A COMMENTARY UPON THE Acts of the Apostles: chronical and Critical. The Difficulties of the Text explained, And the times of the Story cast into ANNALS. The First Part. From the beginning of the Book, to the end of the Twelfth CHAPTER. With a brief Survey of the Contemporary Story of the JEWS and ROMANS. By JOHN LIGHTFOOT Staffordiens, a Member of the Assembly of Divines.  
London, Printed by R. C. for Andrew Crook and are to be sold at the Sign of the Green Dragon in Paul's Churchyard, 1645.   

TO The Right Honourable the Truly Noble and Renowned ROBERT EARL OF ESSEX, etc.  
Illustrious Sir,  
THE inducements that have swayed me to the Compiling of this Tripartite History, have been, partly, for mine own satisfaction in the survey and prospect of the times and occurrences of the world, coincident, and contemporary with those of the Church: partly, for the satisfaction of the Reader in the same contemplation; and for the mixture of some delight with that satisfaction, in such a mixture of variety. But chiefly, for both our observation of the hand of God, good and gracious in the preservation and propagation of his Church, and just and avengefull in his indignation and judgements upon those two Nations that persecuted the Church▪ if they could have done it, to the death, and that executed to the death the Lord of the Church, the Lord of Life: For as there were two Thiefs that were crucified with our Saviour, the one on the right hand, and the other on the left; so were there two worse by far that crucified him, the jew and the Roman: The former of ignorance, and so shall once obtain mercy; the latter even against the confession of his innocency, and so shall perish for ever. Both persecutors of the Church, as well as crucifiers of the Lord of it, the jews while they continued to be a Nation, the Romans while the Church shall be a Church. The consideration of this very thing, doth not only warrant, but even challenge a mixture of study of the Story of these three together, that the footsteps of providence might be traced the more clearly in those two impressions of Mercy and Judgement dispensed in the world, in their contrariety, the former to the Church, and the latter to these two Nations, the enemies and persecutors of her, and of her Lord. I have therefore taken them up in one discourse from that very time that th●se two people did undo themselves, by doing violence to the Lord of Glory; and for how long a process of time the discourse doth carry them on, this volume will speak for the present; mine intentions aim at a longer extent, if the Lord permit.  
The Story of the Church I have traced in the Acts of the Apostles, and there have rather set myself to explain and clear what difficulties are in the Text, then to write out the full History and Occurrences that are there related; for since the Evangelist hath done it with a divine Pen, it was utterly needless, that I may say no more, to redoe it with mine.  
The times of the Stories there, I have been the more curious to search after, and to settle as near as I can, and to bring into Annals, not only for the profit that ariseth to the Reader from the knowledge of them▪ which is not little; but also for the bringing and reducing of the Story of the other Nation, into a parallel and collateral current and coincidency with them. What difficulty I have met withal in this particular, any one will readily judge that doth but observe how sparing the holy Ghost hath been through all that Book, to express the circumstance of the time with the relation of the things. And what I have done towards the fixing of the times in this difficulty, I have tendered under the notion of conjecture, for I could go no further; yet have I grounded those conjectures upon such reasons, as are much to m●ne own satisfaction in that matter, and so it may be they will be something to others.  
I have led on the Story in this present piece, but to the end of the Twelfth Chapter; for thitherto hath the Evangelist that wrote the Book, more especially discoursed the planting of the Church, and the propagation of the Gospel among the jews. And as for the rest of the Book, from thence to the end, that bringeth the Church and Gospel among the Gentiles, I have reserved it for another part, if the Lord vouchsafe life, leisure, and assistance.  
The customs and carriage of those Apostolic times in Worship and Discipline, I have been sparing in discussing; for the Text, for as far as this present discourse goeth, is sparing in offering occasion to fall upon such a thing: in that part that is behind, where the Epistles of Paul are to be taken into hand, as they fall in in time, such considerations will be useful, and they will be inevitable.  
The Story of the jews out of their own Josephus and Philo, Egesippus, and others, the Reader will generally find to be but a Commentary upon their own words, His blood be upon us and upon our children, written even in Letters of their own blood from time to time. For when that perverse and ungodly generation, had so far refused the Gospel, and their own good, that it had crucified the Lord that tendered it to them, ex illo fluere: from that time forward their ruin and decaying is written in all their stories in such Capital Letters, that he that runs may read it, and he that reads them, reads them not, if he do not observe it. This short tract of time that this Volume containeth, will tell you of three or four, or more such Anatomy Lectures in less than twelve years' space; of many, and many thousands of that Nation, that perished and were miserably destroyed in Judea, Alexandria, and Babylonia; and this but as a Preface and beginning of sorrows and miseries that were to follow in the destruction of the whole Nation, for despising and destroying of him that held out life unto them, but they chose his and their own death. Some of the same Authors that have given us these prologues of their miseries, will continue the scene with further Tragedies, till their utter extirpation: and we shall borrow an abridgement thereof from them, in the parts succeeding, if the Lord carry us on, and prosper us in that work.  
And how grateful and excellent a work and pains might it be, if where Josephus and Egesippus end their Story, and where Jerusalem ended her days, thence some learned and industrious pen would out of the jews own Talmud and Rabbins, and other writers, continue the story of this dispersed and condemned nation till these later times, for the Illustration of the truth of those predictions of Scripture that foretell their doom, and for the evidencing of that justice that hath ever since haunted them, for the murder of the righteous one whom they crucified.  
These are the two main things that I look upon in relating those stories that this volume doth exhibit; if the Reader who hath more leisure shall dilate his meditations upon so sad spectacles to further extent, he hath saved my labour, and it may be not lose his own.  
The Roman History, which is the third that we have to deal withal, I must refer to the Reader to find expressions by which to character and censure it, for I confess I want them: It is so full of truths so horrid and monstrous, (if I may epithet so glorious a name as truth with so vile and base adjectives) that it even gluts the eyes and amazeth the heart of the Reader, and though he cannot gainsay the truth of the things, yet cannot he tell what to say to them, they are so hideous: such monsters of bloodshed and cruelty, prodigies of lust and bestiality, Gorgon's of excess and luxury, and in brief, the very perfections of all viciousness and impiety, that it were most unfit to name them with a Christian story, were they not most fit to prove Gods high displeasure against that Antichristian City: I have taken them up as I have found them in their own Historians, some here, some there, abridged them as much as possible to save what labour I might, and laid them in their proper times according to the direction of their own Annalists. Politic or ethical or other observations upon them I refer to others to make, it is a thing that suited not either with my leisure or my purpose: I only show the monster, every eye desireth to look upon such a beast: let them read upon him as their judgement leads them: only this let me mind them to observe, that no small judgements are to be read in so great sins, and that that City is very unlikely to be the head of the Church, that is so visibly the very tail of the Devil. Rome had murdered the Lord of holiness at Jerusalem, and Rome wallows in such murders and unholiness at home, and wh●ther she be the likelier to be owned by Christ for Zion or Babylon, may any one censure.  
Now the reason of mine address unto your Honour, most noble Hero, with this my undertaking as an oblation, you may read it in your own worth and nobleness, and you may read it in your relation to mine own native Country: for the one engageth, the other inboldneth, and both overcome me to owe all the service I can to so much worth, to evidence this service by all means I can to so great nobleness, and to hope for acceptance of this what I ●an from that relation. Sir, this work is a fruit that grew in your own Staffordshire (this is the only comfort that is now left to that poor Country that we may call her yours) it grew with your name and memory upon it at its very first appearing: It hath been in devoting to you all the while it hath been in growing, and now it is come to this maturity, it is doubly yours, as a fruit of your own Country, as a vow of mine own heart: To beg acceptance were to seem to doubt it, which suspicion your nobleness cannot suffer to nest in me: This only let me beg of your expectance: that whereas mine engagement was and your challenge might be of a work of 
* A second part of the Harmony of the Evangelists.  another nature, you will be pleased to interpret, that this hath not prevented that that it should not come forth, but only outrun it, that this might come to do you homage first; that that is not lost though this be found that is in the womb though this first borne.  
And truly I could not but e●cuse, nay I could not but approve the forwardness of this to outrun his fellow and to get the birthright, when the only aim of it was that it might be your first homager. And I cannot but hope that your Nobleness will gently interpret of this error of observance, as an offence of a most venial nature, when the utmost damage that accrues upon it is but delay, and not detriment, and when the summa totalis of the payment, namely my service is the same, though there be some difference in the coin. It hath been the course of my studies in elaborating the Harmony of the four Evangelists; and this history, to let them grow up and thrive together, for me thought there was some equality in the division, to part my studies, betwixt the story of Christ in the Evangelists, and the story of the Church in the Acts of the Apostles, and to make the history of the other two nations my recreation. And I cannot but accordingly be affected with the same method of their production that was of their generation, and allow them their vicissitudes now as they had them then: Your Nobleness will gently dispense with these strive and contendings where the prize and mastery aimed at, is, which shall first serve you. In your hands I leave this oblation to do you fealty till his fellow come up to him: and in the hands of the Lord I leave your Honour, as in the hands of a faithful Creator and Redeemer, to be kept in welldoing: He bless you with the blessings of the right hand and of his left hand here, and crown you with his blessedness of his presence, and the joys at his right hand hereafter: So ever prayeth  
Your Honour's most devoted servant, JOHN LIGHTFOOT. From my Study, Decemb. 1. 16●5.   

TO My DEAR and DEARLY Honoured and beloved native Country the County of STAFFORD.  
My dear Mother,  
THese following collections came out from you, and they return unto you: they were made when I lay in your lap, with your other children, you then prosperous, and we happy in your prosperity. Woe is me my mother, that your condition is so far altered from those times, and that our happiness is so far perished in your condition. How hath the Lord clouded the mother of my people in the day of his fierce anger! and how doth she now sit in midnight, that once was clothed with the very Sunshine of the noonday! Ah my dear Country, I have much bitterness for thy sake that the hand of the Lord is so gone out against thee. How is thy plenty turned to pining, and thy flower to witheredness! How is thy gold become dim, thy candle darkness, and thy viol the voice of those that weep! Dear mother, how are you become not yourself! And Staffordshire to be sought in Staffordshire itself, and not to be found! Her children either fled, or destroyed, or become her destroyers; Her towns desolate though full of inhabitants and people, her people perished though alive and healthy, her peace gone, her joy vanished, her comforts none, her hopes as little: She a mother forsaken, a woman forgotten, left of friends, tortured by enemies, helpless in herself, hopeless in her helpers. Woe is me my mother, that thou hast borne me a man of these sorrows, that I have seen thee a woman of these miseries! It is the Lord, we have sinned against him, we have sinned and he hath not spared. I need say no more, I can say no more: tears take up, and prayers, and patience must make up the rest: I have spoke thus much that my dearest native country may have a testimony, that no distance, no condition can make me forget her. Forget my country? let my tongue forget her art and my pen her profession, if Staffordshire be not ever in my chiefest thoughts. Put up these tears into that bottle where are the heartiest drops that are wept for you in those your sorrows, and lay up this volume amongst those records, that shall speak of the duty, remembrance and observance of your faithful children to you to future ages; And own dear mother, amongst that number that most sincerely and entirely love you, honour you, and moan after you, the heart and affections, prayers and groan, Ah poor Staffordshire, poor Staffordshire,  
Of Thy most mournful but most faithful son and servant, John Lightfoot. London, Decemb. 1▪ 1645.   

A chronical Table of the chief Stories contained in this Book.  
Occurences of the year of Christ XXXIII. Tiberius' XVIII. 


In the Church. 
Act. 1.   
CHRIST riseth from the dead, appear forty days, and ascendeth, 3, 4, 5. etc.  
A Presbytery of 120 Apostles and Elders, 22, 25.  
This chooseth Mathias, etc. 28. 
Act. 2.   
The gift of tongues on the Lord's day, 33, 38, 41.  
Peter and the eleven preach and convert 3000.47, 48, etc. 
Act. 3.   
Peter and John heal a Cripple, 52, 53. etc.  
Preach and convert 5000.61. 
Act. 4.   
Are imprisoned and convented before the Council; 62.  
Are threatened and dismissed, etc. 64.  
Community of Goods, 65. 
Act. 5.   
Ananias and Sapphira struck dead, 675.  
Peter's shadow, 69.  
The rest of the Story of the 5 Chapter, 70.   

In the Empire.  
Tiberius now Emperor, and in the 18 year of his Reign, 80.81.  
He now in Capri, having forsaken the City, living in all filthiness and cruelty, 83.  
Divers cruelties, 84.  
Strange accusing, 85.  
The boldness of Sejanus and Terentius; 87.  
Divers cruelties more, and other occurrences, 88  
Tiberius' troubled in mind, 89.   

Among the Jews.  
A Commotion among them occasioned by Pilate, 92.    Occurrences in the Year of Christ XXXIV. Tiberius XIX. 


In the Church.  
Hellenists murmuring against the Hebrews. 
Act. 6.   
Seven Deacons chosen: 100 And their office 101.  
Stephen martyred, 104, 105. etc. 
Act. 7. Act. 8.   
Bitter persecution against the whole Church, 115.  
Dispersion of the hundred and eight upon the persecution, 117, 118.  
Samaria receiveth the Gospel, 118, 119.  
Simon Magus, 119.  
The holy Ghost given by imposition of hands, 121. etc.  
The Ethiopian Eunuch converted, 125.  
Paul converted and baptised, 128. etc. 
Act. 9 to ver. 10.    

In the Empire.  
Velleius Paterculus flourisheth, 137.  
Troubles in Rome about Usury, 141.  
Tiberius still most bloodily cruel, 144.  
Strange accusations among the people, ibid.  
Marius and his daughter wrongfully slaughtered, ibid.  
The miserable end of Asinius Gallus, and Nerva, 145.  
The miserable end of Agrippina and Drusus, 146.  
Other Massacres, 148.    Occurrences in the Year of Christ XXXV. Tiberius' XX. 


In the Church.  
No particular occurrence of the Church mentioned this year, 151.   

In the Empire.  
Tiberius' Reign proclaimed for ten years longer, and the Consuls punished for it, 152.  
Many cruelties of the Emperor, 152, 153.  
A feigned Drusus, 154.   

Among the Jews.  
A commotion and slaughter of them caused by Pilate, 155.  
Philip the Tetrarch of Trachonitis dyeth, 156.    Occurrences in the Year of Christ XXXVI. Tiberius' XXI. 


In the Church.  
No particular occurrence mentioned this year.   

Among the Jews.  
Vitellius governor of Judea, he cometh to Jerusalem, is curieous to the jews, 159.  
Caiaphas' removed from the high Priesthood, 160.   

In the Empire.  
A rebellion in Parthia, 161.  
Tiberius still cruel and shameless, 164.    Occurrences in the year of Christ XXXVII. Tiberius XXII. 


In the Church. 
Act. 9 Vers. 23, etc. to Vers. 32.   
Paul cometh to Jerusalem, 168.  
The Disciples afraid of him, 169.  
Persecution lasteth yet, 170.  
Paul presented to the Apostles; preacheth boldly, is persecuted, and goeth to Tarsus, 171. etc.   

In the Empire.  
The Parthian war yet uncomposed, 173.  
Artabanus restored to his Kingdom, 174.  
A commotion in Cappadocia, 175.  
Cruelties at Rome, 175.  
Mishaps there through fire and water, 176.  
The death of Thrasyllus the ginger, 183.   

Among the Jews.  
A commotion in Samaria, 177.  
Pilate put out of Office, 178.  
Agrippa his journey to Rome, 179.  
His imprisonment there, 181.  
War betwixt Herod the Tetrarch, and Are●as King of Arabia, 184.    Occurrences in the year of Christ, XXXVIII. Tiberius, XXIII. Being also the first year of Caius. 

No particular Occurrence of the Church specified this year.  

In the Empire.  
Macro all base, 187.  
A wicked woman, 189.  
Tiberius near his end, 192.  
His choice of a successor, ibid.  
Tiberius' his death, 194.  
Caius his successor, 195.  
Tiberius in a manner cruel being dead, 196.  
Caius cometh to Rome, 197.  
His dissimulation, 198.  
He beginneth to show himself in his own colours, 201.  
His cruelty, ibid.  
Young Tiberius brought to a miserable end, 202   

Among the Jews.  
Preparation of wars against Aretas, 190.  
An Omen to Agrippa in chains, 191.  
Agrippa perplexed and enlarged, 197.    Occurrence in the year of Christ, XXXIX. Caius II. 

No Occurrence of the Church mentioned this year.  

In the Empire.  
Cruelties at Rome, 205.  
An end of Macro, 206.  
Caius the Emperor will needs be a God, 211.   

Among the Jews.  
Great troubles of the jews in Alexandria, 207.  
Agrippa at Alexandria abused, 208.  
A Pageant of one and more madmen, 209.  
Sad outrages upon the jews, 211.  
More of their miseries, 213.  
Agrippa in his own kingdom, 215.   

Yet more occurrences in the Empire.  
Caius the new God little better than a Devil, 216, 217. etc.  
Many and many cruelties of his, 218, 219.    Occurrences in the Year of Christ XL. Caius III. 


In the Church. 
Act. 9 ver. 32.   
Peter visiting divers parts, 223.  
Yet not at Antioch in this visitation, 224.  
Dorcas raised, 227. 
Act. 10.   
Cornelius converted, 228.  
The keys of the kingdom of Heaven now only used, 237.  
The holy Ghost given to the Gentiles, 241.   

In the Empire.  
Caius still cruel, ●42.  
A most inhuman cruelty, 244.  
Caius his luxury and prodigality, 245.  
His strange bridge of Ships, 246.  
His covetousness, 248.   

Among the Jews.  
Herod and Herodias before the Emperor, 251▪  
The Alexandrian jews still perplexed, 252.  
Flaccus his downfall, 253.  
The jews still distressed for all that, 254.    Occurrences in the year of Christ XLI. Caius Caligula IU. 


In the Church.  
Antioch receiveth the Gospel, 257. 
Act. 11. ver. 19 to ver. 26.   
Barnabas cometh thither, 258.   

Among the Jews.  
Troubles at Jamnia, 259.  
Caius his image to be set up in the Temple, causing troubles, 260.  
Petronius his Letter hereupon to the Emperor, 262.  
Agrippa his mediation for the jews, 263.  
Flaccus Avilius his end, 265.  
The Ambassadors of the Alexandrian jews before the Emperor, 266  
Apion, 297.  
Philo the jew, 268. his writings 26●.   

In the Empire.  
Caius still foolish and cruel, 273.  
Caius profane, 274.    Occurrences in the year of Christ, XLII. Caius, V. Claudius, I▪ 


In the Empire.  
Caius his death contrived, 279.  
The manner of his death, 281.  
The sequel, 283.  
Dissension about the government, 284.  
Claudius, 285.  
Caesonia and her child slain, 287.  
Claudius' made Emperor, 288.  
His demeanour at the beginning, 289.   

In the Church.  
The name of Christian first used, 292. 
Act. 11. Vers. 26.    

Among the Jews.  
The Therape●●●●, 295.  
The affairs of the jews in Alexandria and Babylonia, 298.  
The rebellion of some jews, 300.    Occurrences in the year of Christ, XLIII. Claudius, II. 


In the Church.  
A famine in Judea and all the world, 305.  
Paul rapt into the third heaven, 305. 
Act. 11. Vers. 28.   
Peter not this year at Rome, 306.   

Among the Jews.  
Herod Agrippa his coming to Jerusalem, 309.  
Imperial acts in behalf of the jews, 310.  
Peter not imprisoned this second year of Claudius, 310.   

In the Empire.  
The Moors subdued, 313.  
Claudius beginneth to be cruel, and his Empress Messalina wicked, 314.    Occurrences of the year of Christ, XLIIII. Claudius, III. 


In the Church.  
The martyrdom of James the great, 317.  
Concerning the Apostles Creed, 318.  
Concerning Traditions, 320.  
Peter's imprisonment and delivery, 322.   

In the Empire.  
Some actions of Claudius, 326.  
Messalina abominably wicked, 327.  
An expedition into England, 328.   

Among the Jews.  
The fatal end of Herod Agrippa, 230.      

In Pag. 48. at line 31. after these words, Vers. 17. (In the last days) The days of the Gospel, because there is no way of salvation to be expected beyond the Gospel: whereas there was the Gospel beyond the Law, and the Law beyond the light of the ages before it. Add yet is this most properly to be understood of those days of the Gospel that were before jerusalem was destroyed: And the phrase the last days used here and in divers other places is not to be taken for the last days of the world, but for the last days of jerusalem: the destruction of which and the rejection of the Jews is reputed the end of that old world, and the coming in of the Gentiles under the Gospel, is as a new world, and is accordingly called a new heaven and a new earth.   

THE CHRISTIAN HISTORY, THE JEWISH, and the ROMAN, OF The Year of Christ 33. And of Tiberius 18. Being the Year of the World 3960. And of the City of Rome, 785. Consuls 

Cn. Domitius Aenobarbus.  
Furius Camillus Scribonianus.    
London, Printed by R. C. for Andrew Crook, 1645.   

THE Acts of the Apostles:  

CHAP. I.  

Vers. 1. The former Treatise have I made, etc.  
THE Syrian and Arabic render it, The former 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by which word they render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Mat. 1.1.  book have I written: and so is the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 used in Heathen Authors, not only for an oration by word of mouth, but also for a Treatise or Discourse that is done in writing; as might be proved by many examples. I shall only give one as parallel to the phrase that we have in hand; as the Author himself is unparallel to our Evangelist in matter of truth; and that is, Lucian in his title of the first book of true History, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Now the Evangelist at his entry into this History, mentioneth the former Treatise of his Gospel, because this Treatise of The Acts of the Apostles taketh at that; and as that contained the life and doctrine of our Saviour himself, so doth this the like of his Apostles. And therefore the words immediately following, Of all that jesus began to do, may not unfitly be interpreted to such a meaning, that jesus began, and his Apostles finished: though it is true indeed, that in Scripture phrase to begin to do, and to do, do sound to one and the same sense, as Mat. 12.1. compared with Luke 6.1. Mark 6.2. compared with Mat. 13.54. etc.  
Now the method that the Evangelist prescribes unto himself, and followeth in this book is plainly this. From the beginning of the Book to the end of the twelfth Chapter, he discourseth the state of the Church and Gospel among the Jews; and from thence forward to the end of the Book he doth the like, of the same among the Gentiles: and therefore accordingly, although the title of the book be the Acts of the Apostles, as of the Apostles in general; yet doth he more singularly set himself to follow the story of the two Apostles Peter and Paul: Peter to the 13 Chapter, and Paul's after; because that these two were more peculiarly the fixed Ministers of the circumcision, and of the uncircumcision, Gal. 2.8. and so doth Moses entitle a reckoning of the heads of the Father's houses of all the Tribes of Israel in general, Exod. 6.14. and yet he fixeth at the Tribe of Levi, and goeth no further; because the subject of his Story lay especially in that Tribe, in Moses and Aaron.  

Sect. Of all that jesus began to do and to teach.  
Not that Luke wrote all things that jesus did, nor indeed could they be written, john 21.25. but that, 1. He wrote all those things that were necessary, and not to be omitted. Theophylact and Calvin. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be taken for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, all, for many; as it is frequently done in Scripture. 3. and chiefly, that he wrote something of all the heads of Christ's actions and doctrine; for he saith not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Camerarius. Or, 4. As the woman of Samaria saith, that Christ had told her all things that ever she did, Joh. 4.29. whereas he told her but some few particulars; but they were such, as whereby she was convinced he could tell her all: So though Luke did not specify all and every action and doctrine of Christ that ever he did and taught; yet did he write of such, as whereby it was most clear that Christ was the Messias.    

Vers. II. After that he through the holy Ghost had given commandments to the Apostles whom he had chosen.  
There is some diversity in pointing and reading this Verse: some take it in the order and posture that our English hath it; applying the words through the holy Ghost, to Christ's giving commandments; & read it thus, after he had given comandements through the holy Ghost▪ and so doth the Vulgar Latin, Theophylact, Marlorat▪ and indeed the pointing, in the best Copies. Others, as the Syrian, Arabic, & Beza with them conjoin it thus, Giving commandments to the Apostles whom he had chosen by the holy Ghost. Now in the main thing itself, there is not so much difference, as to make any great scruple or matter how the words are pointed; for Christ may as well be said to command his Disciples by the holy Ghost, as to choose them by the holy Ghost; and so è contra. But it is material to consider,  
First, that it is more proper by far to conceive Christ acting the holy Ghost upon the Disciples, and that when they were called; then his acting him in himself in calling them.  
Secondly, that there is no mention at all of such an acting of the holy Ghost in the Disciples choosing; but there is expressly at their receiving their charge; and therefore not only the pointing of the Text, and the consent of divers Copies, Expositors and interpreters that read as our English doth; but even the very thing itself, and truth and evidence of Story require that it should be so read: Now, why Christ should be said to give commandment through the holy Ghost; and what commandment this was that was so given to them, is much in controversy.  
There is mention indeed of Christ breathing of the holy Ghost upon them, joh. 20.22. and of a commandment or two given them afterward, as To go teach all Nations, Mat. 28.19. and to abide at Jerusalem till the promise of the Father, Act. 1.4. And the exposition and interpretation that is commonly given of these words doth sense them thus, 
Year of Christ 33.  That Christ by the virtue of the holy Ghost in himself did give them these commands: Whereas it is far more agreeable to the stile and phrase of Scripture, to expound them in another sense; namely, that Christ by the holy Ghost infused into his Disciples did command them; not by the words of his own mouth, but by the direction of his Spirit within them: and so the Prophets were commanded, Zech. 1.6. where the Lxx use the same Greek word.  
For, first, else to what purpose did he breathe the holy Ghost upon them, and bid them receive it? Sure they had something besides the Ceremony of breathing, bestowed upon them; and what can that be conceived to be, if not the holy Ghost, to inform them of what they yet knew not, and to direct them what he would have them to do?  
Secondly, it is therefore observable, that on Pentecost day they received 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Vers. 8. & Luke 24.49. Power and abililities to execute their charge: for indeed their charge was given them by Christ before. Now Christ was not with them continually to talk with them and to instruct them, but came by times among them, and away again: and therefore on the very first night that he appeared unto them, he distributed the holy Ghost among them, to be their constant instructor, and enjoiner what they were to do, in that calling and employment to which they were engaged: and the fruit of one of these instructions and injunctions by the holy Ghost within them, was the choosing of Mathias.   

Vers. III. To whom also he showed himself alive after his passion, by many infallible proofs.  

Sect. The History of the resurrection, and Christ's several apparitions after it.  
On the first day of the week 
(a) Luk. 14.1.  very early in the morning, 
(b) Ma●. 28.1.  when it began to dawn 
(c) joh. 20.1.  while it was yet dark, Marry Magdalen, and the other Marry 
(d) joh. 19.25.  the wife of Cleopas, & 
(e) Luk. 24.10. Mark 15.48.  mother of james and joses; and 
(f) Mar. 16.1.  Salome 
(g) Compare Mat 27.56. & Mark 15.40.  the mother of Zebedees' children; & 
(h) Luk. 24.10.  joanna the wife of Chusa, Herod's Steward; and other women that were with them set out to see the Sepulchre, and brought the Spices with them that they had prepared. And as they went, they 
(k) Mar. 16.3.  said, Who shall roll the Stone away for us? But when they came to the Sepulchre 
(l) Ma●. 16.2.  the Sun being by this time risen, they found the stone rolled away: 
(i) Luke 8.3.  For there had been 
(m) Mat. 28.2.  a great earthquake, and the angel of the Lord had descended from heaven, and rolled back the stone from the door, and sat upon it: as the Women came unto the Sepulchre, they saw this 
(n) Ma●. 16.5.  angel like a young man, sitting on the right hand of the entry in, in a long white robe, and they were sore troubled. 
(o) Mat 28.5. Mark 16 6.  But he said unto them, Fear ye not, I know that ye seek Jesus which was crucified; he is not here, for he is risen; come see the place where they laid him. 
(p) Luk. 24.3.  And they entered into the Cave, and found not the Body in the Sepulchre; but there they see 
(q) joh. 12.12  two angels more in shining garments; the one at the head, and the other at the feet where the body had lain, 
[r] Luk. 24.5.  who spoke to them, Why seek ye the dead among the living?  

[s] ibid. 9 Mar. 16.8.  The Women having seen this, go in haste and tell the Disciples. 
(t) joh. 20.2, 3.4, etc.  Whereupon Peter and john run to the Sepulchre, and see the linen clothes, but see not the angels. 
(u) ibid. 10.11. etc.  When they were gone home again, Marry Magdalen, who had again followed them to the Sepulchre, standing at the door seeth the angels again within, and turning herself she seeth Jesus without, whom at first she took for the Gardener.  
So that the first apparition of our Saviour being risen was to her alone, joh. 20. ver. 11. to 19 
1 Apparition.   
The same day he appeareth to the two men that went to Emmaus, Luke 24.13. the one of them was Cleopas, 
2 Apparition.  vers. 18. the Father of james and joses, and husband of the other Marry; Compare john 19.25. & Matth. 15.40. and the other was Simon Peter, Luke 24.34. 1 Cor. 15.5.  
That night he appeareth to the twelve, 
3 Apparition.  as the Apostle calls them, 1 Cor. 15.5. or to the eleven, and them that were with them, Luk. 24.36, 39  
john 20.19, 20. and showeth them his hands and feet, and eateth a piece of broiled fish and an honeycomb with them Luke 24.43.  
Eight days after he appeareth to the Disciples, and convinceth Thomas, 
4 Apparition.  john 20.26.  

5 Apparition.  At the Sea of Tiberias he appeareth again to seven of his Disciples, and foretelleth Peter of his suffering for the Gospel, joh. 21. This john calleth his third appearing, vers. 24. namely, which he had made to any number of his Disciples together, and which john himself had mentioned.  

6 Apparition.  On a mountain in Galilee he showeth himself to the eleven, Mat. 28.16. and to five hundred brethren at once, 1 Cor. 15.6. for so it may be supposed; seeing Galilee and this mountain was the place of rendevouz that he had appointed, not only from the time of his resurrection, Mat. 28.7 but even before his passion, Mat. 26.32. and to this convention seemeth the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the next verse to have reference: of which in its proper place.  

7 Apparition.  The Apostle mentioneth another appearance of his to james, 1 Cor. 15.7. But neither do any of the Evangelists tell when, or where it was, nor make they mention of any such thing; nor doth Paul determine which james it was.  

8 Apparition.  Lastly, he appeared to all the Apostles, 1 Cor. 15.7. being gathered to Jerusalem by his appointment, Acts 1.4. and thence he led them forth to B●thany, and was taken up, Luke 24.50.   

Sect. By many infallible Proofs.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, By many Signs, say the Syrian & Arabic: Arguments, saith the Vulgar Latin: But the word includeth Signs of undoubted truth, and arguments of undoubted demonstration; and accordingly hath our English well expressed it, By infallible proofs. These were very many, exhibited and showed by Christ, which evidenced his resurrection: and they may be reduced to these three purposes.  
First, to show that he was truly alive again, as his eating, walking, conferring and conversing with his Disciples.  
Secondly, to show that he had a true and real body, as offering himself to be handled, as Luke 24.39.  
Thirdly, to show that it was the same body that suffered, when he showeth the scars in his hands, feet, and sides, as joh. 20.20, 27.  
Every apparition that are reckoned before, and are mentioned by the Evangelists, had one or more of these demonstrations; and yet were there certain appearances, and divers such proofs, which are not recorded, joh. 20.30.   

