LETTERS WRITTEN BY A French GENTLEMAN, GIVING A Faithful and Particular Account of the Transactions at the Court of FRANCE, RELATING To the Public Interest of EUROPE: WITH Historical and Political Reflections on the Ancient and Present State of that KINGDOM.  
Communicated by Monsieur VASSOR.  
LONDON, Printed: And Sold by R. Baldwin in Warwick-Lane, 1695   

THE CONTENTS OF THE First Letter.  

INtroduction. Page 1  
An Account of some Considerations that might have deterred the French King from imposing Arbitralily a General Poll-Tax on his Subjects. Page 2  
The Injustice of such an Imposition, further demonstrated. Page 3  
That notwithstanding all these Reasons, the Edict for that Taxation will pass at all adventures. ibid.  
That the French are tamer Slaves than either the Romans of Old, or the Danes at present. Page 4  
The Motive that makes the French King endeavour to enslave England and Holland. Page 5  
That the Poll-Tax is the last Refuge of the French Court. Page 6  
A Remark upon the Inscriptions on the Gates of Paris. ibid.  
That the Poll-Tax will not raise such vast Sums, as the Emissaries of that Court give out. Page 7  
That the Country is extremely impoverished, and the King's Revenues very much diminished. Page 7, 8  
That the present Misery of the French Nation is too great to admit of any Alleviation from the Prospect of better times to come. Page 9  
That none dare presume to Petition the King to Assemble the Estates of the Kingdom. ibid.  
That according to the Primitive Constitution of the French Government, the Sovereign Authority was lodged in the State's General of the Nation. Page 10  
That the Power of the Prince was limited among the ancient Gauls, and other Northern Nations. Page 11  
That the French have still a just Title to their ancient Privileges. ibid.  
A Comparison between the ancient and present condition of the Princes of the Blood, illustrated by some particular instances. Page 12, 13  
An Account of the ancient Privileges of the Dukes and Peers of France. Page 13  
That they had a right to oppose the unjust Designs of the Prince, by entering into Leagues against him. Page 14  
The History of the League of the Public Good against Lewis the XI. Philip de Cominees Opinion of that Confederacy. Page 16  
That the same Custom was, and is observed by several other Nations. Page 17  
That the present Dukes and Peers of France do only enjoy a shadow of the Privileges of their Ancestors. Page 18  
Of the ancient Authority of the Parliament of Paris, and of the gradual encroachments of the Crown upon it. Page 18, 19  
An Exhortation to that Body, to imitate the illustrious Example of their Predecessors, and the chief Precedent lafoy Vacquierie under Lewis the XI. Page 20  
That the Courage of the Nation may be easily revived by their Example. Page 21  
A brief view of the State of France, with relation to Impositions under the Reign of several Princes. Page 23, 24  
An Account of the immense Sums that are exacted by the Ministers of the present King. Page 24  
Of the stupidity of the French, who strive to increase the Power of their Oppressor. ibid.  
That the Forces which the King maintained in time of Peace made him more terrible at Home than Abroad Page 25  
That his present numerous Armies are more fatal to his Subjects, than to his Neighbours. ibid.  
The Conclusion. Page 26    

THE CONTENTS OF THE Second Letter.  

OF the blind Submission of the Parliament of Paris to the Orders of the Court. 27  
The present Misery of the French Nation compared with that of the Romans under Domitian. 28  
An Account of some extravagant Rhodomontadoes in the Preface to the French King's late Declaration. 28, 29  
Of the ridiculous Vanity of that Expression in it, that the Glorious State of France has excited the Envy of its Neighbours. 29  
Of the true meaning of that Phrase. 30  
That it was the Injustice of that Monarch's Attempts. that excited the indignation, not the Envy of his Neighbours. 31  
Of the Glorious and Happy Condition of the United Provinces, when they were invaded by the French King. 31, 32  
Reflections on the unjustice of that War, and on a Solaecism in a Letter from the French King to the State's General. 32  
A Justification of the Medal that was the pretended Cause of the War. 33  
That the Prosperity of Tyrants ought not to be called a Blessing from Heaven upon them. 34  
Of the shameful Flatteries of the French Clergy, and the juster sentiments of the Court of Rome. 35  
Of the prosperous Success of the Emperor's Arms in Hungary, and the impious Designs of the Court of France, during the Siege of Vienna. 35, 36  
That in all the Wars since the Pyrenaean Treaty, the French King has been always the Agressor, and is guilty of all the Desolations and Bloodshed that has been occasioned by them. 38  
Of the Difference between a Conqueror and a Robber. 39  
Of the Queen's pretended Right to Brabant and Hainault, of the Validity of her Renunciation, and of the Injustice of the King's Irruption into the Spanish Netherlands, in pursuance of that Claim. 39, 40.  
That 'tis lawful to oppose a Neighbouring Prince who strives to aggrandise himself by unjust Methods. 41  
That 'twas barbarous in the King to kindle a bloody War against the Hollanders, merely upon the account of a Medal, which they also had taken care to suppress. 42  
Of the Intolerable arrogancy of some Parisian Inscriptions. 43  
Of the Satyrs of the  Gazettier that provoked the Court of France. 43  
The French King's Expedition against Holland, compared with that of Theodosius against Antioch. 44  
That it was not a Zeal for Religion that prompted the King to invade Holland. 45  
That Subjects are obliged not to assist their Sovereign in the prosecution of an unjust War, proved out of Grotius. 47  
That they ought even to refuse their Assistance when the Case appears doubtful, demonstrated out of the same Author. 48  
That the Justice of the French King's Attempts must not be measured by their Success. 50  
That after all he had no Reason to boast of the Success of that famous Campagne▪ 51  
That he owed his Victories to the Skill and Experience of his Generals, and not to his own Valour. 51  
Of the difference between Summer-Heroes, and the pretended Hero of all Seasons. 52  
That the French King acquired not any real and solid Glory at the Sieges of Mons and Namur. 53  
What Opinion after Ages will have of all his Victories and Conquests. 54    

THE FIRST LETTER.  
SIR,  
YOU are pleased to desire an Account of my Thoughts concerning that General Poll-Tax, with which we are threatened. And to invite me to make you the Confident of my Sentiments on this occasion; you have said enough to convince me, that I was not mistaken in believing that you agree with me, in esteeming it our Honour to be of the number of those True Frenchmen, who continue still to be Lovers of their Country. For so long as there shall be Men of Sense and Courage in France, she will still retain some Footsteps of her Dying liberty, and we shall still preserve the Memory of our former Privileges. But you must give me leave to ask, whether you have seriously considered, how dangerously you expose both me and yourself, by engaging in a Correspondence concerning so nice a Subject as that of the Government. We are scarce allowed the liberty to think: And what Persecutions may we not fear, if it should be discovered that we have taken the freedom to speak our thoughts? nevertheless if you have the Courage to neglect this Consideration, I am resolved not to give you occasion to accuse me of Cowardice; only let us endeavour to manage our Correspondence with so much caution, as to hinder our Letters from being intercepted.  
You cannot be persuaded to believe, that the King's Ministers will ever advise him to impose that General Poll Tax which is so much talked of. For this, you say, would be no less than to deprive us of the only shadow of Liberty, that we are suffered still to enjoy, What? Shall the Princes of the Blood, the Nobility? the Officers of the Crown, and all the Gentry be Taxed like Peasants? Shall the Clergy be Robbed of its noblest Privilege? Shall the Inhabitants of Paris, and of all the chief Cities in the Kingdom, lose that alone of all their Rights, which they have been able to preserve hitherto? No: the Consequences of such an Attempt are too visible, and would be too fatal in the present posture of our Affairs At least, you add, it is not credible, that the King will adventure to Publish a Declaration that may open the dullest Eyes, and even cause a general Insurrection, without calling an extraordinary meeting of the Princes of the Blood, the Peers of France, and the Officers of the Crown; and without going himself to the Parliament, to acquaint them with the Reasons that oblige him to impose a Tax upon his Subjects, that will complete the subversion of this State, and to hear the Remonstrances which that Wise and Illustrious Assembly would not fail to offer to him, on such an important occasion. This is a step, you conclude, so contrary to the Maxims, that the King has always followed, since he began to Govern by himself; that they would rather endeavour to find out a Thousand other ways to defray the Charge of the War, than reduce him to an extremity, that would vex him more than all the disappointments that he has met with from the obstinacy of the Confederates, to refuse the Daily Proposals of Peace, both in General and Particular, which he causes to be offered to them.  
I acknowledge, Sir, that your Reflections are just and reasonable; and you might have added, that the Estates of the Kingdom ought to have been assembled, and their consent obtained. For if it be true what 
* l. 5. c. 18.  Philip de Cominees asserts, that no King or Potentate in the World has a right to exact a Penny from his Subjects, without the Advice and Consent of those that are to be Taxed, unless in his own Demeasns; and that all Impositions that are levied without these Conditions, are the effects of Tyrannical Violence: If it be true, that M. Colbert and the rest of that Tribe, who, to testify their Zeal and Affection to their Master, have persuaded him that he has a right to all our Estates, have made him odious and terrible to his Neighbours, who would choose any Misery rather than that of being his Subjects: If it be true that there was a time when the King's of France dared not to say, I take what I will, and am Master of all. If all this, I say, be true, may we not hope that the King, who would appear to have so great a Sense of Religion, will assemble the Estates of the Kingdom, to consult with them whether it be necessary to continue the War, and whether it be more conducive to the public Good, to harass all his own Subjects, than to do Justice to the Confederates.  
In the mean time, Sir, I can assure you, that neither your Reflections, nor mine, will hinder the King's Council from imposing the Poll-Tax; and I'm even persuaded, that there will not be the least motion made to call a Meeting of the Princes of the Blood, the Peers of France, and Officers of the Crown; much less will they desire the King to give himself the trouble to go in Person to the Parliament; and least of all, will they have the Confidence to lay before him the necessity of summoning a Convention of the Estates. Not long ago, a certain Lady, who shows a wonderful concern for the Preservation of the King's Health, grumbled at all those who represented to the King the miserable effects of the Famine in Paris, and other Places: She asked them whether they came with a design against the King's Life. And who then could be so hardhearted as to desire the King to expose himself to the danger of hearing the Remonstrances of his Subjects, concerning the deplorable condition to which the Kingdom is reduced? This would certainly afflict the good Prince more sensibly, and sooner break his tender Heart, than all those stories of his Poor languishing People that wander about the Streets of Paris, and are forced to rake the Dunghills for Dead-Horses, wherewith to fill their raging Stomaches.  
