disposed to stir in the favour of a wavering Prince, that was imprudent in all his Steps. I don't see, says du Plessis Mornai, of what advantage the Prince's Journey to St. Jean d' Angeli will be to him. If he goes there with a few Men, he will be despised; if with a great many, it will be troublesome to Mr. de Rohan to Entertain them; can one imagine that the People of St. Jean d' Angeli will Expose themselves to the danger of having all the King's Forces upon their backs, by giving Reception to a Prince, who has no Inclination for a Religion which his Ancestors have Defended, and is not capable of doing any great Service to our Churches. Conde was very sensible, he would never have Reputation enough to draw after him the Huguenot Party, as long as du Plessis Mornai persisted to persuade the Reformed, from having any hand in their Commotions. The Prince wrote therefore to du Plessis, to ask Advice of him. But his real Design was to make the Reformed afraid of their Majesties March. This Journey said he in his Letter, was not undertaken, but for one of these Three Reasons. Is there not a Design to take away from those of your Religion, that which the late King hath granted them? Some think that they are going to receive the Infanta, and to accomplish the King's Marriage. For my own part, I believe they come to Ruin me here! Pray tell me, added Conde, what is in your Opinion, best for me to do in this Juncture.  
Du Plessis easily perceived, that under a pretence of ask Advice, he solicited him to appear for him. He answered the Prince, that the King's Journey did not at all alarm the Reformed Churches. We are persuaded, said he, that the Queen is very sensible, she would put the whole Kingdom into a Flame, if she should suffer those of our Religion to be injured. I confess some People have given it out, that the Queen is going to Receive the Infanta. But should a Prince take his Measures from common Rumour. Are there any Vessels ready in the Ports of Spain? Are there any Galleys fitted out at Barcelona? The Infanta can't come any other way than by Sea. The Spaniards are too Proud. Don't think they'll ever send their King's Eldest Daughter to us Incognito. She will never come away before the Court of Madrid is sure that she will be received as Queen, before ever she sets Foot in France. I doubt not but her Majesty is either coming into Bretagne against Mr. de Vendome, who has not consented to the Treaty of St. Menehoud; or at lest to Poitiers. Her presence seems absolutely necessary there. For this reason, your Highness can't do better, than make an handsome Retreat from Poitiers. It concerns your Hignesse's Reputation not to stay, till you are forced to it. The Duke of Maienne was at that time at Chateleraut. He went there with the Consent of the Court, and urged Conde forthwith to Submit to her Majesty. The Prince had no other Course to take. From this last foolish Design, he got nothing but the shame of being forced to hid himself in Chateauroux in Berri. He did not dare to Return to his New Government of Amboise. Those which Commanded for him in that Place of Security, which he had so earnestly desired, had so little Respect for him, that they Presented the Keys to the New Queen, when she came there a little while after. Her Majesty seemed to despise the vain Efforts of the Prince, in letting him have a Place which she could recover at pleasure, without any Resistance.  

The Remonstrances of du Plessis Mornai, to the Queen Regent.  The Regent used her endeavours to take away the Suspicions which the Prince of Conde and his Emissaries had ●…nspired the Reformed Churches with, concerning their Majesty's Journey. As ●…oon as the Court was arrived at Orleans, Mary de Medicis dispatched a Gentleman ●…o Saumur with Credential Letters. 
Vie de M. du Plessis Mornai. Liv. III.  He was to assure du Plessis, that the King's Army should not Advance into those ●…rovinces, which lie on the other side of ●…he River Loire; 
Lettreses & memoires du Meme. 1614  That the Queen had no ●●oughts of Concluding the double Marriage with Spain, before the Meeting of the States of the Kingdom, and that they only designed to Reduce the Duke of Vendome, who every day raised new difficulties against the Treaty of St. Menehoud, although the Marquis de Coevures had already made two Journeys into Bretagne, to persuade him to comply. The Court moved from Orleans to Tours. Her Majesty invited du Plessis to come thither. They gave it out, the King and Queen his Mother would not pass by Saumur in their Journey to Bretagne. They don't care, said some, to be at the discretion of the most Zealous Huguenot in France. These Discourses troubled du Plessis. He resolved to complain of them to the Queen. Madam, said this Gen●…leman, whose Virtue exceeded even that of Cato and Aristides, I don't give any credit to what I hear: But if it should be proposed in your Majesty's Council, that the King's Person would not be safe at Saumur, I should look upon it as the greatest Injury that could be done me. The Government of Saumur was committed to me, as a Reward of the Treaty which I had managed, between the late King and hi●… Predecessor. That Negotiation, which 〈◊〉 brought to a happy Conclusion, made way for the late King to sit upon the Throne o●… his Ancestors. God forbidden that that Plac●… which he entrusted me with, should ever b●… suspected by the King his Son. This generosity pleased the Queen. She looke●… upon it as a handsome Invitation to go to Saumur.  
Du Plessis had several private Audiences of Mary de Medicis during her stay at Tours. Her Majesty discoursed very freely to him concerning the present Condition of the Affairs of the Kingdom. He, on his Side, undertook frequently to inculcate upon the Regent the necessity of avoiding a Civil War. Nothing, said he, does more weaken the Authority of a Prince. I have heard it several times said to the late King, That he never was really King, till the end of the Civil. Wars. Whatsoever they may say to your Majesty against those of our Religion, believe Madam, that you have no such faithful Subjects as those, who obey from a Principle of Conscience. We have at least this Advantage above our Adversaries, that we acknowledge no power under God, Superior to his Majesty. The fundamental Maxims of our Religion, will not allow us to hold any Commerce with Foreigners, who would Encroach upon the Kingdom or the King's Authority. Suffer me to represent to you further, Madam, that they put you to needless Expenses, to gain certain Persons of our Religion. We know who those mercenary Souls are. They deceive your Majesty, who tell you, that they can he Serviceable to you. I can tell you a far less Chargeable way to have all the Reformed at your Devotion: That is, to give Orders, that all Promises made to us, be performed, our Gri●…vances be redressed, some ambiguous Expressions in the Edicts be more favourably Interpreted, and some things be granted us, which may secure the Peace of our Churches, and do no great Injury to the Roman Catholics. The ardent and sincere Zeal, which I have for your Majesty, makes me speak against myself. Pursue the Method which I take the liberty to propose, you may take away when you please our Offices and Pensions. Our Churches, living peaceably under his Majesty's Protection, will never concern themselves in my favour, or for any of the Lords of the Kingdom.  
This Advice was generous and worthy of a truly Christian Gentleman. It might have had some good Effect upon such as had no other design, but to preserve Peace in the Kingdom, by doing Justice and perhaps some small gratification to the Reformed. But they were resolved to Ruin them, and to effect a design long since contrived and pursued. For almost an Age together, the Court could not take more convenient Measures than the corrupting of those who had any Credit or Authority in the Reformed Church. The ambition and avarice of the Lords, and a great number of Huguenot Gentlemen, has done more mischief to the Religion, than the ha●…red of the Pope and his Clergy, or the Zeal of the blind and superstitious Kings and Queens of France. If the Dukes and Peers, the Mareschals of France, the Lords and Gentlemen of Note, had had as much Religion and Probity as du Plessis Mornai, I question whether the Son of him whose History I writ, would ever have ventured to attempt the overthrow of the Reformed Churches of his Kingdom. The Posterity of a corrupted Gentry, who had no great Concern for their Religion, does at this day bewail the fatal Consequences of the Baseness of their Ancestors.  
The Regent received at Tours, 
The K. and Q. his Mother go to Poitiers.  Letters from the Duke of Maienne. He informed her that the Prince de Conde was retired to Chateauroux, and that he desired at the present no Reparation of the Injury, 
Mercure Francois. 1614  which he had complained had been done him at Poitiers. It was wisely done, to seem to neglect an Offence, for which the Court would never have granted him the Satisfaction which he expected. The Bishop was too much favoured by the Queen. He went boldly to Tours, with Two hundred of the Inhabitants, to pray their Majesty's to come to Poitiers. That day when Chataigner made appear that he understood the Office of a Captain better than that of a Bishop, was in his Opinion the day of the preservation of Poitiers. Their Majesties went thither. They were Received with all imaginable Expressions of Joy. They Elected a Mayor; Mazurier had Orders to remain there as Intendant. Rochfort, Lieutenant General for the King in that Province, alittle after resigned his Office. The Count de la Rochefoucaut, of the Party of the Guises, succeeded him. They had a mind to have Poitou in their Power, that they might go and Receive the Infanta of Spain, when the time should come. 
Memoires de Duc de Rohan.  The Duke de Rohan, being admonished by Velleroi, that the Queen was surprised that he did not appear at Court, since she was so near to St. Jean d' Angeli, came to pay his Respect to their Majesty's. They received him kindly; and the Regent, taking all opportunities to get him near herself, made him promise to be present at the meeting of the States of Bretagne, which was to be held at Nantes, their Majesties being present, and to go afterwards to the State's General, which were already appointed to Meet.  
Mary de Medicis, 
The Q. goes to hold a meeting of the States of Bretagne at Nantes. Vie de M. du Plessis Mornai. Liv. III.  pleased that every thing went according to her mind, took the Road of Angers, to go to Nantes. Her Majesty had a mind to give a Proof of her Confidence in du Plessis Mornai, as she passed through Saumur. He went to meet the King, being followed by an Hundred Gentlemen. As soon as the Young Lewis had entered the Castle, du Plessis Offered to make the Garrison march out. But his Majesty would not permit him. It is not against our Kings, said the Governor, that we have strong Places in our Possession, they have been willing to grant them us, that we may be secured against the hatred of our sworn Enemies. If at any time his Majesty does the Honour to be present there, 
Mercure Francoise. 1614  we desire no other Security but his Presence. The Duke de Vendome, seeing their Majesties came in good Earnest towards him, submitted himself. They gave him New Letters of Re-establishment, 
Memoires de Bassompierre.  which were Registered in the Parliament of Rennes. But he had the Mortification of see that in the meeting of the States of the Province of which he was Governor, they made Invectives against him, and took Resolutions, injurious to his Person, and utterly contrary to his Interest. So bad a Beginning, was no good Omen for the rest of the Life of Caesar de Vendome. He could never after, recover his Reputation or Respect. Henry IU. his Father, had Married him to the Heiress of the House of Mercoeur, and one of the greatest Fortunes of a Subject in Europe. He wasted the great Estate which she brought him.  