Sect. Being seen of them forty days.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith Theophylact, not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: For that Christ was not continually conversing with his Disciples, but he came among them at certain times; Yet do the Syrian and Arabic, translate it in Forty days.  
Forty years after this, a year for a day (as Numb. 14.33, 34.) was Jerusalem destroyed, and the Nation of the Jews rooted out; because they would not believe in Christ, who had so mightily declared himself to be the Son of God, by his resurrection from the dead, and who had so plainly declared his resurrection from the dead, by so many appearings, and infallible proofs for forty days.  
And that the sin might be fully legible in the Judgement, they were besieged and closed up in Jerusalem, at a Passeover, as at a Passeover they had slain and crucified the Lord of life: Now, that this remarkable work of the Lords Justice upon this Nation, in suiting their judgement thus parallel to their sin and unbelief, in regard of these years, and this time of the year may be the more conspicuous to the mind of the reader; for the present, it will not be much amiss to lay down the times of the Roman Emperors from this time thitherto; for even by their times and stories, this time and truth may be measured and proved: and in the progress of the discourse to come, the particulars both for year and time may be cleared more fully.  
Now the times of the Roman Emperors, that came between the death of Christ, and the destruction of Jerusalem, are thus reckoned by the Roman Historians themselves.  
Tiberius began to reign about August the 18.  
He reigned 22 years, 7 months, and 7 days. Dion. And died in the 23 of his reign. Suet.  
He died March 26. Dion. Or the 17 of the Calends of April, Sueton.  
Caius Caligula began March 27.  
Reigned 3 years, 9 months, 28. days. Dion. Or 3 years, 10 months, 8 days, Sueton.  
Died January 23, or the 9 of the Calends of February, Sue●.  
Claudius began January 24.  
Reigned 13 years, 8 months, 20 days. Dion. He died in the 14 year of his reign, Suet.  
Died October 13. Dion. or the 3 of the Ides of Octob. Suet  
Nero began Octob. 14.  
Reigned 13 years, 8 months, Dion.  
Galba reigned 9 months, 13 days. Dion. Died in his 7 month, saith Suet.  
Otho reigned 90 days. Dion. 95 days, Suet.  
Vitellius reigned 1 year wanting 10 days, Dion.  
Vespasian reigned 10 years wanting six days, Dion.  
In his second year Jerusalem is destroyed by his son Titus, joseph. de Bello judaic. lib. 7. cap. 18.  
And now if we cast up the times, from the 18 of Tiberius to the second of Vespasian; and compare and parallel them with the years of our Saviour, we shall find them running together in this manner, Christ Tiberius Christ Claudius 33 18 54 13 34 19 55 14 35 20 56 1 Nero. 36 21 57 2 37 22 58 3 38 1 Caius begins in March 27. 59 4 39 2 60 5 40 3 61 6 41 4 62 7 42 1 Claudius begins 63 8 43 2 January 24. 64 9 44 3 65 10 45 4 66 11 46 5 67 12 47 6 68 13 48 7 69 14 49 8 70 1 Calba & Otho. 50 9 71 1 Vitellius. 51 10 72 1 Vespasian. 52 11 73 2 jerusalem destroyed. 53 12      

Vers. IU. And being assembled together with them.  
There is no small difference among Interpreters about rendering this clause out of the Original. Some read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, others leave the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 out; as thinking the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sufficient: some render it Eating with them, as the Syrian, Arabic, Oecumenius, chrysostom, Vulgar Latin, Deodate, and our English in the Margin, the Rhemists, and those that follow the Vulgar, which Valla thinketh was mistaken, and read convescens in stead of conversans. Others, Assembling them, or being assembled with them, as Beza, Camerarius, Deodate, and our English in the Text; the Tigurine, Spanish, French, Erasmus, and others; Epiphanius as he is cited by Camerarius, readeth it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and Valla as he is cited by Erasmus saith, it is so written in some Greek Copies. For the settling therefore of the right construction of this place;  
First, it is the concurrent agreement of all men, this last excepted; to read the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; which word indeed the thing itself will not bear, for though Christ conversed, and was much among his Disciples after his resurrection, yet do we not read that he ever lodged with them; which the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth properly import.  
Secondly, In the difference about the translation, whether to render it eating, or being assembled with them; the current of Greek Authors in the use of the word, do vote for the latter sense, and not at all for the former, as Beza and Camerarius do prove at large; and more proofs might be given, were it needful.  
Now this phrase seemeth to refer to Christ's meeting his Disciples on the mountain of Galilee, which he himself had appointed for a meeting place, Mat. 28.16. And the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may not be wanting. For in other of his appearings, it was accidental and unexpected when he came among them; but upon this mount he was assembled together with them upon appointment. And here it is like were the five hundred Brethren mentioned by Paul, and spoken of before; for where was it so likely so many should have the sight of Christ at once; as in that place where he had promised that he would meet them, and had appointed to assemble with them.  

Sect. Commanded them that they should not depart from Jerusalem.  
Not that they were at jerusalem when they received this command, but that he commandeth them now to jerusalem, & there to continue. Till they were come into Galilee, they had no warrant to stay at jerusalem at all, but command to the contrary; for he commanded them away from thence into Galilee, Matth. 28.7.16. because he would appear to all those at once, that had been most constant Auditors of him; for there had been his greatest converse; and being there assembled together with them, according to his promise and his appointment, he than chargeth them to return to jerusalem, and not to depart from thence till the promise of the Father become.  
Christ confineth them to jerusalem, for the receiving of the holy Ghost. 1. Because of the Prophecy, Esay 2.3. Out of Zion shall go forth the law, etc. 2. Because there would be the greatest company to be spectators of that great work, and to be wrought upon by it, as is proved by the sequel. 3. Because that this great work of Christ's power, was fittest to be showed there, where had been his great humiliation: and that those that would not be convinced by the resurrection, might be convinced by this miraculous gift of the holy Ghost.    

Vers. 6. They asked of him, saying, Lord wilt thou at this time restore again the Kingdom to Israel?  
This was and is the great delusion of that Nation unto this day, and not a few Christians do side with them in it; supposing that at the Jews conversion, they shall be brought home to Canaan, there inhabit with Christ visibly among them, jerusalem built again; and their peace and prosperity so great, as never the like; and so constant, as never interrupted. To this tune spoke the petition of Salome, the wife of Z●bedee, and james and john her two sons, Mat. 20.20. and the speech of Cleopas, Luk. 24.21. And how common this Doctrine is among the Jewish Authors, it is needless (for it might be endless) to recite; it is evidence enough, in that we see it the common and general quaere of all the Disciples met together: Christ since his resurrection had spoken to them of the things that concerned the kingdom of God, and they find belike, that he had passed a great Article of their belief unspoken of, about restoring the kingdom of Israel. Our Saviour answers their curiosity with a check, as he had done Peter, joh. 21.22. & diverts their thoughts to the more needful consideration of the calling that he would set them about, as in the next verse; and showeth that the kingdom of Christ, which they mistook, should be a spiritual power, which even just now was to begin; and of this power he tells they should receive and dilate, and carry on his Kingdom.  

Sect. Certain Articles or positions tending to the confutation of the jews in this point, and the Millenaries that concur in many things with them  
1. That the Book of Daniel speaketh nothing of the state of the Jews, beyond the destruction of jerusalem by Titus.  
2. That the Revelation intendeth not the stories and times that are written in Daniel, but taketh at him and beginneth where Daniel left, to discourse the state of the new Jerusalem when the old one was ruined.  
3. That the fourth Monarchy in Daniel, is not Rome, nor possibly can be, Dan. 7.11, 12. well weighed together.  
4. That the blasphemous horn in Dan. 7.8.25. etc. is not Antichrist, but Antiochus.  
5. That Antichrist shall not be destroyed before the calling of the Jews, but shall persecute them, when they are converted, as well as he hath done the Church of the Christians: And that the slaying of the two Prophets, Rev. 11. aimeth at this very thing, to show that Antichrist shall persecute the Church of Jews and Gentiles, when towards the end of the world they shall be knit together in profession of the Gospel.  
6. That the calling of the Jews shall be in the places of their residence among the Christians, and their calling shall not cause them to change place, but condition.  
7. That Ezekiels New Jerusalem is bigger in compass by many hundreds of miles, than all the land of Canaan ever was in its utmost extent.  
8. That the earth was cursed from the beginning, Gen. 3.17. and therefore Christ's kingdom not to be of the cursed earth, joh. 18.36.  
9 That the kingdom everlasting that began after the destruction of the fourth beast, Dan. 2.44. & 7.14.27. was the kingdom of Christ in the Gospel, and began with the Gospel, preached among the Gentiles.  
10. That the binding of Satan for a thousand years, beginneth from the same date.  
11. That his binding up, is not from persecuting the Church, but from deceiving the Nations, Rev. 20.3.8.  
12. That multitudes of those places of the Old Testament that are applied by the Jews and Millenaries, to the people of the Jews, and their earthly prosperity, do purposely intend the Church of the Gentiles, and their spiritual happiness.    

Vers. 8. But ye shall receive power after the holy Ghost is come upon you.  

Sect. 1. How many of the Disciples were spectators of Christ's ascension.  
It is apparent by this Evangelist, both in this place, and in his Gospel, that there were divers others that were spectators of this glorious sight beside the twelve. For in the 14 verse he hath named both the women and the brethren of Christ; which number of men in ver. 15. he hath summed to 120. as we shall see there: And so likewise in his Gospel, Chap. 24. he hath so carried the Story, as that it appeareth by him, that the beholders of his first appearing after his resurrection, were also the beholders of his Ascension: for at ver. 33. he speaketh of the eleven, and them that were with them, and from thence forward he hath applied the story until the ascension indifferently to them all. And this thing will be one argument for us hereafter to prove that the whole hundred and twenty mentioned vers. 15. of this Chapter received the Gift of tongues, and not the eleven only.    

Vers. IX. While they beheld, he was taken up.  

Sect. 1. The year of Christ at his Ascension.  
The time of Christ's conversing upon earth cometh into dispute (viz. whether it were 32 years and an half, or 33 and an half) mainly, upon the construction of this clause, Luke 3.23. jesus began to be about 30 years of age when he was baptised: For though it be agreed on, that the time of his Ministry, or from his Baptism to his suffering, was three years and an half; yet is it controverted upon that Text, whether to begin those from his entering upon his 30 year current, or from finishing that year complete. The Text speaketh out for the former; and in that it saith, He began to be thirty; it denyeth his being thirty complete; and in that it saith, he began to be 
* So 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Act. 13.20.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, thirty after a certain reckoning, or, as it were thirty; it denyeth his drawing upon thirty complete likewise: For if he were full thirty, it were improper to say, he began to be thirty; and if he were drawing on to full thirty, than were it proper to have said, he began to be thirty indeed; and not began to be, as it were thirty. Therefore the manner of speech doth clearly teach us to reckon, that jesus was now nine and twenty years old complete, and was just entering upon his thirtyeth year when he was baptised: and so doth it follow without any great scruple, that he was crucified, rose again, and ascended, when he was now thirty two years and an half old complete, which we must write his thirty third year current.   

Sect. 2. The age of the world at our Saviour's death, resurrection and ascension.  
We have showed elsewhere, that these great things of our Saviour's suffering and exaltation came to pass in the year of the world 3960. then half passed; or being about the middle. It will be needless to spend time to prove and confirm it here. The summing up these several sums which were as so many links of that chain will make it apparent.  
From the Creation to the Flood 
1656. Gen. 5.6, 7. etc.  From the Flood to the promise to Abraham, Gen. 12. 
427. Gen. 11. & 12.  From the promise to the delivery from Egypt. 
430. Exo. 12.40. Gal. 3.17  From the coming out of Egypt to the founding of Solomon's Temple. 
480. 1 Kings 6.1.  From the founding to the finishing of the Temple. 
7. 1 King. 6.38.  From finishing the Temple, to the revolt of the ten Tribes. 
30. 1 Kin. 6.38. & 11.42. compa  From the revolt of the ten Tribes to the burning of the Temple. 
390. Ezek. 4.5, 6.  From the burning of the Temple, to the return from Babel. 
50. jer. 25.11, 12. & 2 Chron. 36.6  From the return from Babel to the death of Christ. 
9, 10. 2 Kin. 25 2, 3 presly comp. 490. Dan. 9.24, etc.  Totall 
3960.   
And hereupon it doth appear, that as the Temple was finished by Solomon, just Anno Mundi 3000. So that it was fired by Titus, just Anno Mundi 4000 jerusalem being destroyed exactly 40 years after Christ's death, as was showed even now.    

Verse XII. Olivet, which is from Jerusalem a Sabbath day's journey.  

Sect. 1. Why the Evangelist doth measure this distance at this time.  
This is the first matter of scruple in these words: and it is material to take notice of it, the rather, because that this same Evangelist hath made mention of the Mount of Olives in his other book, and yet never taketh notice of the distance of it from Jerusalem before, as Luk. 19.29.37. & 22.39.   

Sect. 2. Why the Evangelist doth measure this distance by a Sabbath day's journey, rather than any other measure.  
This also is not impertinent to take notice of, because neither the present time, nor the present action had any reference to the Sabbath day at all: For had it been either the Jews Sabbath, or the Christian Sabbath, when this thing was done; it were easy to see why the measure of the distance betwixt these two places, is by such a standard; but since it was in the middle of the week when our Saviour ascended, and near neither the one sabbath nor the other, it cannot but breed some just scruple why the Evangelist should mention a Sabbath day's journey here.  
But before we can give satisfaction to these two scruples, it is in a kind necessary to resolve one or two more which are of no less, if not of a greater difficulty: and those are;   

Sect. 3. Whether the Evangelist intent to measure the distance from the Mount Olivet to jerusalem, or from the place where our Saviour ascended on mount Olivet, to Jerusalem.  
Sect. 4. What space a Sabbath day's journey was.  
This last, must first fall under determination, and it is not of small obscurity in regard of the different measures that are made of it, and in regard of the different glosses that are made upon this Text.  
The Syriack readeth it thus, Which was from Jerusalem seven furlongs. And this hath bred some difficulty more than was in the next before; for that josephus saith, Mount Olivet was but five furlongs from jerusalem, Antiq. lib. 20. cap. 6. And john the Evangelist saith, Bethany was 15 furlongs from Jerusalem, joh. 11.18. And certain it is that Luke in this place speaketh of the distance from Olivet, or from Bethany, or from both; and yet the Syriack gloss upon him, hath found out a measure that agrees neither with josephus, nor with john.  
There is a like difference between their opinions that come to measure this space not by furlongs, but by another measure; some holding it to be two thousand paces, or two miles; others two thousand cubits, or but one mile: This latter to have been the measure of a Sabbath day's journey, namely, two thousand cubits, is apparent in the Talmud, and it may be confirmed out of other Writers of the same Nation; for this position is in the Tractate of Erubbin, Chap. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a journey of two thousand middle paces is the bound of the sabbath: And the Scholiast there saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: A middle pace in the way of a man's walk, namely a cubit. And so the Chaldee paraphrast on the first of Ruth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: We are commanded to keep the Sabbaths and the holy days; so as to go not above two thousand cubits. And this tradition or custom seemeth to be fetched from that place in josh. 3.4. where, because the people in their march after, and on either side the Ark, were to keep twenty Cubits distance off it; it is thereupon concluded, that they pitched at that distance when the Ark & they were encamped; and so that that was the space that they went from their Tents to the Tabernacle on the Sabbath day: it is not worth the labour, to examine the truth of this opinion in this place; because we have not here so much to deal with it, as with a custom built upon it: and it is not so material whether that was the distance betwixt their Tents and the Tabernacle in their encamp in the wilderness (for some of them were double, treble that distance) as certain it is, that a custom was grown from this opinion of travelling no further than two thousand Cubits on the Sabbath day; and to this custom the Evangelist speaketh, and that is it that we must look after. Now if we count these two thousand Cubits for whole yards, than was the space a mile, and above half a quarter, or somewhat above nine furlongs in all: but if for half yards, which was the common Cubit, than was it but half so much, and neither of these sums agree with the Syriacks seven furlongs, nor with john's fifteen. But the latter agreeth very well with josephus his five, and so do I understand the measure to be.  
For, first, it were easy to prove that the Cubit by which the Tabernacle was measured at the building of it, both for its own body, and for the ground it stood upon, and its Court, and all things about it, was but the common Cubit of half a yard; and it is most likely that those two thousand Cubits that did distance the people from it in the wilderness, and that measured out a Sabbath day's journey now, were Cubits of the same size.  
Secondly, the Text of Luke exactly measures the distance from the Mount of Olives to jerusalem, and it is very questionable whether he intent the space from that place upon the Mount where our Saviour ascended, or no. He saith in the last Chapter of his Gospel, that jesus led the Disciples out, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Vers. 50. not towards Bethany, but as far as unto it, as our English, and the Syriack, the Vulgar, Beza, and others do truly render it: now Bethany was about fifteen furlongs from Jerusalem, joh. 11.16. and let us take the two thousand Cubits how we will, either common or holy Cubit, either half yard, or yard; or ezekiel's Cubit, of a Cubit and hand breadth: Yet will none of these measures reach to so many furlongs.  
Now howsoever Beza hath sought to heal this difference by a supposal that Bethany was not only the name of a Town, but also a tract or a space of ground that lay about the Town, as a Lordship or Parish lieth about the Village; & that though the Town itself lay fifteen furlongs from jerusalem, yet that the grounds and demeanes that carried the same name, reached within half that space to jerusalem; the grounds of such a supposal are yet to seek; nay, there is good ground to the contrary.  
For first, it is rare in Scripture to find open fields called by the name of a Town, when there is no expression that the fields are meant: particularly, if we should reckon up all the Towns named in the Bible that bear a Beth, in the beginning of them, as Bethlehem, Bethshemesh, Bethsaida, Bethel, and all the rest that are of the like beginning, we could never find that they signify any thing but the very town itself; and why Bethany should be singular, I see no reason.  
Secondly, in all the mentioning of Bethany in other places in the Gospel, it is passed peradventure that the Town is meant; as joh. 12.1. Mat. 21.17. Mark 11.11. Matth. 26.1. etc. and why it should not be so also in Luke 24.50. had need of cogent reasons to demonstrate.  
Thirdly, it is very questionable whether Bethphage lay not betwixt jerusalem and Bethany; or if it did not, it lay very little aside the way, as might be showed out of the story of Christ's riding into Jerusalem, Matth. 21.1. Luke 19.29. compared with joh. 12.1. and therefore that was like to cut off the name of Bethany, that it should not reach far in the fields towards the City: For Christ lay in Bethany all night, joh. 12.1. and on the morning was gone some way towards jerusalem before he met with the Ass on which he road, which he had commanded his Disciples to fetch from Bethpage, which was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before them, as the Syrian well renders it; that is, either directly in their way to jerusalem, or very little off it; as they were now setting out of Bethany thither. And this is confirmed by the gloss upon the Gomar● in Sanhedrin, porch. 1. where mention being made of Bethphage, in the Text the Scholiast saith, Bethphage was a place before the wall of the City, and governed as Jerusalem in all things.  
It is therefore of the most probability, that Christ when he ascended, led out his Disciples to Bethany Town, fifteen furlongs from jerusalem, or thereabout, and that very way that he had ridden triumphantly into the City seven and forty days ago, he goeth now again to ride more triumphantly into heaven. The Text then that we have in hand doth not measure the space from the City to Bethany where Christ ascended, but from the City to the foot of Mount Clivet, on which Mount, Bethany stood; and the measure he maketh of it is two thousand common Cubits, or about five furlongs. And so we have done with two of the Queries that were proposed. But now why he should measure this space at this time rather than any other, and why by the title of a Sabbath days journey, rather than any other measure, remaineth yet to be inquired after.  
This Evangelist hath divers times in his Gospel mentioned this Mount, as was showed before; but never showed the situation or distance of it from the City till now, and that may be a reason why he doth it here, being the last time that ever he is to mention it in all his writings; and that one place might explain another: Namely, that from this Text the several passages done on Mount Olivet which are mentioned in his Gospel, might receive some illustration, and it might be known how far they were acted from Jerusalem; or at the least guessed how far, it being from hence determined, how far the foot of Olivet was distant from it: It had been indeed as ready to have said they returned from Bethany, which was from jerusalem about fifteen furlongs; but the holy Ghost is not so careful to measure the distance from the place of Christ's ascension (it may be for the same reason that he concealed the grave of Moses, for fear of superstition) as to measure from Olivet where so many, and remarkable occurrences besides Christ's ascension had passed, and been done by him.  
Why he measureth it by the title of Sabbath days journey, rather than by any other measure, as of paces, furlongs, or the like, since this day that was spoken of is not a Sabbath, we dare not be too curious to determine: Only to conjecture, it is very probable, that this was the common walk of the people of jerusalem on the sabbath day in pleasant weather for their meditations, when they had done the public duties of the day: For so it is said of Christ, that he often resorted to a garden of Gethsemani with his Disciples, joh. 18.2. and though it be not certain whether he did on the Sabbath; yet it is certain that he did on the passover night, after he and his Disciples had done the work of the day and Ordinance. And that time of the day fell under the same obligation that the Sabbath did in this particular. For, as was observed even now out of the Chaldee Paraphrast, not only on the Sabbaths, but also on other holy days it was not lawful to walk above two thousand Cubits; and this time that our Saviour set thither, was the beginning of such a day: namely, of the first day in the Passeover week, which was to be observed as a Sabbath, Leu. 23.7. and that day was begun at that even when our Saviour went out to Gethsemani to pray. And though judas slipped from behind his Master after they were risen from the Table and come out of the House, and when he should have gone out of the City with him, he stepped aside into the City, and got his cursed train up to go to apprehend jesus; yet the Text assures us, joh. 18.2. that judas knew where to have him, though he went not to observe whither he would go; because that that was our Saviour's common retiring place upon such occasions. And so may we conceive it was the common haunt of others of the City, upon such times, and such occasions of prayer and meditation to resort thither, for the delightsomeness of the place, and the helpfulness of it by the delight and solitariness to contemplation. And therefore the Evangelist may be conceived to use this expression for the measure betwixt it and the City, A Sabbath days journey; because it was most remarkably so; not only upon obligation, but for delight, and the people's common Sabbath days walk.    

Vers. XIII. They went up into an upper room.  
This was not that room in which Christ ordained his last Supper; for that was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Mark 14.15. Luk. 22.12. this was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and certainly the difference of words, argues difference of the thing itself: for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seemeth to signify any room above stairs, be it but the first story, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the highest room in all the House, as Act. 20.8, 9 which was the third story. Nor is it probable that this was the House of john Mark, mentioned Act. 12.12. For though some Disciples were then assembled there, yet were the Apostles in another place. What place this was, is not worth the labour of searching; because it is passed the possibility of finding out: be it in what house it would, this was the place where this society of Apostles and Elders kept as it were their College and Consistory, while they stayed at jerusalem, and till persecution scattered them. And therefore it is said, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, they were there abiding: This was not the meeting place in public Worship for all the Believers in the City, which ere long, if not at this very time, were several Congregations: but this was the meeting and sitting place for the Presbytery of these Elders that took care of all those Congregations.  

Sect. Both Peter, and james, and john, etc.  
The Syrian readeth, Peter, and john, and james; and for Bartholomew and Matthew, he and the Arabic read Matthew and Batholomew; the reason best known to themselves.   

Sect. james the Son of Alpheus.  
The word Son, is not in the Greek, neither here, nor Matth. 10.3. nor Mark 3.18. nor Luke 6.15. but it is only thus, james of Alpheus, and so reads the Vulgar. But the Syrian, Arabic, Beza, our English, and divers others have very warrantably put in the word Son.  
Now this Alpheus and Cleopas, mentioned, Luke 24.18. were but one and the same man: the Syrian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 serving indifferently to frame his name into Hebrew, or into a Greek pronunciation, Chalphi and Cleophi, as Paul's double name sounded after these two languages: This Cleopas or Alpheus, was the Husband of Mary, joh. 19.25. and she the mother of james the less, and of joses, Matth. 15.40. and of judah and Simon, Mar. 6.3. and from hence is warrant sufficient to call james the Son of Alpheus; though the Text hath not spoken out the word Son.  
This james is he, that was commonly called james the less, mentioned Acts 12.7. & 15.3. & 21.18. Gal. 2.9. etc. and so often called by Ancients, the Bishop of jerusalem, but upon what misprision shall be conjectured afterward.   

Sect. And Simon Zelotes.  
He is called Simon the Kanaanite, Matth. 10.4. Mark 3.18. which in Hebrew signifieth zealous, as is more apparent by the Syriack and Arabic writing of it, than the Greek: It is like he was so called from Kanah in Galilee, the place of his abode; and the Evangelist translateth this proper Hebrew name, into a Greek appellative, as john doth Siloam, joh. 9.7. This Simon was the Son of Alpheus also, and so likewise was judas mentioned instantly after, Mar. 6.3. And so hath Alpheus three sons that were Apostles; and joses the fourth, is in fair choice to be one too, ver. 23.    

Vers. XIIII. With the Women.  
Some render it, With their Wives, which may indeed be very true; for the Apostles and Disciples which had Wives, took them with them, 1 Cor. 9.5. but it is too straight: for doubtless there were some Women with them, that had either no Husbands at all, or none there; see Luke 8.23. & 23.49. & 24.22.  

Sect. And Mary the mother of Jesus.  
We have no more mention of her in Scripture: it is like she continued under the care of John the Evangelist, to whom our Saviour had committed her, Joh. 19.26, 27. and at the last in some persecution was taken away by martyrdom, as Simeon had prophesied of her, Luke 2.35.   

Sect. And his Brethren.  
That is, his Kinsmen; for by this term doth the Scripture use to express such relations: it is needless to show examples: and to show who these Kinsmen were, will be more proper for another place.    

Vers. 15. And in those days Peter stood up in the midst.  
Peter both in this place, and divers others, and indeed generally through so much of this book as concerns the Church of Judea and Jerusalem, is ever brought in as the chief speaker, and chief actor; nay, commonly the sole speaker and actor upon all occasions: Not that the rest of the Apostles were either any whit inferior to him, either in authority or in forwardness to promote the Gospel; but upon these two most singular and peculiar grounds.  
First, Peter was designed by a more special deputation and appointment to be the Minister of the Circumcision, Gal. 2.8. and therefore while the Story stayeth among the Circumcised, it still mentioneth Peter above all the other: as when it cometh to speak of the uncircumcised, than it fixeth solely on the story of Paul.  
Secondly, Peter was considerable under a notion that none of the rest of the twelve had fallen under namely, one that had denied & foresworn his Master: and therefore it was in some kind necessary that some special evidences of his perfect recovery again should be given. And whensoever he is thus honoured by mention of him, when the rest are not mentioned, it is not for that he outstripped them either in dignity, or zeal; but to show that he had recovered that ground which he had lost of them in his grievous fall. And these two considerations do mainly resolve, why you read hardly of any man's speeches, or any man's actions but only Peter. He is the speaker in Act. 2. at the first conversion of the three thousand souls; and he is the speaker in Act. 3. at the second conversion of five thousand more; not that the rest of the company did not preach and speak as well as he; as we shall prove for that first Sermon on Acts 2. and as the holy Ghost itself approves for that second, Acts 4.1. But because, at these first fruits of the Gospel among the Circumcised, the Lord more especially holdeth out the mention of the Minister of the Circumcision.  
And so in this motion for the choice of a new Apostle, and in that doom again on Ananias and Sapphira, Peter of all other is the Man: for how fully and how fitly doth it show his perfect recovery, when he that of all the rest, had fallen next to judas, doth censure judas; and he that had denied his Master with an oath, doth strike those dead for a lie?  

Sect. The number of Names together.  
Names, is held by divers in this place, and in Rev. 3.4. & 11.13. to signify only persons without any distinction of sex: whereas it rather signifieth men distinct from women: and so it seemeth that the Syriack and Arabic understand it here; and the latter addeth that they were men of name or repute.  
For, first, in Scripture account, most constantly the reckoning is of men; and women very rarely brought in in the number: nay sometime the reckoning plainly showed to be contradistinguished to women.  
Secondly, the name of a family continueth in the males, but is lost in the females; and therefore in the Hebrew, a male is called Zacar, from remembrance; and women Nashim, from forgetting; and in the New Test: Greek, men are called Names upon the like reason.   

Sect. Were about an hundred and twenty.  
This summeth the men that are spoken of in the verse preceding; the twelve Apostles, the seventy Disciples, and about thirty eight more, all of Christ's own kindred, country, or converse.  
These one hundred and twenty here spoken of, are not to be reputed or accounted as the whole number of believers at jerusalem at this time; but only those that had followed Christ continually, Verse 21. were of his own Country, stood in more near relation to him, as being of his own family and society, and appointed by him for the Ministry.  
The Believers at jerusalem no doubt were many hundreds, if not thousands at this time; though we read of no converts in this book, till the next Chapter. For what fruit or account can else be given of all Christ's preaching and pains bestowed in that City? let but joh. 2, 23. & 3.2. & 4.1. & Mar. 3.8. & joh. 7.31. & 8.30. & 11.28, 45. & 12.19.42. and divers other places be well weighed, and it will be utterly unimaginable that there should be less believers in jerusalem now then many hundreds, much more unimaginable that these one hundred and twenty were all, who were all Galileans, and no inhabitants of jerusalem at all.  
This number therefore mentioned by the Evangelist of one hundred and twenty, is not to be thought all the Church in that City; but only the society and company that were of Christ's own train and retinue whilst he was upon earth, that companied with him all the time that he went in and out among his Disciples, Acts 1.21. And this company though it be mingled and dispersed among the Congregations in the City for preaching the Word, and administering the Sacraments, and joining in acts of worship; yet did they keep together as a more entire and peculiar society, and standing Presbytery, Act. 4.21. and of the rest durst none join himself unto them, Acts 5.13. and thus they continued till the persecution at Stephen's death dispersed them all but the Apostles, Acts 3.1.    

Ver. XVI. This Scripture must needs have been fulfilled.  
I apprehend not what the word [have] doth in this clause, for it had been both more proper for the sense and more facile for the reader, to have it read, This Scripture must needs be fulfilled. Now the application of these places so pertinently and home to judas, showeth the illumination and knowledge that the breathing and giving of the holy Ghost, joh. 20.22. had wrought in the Disciples.   

Verse XVIII. This man purchased a Field with the reward of iniquity.  
Not that he himself bought this field, for Matthew resolves the contrary, Matth. 27.7. and tells that it was bought by the Chief Priest for his damned bribe: Nor was any such thing in his intention when he bargained for his money; but Peter by a bitter irrision showeth the fruit and profit of his wretched covetise; and how he that thought to enlarge his Revenues, and to settle his habitation by such horrid means, came home by it with the contrary, his revenues to purchase land for others, his habitation to be desolate, and himself to come to so sad an end.  

Sect. And falling headlong, etc.  
Universality, antiquity and consent have so determinately concluded that judas hanged himself, that there is no gainsaying: yet hath the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 left it so indifferent, whether he hanged himself, or were strangled by the Devil, that if I were not tied up by the consent of all to the contrary, I should the rather take it the latter way: And if I durst so interpret it, I should render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to this purpose: that Satan took him away bodily, strangled him in the air; and then flung him headlong and burst out his bowels. For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Qui vel a seipso vel ab alio praecipitatur, saith Stephanus. And to this purpose may that verse of Matth. 27.5. be very well interpreted; And he cast down the silver pieces in the Temple, and departed, and going away he was strangled: the Devil catching him away and stifling him, and then casting him headlong, and bursting out of him with the eruption of his entrails, and this terrible occurrence would soon be noted of all the inhabitants of jerusalem, Acts 1.19.    

Vers. XIX. Aceldama.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a field of blood: by a double relation; First, because it was bought with a price of blood, Matth. 27.7.  
And secondly, because it was sprinkled with his blood that took that price: for so this verse intimateth.   

Verse XXI. Wherefore of these men that have companied with us.  

Sect. Observations upon the election of Mathias.  
First, that there was a necessity the Apostles should be twelve. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. and this, that the Founders of the Christian Church might be parallel to the twelve Tribes, the founders of the Jewish; for now Jews and Christians were to join together: and this is hinted in the twenty four Elders, the representative body of the Church so often mentioned in the Revelation; and spoken out Rev. 21.12.14.  
Secondly, that Mathias and joses being chosen to be presented to the Apostles, the election was not the choice of the whole Church, as if every member of the Church, and believer in jerusalem, either did or might give his vote to the choosing of them; but it was only the choice of the whole Presbytery, or the hundred and eight among themselves: for so is it most plain, vers. 15. & 21. being compared together. Observe the phrase, Of these men that have companied with us.  
Thirdly, that the Apostles could not ordain an Apostle by imposition of hands, as they could ordain Elders, but they are forced to use a divine lot, which was as the immediate hand of Christ imposed on him that was to be ordained: that opinion took little notice of this circumstance, that hath placed Bishops in the place of the Apostles, by a common and successive ordination.    