We study to imitate the Example of those Romans, mentioned by 
* Annal. 1. & 3.  Tacitus, Princes, Dukes and Peers, Officers of the Crown, Bishops, Gentlemen, Magistrates of the Sovereign Courts, and all of us together, are posting to Slavery, and that with so much eagerness and haste, as if we strove to outrun one another. We think to please the King; but I durst swear that he and his Minister do in their Heart's hate and despise us, and that they insult over us, as Tiberius over his base and flattering Senate, O homines ad servitutem paratos! There is not one amongst us, that ever saw the Days of Liberty. The form and mildness of our Ancient Government is lost; yet all our Care is, to flatter our Prince and to obey him blindly. We laugh at the folly of the Danes, who have divested themselves of all their Liberties, and lodged an Arbitrary Power in their King's: We, I say, who are more ridiculously mad than they, who, tho' we have not given the King any one Authentic Title to our Privileges, do yet tamely stretch forth our Necks to receive a heavier Yoke than that of the Danes, or rather a Yoke that is more cruel and insupportable, than that which the Grand Signior and Great Mogul, impose upon their Slaves.  
At last the fatal time is come, in vain we expect to see better Days: We have put on a Chain, that will grow Daily more insupportable. We are not so much as suffered to speak of Liberty, and they would hinder us too from seeing it enjoyed by others. A great Man who Commanded the Roman Armies in Britain thought it necessary to resolve on the Conquest of Ireland, 
Velut é conspectu libertas tolleretur. Tacit. in Agric.  lest the Ancient Britons, by seeing a free Nation so near them, should be tempted to recover their own lost Liberty. Is it not probable that our Court is acted by the same Principles? Are not these the Maxims that oblige her to endeavour with so much obstinacy, to make the English and Dutch our Companions in Slavery? She cannot bear the Neighbourhood of a Nation, that has always asserted its Privileges with a great deal of Vigour; nor is she less prejudiced against another, that had the Courage to shake of its Fetters▪ Who knows whether the French may not at last fall in love with the Constitution of the English Government, and settle one like to it at Home; which after all, will be only our own Ancient form of Government restored. And 
* l. 5. c. 18.  Philip de Cormines assures us, with his usual sincerity, that he knows not a Country in the World, where the Commonwealth is better managed, and the Subjects suffer less violence, then in England.  
I am of the same opinion with you, that the King wishes with all his Heart, he could continue the War without imposing a General Poll-Tax; that Method is certainly too odious to be chosen without necessity, and how hard and pitiless soever we have found our Masters to be, I believe they would not willingly increase the Murmur and Dissatisfaction of the People. But what can we expect from Men that know not what course to take? We have seen enough, more than once to persuade us, that our Ministers of State do not now begin to be gravelled. The Intelligencers have no more Memoirs to present. On what then would you have them lay a new Imposition? Would you have them Tax the Air that we breath? For that is the only Element now remains free to us.  
Give me leave, Sir, to put you in mind of an Observation, which you that have passed so often through the Gates of Paris have doubtless made as well as I. You know that many of them bear this magnificent Inscription, 
* The happiness of the City under Lewis the Great.  Sub Ludovico Magno Felicitas Urbis. But if you cast your Eye on the adjacent buildings, you shall find a vast number of Toll-gatherers Houses, on which are written, in no less conspicuous Characters, the Names of Offices and Courts, for such a prodigious variety of Imposts. If you can advance further into the City, you shall scarce find a Street without an Office or Court of Audit, for some ridiculous and hitherto unheard of Taxaation. Such is the happiness of the French Nation, under the long Reign of the great Prince, for whom they have erected so many Statues. We have not seen a Week these Six Years, that has not produced at least One or Two new Edicts or Declarations; and at length the Invention of the subtlest Finances is drained, as well as our Purses. 'Tis not so easy now, as 'twas formerly, to find out Methods to furnish the King with Ten, Twenty, or Thirty Millions, and a General Poll Tax is the last refuge.  
I know not whether the very noise of so surprising a Project has not already alarmed some of the Confederates? 'Tis but natural for those who are not well acquainted with the deplorable condition of a Country, that was once so Rich and Flourishing, to imagine, that this new Imposition will make the King Master of a sufficient Fund to carry on the War for several Years. And I do not at all doubt, but that the Court flatters itself with the hopes of terrifying its Enemies, by the intended Declaration. Its Emissaries in Holland and England will not fail to give out, that France is inexhaustible, and that we are as able and willing to part with our Money, as the English and Dutch are to part with theirs. I am confirmed in this Opinion, by what I heard yesterday from one of my Friends, who informed me, that the subject of those Verses that are to be made in praise of the King, to obtain the Prize that is proposed to be given by the French Acad my on St. Lewis' Day, is appointed to be this Proposition, That the King is no less terrible to his Enemies by the love of his Subjects, than by the force of his Arms. For I'm satisfied, that this cannot be done without a design.  
But who will be imposed upon by so obvious a trick, or regard so base and ridiculous a piece of flattery? Are the Confederates ignorant of the general Dissatisfaction of the Nobility, Gentry, and Third Estate, which is so apparent in Paris, and all the Towns in the Kingdom? Have they not heard in England and Holland, that the King's Revenues are considerably diminished? And though the Truth of this were not so publicly known, it would not require a very great stock of Sagacity to Divine, that they, who have not Money to buy Bread, cannot be supposed to consume much Wine, either at Home or at the Tavern; and that consequently the Entries at Paris, and in the other Cities of France, do not now amount to such great Sums as they did heretofore. The Peasants are generally so miserable, that they are not able to fetch Salt from the Garner, from whence 'tis likewise plain, that the King's Coffers are not so well filled by the Gabels as formerly they were. The Fields lie untiled, and are almost turned to Deserts: An infinite number of People are Dead of Hunger, Misery, and other Epidemical Distempers. Those Towns which we have seen in a flourishing condition and well Peopled, are ruined and abandoned by their Inhabitants, and most of the Labourers and Tradesmen are reduced to Beggary; wonder not then, that the King is forced to Tax the Princes, Gentry, Clergy, and Inhabitants of free Cities, since there are so few others left to be Taxed.  
Uut you will perhaps tell me, that we do not now begin to be Taxed; for, you'll say, we contributed to pay all those Taxations, which were exacted from our Farmers and Labourers; since we might have let out our Lands to better Advantage, if our Tenants had not been Taxed: And consequently the Privileges of the Nobility, Clergy, and Inhabitants of Paris, and other Cities, are no more than imaginary Titles. What then, Sir? Did not the King become the most glorious and powerful Monarch in the World, by imposing only the 
* That which was paid by the Farmers.  Real Taxation upon us? And shall we grudge to Pay a Personal Tax for the Preservation of all that Glory and Power, which he has so justly acquired at the Charge of his good Subjects. Alas! Sir, shall we suffer all these fine Inscriptions to be defaced, with which the Place de Viatoire, and the Gates of St. Denis and St. Martin are adorned.  
But this is not a time for Mirth; If our King's assume a Power to impose a General Poll-Tax as often as the fancy takes them, you may assure yourself, that it will take them oftener than we desire. This is the most certain mark of our Servitude; the French Nation has lost both its Honour and its Liberty; neither can I think of any Remedy for so cruel a Disaster. Let us try the Virtue of those Maxims that we find in our dear Tacitus. 
* Ulterior a mirari, praesentiae s qui. Tacit. Histor. l. 4.  A Wise Man, says he, may admire the Happiness of former Ages; but he bears present Misfortunes with Patience. 
† Bonos Imperatores volo expetere; qualescunque tolerare. Idem.  We ought to wish for good Princes, but must bear with such as we have. 
¶ Ut Steriltatem & ●imios Imbres & caetera Naturae mala, ita Luxum vel Avaritiam Dominantium tolerate; 8. d neque haec con inva, & meliorum interventu pensantur. Idem.  The Reign of a bad Prince is like a Year of Dearth and Famine; and our Miseries in this World are not Eternal. For as the next good Year makes amends for our former losses; so a Tyrant is sometimes succeeded by a good Prince. Thus we may comfort ourselves with hopes of better times under the Dauphin; these Maxims, I confess are not very proper to satisfy Men in our circumstances; but they are the best that I am able to suggest to you.  
Shall we entreat the King to call a general Meeting of the Estates of the Realm? But who will undertake to present our Petition to him? Shall the Princes of the Blood? There is not one among them that durst offer the least Remonstrance to His Majesty; shall the Dukes and Peers of France, or the Officers of the Crown? They might expect to be immediately rewarded with a lodging in the Bastile; and there are too many base compliers with the Times, who would offer their Service to drag them thither. Shall those of the First Order in the Church? The Court has found out a way to make sure of them; the Clergy has contributed already vast Sums, and 'tis said, that several Millions more will be demanded of them shortly; Should the Parliament of Paris deliver our Address, they would instantly be interdicted, and the Heads of that Assembly would be punished as seditious Traitors? should it be presented by the Inhabitants of Paris, and the rest of the great Cities, we should see Gibbets erected in every corner of the Streets, and the Troops of the Household sent to devour 'em: Our Poor and Ill-paid Officers would barbarously pillage the Houses of those Persons, who could be accused of no other Crime, than of endeavouring to preserve that little remainder of Liberty which they seem still to enjoy.  
I had the fortune, some Days ago, to be in a Company, where they talked variously concerning the late Revolution in England. A Man of Sense, who is perfectly well acquainted with the Ancient and Modern History of France, demonstrated plainly, that our Government was formerly like to that of England, and that the Sovereign Authority was properly lodged in the Meeting of the Estates. There Laws were made; there the most important Cases were decided, and such Subsidies as were judged necessary for the Defence of the Kingdom were granted; the King had no more Power than what was sufficient to enable him to cause the Decrees of those Assemblies te be put in Execution, and to attend diligently to the Security and Preservation of the State. These are obvious Remarks, which every one that reads our Ancient Histories, though but with a very moderate degree of Application, cannot fail to observe.  
Such were, in effect, the inviolable Maxims of the Gauls, and of the Northern Nations, from whom both we and the English are descended. 
* Servirent Syria, Asiaque, & suetus Regibus Oriens, multos adhuc in Gallia vivere ante tributa genitos. Tacit. Hist. l. 4.  Let the People of the East, who are accustomed to the Despotic Government of their Kings, submit to the Roman Yoke, said a great Man among our Gauls, we will not follow their Example, We can still remember a time when we paid no Tribute. 
† Libertatem Naturâ mutis Animalibus datam; virtutem proprium hominum bonum. Idem. ibid.  Nature made the Beasts free, as well as Men, with this only difference, That Men are endued with Virtue and Courage to preserve their Liberty. The Hollanders have not yet forgot the Heroical sentiments of their Countryman; but we, alas! lose the Memory of 'em Daily. 