The death of the Prince de Conti.  Ma●…y de M●…dicis Returned triumphantly to Paris. She found there a Court, deprived of a Prince of the Blood. The loss was not very great. Francis de Bourbon, Prince de Conti, who died the 13th of August made no great Figure in the World. His Widow was soon Comforted after the loss of a weak Husband. She was desperately in Love with Bassompierre. There had passed between them that which they call Marriage before God. Entragues, the famous Marchioness de Vernueil's, Sister, and Daughter to Mary Touchet, Charles IX. his Mistress, had commenced a Suit against Bassompierre, upon the account of a Promise of Marriage which he had made her. This happy Spark had Two Wives at the same time: The First out of a Family more Renowned for the fine Ladies which were Married into the Family, or were of it, than for any of its Military Exploits; the Second being the Daughter of the Duke of Guise, and the Widow of a Prince of the Blood, might have done Bassompierre great Honour: But by an odd Accident, Bassompierre would never own the one for his Lawful Wife, the other never dared to make her Marraige Public.  

New Contests between the Princes of Brandenbourg and Vewbourg, about the Government of Cleves and Juliers.  Whilst the Regent was making present Reflections upon the good Success of her Journey into Poitou and Bretagne, the Spaniards wifely made their Advantage of the private Agreement which they had made with Mary de Medicis, to Assist her to maintain her Authority in France, on Condition she would not Support, or at least not openly oppose their Designs in Germany and Italy. These false Politics of a Regent, who was Ridiculously persuaded, that the Support of the Pope and the King of Spain, was necessary for the maintaining her Authority, has already made her take a great many false Steps, contrary to the true Interest of her Son: 
Interests of Princes, by Mr. de Rohan. part. II. Disco. V  And we shall take notice of Two more. She should never have suffered the Archdukes of the Catholic Low-Countries, to send the Marquis de Spinola with a powerful Army to Execute the Proclamation which the Emperor had Published against Aix, 
Mercure Francois. 1614  and under this pretence, to seize many Important Towns in the Countries of Cleves and Juliers.  
Since the Marriage of the Prince of Newbourg with Madeleine of Bavaria, there was a more open difference than ever, between him and the Duke of Brandenbourg. They were Employed in strengthening themselves one against the other, both abroad and at home. Two Passions, very blind, but extremely active in the heart of a young Prince, Ambition, and resentment of an Affront offered him in the face of the World, had inclined Newbourg to join with the Emperor, the King of Spain and the Archduke's of the Catholic Low-Countries. He hoped that the House of Austria and the Catholic League of Germany, of which, the Duke of Bavaria was the head would assist him to recover those Countries which were in Dispute, as soon as he should Embrace the Communion of the Pope. This way of Revenging, which the Elector of Brandenburg had given him, seemed to Newbourg the most Advantageous and Glorious. He declared himself a Roman Catholic the 15th of May at Dusseldorp. There is reason to think, that the Prince deferred his public Abjuration of the Confession of Augsbourg, in hopes that passing some time longer under the Name of a Protestant, he should the more easily effect his Design of making himself sole Master of some of the Principal Towns in Dispute. 'Twas not without Design, that being in Juliers in the Month of March, he desired Pitham, the Governor of the Castle, to give him and his Retinue Entrance. The Officer, being a greater Friend to the House of Brandenbourg, than to that of Newbourg, refused to admit him, although he would enter alone. Pitham relied upon an Article of the Transaction which passed between the Two Houses, that the Governors of Castles and Fortified Places, should not give Entrance to one of the Princes in Possession, unless the other were present. The Governor remaining firm to his Resolution, Newbourg went towards Liege. He went to make a visit to the Elector of Cologne, his New Ally. The Prince of Brandenburg attempted a little while after to surprise Dusseldorp, but he likewise missed his aim, as well as the other.  
The States of the united-provinces, the Electors and Princes of the Empire, as they were Friends to both Houses, Exhorted them to a Peace, but in vain. The Jealousy of each other increased every day, especially after Newbourg had changed his Religion. The States of the united-provinces Sided at that time with the Prince of Brandenbourg. 'Twas for their Interest to hinder, that the whole Succession of Cleves and Juliers should not fall to a Prince devoted to the House of Austria, and Engaged in the Catholic League of Germany. Brandenbourg agreed to them, that they should be Possessed of the City and Castle of Juliers, which they should hold by way of Sequestration. This undertaking had its Success by means of Pitham, who was gained over. He suffered the Soldiers to enter therein, with the Officers which the Prince of Orange had sent. Newbourg on his Side had the Policy to make himself Master of Dusseldorp, where he Fortified himself, the best he could. These Enterprises of Brandenbourg and Newbourg seemed to be the Preliminaries of an open War, which began quickly after. There was talk of an Accommodation at a Conference held at Wesel, but the Prince of Newbourg not being willing to dismiss the Troops he had raised, unless the City and Castle of Juliers were put into the same Condition they were before the Holland Garrison entered; they separated without coming to any Conclusion. Each one thought of nothing more than maintaining taining his Right by open Violence, and the Succours of his Allies. The Affair happened otherwise than the Two Princes imagined. The Spaniards and the States of the united-provinces, these under the pretence of Relieving the House of Newbourg, the other, that of Brandenbourg, divided betwixt them almost all the Succession, which was in Controversy.  
The Emperor Rodolph had put the City of Aix-la-Chapelle under Interdiction of the Empire, by reason of the Change the Protestant Party had made in the Magistracy, 
The City of Aix. la-Chapelle under Interdiction.  in the Year 1611. But being dead before that the Archduke Albert, his Brother, and Ernest of Bavaria, than Elector of Cologne, dared to execute the Commission his Imperial Majesty had directed to them, for the reducing the Inhabitants of Aix; the Duke of Deux-Ponts, Administrator of the Electorate Palatine, and Vicar of the Empire, during the Interregnum, made all the procedures void, and what ever Rodolph Ordained against the City of Aix-la-Chapelle. After Mathias his Brother had succeeded him, Complaint was made to the Imperial Court, of the Duke of Deux-Ponts's Undertaking; and the Catholics pressed forward the Execution of the Ban, published by the deceased Emperor. His Majesty easily granted what the Pope and the Spaniards maintained in his Council. However, it appeared to him, That the D. of Deux Ponts had gone beyond his Authority, and Enchrocht upon the Emperor, by annulling what Rodolph had in his life time Ordered. Wherefore the City of Aix-la-Chapelle was again put under the Ban of the Empire the 20th of February in this Year. The Archduke Albert, and Ferdinand of Bavaria, Successor to Ernest in the Electorate of Cologne, had Commission to put the new Order in Execution.  
Albert, strait after raised great Forces in the Low Countries under his Dominions. The States of the United Provinces, watchful of the Spaniards motions, so near to them, put themselves on their Side in Arms and posture of defence. Good Policy required no less than that they should stand upon their Guards, and oppose what the House of Austria should attempt against the States of Cleves and Juliers, which they found to lie conveniently for them: 'Twas not necessary to raise such great Forces to bring the City of Aix-la-Chapelle into Submission; for every one well knew that the Spaniard kept close another Design which was more Important. Both the Armies lay for some time without moving; yet each of 'em was fearful of being charged with the reproach of having broke the Truce made betwixt the Archduke's and the State's General of the united-provinces. France and England ought naturally to put in for to heal these Differences, and hinder the House of Austria from coming into the Controverted Succession. But Philip had his Pensioners in the Councils of France and England too. Being assured that James and Mary de Medicis would stand Neuters, he resolved that Spinola, General of his Troops in the Low Countries should, under pretence of the Ban published against the City of Aix-la-Chapelle, March as soon as might be; and coming back, Seize on the best Places of the States of Cleves and Juliers: And this was the means of disposing afterward as he pleased of so fair a Succession. What the united-provinces undertook upon the City and Castle of Juliers, seemed to the House of Austria a sufficient Warrant to justify what they intended to do a long time before.  