Vers. 25. Joseph called Barsabas, who was surnamed Justus.  
This seemeth to be he that is called joses, Mark 6.3. & 15.40. the brother of james the less: and the rather to be so supposed, because he is surnamed justus, as james was. And so saith Beza, one old Copy readeth joses here; and the Syriack for joses, readeth joseph, in Chapter 4.36. so indifferently are the names used one for another. And from this indifferency, have some concluded, that joseph here, and joses in that Chapter, are but one and the same person, the nearness of the sound of Barsabas and Barnabas helping forward that supposal.  
But, first, that joses, or joseph in Chapt. 4.36. was borne in Cyprus; this joseph, or joses here, was born in Galilee.  
Secondly, although the Apostles belike had named these two Joseph's to distinguish them, the one Barsabas, and the other Barnabas; two names that are not far asunder in sound and utterance; yet are they in sense, and in the Apostles intention, if they named the one as they did the other: Barnabas is interpreted by the Evangelist himself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, rendered generally the son of consolation; but the Greek may as well bear, the son of exhortation; for so it is known well enough the word familiarly signifieth. The Syriack useth indeed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for consolation, Luke 6.24. Phil. 2.1. Rom. 12.8. 2 Cor. 1.4, 5. and in the place in hand; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the place last cited before it: but whether Barnabas may not equally be deduced from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to prophecy, or instruct, I refer to the Reader: Be it whether it will, certain it is, the Etymology and notation doth very far recede from that of Barsabas. Some conceive that this signifieth the son of an Oath; others the son of fullness; but the notation to me seemeth to be the son of wisdom, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And if we would be Critical, we might observe the various qualifications of a Pastor and Teacher from these two surnames, the one a son of wisdom, and the other of exhortation; but our intention only is to show that the two Joseph's in mention, differed in person, for they differed in name.  

Sect. And Mathias.  
Who, or whence this man was, we cannot determine; certain it is, the sense of his name is the same with Nathaneel, though not the sound: and I should as soon fix upon him for the man, as any other, and some probabilities might be tendered for such a surmisall; but we will not spend time upon such conjectures.     

CHAP. II.  

Vers. 1. And when the day of Pentecost was fully come, they were all together with one accord in one place.  

Sect. 1. The time, and nature of the Feast of Pentecost.  
THE expression of the Evangelist hath bred some scruple; how it can be said, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the day to be completed, or fulfilled, when it was now but newly begun: and the sight of this scruple it is like hath moved the Syrian Translater, and the Vulgar Latin, to read it in the plural number, When the days of Pentecost were fulfilled: Calvin saith, compleri is taken for advenire, to be fulfilled, for to be now come: Beza accounts the fullness of it to be, for that the night, which is to be reckoned for some part of it, was now past; and some part of the day also. In which exposition he saith something toward the explanation of the scruple, but not enough.  
Luke therefore, in relating a story of the feast of Pentecost, useth an expression agreeable to that of Moses, in relating the institution of it, Leu. 23.13. And ye shall count unto you from the morrow after the Sabbath; from the day that ye brought the sheaf of the wave-offering; seven Sabbaths shall be complete: Even unto the morrow after the seventh Sabbath, shall ye number fifty days.  
It will not be amiss to open th●se words a little, for the better understanding and fixing the time of Pentecost.  
First, the Sabbath that is first mentioned in the Text, in these words, Ye shall count unto you from the morrow after the Sabbath, is to be understood of the first day of the Passeover week, or the fifteenth day of the month Nisan; the Passeover having been slain on the day before. And so is it well interpreted by the Chaldee Paraphrast, that goeth under the name of jonathan, and by Rabbi Solomon upon this Chapter, at the 11 verse; And he shall wave the sheaf before the Lord after the holy day, the first day of the Passeover.  
And it was called a Sabbath, be it on what day of the week it would, (as it was on the Friday at our Saviour's death) because no servile work was to be done in it; but an holy convocation to be held unto the Lord, vers. 7. and the Passeover Bullocke, Deut. 16.2, 7. 2 Chron. 30.24. & 35.8. to be eaten on it, john 18.28. as the Lamb had been eaten the night before; and this Bullock was also called a Passeover, and the day the preparation of the Passeover, joh. 19.14. as well as the Lamb, and the day before had been.  
This helpeth to understand that difficult phrase, Mat. 28.1. about which there is such difference and difficulty of expounding, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, In the evening of the Sabbath, saith the Syriack and the Vulgar: And o utinam! for than would the Lords day be clearly called the Sabbath, the Sabbath of the Jews being ended before the evening or night of which he speaketh, did begin. In the end of the Sabbath, saith Beza, and our English, but the Sabbath was ended at Sunsetting before. It is therefore to be rendered, after the Sabbaths, for so signifieth 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Plutarch. post regis tempora. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, post tempora Trojana. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, post noctem, etc.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, after, in Greek Writers, as well as the Evening: and the plural number of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is to have its due interpretation, Sabbaths. Now there were two Sabbaths that fell together in that Passeover week in which our Saviour suffered; this Convocationall or Festival Sabbath, the first day of the Passeover week, and the ordinary weekly Sabbath, which was the very next day after: the former was a Friday, and on that our Saviour suffered, the latter a Saturday, or the Jewish Sabbath, and on that he rested in the grave, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, after these Sabbaths; early in the morning on the first day of the week he rose again.  
Secondly, the morrow after this Sabbath of which we have spoken, or the sixteenth day of the month Nisan, was the solemn day of waving the sheaf of the first-fruits before the Lord, and the day from which they began to count their seven weeks to Pentecost, Leu. 23.11. Deut. 16.9.  
This day then being the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or second day in the Passeover week, and being the date from whence they counted to Pentecost, all the Sabbaths from hence thither, were named in relation to this day: as the first Sabbath after it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Luke 6.1. Not as it is rendered, the second Sabbath after the first, but the first Sabbath after this second day: the next Sabbath after was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: the third 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and so the rest accordingly.  
Thirdly, now in their counting from this morrow after the Sabbath, or this day of their first-fruit sheaf, to Pentecost, seven Sabbaths or Weeks were to be complete: whereupon R. Solomon doth very well observe, that the count must then begin at an evening; and so this day after the Sabbath was none of the fifty; but they were begun to be counted at Even when that day was done: so that from the time of waving the first-fruit sheaf, Pentecost was indeed the one and fiftyeth day; but counting seven weeks complete, when an evening must begin the account, it is but the fiftyeth.  
Fourthly, to this therefore it is that the phrase of the Evangelist speaketh, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which our English hath very well uttered, the day of Pentecost was fully come; thereby giving an exact notice how to fix the day that is now spoken of from our Saviour's death, and to observe that he speaketh of the time of the day indeed, and not of the night which was now over, and the day fully come.  
The dependence of Pentecost upon this day of waving the first-fruit sheaf, was upon this reason; because on this second day of the Passeover, barley harvest began; and from thence forward they might eat parched corn, or corn in the ear; but by Pentecost their corn was inned and seasoned, and ready to make bread, and now they offered the first of their bread. This relation had this festival in the common practice, but something more did it bear in it as a memorial; for it recorded the delivering of the Law at mount Sinai, which was given at the very same time: And thus the giving of the Law at Sinai, for the bringing of the Jews into a Church, and the gift of the holy Ghost at Zion for the like of the Gentiles, did so nearly agree in the manner of their giving, both in fire, and in the time, both at Pentecost. Only, as the Christian Sabbath was one day in the week, beyond the Jewish Sabbath; so this Pentecost when the holy Ghost was given, was one in the month beyond the Pentecost at the giving of the Law, that being on the sixth day of the month Sivan, and this on the seventh.   

Sect. 2. The Pentecost on which the holy Ghost was given, was the first day of the week, namely, Sunday, or the Lord's day.  
As our Saviour by rising on the first day of the week had honoured and sealed that day for the Christian Sabbath, instead of the Jewish, which was the day before; and as is said by the Psalmist, that was the day which the Lord had made, 
Psal. 118.  when the stone refused, was become the head of the corner; so did he again augment the honour, and set home the authority and dignity of that day, in pouring out the holy Ghost upon the Disciples, and performing the great promise of the Father on it. Which that it may be the more clearly seen, it will not be amiss to lay down the time from our Saviour's passion, to this time, in manner of a Calendar, that the reader's eye may be his Judge in this matter.  
And let it not be tedious to take in the account of five or six days before his passion: which though it may be a little Parergon, or besides this purpose, yet may it not be useless or unprofitable: nay, in some respect it is almost necessary, since we cannot in reason but begin our Calendar from the beginning of the month Nisan, though our Saviour suffered not till the fifteenth day of it.  

Nisan, or Abib, the first month of the year stilo novo, Exod. 12.2.  I 
  TWO 
  III 
  IV 
  V 
  VI 
  VII 
  VIII 
  IX 
This night our Saviour suppeth at Bethany, where Mary anointeth his feet, 
Saturday, or jews Sabbath.  and Judas repineth at the expense of the ointment, Joh. 12.1.  X 
The next day he rideth into Jerusalem, etc. Joh. 12.12. Mat. 21.1. to vers. 17. Mark 11.1. to vers. 11. Luke 19: 29. to vers. 45.   
At night he goeth again into Bethany, Mat. 21.17. Mar. 11.11. 
Sunday   

Nisan, or Abib.  XI 

Monday  The next pay he goeth to jerusalem again, and curseth the Figtree, Matth. 21.18, 19 Mark 11.12, 13, 14. and coming to the Temple casteth out buyers and sellers, Mar. 11.15, 16, 17, 18. Luk. 19.45, 46, 47. etc. At Even he goeth to Bethany again, Mar. 11.19.  XII. 


Tuesday  He goeth to jerusalem again, Mar. 11.20. Peter, and the rest of the Disciples note the withered Figtree, Mar. 11.20, 21. etc. Mat. 21▪ 20. etc. They come to the Temple, and the Scribes and Pharisees question his authority, Mar. 11.27. etc. Mat. 21.23. Luke 20.1. which he answereth with a question about the Baptist, Mat. 21.24. etc. Mar. 11.29. etc. Luke 20.3. Propoundeth the Parable of the Vineyard, Matth. 21.28. to the end, Mark 12.1. etc. Luke 20.9. etc. And he speaketh all contained in Matthew 22, and 23 Chapters; and Mark 12. from verse 13 to the end, and Luke 20. from verse 20 to verse 5 of chap. 21.  
At night he goeth towards Bethany again; and on Mount Olivet looketh on the Temple, and uttereth all contained in Matth. 24, and 25. and Mark 13. and Luke 21. from verse 5 to the end.  

The sop given to judas not at the Passeover, nor at jerusalem, but two days before the one, and two miles from the other  This night he suppeth in Bethany with Simon the Leper, Matth. 26.1, 2, 6. Mark 14.1, 2, 3. and hath ointment poured on his head: after Supper he riseth from the Table, and washeth his Disciples feet, and giveth judas the sop, joh. 13.2.26. etc. With the sop the Devil entereth into him; and he goeth in the dark from Bethany to jerusalem, and bargaineth for the betraying of Jesus.   XIII. 
Christ is still at Bethany, judas having done his hellish work with the Chief Priests, 
Wednesday  is returned to Bethany again.  XIV. 


Thursday  The Passeover: Christ eateth it this day as well as the Jews, Mark 14.12. Luk. 22.7. After the Passeover he ordaineth the Sacrament, Mar. 14.22. judas received the Sacrament, Luke 22.14.21. Upon our Saviour's hinting of his treacherousness, a question ariseth among the Disciples about it, and that breedeth another question among them, which of them should be the greatest, Vers. 23, 24.  
That debate Christ appeaseth: telleth Peter again of his denial: maketh that divine speech contained in the fifteenth, sixteenth, seventeenth Chapters of john; singeth the 113, or the 114 Psalm, goeth into the Mount of Olives, is apprehended: brought to Annas the head, or chief Judge in the Sanhedrin, by him bound and sent to Caiaphas, joh. 18.13, 14. etc. and there is in examination, and derision all the night.   XV. 

The forenoon of this day was the preparation of the Passeover Bullock, 
Friday  joh. 19.14. the afternoon is the preparation of the Sabbath, Luk. 23.54. Mar. 15.42. Early in the morning Christ is brought to Pi●ate the Roman-Deputy, Mar. 15.1.  
At nine a clock he is delivered to the Soldiers and common Rabble, Mar. 14.25. and brought out to the Jews, joh. 19.1. to 13.  
At twelve a clock, or high none he is condemned, and presently nailed to his Cross, john 19.13, 14. the time of the day that our first Parents ate and fell.  
Now began the darkness, Luke 23.44. and lasted three hours; the very space that Adam was under the darkness of sin, without the promise.  
At three a clock in the afternoon Christ yieldeth up the Ghost, Mar. 15.34. the very time when Adam had received the promise of this his passion for his redemption.  
At Even he is buried, Mat. 27, 57  
This day being the first in the Passeover week, was called a Sabbath, Leu. 23.11. & a very solemn day it should have been, and no work done in it; but observe how far, and how vilely the Jews did violate it, and that law at this time.   XVI. 

Christ resteth in the grave this day, being the Sabbath: 
Saturday the jews Sabbath  But the Jews rest not from their villainy. For on this day they compact with Pilate to make sure the Sepulchre, Matth. 27.62. And observe that Matthew doth not there call it the Sabbath, but the day that followeth the day of the preparation: by the very Periphrasis, deriding their hypocrisy, who would be so observant of the Sabbath, as to have a day of preparation for it before it came, and yet to be thus villainous on it when it was come.  
This was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the famous second day in the Passeover week, in which the first-fruit sheaf was waved before the Lord, Leu. 23.11. and from this day they began to count their seven weeks to Pentecost; Deut. 16.9.   XVII 1 

Sunday, the Lords day  Christ riseth from the dead, and he becometh the first fruit of those that slept, 1 Cor. 15.20. He appeareth first to Mary Magdalen, joh. 20.15 then to Peter and Cleopas, or Alpheus, as they go to Emmaus, Luke 24.13, 18, 34. 1 Cor. 15.5. and at night to all the Disciples, Luke 24 33, 36. this is the first of the fifty to Pentecost.  XVIII 2 

Monday   XIX 3 

Tuesday   XX 4 

Wednesday   XXI 5 

Thursday   XXII 6 

Friday   XXIII 7 

Saturday  The Jews Sabbath: this was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉· Christ appeareth again. Thomas is present, joh. 20.26.  XXIV 8 

Lord's day   XXV 9 

Monday   XXVI 10 

Tuesday   XXVII 11 

Wednesday   XXVIII 12 

Thursday   XXIX 13 

Friday   XXX 14 

Saturday  The Jews Sabbath. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  I 15 

Lord's day  The Lords day.  TWO 16 

Monday   III 17 

Tuesday   IV 18 

Wednesday   V 19 

Thursday   VI 20 

Friday   VII 21 

Saturday  The Jews Sabbath. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  VIII 22 

Lord's day  The Lords day.  IX 23 

Monday   X 24 

Tuesday   XI 25 

Wednesday   XII 26 

Thursday   XIII 27 

Friday   XIV 28 

Saturday  Jews Sabbath. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  XV 29 

Lord's day  The Lords day.  XVI 30 

Monday   XVII 31 

Tuesday   XVIII 32 

Wednesday   XIX 33 

Thursday   XX 34 

Friday   XXI 35 

Saturday  Jews Sabbath. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  XXII 36 

Lord's day  The Lords day.  XXIII 37 

Monday   XXIV 38 

Tuesday   XXV 39 

Wednesday   XXVI 40 

Thursday  Ascension day.  XXVII 41 

Friday   XXVIII 42 

Saturday  Jews Sabbath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  XXIX 43 

Lord's day.  The Lords day.  I 44 

Monday   TWO 45 

Tuesday   III 46 

Wednesday   IV 47 

Thursday   V 48 

Friday   VI 49 

Saturday.  Jews Sabbath. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  VII 50 
The Lords day. Pentecost day. The holy Ghost given.    

Sect. 3. That many, if not all of the 120 received the holy Ghost, and the gift of tongues on Pentecost day; and not the twelve only.  
For first, divers, if not all of them, were appointed by Christ to be Ministers of the Gospel, as well as the Apostles, Luke 10. and for this purpose had received the power of miracles, as well as they, ver. 17. they had received the holy Ghost on the resurrection day, as well as they, joh. 20.22. compared with Luke 24.33, 36. had conversed with Christ both before and after his resurrection as well as they; had received the promise of the Father as well as they: Nay, they were to preach to people of strange languages as well as they: and then what possible reason can be given, that they should be denied this qualification of the gift of tongues, fitting them for that purpose, any more than the twelve?  
That divers of them were Ministers, if not all, there can be no scruple, what else was become of the seventy Disciples? And that, if they must preach, they must preach to some of strange tongues, there can be as little, since experience showeth, jerusalem itself so full of this variety; and since a few years will let all the preachers lose to preach to the Gentiles as they met with occasion. Nay, we shall find this justified by the practice of certain of them, as we go along.  
Secondly, it is true indeed, which is objected by some, that these words, They were all together, do come so near to the last verse of the former Chapter, which mentioneth only the twelve, that it may seem to speak of them only together at this time: yet doth both that verse and this as fully refer to the 120. in the 15 verse.  
For, 1. The Evangelist doth lay that number from the very first, as the subject of his History, though his aim be more especially at the twelve Apostles: as in his history of the twelve Apostles, his History fixeth chiefly on Peter and john.  
2. What should keep and separate the 108 from the company of the Apostles at this time above all others? The Text tells us they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, abiding and continuing together, in one place, and in one society, Chap. 1.13, 14. and so the progress of the story giveth us assurance they were till persecution parted them, Chapt. 8. and it is very strange, that on this day, above all days, the high day of Pentecost, the holy day of the christian Sabbath, the likeliest day of expecting the promise of the Father, that on this day they should be parted from their society.  
Thirdly, look but upon the qualifications of the seven Deacons, how they were full of the holy Ghost, Acts 6.3. how Stephen was full of power, and miracles, and wisdom, and an irresistible spirit, verse 8.10. and how Philip was of the like qualifications, Acts 8.6. and when, and where, and how can it be supposed that these men came by these gifts, if not upon Pentecost day, and jointly with the twelve Apostles? If it shall be answered, that it may be they received them from Christ, when he sent them to preach before his passion, as Luke 10.17. then let it be showed how Barnabas came by his variety of languages, to be able to preach intelligibly wheresoever he came, if not on this day?  
It being therefore not to be denied, that there were divers others besides the twelve, if not the whole hundred and twenty (which I rather think) that received the holy Ghost in the gift of tongues at this time, and that they were Ministers as well as the Apostles: it argueth, first, that there were divers Congregations in jerusalem from hence forward, or else how should so many Ministers there have employment in their calling? And secondly, that those that went up and down preaching upon the dispersion by persecution, Acts 8.4. & 11.19. were not ordinary members of the Church, or as we have used to call them, mere lay-men, but these men of the Ministerial function, and of Christ's own designation for that calling.   

Sect. 4. The reason of the use of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, so often in this Story.  
The intent of this word is the rather to be looked after, by how much the less it is used in all the New Testament beside, and by how the more frequently in this Story. It is used in reference to the twelve Apostles alone, Chap. 1.15. it is used here in reference to the whole hundred and twenty; and to the whole number of believers, Chap. 2.46.  
Now the reason why the Evangelist doth so often harp upon this string and circumstance of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or of their conversing together with one accord, may be either in respect of the twelve, and one hundred and twenty, or in respect of all the believers.  
First, the Apostles had been exceedingly subject in the life-time of Christ, to quarelsomnesse and contention about priority, and who should be the chiefest, as Mar. 9.34. Mark. 20.24. Yea, even at the very Table of the Lords last Passeover and Supper, Luke 22.24. And therefore it hath its singular weight and significancy, and showeth a peculiar fruit of Christ's breathing the holy Ghost upon them, joh. 20.22. when it is related that they now so sweetly and unanimously converse together without emulation, discord, or comparisons.  
Secondly, the 108 Disciples were in a subordinate or lower form, in regard of some particulars, to the twelve Apostles; and yet was there no heartburning, scorning, or envying, no disdaining, defying, or controlling of any one towards another; but all their demeanour carried in the unity of the Spirit, and the bond of peace.  
Thirdly, if those two places in Chap. 2.46. & 5.12. be to be applied to the whole multitude of believers (of the latter there may be some scruple) the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there doth singularly set out the sweet union that the Gospel had made among them, though they were of several Countries, several conditions, and several Sects; yet in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in singleness of heart, as they did convenire in the tertio of the Gospel, so did they convenire affectionately inter se. And this began to be the accomplishment of those prophecies that had foretold the peacemaking of the Gospel, as Esa. 11.6. & 60.18. & 65.25. & 66.42. Zeph. 3.9. etc. and it was an eminent fruit of Christ's doctrine, joh. 15.12. of his prayer, joh. 12.17. and of his legacy, joh. 14.27.    

Ver. 2. Cloven tongues like as of fire. Ver. 3. They began to speak with other tongues.  

Sect. Of the gift of tongues.  
The confusion of tongues was the casting off of the Heathen, Gen. 11. For when they had lost that language in which alone God was spoken of and preached, they lost the knowledge of God and Religion utterly, and fell to worship the Creature in stead of the Creator, Rom. 1.  
Two thousand two hundred and three years had now passed, since that sad and fatal curse upon the world, the confusion of languages; and millions of souls had it plunged in Error, Idolatry, and Confusion: And now the Lord in the fullness of time is providing, by the gifts of tongues at Zion, to repai●e the knowledge of himself among those Nations that had lost that Jewel, by the confusion of tongues at Babel.  
The manner of exhibiting this gift, was in tongues of fire, that the giving of the holy Ghost at the initiating of the Christian Church, might answer and parallel the giving of the Law at the initiating of the Jewish; & so it did both in time & manner, that being given at Pentecost, and in appearing of fire; and so likewise this, as was said before.    

Verse 5. And there were dwelling at jerusalem, jews, etc.  
It was indeed the Feast of Pentecost at this time at jerusalem, but it was not the feast of Pentecost that drew those Jews from all Nations thither.  
First, it was not required by the Law, that these Jews that dwelled dispersed in other Nations should appear at jerusalem at these Feasts.  
Secondly, it was not possible they should so do, for than must they have done nothing else but go up thither, and get home again.  
Thirdly, these Jews are said to dwell at jerusalem, and they had taken up their residence and habitation there: but those that came up to the festivals, stayed there but a few days, and so departed to their own homes.  
The occasion therefore of these men's flocking so unanimously from all the Nations of the world, was not the Feast of Pentecost, but the general knowledge and expectation of the whole Nation of the Jews, that this was the time of Messias his appearing and coming among them.  
This they had learned so fully from the Scriptures of the old Testament, especially from Dan. 9 that both the Gospel, and their own writers witness, that this was the expectation of the whole Nation, that the Messias was now ready to appear.  
In the Scripture, these passages assert this matter, Luke 2.26 38. & 3.15. & 19 11. & joh. 1.20, 21.  
In the Hebrews own writings we may find divers that speak to the same matter, as that The Son of David shall come about the time when the Romans have reigned over Israel nine months, from Mic. 5.3. that his appearing shall be under the second Temple, that it shall be not very long before jerusalem should be destroyed; and many such passages; fixing the time of the Messias his coming, to the very time that jesus of Nazaret did appear, and approve himself to be the Christ, as may be seen in Sanedrin, cap. Heleh. Galat. lib. 4. jeronym. a Sanctâ Fide, Mornaeus de Veritat. Christ, rel. And this so clearly and undeniably, that when the wretched and blasphemous Jews cannot tell what to say to their own Doctors, that assert the time so punctually agreeable to the time of Christ's appearing, they have found out this damnable and cursed way to suppress that truth, as to curse all those that shall be industrious to compute these times; for they have this common execration, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Let their spirit burst, or expire, that compute the times.  
And to these assertions of the Jews own Authors concerning this opinion of their Nation; we may add also the testimony of Suetonius, affirming the very same thing, Percrebuerat Oriente toto, saith he, vetus & constans opinio, esse in fatis ut eo tempore Judea profecti rerum potirentur: In Vespas. And so likewise Tacitus, Pluribus persuasio iner●t, antiquis sacerdotum literis contineri, eo ipso tempore fore, ut valesceret Oriens, profectique Judea rerum potirentur, Histor. lib. 5. That is, An old and constant opinion had grown through the whole East, that it was foretold, that at that time some coming out of Judea should obtain the rule of things: And many were persuaded, that it was contained in the old records of the Priests, that at that very time the East should prevail, and some coming out of Judea should obtain the rule: which, though the blind Authors apply to Vespasian and Titus their obtaining of the Empire, yet there can be no Christian eye but will observe, that this opinion that was so prevalent, regarded matters of an higher nature, namely, the coming of Christ, and the conquest of the world by the Gospel, which came forth from Judea, and the word of the Lord from jerusalem.  
And to these might be added that Eclogue of Virgil, which is titled Pollio, in which he doth clearly speak of a new world then beginning, of a child to come from Heaven, of a wondrous repair of the world in point of happiness, and the like; that it cannot be doubted but this same opinion was got into the West also, as well as in the East, very many of the Jews being there also, and raising this expectation, as well as in the other place.  
So that this expectation and thought being so general among all the Nations of the Jews, yea, among other Nations also; that this was the time that the kingdom of God in the coming of Christ should appear; this was it that brought such multitudes to jerusalem about this time out of all Nations under heaven, to see the accomplishing of those things that they so earnestly & eagerly longed and looked after: and this made them to take up their dwellings and residence in jerusalem, and to resolve to settle there; for that though they were acquainted with the time of Christ's coming, yet were they not acquainted with the manner of his Kingdom, but expected that it should be earthly and pompous, and his Royal seat in jerusalem, as the Disciples themselves opinionated; yea, even after long converse with Christ himself, Mat. 20.20. Acts 1 6. And therefore these men make sure to get into Canaan out of other Countries, and to get houses in jerusalem, that they might share in this pomp and prosperity which they expected.  
It was not therefore Pentecost that brought them thither, nor were they flitting Guests there, to be gone home as soon as Pentecost was over, but they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dwellers and resident there, and when they were converted to the Christian Faith by thousands, they had their Congregations.   

Vers. 9 Parthians, and Medes, and Elamites, etc.  
The Text speaketh of Jews of all Nations under Heaven now dwelling at Ieru●alem, and yet it reckoneth but fifteen here, which were not all the Nations in the World; no, nor all that were in the Roman Empire, by very many▪ but to omit the Hyperboles that the Scripture useth very commonly, as Cities walled up to Heaven, shooting at an hair, and not miss, etc. The languages here spoken of, took up all the Nations where it is imaginable any Jews were scattered at this time through the world. [If so be they were not also all the languages that were spoken at Babel:] as to take example of one or two; the Parthian, Median, Persian, and Mesopotamian, were the tongues that served all the Eastern dispersion; and all the Jews that had been Captivated by the two first Monarchies, Babylonian and Persian, wheresoever they were, in East or North, spoke some of these languages, throughout the vast space of that their scattering. For to instance in the Mesopotamian only; how many large and mighty Countries spoke that one tongue? Assyria, Chaldea, Mesopotamia, Syria, Caelosyria, to inquire no further; all these spoke that Chaldee language, so certainly, that there needeth not the least pains to prove it. And judea was fall'n into the same tongue now also; but with so much difference from the Mesopotamian, Syriack, or Chaldee, that here it is nominated as a language distinct: And this showeth the reason of the Phrase, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: that he might distinguish the Syriack of judea and of Cha●dea asunder: that those that dwelled in Mesopotamia heard their Syriack, and those that dwelled in judea heard theirs. Or if we should instance in the Cretan tongue, that is here intended: the Island of Crete was but of a small compass, but the language of Crete reached all over Greece, not to search how far it reached further. And the like might be observed of other of the tongues th●t are here mentioned.  
So that it is hard to find, if not impossible, any Jews at this time under heaven, where one or other of these languages here mentioned were not spoken vulgarly in that Country where they were; and so may we very properly understand that phrase, there were jews of all Nations under heaven, now gathered to Jerusalem.  
Now as it was impossible for these to understand one another in the languages of the Countries where they were born; for it was impossible an Arabian should understand a Cretan, or a Cretan an Arabian, a Parthian a Roman, or a Roman a Parthian; and so in the most of the rest; so was it impossible they should all of them understand any one tongue, either Hebrew or Syriack, which are the likeliest to suppose, or whatsoever else may be supposed.  
For first, how easy is it to show how the Hebrew tongue was utterly lost among them from common use; and how the Syriack which was in common use in judea, yet was unknown to them in other Countries, as appeareth by the necessity of the Chaldee Turgum, by the most familiar use of the Septuagint, by the writings of Philo and josephus, and others of the Jews themselves.  
Secondly, if they could have understood any one language, which was as the common language of the Nation; then was the gift of tongues most utterly needless: for why should the Apostles speak divers languages to them that could have all of them understood one tongue? Tongues indeed were given for a sign, 1 Cor. 14.22. but this was not the proper end for which they were given, but for instruction and edification; and as was said before, for acquainting those Nations with the knowledge of God, which had lost it and him, by the loss of the Hebrew tongue. And if the Jews had understood all of them one tongue, this gift had been needless to have been given till the Apostles were to go to preach to the Heathens.  
This then being past all denial, that these Jews of several Nations, could neither understand one another in the tongue of the Country where they were borne, nor understand any one language as common to them all; it is passed all denial also, that when they were converted to Christianity, they were severed into divers Congregations; for else it was impossible for them to join together in public worship.   

Vers. 13. Others mocking said, these men are full of new wine.  
Malice is often senseless and reasonless in her accusations, especially, when it is bend against Religion: Yet can I not hold these men so stupid and senseless, or so shameless and impudent, as either to think that drunkenness could make men speak languages which they never understood before: or if they thought not so, yet to go about to persuade the people so. But their words proceed from this occasion as I should suppose; these Folks that mocked were Natives of jerusalem or judea, and not understanding the languages of the Nations there present, they could not tell that the Disciples spoke those strange languages when they did speak them; but conceived they had babbled some foolish gibberish, and canting they themselves could make nothing of, as drunken men are used to do. And this caused their so wretched a construction of so divine a gift. For the jews of the strange Nations and languages, that perceived and understood that the Disciples did speak in their languages; were amazed, and said one to another, What meaneth this? Ver 12. But these other Jews, Natives of jerusalem and judea, that understood only their own Syriack, and did not understand that they spoke strange languages indeed, these mocked and said, These men are full of new, or sweet wine: grounding their accusation the rather, because that Pentecost was a feasting and rejoicing time, Deut. 16.11.  
And according to this conception it is observable; that Peter begins his speech, Ye men of judea.   

Ver. 14. But Peter standing up with the eleven said, etc.  
Reason itself, if the Text did not, would readily resolve, that it was not Peter alone that converted the 3000 that are mentioned after; but that the rest of the Apostles were sharers with him in that work: For if Peter must be held the only Orator at this time, then must it needs be granted, that either the 3000 which were converted were all of one language; or that the one language that he spoke, seemed to the hearers to be divers tongues; or that he rehearsed the same speech over and over again in divers languages, any of which to grant, is senseless and ridiculous; and yet unless we will run upon some of these absurdities, we may not deny, that the rest of the twelve preached now as well as Peter.  
But the Text, besides this, gives us these arguments to conclude the matter to be undoubted:  
First, it saith, Peter stood forth with the eleven, vers. 14. Now, why should the eleven be mentioned standing forth, as well as Peter, if they spoke not as well as he? They might as well have sitten still, and Peter's excuse of them would as well have served the turn. It was not Peter alone that stood forth to excuse the eleven, but Peter and the eleven that stood forth to excuse the rest of the hundred and twenty.  
Secondly, it is said, They were pricked in their hearts, and said to Peter, and to the rest of the Apostles, What shall we do? Vers. 37. Why should they question and ask counsel of the rest of the Apostles as well as Peter, if they had not preached as well as he?  
Thirdly, and it is a confirmation that so they did, in that it is said, Ver. 42. They continued in the Doctrine of the Apostles; of the rest, as well as Peter.  
Fourthly, i● that were the occasion that we mentioned, why they suspected the Apostles and the rest drunk; then will it follow, that Peter preached and spoke in the Syriack tongue, chiefly to those Jews of judea and jerusalem that would not believe, because they could not understand that the Disciples spoke strange languages, but thought they canted some drunken gibberish: And to give some probability of this, not only his preface, Ye men of judea; but also his ●aying flatly the murder of Christ to their charge, Verse 22, 23. do help to confirm in; and the conclusion of his Sermon, and of the story in the Evangelist doth set it home, that if Peter preached not only to these Natives of judea, yet that he only preached not at this time, but that the others did the like with him, in that it is said, They that gladly received his words were baptised; and then as speaking of another story, he saith, there were added the same day about 3000 souls.  
Now the reason why Peter's Sermon is only recorded, and the story more singularly fixed on him, we observed before.  