* Nec Regibus infinita aut libera potestas. Tacit. de moribus Germanorum.  The Northern Nations never suffered their King's to assume an Arbitrary and unlimited Power; 
† Auctoritate suadendi magis quam juben●i potestate. Idem. ibid.  their Princes govern rather by Persuasion, than Force: 
¶ Regnantur paulo addictius, quam ceterae Germanorum gentes, nondum tamen supra libertatem. Idem. ibid.  And even such of those Nations as were under the severest Government, did still enjoy a great deal of Liberty.  
To all these Observations, my Friend added one more, that since we have not like the Danes, renounced our Liberty, we may lawfully endeavour to shake off the Yoke that is imposed upon us. For there is no just Prescription against the fundamental Laws of a State. But how reasonable soever these Remarks be, they appear so new and so surprising to certain Persons, that they imagine it to be no less ridiculous to talk of assembling the Estates at this time of the Day, than it would be to persuade them to resume the Ruff and Bonnets that were used in the time of Francis the First. These are obsolete Stories, say they, and we do not so much as remember, that ever there were Estates in France. 'Tis true, replied one of our Friends angrily, we forgot that we are Frenchmen, and we shall forget too e'er long, that we are reasonable Men.  
The Romans, said one of their own Emperors, 
* Nec totam servitutem pati possunt, nec totam libertatem Tacit. Hist. lib. 1.  are no longer capable of enjoying a full and entire Liberty, though they were again put in possession of it, nor will they bear too heavy a Yoke; is it possible, that we should be already, more accustomed to Slavery, than a People that had served such Masters as Tiberius, Caligula, and Nero? I'm persuaded the King will never give such advice to the Dauphin, as Galba did to him whom he thought to make his Successor. No care will be taken to sweeten our Bondage, we are such tame Slaves, that Policy would be lost upon us.  
The Princes of the Blood are by their Birth chief Counsellors of State; their Advice ought to be taken on all occasions that relate to the Interest of the Kingdom, such as the making of War and Peace, entering into Leagues, raising of Subsidies, and the like. It were easy to prove this by our Histories, and by the Edicts of our King's. But now the Face of Affairs is altered; and nothing of moment is imparted to these. They are too happy when His Majesty suffers them to pass some idle and tedious Hours at Versailles, or to go to the Camp to be killed like private Soldiers. Not only matters of State are not communicated to them, but they are not suffered to be Masters even at home, nor so much as consulted concerning the Marriage of their own Children. 'Tis well known after what manner the Duke of Chartres married Mademoiselle de Blois. The Prince, to preserve an Office and a Government in his Family, and to secure the Fortunes of his Children, was forced to marry them to Bastards, whose Mother's Name would not be permitted to be mentioned in any public Deed.  
The Prince of Conty is Master of all those excellent Endowments both natural and acquired, with which a Person of his Quality ought to be adorned: But what Treatment does so rare a Merit procure him at the Court? He is left without Command, Office, or Government; while the chief Employments are given to to those that are infinitely beneath him. I know some Gentlemen who are oftentimes wont to complain, that the Princes of the Blood are not more tenderly touched with a sense of their own Disgrace, and our Miseries. But neither is their Power considerable, nor do we merit their Assistance. The late Prince, inspired with a just Indignation against the French Nobility, used to say, I put the Sword in their Hands, I cried out against Tyranny, and they answered me with Musquet-shot. The Consideration of his Misfortunes has taught our Prince's Caution: And if any one among 'em should have the Generosity to declare himself the Protector of the Common Interest, who could assure us that our Countrymen would not still be Fools enough to fight against him?  
The Dukes and Peers, and Officers of the Crown, are likewise, by virtue of their Dignity, chief Counsellors of State, and have a Right to go to the Parliament when they please. Ah! vain Shadow of the Glorious Privileges of the ancient Peers of France. No matter of Importance was transacted without their Consent. They remained unconcerned Spectators of the Wars that were begun without their Approbation, leaving the King to pursue his own private Quarrels, and served him only in those Wars which they judged necessary for the common good of the Realm. Such is the obedience which the present Princes of Germany pay to the Emperor; and you know better than I, that the Government of France did very much resemble that of Germany, before our King's had remitted to the Crown those great Fiefs, that were dismembered from it, during the Reign of Hugh Capet.  
When the King acted contrary to the Privileges of the Nobility, or to the good of the People, they did not fail to oppose him; they appealed to the States-General, and entered into Leagues among themselves, and with the principal Cities, to prevent the Execution of the unjust attempts of their Prince. Philip Surnamed the Long, had formed a design to seize on the fifth part of the Estates of his Subjects, under the pretext of reforming or New-coining the Money. But the Princes and the Prelates, says 
* Abridgement of Mezeray.  one of our Historians, would not suffer the King's Commissaries to Execute his Orders; they appealed to the State's General, and entered into Confederacies with the Cities, which had so good an effect, that the Imposition could not be Levied. Do you think that these generous Patriots would have suffered a King to seize on the fifth part of all the Coined Money in the Kingdom twice in less than Four Years, by commanding it Arbitrarily to be new Stamped? And when did we renounce our Right of having recourse to those means which our Ancestors might lawfully make use of, for the preservation of their Estates and Liberties?  
No sooner had Lewis XI. mounted the Throne, but he began to 
* Abridgement of Mezeray.  Govern without a Council, and for the most part also without Justice and Reason. He fancied himself an abler Politician than his Predecessors, and left no means  to make himself terrible. He chose rather to follow the Dictates of his own unruly Humour, than to observe the Wise Laws of the Nation. He thought he could not make a nobler use of his Authority, than by oppressing his Subjects, and that the best way to display his Grandeur, was by ruining the greatest Families in the Kingdom, and advancing the meanest of the People. This is what some call, says Mezeray, to pass the Mon-age of Royalty, and to rule without a Tutor, but they ought rather to say, without Sense or Reason. Thus the King, by endeavouring to assume an Arbitrary or Despotic Power, irritated the Minds of the Princes of the Blood, the Nobility, and all true Lovers of their Country, who resolved generously to shake off the Yoke that they were not accustomed to bear. Charles Duke of Orleans, and first Prince of the Blood, undertook to represent their grievances to His Majesty, in the presence of a numerous Assembly of Persons of Quality who were met at the Court. Accordingly he spoke to the King with all the freedom that his Age, Reputation, and Quality Authorised him to use: But these Remonstrances offended His Majesty, and were received with Indignation and Scorn, adds the same 
* Abridgement of Mezeray.  Historian. The good Duke Died with Grief, two Days after: But not long after the King's Brother, the Count of Charolois Son of the Duke of Burgundy, the Dukes of Bretaign, Calabria, Bourbon, and Alenzon, with several other Princes of the Blood, the Duke of Vemours, the Counts of Armaguac, Dunois, S. Pol, the Marshal de Lohear, the Lords of Albret, Bueil, and Chaumont-Amboise, and almost all the Nobility, and old Officers of the Army entered into an Association to oppose the pernicious Designs of the King: And this Confederacy was called the League of the Publick-Good.  
Lewis was then reduced to so great an extremity, that if the City of Paris had joined with the League, they might have easily driven him out of the Kingdom. Our flatterers are wont to call this Confederacy an unlawful Rebellion. But Philip de Cominees did not think fit to give it so odious a name; he was better acquainted with the Rights both of the Subjects and Sovereigns of Europe. Far from that, he only blames the United Princes for neglecting to secure the Interests of the People, when they made their own Peace with the King. 
* l. 1. c. 2, 3. etc.  The Public Good, says he, yielded to private Interest. 
† Abridgement of Mezeray.  A modern Historian adds, that it was agreed to nominate Thirty and Six Persons, whom they called Notables, consisting of an equal number of the Nobility, Clergy, and Lawyers, who should be impowered to consult together, and to fall upon proper Methods to ease the People of their Grievances, and to redress the disorders of the State. This instance gives us a clear view of the ancient Customs and Liberties of France, before it was enslaved by the pernicious Maxims of Mazarin, le Tellier, Colbert, Lowvois, and the rest of that base and mercenary Gang, who have sacrificed the Honour and Privileges of their Country, to their private Interest and Ambition. But we have, at least, the Comfort to see that their Children and Heirs begin to detest such damnable Politics, since the Families of these subtle Ministers are ruined, in pursuance of those very Counsels which were first given by themselves.  
I have alaeady said that Philip de Cominees was too well acquainted with the Privileges both of the People and Princes of Europe, to condemn the Members of the Confederacy that was set on foot against Lewis the XIth, as Rebels against their lawful Sovereign. For it must not be imagined, that the Custom of entering into Association against Tyrannical Princes, was peculiar to France. It was universally claimed as their undoubted Right by all those States that were founded by the Northern Nations, on the Ruins of the Roman Empire. The Princes, Bishops, and free Cities of Germany, have always retained, and do to this very Day continue to retain their undoubted Privilege, to make Leagues against the Emperor, in defence of their Rights and Liberties. The same Custom was also observed by the ancient English, and even owned by their King's: For when they agreed on certain Articles with the Peers of the Kingdom, it was concluded on both sides, that the Nobility had a right to maintain their Prerogatives by force of Arms, in case the King should attempt to violate them. And it is no less certain, that the Grandees, Bishops, and principal Cities of Spain, have assumed the same Privilege, when they judged it necessary for the good of their Country. It were easy to prove this by many and clear instances; but I shall content myself with putting you in mind of the League which they made under the Reign of Charles the V, called la Junta Samta, to deliver themselves from the Tyranny of the Flemings, to whom that Prince had entrusted the Government of his Spanish Dominions.  
The Grandees of that Kingdom do still maintain their Prerogatives, without suffering them to be violated; and shall we be the only Slaves in Europe? Shall our Nobility so famed of old for their Bravery, and that Warlike and undaunted Spirit which distinguished them with so much advantage in the World, or rather shall their degenerated Posterity, instead of attempting to regain their ancient Liberty, tamely suffer themselves to be killed, and Daily offered up as ignoble Victims to support that Arbitrary Power that oppresses them? 'Tis true, a Duke and Peer of France may enter into the Lovure in his Coach, and sit for fashion's sake on the Flowers-de-luce in the Grand-chamber, and has also the pleasure to see a stool presented to his Lady, when she comes to attend the Queen: And are not these mighty Privileges, or rather the Poor remainders of all that Honour and Authority that adorned the prime Dignities of so great a Kingdom.  