Spinola Reduceth Aix-la-Chapelle makes himself Master of many places in Cleves and Juliers.  And now Spinola is in the Field with an Army of about Thirty thousand Men. He passeth the Maes to Mastricht, and from thence goes and Invests Aix-la-Chapelle. The Inhabitants, too weak to make any opposition, ask for Pardon the Second day, and submit themselves to his Imperial Majesty. Spin●●a, now Master of the City, Restores the ancient Catholic Magistrates and Removes the Protestants. Some of these were Imprisoned, who had any hand in the Alteration made in the Year 1611. and others saved themselves as they could, leaping over the Walls of the City. After, according to his fancy, he had Regulated all things in Aix-la-Chapelle, this Spinola Marches towards the States of Cleves. Duren opens the Gates to him, and from thence he goes to Mulheim; there he demolisheth the Fortifications, fills up the Trenches, Consequential to some Imperial Demands which Cologne had obtained, which was always opposite to the Raising of a New City, which the Princes of Brandenbourg and Newbourg had began there some Years ago. At length the Spanish General, strengthened by the joint Troops which Newbourg had brought him, besieged Wesel, took it; seized on Duisbourg and many other Places.  
Maurice Prince of Orange, 
Maurice P. of Orange takes many places on his Side in the same Country.  who was then at Schenk Fort at the head of Eighteen thousand Men, on his Side likewise put himself upon taking of Places. He got to be Master of Emerick, Rees, and some other Towns, in a little time. A particular passage was then seen: Two Armies, at Enmity one with the other, 
Interests des princes par Mr. de Rohan. II. Party. Discourse V.  seized on the Succession of Cleves and Juliers without breaking the Truce which was betwixt them, without setting one upon the other, and without drawing their Swords. The most speedy of the Two Generals made the greater Progress. When one had taken one Place, the other retired without laying any pretence to it. 'Tis said that Prince Maurice only sent to Spinola to know in what Prince's time he entered in an Hostile manner into the Country; and Spinola answered, in returning the same Question to him. Spinola dared not to attack Maurice, who had a Braver and more Experienced Army. And Maurice would not hazard his Troops, which were the main strength of the united-provinces. He believed that the State's General would have glory and advantage enough in Sharing, without running any Risque of the Succession of Cleves and Juliers, with the King of Spain. The Two Generals continued their Expedition without disturbing one the other in any thing, but making all possible haste. Spinola made an end in making a detachment of his Army o'er towards Juliers, where he had taken some Places. Maurice sent Prince Frederick Henry his Brother into the Duchy of Mark to do the like. A new way of Warring one with the other, by being but outwardly on both Sides good Friends!  

Conference at Santheim upon the Succession of Cleves and Juliers.  It is not less surprising, that the King of England, the Queen Regent of France, and the Protestant Princes of Germany, should stand as idle Spectators of all these motions, in an Affair wherein at first they all seemed to be so much concerned. But why? Mary de Medicis devoted to the Court of Rome, was contented to give Words and send Embassies to propose an Accommodation. King James, whose Council as well as France's was bought by the Spaniard, did not believe that he ought to be more hotly concerned than the Regent. The Princes of Germany, forsaken by both these Crowns, and divided through Affection and Interest, what could they do in the Case? Nevertheless, upon this occasion some hopes of life were to be given; The Succession of Cleves and Juliers seemed to be Exposed to him who could first Grasp it: France, England, Denmark, the Confederate Princes, the Count Palatine, the Elector of Cologne, and some other Princes of Germany, sent at last their Agents to Santheim for to Confer there about the means of stopping these Stirs, and ending this long Contest. Brandenbourg and Newbourg, having both of them given in their Demands and Reasons in Writing, a Trasaction was drawn up, which the Two were in the mean time to observe, whilst the Difference w●● adjudged by Law: But when it came to the Point, to get Spain and the united-provinces to agree to these Articles, there was so much difficulty to compass this as 'twas not possible to come to any end. The States threw the blame upon Spinola, and the Spaniard upon Prince Maurice. May speak the truth, neither one or tother cared for any accommodation. Each one thought of an Advantage from what he had taken. 
The Duke of Savoy falls out with Spain more than ever.   
The good success of the Spaniards Arms towards Germany seemed to Flush and render more Proud than they were before the Catholic King's Agents in Italy. But Inojola, Governor of Milan, had neither the Wit nor Bravery of Spinola. The Duke of Savoy openly ridiculed the Threats made him, as from the King of Spain. Assure me, 
Nani Historia Veneta. Lib. I. 1614 Siri Memo. recondite. Tom. III. p. 242.243. etc. Mercure Francois. 161.4  saith he, that the King of France won't Attack me; I know well enough h●…w to defend myself against the Catholic King. Don't we know well enough what the Spaniard at this time is able to do? He is far from being so formidable as he was in Charles I. Reign, and in the former Years of his Son's. The Duke of Savoy is not the most Puissant Neighbour Philip hath; but perhaps he fears him less than any one else. And thus resolved to maintain his Dignity against all Persons who talked domineeringly to him, Charles Emanuel prepares himself for an open Breach with his Catholic Majesty. The Marquis of Coevures had scarce left Italy, but the Spaniards, satisfied to see themselves after this the sole Arbitrators of the difference between the Two Houses of Savoy and Mantua, summoned again Charles Emanuel to conclude the Marriage of his Daughter, the Widow of Duke Francis, with Cardinal Ferdinand, Duke of Mantua, and to Disband his Army forthwith. Immediately after this was done, they promised to endeavour an accommodation of his differences with the said Cardinal. Charles Emanuel made this indifferent answer, That he could not break up his Troops so long as France was in Arms on all Sides. As for the Marriage of my Daughter with his Brother-in-Law, he continued, that my Council is of Opinion, that I ought first to have Justice done me, and be Endemnified for the Pretensions I have to Montferrat and the House of Mantua. The Ambassador desired, he might have his Answer in Writing, to the end he might send it to Madrid. The Duke made no stand at this; and, to give notice to the Spaniards that he would not obey them as their Subject, Orders new Levies, Casts new Cannon, Stores his Magazines in presence of his Catholic Majesty's Ambassador.  
This Resolution made the Spanish Agent fear, lest Charles Emanuel, repulsed after an Imperious way, as Inofosa had used him, should run out into more desperate Attempts; wherefore in milder Language he proposed to his Highness, the sending of Lawyers to Milan, with a power to Negotiate with them who should come from the Cardinal Duke, upon the mutual pretensions of both Houses. The Governor of Milan and the Prince of Castiglione were to be the Mediators of this new Negotiation, in behalf of the Emperor and King of Spain. Charles Emanuel could not reject the proposal. He nominated Three of his most able Lawyers. Both Parties met, and divers Expedients were proposed to bring the Two Princes to an Accommodation. The first Demands of Savoy's Agents appeared Extravagant; but in the end were much slackened. The Prince of Castiglione might by chance have ended this Affair upon Terms reasonable enough, by a double Marriage betwixt the Two Houses, and yielding up some dependence of Montferrat, which was near to Piedmont, and lay fit for the Dukes of Savoy; if the Governor of Milan, less Patiented than Castiglione, had not spoiled all through his too high Demands: For he imperiously caused it to be signified, that the Duke should disarm in Six days time, being vexed that Charles Emanuel made so much difficulty to accept of the Conditions which the Spaniards had offered him. He, before he had commanded thus after so absolute a way, should have put himself into a Condition of making himself to have been speedily Obeyed, in case of a refusal. To send these precise Orders as coming from the King of Spain, and not to have his Troops in any readiness for making an Irruption into Piedmont, was not this to Expose out of Season a Powerful King in an Engagement with an Inferior Prince, who had sufficiently made it known, that he would never yield, but at the last Extremity?  
As soon as a Monarchy believes itself to be Superior, it grows Imperious, and instead of Treating upon Affairs, imposeth Laws. The Spaniards had got this haughtiness of Mind in the Reign of Philip II. and were willing to preserve it after his death. Would not one have done better, to have called to mind, that Spain had already given some certain signs of her declining Condition? What Spain would have Effected in those days, France is endeavouring to imitate in ours. We have seen him talk extreme haughtily to Charles Emanuel's Grandchild: He hath been proudly threatened to be Invaded by the Arms of France. And what was the upshot of this? The Duke of Savoy, as Courageous and Prudent as his Grandfather, was, like him, weary to see himself dealt with as a Subject. He's in Confederacy with a great Number of the Enemies which France has brought upon itself: And he hath quickly seen those who had taken Cities, and won Battles come to him, and speak as Supplicant. Too fortunate for to buy shamefully a Peace from a Prince whom they had slighted! In Three months' time, said a Proud and Brutish Minister of France, There shall be no mention longer made of the Duke of Savoy. The History of our times will speak quite another thing, than this Man ever thought for. Posterity will read there with astonishment and pleasure, that so proud a King hath been glad that Savoy should acquiesce, to let him quit all his Conquests towards Italy, in his present and Predecessors Reign.  