Sect. Brief observations upon some passages in Peter's Sermon.  
Vers. 15. [It is but the third hour of the day] And on these solemn Festival days, they used not to eat or drink any thing till high noon; as Baronius would observe out of josephus and Acts 10.  
Verse 17. [In the last days] The days of the Gospel: because there is no way of salvation to be expected beyond the Gospel: whereas there was the Gospel beyond the law; and the law beyond the light of the ages before it.  
[Upon all flesh] Upon the Heathens and Gentiles as well as upon the jews▪ Act. 10.45. contrary to the axiom of the jewish Schools 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: The divine Majesty dwelleth not on any out of the Land of Israel.  
Vers. 20. [Before the great and notable day of the Lord come.] The day of jerusalem's destruction, which was forty years after this, as was observed before: so that all these gifts, and all the effusion of the Spirit that were to be henceforward, were to be within the time, betwixt this Pentecost and jerusalem destroyed. And they that from hence would presage prophetic and miraculous gifts, and visions, and revelations to be towards the end of the world, might do better to weigh, what the expression, The great and terrible day of the Lord, meaneth here and elsewhere in the Prophets.  
The blood of the Son of God, the fire of the holy Ghosts appearance, the vapour of the smoke in which Christ ascended, the Sun darkened, and the Moon made blood at his passion, were all accomplished upon this point of time; and it were very improper to look for the accomplishment of the rest of the prophecy I know not how many hundreds or thousands of years after.  
Vers. 24. [Having loosed the pains of death;] or rather, Having dissolved the pains of death; meaning in reference to the people of God; namely, that God raised up Christ, and by his resurrection dissolved and destroyed the pangs and power of death upon his own people.  
Vers. 27. [Thou wilt not leave my soul.] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. e. Thou wilt not give my soul up. And why should not the very same words, My God, my God, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, be translated to the same purpose, Why hast thou left me, and given me up to such hands, and shame and tortures; rather then to intricate the sense, with a surmise of Christ's spiritual desertion?  
[In Hell,] Gr. Hades: the state of souls departed: but their condition differenced, according to the difference of their qualities; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Piphilus apud. Clem. Alex. Strom. 5.  
Vers. 38. [Be baptised in the name of the Lord jesus Christ] Not that their Baptism was not administered in the name of the Father and the holy Ghost also; but that he would specially work them up to the acknowledgement of Christ. For the Father and the holy Ghost they acknowledged without any scrupling, but to own Christ for God, whom they had crucified, and to be initiated into Jesus of Nazaret; was the great work that the Apostles went about to work upon them: and therefore especially endeavour to enter them into Jesus, and to have them baptised in his Name.  
[Bee baptised and ye shall receive the gift of the holy Ghost.] Not that every one that was baptised, was presently endued with these extraordinary gifts of tongues and prophecy, for they were bestowed henceforward by imposition of the Apostles hands; save only when they first fell from heaven upon the company of Cornelius, to complete that prophecy which now had its beginning, I will pour out my Spirit upon all flesh; but Peter inviteth them into Baptism, and then should they be capable of those gifts; and no doubt they were bestowed upon some of them by the Apostles hands.    

Ver. 42. And in breaking of Bread.  
The Syriack expressly understandeth this of partaking of the Lords Supper, for he useth the very Greek word Eucharistia here. And so divers take that to be the meaning of this phrase, both here, and in some places else in the New Testament: Yea, even they that suppose that it meaneth partaking of their common meals and food; yet do they think that they had the Sacrament added to it, as our Saviour added it to the Passeover. And indeed the manner of speech doth signify both the one and the other, both ordinary meals, and the receiving of the Sacrament, as in Luke 24.35. He was known of them 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 importeth the time here, & so the Syriack reads it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 As he was breaking bread.  in breaking of bread; here it meaneth a common Supper in the Inn at Emmaus: 1 Cor. 10.16. The bread which we break is it not the communion of the body of Christ? Here it betokeneth the receiving of the Sacrament. But it may be conceived to intend the Sacrament the rather, and chiefly, if not only.  
First, because the phrase of breaking of bread for common eating, is very rare both in the Old Testament and Jewish Authors; but eating of bread is the expression that speaketh that.  
And 2ly, because breaking of the bread in the Sacrament, is a concomitant that cannot be parted from it, for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he blessed and broke, and said, this is my body which is broken, 1 Cor. 11.24.   

Ver. 44. And all that believed were together.  
This Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is of frequent and of various use in the Septuagint. It sometimes betokeneth the meeting of persons in the same company, as josh. 11.5. judg. 6.33. & 19.6, etc. so of Beasts, Deut. 22.10. Sometimes their concurring in the same action, though not in the same company or place, as Psal. 2.2. & 34.3. & 49.2. & 74.6. & 83.3. etc. Sometimes their concurring in the same condition, as Psal. 46.10. & 62.9. Esa. 66.17. jer. 6.12. And sometimes their knitting together though in several companies, as joabs' and Abners' men, though they sat at distance, and the pool of Gibeon between them, yet are they said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 2 Sam. 2.13. And in this sense is the word to be understood in this story: For it is passed all imagination or conceiving, that all those thousands of believers that were now in Jerusalem, should keep all of one company and knot, and not part asunder, for what house would hold them? But they kept in several Companies or Congregations, according as their languages, nations, or other references did knit them together. And this joining together, because it was apart from those that believed not, and because it was in the same profession and practice of the duties of Religion; therefore it is said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, though it were in several companies and Congregations. And to such a sense doth Rabbi Solomon understand the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Deut. 25.5. as indeed it must of necessity be understood, not of brethren dwelling in the very same place, but of brethren 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that are united in inheritance; as these believers were now in the Gospel. And so is the building of the Jews to be understood, Ezra 4.3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in separation from the Samaritans, and in joining in the action, though they were of several companies in the building, and those companies far distant one from another, Neh. 3. per totum. & 4.19.   

Verse 46. Continuing daily with one accord in the Temple.  
This is not to express, that the Temple was their meeting place, either for hearing of their Sermons, or administering the Sacraments, for neither of these would have been endured there, as appear, Chapt. 4.1. but this is to show that they had not yet shaken off all the Worship of the Temple, nor the observance of Moses, but resorted thither to the duties of Religion, at the hours of prayer, as they had done before. For many years after this, the believing Jews were still tenacious of the Law, and reverential of the Temple, Act. 21.20. which they might lawfully be while the Temple stood, if their observance of Moses, did not destroy in them the doctrine and application of their justification by faith in Christ. And hence was it that the Apostles did so far comply with them both in that place in Acts 21. and also in Acts 15. because Moses was to stand till the Temple fell, those Rites not nullifying the death of Christ, if rightly used.    

ACTS. CHAP. III.  

Vers. 1. Peter and john went up together into the Temple.  
IT may be this was likewise on Pentecost day; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth signify identity of time: as it doth, 2 Sam. 21.9. and in the Chaldee of jonathan on Deut. 25.5. And the ninth hour mentioned here in reference to the third hour in preceding story, Chap. 2.15. at nine a clock in the morning was that conversion of 3000, and at three a clock in the afternoon this of 5000. Howsoever, whether it were on that day, or no; certainly it was on some solemn day, either a Sabbath or Festival, as appeareth by the number that were then present in the Temple, when so many of them were converted. For ordinarily on the common days of the week, the company that was in the Temple was very few, besides the Priests and the Stationary men (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as they are called by the Rabbins) which were a number of men chosen to be constantly there, to represent the whole Congregation, in laying their hands on the heads of the Sacrifices in their behalf. This concourse of people on such a solemn day, was a fit subject and opportunity for these Apostles to work upon; and that in all probability was the main induction that brought them into the Temple at this time. That they should go thither to institute the Canonical hours by their own example, as Baronius dreameth, is a fancy that far better deserveth laughter, than any answer.   

Vers. 2. The gate of the Temple which was called Beautiful.  
This was the Gate that entered into the second Court, or out of the Court of the Gentiles, into the Court of the Jews: And there this Cripple lay, begging of the Jews that came into the Temple, but disdaining, as it seemeth, to beg of the Gentiles. This seemeth to be that gate that josephus calleth the Corinthiack Gate, and which he describeth to be of so much gorgeousness and bravery, de Bello jud. lib. 5.14. and which we shall have occasion to describe in another work, fully and on set purpose.   

Vers. 11. The porch called solomon's.  
Not that the very porch built by Solomon was now standing, for that was burnt and destroyed by the Babylonians, as well as the rest of the Temple, but because this was built on the very same pile that his was built upon. For the Temple standing upon an high and steep hill, with a deep and sharp precipice about it; Solomon to make room for the floor of the mount, which was too straight, filled up the ditch on the East side with huge stones strongly jointed together, and he built his porch upon that pile; and because this of Herod's was erected also upon that very same foundation, it therefore is called Solomon's porch. It was the first gate or entrance into the mountains of the House; and not only the very building of the porch, but the Court within bare the same name, josephus ubi supra.   

Vers. 12. And when Peter saw it, he answered, etc.  
Here Peter's Sermon is registered again, but Chapt. 4.1. it is said, As they spoke, which resolveth that john preached as well as he.   

Vers. 16. Through faith in his name, etc.  
Faith is twice named in this verse, because of the Apostles faith in doing, and the Cripples faith in receiving the miracle; the former was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: the latter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   

Vers. 17. Through ignorance ye did it.  
So Christ said himself, Luke 23.34. Father forgive them, for they know not what they do. This their ignorance proceeded mainly from mistaking the place of Christ's birth, for they supposed it had been Nazaret; and from mistaking the kingdom of the Messias, for they expected it would have been pompous, and full of worldly glory; the title on the Cross, jesus of Nazaret King of the jews, spoke out both the ignorances' that carried them on to so wretched an act.   

Ver. 19 When the times of refreshing shall come.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: The Syriack readeth it, That your sins may be blotted out, and the times of refreshing may come. and so the Arabic and Irenaeus, or at least his interpreter cited by Beza; the Vulgar, ut cum venerint, but concludeth not the clause to make it sense. Beza, postquam venerint, but what sense he would make of it, I do not well understand. He pleadeth much to prove that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth signify postquam, and it is not denied him, but he cannot deny withal that it signifieth ut likewise: and so may it best, and most properly be understood, That your sins may be blotted out, so that the times of refreshing may come. The Apostle Peter taketh his speech from Esa. 28.12. where the Prophet at once prophesyeth of the gift of tongues, vers. 11. of the preaching of the Gospel, vers. 12. and the infidelity and obduration of the Jews, vers. 13. and speaketh of these very times and occasions that are now in hand: And accordingly is the Apostle to be understood that speaketh from him, concerning the present refreshing by the Gospel, and Gods present sending Christ among them in the power and Ministry of that, and not of a refreshing at the calling of the Jews which is yet to come; and Gods sending Christ personally to come and reign among them, as some have dreamt, and it is but a dream: For let but this Text be seriously weighed in that sense that opinion would make of it; Repent therefore and b●e converted, that your sins may be blotted out when the times of refreshing shall come: As meaning this, Repent you now, that your sins may be blotted out, 2000, or I know not how many hundred years hence, when the calling of the Jews shall come: If this be not the sense that they make of this Text, that produce it to assert Christ's personal seigne on earth for a thousand years; I know not why they should then produce it; and if this be the sense, I must confess I see no sense in it. The words are facile and clear, and have no intricacy at all in them, if the Scripture may be suffered to go upon its own wheels; and they may be taken up in this plain and undeniable Paraphrase; Repent ye therefore and be converted, that your sins may be blotted out; so that the times of refreshing by the Gospel may come upon you from the presence of the Lord; and he may send Jesus Christ in the preaching of the Gospel to you, to bless you in turning away every one of you from his iniquities.   

Vers. 20. And he send jesus Christ.  
As Vers. 26. God having raised his Son jesus, sent him to bless you: Now this cannot possibly be understood of Christ's personally and visibly coming among them; for who of this audience ever saw him after his resurrection? But of his coming among them now in this means and offer of salvation: and in the same sense is this clause in hand to be understood: and so the 22 verse interpreteth it of the sending of Christ as the great Prophet, to whom whosoever will not hearken must be cut off: Not at the end of the world when he shall come as a Judge; but in the Gospel which is his voice, and which to refuse to hearken to, is condemnation. Peter's exhortation therefore is to repentance, that their sins might be blotted out, so that refreshing times might come upon them, and Christ in the Gospel might be sent among them, according as Moses had foretold, that he should be the great instructor of the people.  

Sect. Which before was preached unto you.  
The very sense of the place confirmeth this reading: for though Beza saith, that all the old Greek Copies that ever he saw, as also the Syrian, Arabic, and Tertullian read it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, fore-ordained; yet the very scope and intention of Peter's speech in this place doth clearly show that it is to be read, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which before was preached to you, namely by Moses, or the law, vers. 22. and by all the Prophets, ver. 24.    

Ver. 21. Until the restitution of all things.  
Or the accomplishment of all things, and to that sense the Syriack translates it, until the fullness of the time of all things, etc. And the Arabic not much different, until the time in which all things shall be perfected, or finished, etc. The Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 indeed signifieth a restitution to a former estate, a repairing, or an amending, as might be frequently showed in Greek Writers, but in Scripture doth not so properly signify this, as what the Rabbins would express by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a fulfilling or accomplishing: and the Preposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth not so much stand in the force of Re, or again, but it stands in opposition to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 privative in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifieth unsettled or unconfirmed, and so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is opposed to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Polyb. Hist. lib. 4. Settlement of a City to tumult. And to take up these two places where this word is used in the new Testament, Matth. 17.11. and here. Elias indeed shall first come, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and shall restore all things: what? to their former estate? Nay, that the Baptist did not, for he brought them into a clean different estate to their former: or he shall amend all things? That is true indeed, so the Baptist did, but how will this place in hand bore that sense, which speaketh not of the mending of all things, but of their ending? and how improper would either of these senses run in this verse, Till the restoring of all things to their former estate, which God hath spoken by the mouth of his Prophets? or till the amending of all things which God hath spoken by his Prophets: But clear and facile is that sense that is given, Till the accomplishment of all things that God hath spoken by the mouth of his Prophets? The things which God had spoken by the mouth of his Prophets from the beginning of the world were, Christ's victory over Satan in the Salvation of all his people; his conquest of the last enemy, death; the calling of the Jews, the fullness of the Gentiles, etc. and how can these things be said to be restored, or amended? they may most fitly be said to be accomplished, perfected, or performed: and so must the same words be rendered of the Baptist, Elias truly cometh and accomplisheth all things, that are written of him; and so must the son of man do all things that are written of him, as Mark follows the sense, Mar. 9.12.   

Ver. 24. All the Prophets from Samuel.  
He is reckoned the first of the Prophets after Moses.  
First, because Prophecy from the death of Moses to the rising of Samuel was very rare, 1 Sam. 3.1, 2.  
Secondly, because he was the first Prophet after Moses that wrote his Prophecy. From the beginning of samuel's rule, to the beginning of the captivity in Babel, was 490 years, and from the end of that captivity to the death of Christ, 490 years more, and the 70 years' captivity, the midst of years between, as I have showed elsewhere: But I must advertise the Reader here, that the beginning of samuel's Propheticknesse in this reckoning, is not from the death of Eli, but from one and twenty years after. And here let me take up a verse of as much difficulty, and of as little observing of it, as almost any in the Old Testament: as that is 1 Sam. 7.2. And it came to pass while the Ark abode at Kiriath-jearim, that the time was long; for it was twenty years: and all the house of Israel lamented after the Lord. Now the Ark was undeniably above forty years in Kiriath-jearim; namely, all the time from Elies' death, till David fetched it to jerusalem, which was seven and forty years, and somewhat above, only that first excepted, in which it was seven months in the Land of the Philistims, 1 Sam. 6.1. and a little time in Bethshemesh; what then should be the reason that it is said to be in Kiriath-jearim only twenty years? Why, the meaning is not that that was all the time that it was there, but that it was there so long a time, before the people ever harkened after it. Their idolatry and corruption of Religion had so transported them, that they thought not of, nor took regard to the Ark of God for twenty years together: Then all the house of Israel lamented after the Lord: for so must it be rendered; and not, And all the house of Israel, etc.  
And so have we one and twenty years taken up from the Death of Eli till this time of Israel's repentance, which yet are counted to samuel's forty, but are not reckoned in the account of Habakkuk, of the extent of the race of the Prophets.  
Upon this place therefore we may take up these pertinent observations.  
First, that God did now on a sudden pour a spirit of Reformation generally upon all the people of Israel after a long time of profaneness and Idolatry. They had been exceedingly profane in the time of Elies' sons: And therefore the Lord in justice forsook his Tabernacle in Shiloh, the Tent which he had pitched besides Adam, when Israel passed through jordan, josh. 3.16. Psal. 78.60. and he gave the Ark into the Enemy's hand; yet was not Israel humbled for it. The Ark was restored to them, and was among them twenty years together, and they continued in their Idolatry still, and never sought after it, nor took it to heart. At last, upon a sudden, and with a general conversion, Israel begins to turn to the Lord, and lament after him, and forsake their Idols.  
Secondly, here was a strange and wondrous spirit of conversion poured upon the people at the beginning of the race of the Prophets, as there was at the end of it, in these Chapters of the Acts of the Apostles.  
Thirdly, as the practice here in the Acts, was to repent and to be baptised; so was it then with Israel; as that expression may most properly be interpreted, ver. 6. They drew water and poured it out before the Lord, as washing or baptising themselves from their Idolatry.   

Ver. 25. Ye are the children of the Prophets.  
That is, the Scholars or Disciples of them, as the phrase, The children of the Prophets, is ordinarily used in the Old Testament, 2 King. 2. etc. and Amos 7.14. I was neither Prophet, nor Prophet's son; that is, nor Prophet's Scholar. And Mat. 11.19. Wisdom is justified of her children; that is, of her Disciples.    

ACTS. CHAP. IU.  

Ver. 1. The Captain of the Temple.  
THIS was the Captain of that Guard, or Garrison which was placed in the Tower of Antonia, for the guard of the Temple. This Tower stood in the North-east corner of the wall that parted the mountain of the House from the City. It was built by Hyreanus the Asmonean, the high Priest, and there he himself dwelled, and there he used to lay up the holy Garments of the Priesthood, whensoever he put them off, having done the service of the Temple, joseph. Antiq. lib. 18. cap. 6. Herod repaired this Tower, and bestowed much cost upon it, and in honour of Antony, named it Antonia; and fortified it, that it might be a guard for the Temple; and as in former times, so still were the holy Robes laid up there all his time, and all the time of Archelaus his Son: after the removal of Archelaus, from his kingdom, and the confiscation of his estate, this Tower came into the Romans hands, and was kept as a Guard or Garrison by them; and the High Priests garments laid up there under their power, till Vitellius, as we shall see hereafter, did restore them to the Jews own keeping. Antiq. lib. 15. cap. 15. So that the Captain here meant, is the Captain that was over the Company that kept this Castle: a Roman Commander, and he joining with the Priests and Sadduces to hinder the Gospel, and imprison the Disciples; the Jews and Romans do again conspire, as they had done against Christ, so now against his Apostles, Psal. 2.1, 2.  
There was a chief Captain that was Governor of the whole Garrison at Jerusalem, as Chap. 21.33. & 24.7. and his several Companies lay placed in several Courts of Guard about the City; among the rest this was one, within the virge of the Temple, the greatest badge and sign of all other of the Jews present servitude and subjection, when their very Temple and service had a heathen bridle put upon it. And thus did the abomination of desolation begin to creep in, and to stand in the place where it ought not.   

Vers. 2. Being grieved that they taught the people.  
This grievance of the Priests, Sadduces, and Captain of the Temple, proceeded from several principles and causes. The Captain's distaste was for fear the business should tend to innovation or tumult: the Sadduces, because they preached the resurrection of the dead, which they denied, Chap. 23.8. the Priests, because they being private men, went about to teach the people; and chiefly, because they preached the resurrection through Jesus.   

Through jesus the resurrection from the dead.  
Though the whole Nation did so generally assert and hold the resurrection of the dead (the Sadduces only excepted) that they made the deniers of this point, one of the three Parties that should never have part in the world to come: as they speak in the Talmud, in the Tractate of Sanhed. Per●h. Helek. These are they that have no portion in the world to come, he that saith, The resurrection of the dead is not taught from the Law, and he that saith, That the Law is not from heaven, and Epicures: Yet was this no less than heresy in their esteem; to teach that the resurrection of the dead was either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, proved and experienced in jesus; or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by the power and efficacy of jesus; that either jesus was risen, or that he should be the Author of the resurrection.   

Verse 4. And the number of the men was about five thousand.  
The 5000 mentioned here, were the number of Converts, and not of Auditors; and they were a single number by themselves, and not an addition to the 3000 mentioned before, to make them five thousand.  
For, first, the holy Ghost intendeth in this book to show the power of the Gospel, rather than the bare preaching of it, and how many it converted, rather than how many heard it.  
Secondly, the juncture of the verse is so close and facile that none can understand it any otherwise then of the number of believers, unless it be for very captiousness; for the Text saith, that many of them that heard the word believed. And how many was that many? Namely, 5000 men.  
For, thirdly, how ridiculous were it to interpret that the holy Ghost should tell us, that there was an audience in the Temple of 5000 men? Why, josephus saith, that generally, every course of the Priests contained so many: And it would be utterly strange, if the holy Ghost, which in all the Bible never numbered an audience at the Temple, no, not when he was intentionally writing of the service and assembly there, should do it now when he is purposely upon a story of men converted to the Gospel.  
Again, that this is an entire sum different from the 3000 in the second Chapter, is plain by the very story in hand.  
For, first, it is a discourse concerning a miracle done by Peter and john; and all the Chapter to the three and twentyeth verse, keeps close to that relation: and what reason possibly bly can be given, that this clause only should start from it.  
Secondly, it were an uncouth manner of reckoning, and such as the Scripture is utterly unacquainted with, to number 5000, and to mean but 2000; and never to give any notice that it so meaneth.  
Thirdly, The number of the men were 5000. Of what men? Of those which heard the word. What word? The word preached by Peter and john, vers. 1. and not the word preached on Pentecost day by all the Apostles. Thus is the Church become 8000 numerous by two Sermons; besides the multitudes that were believers before, and those whose conversion is not summed.   

Ver. 5. Their Elders, Rulers, and Scribes, etc.  
In this Council and Consistory that was now gathered, the Evangelist exhibiteth variety of members:  
First, their Rulers; or the chief Priests, the heads of the twenty four courses.  
Secondly, Scribes: or other Doctors of the Tribe of Levi.  
Thirdly Elders: or the Seniors and Senators of the other Tribes.  
Fourthly, Annas, the Nasi; or Precedent of the Sanhedrin.  
Fifthly, Caiaphas the High Priest, the Abbeth diu, the father of the Court.  
Sixthly, John, as it seemeth, the son of Annas: the Governor of Gophins and Acrabatena in the time of Nero, joseph. de bello, lib. 2. cap. 25.  
Seventhly, Alexander, called also Lysimachus and Alabarcha, of whom we shall have occasion to discourse afterward.  
Eightly, As many as were of the High Priests kindred, brethren or Cousins of that family: so that by this concourse of all these at this time, divers of whose employment and residence was at distance, it may be the rather supposed that this was at some solemn Festival that had brought them all to jerusalem.   

Vers. 7. And when they had set them in the midst.  
The Sanhedrin sat in half the flower in a circle, Rambam. Sanhedrin, Pere. 1. Those who had any thing to do in the Court, stood or sat in the midst of them, Luke 2.46.  

Sect. By what name have ye done this.  
So did they very foolishly conceit that the very naming some names might do wonders, as Acts 19.13. & the Talmud in Shab. forgeth that Ben Satds (they have a blasphemous meaning in this expression) wrought miracles, by putting the unutterable name within the skin of his foot, and there sewing it up.    

Vers. 11. This is the stone which was set at nought.  
In Psal. 118.22. which is the place from which this speech is taken, is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the stone refused, & so is it, Mat. 21.42. & that according to the Hebrew Text: but here the Apostle heightens the expression, that he may set home their abuse of Christ nearer to their hearts, and may show the humiliation of Christ the more. The Syriack mindeth not this, but translates this place, and Matth. 21.42. by the same word refused.  
The Chaldee interpretation of the Psalm from whence the phrase is taken, is exceedingly conceited, it runneth thus. The youth which the builders refused among the sons of Jesse, obtained to be set for King and Governor. This was from the Lord, said the builders, and it is wondrous before us, said the sons of Jesse. This is the day which the Lord hath made, said the builders. Let us be glad and rejoice in it, said the sons of Jesse. Save us now, said the builders. Prosper us now, said Jesse and his wife. Blessed is he that cometh in the name of the Lord, said the builders. Let them bless you from the house of the Lord, saith David.  
The Lord give us light, said ●he Tribes of the house of Judah.  
T●e the youth for a Festival sacrifice with cords, until ye offer him up, and pour his blood at the horns of the altar, said Samuel the Prophet, etc.  
At which Psalm and place, how far the Chaldee in Bibliis Regiis, and the Chaldee in Bibliis Buxtorsianis, and Venetis do differ, it is worth the learneds observation.   

Vers. 13. And ignorant men.  
Gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: a word exceedingly much taken into use by Jewish writers, & both in them and in Greeks, it signifieth, Private men, or men in no public employment, and men of inferior rank, and men ignorant or unskilful. Examples of all these significations might be alleged. Lucian, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The common multitude, whom wise men call Idiotae. Galen. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unskilful in Physic. Aben. Ezr. on Levit. 13. vers. 2. Aaron, that is, the Priest anointed in his stead, or one of his sons, that is, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sacerdotes Idiotae, the inferior Priest's. Rab. Sol. on Levit. 1.1. To what purpose served the pausing●? To give Moses space to understand between division and division, sense and sense 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 much more to a private man that learneth from a private man.  
In all these sense● may it very well be applied here; and it is more than probable, all these senses were in the thoughts of the Council concerning Peter and john at this time; they saw they were unlearned, private, inferior, ignorant men, and thereupon they could not but wonder at the miracle and cure that they had wrought.   

Vers. 23. They went to their own company.  
That is, to the Society of the one hundred and twenty mentioned, Acts 1.15.   

Vers. 25. Who by the mouth of thy Servant David, hast said, etc.  
The second Psalm which owns not its Author in the Title, the holy Ghost ascribeth here to David: and seemeth by this very passage to give us close intimation, that every Psalm that telleth not in its title who was the author and Penman of it, is to be ascribed to David as the Penman. The rule of the Jews (that every Psalm that bears not the author of it in the title, is to be reputed of his making who was last named in a title before) is at a nonplus at these two first Psalms, and helps us nothing at all to understand who made them: and thereupon Aben Ezra conceiveth not that this second Psalm was made by David, but by some of the Singers. But this passage of the Apostles in their prayer, doth not only own David for the Compiler of this Psalm, but also teacheth us to own him so of every Psalm, whose author is not mentioned in the title of it; as might be further confirmed if it were ad hic & nunc, from Psalm 96. & 105. & 107. & 132. compared with 1 Chron. 16.7. The ancient Rabbins, and Doctors of the Jews, interpreted this Psalm concerning Christ, even as the Apostles do here, as it is confessed by Solomon jarchi at his entrance into it, though himself, and some other latter Jews apply it to David, and it may be in spite to Christ.   

Verse 32, and 33.  

Sect. Community of goods.  
This community of goods, howsoever it sorted and suited with the present state of the Church at jerusalem at that time; yet can it not be taken up for an example or precedent for the time to come.  
For first, the thing was not done by command, but at the free disposal of whosoever was minded so to do, Acts 5.4.  
Secondly, the Lands that were sold, were many of them out of the Land of Canaan; for the converts were Jews from all Nations, & one instance is given in the Land of Barnabas in Cyprus; now when these men were resolved to cleave to the Apostles, and not to return to their own Country; what good would their Lands in those foreign Countries do them?  
Thirdly, if these Lands and Houses were in judea, as it is undoubted many of them were, it may be supposed that the faithful owners thereof took notice of the threatened destruction of jerusalem, spoken of by our Saviour, and so would part with their estates for the benefit of the Church, before they should be surprised by the enemy.  
And fourthly, thus did God provide against persecution to come; that neither the poor of the Church should fall off through penury, nor the rich start back through worldy mindedness; but by a competent distribution among them, the one might have enough, and the other not too much.  
And lastly, such was the state of the Church at this time, as never was the like to be again. It was but newly borne, it was all in one City, the most of the people far resident from their own houses, all in a possibility to be scattered by persecution, they could not tell how soon: and therefore that present administration of the Church in such a case, cannot be any copy for times to come either to follow as a command, or to imitate as a perfection.  
This very year was a Jubilee among the Jews in the very proper sense, it being the eight and twentyeth that the Land had had since their settling in it: and these people now converted to the Gospel, are so far from returning to their possessions, if they had sold or mortgaged them, as the Jubilee privileged them, that they part with their possessions that they had in their hands; having by this time learned that the earthly Canaan and inheritance, was not that possession that was to be looked after, and that the Kingdom of the Messias should not be earthly.    

Vers. 36. Barnabas a Levite, and of the Country of Cyprus, etc.  
As Saul a Benjamite of the Country of Tarsus, yet educated and lived at jerusalem: so did Barnabas in Canaan, though a Cypriot borne. He had land to sell though he were a Levite, for the Levites might purchase Lands of their own, even in the Land of Canaan: much more might they in foreign Country's. Samuel a Levite, was borne upon his Fathers own Land which had been purchased by his great Grandfather Zuph, 1 Sam. 1.1. & 9.5. Now Barnabas had one motive more to sell his Land, than other of the common believers had; namely, those words of our Saviour to those Disciples that were to be Preachers, Provide neither silver nor gold, etc. Matth. 10.9, 10. and this was the ground of Peter's answer, Silver and gold have I none, Chap. 3 6.    

ACTS. CHAP. V.  

Vers. 1. But a certain man named Ananias.  
AMong the offerings of others that sold their Lands, there creepeth in the hypocrisy of Ananias and Saphira, a couple that at once would have served God and Mammon; Vainglory, or Policy, or both, did here strive with covetousness and distrust, or rather to speak truly indeed, did conspire. They had the formality to sell their Lands as others did, but they had not the sincerity to part with the money as others had. Their double dealing both in word and deed, is fearfully punished with sudden death at this beginning of the Christian Church (as Nadab Abilou, and the Sabbath-breaker were at the beginning of the Jewish) that future times might learn from this to beware dissembling with God, and not to dishonour and shame the gifts of the holy Ghost.   

Vers. 3. To lie to the holy Ghost, or rather, to belie the holy Ghost.  
It was not the sin only, barely, and simply considered, that provoked and procured so fearful a Judgement upon him, but the sin, as it was circumstantiated and aggravated by some respects. For it seemeth that Ananias was not a common or ordinary believer, but one of the Ministerial rank, and one that had received the gift of the holy Ghost, as well as the rest of the 120. And considerable to this purpose are these two things.  
First, that as soon as the Evangelist hath mentioned the pious and upright dealing of Barnabas (which was a Preacher) in the sale of his Lands, he cometh to the story of Ananias, as a man of the same function, & relateth his wretchedness in the  
Secondly, that though it be said in vers. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that he lied to God, yet is he said in this third verse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, To belie the holy Ghost. By which Phrase it seemeth that he had received the holy Ghost among the rest that did receive it; and yet for all that excellent gift in himself, and the excellent gift that he knew in the Apostles; he durst by this base dissembling belie and shame the gifts that were in himself, and tempt the power of the holy Ghost that was in Peter.  
And thus was Ananias much like judas, exceedingly qualified and eminently gifted with the gifts of the Spirit, but like him undone with covetousness, and for it perished by an exemplary end. There was none among all the twelve so fit to give sentence upon this fact as Peter: as who might hereby show his own repentance for his lying and perjury in denying his Master, and that he was entirely repaired and recovered from it, when he durst pass so heavy a doom and judgement upon a lie.   