But perhaps the Parliament of Paris are better Judges of the true Interest of the Nation. I do not at all doubt, but that there are some intelligent and well affected Magistrates in that numerous body, who understand perfectly the Rights both of the People and of the Prince, who bewail our Miseries, and desire nothing more ardently, than to be able to contribute somewhat more than bare wishes to regain our ancient Liberties; but they dare not discover their true sentiments I am confident, you will not think your time ill-employed in Reading an Account of that Assembly, for which I am obliged to one of my Friends, who is a Precedent. Our Parliament, said he, is now no more than a Company of wrangling Practitioners in Law, who study nothing but Customs, Edicts, and Proceed of Courts. It was at first instituted to represent the State's General of the Kingdom: It was a Body composed of the six chief Peers of France, the six Ecclesiastical Peers, the Chancellor, Principal Officers of the Crown, and some other Persons of Note who had a Right to sit in the States-General, when the Necessity of Affairs required their Meeting. They maintained the Interests of the People against the Usurpations of the Prince, & shared the Sovereign Authority with him, when the States were not assembled. For 'tis beyond Controversy certain, that the Parliament used to judge even the Peers and greatest Persons in the Kingdom, that they tendered the Oath of Fidelity to the Officers of the Crown, and that the King's Edicts were never reputed to have the Force of Laws, nor could be put in execution till they had been first received and registered in that Assembly: And are not these the most certain and uncontested Marks of Sovereignty?  
You know, continued the Precedent, by what dexterous Methods, and under what specious pretexts, our King's have made such great Alterations in a Company that eyed them too near, and often troubled them. 'Tis true indeed, that 'tis long since the Parliament began to be wholly taken up in hearing and determining Civil and Criminal Causes; but they still enjoyed that Privilege undisputed, which authorised them to examine the Edicts that the King intended to Publish; they Registered such of them as they thought useful and necessary, and if at any time they met with some difficulties, they offered their Reasons to the King, who never used to neglect them, but when he had a mind to proceed to violent Methods. I confess the Court has sometimes compelled 'em to Register its Edicts, but then they never failed to enter a Protestation that such instances should not be made use of to justify future Violences, but where are all our Privileges now? The King, indeed, sends his Edicts to us, but we are obliged to register them as soon as they are sent, and even such of them that appear to our Consciences to be highly unjust and pernicious, without daring to offer the least Remonstrance to his Majesty. We have no more Power than simple Country Judges, and the Edict for the Poll-Tax will pass at all Adventures.  
All that you have said is certainly true, replied I to the Magistrate, but will you not show the least sign of Life in a Case of such vast Importance? And must we never expect that you will be moved to make at least one glorious Effort to deliver your Country from Tyranny and Oppression? Most willingly, cried my generous Friend, with Tears in his Eyes: But are you acquainted with the King's Humour? The Times are changed, answered I, and we are undone. Remember the Illustrious example of the first Precedent la Vacquerie. Lewis XI. sent an unjust Edict to the Parliament, which they generously refused to enrol; he renewed his Orders, but without shaking their Constancy. At last the incensed Prince, fell into a Fury, and threatened to put to Death not only the Precedent, but all the Councillors, if they persisted in their Obstinacy. La Vacquerie acquainted his Brothers with the King's Menaces; and these good Magistrates having put on their Habits of Ceremony, went all in a body to the Lovure. The King surprised to see his Parliament come to pay him a visit with so much solemnity, asked suddenly, what brought them thither—.  
I know all the story, said my Friend, interrupting me hastily, and can tell you the chief President's Answer; we come, Sir, said he to the King, to offer our Heads to Your Majesty; since our Conscience will not permit us to Register the Edict which you sent to us: Very well, replied I, but how did that cruel and haughty Prince receive so unexpected a Compliment? He dissembled his Anger, and endeavoured to pacify their Minds by assuring them, that he would never desire them to enrol any Edict contrary to the Laws of the Kingdom, or the Interest of his Subjects. Why then will not you adventure to make a like Attempt? I'm persuaded that the King would be strangely daunted, if the chief Precedent, at the Head of the Parliament, should entertain him with a lively and passionate Representation of the deplorable condition of the Kingdom. But I had forgotten that you have long ago exhausted all your eloquence in writing Panegyrics on our invincible Monarch. 'Tis pity that you have not reserved some part of it for Discourses of another nature, which would certainly be more seasonable at this time of the Day. Be not cruel to your Friends, answered the Precedent; We do all that we are able to do, but we are not under the Reign of a Lewis XI In those Days the Nobility and People of France had not lost all their Courage, and the Court dreaded the effects of it. I acknowledge that, replied I, but are you sure that the King would not treat you with as much complaisance, if you spoke to him with the same vigour, and showed yourselves capable of enlivening the benumbed Spirits of our Countrymen. Believe me, Mr. Precedent, the King despises you for your Cowardice; and you might make the Court tremble in its turn, if you had the Courage to imitate your Predecessors. After these words, we laid aside Politics, and began to talk of other Matters.  
Yes, Sir, I am still of the same opinion: I know that the Inhabitants of Paris, and our other Cities, are extremely dispirited; but I dare be bold to answer for them, that they would quickly resume their former Vigour, if the Princes of the Blood, the Nobility or Parliament of Paris would give them the least encouragement. They begin to murmur strangely, and I know not whether all their Patience be not already exhausted. 'Tis true, the flatterers of the Court have bellowed in their Ears so long, that The King is Master of all the Estates of his Subjects, that the poor People seem in good earnest to give credit to the most detestable Lie that ever was invented. But how easily will they be undeceived, when it shall be made appear to them, what our subtle Ministers have so industriously hid from them, that Taxes and Subsidies were formerly Levied in France, as they are in England, and that we never resigned our ancient Privileges.  
You remember, Sir, when I had the pleasure to enjoy your Conversation in that solitary but delightful place, whither you have chosen to retire, that we spent part of our time in reading the History of France, and that we could not find that any Impositions were laid upon the People before the Reign of Philip the Fair. Our King's in those Days had no standing Forces, but the Nobility served them at their own charge in those Wars, that were made with the consent of the States-General. If ever any of our Princes raised a Subsidy by way of Taxation, it was only when the pressing necessity of his Affairs constrained him to take that Method, and the Tax was Levied but once. And even on such urgent occasions, those Monarches that had any sense of Humanity or Religion, were very loath to proceed to so rough an expedient. The good St. Lewis, by his Testament, enjoined his Children not to Tax their Subjects; but, Alas! they who boast of their descent from so Just, so Chaste, and so Religious a Prince, have no more regard to the good Advice that he left them, than they have to the Virtuous example of his Life.  
His Nephew attempted to raise the Hundred and fiftieth Denier of the Revenues of his Subjects. But what was the event? Paris, Roven, and Orleans, revolted, the Commissioners appointed to gather the Taxation were killed, and the King was forced to dissemble his Indignation. Nor was Philip the Fair more successful in his second attempt, to lay an Imposition of Six Deniers in the Livre on the sale of Commodities; his Orders were universally contemned, and he was forced to call a Meeting of the State's General at Paris, to harangue them himself, and represent to them the necessity of his Affairs, after which he obtained his desire.  
The succeeding Princes observed the same Method. Sometimes on urgent occasions, Aids, and extraordinary Subsidies were Granted, but were never made perpetual, but by the Authority of the States. The King could not augment those perpetual Subsidies that were granted to him, and far less could he impose new ones. The Court Parasites made it their business to persuade Lewis XI, that it was a branch of his Prerogative to lay what Impositions he pleased on his Subjects. I have already told you what Philip de Comines thinks of this Maxim. We have at least as much Reason to complain of Tyranny and Violence now, as the Subjects of that Prince had in those Days; but our Tongues are tied. Charles VII was engaged in a long and chargeable War against England; yet he never Levied above Eighteen hundred thousand Livres per Annum. 'Tis true, Lewis XI. augmented the Impositions, to Three Millions and Seven hundred thousand Livres Tearly, but he had the Character of a very bad Prince, and to say all in one word, a Tyrant. His Son Charles VIII fearing to meet with the same Fate, and desirous to live according to the Commandments of God, says Philip de Comines, resolved to content himself with the Crown-lands, together with the Sum of Twelve hundred thousand Livres, which the Estates assembled at Tours, had granted him.  
France was happy under the Reign of Lewis XII, who was called the Father of the People, whence we may reasonably infer, that the Face of Affairs is wonderfully changed since that time. Under the late King Lewis XIII, the Impositions amounted to near Fourscore Millions, of which not above Five and Thirty were brought into the Treasury, the rest being exhausted by the great charges of the Scate. M. Colbert has found means to raise the King's Revenues to One hundred and Twenty Millions and upwards. This could not be done without ruining an infinite number of Families by imposing a prodigious number of new Taxations, besides the enormous augmentation of those that were already established. Now if One hundred and Twenty Millions be brought Yearly into the King's Coffers, the total Sum of the Impositions must amount at least to One hundred and Fifty, the charges of the State being infinitely augmented since the beginning of the present War: And we shall quickly see them rise to Two hundred, for after all, Lewis the Great cannot subsist under a Hundred Millions per Annum.  
Yet we have patience enough to suffer all these Miseries: but what do I talk of Patience and Suffering? No; we admire them, we delight in them, and fancy them to be the greatest glories of our Nation. The King, we cry, is the greatest Monarch in Europe: All other Princes are mere Beggars, and miserable Wretches. He has Ten thousand Men in the Troops of his Household; in time of Peace he maintains a Hundred thousand Men in Garrisons, to preserve all those fine Towns that he has Conquered and Fortified: At present, Three hundred thousand Men Fight under his Banners against all the Nations of Europe, that are united against him. Incorrigible Sots that we are! that numerous, and magnificent Train of the King's Household; those Hundred thousand Men whom he maintains in time of Peace; that prodigious Army of Three hundred thousand Men, who obey his Orders during the War, and that vast number of strong and well Man'd Garrisons; what do all these things signify to us? To devour us, to enthral us, and to make us odious to all Europe. Have we not Reason to think our Money well bestowed.  
The Forces that the King kept on Foot in time of Peace, made him more terrible at home than abroad. These Domestic Enemies made us suffer ourselves to be oppressed Daily with new Edicts, without resistance, and forced us to be silent spectators when the Nobility were robbed of their Privileges, and the Cities deprived of their ancient Rights. The Noblemen have ruined themselves by their Luxury, and by that chargeable way of living, into which they have been so subtly engaged. Our Cities have not Canon to defend themselves; their great Guns were taken from them under pretext of sending them to the Frontiers. They are open and defenceless, and even are not suffered to repair their decayed Walls. 'Tis enough for them to erect Statues for the King, or to cause Inscriptions to be engraved in Honour of that Immortal Man.  