The Duke of Savoy endeavours to gain the Venetians to his Side.  As discontented as the Venetians were with the restless and troublesome Humour of Charles Emmanuel, who strove to disturb the quiet of Italy to satisfy his Ambition, yet they were not sorry to see, that a Prince so unequal in Power to Spain, 
Nani Historia Veneta. Lib. I. 1614  should be alone capable to Hector and Perplex People who had a mind to make the whole World tremble at them. The undaunted Courage of the Duke of Savoy, which he shown in maintaining his Dignity of a Sovereign Prince, so well pleased the Senate, as they were the better disposed to hearken to the proposals which Charles Emmanuel had to offer to this Republic. 
Siri Memo. recondito. Tom. III. p. 241.  The Duke of Savoy persuaded, that the Senators, who did not want Courage, were angry at the pride and haughtiness of Spain, and that they would be glad to see an imperious plotting Nation far removed from their Frontiers, sought to fathom the Inclinations of the Senate, by making an Overture to them of a League Offensive and Defensive, for the Conservation, or rather Recovery, of the Liberties of the Sovereigns of Italy. But yet he did not know how to enter into a Negociation with them, who had openly Complained against him, for sending back their Ambassador after an unworthy manner. Cardinal Aldobrandin, his Friend, had tried to make up the business for him with the Senate; but they would not give Ear to him. James I. King of Great-Britain, sought to be a Mediator in the Affairs of Italy, and gain some Authority and Reputation in those Parts. He laboured after the Amity of the Venetians for a long time, and the Duke of Savoy had laid many of his Intrigues in England; wherefore Charles Emmanuel resolved to apply himself to Carleton, James' Ambassador at Venice, and desire him to get leave for Piscina's Audience, a Man of great Ingenuity and Eloquence, whom he had sent to the Senate. Carleton had not much trouble to obtain this. The signory consented to receive Savoy's Envoy, having a better Opinion of Charles Emmanuel since the Spaniards had molested him.  
Piscina set forth all his Eloquence in a Speech to the Senate. He Complained in it of the King of Spain's Attempts, Protested that the Duke his Master had rather die, than endure the Indignities the Spaniards showed him, he lamented the unfortunate Servitude of the Princes of Italy, Argued upon the Consequences of the great Power the Court of Madrid usurped to themselves, Entreated the Senate to reflect seriously upon all the Steps his Catholic Majesties Ministers had proceeded. At last this long Harangue tended to Declare that Charles Emmanuel, who gloried to be the Eldest Son of the Republic, threw himself into the Arms of the Senate, a Protector of Oppressed Princes, whom his Highness did earnestly Entreat to assist him with their Advices, and stand by him as a Father. As the Venetians had some cause to Complain of the Duke's Irruption into Montferrat, spite of their Remonstrances, so his Envoy had Orders to appease 'em, by offering to make them Arbitrators of the Duke's Difference with the House of Mantua.  
The Venetian Writers Embellish with all the Art they are able these Actions in their History. One would say, that they were going to Insinuate into us, that Sovereigns have the same Respect for their Senate, the same Honour, which mighty Kings had heretofore for the Senate of Old Rome. I grant to the Senate of Venice all that is their due; but I find them far beneath the Senate of Rome, after she had extended her Dominions into Africa, Spain, Greece, and Asia. The Romans besides, Scofft at those Kings, who basely Crept to them: And I don't know if the Quality of being  Son of St. Mark, which Charles Emmanuel took upon him, be not as unworthy of the Duke of Savoy, as to be a free Citizen of Rome is unworthy of a Sovereign Possessed of a fair Kingdom. A Prince who intends to make himself distinguished through all Europe, by upholding so bravely his Dignity against the King of Spain, does it become him to Creep after this manner to the Nobles of Venice, whose Original is not very Illustrious, nor their Independence so Ancient? The Ambassador, whom the King of Spain had at that time at Venice, will know at some time or other how to prove this to them. He was the famous Marquis of Bedmar, whose Name will be odious to the Venetians for more than one reason.  
When this Minister, as jealous as any other would be of the Glory of his Prince, had understood what Piscina had said to the Senate from the Duke of Savoy, he Demanded to be heard in his Turn. The Spaniard spoke briskly of Philip's good Intentions for the Conservation of the repose of Italy, of the Money he had disbursed, and of the pains he had taken every day to this purpose. The King my Master, said Bedmar, was in the right to make use of the most efficacious and rigorous means he could for bringing the Duke of Savoy to the reasonable Conditions, which have been so often offered him. The fear which his Majesty hath of creating too great a Jealousy in the Princes of Italy, hath been the only means of keeping him back in this Occasion. We have had all the Patience imaginable. All Expedients have been set on Foot that were judged the most proper to end the difference that hath lasted so long a time, betwixt the Houses of Savoy and Mantua. If the sweet Temper and Clemency of my Master are of no other Service than to render the Duke of Savoy more Proud and Daring, can any one think it strange, that his Majesty should threaten him, to use at this time the Power God hath put into his Hands, and that he should Protect with the force of his Arms the Duke of Mantua, who is Attacked with great Injustice? The Proceed of the Duke of Savoy are sufficiently known in the World, and now he sees himself brought to that pass, as that he must be contented with the equitable Conditions granted him, and break up his Troops, which his Restlessness and Ambition had raised to his vast Expenses, he lays Intrigues, endeavours to Surprise unawares the Princes of Italy, with a design to stave off the Composition offered him, and avoid the shame of disarming after so great a Bustle. The Senate hath insight and pries narrowly into Affairs. They know from a long Experience, the Humour and Dissimulation of the Duke of Savoy: And this is sufficient to prevent their being blinded by the Artificial Discourse of his New Envoy.  
Tho' the Venetians were more favourable to Charles Emmanuel, than to the King of Spain's Ministers, the Senate avoided the making of any Engagement with the Duke of Savoy. They excused themselves from meddling with the Affair of Montferrat, and the reciprocal Pretensions of the Houses of Savoy and Mantua; the Arbitration of these things being referred to the Emperor and King of Spain. His Highness was Exhorted to make an Agreement with the Cardinal Duke, to give Some satisfaction to the Catholic King, to yield to the strongest, as far as the Quality of a Sovereign Prince would permit him. At length the Senate endeavoured to comfort him with their promise of doing him all the good Turns they could upon this Occurrency, and not to suffer him to be Oppressed. The Spaniards took it ill, that Savoy's Envoy had so favourable an Audience at Venice. The Governor of Milan, who had conceived Anger against the Republic, loudly Complained of it. Mistrust increased on both Sides, insomuch as the Senate ordered New Levies, and kept themselves on their Guard, in Case there should happen an open Rupture betwixt Spain and Savoy. The Venetians however affected to show outwardly a perfect Neutrality: They discoursed like common Friends, who strive rather to be Mediators, than embrace one Party before another. Yet what ever care they took to hid and dissemble their true Sentiments, the Court of Spain would not trust them. 'Twas well enough perceived that they would never suffer the Duke of Lerma to bring about his Designs, which he had contrived for the Duke of Savoy's Ruin, and to put the Princes of Italy into an entire dependence on the Catholic King's will. The Spaniards Jealousies and Suspicions were hereupon more awakened. Charles Emmanuel had sent his Chief Minister's, Son to Venice, in Quality of Ordinary Ambassador, and the Senate nominated Renier Zeno to be Resident with the Duke of Savoy, whilst his Highness openly maintains a War against Spain.  