Vers. 13. And of the rest none durst join himself unto them.  
It is some difficulty to resolve, who these rest were that durst not knit themselves to the Apostles: the matter may be construed so many ways that it is hard to fix which is the right.  
First, it is understood by Beza of such as were as yet out of the Church, and yet not strangers to the Kingdom of God, but such as for fear durst not show themselves, either because of the Jews, or because of the judgement afflicted on Ananias.  
Secondly, it may be understood of those that were within the Church, yet durst not join themselves in consistory or Presbyterial society with the 120. Disciples, but kept their distance in regard of judging, though they knit with them in communion.  
Or thirdly, it may be understood of the 108. Disciples, that were appointed by Christ to be Ministers, and kept in continual society and consistorial association with the Apostles, yet durst not join themselves to them in the form or dignity of Apostleship, nor durst offer to parallel themselves to that rank, yet the people magnified them also: And this I take to be the very meaning of the place, and that upon these grounds.  
First, because the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seemeth to import a residue or the rest of their own company, and not the people that were out of the Church, for of them it had been more proper to have said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as the skilful in the Greek language will readily judge.  
Secondly, the joining here spoken of in regard of the object to whom, is to the Apostles, and not to the Church, as is apparent by the very Grammatical construction.  
Especially, thirdly, the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in vers. 12. being understood not of the Congregation or whole company of believers, but of the Apostles, as the words immediately before might argue, or rather of the whole number of the 120. as it is taken, Chap. 2.1. And so the sense of all redounds to this; that besides that terrible and dreadful work that was done by Peter upon Ananias and Sapphira, all the other eleven Apostles did great and wondrous miracles among the people, and the whole College and Presbytery of the 120. were unanimously in Solomon's Porch joining together in association and advancing the Gospel, but the rest of the 120. durst not one of them join themselves to the twelve in the peculiar office and dignity of Apostleship properly so called, having seen so lately the dreadful judgement that one of the twelve had brought upon Ananias one of their own number, and seeing the continual wonders that they did in an extraordinary manner among the people, howbeit the people magnified them also, they also having the admirable and wondrous gifts of the Spirit upon them.   

Vers. 15.  

Sect. Peter's shadow.  
Many miracles were wrought by the Apostles hands, and many as it seemeth by Peter's shadow: but▪ the Text hath left it so indifferent, that it is hard to determine whether it is to be taken in a good sense or a bad, and indeed some that have taken it the better way have made it the worst of all. Luke saith only thus, They brought forth the sick into the streets, and laid them on beds and couches, that at the least the shadow of Peter passing by might overshadow some of them. But it neither telleth who they were that laid them, nor a word at all that those were healed that were laid. And it may be thought they were unbelieving Jews that laid them as well as otherwise: for believers might have brought them to the Apostles, or brought the Apostles to them: And it may possibly be thought that they laid them there either out of a superstitious blindness, thinking his shadow to be miraculous as well as his person, or out of a cheating perverseness, thinking to gain by his power though they would none of his doctrine: and that none of their sick were healed because there is no mention of any such healing at all. If we should thus understand the story, surely we should do less wrong to the Text, and to our own understandings then some have done that have taken it in a better sense. For be it, that God intending to magnify Peter the minister of the circumcision in the eyes of the circumcised, did give him a more extraordinary power of miracles, for their sakes that stood upon miracles so much, so that not only himself, but his shadow also could heal diseases, yet how ridiculous and senseless is that which Baronius would infer hereupon, namely, That Peter therefore was Prince of all the Apostles: and that therefore the shadows or images of holy men are of holy use and religious worship, and that the Pope who is Peter's shadow and representation hath Peter's power and qualification?    

Vers. 20. All the words of this life.  
It hath scrupled divers expositors why the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should be added here to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as seeming to bend the meaning and sense to this present and temporal life: and thereupon they have concluded that there is an bypallage or change of construction, and that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the words of this life, is in stead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, these words of life, and to this sense is it translated by the Syriack: But the construction is easy, and the composure of the words will appear most proper, if the seventeenth Verse be a little seriously considered, it is said there that it was the Sect of the Sadduces that imprisoned the Apostles, a generation that denied the resurrection, and the life to come; and to this it is that this divine revelation referreth, when it chargeth the Apostles, that they should go again into the Temple where they had been apprehended the day before, and imprisoned for preaching the resurrection, and that they should not spare to speak and utter the doctrine of this life which the Sadduces so much denied.   

Vers. 21. And they called the Council together, and all the Senate of the children of Israel.  
The Syriack reads, they called their companions and the Elders of Israel: taking 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here to mean either their fellows and companions in the same Sadducean opinion and heresy, or their fellow Priests and Scribes which were not of the Sanhedrin: But since 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will very harshly bear either of these senses, and constantly is used in another for the Sanhedrin or bench of Judges of the LXX. Elders: I should take it so also in this place; and by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all the Senate, understand the Judges or Elders of the two other Judicatories which were erected, one in the outer Court gate, or in Solomon's Porch, and the other in the inner or the beautiful gate of the Temple, consisting of three and twenty men a piece. Maymonid. in Sanhed. Per. 1. And so did this busy High Priest call together all the three Courts or Benches of Judges in jerusalem, an hundred and seventeen Elders in all if there were a full appearance, the Lord so disposing it, that all his Apostles and all his chief enemies might deal it together: And now as that was fulfilled which Christ had spoken of them; They shall bring you before Counsels for my name's sake, so was also that which he had promised unto them, that it should be given them what they should speak, that their enemies should not be able to gainsay. But the Judges of the earth would not be wise nor instructed to serve the Lord and to kiss the son, therefore his anger shortly kindled, and jerusalem perished in her unbelief.   

Vers. 24. Now when the High Priest.  
So is it to be understood though in the Greek it be only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Priest: and the reason is because, first, Annas in this meeting was not the precedent of the Council, for which he is called the High Priest elsewhere, for this was not a Sanhedrin, or the usual Court, but an extraordinary and unusual Convocation: Secondly, mention is made of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 immediately after: and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 would scarcely have sounded well so near together.   

Vers. 34. A Pharisee named Gamaliel, a Doctor of the Law, had in reputation among all the People.  
This was Paul's Tutor, Acts 22.3. the son of Simeon, that took Christ into his arms, Luke 2. and the Grandchild of famous Hillel. He is called Gamaliel the Elder, for there were two others of the same name, one his Grandchild, the other his great Grandchild in the fifth descent; and he is always called Rabban Gamaliel, and so likewise were those two his Grandchilds entitled. These being three of the seven, that only carried this title Rabban. A title which was of the highest eminency and note, of any title among their Doctors, and that very title showeth the great reputation he had among the people. In the Talmudick Writers there is very frequent mention of Rabban Gamaliel, but scarcely distinguishing which of the three they mean; yet so much to be collected out of them, as to confute that forgery of Lucian's Epistle (which yet Baronius hath graced with this testimonial: Narrat Lucianus in eâ quam toius Christianus orbis recepit Epistolâ) that Gamaliel became a most zealous Christian, and professor of the Gospel; that he received Nicodemus when the Jews had cast him out; and that he buried the body of Stephen, and held a solemn mourning for him seventy days.  
In Pirke Abheth. Pereh. 1. this saying is ascribed to this Gamaliel, among the several Adages of those Doctor's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Procure thyself a tutor, and get thee out of doubting, and do not multiply to pay thy tithes by conjecture.  
He is held to have died 18. years before the destruction of the City, or about 22. years after this, and O●kelos the Targumist of the Law is reported to have burnt threescore and ten pound of Frankincense for him being dead: And by this it is more than a conjecture, that he died not a Christian, but lived and died in his Pharisaical opinions, and profession.   

Vers. 36. For before these days rose up Theudas.  
There is mention of one Theudas in the Talmud in Sanhedr. Perek Heleh: and he is called a Physician, Theudas the Physician saith, that neither Cow nor Sow cometh from Alexandria: And there is mention of one Theudas a Sorcerer in josephus Ant. lib. 20 cap. 2. Wh●n F●dus was governor of judea, saith he, a wizard named Theudas persuaded a great company to take their goods and to follow him to the river jordan, for he said he was a Prophet, and that dividing the river by a command he would procure them an easy passage: and thus saying he deceived many. But Fadus suffered them not thus to enjoy their folly, but sent against them a troop of Horse, which falling upon them unexpectedly, slew many, took others alive, and catching Theudas himself, cut off his head and brought it to jerusalem.  
This were a very ready and easy interpretation of these words of Gamaliel, if this great scruple did not lie in the way: namely, that this Theudas mentioned by josephus, was about the fourth or fifth year of Claudius: but this Theudas mentioned by Gamaliel was before judas the Galilean, which was in the days of Augustus: There is a great deal of ado among expositors what to make of these two stories, so like in substance, but so different in time. Some conceive that josephus hath miss his chronology, and hath set Theudas his story many years later than it fell out: Others refuse josephus his story as not applicable to this Theudas of Gamaliel [though they hold that he hath spoken true in it] because the time is so different, but they think gamaliel's Theudas was some of those villains that so much infested judea in the times of Sabinus and Varus. joseph. Ant. lib. 17. cap. 12. though josephus hath not there mentioned him by name.  
A third sort conceive that gamaliel's Theudas was not before judas the Galilean, who rose about the birth of Christ, but a long while after, namely a little before Gamaliel speaketh these words: And they render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the strict propriety, namely that it was but a few days before: and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not post eum, after him, but praeter eum, besides him.  
In these varieties of opinions and difficulties, it is hard to resolve which way to take, and it is well that it is a matter of that nature that men may freely use their conjectures in it, and be excusable.  
I cannot but observe and conceive these things upon the stories of Gamaliel and josephus laid and compared together.  
First, that Gamaliel meeteth with the double misprision that the present Council had concerning the Apostles, with a double story. First, they suspected and censured them for false and erroneous teachers; to this he applies the story of Theudas. Secondly, they suspected them of innovation, and of what might tend to mutiny and insurrection, and to this he applieth the story of judas.  
Secondly, that the miscarriages of these two men that he instanceth in, proceeded from two different and dangerous principles; pretence of new lights and revelations; and pretence of liberty of conscience and of persons. Theudas was for the former, judas for the latter.  
Thirdly, that Gamaliels' counsel was not of any Christianity that was in him, but of policy, not that he favoured the Apostles, but that he feared if any thing were done to them by violence or injustice, it might incur a Praemunire or prejudice; and that is apparent, in that all the Council consent and entertain his counsel.  
Fourthly, that gamaliel's Theudas and josephus his is not all one: their descriptions indeed are very agreeable, for as Gamaliel saith that Theudas took on him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be some body, of note and eminency, so doth the relation about the Theudas in josephus. Simon Magus boasted himself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be some special person, Act. 8.9. and how did he carry on this arrogation? why, by magic and doing some strange things among the people: and just in the same kind hath josephus described his Theudas, but yet these two Theudases seem not to be the same.  
Fiftly, for josephus setting the story of his Theudas so late as in the time of Claudius, a dozen years or thereabouts after this speech of Gamaliel, [although it might be said it is no strange thing with josephus to misplace stories, and to falter in point of exact Chronology, as Baronius supposeth he hath done in this] yet seemeth it rather to be upon the very native propriety of the time of the story: And the matter to be conceived thus, that as Sects and heresies, though buried, yet do oft revive, and though dispersed, yet do recollect: and being once begun are not suddenly extinguished, but like quenched fire are ever breaking out in one place or other, that so it was with this business of Theudas. And so also it may be instanced in the very sect and opinion of him that Gamaliel speaketh of immediately after, namely judas of Galilee: He rose up in the days of the tax in the time of Augustus●, as Luke 2. He pleaded against the Jews being subject to the Romans, and dissuaded them from paying taxes and tribute to them: and maintained they ought to have no ruler over them but God: and so became the original of a fourth sect among the Jews, besides the Pharisees, Sadduces and Esseans, as josephus reports of him. Antiq. lib. 18. cap. 1. and de Bell. lib. 2. cap. 12. Now though judas himself perished in his error, and as many as obeyed him were scattered abroad, as Gamaliel relateth, yet was not his error extinguished with him, but revived and grew again: So that at the least 40. years after his first appearing, his two sons james and Simon are crucified for it by Tiberius Alexander, the successor of Fadus. jos. Antiq. lib. 20. cap. 3. And many years after that, Eleazar a branch of the same judas appeareth in the same opinion with a desperate company with him, De bell. lib. 7. cap. 30.  
Even so may it be conceived of the Sect of Theudas: that it began before that of judas, and that the first author of it took upon him great things, as to be a Prophet, and to work miracles, and the like, but he was soon slain and all that obeyed him were scattered abroad and came to nought. But his folly and fancy perished not with him, but [however at other times] in the time of Fadus one of the same foolery and name, and probably his son, would be a Prophet again and divide jordan and do I know not what, whom Fadus destroyed and brought his company to ruin. So that Gamaliels and josephus his Theudas, are very probably two men, but very likely father & son, or tutor and scholar, agreeing so jump in the same folly and madness that they agreed in the same name: and that name either given to the latter at such an accidency as Parents name their children, or assumed by him in imitation of the former Theudas, whom as he delighted to imitate in his Enthusiastic folly, so delighted he to follow him in denomination. And I am the rather confirmed in this opinion about these two men, because that as soon as ever josephus hath told the story of the destruction of Theudas by Fadus, he telleth of the destruction of the sons of judas, by Tiberius Alexander, and I cannot but interpret both the stories in one sense, that as in the latter he speaketh of the offspring of judas, whose sect had begun many years before, so in the former he speaketh of the offspring of Theudas, whose sect had begun before that of judas.   

Vers. 41. That they were counted worthy.  
Or, That they had obtained: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seeming to interpret the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, so common among the Rabbins which soundeth to that sense: and so is it not only most easily, but so it must be most commonly rendered in them: And of the very same sense is the Latin word Mereri [when it is applied to man with reference to good] generally in the Fathers: As when it is said that the Virgin Mary, meruit esse mater redemptoris, she obtained to be the mother of the redeemer, not she deserved: Marry Magdalen, Audire meruit, Fides tua te salvam fecit: she obtained to hear it said, Thy faith hath saved thee; and a thousand such examples might be given, which too many thousands interpreting by the word merit, wrest an harmless word to their own destruction.  
R. Solomon speaketh of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Meritum volucrium, the privilege of birds: and some father's speaking of our obtaining God's favour and salvation and the like, express it, sine merito nostro meruimus, we have obtained it without our merit.     

PART. II. The Roman Story.  

Sect. I. The state of the City hitherto.  
THe City Rome was built by Romulus in the year of the world 3175. in the fifteenth year of Amaziab King of judah, and in the first year of jeroboam the second, the King of Israel. It had stood from the time of its first foundation, 
Vid Ruf. Festum, Dionem, etc.  to this year in which it put the Lord of life to death, seven hundred fourscore and five years; And had undergone and passed through two different and divers kinds of government, and was now but lately entered upon a third.  
The first was under Kings, for 243. years, and the foundation of this government as of the City itself was laid in the blood of Remus, shed by his brother Romulus, who was the founder of the City.  
The second was under Consuls, 467. years from the expulsion of Tarquin the last King, to the Consulship of Hirtius and Pansa, which was the year that Augustus began to rule, with Antony and Lepidus. This change of the government, was likewise founded in blood as the former had been, namely of Lucrece, Aruns, and Brutus, and in the extirpation of Tarqui●s house.  
A thi●d manner of government, had the City and Empire now begun upon, and had been under it threescore and two years; namely, a monarchy again, but the name only changed from a King to an Emperor. And the foundation of this change was also laid in blood as the other had been, namely in the death of julius Caesar, Antony and Cleopatra.  
The carriage of Tarquin the last of the Kings had brought the City into an opinion that monarchy was an enemy to liberty: And the growth and flourishing of that State under another manner of government had so confirmed this opinion, that they were sooner put out of their liberty, than out of belief of that position. Brutus and Collatinus, who were the expellers of Tarquin and of Monarchy with him, had found out a government likely enough in all humane judgement to heal all these mischiefs and miscarriages, that monarchical tyranny did bring upon them, when they appointed two supreme governor's in stead of one, and their power and rule to be but annual in stead of, for life. The success was agreeable to the policy, and so happily and prosperously did the State grow under these rulers, [and some others mixed as occasion urged], that to offer to reduce it to a Monarchy again, was infallibly held to be, to reduce it to slavery; and julius Caesar found how deeply grounded this opinion was in the heart of a Roman, by the loss of his life: they supposing his affecting the Empire single, aimed at the loss of their liberties.  
Augustus' his Nephew and adopted son, though he had before his eyes in julius his death a clear and convincing Lecture, how dangerous and desperate an attempt it was, to affect the monarchy, yet did he dare it; but managing his desires and designs with so much discretion and noiselesnesse, that the government was gotten into his hands alone, and the Empire slipped into a monarchical subjection even before it was aware.  
Tacitus hath described this strange transition to this purpose,  

Annal. l. 1.  After that Brutus and Cassius being slain, there was now no public hostility; Pompey was crushed at Sicily, and Lepidus being stipped of his power, and Antony slain, there remained now no commander on julius his party, but only Caesar, he laying down the name of Triumvir, and bearing himself as Consul, and as content with the Tribunate, for the defence of the Commons: when he had won the Soldiers with gifts, the people with provision, and all men with the sweetness of peace, he began to get up by degrees, and to draw to himself the power of the Senate, Magistrates and Law, no man gainsaying him: For the fiercest persons were either dispatched in the armies or by banishment, the rest of the Nobles, by how much the more they were the readier for vassalage, by so much the more they were preferred with wealth and honours: and being thus enriched by these innovations, they desired rather the safe and present condition, than the ancient and dangerous. Nor did the provinces refuse this state of things, they having the rule of the Senate and people in suspicion, because of the quarrelings of the great ones, and the avarice of the Magistrates, the Laws affording no relief, but themselves destroyed, by power, prowling or money.  
Thus did the very posture of things as it were conspire with the desires of Augustus, to bring the Roman state into a monarchy, and himself to be the monarch; the decrees and determination of heaven having so ordered, that here should begin a fifth Monarchy after the destruction of the four, Dan. 2. and 7. which should equal all the four in power pomp and cruelty, and should be the continual persecutor of the Church of the Christians, as they had been of the Church of the Jews: And thus doth the Gospel and the State that should persecute it in a manner arise at once, and Christ and Antichrist after a sort are borne together.   

Sect. II. The qualities of Tiberius the present Emperor: his damnable dissimulation.  
Augustus as he had got the sole government into his hands, by a great deal of wisdom, and daring, so did he keep it with the same wisdom, and as much moderation: He sat Emperor for the space of four and forty years, honoured and beloved, and died desired and lamented, though he had thus impropriated, as it was conceived, the whole liberty of the Empire into his own hand: Now whether it were the native gentleness and goodness of the Emperor, that kept him in such a sweetness and moderation; or whether it were some policy mingled with it, as knowing it not to be safe to be too busy and rigid so near the change, he so demeaned himself for the benefit of the City, and love of the people, that as he was the first of all the Emperors, so in a manner was he the last that showed such mildness, goodness, and nobleness, either to people or City.  
Tiberius' succeeded him, his Wife's son by nature, and his by adoption; a man as incomparably evil, unworthy, and cruel, as Augustus had been glorious, noble, and humane. And if that were true which some supposed and believed, That Augustus had nominated Tiberius for his Successor, that his own worth might be the better set off by the others wickedness; & that he might be the better spoken of, because the other was so odious; this his last action was more to his dishonour then all his former; and howsoever Tiberius might do him honour by his miscarriage, yet did he do himself dishonour in Tiberius.  
This wretch, whose Story we are now to follow, was, as his own Tutor used to define him, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A lump of clay mingled with blood; and that clay and blood mingled with as much mischievousness, as it was almost possible for humane nature to contain.  
A dissembler he was, beyond all parallels and comparisons, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith Dion, He had a disposition most single to himself: For he never made show to what he desired; and he never spoke as he thought; what he desired he denied; what he hated he pretended to: he showed anger where he loved best; he pretended love where he hated most: he looked sullenly on his friends, cheerfully on his enemies: was fair spoken to those he meant to punish, was most severe towards those he thought to pardon; And it was his Maxim, That a Prince's mind must be known to no man; for that by its being known, many evils and inconveniences do follow; but many conveniences by its being dissembled: Hence did every man that meddled with him, come into danger; and to understand, or not understand his mind, was alike perilous. And some have been undone for agreeing to his words, because they agreed not to his mind: and some have been undone for agreeing to his mind, because he perceived they had found his mind out. And it was a thing of extreme difficulty, either to consent to his words or to gainsay them: when it was his custom to command one thing and to will another.  
This dissimulation he began withal at his very first entrance to the Empire, pretending great unwillingness to take it upon him, and when it was urged on him past denial, then pretending to take two partners with him, as to share in the burden and honour: but when Asinius Gallus took him at his word, and bade him choose his part, he took it so ill, that he dogged him for it to the death. The same dissimulation he took along with him, when he had taken the Empire on him, carrying it with all mildness and moderation, as if he had been a second Augustus, whereas indeed the reason was, because Germanicus was alive, and most dear in the people's affection, and he feared him lest he should have been preferred before him.  
Yet did his best demeanour bewray what he was within, for all his skill in dissembling, and at the very best he gave just suspicion that he would prove but evil.  
He began his reign with the murder of Agrippa, a man once in as high favour with Augustus as himself. He went on with the murder of a poor man for a piece of wit: For as a corpse was carried to its interring, this man can to it and whispered in the dead man's ear: and being asked by the standers by what he meant, he answered, that he desired that dead man when he came into the other world, to tell Augustus that his Legacies to the people were not yet paid. This cost the poor man his life, for Tiberius said he should go on that message himself, and so he slew him, but this got the people their Legacies.  
It would be infinite to reckon up the murders, oppressions, and miscreancy committed by him in the first seventeen years of his reign, or before this year that we have in hand: The most remarkable were that he raised Sejanus purposely that he might help to ruin Germanicus and Drusus, though they were his own adopted sons, and when that was done by Sejanus he ruined Sejanus and all his friends with him. We shall have mischief enough from him in those years that we are to follow him in, namely from his eighteenth and forward, and therefore let the story hasten thither.   

Sect. III. The year of Tiberius his reign at our Saviour's death.  
This year is determined by common consent of Historians to be his eighteenth: and the matter is passed all doubt, if it were as certain that Christ was Baptised in the fifteenth year of Tiberius, as it is certain that john began to baptise. For whereas john began to baptise about the vernal Equinox, and Christ was not baptised till the Autumnal, beginning just then to enter upon his thirtieth year, and whereas Tiberius began to reign about the 18. day of August, as appeareth by the Roman Historians, the fifteenth year of Tiberius in exact accounting was expired some weeks before Christ was baptised. And therefore though Luke say that in the fifteenth year of Tiberius john came baptising, Luke 3.1. yet was it in the 16. year of Tiberius (as it seemeth) before Christ came to his baptism: and so should the death of our Saviour fall into Tiberius his 19 year. But it is not safe to hang the Chronologie of all succeeding times upon so small a pin as this: therefore according to the universal consent and determination of all Christian writers, we will take the 18 year of Tiberius to have been the year of Christ's death, resurrection, and ascension, and accordingly compute and reckon the times of the succeeding Emperors that we have to go through proportionate or agreeable to this beginning.  
The Roman Consuls for this year that we have in hand were Cn. Domitius and Camillus Scribonianus, as is obvious to any eye that counteth, and the year and Consuls in the time of Tiberius.   

Sect. IU. His lusts and beastiality.  
He had certain years before this departed out of Rome, resolving never to return to it again, which indeed he never did, though often taking on him to come, and drawing very near unto the City. The pretence of his departure, 
* Sueton. in Tiber. cap. 39.40.  was the grief that he took on him to take for the death of his two sons, Germanicus and Drusus, and the dedication of a Capitol at Capua and a Temple at Nola: but the reasons indeed were, partly in disdain of the authority of his mother Livia, partly to avoid the dangers of the City, 
* Tacit. Annal. lib. 6.  partly to outrun the shame of his evil actions, and partly that in the retiredness of the Country he might be the more freely wicked as not restrained by the public shame. This last he made good by his badness, if such a thing may be said to be made good. For having gotten the liberty of retiredness, saith 
* Cap. 42, 43, 44.  Suetonius, and being removed from the eyes of the City, he now let go lose all the vices that he had so long dissembled. Uncleanness both with Boys and Girls, ravishing both of wives and maids, new invented arts of lechery, and trades of lust, obscene bathe and filthy feasts, and such horribleness of bestiality that the mention thereof is not fit for a Christians hearing, nay Rome herself had not heard of none such till this very time.  

Sect. His cruelty, and how forwarded.  
Nor, which is wonderful, did he in all this delicacy and effeminateness, remit or ungive any thing of his bloodiness and cruelty, but as in his person he played the Swine in Capri, so by his letters did he the Lion at Rome. The cowardice, and fawning of the Senate from which he was run, and which he sought to destroy, did forward his inhuman disposition exceeding much: for as this inhumanity provoked him to do what mischief he could, so did their compliance show him that he might do what his list, when things were come to that pass (saith 
* Lib. 58.  Dion) that there was no man that could deny, but that he could heartily eat the Emperor's flesh, yet when Cn. Domitius and Camillus Scribonianus were Consuls (which was the year we have in hand) a thing most ridiculous came to pass. For whereas it had been decreed long before, that the Senate should not swear to the acts of the Emperor on the first day of january, man by man, but that one should take the oath, and the rest should give their consent: this year they did not so, but of their own offer, and no one constraining, they were sworn every man in particular.  
And there befell also a thing yet more ridiculous than this. For they decreed that Tiberius should choose out of their order as many as he would: and twenty of those chosen by lot and weaponed he should have for his guard whensoever he should come into the Senate. Now seeing that without the Senate house all was well guarded with a band of Soldiers, and that no private man came within, for whom else would they or could they have this guard added but for themselves? Tiberius' commended their forwardness and gave them thanks for their good will, but the thing itself h●e declined as a thing unusual: for he was not so simple, as to put swords into their hands whom he so much hated, and of whom he was hated so much.  
Thus Dion: and thus the Senate, taken in their own net which they had laid too plain; arming Tiberius with suspicion, hatred, and power, while they thought to have weaponed themselves. A far milder nature than his, would hardly have miss to have made a domineering use of such an opportunity, when their visible hatred had showed him his own danger, and their cowardly flattery had showed him his power, and how he made advantage of these his notions, did appear by the sequel.    

Sect. V. Divers cruelties.  
Sejanus his high exalted favourite, had been found, or at least suspected by him to go about to undermine him as he had done Drusus by his setting on, and he had the last year been put to death upon that certainty, or suspicion; and now must all his friends, creatures, kindred and adherents, which had been exceeding many to so great a favourite, come to the same reckoning and ruin with him. And this advantage had the old Politician by his kennelling in the solitariness of the Country, that both he might be as impudent as he would in putting forward his designs, for his letters could not blush, and resolute enough in following them to their accomplishing, for he was far enough from the danger of the discontented City.  
He began with the confiscation of Sejanus his goods, 
Taeit. lib. 6. Annal. Dion ubi sup●a.  and went on with the banishment of junius Gallio one of his friends. This Gallio or Gallenus (as Dion calleth him) in a base flattery to Tiberius made the motion that the Soldiers of his guard should at the shows sit in the Knight's form: A proposal more full of simplicity and fawning then of any danger or suspicion: and yet is he sharply taken up for it by the Emperor's letters, as for an overture of sedition made by a friend of Sejanus as thinking to corrupt the minds of the Soldiers by hope of honours: And for no other fault but this is Gallio banished to Lesbos, but recalled again ere long, because it was thought by the Emperor that he took delight in the pleasantness of the Hand, and then he was committed to custody in the Magistrates houses. The same letters thunderbolt Sestius Paconius, and either they or the next, do as much for Latiaris the betrayer of Sabinus, and shortly are the like come for Caecilianus a Senator, Quintus Servaeus once Praetor, and Minutius Thermus a Knight: and if they came not into the same black bill, yet did julius Africanus and Seius Quadratus come into the same danger.   

Sect. VI Strange accusing.  
Thus came his packets very frequent to the Senate, and seldom or never but written in some man's blood or other: he being cankered and crafty enough to accuse and pretend, and the Senate so officious and serviceable to him, as to condemn and execute. And happy had the condition of the City been, had he rested there, to have been accuser only himself, but his subtle policy had found out a way, and practised it, and he thought himself happy in it, to set such division and sow such seeds of accusations among the people, that now they do nothing, nor affect nothing more, then to accuse, impeach and charge one another, and to contrive and compass each others death. Cruel and inhuman that he was thus to divide and imbroile his own people and Subjects to destroy each other, that the clearer way might be made to his tyranny through their destruction; and that he cannot think himself an absolute Prince, nor truly happy, unless his people die at his pleasure or live in misery. Yet can I not but think of an invisible hand of justice in this deplorate condition of the City and State wrought and brought upon her by her own Prince, that she now perisheth daily and sadly by her false accusing, and condemning, and destroying one another; for at this very time, by false accusation and unjust condemning, she had destroyed and murdered the Lord of life.  
Now, saith Tacitus, did Tiberius, inciting the chiefest men to mischief, 
Tiberius' inciting the chiefest men to mischief.  admonish C. Caestius the father, to tell the Senate what he had written to him: and Caestius took upon to accuse: A bane which those times brought forth, when the chief men of the Senate would practise most base accusations, some openly, many secretly; nor could you then discern strangers from kinsmen, friends from men unknown, nor what was new, nor what was obscure with age: So surely were men accused of whatsoever they had spoken in the open streets or at feasts, as others could make haste to prevent, and accuse them for guilty: some for their own refuge, more as infected with contagion and a sickness. So Tacitus.  

De benef. lib. 3. cap. 26.  Seneca also utters his complaint of these doleful times, and allegeth one example of these accusations, which at once showeth the baseness of them and the frequency.  
In the times of Tiberius Caesar, saith he, there was a frequent and almost common madness of accusing, which more tormented the gowned City, than all their civil wars had done before. Now the words of drunkards were catched at, and the harmlessness of jesters. Nothing was safe, every occasion of being cruel gave content: Nor was there any expecting of what would be the event of those that were accused, for they had all one and the same. Paulus the Praetorian was at a certain supper or feast, having the picture of Tiberius graven in the stone of his Ring, which something stood forth; I should do but very foolishly, if I should pump for words to tell, that he took the Chamberpot, which thing Maro one of the spies of those times took speedy notice of. But a servant of his for whom the trap was prepared taken off his Ring when he was drunk. And when Maro took witness of the guests that Caesar's Image was laid to a filthy base thing, and was ready to subscribe the charge, the servant showed the Ring upon his own finger.  
Exceeding many do the Roman Histories mention and nominate, that came to fatal ends, or heavy dooms under the bloodiness of this inquisition, but many and many omitted, saith Tacitus, and not named by the Roman writers, either because they were cloyed with multitude of examples, or lest, as what they suffered was much and grievous to themselves, so likewise might it be unto the Reader.   