The Fortifications and numerous Garrisons of Cazal, Stratbourg, and other frontier places, have drained the Kingdom of prodigious Sums of Money; and what advantage does it receive from them, but that they have made them jealous of us, and incensed our Neighbours against us. That Army of Three hundred thousand Men exhausts all the Men and Money in the Kingdom. All the People turn Soldiers; and perhaps the consequences of a Peace would be more fatal to us, than the War. What must be done with all that Army after the publication of a Peace, which is so much longed for, and which we might quickly enjoy, if the King would do Justice to his Neighbours, and to his Subjects. The Allies seem resolved to force him to do Justice to them: And we might be in a condition to demand Justice from him in such a manner, that he durst not refuse it, if the force of his Arms which is so loudly celebrated by our Orators and Poets, were not more fatal to us than to our Neighbours.  
Let us conclude from all that has been said, for 'tis time to put an end to a Letter that is already too long, let us conclude, I say, that the Poll-Tax will be imposed, because we have made ourselves Slaves, and are eyes fond of our Chains, Adieu: I wish you as happy a new Year, as you can possibly enjoy in such difricult time, and so desolate a Country.  
Paris, Jan. 2 1695.   

THE SECOND LETTER.  
AT last, Sir, the Court has convinced us, that she can be as good as her Word; and that we may believe her when she threatens, whatever Reason we may have to suspect the sincerity of her Promises. On the 18th instant, the King by his Edict commanded a General Poll-Tax to be Levied throughout the Kingdom, as you may see by the Copy of the Declaration which I have sent you; and Three Days after it was Registered in the Parliament. This effect of their complaisance does not at all surprise me; they have been for several Years a standing example of blind submission to the Orders of the Court; and at last they have carried their obedience so far, that we may with a great deal of justice apply to ourselves, that which our good Friend Tacitus said of his own Age. 
* Sicut vetus aetas vidit quid ultimum in libertate esset, it a nos quid in Servitute Tacit. in Agric.  Our Ancestors beheld the last moments of expiring Liberty under the Ministry of Cardinal Richlieu; and we are forced to suffer the last and utmost rigours of Slavery.  
The Age of Domitian was an exact model of ours; 
* Adempto per inquisitiones loquendi audiendique commercio.  we dare neither complain ourselves, nor hear the complaints of others: 
† Memoriam quoque ipsam cum voce perdidissemus, si tam in nostra potestate esset oblivisci, quum tacere.  And we should have already lost even the Memory of our former happiness, as well as our Voice; if we could as easily forget as be silent. But we shall not, by my consent, be altogether such tame Slaves as these Romans: Let us at least have the courage to remember that under the former Reigns we obliged even our haughtiest and most ambitious Monarches to suffer 
* Res olim dissociabiles principatum & libertatem.  Liberty to subsist with Sovereignty; for we need only cast our Eyes upon England to be convinced, that these two things are not incompatible; and let us not be afraid to tell our Friends, what we think of our Miseries. I have sent you some Reflections on the King's Declaration; I hope you will, in requital, let me know your thoughts of it, after you have perused them.  
It does not at all resemble those Edicts which Tiberius sent to the Senate of Rome. They were 
* Verba perpauca, & sensu permodesto, Tacit. Annal.  short and modest, this long and extravagant. I could easily forgive its first fault, considering the vast number of Regulations that were to be crammed into it; but I can by no means bear the Second; as much as I have been accustomed to the lofty stile of those Edicts that have been published since the beginning of the War, and of the Circulatory Letters that are sent from time to time to the Bishops, to Order Te Deum to be Sung for the taking of some Town, or gaining of a Victory. These great words, The glory of the State; the Prosperity with which Heaven has blest our Reign; the Powers of Europe United together, to carry on an unjust War against us; the Obstinacy of our Enemies, who seem insensible of their Losses, and of the Misery of their Subjects; the unexhaustible Power of France, when managed by a skilful Hand; the sure Funds that we possess in the Hearts of our Subjects, and in their Zeal for the Service of their Sovereign, and for the glory of the French Nation. These seemingly Fine, and studied expressions are very unsuitable to the present posture of the King's Affairs. They are mere huffing Rhodomontadoes, which may cast a Mist before the Eyes of the dull and unthinking crowd; but they will appear ridiculous to the judicious and considering part of Mankind.  
You will be of the same opinion, if you will give yourself the trouble to examine with me, what all these magnificent expressions can be reasonably supposed to signify. What is that Glory of the State which has excited the envy of the Potentates of Europe? Might it not be inferred from hence, that we have enjoyed so much happiness, since the King began to Reign, and have lived in so great an abundance of all things, and in so ptofound a Peace, that our Neighbours, jealous of the happiness and riches of France, had united themselves together against her, and were come with a design to lay waste our Provinces, set Fire to our Houses and Castles, and raise our Cities, merely because they could not endure the vexations and mortifying sight of a People that enjoyed more freedom and Plenty, and lived more contentedly than all the other Nations of Europe? If this was the case, the King might indeed complain, and justly too, that the glory of his State, that is, the happiness of all his Subjects, had raised the envy of the Potentates of Europe, and that they had united themselves together, to carry on an unjust War against him.  
But besides that our Neighbours are not capable of such base and inhuman designs, the King has been very careful not to give them the least occasion to envy the happinsss of those who live under his Dominion. England, Germany, and Holland, have seen the Trade of France ruined, the People overloaded with Impositions, the Provinces drained of Men and Money, and the King's Subjects forced to leave their Native Country, to seek their Bread in the remotest corners of the Universe. But far from envying the happiness and glory of the French Nation, our generous Neighbours have damented our misfortunes, and to the utmost of their Power assisted those that came to implore their Help and Protection.  
'Tis a great while since we forgot the proper signification of certain words; the glory of the State, that is, according to our modern Phraseology, the Pride and Haughtiness of the King; to love the Public good, that is, to furnish His Majesty with means to satisfy his Luxury and Ambition. But can you imagine, that the English, Germans, and Dutch, would take such a terrible Alarm at these improvements and alterations of our Language. They might indeed laugh at the folly of the French, who fancy that the Power of a King that oppresses them, is the glory of their State and Nation: But I durst swear that they were never jealous of our pretended happiness, so long as the King continued to place all his Glory, and that of the Nation in making Versailles the most magnificent Palace in the World, in burying several Millions in that proud Structure, in squandering away his Treasures on Cascades and Water-works, in throwing away the lives of a prodigious number of his best Soldiers, to alter the course of the River Eure, and in reducing the Noblemen that were in his Service to Beggary, by a forced extravagancy in , Horses, and Equipage. So long, I say, as the King's Ambition aspired not to higher objects than these, 'tis very probable that his Neighbouring Potentates might condemn his Pride, bewail the blindness of the Lords and Gentlemen of France, who consumed their Fortunes to so little purpose, and pity those Wretches that were starved to maintain so extravagant a Luxury: but I am confident, that they had not the least intentions to combine together against France.  
Thus far I dare undertake for those Princes, but no farther: For without doubt they were otherwise affected than I have represented them hitherto, when they beheld the taking of Strasburg with several other Places of importance, and the pretended Acquisition of Casal, to the prejudice of the lawful Heirs of the House of Muntua; when they saw Fort Lewis and the Citadel of Hunningen built to curb the Swiss Cantons, and several Princes of Germany; a project laid to enslave England, and render it dependant on the Court of France, Sovereigns treated with the utmost contempt; the Empire, Spain, and the United Provinces, chained at the feet of a Statue which was erected at Paris, by an extravagant flatterer; and above a Hundred and fifty thousand Men ready upon the first occasion, either to attack Germany, or seize on the rest of the Netherlands. This, Sir, is that pretended glory of the State, that has excited, not the Envy, but the indignation and just Revenge of the Potentates of Europe.  
The State's General of the United Provinces, had for several Years, been justly esteemed the most Potent Republic in Europe. They enjoyed all the blessings of a profound Peace; Arts flourished among them; their Trade furnished them with great abundance of Money, and of all the conveniencies of Life; and the People were so highly satisfied with the easiness of the Government, that the saying of 
* Rem difficillimam assecuti sunt, ut illis ne voto quidem op●s sit. Tacit. de moribus Germanorum.  Tacitus concerning the ancient Germans might have been applied to them. Even their best Friends could not have made a wish to their advantage; and they had nothing to desire of God, but that he would suffer them long to enjoy so blest and peaceful a Life. The glory of their State was Real and Solid glory. Denmark owed its Liberty to them; and they had stopped the King's Progress in the Spanish Netherlands by Negotiating that Triple-League which mortified France so effectually. All Europe owned that they had Reason to secure their own Liberty by keeping so troublesome and Ambitious a Neighbour at a distance from their Frontiers; and praised their generousity for protecting a Minor Prince against the unjust Attacks of so Potent an Enemy.  
There needed no more to incense the King against them, nor could his Wrath be appeased without declaring a War under pretext of the ill satisfaction which the States had given to the Court of France. These are the very words which the King makes use of in a Letter which he wrote to them a little before. All the World was surprised at the strangeness of a Phrase which they had never heard before: These two Words were perfect strangers to one another, and People could not forbear laughing at the odd figure which they made at their first meeting. But whence proceeded this ill satisfaction? We are told that it was caused by I know not what Medal, which bore the following Inscription, Assertis Legibus & Sacris: defensis exteris Regibus; vindicatâ per orbem Christianum Marium libertate. Egregiâ Pace virtute armorum partâ. You know what a pother the Court made about this Inscription: How insolent they are, oryed our flatterers? Can the Romans have spoken otherwise after the Destruction of Numantium and Carthage.  
But after all, I profess I cannot see the least Reason that could provoke them to make such a hideous noise: For there is nothing expressed by these words, but what is undeniably true. Had not the State's General of the United Provinces obliged Spain to conclude a Peace with them? Had they not asserted their Laws and Religion by force of Arms; And had they not preserved Liberty of Trade and of Navigation? The Inscription of this Medal is infinitely more modest and exactly true, than any of those that are to be seen at Verseilles, the Town-House, the Place des Victoires, the Gates of Paris, and those Citadels that have been built in Flanders, and elsewhere. But suppose that there had been really some fault in the Inscription, could that be a sufficient Reason for the King to set all Europe on Fire, to destroy above Two hundred thousand Men, to lay waste more than Fifty Leagues of Land, and to ruin his own Subjects? Confess with me, Sir, that the King had more Reason to complain of the indiscretion of his Secretaries, for giving him ill satisfaction, when they made him say, That the glory of France has Excited the envy of the Allies; since it may be very easily proved, that the King himself was jealous of the true and solid glory of a Neighbouring Republic, and that his Vexation and Spite excited him to kindle a bloody War, which his brace of Historians, by their own confession, are not able to justify.  Quis tuler it Gracchoes the seditone querentes? 