The Marquis of Rambovillet is nominated Ambassador Extraordinary from France into Italy.  Charles Emmanuel relied upon the Officers and French Soldiers, who would never fail to Run into his Service, as soon as the Governor of Milan should make a show of being willing to attack Piedmont. His Highness kept a strict Correspondence with the Marshal Lesdiguieres, who was Governor in Dauphiny, and the Spaniards did not question, but this Old Friend of the Duke of Savoy, 
Siri Memo. Recondite. Tom. III. p. 263. 264.  would willingly give him Succours. These Considerations Engaged Inigo de Cardenas, the Spanish Ambassador in France, to go for Nantes, where the Regent was at that time. He had received Orders to Complain to her Majesty of the Duke of Savoy's obstinacy, and to secure France, 
Memoires de la Regence de Marie de Medicis.  in case the Catholic King should find himself in a necessity to protect with open Force the Cardinal Duke of Mantua, and punish the Pride and Rashness of Charles Emmanuel. The Affair having been debated in the Queen's Council, the necessity of an Accommodation of the Difference, as soon as possible, was throughly perceived; the Consequences of which might go a great way farther. This was not so much a Contest between the Houses of Savoy and Mantua. There was behindhand a fear lest the Spaniards should Invade Piedmont. The Marquis de Rambovillet was nominated her Majesty's Ambassador Extraordinary into Italy, for to go and Negotiate an Accord joint with Julius Savelli, the Pope's Nuncio Extraordinary. France and Spain had solicited Paul V to interpose his Authority with the Duke of Savoy, but the good Man did not care to meddle with Savoy's Affairs. Charles Emmanuel professed he had no great regard of his Holiness, and the Pope said, 
History de Connestable de Lesdiguieres. Liv. VIII. Chap. 7.  he did not care to Treat with a Prince, whose Word he could not trust to. The Instance of Spain came in Season to hinder the Duke of Savoy from taking any Officers and French Soldiers into his Service. The Marshal de Lesdiguieres sent to ask of her Majesty leave to raise in Dauphiny Two thousand Foot, and some Horse for the Duke of Savoy. The Regent would not grant this; she forbids likewise all the French to go into Charles Emmanuel's Service. In spite of all these positive and severe Orders of the Queen, Lesdiguieres found out a way to pass some Thousands into Piedmont, who wonderfully reinforced Savoy's Army.  

Open War betwixt Spain and Savoy.  Charles Emmanuel was constant in his Resolution not to Disband his Troops, unless the Governor of Milan would do the same likewise, or give assurances that he would do it, as soon as the Duke of Savoy had first began this, in Honour to his Royal Majesty. Inojosa would not flinch back a jot from his Pretensions, that the King his Master had Right to give the word of Command, 
Nani Historia Veneta. Lib. I. 1614  and that it did not belong to a Duke of Savoy to Treat with the Crown of Spain, as an Equal does with an Equal, or a Sovereign with a Sovereign. 
Siri Memo. recondite. Tom. III. p. 226, 227. etc.  There was then a necessity of coming to an open War. The Spanish Ambassador at Turin having greatly reproached Charles Emmanuel, told him down right, that his Catholic Majesty, provoked, through so long a Resistance, was going at last to do himself Justice. Charles listened to this without being moved at it; but plucking the Collar of the Golden-fleece from off his Neck, 
Mercure Francoise. 1614  which had been heretofore presented him, returned it disdainfully to the Ambassador, saying, God forbidden, that I should ever wear the Order of a Prince, who intends to deal with me as if I were his Subject, The Governor of Milan had his Troops in readiness to march; and he further expected a reinforcement, which was to come to him from Naples and Sicily. And now see Inojosa advanced near to Verceil with the thoughts that the Duke would humbly submit himself, as soon as the Spanish Army should enter his Country. 'Twas believed this was not done without some Design; that the King of Spain had ordered Prince Philibert, Son of Charles Emmanuel, whom his Catholic Majesty had made General of his Forces at Sea, should Conduct himself to Genua the Troops designed against Savoy. Was not this to insult over the Duke, by making him see, that his Son carried, (if I may so say,) to the Governor of Milan, Rods, wherewith Philip, or rather the Duke of Lerma, intended to whip a poor Prince, who dared to resist a Potent King.  
These Bravades did not at all astonish Charles Emmanuel. He on his Side entered into the Milanese Country, where his Troops did more harm, than the Spanish had done in his. His Highness got both Glory and Reputation: For at last the Marquis Inojosa appeared to be a Novice in the Art of War. The Spanish Army failed of the fair opportunity of beating the Savoyards, who were inferior to them in Number. The bad Conduct of this Expedition, had rendered the Governor of Milan despicable in Italy. They were glad to see the Pride of Spain humbled. Inojosa, for to be avenged in some manner, and at the same time curry favour with the Duke of Lerma, who Protected him, undertook to raise a Fort near enough to Verceil, upon the King of Spain's Lands. It's called the Fort of Sandoval, from the Name of the Duke of Lerma's Family. The Governor's design was to bridle Verceil, cover the Milanois, and close up an Entry to Foreigners, who might easily this way make an Irruption into it. The Spaniards had for a long time thought on this Enterprise, but for fear that such a Novelty might alarm the Neighbouring Princes, the Court of Madrid let alone their Design. They expected some favourable Conjuncture. Inojosa thought that the opportunity of the Breach with the Duke of Savoy, was a fit time to do it. The important Service which he pretended to do his Master, did not secure him from the Reproaches of the understanding Men of his own Nation. They Complained that the Governor had lost time in building of the Fort of Sandoval. They loudly said, that 'twas easy to Reduce the Duke of Savoy by Entering a good way into Piedmont, with an Army much stronger than his. The whole Court of Madrid took the liberty of talking sharply against Inojosa and Charles Emmanuel. They accused the First of his Slowness, Fear, Ignorance and perhaps Infidelity. As for the Duke of Savoy, his Name was abhorred amongst them, and detestable. Philip's Chief Agent did not threaten Charles Emmanuel with less than irrecoverable Ruin.  