Sect. VII. Desperate boldness, and discreet.  
In these so dangerous times of the City, and raging humours of the Emperor, it cannot be omitted for the strangeness of it, how two men came off, Marcus Terentius by a resolute bravery before the Senate, and Lucius Sejanus by a desperate scoff and mocking of the Emperor.  
In the sports and feasts of Flora, this Sejanus being Praetor, had caused all things to be performed by baldheaded men, 
Dion lib. 58.  and by no other, and this he did because Tiberius was bald-headed himself. And to make up the scorn to the full, at night, when the company was to depart, 
A venerable antiquity for shaved crowns▪  he caused five thousand boys with their heads shaved bare, to carry Links and Torches to light them away. And yet Tiberius would take no notice of all this though he knew it well enough, either because he would not second his own derision, by taking it to heart, or because he intended to revenge this scorn at some other time, under some other title, or because by this toleration he would animate more to be saucy with him to their own confusion.  
But far more brave, because far more necessary and discreet, was the courage of Terentius, who had the sober and well guided valour, not to thrust himself into danger, but to bring him out. He was accused of dependence upon Sejanus, and of complying with him, and he denied not the accusation, but strengthened it, and came off better by extremity of confession than others could do with the utmost of excusing. I loved, said he, and honoured Sejanus, because Tiberius loved him and did him honour: So that if he did well I did not amiss, and if the Emperor that knoweth all things exactly, were deceived, it is no wonder if I were deceived with him. It is not for us to regard or search, for what cause the Emperor promoteth such a man: to him belongeth the property of that judgement, to us the glory of obsequiousness. His treasons against the commonwealth, and plots against the Emperor's life, let them bear the punishment they have deserved, but as for friendship and observance, the same end will acquit Tiberius and us, etc.  
And in this strain and boldness proceeded he on, still driving on his affections to Sejanus thorough Sejanus to the Emperor, that he led the accusation the same way to light upon him also, insomuch that in an instant his accusers had changed place with him, for they were accused and he discharged.   

Sect. VIII. Other Occurrences of this year.  
But Tiberius his humour was too strong to be stopped with such Rhetoric, in behalf of any more, though this prevailed for Terentius himself. For presently come accusatory letters against Sex. Vestilius, as a libeler against C. Caesar, who to avoid death, by the hand of some other man, would prevent it with his own, and so cut his veins: but tying them up again and repenting his fact he sent a supplicatory petition to the Emperor that he might live: of which receiving but a comfortless answer, he let them open to bleed again. Afterward followed the accusation of Annius Pollio, Appius Silanus, Scaurus Mamercus, Sabinus Calvisius: Vitia the mother of Fusius Geminius late Consul, put to death for nothing but for bewailing the death of her own son; Vescularius and Marinus executed in Capres. And Geminius and Celsus came to such fatal ends towards the end of the year. In this year there was a book of the Sibyls offered to the Senate, but he that offered it was sharply checked by the Emperor for his pains. Some scarcity of provision oppressed the City, and plenty of mocks upon the stage jerked the Emperor, but course was taken ere long for the remedy of both, and for the latter sooner than the former. Scribonianus his place of Consulship was often changed according to Tiberius his wavering pleasure, the politician craftily shaking and unsettling that ancient government, that his new one of Monarchy might sit the faster. Flaecus Avilius was made Governor of Egypt, an Iberian by birth as may be collected from Dion, and a future scourge of the Jews, as will appear hereafter. Rubrius Fabatus when he saw the City in so desperate an estate, betook himself to fall to the Parthians, but was apprehended by the way, and yet escaped punishment, being forgotten rather then forgiven.   

Sect. IX. Tiberius' perplexed.  
Among all the troubles of that City (that hath been ever the troubler of the world) that befell her this year, when she slew the Prince of quietness and peace, it may not be amiss to look a little upon the disquietness of him himself within himself that caused this disquiet to her, and embrued her so oft in her own blood: And this we may do by the Anatomy that Tacitus hath read upon his entrails, spying the thoughts of his heart, through the words of a letter, that he wrote in behalf of Co●ta Messalinus an old favourite of his, the letter bearing the date of this year, as appeareth by the same Tacitus, and the words this tenor, as is attested both by him and Suetonius. 
Sueton in Tibe. c. 67.  Quid scribam vobis P. C. aut quomodo scribam, aut quid omnino non scribam hoc tempore, Dii me, Deaeque peius perdant, quam perire quotidie sentio, si scio. What I shall write to you O father's conscript, or how I shall write, or what I shall not write at all at this time, the gods and goddesses confound me worse than I feel myself to perish daily, if I can tell. Whereupon Suetonius saith that being weary of himself, he almost confesseth the sum of his miseries: But my other author thus largely. Thus did even his villainies and flagitiousnesse turn to punishment to himself. Nor was it in vain that the wisest of men was wont to affirm, that if the minds of Tyrants were but opened, tortures and stripes might be spied there: seeing that the mind is butchered with cruelty, lust and evil projects, as the body is with blows. For, not solitariness, not fortune, could protect Tiberius, but that he confesseth the torments of his breast, and his own punishment.    

PART III. The affairs of the jews.  

Sect. I. A commotion of them.  
IF the Method of josephus were chronical, and the order of his ranking of Stories to be presumed for the order of their falling out, at this time or hereabout should be taken in that 
Egesip. de excid. jerus. l. 2. cap. 4.  famosum ludibrium as Egesippus calleth it, or villainous abuse of Paulina a noble chaste and virtuous wife and Lady of Rome, by Mundus a Knight, under pretext of the god Anubis in the Temple of Isis: for this hath 
* joseph. Antiq. lib. 18. c. 4.  he mentioned the very next thing after the mention of our Saviour's death, and with this link of connexion. About the very same time another grievance troubled the jews, and shameful things happened about the Temple of Isis at Rome, etc. But since the story concerning the troubles of the Jews, that he relateth after, seemeth to have some near dependence and consequence to this of the Lady, and that 
Annal. lib. 2 c  Tacitus hath laid that occurrence of the Jews expulsion out of Rome thirteen years before this, under the consulship of junius Silanus and Norbanus Flaccus, we will omit to meddle with them, and will take in another story of the Jews which though josephus hath placed a little before Christ's death, yet Eusebius hath set it after, and upon his word shall it be commended to the reader for its time, and upon the others and Philoes for its truth.  
Pilate (as 
* Antiq. lib. 8. cap. 4. & de bello jud. ●. c. 〈…〉.  saith josephus) having secretly brought into jerusalem by night certain Images of Caesar and set them up, the people when the matter was known, repaired to him to Caesarea, begging that they might be taken down: which when he denied as a thing prejudicial to Caesar; they fell flat upon the ground, and there lay five days and five nights and stirred not thence. On the sixth day he pretending to give them an answer from the judgement seat doth suddenly environ them with armed men, threatening their death if they cease not their importunity. But they falling upon the ground again and laying their necks bare, return him this answer. That they would gladly embrace death rather than transgress the wisdom of their Laws. Whose resolution when Pilate saw, he caused the Images to be fetched away from jerusalem to Caesarea. To this purpose josephus; but Philo far differently thus. 
* Philo in legate. ad Cajum.  Pilate, saith he, dedicated golden shields in the Palace of Herod in the holy City, not so much for the honour of Tiberius, as to vex the people of the Jews; upon them there was neither picture, nor any thing that was forbidden, but only the inscription showed who had dedicated them, and to whom. Yet when the multitude had understanding of the thing, and the matter was divulged, they chose certain of the highest rank among them for their advocates, who besought him, that the innovation might be taken away, and that their Laws might not. When he roughly denied, for he was naturally inflexible and selfe-wilfully sturdy, they make fair before him as if they would petition to Tiberius. Now that fretted him worst of all, for he was afraid lest they should do so indeed, and accuse him for his other crimes, his bribery, wrongs, rapines, injuries, oppressions, murders and horrid cruelties, and yet durst he not take down again what he had dedicated, nor had he any mind to pleasure the people. Which when they perceived they sent a most humble petition to Tiberius: who understanding what Pilate had done and what he had threatened, rebuked and checked him for his innovating boldness, and commanded him speedily to take the shields away; and so they were removed from jerusalem to Caesarea. Thus Philo, and thus differently these two country men, and that in a matter which so nearly concerned their own country: and which also befell so near unto their own times. For Philo was now alive and in his prime, and so was josephus less than thirty years after. Be it referred to the reader's choice which of these relations he will take, and when he hath made his choice, another difference falleth under his arbitration concerning the time, betwixt Eusebius which placeth this occurrence after our Saviour's passion, and Baronius that hath set it three years before his baptism. The Cardinal certainly too forward in bringing it in in the first year of Pilate, for it appeareth by Philo that he had done a great multitude of villainies among the Jews before he did this: and the Father if any whit too backward in ranking it after our Saviour's death, yet excusable for a thing of so pregnant application, as to show how soon the Jews that had chosen Caesar before Christ, have now their belly full of their Caesar in his Images.   

Sect. II. Of james his being Bishop of jerusalem.  
The two last cited Authors though they differ about the time of the story forenamed, yet have they agreed unanimously, and many others with them about this in hand, namely that james was made this year the Bishop of that jerusalem. For thus Eusebius: Ecelesiae Hierosolymorii primus Episcopus ab Apostolis ordinatur Iacobus frater Domini. But Baronius far larger; that he was ordained Bishop by Peter, that his chair was preserved and reverenced to posterity, that he wore a plate of gold upon his head like the high Priest in the Law, from whence he would derive the Mitre: that he alone might go into the Sanctum Sanctorum, that he refrained from wine and flesh, that he was a Nazarite, that his knees were hardened with continual praying till they were unsensible, and such like stuff for which he citeth his several Authors, that if common sense were not a better informer then common fame, we should be made to believe any thing whatsoever. The question indeed whether james were ever Bishop of jerusalem at all or no, is very well worth taking into some consideration, but that will be most proper to handle when we come to those places in the Acts of the Apostles, where a singular mention of james hath given occasion of this opinion; But as for his prototype of Mitres, the people's wooden devotion to his chair, and the rest of that legendary invention, he is little acquainted with the officiousness of superstition, that knoweth not out of what mint that cometh, and he hath little to do that should go about to examine the truth of it, but he hath the least of all to do that should believe it.    

THE CHRISTIAN, JEWISH, AND ROMAN HISTORY OF THE YEAR OF CHRIST XXXIIII. And of the Emperor Tiberius, XIX. Being the year of the World 3961. Consuls 

Sergius Sulpitius Galba.  
L. Cornelius Silvius.    
LONDON, Printed by R. C. for Andrew Crook, 1645.   


Sect. An account of the Chronologie.  
ALthough the proper reckoning of every year of our Saviour, be from September to September, (for at that time of the year he was borne) and so his three and thirtieth year should have been ended by us, within four months or little more after the giving of the holy Ghost, yet because it will not be possible to date the times of things in any of the three stories that we have in hand, from such a beginning, and because both the Roman Historians do reckon the years of their City, as also the Christian histories, the years of Christ from january to january, I have chosen to follow that computation and manner of accounting, or rather (to speak properly indeed) I have been enforced to follow it, there being not only various and pregnant helps both from Romans and Christians to forward us in that manner of reckoning, but there being also an utter impossibility to reckon or compute from any other beginning or calculation: now, as for those stories that we are to follow in the Acts of the Apostles, the holy Ghost hath not been so punctual and exact, to give us the times of the things, as to give us things themselves; The Chronicle chain of the times indeed is drawn up by the Scripture from the Creation, to the death of our Saviour (which was the fullness of time) with all care and accurateness: but from thence forward not so strictly or observantly exhibited and held forth, nor indeed was it requisite that it should so be. To annalize therefore the story of this book of the Acts, as it cannot but prove a matter of great difficulty, so will it prove but a matter of conjecture when we have done what we can, and both these proceed from this ground and reason, because the holy Ghost hath been very sparing, if not utterly silent, in giving account of the times in the new Testament from the death of Christ forward, that great business in his death being accomplished and fulfilled, for which alone the succession of times was reckoned and recorded: we shall therefore in the casting of passages and occurrences into several years, as we go along present them under their proper notion of conjecture, yet showing some groundwork and reason of what we do: and though it may be we may not always hit aright, in fixing every thing to its proper year, yet hope we to find here and there some such main pins as whereon to hang a sum of divers years joined together, and to settle them fast, although we cannot so perfectly find a general nail whereby to fasten the occurrences of every several year by itself.  
We may take an instance in the story at which we now are, the choosing of the seven Deacons: It is not possible, positively to determine at what time this was done, it may be it was before the three and thirtieth year of our Saviour was expired, namely before September next after his Ascension, it may be again it was not before September, but betwixt it and january next following, or it may be it was not before january, but after it, in this year that we are entering upon: there is a like uncertainty in all these things, if we should come to try the times of this particular thing by itself, but when we shall come to examine and take up the time of Paul's conversion, then will some steadiness of the time of this appear, and the nail that fasteneth that, will so clench up all the stories betwixt that and the descension of the holy Ghost, or all the stories from the end of the second Chapter to the beginning of the ninth, that they will not hang altogether loose, but have some fixedness to their proper time.   

Act. VI  

Vers. 1. There was a murmuring of the Grecians.  
IN the Greek it is, Of the Hellenists: which word is also used, Chap. 9.29. and 11.20. and is of no small controversy for the sense, whether it mean Greeks that lived among the Jews, or Jews that lived among the greeks. Whether Greeks that were converted to the Jewish Religion, or Jews that used the Greek tongue; but the latter seemeth to be the proper meaning of it upon these grounds.  
1. Because proselyted Greeks (which some think Hellenistae means) are expressly called Helen's, joh. 12.20. and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, joseph. Ant. lib. 18. cap. 4. And not Hellenistae.  
2. Because the very form of the word Hellenista doth more properly import a Jew ingraffed into the Greeks, than a Greek ingraffed into the Jews.  
3. Because whereas judeus and Helen distinguish the two nations jew and Greek all along in the Scripture, Hebraeus and Hellenista must needs signify something else here.  
4. Because if by Hellenistae had been meant the converted greeks, it had been most proper in contradistinction to them to have said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
5. Because the story from the beginning of this book hither maketh the Church to consist most especially of Jews, as Ch. 2.5.22. and 3.12. and though it mention proselytes among them, yet seemeth it most improbable that their number should be so great as to have seven Deacons chosen for them.  
6. Because Nicolas one of the seven, is expressly called a Proselyte of Antioch, which had been somewhat improper if all the business had only concerned Proselytes.  
By these and some other reasons ●hat might be produced, it is most proper to apprehend and conceive that these Hellenists were Jews of the Grecian dispersion and plantations, that lived among the Greeks, and used their language: and which may be called the western dispersion, not only in regard of the situation of their dwellings; but chiefly in difference from the Eastern captivities carried away by the Assyrians and Persians: and also because they used Western tongues. And to this sense it soundeth when it is said the Hellenists murmured against the Hebrews: namely that both they that murmured and they that were murmured against were Jew's, but the one party called Hebrews and the other Hellenists in reference to their language and residence. The Hebrews in judea or in the countries of the Eastern dispersion, and the other in the countries and Colonies of the Western. And in this sense is that easily understood which is spoken of Paul, Chap. 9.29. that he spoke and questioned with the Hellenists, namely, because he spoke their language, the Greek tongue, he being borne in Tarsus, where they had Greek Schools, And that in Chap. 11.19.20. They that were scattered spoke the word to none but to the jews only, and yet some spoke to the Hellenists at Antioch, they that spoke being themselves Hellenists by birth, or Jews borne in Cyprus and Cyrene, in Greek colonies, and so dealt with them of Antioch that were of the same native reference that they were.  

Sect. Were neglected in the daily ministration.  
That is, in the daily distribution of alms, or the stock of the Church, as the Text and reason i● self maketh it plain enough, though some have conceived that it is to be taken passively, as if these widows had been hindered from ministering to the Apostles as women had ministered to our Saviour.    

Vers. 2. Then the twelve called the multitude of the Disciples unto them.  
Not the whole multitude of believers, which at this time were grown to very many thousands: but the whole number of the Presbytery or the 108. of whom mention hath been made before. For 1. how needless was it that eight or ten thousand people should meet together about this business to choose six or seven men? And 2. how impossible was it there should be a joint choice, where the distance and diversities of Countries and Languages had made them so great strangers one to another; and when some discontents had driven them into murmurings already? 3. They that chose the seven are bidden to look out among themselves, men full of the holy Ghost, which among the number of common believers was very hard, if at all possible to find: for we cannot ever find, that the holy Ghost had come down upon any but the 120. And whereas they are required to be of honest report and wisdom, it doth not infer that any of the 108. were otherwise, but because there was difference of eminencies and excellencies among them.   

Vers. 3. Seven men.  
This number may seem to refer to the seven nations of the western Jew's who had made the complaint, Cappadocians, Ponticks, Asians, Phrygians, Pamphilians, Romans, and Cretans.  

Sect. The office of Deacons.  
1. It was not ministerial or for the preaching of the word, but for providing for the 〈◊〉; for as the occasion of their election was complaint of the poor, so the end of their choice was to provide for their relief. It is true indeed that these seven men, at the least two of them, Stephen & Philip, were preachers of the Word as well as overseers of the poor: but this their ministerial function they had before their Deaconry, and not with it. For it is not only the opinion of Epiphanius, but even sense and reason do give their vote with him, that these men were of the number of the Seventy, or at the least of the 108. that had been Christ's constant followers and disciples: and so had received their ministerial function from Christ and not from the Apostles, and it was not an addition to their Deaconry, but their Deaconry to it: For the Text telleth plainly that they were full of the holy Ghost before they received the imposition of hands, and so had in all probability, yea indeed past denial, received the holy Ghost when the 120. did, they being some of that number.  
2. Those tables for which the office of Deaconry was ordained, were not holy Tables but common. For 1. The twelve set an inconsistency between serving these Tables, and preaching the Word, Ver. 2. which they would never have done, if serving of Tables had been the attending upon the Sacrament of the Lords Supper. 2. The serving of Tables that they mean, they put over from themselves to the Deacons, but none can think that they would ever resign or give over the administering the Sacrament. 3. There were Ministers enough already for the administration and attending upon the Sacrament, and there needed no new ordination or office for it.  
3. The office of the Deacons was to take care of the poor according to their several wants; to gather and receive collections for them, to distribute to them, to oversee them, and to minister to them in their necessities, and therefore it is no wonder if the Apostles were so circumspect in their election, and so observant in their ordination. For these seven were to take this work of the Apostles out of their hands, and to dispose of the stock of the Church, and upon whose care the support of the poor was to depend, and their welfare upon their incorruption, and then it is no marvel if they were chosen men of good report: and they were to converse with variety of languages and nations, and therefore it was needful they should be full of the holy Ghost, enabling them to converse with them in their divers tongues.    

Vers. 5. Prochorus.  

Sect. The book of the life of john the Evangelist under his name forged.  
Of Prochorus, Nicanor, Timon and Parmenas' there is no more mention in Scripture. The book that beareth the name of Prochorus, concerning the life, miracles and assumption of john the Evangelist, doth justly bear this brand in its forehead as it stands in Biblioth. Patr. Tom. 7. Historia haec Apocrypha est, fabulosa, & indigna prorsus quae legatur. The Author bewrayeth himself to be a Romanist, by the sign of the cross and the local descent cap. 3. by Linus and Domitian disputing about the coming of Christ, and by john Por●-Latin, cap. 10. and by other visible signs, although he had thought he had put on a vizor sufficient to have hidden that, when he bringeth in Peter calling john the prime Apostle, even in the beginning of his first Chapter. But that none may lose so much time as to read him over, let him take a pattern of the rest of his pedlary ware out of the twentieth Chapter, where he bringeth in john writing a letter to the devil that possessed a man, and by that letter casting him out.   

Sect. Nicolas a Proselyte of Antioch.  
He is held to have been the author and occasion of the sect of the Nicolaitans, Rev. 2.6.15. Iren. lib. 1. cap. 27. Euseb. hist. lib. 3. cap. 29. A sect that misconstrued the doctrine of Christian community and Christian liberty, to all uncleanness and licentiousness: but whether it began to be so misconstrued by Nicolas himself, or by some of his followers, as the Sadduces abused a good doctrine of Sadoc to a damnable heresy, it is difficult to determine, and this is not the proper place to examine it.    

Vers. 7. A great company of the Priests were obedient to the faith.  
I cannot but wonder at the boldness of Beza in this place, and indeed in hundreds of other places: for he doth rather suspect the truth and purity of this Text, then believe the story that so many Priests should believe: And yet it seemeth, among all his Greek copies there was not one that read otherwise. Truly it is a daring that deserves castigation in him, that when he either understandeth not the perfect meaning of a place, or findeth difficulty in it, or hath fancied a sense contrary to it, that he should throw dirt into the face of the Scripture, and deny the purity of the Greek text, before he will ungive any thing of his own groundless opinion: Honourable is the memory of that man in the Church of God, and his name as a sweet perfume among us, but I would this his boldness which he took to himself continually, had not given so great occasion to Jews and Papists to bark against the purity of the Text and the truth of the Gospel as it hath done.   

Vers. 9 The Synagogue of the Libertines.  
That is, of Jews that were freeborn, (as Paul Act. 22.28.) viz. the sons of those Jews that had obtained the Roman freedom: He that from a slave or servant obtained manumission and liberty, was called libertus, and his child, borne to him in this freedom, was libertinus.   

Vers. 15. His face as the face of an Angel.  
Stephen is accused by the students of this Libertine College, of blasphemy against Moses and the Temple, for preaching of the destruction of his ceremonies and of that place, whereas he spoke but what Moses and an Angel had foretold before, Deut. 28. and 32. Dan. 9 and accordingly his face hath the splendour of an Angel, and shineth like the face of Moses.    

Acts VII.  

Vers. 2. Men, brethren.  
THat is, Brethren: for the word men is added only by an Hebrew Elegancy and custom, as Gen. 13.8. we are Men brethren, which our English hath well rendered, we are brethren, so vers. 26. of this Chapter.  

Sect. When he was in Mesopotamia.  
For Chaldea was also reckoned to Mesopotamia: and so Pliny accounteth it, Lib. 6. Nat. Hist. cap. 26. Babylon Chaldaicarum gentium caput diu summam claritatem obtinuit in toto orbe, propter quam reliqua pars Mesopotamiae Assyriaeque Babylonia appellata est. And afterwards, Sunt etiamnum in Mesopotamia Hipparenum, Chaldaeorum & hoc, sicut Babylon: And presently after, Orchein quoque tertia Chaldaeorum doctrina, in eodem situ locantur.    

Vers. 3. And said unto him, Get thee out of thy Country.  
Divers expositors have intricated themselves into a perplexity, they cannot well tell how to get out of, by supposing these words, and the words of Moses, Gen. 12. ●. to be the same, and to speak of the same time and thing: whereas they are visibly and vastly distant and different, and they mean two several calls of God to Abraham, the one in Chaldea, the other in Charran. In Chaldea God appears to him, and bids him Get thee out of thy country and from thy kindred, but maketh no mention of leaving his father's house, for that he took along with him, Gen. 11.31. The holy Ghost indeed hath ascribed the conduct of this journey to Terah as if he had received the cal●, and had been the chief mover in the business, but it is only to show his conversion and forsaking of his native Country and Idolatry, and his readiness to go with Abram when God calleth Abram: but that the call was to Abram, it is not only asserted by Stephen here, and joshua, Chap. 24.2. but also confessed by some of the Jews themselves, as Aben Ezra on Gen. 12.1. The Lord commanded Abram whilst he was yet in Vr of th● Chaldees that he should leave his country. But when God calls him away from Haran or Charran, he than bids him depart from his father's house as well as he had done from his country and kindred before, for now he left his brother Nahor and all his father's house behind him. Had this been observed, there could never so many scruples have risen about Terahs' age at Abraham's birth, nor about Abraham's journey, as there have done; nor would there be such ambiguity about translating the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gen. 12.1. as there hath been: The story in Genesis runs current and in a continuation: and may be illustrated in this Paraphrase: God in Vr of the Chaldees appeared to Abraham and said into him, Get thee out of thy Country and from thy kindred, but take thy father's house with thee and go to a land which I shall show thee: And when Abram told Terah of this command, Terah condescended and consented; And Terah took Abram, and Lot and Sarai, and they (Terah and Abram) went with them from Vr to Haran and dwelled there: And Terah died in Haran; And then God saith to Abram, Get thee out of thy Country and from thy kindred, and from thy Father's house also now, and go into Canaan, etc. And to take away all cavils that might be made against the matter in this respect, in that both Vr and Haran, are called Abraham's country and kindred, Stephen hath laid them both in Mesopotamia, as is noted before.   

Vers. 5. Not so much as to set his foot on.  
As Deut. 2.5. Abram was forced to buy a place of burial, though all the land was given him by promise.   

Vers. 6. And entreat them evil four hundred years.  
There is a double sum of years mentioned concerning the seed of Abraham, namely four hundred, and four hundred and thirty, Gen. 15.13. Exod. 12.40. The four hundred and thirty was from Abraham's receiving of the promise, to the delivery out of Egypt. And the four hundred was from the fifth year of Isaac to that delivery: Then did Ishmael mock and then began affliction to Abraham's seed, and from thence they were in affliction and sojourning, in a strange land Canaan and Egypt, four hundred years: See the seventy at Exod. 12.40.   

Vers. 7. And serve me in this place.  
This clause is here alleged by Steven as if it had been spoken to Abraham, whereas it was spoken to Moses four hundred years after, but the holy Ghost useth to speak short in known stories, as Matth. 1.12. 1 Chron. 1.36. Mark 1.2.3. etc.   

Vers. 14. Threescore and fifteen souls.  
Whereas Moses saith that all the souls of the family of jacob that went down into Egypt were but threescore and ten, Gen. 46.27. Exod. 1.5. Deut. 10.22. Steven enlargeth the number, and saith threescore and fifteen: and herein he followeth the Septuagint who in the two first cited places have that sum: and they make up the account in Gen. 46. by fetching the names of five children of joseph out of the book of Chronicles, which Moses mentioned not, and which indeed were not borne at their going into Egypt but after, and these are Machir, Gilead, Shutelah, Tahen, and Eden: and the reason of this their reckoning I have showed elsewhere, viz. In Harm. of Evang. at Luke 3.36.   

Vers. 16. And were carried over into Shechem, etc.  
The shortness of the language in this verse hath bred some difficulty, and as Stevens speaking more than Moses in the Verse foregoing, was the cause of some obscurity there, so is it a cause of more in this verse, for that he hath not spoken so much. Moses hath told that jacob was buried in Hebron, Steven here speaks as if he had been buried in Sichem. Moses maketh jacob the buyer of the land of Emor the father of Sichem, Stephen seemeth to make Abraham the buyer of it: And in conclusion to make jacob and his twelve sons to lie in one Sepulchre, and Abraham's and Jacob's purchase to be but one and the same. Now Stephen and Moses speak but the same thing, and intent the same meaning, only Stephen useth shortness of speech in relating a story which was so well known that a word was enough for a sentence: and he spoke in a language which had its proprieties and Idioms, which those that heard him, easily understood.  
[And were carried over into Sichem.] The Syriack and Arabic apply this only to jacob, for they read it in the singular number, He was translated, directly cross and contrary to Moses who telleth plainly that Jacob's burial was in Hebron, Gen. 50.13. And in Hebron josephus would have all the sons of jacob buried likewise, Antiq. lib. 2. cap. 4. and by his report they were buried there before joseph, for that they were brought thither as they died, but Joseph's burial was put over, till all the nation came out of Egypt: Now it is not to be imagined that Stephen, a man so full of the holy Ghost, would ever have spoken a thing in which every ordinary man, woman or child that heard him, could so easily have confuted him, as they might have done if the twelve Patriarches had been buried in Hebron, much less when he spoke to the Council and to men of learning and understanding, that would readily have tripped him, if he had faltered in so plain and common a story: therefore it is passed all doubting, that Shechem was knownly and generally reputed the place of the Patriarches burial: For as, although there be mention only of Moses bringing up the bones of joseph, Exod. 13.19. yet R. Solomon well observeth that we may learn from that very place that the bones of all the Patriarches were brought up with him: so though there be mention of the burial of joseph only in Sichem, josh. 24.32. and no record of the burial of the rest of the twelve there: yet might it very well be supposed had not Stephen asserted it that they were also buried there with him. For as we may prove the bringing of their bones out of Egypt, yea though Stephen had not told it;  
For, 1. The same cause that moved joseph to desire burial in the land of Canaan could not but move the other of the twelve to desire the like: were it in faith in the promise, or because of the interest in the Land, or in hope of the resurrection, all the rest had the very same principles to move them to it that joseph had.  
2. The rest of the Tribes bore the same honour to their Patriarches, that the Tribe of joseph did to him, and therefore if they, in honour to joseph would preserve his bones (that at their remoovall, they might be taken out of Egypt) the children of the rest of the Tribes would do so by their Patriarches also.  
3. To which might be added the kind of necessity which there was that the twelve fathers of the Church of Israel, and heirs of the Land of Canaan should have their interment in that Land, and not be left in the land of bondage.  
So likewise may there be arguments sufficient to prove that they were buried with his bones in Sichem. As 1. There was no reason they should be severed in the burial who had been united in their removal. 2. Joseph's bones were most regardable, and the same Sepulchre that served him, would have best befit them. 3. The convocation of all Israel by joshua was Sichem, and there, upon their possessing of the land▪ he makes a covenant betwixt them and God, and it is incomparably more probable that they should bury the bones of all the Patriarches there, then in Hebron, where we do not read that joshua ever came but to destroy the City.  
Now the reason why Stephen speaking of the burials of jacob and his sons which were in distant and different places, doth yet couch their story so close together, as if they were all laid together in the same place, is,  
1. Because treating of two numbers so unequal, as twelve and one, he first followeth the story of the greater number.  
2. He useth the singular number for the plural, Sepulchre for Sepulchers, which is a thing so common, as that nothing is more common in the Scripture Language.  
3. He useth an Ellipsis or cutting off of the conjunction Vau or And, which also is exceeding common in the same Language, as 1 Sam. 6.19. Psal. 133.3. 2 King. 23.8. and divers other places.  
So that though he spoke so very curt and short as he did, yet to them that were well enough acquainted, both with the story itself, and with such Hebraisms, his shortness would breed no obscurity, but they would readily take him in this sense: And jacob and our fathers died, and were removed to Sichem, and were laid in Sepulchers, in that which Abraham bought for money, and in that that was bought from the sons of Emmor, the father of Sichem.   

Vers. 20. And was exceeding fair.  
Gr. [Fair to God.] He was a goodly child, supernaturally borne, when his mother was past the natural course of childbearing.   

Vers. 22. And Moses was learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians.  
This Steven speaketh by necessary consequence from his Princely education.   

Vers. 23. And when he was full forty years old.  
There are that say that Moses was 40. years in Pharaohs Palace, 40. years in Midian; and 40. years in the wilderness. Tauchuna in Exod. 2.   