However, in the opinion of our flatterers, it cannot be denied, that Heaven has blest the King's Reign with such an uninterrupted course of Prosperity, that his Neighbours have been moved with Jealousy. These words, Prosperity and the blessings of Heaven are very equivocal, and their true meaning is not unfrequently mistaken. A happy crime usurps the name of Prosperity; and the Fortunate unjustly fancy themselves to be the favourites of Heaven. 'Tis the Language of Constantinople, that the Prosperity with which Heaven had blest the Ottoman Empire, excited the Envy of the Christian Potentates that joined together to carry on an unjust War against the Grand Signior. What is the meaning of all this, but that God in his just Anger against his People, has suffered those Infidels to take advantage of our Divisions and of the weakness of Christian Princes, and to lay waste the best Provinces in Europe? Those who are called Conquerors, are usually but the Rods of God, whom he makes use of to scourge both their Subjects and their Neighbours. He blesses their Reign, as he blest of old the Reigns of Sennacherib, Nebucbadnezzar, Mahomet TWO, and Solyman. But the Day of the Lord will come, when he shall visit the Pride of the stout Hearts of the Kings of Assur and Babylon: He will also raise up a new Warrior, and send forth his Anointed and his Shepherd, who shall deliver and gather together his dispersed People, and break to pieces the Rod which God took up in the Day of his Indignation, to punish our Sins, and scourge us for our back-slidings.  
Be not afraid, Sir, I beseech you, that I intent to turn Prophet. Only give me leave to say, that we may then, and not till then, conclude, that God has truly blest the King's Reign, when we shall see that God has taken him by the Hand to destroy the Nations of the Infidels, and to disarm the Enemies of the name of Christ; when we shall perceive that the Almighty marches at the head of our Armies to make the King the restorer of Jerusalem, and repairer of the Ruins of the Temple of God. The Preachers of the Gospel, to the shame of our Age be it spoken; are the King's greatest flatterers, and but too often have the baseness to tell the King to his Face, that he is, what he ought, and we wish him to be. But we have the pleasure to see them publicly contradicted by the Popes themselves. 'Tis well known, that at Rome they are so far from believing the King to be a Prince whom God has wonderfully raised up for the Honour and Deliverance of his Church, that they speak there of the Wars which he has kindled as they do at Vienna and Madrid, and Thank God for his Conquests and Victories not otherwise than they do at London and at the Hague. Do the King's Ministers imagine that we are ignorant of the true sentiments of the Pope and Court of Rome? and have they not made the King a public Jest to all the World, by making him say with so much confidence, that God has blest his Reign, and Crowned him with his greatest favours.  
But we ought to do Justice to all Mankind; let us therefore acknowledge to the Honour of the Emperor, that God does visibly protect that Prince, and that he has lately wrought signal Miracles for him. The Turks had besieged his Capital City, and he saw himself within an ace of losing the greatest part of his Hereditary Provinces. We all trembled for him; but God struck the Visier with a Spirit of Infatuation. The King of Poland, and the Duke of Lorraine had time to come to the relief of Vienna with a Potent Army; the Turk lost his best Troops, and the Emperor in less than Five Years, regained almost all that which had cost the Turks above an Age to Conquer in the Kingdom of Hungary. What was the countenance of our Court during the siege of Vienna; you were ashamed of it as well as I, and you spoke of it with Indignation. They appeared very well pleased with the Emperor's misfortunes; they expected impatiently the return of the Courier, who they hoped would bring the good News of the Surrender of that City, and were even making Preparations for the Reception of the Deputies of the Germans, who, they concluded, would come to implore the King's Assistance. The King had an Army ready to march into Germany, and thought to make himself Master of that Country under pretext of assisting it. But the raising of the Siege of Vienna at once broke the measures of the Court and of the Divan, and overthrew all their Projects. And those well-appointed Troops that were designed for Germany, were employed on the Projects of Maintenon, where the greatest part of them lost their lives.  
God continued still more and more to bless the Justice of the Emperor's Arms. He made great Progresses in the Turkish part of Hungary: He retook Belgrade, and advanced even as far as Nicopoli. Is it not clear beyond exception, that this remarkable course of Prosperity excited the Envy of the King, which engaged him in an unjust War against a Prince that was busied in repulsing the common Enemy of the Christian Religion. At the same time that the Court was giving Orders to demolish the Churches of our Protestants, she was labouring to find out some colourable pretext to hinder the Emperor from turning the Mosques of Hungary, into Christian Churches. And what an impious piece of Villainy was this? At last the business of Cologne furnished her with the pretext that she desired, but it was certainly a very bad one: For what right had the King to interpose in the Election of an Archbishop of Cologne? and because he had an itching desire to seize on the Palatinate, he took the advantage of a pretended right of the Duchess of Orleans, to the Estates of the late Elector Palatine her Brother.  
Immediately an Army was sent to invade Germany: The Dauphin took Philipsbourg; and the Cities of Mentz, Worms, Spire, Manheim, and Heidelberg, with several other places surrendered without Resistance. God usually blesses such Atttempts; for he does not always work Miracles to defend us against an Enemy that breaks Truces and Treaties of Peace confirmed with the most solemn Oaths, to assault us unprepared. When I say that God blesses such Attempts, you cannot mistake my Meaning; 'tis plain, that I speak in the Style of the Court, where 'tis also said in the same sense, that God blest His Majesty's Arms, when he broke the Peace of the Pyrenees to invade the Dominions of a Minor Prince, who relied on the Faith of a Treaty made with Spain, or when he rushed like an impetuous Deluge upon the United Provinces, who never designed to give him the least ill satisfaction. These are the glorious Exploits of Lewis the Great, this is that course of Prosperity with which God has blest His Reign; this is that which has excited the Envy of the Potentates of Europe, and engaged them in an unjust War against him. Let us examine these last words, I beseech you; a little Attention will serve to discover the ridiculousness of them.  
'Tis not my Business to draw up a Manifesto for the Allies; and they are able enough to demonstrate the Justice of their Arms without my Assistance. But since we have begun to examine the Preface of the King's Declaration, let us proceed to inquire, Whether the Author of it could say, with the least shadow of Reason, That the Princes of Europe are combined together to carry on an unjust War against France? In the first place, 'tis certain, that no Prince in Europe has invaded France since the Pyrenean Treaty; But how many Eruptions has our King made into the Spanish and United Netherlands, Germany and the Dominions of the Duke of Savoy: And the rest of the Confederates have only put themselves in a posture of Defence, or assisted their injured Allies. So that these seems to be a prejudication in favour of the Confederates. The King always begun the War, but the question is, whether he had ever examined the Justice of his Cause before God, or made it appear to Judicious and dsinteressed Persons? If he has done neither, he stands Condemned before God and Men, for robbing his Neighbours, answerable before both for all the Desolations with which he has filled the Spanish Netherlands, the United Provinces, Germany, Savoy, and Catalonia, and guilty of the Blood of above a Million of Men? and is also convicted before the same Tribunal, for placing his delight in ruining his own Kingdom, and reducing his Subjects to the last extremities of Misery. Does not this course of Prosperity, with which Heaven has blest the Reign of Lewis the Great, make you tremble when you reflect upon it, and fill you with Amazement and Horror.  

* Infer bella finitimis, ac populos sibi non molestos sola regnandi cupiditate conterere & f●bdere, quid aliud quam grande Latrocinium nominandum est. August. de civet. Dei, lib. 4. cap. 4. & 6.  He that makes War upon his Neighbours, says S. Austin, merely to satisfy a Lust of Dominion, and subdues Nations that never provoked him is usually extolled by his flatterers as a great Conqueror, but to speak sincerely, he is only an Illustrious Robber. 
* Rem tâ Jus itiâ quid sunt Regna nisi ma na Latrocinia? & ipsa Latrocinia quid sunt nisi parva Regna?  The Captain of a band of Robbers, and the Commander of a Crew of Pirates are little Conquerors; and a Conqueror who follows blinldy the impetuous desires of a lawless Ambition, is but a great Thief. Thou Wretch, said the greatest Conqueror in the World to a Pirate that was brought before him, what Reason moved thee to interrupt the liberty of Trade on the Sea? The same, my Lord, answered the bold Corsair, that moves you to disturb the quiet of the whole Earth. I am a Pirate, because I am Master only of a small Vessel; and you are a Conqueror because you Command a great Fleet.  
It is then an uncontroverted Truth, and received for such by all Nations, that a Prince who Attacks his Neighbours only with a design to aggrandise himself and to purchase Glory, is in the sight of God and Men a Robber and a Pirate. It is not only lawful, but a Duty to make Leagues against him, as it is to join together, to pursue a Thief, or chase a Pirate. Now, tell me, Sir, whether you could have the confidence to maintain, in a company of Honest and Intelligent Persons, that the King had lawful Reasons to invade the Spanish Netherlands after the Death of the late King of Spain, to enter the United Provinces with a formidable Army, to send his Son to Germany to take Philipsburgh, and to seize on the Palatinate, and the greatest part of the Electorates of Triers, Mentz, and Cologne! What could you allege to justify the first Attempt, of which the two last, are fatal Consequences? Would you have recourse to the pretended Rights of the late Queen to Hainanlt, and Brabant? She had renounced them in the most solemn Treaty that has been seen within our Memory; and the King her Husband had sworn upon the Holy Gospels to observe all the Articles. If that Renunciation be not good, there can be no Faith or Religion in the World, and 'tis a folly for Princes to treat together. Let them henceforth lay down their Arms when both Parties are weary of Fight, and reserve a right to renew the War assoon as they shall be in a condition to prosecute it: For such Maxims would be found to be infinitely less pernicious than the impious Politics of those who make a mock of Religion, and swear by all that is most venerable in it, to observe the conditions of a Treaty which they are resolved to break upon the first favourable occasion. But you will perhaps say, that the King of Spain constrained his Daughter to act against her true Inrerest, and treated her with the highest Injustice. Constraint and Jnjustice, Sir! Can any Man of sense make so ridiculous a Supposition? The Queen might have declared, that she would not renounce her Right to Hainault, Brabant, and the rest of her Father's Dominions; and he would have taken care to Marry her to such a Husband, and in such a manner, as might have been most conducive to the Interest of the Spanish Monarchy, and to the Peace and Tranquillity of Europe. But the Infanta chose rather to be Queen of a great Nation, than to be Countess of Hainault, and Duchess of Brabant, or to preserve a claim to a succession which she was not sure to enjoy, as indeed she never did: And with what Reason then could she complain, of Injustice or Constraint?  