Reciprocal Writings from the K. of Spain ☞ Duke of Savoy.  The Spaniards were laughed at when they resolved to Fight with the Pen against the Duke of Savoy. The Captain General of Justice in the State caused a Placaet to be put up, wherein he Declared, That the County of Ast and all other Signories, 
Mercure Francoise. 1614  which the Duke of Savoy, as they said, held in Fief of the Dukes of Milan, were Confiscated to his Catholic Majesty, by reason of Charles Emmanuel, his Vassal's Treason. The Prince of Castiglione, the Emperor's Commissioner in Italy, caused it likewise to be signified to the Duke, That there was a Mandate, wherein he was Ordered in the Emperor's Name, to Disband his Army presently, and refrain from all Acts of Hostility in Montferrat, and upon the Lands of the Cardinal Duke of Mantua, under Penalty of being put under the Ban of the Empire. Charles Emmanuel on the contrary defended himself with his Pen very vigcurously. His Exchequer Chamber Declared by a public Act, that the County of Ast was immediately held of the Empire, and as for the other Lands specified by his Catholic Majesty's Officer, they had never been Fiefs of the Duchy of Milan. The Emperor was much more respectfully dealt withal. Charles Emmanuel writ to him a long Letter by way of Apology and Manifesto. The Duke gives therein the reason of his Conduct, Complains mightily of the Haughtiness and Enterprises of the Spanish King and his Ministers in Italy, and accuseth the Prince of Castiglione of being devoted to the Humour of the Spaniards, against the true Interest of his Imperial Majesty. 'Twas said, that the Spaniards, were not over-satisfied with Castiglione's proceed. They would have had the Principality of Piedmont put under the Ban of the Empire, and the execution of this committed to the Governor of Milan. The Imperial Court did not think it convenient to go with so much precipitation. They were not so blind, but they could perceive that the Spaniards were too powerful in Italy.  

The Pope's Nuncio and the Ambassador of F. endeavour an accommodation betwixt Spain and Savoy.  Whilst the Spaniards and the Savoyards Fight one the other, sometimes with their Swords, and at other times with their Pens, the Marquis of Rambovillet and the Nuncio Savolli proposed different Projects for an Accommodation of the Duke of Savoy, with the Governor of Milan. The Regent of France, who otherwise was not well pleased with the Duke of Savoy, 
Nani Hist. Veneta. Lib. I. 1614  and would deal tenderly with the Court of Spain, had given Orders to her Ambassador, to endeavour for the Peace of Italy, without much troubling herself to satisfy the nice Pride of Charles Emmanuel, who aspired to Treat with Crowned Heads as if they were his equals. Therefore Rambovillet, 
Siri Memo. Recondite. Tom. III. p. 287, 288, 289. etc.  pressed the Duke of Savoy to Disband his Army the first, upon the Governor of Milan's word, which he should give, as coming from his Master, to the Pope and King of France, that neither Piedmont, nor any other of the States belonging to the House of Savoy, should be attacked, 
Mercure Francois. 1614  and that his Catholic Majesty should Disband his Troops, Fifteen or Twenty days after. The Pope and the King of France offered to be Guarantees of the Treaty, and Rambovillet protested to Charles Emmanuel, that the Marshal Lesdiguieres should come to his Succour, with all the Forces of France, in case Spain should break the Treaty. The Duke was a long time shuffling hereupon. He did not believe that he ought to put too great a Confidence in the words of France, at a time, when France had greater Engagements with the Crown of Spain than ever. Besides, he considered that the Governor of Milan, not disbanding till after him, he should lie at the discretion of the Spaniards, who might chase him out of Piedmont, before the Succours of France could get over the Alps: But on the other Side reflecting, that if he provoked the Pope and France, in refusing with too much stubbornness, the Conditions which their Agents offered him, he should be forsaken of all the World, Charles Emmanuel found himself in so great a perplexity, as he did not know what Resolution to take.  
A League with the Republic of Venice was his only Remedy, he solicited the Senate as much as he was able, to join with him, to drive away the Spaniards from the Milanese. Spain, said he, to Zeno the Venetian Ambassador, is nothing like what it was heretofore. The Country of Milan lies on all Sides open, and may be overrun in the space of one or two Campaigns. If France doth not Declare for us, she won't be against us. Her best Officers and Soldiers, who are most Experienced, will come over to us, and take our part, even by the King's consent. The Princes of Italy who are mostly depending upon Spain, will make an Insurrection against her, as soon as they see her Power shaken in our Principality. Every one will be glad to share a Part in the Spoil. The Duke had to no purpose exhausted all his Eloquence and Policy upon the Senate. This prudent Assembly was not disposed to follow the impetuous and revengful Humour of Charles Emmanuel. A too long Experience had taught them, that his Highness sought for nothing but to Embroil Italy, and set it all in Fire, in hopes of making himself Great, or at least be talked of. His Remonstrances and Proposals were not better harkened to in England, nor by the State's General of the united-provinces, nor the Protestant Princes of Germany. He proposed Leagues in all the Courts that were Jealous of the Grandeur of Spain, and he could not find so much as one of these, who would be drawn into his vast and Chimerical Projects. Only the King of England did him some kindness with the Venetians. But the Issue of this was, to let the Senate see, that it was not convenient to suffer Spain to oppress the Duke of Savoy, and that a way ought to be found out, of making an Agreement, which might be Honest, Firm, and as Advantageous as possibly might be, to a Prince, who held so considerable a Rank in Italy.  