Vers. 43. Ye took up the Tabernacle of Moloch, etc.  
I. In Amos the words lie thus, Chap. 5. Vers. 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: which the Rabbins Kimchi and jarchi construe in the future tense, & take it for a threatening of their punishment as much as an upbraiding of their sin: as if he should have said unto them, ye would not take up the Commandments of the Lord to bear them, but you shall bear your Idols into captivity with you, and your enemies shall lay them upon your shoulders: And this might have been a very plausible and fair sense, but that Steven hath taught us to construe the Verb in the time past, and not in the time to come, and to read it thus, ye have borne or taken up, etc.  
II. Now the fixing of this time when Israel took up this Idolatry is somewhat difficult: It is some facilitating of the matter if we can be sure it was not in the forty years in the Wilderness: And that appears to be so, by the very scope of Stevens speech: for 1. he telleth that they made a golden calf in the Verse before: and that God for this Idolatry gave them up to worship all the host of heaven: whereupon it is evident, that this Idolatry with the calf, was neither of these mentioned in this Verse, neither with Moloch nor Remphan: but as it were a cause of these, for for it the Lord gave them up to these. 2. He seemeth to handle this justice of God upon them in giving them up to Idolatry under these two heads: 1. In neglect of Gods own service in the wilderness, ye offered me no sacrifice for forty years. And 2. in their choosing of Idols to worship afterward. So that the two verses seem to run in this sense, O house of Israel ye were not content to offer me sacrifices for 40. years together in the wilderness, but ye were well content to sacrifice to Idols and to worship all the host of heaven afterward.  
III. The tabernacle of Moloch: In the Hebrew in Amos it is Siccuth Malkekem: which is rendered by some, Siccuth your King, by others, the tabernacle of your King: by a third sort, the observance of your King: as if it were derived from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Deut. 27.9. Vid. Ab. Ezr. in loc. & Kimchi in Michol; The seventy in the unprickt Bible read it Succoth a tabernacle, which Steven followeth, and they both do not cross but illustrate the sense of the Hebrew.  
Now Molech or Moloch, was the Idol of the children of Ammon, 1 King. 11.17. prohibited to Israel in a singular manner, Lep. 18.21. and 20.2. yet did they worship him most familiarly, 2 Chron. 28.3. jer. 7.31. And Solomon built an high place for him, on mount Olivet before jerusalem, 1 King. 11.7. The Valley between was called Tophet and the valley of the sons of Hi●●om, 2 King. 23.10, etc. This Idol and Idolatry is thus described by the Rabbins: Our Rabbins of happy memory say: Although all houses of Idolatry were in jerusalem, Molech was without jerusalem: and the Image was made hollow: set within seven Chapels: Now whosoever offered flower, they opened to him the first of them: who so offered Turtles or Pigeons, they opened to him the second: whosoever offered a Lamb, they opened to him the third: whosoever offered a Ram, they opened to him the fourth: whosoever offered a Calf, they opened to him the fifth: whosoever offered an Ox they opened to him the sixth, but whosoever offered his son, they opened to him the seventh. Now his face was like a Calf, and his hands were stretched out, as a man's that reacheth out to receive something from his neighbour: And they set him over a fire, and the Priests took the child, and put him between the arms of the Idol, and there the child gave up the Ghost, D. Kimch. on 2 King. 23.10. He was made of brass and was heat with fire under till he was glowing hot, and then the Priests put the child into his arms, and there he was burnt, and the Priests made a noise in the mean while with Drums that the father might not hea●e the child's cry: And therefore it was called Tophet from Toph, a Drum or Taber, Vid. R. Sol. on Jer. 7.31.  
These seven Chapels (if there be truth in the thing) help us to understand, what is meant by Moleches Tabernacle, and seem to give some reason why in the Prophet he is called Siccuth, or the Covert God, because he was retired within so many Cancelli, (for that word Kimchi useth) before one could come at him. And so the translation of the Seventy, is but a gloss or exposition of that phrase in the Prophet, ye took up Siccuth or the Covert God your King, which they render, according as the nation readily understood the thing, the Tabernacle of Moloch, that Idol you so highly prise as your chiefest King. Now Molech or Moloch, or Milchom or Malcham (for all these names are but one and the same) was also called Baal in a special and distinctive sense, as is apparent by jer. 7.31. and 19.5. compared together: and this consideration helpeth to understand divers places where the word Baal is singly used, as 1 King. 16.31 32. and 18.19, etc. And according to this sense should I understand the matter of Baal-peor in which Israel was joined to him, to have been sacrificing their children to Molech. And answerably should I interpret that speech of the Psalmist, They are the sacrifices of the dead, Psal. 106.28. that is, sacrifices offered up when they offered up their children to be burnt: And this was the first time, they committed this horrid idolatry in the very close of the forty years in the Wilderness, in which 40. years they had not cared to offer any sacrifices to God: And this abomination with Molech they committed also presently after they were come into the Land, Psal. 106.35, 36, 37. judg. 2.13.  
FOUR [And the Star of your God Remphan.] Here is the main difficulty of this Verse, and that not only in regard of the difference of these words of Stephen from those of Amos, but also in regard of the obscurity of the matter itself: Amos readeth thus: Chijim your Images, the star of your God: Now the question in the first place is, what is meant by Chijim, and it may be scrupled whether it be the proper name of an Idol as some think, or a word appellative, to another sense: I should rather take it the latter way [although I know generally it is construed for an Idols name, either for Hercules, who among the Egyptians was called Chon: or for Saturn, who among the Arabians was called Chevan, as see Aben Ezra on Amos, and Beza on this place.]  
For there are two things in this passage of Stephen and Amos very considerable toward the understanding of this place.  
1. That Stephen saith, God gave them up to worship all the host of heaven: now if Chijim betoken but one Idol, or one Planet, this cometh very short of the intent that he aimeth at, their worshipping of all.  
2. That Amos saith Chijim ●salmecem, the latter word in the plural number, and as it seemeth by the very posture of it, the latter of two substantives, and not in apposition: For if Chijim were but one Idol, it is somewhat improper to say Chijim your images, as speaking of more.  
I should therefore construe Chijim appellatively for the ordering or disposing of their Images, as that it meaneth thus, that they had their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or representations as Stephen calls them, of the whole heaven and host of it in one Series, or in one body: beset with variety of stars and figures, representing this or that Planet, and this or that constellation: And that Amos meaneth thus, you took up Siccuth your King, and the frame or disposal of your Images in one compact piece, the stars of your Gods which you have made to yourselves: showing that when they would worship all the host of heaven in Images and representations, that they made a fabric and compacture in one bulk or in one room, representing in several fashions and forms in it, the several plants and constellations of Heaven: and this he calleth Chijim ●salmekem, the ordering or disposing of your Images. See 2 King. 23.4, 5.  
V. Now for the word Remphan, in which lieth the most obscurity of all, many conjectures are given upon it. The seventy have rendered Chijim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: mistaking one piece of a letter, as it is conceived by Buxtorfius, and reading 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Beza conceiveth it was purposely done, for that by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifieth a Giant, is to be understood Hercules: and yet he scrupleth whether it should not be rather read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as aiming at the God of the Syrians, 2 King. 5.18. But not to insist upon producing such variety of conjectures upon this matter, which are to be seen in several authors: it seemeth to me, 1. that Stephen doth something follow the seventy in this word, as well as he doth in the rest of the Text: and for the new Testament to follow them, differently from the Hebrew Text is no wonder, and needeth nothing to be said upon it. 2. That Stephen doth add a letter to the word, or doth a little change it from those very syllables that the Septuagint use, that he might give the sense of the Prophet the more clearly, and speak out the matter he hath in hand the more plainly. And the word Remphan seemeth to be compounded either of an Hebrew and a Greek word, or of two Hebrew words together, and to mean either the high shiner, of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or the high representation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and the latter the more probable: For as the Prophet in the word Chijim expressed the Fabric of the host of heaven, which the Idolatrous people had wrought and represented in one piece, so would Stephen speak to the very same sense, and therefore forsaketh the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which he found in the Septuagint, and taketh up, or formeth it into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifieth the high face or high representation, or that whole piece that represented the whole heaven, which he calleth their God, because in that they adored all the stars and hosts of heaven at once, and so, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is but one number put for another, one star for many.  
VI [I will carry you away beyond Babylon.] Both in the Hebrew of Amos, and in the Greek of the Septuagint, it is, Beyond Damascus: which Stephen seemeth purposely to have changed into beyond Babylon: because that as he had treated in the beginning of the Chapter of Abraham's coming out of those parts into that land, he would now show è contrà, how they for their Idolatry should be carried out of that land into those parts again.    

Acts VIII.  

Vers. 1. And there was a great persecution, etc.  

Sect. I. Persecution.  
THe spite and cruelty of the adversary was not quenched by the blood of Stephen, but rather inflamed: confuting and confounding the great scholars of the Synagogue of the Libertines, Cyrenians, Alexandrians and Cilicians, had bred in them so hateful a disdain of being put to a nonplus; and his cutting words at his death to all the people, Act. 7.51, 52, 53. had galled them so sore. And especially his denouncing of ruin to Moses ceremonies, and to the Temple as they charged him with it, had so exasperated their blind zeal, that it is not sufficient as they think to have Stephen put to death only, but it is not fit that others should live who were of the same heresy and blasphemy with him, for so they construed it: Hence ariseth a bitter persecution to destroy the Church at jerusalem, because it held an opinion that jerusalem and the rites there should be destroyed.  
In this Tragedy was Saul a chief actor, sparing neither place from search, Sex from apprehension, nor the apprehended from torture or imprisonment. Such a testimony doth Luke give of him, Act. 8.3. and such a confession doth he make of himself, Act. 22.4. and 26.11. By which the Epistle of Lucianus concerning the finding out of the body of Stephen may again be challenged for forgery, when it maketh Gamaliel a most zealous convert and professor of the Gospel, & that at this time, insomuch that he took care for the burial of Stephen, and received Nicodemus when the Jews had cast him out, which will prove incredible, in regard of his scholar Saul.  
For who can believe either that the scholar should be so great a persecutor when the master was so great a professor, or that if it were so, Gamaliel of all other should scape with his life, when his scholar of all other could not but know where to find him out and how to follow him close? or who can imagine that Paul when he was answering for his life for being a Christian, should plead his education under Gamaliel if he were as notorious a Christian as he? This had been to bring his master into danger and not himself out, and to ma● another man's cause not mending his own.    

Vers. 1. And they were all scattered abroad except the Apostles.  

Sect. II. Dispersion upon the persecution.  
Out of the darkness of persecution, the Lord bringeth forth the light & the propagation of the Gospel: Providing at once for the safety of some by their flight, and for the calling home of many more by their dispersion. At that time, saith Luke, there was a great persecution against the Church that▪ was at jerusalem, and they were all scattered abroad throughout the regions of judea and Samaria except the Apostles. Where, as the preservation of the Apostles in the very centre of the tyranny is admirable, so the scattering of the other into their several places is considerable. For that they travailed into judea and Samaria, Damascus, Phenicia, Cyprus and Syria, the text is plain in this and in other places, but since it mentioneth none of their journeys any further, what is said of them more, is but groundless conjectures, or rather ridiculous fables. For though it were granted that they scattered through other countries of the Heathen, yet to bring them as far as to France and England as some do, is almost as far from reason as these places are distant from Jerusalem, unless some other cause can be alleged of this their flight then to avoid the danger. Yes, it it may be said they took so long a journey to preach the Gospel; but 1. the Text saith that the dispersed preached to the Jews only, of which I believe these countries afforded a very small number. And 2. the legend saith, that Mary Magdalen, Martha and joseph of Arimathea and others were the travellers, who where they had a calling to the ministry is yet to seek.  
These persons and others with them are driven by the blast of a common report, to Marseils in France, Aix in Province, Glasenbury in England, and I know not whither. It would be sufficient to give the reader but some particulars of the Legend, and then would he easily judge of the whole, but it is not worth thy labour. It is more pertinent to consider who they are that the Evangelist meaneth, and whose story he followeth, when he saith here they were all scattered, and in Chap. 11.19. that they travailed as far P●enice, etc. Certainly it cannot be meant of the whole Church of jerusalem, or of all the members of it, which were now many thousands, but of the 108. that were of the Presbytery or society with the Apostles.  
For 1. The Evangelist setteth himself to follow the story of the hundred and twenty, from the very beginning of the book, and he keeps to it still.  
2. By instancing so suddenly in Philip he showeth what kind of men he meaneth when he saith they were all scattered.  
3. He saith they went every where preaching, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which word is never used but of Preachers by function.  
4. Persecution would far sooner look after the Preachers than the common members.  
5. There were common members at jerusalem, while Paul stayed there, vers. 3. and yet the all that the Evangelist meaneth were scattered before.    

Vers. 5. To the City of Samaria.  
Samaria here and in other places in the new Testament, is not the name of a City but of the Country. And so is Luke to be understood here, Philip came down to the City of Samaria: that is, to the Metropolis of that Country, which indeed was Sychem: and so saith josephus, Antiq. lib. 11. cap. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The Samaritans had then Sichem for their Metropolis. And in the same Chapter he saith again 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; which his Latin interpreter hath rendered thus, Illis [Samaritis] dicentibus Hebraeos quidem se esse: sed Sichimitas vocari a Sodoniis; which translation how true it is, and whether josephus mean not, that the Samaritans said that they were indeed Hebrews, but were called Sidonians that dwelled at Sichem, & whether in that story they call not themselves so for advantage, let the learned censure: This City john the Evangelist calleth Sychar in stead of Sychem, joh. 4.5. not that the text is there corrupted as some have held, but that the Jews seem to have pronounced the word so corruptly in derision of the Samaritans to whom they were bitter enemies. For by this name they reviled them for drunkards, for so the word signifieth, and this taunt seemeth to have been taken up from Esay 28.1. woe to the drunkards of Ephraim, of which Sichem was the chief City.   

Vers. 6. And the people gave heed, etc.  

Sect. III. Samaria converted.  
Our Saviour gave it in lesson to his disciples both by precept and his own example, that they should preach, first in jerusalem, then in judea, and then in Samaria: For so did he himself, joh. 1. and 2. and 4. So commanded he them to do Act. 1.8. and so do they now: Act. 8. Philip one of the seven, travailing in the common affliction, and in preaching the Gospel as the rest of the 108. did being backed with this warrant of his master, goeth down to Samaria and preacheth there though they were enemies to the Jews. It was but three years or little more, since Christ had been there among them himself, joh. 4. and whether it were the good remembrance of what he had taught them then, or the extraordinary hand of God with what was delivered now, or both together, such effect have Philip's doctrine and miracles that the City for the general doth believe and is baptised.    

Vers. 13. Simon himself believed.  

Sect. FOUR Simon Magus.  
He who had long caused the people to wonder at his miraculous delusion is now himself amazed at Philip's real miracles. But conceiving that he had wrought them by a Magical faculty above his own, and desiring to fish and get the trick out of him, he insinuateth himself the more nearly into his company by taking on him to believe, so that he is baptised: for any other belief of Simon Magus is not imaginable.  
For when he saw that Peter and john exceeded Philip, as he thought Philip did exceed himself, (for to Apostles only belonged to bestow the holy Ghost) the whole venom and mischief of his heart broke forth at once; first, by offering money for the same Apostolical power, and then in a scornful entreaty of the Apostles to pray for him, when they advised him to repent and pray, for so should I understand his words, Vers. 24. Pray ye to the Lord for me, for an Ironical taunt, and finally by open Heresy and opposal of the Gospel.  
He had a whore which he led about with him, was called Helena, or as some will have it, Selene, of Tyrus: Of whom if we understand, Revel. 2.20. which speaketh of jezabel, that called herself a Prophetess, it would not be unconsonant, for as Simon like Ahab was of Samaria, so Helena like jezabel was of Tyre: Nor were their doctrines much different, for the one seduced men to commit fornication, and to eat things sacrificed to Idols, and the other taught them to do what they would, and not to fear the threats of the Law, for that they should be saved by the grace of Simon: Many such monsters of Doctrine and Hydra's of opinion, did this Lerna of Heresy breed, and this first borne of Satan vomit forth. As these, that in judea he was the Son of God, in Samaria, the Father, and in other nations, the Holy Ghost. That Helena bred Angels, and Angels made the world: That be himself came down from heaven for his Helena, and that she was the lost sheep mentioned in the Gospel, and that she was that Helena that occasioned the destruction of Troy: And a great deal more of such hideous and blasphemous matter, recorded by Irenaeus, Epiphanius, Augustine, Philastrius and others.  
Histories have traced this Magical wretch, from Samaria to Rome, and there have brought Simon Peter and him contending before Nero in working of miracles, and Peter bringing him to harm and shame, which shall be tried in its proper place.   

Sect. V. The Holy Ghost given, ver. 17.  
The Apostles at Jerusalem hearing the glad tidings of the conversion of Samaria, send down unto them Peter and john. And why these two rather than any other of the twelve, is not so easy to resolve, as it is ready to observe that if in this employment there was any sign of Primacy, john was sharer of it as well as Peter. Being come, they pray, and lay their hands upon them, and they receive the Holy Ghost. Here Episcopacy thinketh it hath an undeniable Argument for proof of its Hierarchy, and of the strange rite of confirmation. For thus pleadeth Baronius for the former. From hence, saith he, it may be seen that the hierarchical order was instituted in the Church of God even in this time; for Philip doth so baptise those that believe, that yet he usurpeth not the Apostolical privilege, namely the imposition of hands granted to the Apostles. And thus the Rhemists both for it and for the latter in their notes on Act. 8.17. If this Philip had been an Apostle, saith S. Bede, he might have imposed his hands that they might have received the Holy Ghost, but this none can do saving Bishops. For though Priests may baptise and anoint the baptised also with Chrism consecrated by a Bishop, yet can he not sign his forehead with the same holy oil, because that belongeth only to Bishops, when they give the holy Ghost to the baptised. And after this testimony of Bede they subjoin their own inference. This imposition therefore of hands, together with the prayers here specified (which no doubt was the very same that the Church useth to that purpose) was the ministration of the Sacrament of Confirmation.  
Now let the Reader with indifferency and seriousness but ruminate upon these two Queries, and then judge of those two inferences;  
First, whether Apostleship were not an Order for ever, unimitable in the Church: for besides the Reason given to prove that it was, upon the choosing of Mathias, others may be added to make it the more clear: As 1. the end of their Election was peculiar, the like to which was not to be in the Church again; for they were chosen to be with Christ, Mark 3.14. to be eye-witnesses of his resurrection, Acts 1.22. & 2.32. & 10.41. as they had been of his actions and passion, Luke 1.2. And therefore Paul pleading for his Apostleship, useth this argument from a property necessary for an Apostle, That he had seen the Lord, 1 Cor. 9.1. and in the relation or story of his calling, this particular is singularly added, That he saw that just one, and heard the voice of his mouth, Act. 22.14.  
Secondly, the name of Apostles keepeth itself unmixed or confounded, with any other Order. It is true indeed that the significancy of the word would agree to other Ministers that are sent to preach, but there is a peculiar propriety in the sense that hath confined the title to the twelve & Paul, as any indifferent eye will judge and censure upon the weighing of it in the New Testament.  
Thirdly, when Paul reckoneth the several kinds of Ministry that Christ left in the Church at his ascension, Ephes. 4.11. and 1 Cor. 12.28. there is none that can think them all to be perpetuated, or that they should continue successively in the like order from time to time: For within an hundred years after our Saviour's birth, where were either Prophets or Evangelists, miracles or healings? And if these extraordinary kinds of ministration were ordained but for a time and for special occasion, and were not to be imitated in the Church unto succeeding times; much more, or at the least as much, were the Apostles, an Order much more, at least, as much extraordinary as they.  
Fourthly, the constant and undeniable Parallel which is made betwixt the twelve Patriarches the Fathers of the twelve Tribes, and the twelve Apostles, not only by the number itself, but also by the New Testament in the fou●e and twenty Elders, Rev. 4.4. and in the gates and foundations of the new jerusalem, Rev. 21.12, 14. doth argue and prove the latter order, as unimitable as the first. These things well considered, if there were no more, it will show how improbable and unconsonant the first inference is, that is alleged, that because there was such a subordination betwixt the Apostles and Philip; that therefore the like is to be reputed betwixt Bishops and other Minister's, and that Bishops in the Church, are in the place of the Apostles.  
A second Quaere, and very material to the matter in agitation is, wheth●● imposition of hands were ever used by the Apostles, but for ordination to some Office in the Church: For whereas their giving of the holy Ghost to Samaritans in this s●or●, and 〈◊〉 others elsewhere, is adduced as an example and argument for that which is now called confirmation, and which hath 〈◊〉 indifferently given to all (for it is good cheap) that this act of the Apostles aimed not, nor intended to any such thing, may be reasonably conjectured and guessed at by these considerations:  
First, that the holy Ghost thus given, meaneth not his ordinary work of sanctification and confirming in Grace, but his extraordinary gifts, of Tongues, Prophesying, and the like. And this is evident by the meaning of that Phrase the holy Ghost in the Scriptures, (when it denoteth not exactly the Person of the holy Ghost, or the third Person in the Trinity) For as it is a Rabbinick expression, very common in the writings of the Jews, and in the use of the Nation; and evermore in their use and sense meaneth only the extraordinary gifts of the Spirit mentioned: so doth it constantly signify in the Scripture; and it is very hard, if not utterly impossible to find it signifying any other sense.  
Secondly, it is yet more evident by the very historical relation of Luke concerning the matter in hand; for in Acts 19.6. telling how Paul laid his hands upon certain men at Ephesus, and they received the holy Ghost, he instantly explaineth what were the gifts of the holy Ghost that they received, for they spoke with tongues, saith he, and prophesied. And it is not possible to think but that Simon Magus (when he offered money for this fruit of the imposition of his hands; that he might give the holy Ghost) saw some visible apparent sign of the gift by the hands of the Apostles, which if it were only sanctifying or confirming grace, how could he have seen it? So did they of the Circumcision perceive when the gifts of the holy Ghost fell upon the Gentiles, Acts 10.45. For they saw it by their speaking with tongues, and magnifying God, ver. 46.  
Fourthly, it being then thus undeniable that the gifts conferred by the imposition of hands, were the extraordinary ones of the holy Ghost; it can as little also be denied that they were imparted only to some singular and particular persons, and not to all whatsoever without distinction. For otherwise, 1. It must be granted that Simon Magus received them as well as others, which I know not who will grant; for by his familiarity with Philip and the Apostles (he having also been baptised with the rest, and his wickedness and his villainy not yet broken forth) he might have gotten a precedency in this gift before others, if it had been general.  
2. It would bring Women under imposition of hands, which can hardly be dreamt of, or ever was of any one. It is true indeed that women might, & did receive some of these extraordinary gifts, but it was by immediate influence from Heaven and not by any imposition of hands.  
So that now if we look upon this Story, and upon others of the like nature, through these spectacles, it will appear that this Imposition of the Apostles hands was not upon all the Samaritans, but upon some selected number, nor upon those selected ones for their confirmation in grace, but for their ordination to the Ministry, and with the imposition of hands they received the holy Ghost to enable them for that work.    

Vers. 26. Which is desert.  
This is to be applied to the way ●o Gaza, and not to Gaza itself: and so the Syriack and Arabic apply it expressly and warrantably, seeing the way was through the wilderness of judah, and there was but one Gaza.   

Vers. 27. A man of Aethiopia.  
There is mention of a double Cush or Ethiopia in scripture, for so is it rendered, the one in Arabia, and the other in afric; and Homer even in his time speaketh of a twofold Ethiopia, Odies. 1. but it is questionable whether he mean the same with the Scripture, or no, since he calleth them Eastern and Western; whereas these were East and South. Now this man is held, and that upon good ground, to be of Ethiopia in afric, where the name of Candace is renowned even in Heathen Authors.   

Vers. 33. Who shall declare his generation.  
This Prophecy of Esay which the Eunuch was reading, is exceedingly much mistaken by the Jews, and this clause of the Prophecy is exceedingly controverted among Christians. The Jews understand it, some of them concerning josiah, others concerning the whole people of Israel, but the holy Ghost hath in the place put us out of all doubt of whom it speaketh. But as for the sense of this clause, some Christians understand it concerning the ineffability of Christ's eternal generation: others concerning the ineffability of his incarnation, or the generation of his humane nature united to the Godhead: others concerning the wondrous generation of the Church and faithful; for it followeth, For he was cut off from the Land of the living, and yet the generation of his faithful ones increased. But it seemeth to me that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to be understood of the age and generation in which Christ lived, rather than of his own generation or descent▪ and so is it used by the holy Ghost in other places, as Gen. 6.9. Acts 13.36. etc. and so is it interpreted here by the Chaldee and other Jewish glossaries: Now the meaning of the verse and of this clause is to this purpose, He was taken away and hurried from Prison, and from Judgement to Execution, and as the Lxx hath enlarged the sense by change of Phrase, In his poor and dejected estate, his Judgement was utterly taken away, and no right done him; and who can sufficiently speak of the looseness and wickedness of ●hat generation, (called in the Gospel the v●perous, adulterous, wicked, untoward generation) which deal● so unjustly and wretchedly with him, as to take and cut him off from the land of the living?   

Vers. 39 And the Eunuch went 〈…〉  
Dorotheus in Synopsi, if he might be believed, will ●ell you what became of this Eunuch afterward; as that he preached the Gospel in Arabia, in the Isle of Tapr●b●ne, and all about the red Sea; and that he is reported to have suffered martyrdom gloriously, and to have been buried there, Bi●li●●h. patr. ●om. 7. But believe it that list; for this I observe to be the constant and common officiousness of Superstition, to make any man that is mentioned in the New Testament with a good report, to become a Preacher, and commonly a Bishop, and constantly a Martyr.    

Acts IX.  

Sect. I. Paul converted.  
IN this year must be placed the conversion of Paul, and the reasons to prove the time, shall be given anon. A man, a wonder (for so will 
* Hieron.  some have his name to signify) in whom was showed as much as can be seen in man, both for want of grace, and for abundance. Inferior to none in wickedness, but only in this, that it was not final; and inferior to none in holiness, no not to the greatest Apostles. A scene on which at one time corrupt Nature showed her cursed vigour; and at another time sanctifying Grace her sacred power; and both to such an extent, as not many parallels. He was borne in Tarsus of Cilicia a free City of the Romans, and himself a freeman of that City. His parents were both Jews; and therefore he calleth himself an Hebrew of the Hebrews, 
2 Cor. 11.21. Phil. 3.5. Rom. 11.1.  or an Hebrew both by father and mother. His descent was of Benjamin, which from the general division under jeroboam the first, had adhered constant to the tribe of juda, and so kept Registers of their Genealogies, as that tribe did. According to his double nation, he also bore a double name, Saul, as he was an Hebrew by birth, and Paul as he was a Roman by freedom: His education was in the Schools of Tarsus, where as Strabo rrcordeth were Schoollers no whit inferior to the Students in Athens. Here he attained the Greek language and learning, and grew expert in their Philosophy and Poems, his skill wherein he showeth, in alleging Epimenides, Aratus, 
Tit. 1.12. Act. 17.28. 1 Cor 15.33.  and Menander. From thence he was sent to the University at Jerusalem, for the study of Divinity and of the Jewish Law. His tutor was Gamaliel a Pharisee, 
Act. 22.3.  a man of special note and reverence among the people. His proficiency was above many of his equals of his own nation, 
Gal. 1.14.  he being more exceedingly zealous of the traditions of the fathers. 
Act. 18.3.  From his youth he also learned a handy trade of making Tents, and joined the working in that by some vicissitudes with his studies: which thing was common with the Scholars of the Jews, partly for the earning of their maintenance, and partly for the avoiding of idleness and sin. So Rabbi juda the great Cabalist, bore the name and trade of Hhajat a Shoemaker or Tailor.  
Yet was the learning of this great Scholar but gorgeous ignorance, and his forward zeal, but the more excellent impiety. When he thought he followed holiness, he persecuted it, and when his studies should have overtaken the truth, than had he lost both them and it and himself and all.  
As for Saul, saith Luke, he made havoc of the Church, 
Act. 8.3. and 22.4.  entering into every house, and haling men and women committed them to prison. He began now to write his positions in blood, and it must be no less than death or abjuration not to be of his opinion. 
Acts 26.11.  Neither was this his fury confined within the walls of jerusalem, or the compass of judea, but overflowed also unto foreign Cities: where the Jewish Synagogues acknowledging subjection to the metropolitan See, submit to her letters, and are too ready to perform her will. Among the rest he obtaineth commission for Damascus, whither a poor Church having but lately overrun, persecution is ready now to be overrun by it again: But by the way, he is m●t with by Christ and from a Lion made a Lamb, and he that went to lead captivity is himself captived.  
In the story of this great wonder, the Text and the matter itself calleth upon us to consider these things.  
1. That the most notorious persecutor that the Gospel had yet found, is chosen of all others to be the Doctor of the Gentiles: that even his own example, or rather the glorious example of God's mercy in his conversion, might be a comfortable doctrine to those notorious sinners of the Gentiles as well as his preaching.  
2. That the like divine violence was never used for the converting of a sinner either before or since: but 1. it was necessary that he should see Christ, as Vers. 17. because it was a necessary ingredient toward the making of an Apostle, to have seen the Lord, 1 Cor. 9.1. And 2. it was needful, that the Lord should appear to him in such daunting power, not only for his own quelling, but also for the terror of all persecutors for the time to come.  
3. This appearance of the Lord unto him, was not so much in his person as in his glory, nor what he saw of him, besides the light that struck him blind, was with the eyes of his body but of his spirit.  
4. The place was near Damascus from whence had sprung one of the sharpest persecutors that Israel had groaned under, a King. 11.32. Amos 1.3. compare, Gen. 14.15.  
5. The manner is so plainly set down in the Text, that it is needless to insist upon it: only these two or three things may not unfitly be touched upon and taken to thought. 1. That more was spoken from heaven, than Luke hath here related, as appears by Paul's own relation of it, Act. 26.16, 17, 18. but the holy Ghost frequently useth to speak out stories to the full, some parts in one place, some in another, challenging the reader's pains and study, to pick them up. 2. That whereas in Chap. 9.7. it is said that those that travailed with Paul heard the voice, but in Chap. 22 9 that th●y heard not the voice, it is to be understood, that they heard the voice of Paul speaking to Christ, but not Christ's voice to him: or if they heard the voice from heaven, yet they understood not what it said. 3. Whereas in Chap. 9.7. it is said these men stood speechless, but in Chap. 26.14. that they fell all to the ground: the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Chap. 9.7. standeth in opposition to their going forward and not to their falling to the earth, and meaneth, that their amazedness fixed them that they could not flee nor stir.   