Thus 'tis plain, that the King had not any lawful Reason to break the Pyrenean Treaty: And it must be acknowledged, that the State's General of the United Provinces acted a very Wise and Honourable part, when they negotiated the Tripple-League to stop the Progress of his Majesty's Arms in the Spanish Netherlands. It was their Duty to defend a King who was their Neighbour and Ally, against the unjust Attacks of a Potent Enemy that threatened to dispossess him according to the Maxim of an 
* Qui non repellit Injuriam a socio, si potest, tam est in vitjo, quam ille qui facit. lib. 1. Offic. cap. 36.  ancient Father of the Church. Besides, Prudence obliged them to keep at a distance from their Frontiers, an ambitious Prince, who assumed a right to interpret Treaties to his own advantage, and who, they might reasonably suppose, would not fail sooner or later, to make the same use of the House of Burgundy to claim the United Provinces, as he then did of the Queen's Right to Hainault and Brabant. And did he not afterwards in effect revive the pretensions of the House of Austria to Strasburgh, and the rest of those places that depend upon Alsatia. I confess that it is not just to make War upon a Neighbour, who-is grown too powerful, under pretext that 'tis our Interest to weaken him, lest he should be one Day in a condition to hurt us. But it has been always esteemed lawful to oppose a Neighbour that aggrandizes himself unjustly, or who having at the best but a controverted Right to certain Provinces that are in the possession of another Prince, chooses rather to have recourse to an open War, than to refer the difference to the Judgement of their common Allies, or other disinteressed States 
* Justum bellum quibus necessarium, & pia arma quibus nulla nisi in armis relinquitur spes. Liv. lib. 10.  A Prince that is truly just and merciful, never makes War, but when the necessity of his Circumstances, renders it unavoidable or when there are are no other means lest to preserve or put himself in possession of that which properly belongs to him. 
* Clementia alieno Sanguini tanquam suo parcit, & scit homini non esse homine prodigé utendum. Seneca. Epist. 87.  He is as tender of the Blood of others as of his own, and he is sensible that a Man ought not lightly to hazard the Lives of his Fellow Creatures. But these Maxims of equitable Heathens, are utterly unknown at the Court of the most Christian King.  
Nor are they better acquainted there, with the Commandment that Christ left us, to forgive Injuries. Would any Prince that had the least sense of Christianity, have presumed, in the face of all Europe, to declare War against the Hollanders, under the pretext of I know not what ill satisfaction that they had given him? For what had they done to provoke his Anger? If it proceeded from the care which they took to negotiate the Tripple-League, it was certainly very unjust; since the States acted in that Affair, like Wise and Christian Politicians. Or was it the above mentioned Medal that occasioned all this ill satisfaction? Was there any thing in it that was not exactly true, or that could give him the least cause of Offence? But suppose that it had been injurious to him: 
* Magni animi est injurias in summâ potentia pati, nec quicquam est gloriosius Principe impuné laeso Senec. de clem l. 1. cap. 20.  True magnanimity, says a Pagan Philosopher, consists in suffering Injuries even when we are in the height of Prosperity: And a Prince is never more truly great and glorious, than when he leaves these unpunished, who have most highly offended him. Besides, the King was further obliged to forgive that pretended Injury, because the States were not only sorry that their Medal had displeased him, but took all possible care to suppress it, in so much, that it is not where extant, but in the Cabinets of some curious Persons.  
The Court of France is not so observant of the Rules of Decency: For though the Proud and Insolent Inscriptions on the Gates of St. Denis and St. Martin had given offence to the greatest Sovereigns in Europe; they were so far from offering them satisfaction, that they suffered a Courtier, who would have certainly passed for the greatest Fool in the World, if he had not been too well acquainted with the weak side of his Prince, to out do the grossest flatteries of the Provost of the Merchants and Echevins of Paris. He was even recompensed for erecting a Statue, at the Feet of which, the King's pretended Enemies were represented in so unworthy a manner, that 'tis impossible to look upon it without Horror: And the most celebrated Wits of the French Academy, were excited in emulation of one another, to make Inscriptions for that ridiculous Statue, which never any reasonable Person could Read without Indignation.  
Or was it the Dutch Gazettiers Wit that gave the King this ill satisfaction? We are assured by certain Authors, whose Books were Printed at Paris, with His Majesty's Privilege; that this did not a little contribute to the Declaration of War; 'Tis strange, that such able Ministers as M. le Tellier, and M. Colbert, should not have represented to the King, 
* Tulere ista & reliquere; haud facile dixerim moderatione magis an Sapientia Tacitus Annal. 4.  that the Wisdom as well as the Moderation of Julius and Augustus Caesar, never appeared with more Lustre than by neglecting those that writ against them. You know, Sir, that Works of that nature are 
* Spreta exolescunt, si irascare, agnita videntur.  wont to fall of themselves, when they are neglected; but when he whom they Attack, grows Angry at their Insolence, he gives the World occasion to believe, that there is too much Truth in the reproaches that are fastened upon him. Tacitus has a judicious Remark to this purpose, which ought to moderate the Heat of those who meditate Revenge against an Author of a biting Jest, or an ingenious satire. 
* Punitis ingeniis, gliscit authoritas.  The most probable way to advance the credit of such a Book, is to cause it to be burnt, or to chastise its Author. 
* Qui saevitiâ usi sunt, nisi dedecus sibi, at que illis gloriam peperêre.  And those Princes who use such rigorous Methods, do a far greater Injury to their own Reputation, than to the Author of the piece that offends them. The Book runs through all Hands, and People are curious to know the Reason that procured the Author so severe a Treatment. Judge then how great the curiosity of our Posterity will be, and how eagerly they will examine those bitter Reflections of the  Gazettier, which incensed the greatest Monarch in the World to such a degree, that because he could not punish the Author, he marched himself at the Head of a Hundred Thousand Men to destroy the Country where these Satyrs were Printed.  
The Inhabitants of Antioch having broken to pieces the Statue of the Emperor Theodosius, he resolved to raze that ungrateful and seditious City. Immediately the Bishop Flavian went to appease the incensed Mind of that Prince, whose indignation was far more just than that of Lewis the Great against the State's General of the United Provinces. 
* Chrysostom. homil. 4. ad popul Antloch.  The glory of Monarches, my Lord, said the Prelate to Theodosius, consists not so much in beating their Enemies, as in subduing their Passions. Victory is not wholly your own; for your Officers and Soldiers claim a part of it; but in an Action of Wisdom and Goodness you have no Companions, and that is a Trophy to which none but yourself has a Right to pretend. 'Tis not enough that you have Conquered the Barbarians, if you do not also Conquer your own Anger. Show those Infidels, that no Power on Earth is able to stand in opposition to Jesus Christ. Glorify your Sovereign Master by pardoning the Faults of your Brethren, that, at the great and terrible Day of the Lord, he may look upon your Errors with the Eye of a Father, rather than of a Judge, and that you may receive the same Forgiveness from him, that you have granted to others. Why do not those whose Dignity and Function oblige them to inform the King of His Duty, speak to him with equal Freedom. Theodosius had more Reason to be ill satisfied with the insolency of his own Subjects, than His Majesty had to be Angry with the States. The overthrowing of a Statue was a far more provoking Injury, than the reverse of a Medal coined by strangers, or the Jests of a disowned Gazettier. Theodosius designed to destroy a Seditious City; Lewis endeavoured to ruin entire Provinces. Ought not the managers of his Conscience to have represented to him, that so cruel a Revenge would not fail to fill the Hearts of Christians with Horror, and give occasion of scandal to the Infidels. Nevertheless, instead of Offering him such good Advice, the Bishops and Preachers employed all their Eloquence, either in magnifying his Victories, or in demonstrating even to himself, that he was the greatest and most glorious Monarch in the Universe.  
Do not tell me, that the King undertook the War against a Protestant State, a People who make it their boast to be the Protectors of Heresy in Europe, and spread it through the other parts of the World. For besides, that a Christian ought to forgive Heretics and even Infidels, as well as Catholics, I dare assure you, that a Zeal for Religion was not the motive of that War. No sooner had Germany declared War against us, but we detested those very Cities, whose Churches Cardinal de Bovillon had blest and reconciled with so much Pomp and Ceremony. I know not whether it was a sentiment of Devotion that made the Marshal de Belfonds delay the Execution of the Orders that were sent to him, to leave those places, where the Catholic Religion was reestablished; but I am assured that the Court was very much dissatisfied with him for it.  
Thus, Sir, we see, that the Pretext for the Dutch War was even less specious than that which was formerly made use of for the War with Spain. One of my Friends was so throughly convinced of the unjustness of this War, that he left the Service. Do not fancy that he was a Huguenot, you know him, he is a good Catholic: And you may remember that at the same time, the Marshal de Scomberg, and other Protestant Gentlemen were in the Army. I had the curiosity to ask my Friend what made him leave a good Post at a time when Employments were so much courted by others. He told me that his Conscience would not permit him to serve the King in a manifestly unjust War. Why do you trouble yourself with those things, replied I; 'tis the King's business, and that of his Ministers to examine that Controversy, and Obedience is the Subject's only part. You tell me nothing, said he, but what I believed before, I had Read Grotius de jure belli & pacis, who has convinced me that I ought not to serve my Prince in a War, which I know to be unjust. Read that Book, added he, and you will be of the same opinion.  
At that time I was taken up with other Matters, and contented myself with doing what I saw others do before me. But after the Peace of Nimeghen, I began to reflect upon what my Friend said to me, and resolved to consult the Book that he recommended to me. No sooner had I cast my Eyes upon it, but I observed with pleasure, that it was dedicated to the late King Lewis XIII. The moderation of that Learned Man, is acknowledged by all the World, and 'tis also well known that he was a great Friend to the Sovereign Authority of Kings: And yet, in the first place he maintains, that 
* Si aut ad deliberationem adhibentur, aut libera ipsis optiodatur militandi aut quiescendi, easdem regulas sequi debent, quas illi, qui suopte arbitrio pro se & pro aliis bella suscipiunt. Grotius de jure belli & pacis, lib. 2 cap. 26.  when a Prince asks the Advice of his Subjects concerning a War, which he desigus to undertake, or gives them Liberty to choose, whether they will serve in his Armies, or stay at home in Peace; 'tis their Duty to follow the same Maxims which their Sovereign ought to observe before he begin the War: That is, that they ought not to advise him to undertake the War without just and and indispensible Reasons; and if he persist in his resolution, they cannot without a crime offer him their assistance, to shed innocent Blood. What can there be alleged against so clear a Decision? And indeed it makes me tremble, as oft as I think of it, not for the King's Ministers, since these Gentlemen are not wont to consult either the light of Reason, or Rules of the Gospel, but for an infinite number of People, who put themselves into His Majesty's Service, without considering what they do, and oftentimes even against the Dictates of their Conscience, which tells them that the War is unjust.  