The D. of Savoy accepts of the Conditions proposed, & Spain refuses them.  Charles Emmanuel after he had seriously reflected on the Posture of his Affairs, took such a Resolution as he had been observed to take upon the like Occurrences; and this was to accept of the Conditions which the Nuncio and the Ambassador of France had proposed to him. The fear of having all the World upon his back, and the hopes of getting the Mediators to be on his Side, in case the Spaniards should make any difficulty of consenting to the Project of an Accommodation, contributed much to the sudden alteration, which appeared to be in the Duke of Savoy's mind. Savelli upon this, and Rambovillet, prepared at Verceil, a provisional Treaty, till such time as a difinitive Judgement was passed upon the Difference raised betwixt the Houses of Savoy and Mantua. Charles Emmanuel fairly offered to Sign it. The Marquis Inojosa would not do the like. As he had at that time been for the Interests of the Cardinal Duke of Mantua, with as much zeal as he at first had favoured the Duke of Savoy, so he rejected the Article, which contained in it, that a certain dependence of Montferrat, called Canavese, should remain in Sequestration, till the Controversy upon the Duke of Savoy's Pretensions against the House of Mantua was determined by Arbitrators chosen on both Sides. The Mediators prepared in the City of Ast another Project of a Treaty, in presence of Charles Emmanuel. The Article touching Canavese in this was left out, and they put into the Room of it, That the Cardinal Duke should pay the Dowry, give up the Jewels of Maragarite of Savoy. his Sister-in-Law, at a certain prefixed time, and besides this, should pay in Two years' space the Portion of Blanch of Montferrat, for which the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua had Contested so long a time. The other Articles Decreed, That the Prisoners and Places taken on both Sides, should be Restored, and that each of the Two Princes should make an Act of Oblivion, for all those of their Subjects who had served against them.  
Charles Emmanuel signed this willingly, being exceedingly contented, 
Siri Memo. recondite. Tom. III. p. 293. 294. etc.  that he was to give no satisfaction to the King of Spain, or to ask his Pardon; but the Marquis of Rombovillet was blamed for having been too hasty in his Negociation. The Spaniards accused him for suffering himself to be lead by the Duke of Savoy. 
Nani Hist. Veneta. Lib. 1.1614.  Others reported that he was too impatient of his Return to the Court of France. 
Mercure Francoise. 1614  The Cardinal Duke of Mantua was in all appearance to better himself in this Treaty; for how could he dispense with the payment of a Dowry, and give up the Jewels of his Brother's Widow? As for Blanche's Portion of Montferrat, he pretended that the House of Mantua had been acquitted of it. Ferdinand then, when they Demanded it, might have answered, That his Predecessors had already satisfied the Debt: But he was so devoted to the Spaniards, for obtaining their Protection, as he did not dare to accept of any thing without their Approbation. The Duke therefore seeing that they had rejected haughtily the Treaty of Aste, though the Pope and States of Venice judged it reasonable, Protested he had rather die than sign it. The Emperor wondered he was not so much as mentioned in an Accommodation, which touched a considerable Fief o●… the Empire in Italy. But there was not much care taken of his Complaints. The King of Spain, his Relation, had less regard than any one else to the Rights of the Empire in Italy. As to the Court of France, the Opinions there of the Treaty of Ast, were divided. Mary de Medicis, who favoured the King of Spain, and had a thousand reasons to be angry with the Duke of Savoy, was not very well contented with what Rambovillet had Negociated. She would have been in the mind to have given Charles Emmanuel the Mortification of humbling himself before the King of Spain, as he had done some years before. But the Duke had his reserve of Friends in France. A great many People there cried out against the Pride and Haughtiness of the Spaniards, who would not have Charles Emmanuel acquitted for Disbanding his Army Fifteen or Twenty days before the Governor of Milan. They pretended, that this Sovereign Prince, whom the Duke of Lerma hated mortally, aught to be obliged to Submit to the King of Spain, and his Favourites discretion, and beg Pardon of his Majesty, for that he had not obeyed the Orders of the Court of Madrid, without making any Reply. Did ever any one behold the like Arrogance?  
Inojosa carelessly answered them who brought him the Treaty of Ast to Sign, That the King his Master had but newly forbidden him to make any Peace with the Duke of Savoy. The Mediators surprised at this sudden refusal, desired of him however a Suspension of Arms for Forty days, till they could have an answer from Madrid. The Governor of Milan denied this, and gave them to understand, that Winter season was already begun, and the bad Wether did oblige him enough to grant them what they Demanded. The Marquis of Bedmar, the Spanish Ambassador at Venice, made a great noise there, saying to the Senate, That 'twas loud Injustice, that the Duke of Savoy was not punished for his Attempts against the Repose of Italy. Ought not all the Potentates, who are Interested to preserve its quiet, unite with the King my Master, and Chastise this Rashness of the Duke of Savoy? Carleton, the English Ambassador, kept to another sort of Language. He solicited with all his might, the Senate to declare, that the Treaty of Ast was reasonable, and that all the disinterested Princes believed his Catholic Majesty ought to be contented with it. Beamar maintained against Carleton, That this was not the King of Griat-britains' Opinion, and that he had explained himself in this matter to the Spanish Ambassador at London. The Venetians saw, that this Treaty gave the Catholic King all that he could reasonably demand. In the mean time, because they would not further provoke the Spaniards, who minded to do them much mischief, they observed all possible discretion in their Answers to the Marquis of bedmar. We are very sorry, said they, that the Conduct of the Duke of Savoy has constrained the Catholic King to come to so great Extremities: But we hope that God will inspire him with milder Sentiments, and that his Majesty will Sacrifice a part of his Resentment, and rest contented with the Justification, which the Duke of Savoy will never be far from giving him. These Civil deal and Compliments nettled the Spaniards, who perceived, that they were not disposed to let them take the liberty of Revenge upon the Duke of Savoy, according to their own will and fancy, nor humble him as much as they pleased.  
Give me leave here to make some Reflections upon these particulars. What is the ground of this Controversy between Savoy and Mantua, which makes for Two whole years so great a noise? 'Twas well nigh putting Italy, and perhaps Europe in a Flame. Almost all Potentates did concern themselves in it. The dispute in the bottom, is but some small Sum of Money, or at most some Castles which the Dukes of Savoy pretended to, against the House of Mantua. Here's the Reason why Charles Emmanuel takes up Arms, overburdens his Subjucts, carries desolation into Montferrat, which becomes the Theatre of War. The Cardinal Duke of Mantua, represented to us as a Person of no very strong Head-piece, and guided by Interested Ministers, had nevertheless the cunning Ingenuity to bring Spain on his Side, though at first they were against him; whether this was an Action of his ability and parts, or an effect of Fortune, his Affair became the Catholic King's business. But upon what grounds did Philip, or rather his Agents, reject the Treaty of Ast, and believe themselves in the right, for to kindle a War and destroy Piedmont? Upon a Trifle, upon I do not know what punctilio of Honour. Is't then for this, that Princes imagine they are dispensed with, from observing the chief Rules of Humanity, and keeping the most express Commandments of Jesus Christ? Sad unhappy Condition of Men, if they must suffer, that they who are set over them to study the Welfare and Preservation of others, should lay waste Provinces, ruin their Subjects and Neighbours, and cause the Lives of an infinite number to be lost, in satisfaction to their Vanity, and for the pleasure of their capricious Humours?  
All the King of Spain's Agents in Italy bustled after a strange manner, in order to engage the Governor of Milan to make a new Irruption into Piedmont. They flattered themselves that this Effort would render the Duke of Savoy more Submissive and tractable. Inojosa pressed forward through the Reproaches of his Countrymen on all Sides, prepared for some motion, but this was so slowly, as Prince Thomas, Son of Charles Emmanuel, had time to prevent the Spaniards, and enter himself into the Milanese Country. The City of Candia was taken at this time, and put to Fire and Sword. The Savoyard's Army returned loaded with considerable Booty. The Mediators complained of this Action. But the Duke of Savoy disclaimed his Son's proceed: 'Twas endeavoured to excuse him by saying, that the Prince knew nothing of what was done. The Spaniards afterwards repaired their loss, by taking some small Places in Piedmont. Charles Emmanuel, a little time after, intercepted a Letter from the King of Spain, to the Governor of Milan. 'Twas there seen, that some certain Persons had done some ill Offices to Inojosa with his Majesty: He seemed much dissatisfied with Inojosa's Conduct. He was ordered to cause his Army to take their Winter Quarters in Piedmont, and not to agree to any accommodation with the Duke of Savoy, unless he did before hand submit to every thing his Majesty had prescribed before his last motions. Charles Emmanuel did not fail to make this Letter public: And he found thereby a double convenience, one in mortifying Inojosa's Arrogance, whom this Letter had strongly censured; the other, in making it appear to the Princes, who interceded for a Peace, that Philip intended as absolute a Command over the Princes of Italy, as he had over his Grandees of Spain.  

Lewis XIII. his Majority.  In the time that the Marquis of Rambovillet began his Negociation in Italy, Lewis XIII. entered into the Fourteenth year of his Age. 
Mercure Francois. 1614  Here then you may see him in his Majority Conformable to the Edict of Charles V made at Vincennes, in the Year 1374. and Registered in the Parliament at Paris with great Solemnity the following Year. One might think it strange, that he, of all the Kings of France, who was Surnamed the Wise, 
Recherches de Paschier Lib. II. Chap. 18.  should judge that a Prince could be capable to Govern of himself so young. Historians relate, that Charles believed, it was very important for the Minority of Kings to be as short as possibly could be, 
Mezerai dans la Vie de Charles V.  for fear the Regent of the Realm, should grow so powerful as to Dethrone his Pupil, or at least carry away from him a great part of his Estate and Authority. The good King thought more of his Family upon this occasion, than any else: He had not his health so well, and his Two Sons in all appearance would be left Minors: Of Three Brothers, whom Charles had, Two of them did not want for Boldness or Ambition. Having now a Power to declare sooner, For to secure the Crown to his Children, it behoved the King, to forward their Majority. The Uncles had less time to undertake any thing against the young King, sooner than he would Govern of himself: Of the Princes who might be mistrusted, that Person might be turned aside from governing Affairs, by other, who were better minded, under the plausible pretention of the King's being at Age. That which is singular in this new Law is, that he, in favour of whom the Father made it, had need of a Tutor and Regent the greatest part of his Life. He was out of his Wits, became crack-brained and infirm in Body. And this sad Accident caused in France all the great Evils which Charleses V had a design to prevent.  
This very Edict proves to us, that 'tis a long time since the Council of France set themselves on work, to set out piteous Prefaces at the beginning of their most solemn Ordinances. Charles' V saith in his, That the Sons of France have such excellent Masters, so good Governors to inform them, as they become capable of managing themselves, and administering Affairs, much sooner than other Children. We have seen Two Princes under Age in the Two last Reigns. Have the Regent's had the care to give their Sons any extraordinary Education? Was France so unprovided of Men of Merit, that Sovure and Villeroy should be judged the most capable of instructing the young King? Charles' V besides, brought another Reason, which is no better than this. God, said he, who gives Sovereign Power to Kings, never fails to enrich them the soon as may be with necessary Qualities to make use of it. Alas! Let's behold now, how God doth Miracles to enlighten young Princes Understandings, and make them more Prudent than other Children? These Gentlemen seduced early by Flattery, hurried away by their Passions, which find no great stop in their way, usually begin later than others, to become reasonable, and oftentimes by a just Judgement of God upon a People whom he punisheth, a King never knows the First Principles of Reason and good Sense.  
According to Charles the Fifth's Edict, a King ought not to be Inaugurated and Crowned till after the time of his Minority. But this Formality was passed over in favour of his Son, who had published this Law. Charles VI. was a Minor when his Father died, and his Uncles contended amongst themselves for the Regency. Lewis, Duke of Anjou, pretended to it, as being the Eldest of the Brothers to the deceased King. The Dukes of Berry and Bourgundy would have a share in it. The Duke of Bourbon, Uncle to young Charles by the Mother's Side, maintained for his part, that he ought to be called to the Administration of the Government, as well as the Paternal Uncles. Some Lords chosen for one Party and tother, were Arbitrators of the Difference. 'Twas determined, That Charles VI notwithstanding his Father's Law, might be Inaugurated and Crowned, Affairs dispatched in his Name, and under his Seal; the Dukes of Berry, Bourgundy and Bourbon might take care of the King's Education, and of Lewis Duke of Orleans, his Brother; the Duke of Anjon might have the Name and Honours of Regent, but should do nothing, but in Concert with the Three other Princes. From that time it hath been a Custom to Crown Kings during their Minority, and dispatch Affairs in their Names and under their Seals.  

The first Act in the King's Majority.  The First thing they made young Lewis Enact in his Majority, appeared to be an Act of Religion and Justice. I don't know whether Policy and Dissimulation were not the secret Motives to this Performance. They were willing to impose upon the People, 
Mercure Francoise. 1614  who easily believe what they wish for with all Fervency. His Majesty held a Council the First day of October. The Declaration, which he would have to be Registered next day, was there dispatched and Sealed. Lewis at first promised to study every thing that was Expedient for a most Christian King, who was Zealous of God's Glory, a lover of Peace and the Tranquillity of his Subjects, to watch the Execution of the good Laws published by his Predecessors, and make new ones, as he should be advised in the approaching Assembly of the State's General of the Realm. The Edict of Nantes was afterwards Confirmed in all its Articles, in the Orders and Acts which were made; and lastly, in every thing that was since agreed to, either in the Interpretation of it, or in its Execution; which they would, as 'twas said, inviolably keep and observe. After having forbid his Subjects to enter into any Leagues, contrary to the Wellbeing of the State, with foreign Princes, and to receive any secret Pensions from 'em, the King confirmed his Father's Edicts against Duels, and the Ordinances of his Predecessors against Swearing and Blasphemy. I should not refuse to give so pious and just a Declaration in all appearance, its just Praises, if the Son of him who made it, had not declared Solemnly, that neither his Father or his Grandfather had ever any Intention to continue such an Edict, which they had promised so many times to maintain as a Perpetual and Irrevocable Law. How then? Were these Two Kings, who had the magnificent Surnames conferred upon them of Great and Just, by the Confession of their Son, Men without Conscience and Probity? Will Posterity ever believe a thing of this Nature? As for myself, I shall always preserve a better Opinion of Henry IU. and Lewis XIII. I can't be persuaded that they were so bad as Lewis XIV. represents them to us.  

The K. takes his Seat of Justice in the Parliament at Paris.  The next Morning, being the Second day of October, the King went to take his Seat of Justice in the Parliament at Paris; as he was going, and in his Seat, he was accompanied with all imaginable Pomp and Splendour. Mary de Medicis made a short Discourse there, 
Mercure Francois. 1614  in which her Majesty declared, That she put the Administration of Affairs into her Son's hands, who for some days had been in his Majority. Lewis greatly thanked his Mother, and ended in declaring, that he was willing that his Mother should always continue to take Care of him, and Govern the State, and this is what the good Princess had discreetly brought about, with a great deal of diligence. She preserved her Authority, without making herself Responsible for what should be done hereafter. Too happy! If the Favourite, who began already to insinuate himself into the young King, had not banished her from the Court, and the Chief Minister of State, whom sh●… her self had Established in the place of the deceased Favourite, had not driven her away out of the Kingdom.  
Sileri Chancellor, and Verdun Chief Precedent, made Speeches upon the Majority of the Kings of France. Servin the Advocate General's Discourse was more remarkable, for the prudent and Religious Remonstrances he made to the young King. There's only this one thing I have to find fault with, that so grave a Magistrate was himself ensnared with this base flattery, which was introduced then into the Parliament, and is since established there so shamefully. Servin heaped up upon Mary de Medicis excessive Praises for her Administration of the Government. Amongst the good Counsels he gave Lewis, with a Christian and French liberty, ought he to have inserted, that he should behave himself as his Mother should Advise, who rather aimed at the maintaining of her Authority, and the Advancement of her Creatures and Favourites, than at the Instruction of her Son in Religion and Virtue, and the making of his People happy and satisfied in her Administration of the Government? The Ceremony ended with reading and registering a Declaration dispatched the day before.  
Searching as carefully as 'twas possible for me, what regarded the History of Lewis XIII. in his Minority, I oftentimes wondered to find so little matter touching the young King's Education. His Father had made giles de Sovurè his Governor. But it seems that upon this occasion, Henry IU. less thought of choosing a Gentleman who had the Qualities, which this important Employment required, than of Recompensing the faithfulness of an old Servant. I can find out that Sovurè bestirred himself to settle his Family, and procure his Son, the Marquis of Courtenvaux a considerable Office: But I could never learn what he did to give Lewis a Royal Education. Souvrè's Family, which this Prince hath made Illustrious, did not continue long after his death. The Heiress carried all the Means away into another Person's House, who was a Minister of State, and whose Father, of an obscure Birth, was advanced to the chief Dignity of the long Robe.  

Memoires de la Regence de Married Medicis. Melanges d'Histoire & de Litte-rature par Vigneul-Marville.  Vanquelin des Ivetaux was the King's first Tutor. A Person of Quality, whose Memoires we have, saith that Vanquelin, was a Man of great Merit, and very capable to Instruct a Prince: But the Character which a Modern Author gives us of the ex●●vagant and romantic Amours, and of the Epicurean Life and Death of this Man, is a certain proof that Henry iv did not well distinguish Men of Worth. The Cardinal Perron used many Intrigues to get his Brother into the place of being his Tutor. He offered himself to take the care and directions of the Dauphin's Studies. Yet Henry iv of his own Inclination chose Vanquelin. He did not long continue in the Employment. The envy and jealousy of some, caused him to be removed from it in a years time after the death of Henry IU. Nicholas le Feure succeeded him. This was a Person noted for his Knowledge and Piety. The late King had sent him to the Prince of Conde, who was willing to Recompense le Feure in being a means to procure Vanquelin's place, in which he behaved himself with much approbation. Le Feure died the year after, and Fleurance Rivant, an able Mathematician, as 'tis said, risen from the Office of being Sub-Tutour, to be Tutor in Chief. A Youth who passeth through so many different hands, doth not usually become a Man of Abilities.  

Bernard history de Lovis XIII. Liv. 1.  Lewis XIII. learned very little Latin. Falconry, and the exercise of Hunting, pleased him more than Study; he looked very well after Hawks, and became in Hunting, the greatest Rider in his Kingdom. His Majesty, saith an Historian, called to his Dogs in Perfection. Had it not been much more to the purpose, to have taught him, how to speak to Men? 'Twas likewise observed, that Lewis was no bad Gunner, and that he very well understood Fortification. These Qualifications, which might be of some use to a younger Brother of the Nobility, who is to seek and make out his own Fortune, are not in any wise fit for a King, if you except from hence, understanding and knowledge in Fortifications. He may for his diversion Hunt and fly his Hawks; but he ought to Employ his time in something that's better, than to be expert in Falcons and Hounds. I should have nothing to say against Lewis' having some knowledge in Artillery, which is necessary for a King, who ought to make himself capable of Commanding his Armies, when the publick-good requires it. But is not this ridiculous, that he is suffered to burden his Memory with the names and use of the smallest things in Artillery? They ought to have been constantly instilling into his Head Precepts useful and important to one who intends to Govern well. In a Pack of Hounds, he could call every one of them by their Names: But 'tis a business more worthy of a Prince, to learn the knowledge of Men, to distinguish from others those who are more capable of Places of greatest Dignitiy in the State, and to Reward those, who are of good Use and Service to the Public. Lewis XIII. had always good Inclinations and Principles in him of Virtue and Equity: Courtiers dared not speak any thing of obscenity or Swear in his Presence. He feared God, loved Justice, and was willing to do good to his People. If Sovurè and others had been diligent to Instruct and Cultivate what God had given him of Judgement and Integrity; they might have done considerable Service to their Prince and Country. Lewis then might not have been in the unhappy necessity of leaving all to a Favourite, or Minister of State, who did not think of any thing, but the better Establishment of their Credit and Fortunes, in raising to day a Civil War, and to morrow a Foreign one.  
The End of the First Tome.    

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