But perhaps the Nobility, who never march, but when the Arrierban is summoned, are more . Let us hear what the same Author adds. 
* Si edicitur ipsis ut militent, quod fieri solet, siquidem constet ipsis injustam esse belli causam, abstinere omnino debent. Deo potius obediendum quam hominibus etc. Idem.  If the Prince, says he, by a positive command, ordain his Subjects to follow him to the War, they are obliged to disobey his Orders, when they are convinced, that the War is unjust. For 'tis an uncontroverted Maxim among Jews and Heathens, as well as among Christians, that it is better to obey God than Men. This determination of Grotius furnished me with this reflection, that the ancient Custom of France and other European Nations, of which I took Notice in the Letter that I had the Honour to write to you about the beginning of this Month, was grounded upon very good Reasons. The Lords and Gentlemen were not obliged to serve the King till after the War was decreed in the meeting of the State's General of the Kingdom: The Reason is plain; it was fit that an Affair of such vast importance on which the Lives of so many Men did depend, and which might ruin whole Nations, should be gravely debated, and diligently examined both by the Prince himself who was to undertake it, and those who were to serve him.  
But what shall the Subjects do, when the Justice of the War in which they are like to be engaged, appears only doubtful to them? It may seem perhaps a needless piece of curiosity, to start Cases that we never had occasion to experience, 'tis certain, that Lewis the Great never undertook a War that was not manifestly unjust. Yet there may have been some Persons who imagined that the late Queen's claim was at least disputable. France published whole Volumes to demonstrate the Justice of her Pretensions, and Spain answered them. This might probably disquiet the minds of some French men, that were not able to decide the Controversy: Now the Question is, whether such Persons were obliged in Conscience to Fight under the King's Standards. Grotius acknowledges that there are some Lawyers that hold the Affirmative, but positively declares himself for the Negative, which he confirms with a Reason that to me seems to be convincing. 
* Qui dubitat contemplatiuè, debet judicio activo eligere partem tutiorem, est autem pars tutior abstinere bello. Laudantur Esseni quod inter alia jurarent non necituros se cuiquam ne si juberentur quidem; Imitatores eorum Pythagorei, qui Jamblico teste, bello abstinebant, causa additâ quia bellum caedes imperat.  In all dubious Cases, says he, A Wise Man always chooses the safest side: Now 'tis certainly the safest way to abstain from an Action that may engage us to injure our Neighbour, and shed Human Blood. This Book has been done into French, and the Translation dedicated to the King and would to God that not only His Majesty, but his Ministers of State, the Nobility and Clergy would bestow some few Hours on Reading that piece with Attention. There would not be so much Blood shed, so many Nations laid Waste, and such a vast number of Persons reduced to Beggary. The Preachers of the Gospel would cease to extol those Generals, whose Virtue for the most part, consists in nothing else, but in stifling the gnawing Remonstrances of an awaked Conscience, to serve the abominable Ambition of their Master. But how shall private Persons be informed whether the King had lawful Reasons to undertake the War, unless by his Manifestos and Declarations? Thus my Friend perceiving that the King had taken up Arms against the Dutch, merely to be revenged upon them, for the ill satisfaction that they had given him, he chose rather to quit an advantageous Post, than to expose himself to the reproaches of his Conscience, by continuing to serve in a War which he believed to be unjust. If they who serve in our Armies had imitated the Example of my generous Friend, if they had examined the King's Manifestoes, they would not have been so acquainted with their own and their Country's Interest. Good God Will the French Nation never learn Wisdom? Will they never be weary of being led to the Army like a pack of Hounds to a Hunting-match? Will they always continue to sacrifice their Fortunes, their Liberty and their Life, merely to give their King the pleasure of assuming the Title of Lewis the Great? But 'tis time to proceed to the consequences of the Dutch War; and to take a view of the glaring part of the King's Life.  
The taking of above Forty Towns in the compass of one Campaign, the Surrender of Maestricht after a Siege of Thirteen Days, the Conquest of Cambray, S. Omer, Ypres, and Valenciennes, the Battles of Cassel and Senef, and the disadvantageous Peace which the Allies were forced to make, may serve indeed for materials to stuff a flattering Panegyric or Inscription, but all together will not amount to one single Argument, to prove that God has blest the Reign of the King, and the Justice of his Arms. To measure the Justice of an Attempt by the Happiness of its Success, is the way to be eternally deceived, and to justify the blackest Crimes. Temporal Prosperity is not usually a mark of the particular favour of Heaven. The God whom we adore, is infinitely Wise; He suffers the Righteous to be afflicted, and the Wicked to prosper in their Day. Let us adore then the unsearchable Mysteries of his Providence; and let us judge of True Merit by the Light of Reason, and by the Rules of the Gospel.  
It must be acknowledged that the King was very well served by his Ministers, and by the Generals of his Forces, during that War. But it was not a very surprising Accident, that a Republic that was at once assaulted by Land and by Sea, could not resist a King that came Thundering against her with an Army of a Hundred thousand Men, commanded by the two greatest Captains that Europe had seen in many Yeats before. He took Forty Towns in one Campaign, it cannot be denied; but was he not forced to abandon them with shame, as soon as the Imperial Army had seized on some places of the Rhine? Maestricht was Surrendered after a Siege of Thirteen Days; a great Miracle indeed! For how could the States relieve it? The Inscriptions on the Gates of St. Denis and St. Martin do more Honour to the States, than to the King. He broke in upon them, 'tis true, like a furious and overbearing Deluge; and they were not able to put a stop to his Progress; yet I do not believe, that all this Action gained him one Admirer. But that Holland, should force the most Potent Monarch in Europe, to abandon his unjust Conquests, and to sue for a Peace by offering to restore to them the only place that he still retained of all that he had taken from them, is an event so little common and so full of Glory, that it will be the greatest Embellishment of the History of this Age, and the admiration of all that shall succeed it. Lewis the Great took Forty Cities, and made himself Master of Maestricht, after a Siege of Thirteen Days; but what was the fruit of all his Victories, and what did he retain of so many Conquests but an exhausted Kingdom, Peopled with Beggars. Is not this the only instance of a Prince that was Honoured with Triumphal Arches for ruining his own Subjects.  
The taking of Valenciennes, Ypres, and Cambray, were Actions that had a juster Title to the proud name of Conquests. The Empire, Spain, and the State's General of the United Provinces had formed a Confederacy against the King, and had often alarmed him with Potent Armies. Let us do justice to the Merit and Experience of the late Prince, and of the Marshal de Turenne, who were only able to preserve us in such an Extremity. They alone merited the Honour of Statues and Triumphal Arches, and to have their Names inscribed on our Medals. The pretended Glory of Lewis the Great is only a reflected Splendour, which he owes to the Valour and Experience of his ill rewarded Generals, and to the Skill and Dexterity of his Two Ministers, one of which made it his business to find out ways to squeeze Money out of miserable Wretches, while the other provided well-stored Magazines, that the King's Army might be in a condition to enter upon Action, before that of the Enemies could be drawn out of their Winter-quarters.  
It was certainly a very prudent Advice, that of M. de Turenne, to keep all things in a readiness for the early opening of the Campagn. And 'twas by a careful observance of this Maxim, that France broke the measures of the Confederates, and obtained an advantageous Peace. But I maintain that a Prince who aggrandizes himself merely by such Politics, does not deserve the name of a Conqueror. The Alexanders, Scipios, Pompey's, and Caesar's, of those celebrated Glories of Antiquity, took other Methods to acquire Honour, than those that are now in fashion among our Heroes of all Seasons. This is one of those splendid Titles that the Sapph of our Age bestows on the King: And you know this thought was esteemed very ingenious and fine. Did ever any of those Summer Heroes which are placed so far beneath the Heroes of all Seasons, content themselves with seizing on a Town that could not be relieved; did ever any of them forsake their Arms, immediately after such an inglorious Expedition, or Post back to their Mistresses as soon as the Enemies began to appear, and leave the care of engaging with them to others?  
Let the Gentlemen of the French-Academy, rack their mercenary Fancies to embellish their fulsome Panegyrics with new Hyberboles; it will be for ever acknowledged by those who are willing to do Justice to true Merit, that the Duke of Orleans acquired more solid Glory of the Siege of St. Omer and the Battle of Cassel, than the King by the taking of Cambray, Ypres, and Valenciennes, and (if you please to add) Mons, and Namur. By coming out of his Lines, meeting the Enemy, gaining a Battle, and afterwards taking the Besieged Town, he merited far greater Honour, than the King by all that he performed before Mons and Namur. Instead of advancing to meet the Confederate Forces that appeared towards the end of the Siege of Mons which they could not possibly relieve, the King with all his jolly Troop, made haste back to his dear Verfailles, and arrived there with Men and Horses that were as fresh and unfatigued as those that had not begun to march. The taking of this important Place was a Blessing from Heaven on the Providence of M. Louvois, and skill of M. de Vauban, rather than on the Valour of the King, or the Justice of his Arms. The next Year he took Namur, in sight of the Confederate Army, but he was covered by an Army greater than theirs, during the Siege of the Castle; which was an advantage that the Duke of Orleans had not at the Siege of St. Omer. He was forced to come out of his Lines and Fight the Enemy. An instance that cannot be parareled in all the glorious Life of Lewis the Great.  
Where shall we find a Homer to celebrate our new Achilles? But we may trust that care to himself; he will not suffer future Ages to lose so great an Example: he has hired his Chroniclers already, and carries them always about with him, that they may be Eye-witnesses of all his Glorious Exploits. But all in vain, our Posterity will easily discover the Truth, and pull of the disguising Vizard of Flattery: And perhaps some Historian may luck in a Garret that will inform them after what manner Lewis the Great took so many Towns, and gained all his Victories. And even I am very much afraid, that they will Read the Histories of the King as we Read the Books of those infamous flatterers who praised Tiberius and Nero, and that they will have the same regard to all our Medals and Triumphal Arches that we have, to those which remain of certain Ptinces, whose Vanity we mock and despise.  
I have not time to send you my Reflections on the present Was, but you may expect them by the next occasion, Adieu.  
Paris, Jan. 23 1695.  
FINIS.