Sect. II. The year of his conversion.  
Some have conceived that he was rapt into the third heaven, and learned the Gospel by revelation, as 2 Cor. 12. in those three days that he was blind after the sight of this glorious light, and whilst he fasted and prayed, Act. 9.9. And from this conceit hath another grown, as a supporter of that that bred it, namely that he was not converted till seven years after our Saviour's Ascension. This latter opinion was first invented, that his writing of the second Epistle to the Corinthians might be brought within the compass of about fourteen years after his conversion; for so long a time and no more he setteth betwixt his rapture and that Epistle, 2 Cor. 12.2. and it was also originally grounded upon this supposition, that his rapture was in the time of that his blindness. Two surmises probable and plausible enough to behold at distance, but approaching nearer to them they will lose of their beauty, and upon serious weighing they will prove but a shadow. The question how he came to the knowledge of the Gospel so soon, in so much that he so soon preached it, very likely gave the first occasion of the first opinion, namely of his rapture in his three day's blindness.  
A question to which an answer may be easily given, and yet no such consequence concluded upon it. 1. It is true indeed, that he received not the knowledge of the Gospel of man, nor was he taught it but by the revelation of jesus Christ, as himself saith, Gal. 1.12. yet might he have such a revelation, without any such rapture: For there were three other special ways whereby God used to reveal himself and his will to his Prophets and servants, and those were by dreams, by visions and by a sudden and immediate suggestion or revelation, which is called telling in the ear, as 1 Sam. 9.15.17. 2 King. 20.4. And as for raptures they were the most extraordinary and the least familiar of all other: And how easily might Paul be taught the mystery of the Gospel by some of the other means, especially since the Text hath expressly told that he had his visions? Act. 9.12. 2 Paul himself telleth of an ecstasy or rapture that he was in, as he was praying in the Temple at jerusalem, Act. 22.17. Now that that was in the second year of Claudius (as shall be showed by and by) when he went to carry the alms of the Disciples to jerusalem, Act. 11.30. it may be confidently concluded upon, because that God in that his rapture telleth him that he must thence forward go far away to preach unto the Gentiles, Act. 22.21. and when he returneth from jerusalem to Antioch, he is sent by the Church upon that employment, by a special charge of the holy Ghost, Act. 13.2. And that from that time to the time of his writing the second Epistle to the Corinthians, were about fourteen years as himself summeth it, we shall evidence by some particulars, before we part from this subject. Thus then in the first place we see that neither his rapture was at the time of his conversion, nor that his conversion is to be cast six or seven years forward that it may be within fourteen of that Epistle in regard of his rapture. But not to intricate ourselves any more in the variety of opinions, that have fixed some one time, some another to the conversion of this Apostle, the next, readiest and surest way that I have found to resolve upon this doubtful question and to determine this scruple, is to go by these collections and degrees.  
I. That the famine prophesied of by Agabus, and which is said to have fallen out in the time of Claudius the Emperor, Act. 11.28. fell out and came to pass in his second year: And for this we have the testimony of a Roman Historian, even Dion Cassius who under the Consulship of Claudius II. and Cajus Largus which was in the second year of Claudius his reign speaketh of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which his translater hath rendered fames ingels, Dion. lib. 60. Now although it might seem that that famine only referred to the City of Rome, and was caused there through the unnavigablenesse of the River Tiber, which should have brought in Provisions; because he saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & ●. that Claudius provided not only for the present famine, but also for future times, by mending the Haven and clearing the River: yet Suetonius writing the very same story, ascribeth the cause of the famine not to the fault of the River or Haven, but to a constant sterility or barrenness, and so enlargeth the extent of it further than Rome: Arctiore autem annona ob assiduas sterilitates, etc. In Claud▪ cap. 18. josephus, Antiq. lib. 20. cap. 2. speaketh of this great famine in judea, and relateth how Helena the Queen dowager of the Adiabeni, and Izates her son then reigning, she being at jerusalem in her own person and he in his own kingdom, did bring in provisions in an exceeding plenty to the Jews at jerusalem for their sustenance in the famine, for they were both converted to the Jews religion and Izates circumcised. Eusebius hereupon hath set this famine in Claudius his fourth year, and after the death of Herod Agrippa, because that he found that josephus had placed it after Agrippaes' death, which was in Claudius his third. But we find not in josephus any thing that may fix it to that year, more than the subsequence of one story to another, which is an argument of no validity: only this he relateth as concerning the time of Izates, that when he first came to the Crown, and found his elder brethren imprisoned that he might come to the Throne the more quietly, he was grieved at the matter, and on the one hand accounting it impiety to kill them or to keep them prisoners, and on the other hand knowing it unsafe to keep them with him and not imprisoned, he chose a mean between both, and sent them for hostages to Rome to Claudius Caesar: And after this be relateth, how he hasted upon his coming to the Crown to be Circumcised; and after his Circumcision, how his mother Helena went to jerusalem and relieved it, being much affamished. Now in what year of Claudius any of these things were done, he hath not mentioned, but hath left it at large; and therefore we may as well suppose, that Izates was made King in the first year of Claudius, and Helena his mother went to jerusalem in his second, as Eusebius may, that she went thither in his fourth.  
II. That Paul going at that time of the famine to jerusalem, to bring the alms and collection to the poor Brethren of judea, had his trance in the Temple, Acts 22.17. and in that trance he was rapt into the third Heaven, 2 Cor. 12.2. It may be thought indeed by the juncture of Story that Luke hath made, that this his trance, was at his first journey which he took to jerusalem after his conversion, which journey is mentioned, Acts 9.28. & Gal. 1.18. for having from the sixth verse of Acts 2●. and forward, related the Story of his conversion, and of Ananias coming to him and baptising him, he presently subjoineth this, when I was come again to Jerusalem, and was praying in the Temple, I was in a trance; as if that had been the very first time, that ever he came there after he was converted. But besides, that it is very common with Scripture to make such juncture for times and Stories, as if they were close together, when oftentimes there is very much space of time betwixt them, as Mat. 19.1. Luke 4.13, 14. Acts 9.20, 21, 26, 27. ●he proper intent of the Apostle in that Oration of his Acts 22. is to vindicate himself▪ from the accusation laid against him for polluting the Temple; and chiefly to plead his authority and commission, and why he had to deal among the Gentiles, and therefore he insists upon two particular Commissions, one to Preach, and the other to preach to the Gentiles; and this is the reason why he joins his conversion, and his rapture in the Temple so close together, and not because they were so in time. Now this scruple being thus removed, and that considered which was said before, that in this trance in the Temple, God said he was to send him to the Gentiles, and that accordingly he was dispatched to that work as soon as he came to Antioch; it cannot but be concluded that his trance in the Temple was in the second of Claudius, and that this was his rapture into the third Heaven, since we read not of any rapture or trance that he had, but this.  
III. That this trance or rapture was somewhat above fourteen years before he wrote his second Epistle to Corinth, 2 Cor. 12.2. Now in that he saith it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before, or above fourteen years ago, he speaketh not of an indefinite time, for then for aught any reason can be given to the contrary, he might as well have let the mention of the time alone, but that it was but a little above that space, though it were somewhat above exact fourteen years.  
IV. When he wrote that second Epistle to Corinth he was in Macedonia, as is apparent by very many passages in that Epistle, chap. 1.14. and 2.13. & 7.5. & 9.2, 4. And thither he went upon the hubbub at Ephesus raised against him, Act. 20.1. where he had even the sentence of death in himself, 2 Cor. 1.9.  
V. Now to count fourteen years complete from the second of Claudius, in which was Paul's rapture, it will bring us to the second year of Nero. And let us but cast and compute those shreds of time that we can find hinted in the Acts of the Apostles, and we shall find them agreeing with this account, and giving some light unto it. As first, it is said by Paul, that after he had been at jerusalem, he must also see Rome, Acts 19.21. Now this doth argue the death of Claudius: for if he had expected all the jews out of Rome, as it is averred both by the Scripture, Acts 18.2. and by Suetonius in Claud. chapt. 25. and never revoked his Edict for aught we can read in any Story; it is very unlikely, and unreasonable to think, that Paul should think of going thither if Claudius were alive: for thither could he neither go without evident and inevitable danger of his own life, nor could he find so much as one person, of his own Nation in the City when he came there. By this therefore may be concluded that Claudius was now dead, and Nero was going on his first year, when Paul publisheth his resolution to go for Rome. And the times from hence to his apprehension at jerusalem may be cast by these Counters. After this his declaring his intention for Rome, he stayeth in Asia for a season, Acts 19.22. Now that this season was not long, both the preceding and following Verses do help to confirm; for in the Verse before Paul is in a manner upon his motion toward Macedonia, and so to jerusalem already. And it is very likely that the feast of Tabernacles which was in September induced him thither; but the danger that he was in at Ephesus before his parting, Act. 19.23, 24. etc. disappointed him of his journey thither, he being now put off from providing accommodation for his voyage, and put to shift for life and liberty. About the middle of October, Nero's first year was out: and Paul by that time it is like is got to Macedonia, and while he continues there he writes this Epistle; as the subscription of it in the Greek, Syriack, Arabic, and divers other Translations do reasonably well aim it here; howsoever they do it in other places: Or if we should yield to Baronius, that it was written from Nicopolis, Tit. 2.12. it maketh no difference, as to the thing in hand, or at least very little, since we are upon the time, and not upon the place; and the time of difference will not be above a month or two. Paul wintering so little at Nicopolis, as that he was in motion again about the beginning of january, if not before, for his three month's travail of Greece, brings it up to the Passeover time, or near upon, Acts 20.3.6. And after the Passeover week Paul sets for jerusalem, as the Story plainly leads him thither; and thence is he Shipped for Rome, toward the latter end of our September, or about the Fast and solemn day of humiliation, Acts 27.9. And this was in the second year of Nero, now almost expiring, or very near unto its end: And to this sense seemeth that account in Acts 24.27. to be understood, After two years Portius Festus came into Felix room. Not after two years of Paul's imprisonment, for that is utterly without any ground or warrant in the world, nor after two years of Felix Government, for he had been Governor in Iud●a many years, Acts 24.10. but after two years of Nero's Empire, or when he had now sitten Emperor about two years; for that the Scripture sometime reckoneth from such unnamed dates, might be showed, from Ezek. 1.1. 2 Sam. 15.7. 2 Chron. 22.2. And that it is so to be understood, may be confirmed out of josephus Antiq. lib. 20. cap. 7. etc.  
So that this time being fixed of Paul's apprehension at jerusalem, to be in Nero's second▪ as Eusebius and others have well held, and his writing the second Epistle to Corinth proving to be about the beginning of that year; and so the fourteen years mentioned 2 Cor. 12.2. measured out.  
VI We must now count backward from this time to the Council at jerusalem, and as near as we can, cast up what time might be taken up, betwixt those two periods, in the motions and stations of the Apostle, that the Text hath expressed betwixt the 15 Chapter of the Acts and the twentyeth: Or rather let us count forward for the more facile and methodical proceeding, and take up what may be guessed to be every years work and passage as it cometh to hand.  
Paul cometh from jerusalem to Antioch with judas, Silas and Barnabas, Acts 15.20.  
judas and Silas stay there a space, verse 33.  
Paul stayeth after they be gone away, verse 35.  
Some days after he departeth, verse 36, 40.  
He goeth through Syria & Cilicia confirming the Churches, verse 41.  
To Derbe and Lyst●a, chap. 16.1.  
Through the Cities, & delivereth the Apostles decrees, ver. 4.  
Throughout Phrygia, ver. 6.  
Throughout the region of Galatia, vers. 16. To all these journeys we may allow one year; and certainly if the movings and stayings of the Apostle, and the distance of the places, and the work he did be considered, there can no less than a whole year be allowed for all this progress.  
After his passage through Galatia, Paul goeth to Mysia, Acts 16.7.  
To Troas, verse 6.  
To Samothrace, Neapolis and Philippi, ver. 11, 12.  
At Philippi he continueth many days, ver. 13, 16, 18.  
Thence he passeth through Amphipolis and Apollonia, chap. 17.1.  
Come to Thessalonia, and is there three Sabbath days in quiet, ver. 2.  
Afterward is persecuted, ver. 5.  
Goeth to Berea and converteth very many, vers. 10, 12.  
Goeth from thence to Athens, ver. 15.  
There waiteth for Silas and Timothy, ver. 16.  
From thence goeth to Corinth, Acts 18.1. For all these journeys and actions we will allow him half a year, and I cannot see how they could take so little.  
At Corinth he continueth a year and an half, Acts 18. verse 11. And this makes up 3 years since the Council at jerusalem.  
After this long stay at Corinth he is persecuted, yet tarryeth a good while after, Acts 18.18.  
From thence he saileth to Ephesus, but stayeth little, ver. 19  
Goeth thence to Caesarea.  
To jerusalem.  
To Antioch, and spendeth some time there, Acts 18.22, 23.  
Goeth over all the Country of Galatia,  
And Phrygia in order, Acts 18.23. To these passages I suppose there is hardly any that can allow him less than a whole year, that shall but seriously consider of the things that are mentioned, and the length of the journeys.  
After his passing through Phrygia he cometh to Ephesus, Acts 19.1.  
And there continueth three years, Acts 19.8, 10, 21, 22. & 20.31.  
After this he goeth into Macedonia, Acts 20.1. from whence he writeth that second Epistle to Corinth in the beginning of the 2 year of Nero. So that yielding these seven years for the travails of this Apostle, betwixt that time and the Council of jerusalem, Acts 15. (and less than seven, it is not possible to allow, seeing that four years and an half of that space was taken up in the two Cities of Corinth and Ephesus) and it will result that the Council at jerusalem was in the ninth year of Claudius: Now Paul himself reckoneth seventeen years from his conversion to this Council, Gal. 1.18. & 2.1, which seventeen counted backward from the ninth of Claudius it falleth out almost past all controversy that Paul's conversion was in the next year after our Saviour's ascension; as may be seen by this ensuing table.  
Christ. 
Tiberius.  33 
18 Christ ascendeth.  34 
19 Paul converted.  35 
20 Goeth into Arabia.  36 
21 Come up to Jerusalem.  37 
22  38 
1 Caius.  39 
2  40 
3  41 
4  42 
1 Claudius.  43 
2 The famine, Act. 11.28. Paul rapt into the third Heaven.  44 
3  45 
4  46 
5  47 
6  48 
7  49 
8  50 
9 The Council at jerusalem. Paul goeth to Antioch, Syria, Cilicia, etc.  51 
10 Paul the latter half this year at Corinth, the former half in Athens, Beraea, Thessalonia, etc.  52 
11 Paul all this year at Corinth.  53 
12 Paul in Phrygia, Galatia, Antioch, jerus. Caesarea, Ephesus, Corinth.  54 
13 Paul at Ephesus.  55 
14 Paul at Ephesus.  56 
1 Nero. Paul at Ephesus.  57 
2 Paul writeth the second Epistle to Corinth.   
And now may we in some scantling fix those Stories to their times which hung loosely before, namely, the choosing of the Deacons, the death of Stephen, conversion of Samaria and the Eunuch, and conclude that they were about the beginning of the next year after Christ's ascension.     

Part II. The Roman Story.  

Sect. I. Velleius Paterculus.  
TIBERIUS keepeth himself still in the Country, but not still at Capri: 
* Dion sub his co●●.  for this year he draweth near unto Rome, and haunteth in some places about four miles off, but cometh not at all unto the City. This seemeth to be his first journey towards it, that Suetonius speaketh of 
* In Tiber cap. 17  when he came by water to the Gardens beside the Naumachy, or the Pool in Tiber where they used their sporting sea-fights, and returned again, but the cause not known. The first thing mentioned of him under these Consuls, both by Tacitus and Dion, is his marrying forth the daughter of Drusus, which they name not; and julia and Drusilla the daughters of Germanicus; Drusilla to L. Cassius, julia to M. Vinicius. This was a son of that M. Vinicius to whom Paterculus dedicateth his short and sweet Roman History. And the nearness of the time would very nearly persuade that this was that very Vinicius himself, but that Paterculus showeth that his Vinicius was Consul when he wrote his Book to him; and that (as himself, and Dion agreeing with him showeth) An. V. C. 783, or the next year after our Saviour's Baptisms; but this Vinicius, Tiberius his son in law, (as Tacitus intimateth) was only a Knight, but a Consul's son. Howsoever, in these times shone forth and flourished the excellent wit, and matchless pen of that Historian, an Author known to all Learned men, and admired by all that know him: His Original was from the Campanians, as himself witnesseth not very far from the beginning of his second book, when he cometh to speak of the Italian war in the time of Sylla and Marius. No pen is so fit to draw his pedigree and Character as his own, and therefore take only his own words; Neque ego verecundiâ, domestici sanguinis gloriae dum verum refero sub●raham, etc. Nor will I for modesty derogate any thing from the honour of mine own blood, so that I speak no more than truth; for much is to be attributed to the memory of Minatius Magius my great-Grandfathers Father, a man of Asculum; who being 
* Or Grandchild  Nephew to Decius Magius, a renowned Prince of the Campanians, and a most faithful man, was so trusty to the Romans in this war, that with a Legion which he had banded, Pompey took Herculaneum, together with T. Didius; when L. Silvius besieged, and took in Consa. Of whose virtues both others, but especially and most plainly Q. Hortensius hath made relation in his Annals. Whose Loyalty the people of Rome did fully requite, by enfranchising both him and his, and making two of his Son's Praetors. His Grandfather was C. Velleius, Master of the Engineers to Cn. Pompey, M. Bru●us and Tiro; a man, saith he, second to none in Campany, whom I will not defraud of that testimony which I wou●d give to a stranger: He at the departure of Nero (Tiberius' his father) out of Naples, whose part he had taken for his singular friendship with him, being now unwieldy with age and bulk of body, when he could not accompany him any longer, he slew himself. Of his Fathers, and of his own rank and profession, thus speaketh he jointly: At this time (namely, about the time that Augustus' adopted Tiberius) after I had been Field-marshal, I became a Soldier of Tiberius; and being sent with him General of the Horse into Germany, which Office my Father had borne before; for nine whole years together, I was either a spectator, or to my poor ability a forwarder of his most celestial designs; being either a Commander, or an Ambassadoir. And a little after: In this war, (against the Hungarians and Dalmatians, and other Nations revolted) my meanness had the place of an eminent Officer. For having ended my service with the Horse, I was made Qu●stor; and being not yet a Senator, I was equalled with the Senators. And the tribunes of the people being now designed, I l●d a part of the Army delivered to me by Augustus, from the City to his Son. And in my Questorship, the lot of my Province being remitted, I was sent Ambassador from him to him again. Partner in the like employments and honours, he had a brother named Magius Celer Velleianus, that likewise attended Tib●rius in the Dalmatian war, and was honoured by him in his triumph, and afterward were his brother and he made Praetors. When he wrote that abridgement of the Roman History which we now have extant, he had a larger work of the same subject in hand, of which he maketh mention in divers places; which he calleth justum opus, and justa volumina, but so far hath time and fortune denied us so promising and so promised a piece; that this his abstract is come short home and miserably curtailed to our hands. So do Epitomes too commonly devour the Original, and pretending to ease the toil of reading larger volumes, they bring them into neglect & loss. In the unhappiness of the loss of the other, it was somewhat happy that so much of this is preserved as is; a fragment of as excellent compacture, as any is in the Roman tongue; wherein sweetness and gravity, eloquence and truth, shortness and variety, are so compacted and compounded together, that it findeth few parallels either Roman or other.   

Sect. 2. Troubles in Rome about usury.  
This year there was a great disturbance in the City about Usury, the too common, and the too necessary evil of a Commonwealth. This breed-bate had several times heretofore disturbed that State, though strict and rigorous courses were still taken about it. At the first, the interest of money lent, was proportioned and limited only at the disposal of the lender, a measure always inconstant, and often unconscionable. Whereupon, it was fixed at the last by the twelve tables to an ounce in the pound, which is proportionable in our English coin, to a penny in the shilling. Afterward by a Tribune statute it was reduced to half an ounce, and at last the trade was quite forbidden. But such weeds are ever growing again, though weeded out as clean as possible; and so did this: Partly, through the covetousness of the rich, making way for their own profit; and partly through the necessities of the poor, giving way to it for their own supply.  
Gracchus now Praetor, and he to whom the complaint was made at this time, being much perplexed with the matter, referreth it to the Senate as perplexed as himself. He perplexed because of the multitude that were in danger, by breach of the Law; and they, because they were in danger themselves. Here was a prize for the greedy appetite of Tiberius, when so many of the best rank and purses, were fallen into his lurch, and their moneys lent fallen into forfeiture, because of their unlawful lending. The guilty Senate obtain the Emperor's pardon, and eighteen months are allowed for bringing in of all men's accounts: In which time the scarcity of money did pinch the more, when every one's debts did come to rifling: and in the nick of that there followed a great disturbance about buying Lands, which before was invented for a remedy against the former complaints. But the Emperor was glad to salve up the matter by lending great sums of Money to the people gratis for three years.   

Sect. 3. Tiberius still cruel.  
With this one dram of humanity, he mingled many ounces of cruelty and bloodshed. For Considius Proculus as he was celebrating his birth day without fear and with Festivity, is haled out of his own house, brought to the bar and condemned: and his sister Sancia interdicted fire and water. Pompeia Macrina banished; and her father and brother condemned, and slew themselves. But this year there is no reckoning of the slaughtered by name, for now their number grew numberless. All that were imprisoned and accused for conspiracy with Sejanus, he causeth to be slain every mother's son. Now, saith mine Author, there lay an infinite massacre of all sexes, ages, conditions, noble and ignoble, either dispersed, or together on heaps. Nor was it permitted to friends or kindred to comfort, bewail, or behold them any more: but a Guard set, which for the greater grief abused the putrified bodies till they were haled into Tiber, and there left to sink or swim, for none was suffered to touch or bury them. So far was common humanity banished, and pity denied even after death, revenge being unsatisfied when it had revenged, and cruelty extended beyond itself. Nor did the accusers speed better than the accused, for he also caused them to be put to death as well as the other, under that colour of justice and retaliation, satisfying his cruelty both ways to the greater extent. It were to be admired, and with admiration to be admired, never to be satisfied (were it not that the avenging hand of God upon the bloody City is to be acknowledged in it) that ever a people should be so universally bend one against another, seeking the ruin and destruction one of another, and furthering their own misery, when they were most miserable already, in him that sought the ruin of them all. A fitter instrument could not the Tyrant have desired for such a purpose then themselves; nor when he had them so pliable to their own mischief, did he neglect the opportunity, or let them be idle: For as he saw accusations increase, so did he increase his laws to breed more: insomuch that at the last it grew to be capital, for a servant to have fallen before, or near the image of Augustus, or for any man to carry either coin or ring into the Stews, or house of Office, if it bore upon it the image of Tiberius.   

Sect. 3. A wicked accusation.  
Who can resolve whether it were more vexation to suffer upon such foolish accusations, or upon others more solid; but as false as these were foolish? That was the fortune of Sextus Marius an intimate friend of the Emperors; but as it proved, not the Emperor so of his: This was a man of great riches and honour, and in this one action of a strange vainglory and revenge. Having taken a displeasure at one of his Neighbours, he inviteth him to his house, and there detained him feasting two days together. And on the first day he pulleth his house down to the ground, and on the next he buildeth it up far fairer and larger than before. The honest man when he returned home found what was done, admired at the speed of the work, rejoiced at the change of his house, but could not learn who had done the deed. At the last Marius confessed that he was the agent, and that he had done it with this intent, To show him that he had power to do him a displeasure, or a pleasure, as he should deserve it. Ah blinded Marius, and too indulgent to thine own humours! se●st thou not the same power of Tiberius over thee? and thy fortunes pinned upon his pleasure, as thy neighbours upon thine. And so it came to pass that fortune read him the same lecture, that his fancy had done another. For having a young beautiful Daughter, and such a one, as on whom the Emperor had cast an eye, and so plainly, that the father spied it, he removed her to another place, and kept her there close and at distance, lest she should have been violated by him, who must have no denial. Tiberius' imagined as the thing was indeed, and when he seeth that he cannot enjoy his love, and satisfy his lust, he turneth it to hate and revenge. And causeth Marius to be accused of incest with his daughter whom he kept so close, and both father and daughter are condemned, and suffer for it both together.   

Sect. 5. A miserable life and death.  
In these so fearful and horrid times, when nothing was safe, nothing secure, when silence and innocency were no protection, nor to accuse, no more safeguard then to be accused, but when all things went at the Emperor's will, and that will always cruel, what course could any man take not to be entangled, and what way being entangled to extricate himself? The Emperor's frowns were death, and his favours little better; to be accused was condemnation, and to accuse was often as much; that now very many found no way to escape death but by dying, nor to avoid the cruelty of others, but by being cruel to themselves. For though selfe-murder was always held for a Roman valour, yet now was it become a mere necessity; men choosing that miserable exigent to avoid a worse, as they supposed, and a present end, to escape future evils. So did Asinius Gallus at this time for the one, and Nerva for the other. This Gallus about three years ago, coming to Tiberius upon an Embassy, was fairly entertained and royally feasted by him, but in the very interim he writeth letters to the Senate in his accusation. Such was the Tyrant's friendship; and so sour sauce had poor Asinius to his dainty fare. A thing both inhuman and unusual, that a man the same day should eat, drink and be merry with the Emperor, and the same day be condemned in the Senate upon the Emperor's accusation. An Officer is sent to fetch him away a Prisoner; from whence he had but lately gone Ambassador. The pooreman being thus betrayed, thought it vain to beg for life; for that he was sure would be denied him, but he begged that he might presently be put to death, and that was denied also. For the bloody Emperor delighted not in blood and death only, but in any thing that would cause other men's misery, though it were their life. So having once committed one of his friends to a most miserable and intolerable imprisonment; and being solicited and earnestly sued unto, that he might be speedily executed and put out of his misery, he flatly denied it, saying, That he was not grown friends with him yet. Such was the penance that he put poor Gallus to: a life far worse than a present death; for he ought him more spite and torture then a sudden execution. The miserable man being imprisoned and straight looked to, not so much for fear of his escape by flight, as of his escape by death, was denied the sight and conference of any one whosoever, but him only that brought him his pitiful diet, which served only to prolong his wretched life, and not to comfort it; and he was forced to take it, for he must by no means be suffered to die. Thus lived (if it may be called a life) a man that had been of the honourablest rank and office in the City; lingering and wishing for death, or rather dying for three years together; and now at last he findeth the means to famish himself, and to finish his miserable bondage with as miserable an end; to the sore displeasure of the Emperor, for that he had escaped him, and not come to public execution.  
Such an end also chose Nerva one of his near friends and familiars, but not like the other, because of miseries past or present; but because of fear and foresight of such to come. His way that he took to dispatch himself of his life, was by total abstinence and refusal of food; which when Tiberius perceived was his intent, he sits down by him, desires to know his reason, and begs with all earnestness of him, that he would desist from such a design: For what scandal, saith he, will it be to me, to have one of my nearest friends to end his own life, and no cause given why he should so die? But Nerva satisfied him not either in answer or in act, but persisted in his pining of himself, and so died.   

Sect. 6. The miserable ends of Agrippina and Drusus.  
To such like ends came also Agrippina and Drusus, the wife and son of Germanicus, and mother and brother of Caius, the next Emperor that should succeed. These two, the daughter in law, and Grandchild of Tiberius himself, had about four years ago been brought into question by his unkind and inhuman accusation, and into hold and custody until this time. It was the common opinion that the cursed instigation of Sejanus, whom the Emperor had raised purposely for the ruin of Germanicus his house had set such an accusation a foot; and made the man to be so cruel towards his own family; but when the two accused ones had miserably survived the wicked Sejanus, and yet nothing was remitted of their prosecution, than opinion learned to lay the fault where it deserved, even on the cruelty and spite of Tiberius himself. Drusus is adjudged by him to die by famine, and miserable and woeful wretch that he was, he sustaineth his life for nine days together, by eating the flocks out of his bed, being brought to that lamentable and unheard of diet, through extremity of hunger. Here at last was an end of Drusus his misery, but so was there not of Tiberius his cruelty towards him; for he denied the dead body burial in a fitting place; he reviled & disgraced the memory of him with hideous and feigned scandals and criminations, and shamed not to publish in the open Senate, what words had passed from the pining man against Tiberius himself; when in agony through hunger he craved meat, and was denied it. Oh what a sight and hearing was this to the eyes and ears of the Roman people, to behold him that was a child of their dar●ing and delight Germanieus, to be thus barbarously and inhumanely brought to his end, and to hear his own Grandfather confess the action and not dissemble it!  
Agrippina the woeful mother, might dolefully conjecture what would become of herself, by this fatal and terrible end of the poor Prince her son. And it was not long, but she tasted of the very same cup, both of the same kind of death, and of the same kind of disgracing after. For being pined after the same manner, that it might be coloured that she did it of herself (a death very unfitting the greatest Princess than alive,) she was afterward slandered by Tiberius for adultery with Gallus that died so lately, and that she caused her own death for grief of his. She and her son were denied burial befitting their degree, but hid in some obscure place where no one knew, which was no little distaste and discontentment to the people. The Tyrant thought it a special cause of boasting and extolling his own goodness, that she had not been strangled, nor died the death of common base offenders: And since it was her fortune to die on the very same day that Sejanus had done two years before, viz. Octob. 17. it must be recorded as of special observation, and great thanks given for the matter, and an annual sacrifice instituted to jupiter on that day.  
Caius her son, and brother to poor Drusus took all this very well, or at least seemed so to do, partly glad to be shut of any one that was likely to have any colour or likelihood of corrivality with him in his future reign; and partly being brought up in such a school of dissimulation, and grown so perfect a Scholar there, that he wanted little of Tiberius. This year he married Claudia the daughter of M. Silanus, a man that would have advised him to good, if he would have harkened; but afterward he matched with a mate and stock, more fitting his evil nature, Ennia the wife of Macro, but for advantage resigned by her husband Macro, to the adulterating of Caius, and then to his marriage.   

Sect. 7. Other Massacres.  
The death of Agrippina drew on Plancinaes', a woman that never accorded with her in any thing, but in Tiberius his displeasure, and in a fatal and miserable end. This Plancina, in the universal mourning of the state for the loss of Germanicus, rejoiced at it, and made that her sport, which was the common sorrow of all the State: How poor Agrippina relished this, being deprived of so rare a husband, can hardly be thought of without joining with her in her just and mournful indignaon. Tiberius' having a spleen at the woman for some other respect, had now a fair colour to hide his revenge under, to call her to account, and that with some applause. But here his revenge is got into a straight; for if he should put her to death, it may be it would be some content to Agrippina: And therefore not to pleasure her so much, he will not pleasure the other so much neither as with present death, but keepeth her in lingering custody till Agrippina be gone, and then must she follow; but her resoluteness preventeth the Executioner, and to escape another's, she dyeth by her own hand.  
Let us make up the heap of the slaughtered this year, in the words of Dion, Such a number of Senators, to omit others, perished under Tiberius, that the Governors of Provinces were chosen by lot, and ruled, some three years, some six, because there were not enough to come in their room.    

THE CHRISTIAN HISTORY, THE JEWISH and the ROMAN. FOR The Year of Christ 35. And of Tiberius 20. Being the Year of the World 3962. And of the City of Rome, 787. Consuls 

Lucius Vitellius.  
P. Fabius Priscus, or Persicus.    
London, Printed by R. C. for Andrew Crook, 1645.   

PART I. Affairs of Rome.  

Sect. I. Thankless officiousness.  
OF the state and occurrences of the Church this instant year, there is neither any particular given by S. Luke, nor any else where to be found in Scripture, save only what may be collected from the words of Paul concerning himself, namely that he is this year either in Arabia or Damascus or both spending one part of it in the one place; and the other in the other. The Church (now this great persecutor is turned Preacher) enjoyed no doubt a great deal of ease in the ceasing of the persecution, and benefit by the earnestness of his ministry. And so let us leave her to her peace and comfortable times now growing on, and turn our story to the Romans.  
Tiberius' his reign being now come to the twentieth year, the present Consuls L. Vitellius, and Fabius Priscus, do prorogate or proclaim his rule for ten years longer. A ceremony used by Augustus, whensoever he came to a tenth year of his reign, but by Tiberius there was not the like cause. One would have thought the twenty years passed of his inhuman and barbarous reign should have given the City more then enough of such an Emperor: and have caused her to have longed rather for his end then to have prolonged his dominion. But she will make a virtue now or compliment rather of necessity, and will get thanks of him for continuing of that which she cannot shake off, and is willing that he shall reign still, because she knew he would do so whether she will or no. It is the forlorn way of currying favour, to please a man in his own humour, when we dare not cross it. The flattering Consuls received a reward befitting such unnecessary officiousness, for they kept the feast, saith Dion, that was used upon such occasions, and were punished. Not with death, for the next year you shall have Vitellius in judea, but with some other infliction which it may be was pretended for some other reason, but intended and imposed upon a profound policy. For while they thus took on them to confirm his rule they did but shake his title as he conceived, and told him a riddle that he reigned by their courtesy and not by his own interest: but when he punished them that would take on them to confirm this superiority he proved it independent, and not pinned upon their will.   

Sect. II. Cruelties.  
The vein of the City that was opened so long ago, doth bleed still and still as fresh as ever. For Slaughter saith Tacitus was continual, and Dion addeth that none of them that were accused were acquitted, but all condemned: some upon the letters of Tiberius, others upon the impeachment of Macro (of whom hereafter,) and the rest only upon suspicion. Some were ended by the executioner, others ended themselves by their own hands, the Emperor all this while keeping out of the City, and that, as was thought, lest he should be ashamed of such doings there. Among those that perished by their own hands was Pomponius Labeo, and his wife Paxaea, who being accused for corruption in his government of Maesia, cut his own veins and bled to death, and his wife accompanied him in the same fatal end. To the like end, but upon different occasions and accusations came Mamercus Scaurus and his wife Sexitia. He some years before having escaped narrowly with life upon a charge of treason, is now involved again in other accusations, as of Adultery with Livilla, magical practices, and (not the least) for libelling against Tiberius. For having made a Tragedy which he titled Atreus, and in the same, bringing him in, advising one of his subjects in the words of Euripides, That he should bear with the folly of the Prince: Tiberius not so guilty indeed of such a taxation of being a fool, as ready to take on to be guilty, that he might have the better vie against the Author, personated the matter to himself, crying out that Scaurus had made him a bloody Atreus, but that he would make an Ai●x of him again: which accordingly came to pass: for the Tragedian to prevent the executioner, acted his own tragedy, and died by his own hand, his wife being both incourager and companion with him in the same death. But among these lamentable spectacles so fearful and so frequent, it was some contentment to see the accusers still involved in the like miseries with those whom they had accused: for that malady of accusing was grown Epidemical and infectious, sparing none, and as it were catching one of another. The tokens hereof appeared in the banishment of Servilius and Cornelius the accusers of Scaurus, and of Abudius Rufo that had done the like by Lentulus Getulicus. This Getulicus was then commander of the Legions in Germany, and being charged with so much intimacy with Sejanus, as that he intended to have married his daughter to Sejanus his son, he quitted himself by a confident letter to Tiberius. In which he pleadeth that his familiarity and alliance to Sejanus had begun by the Emperors own advice and privacy: and he was so far from crouching, that he proffereth terms of partition to Tiberius, namely that he should enjoy the Empire, and himself would enjoy the Province where he was: This it was to have arms and armies at his disposal, for, for all this affront, the Emperor is necessarily calm, considering partly his own age, partly the hatred of the people, but chiefly, that he stood in that height and sway and power that he was in rather by the timorous opinion of others then by any strength or firmness of his own.  
This year there arose a feigned Drusus in Greece: a man as it seemed, neither led by common policy that might have told him, that so great a Prince of Rome could not possibly have been so long obscured, nor by common opinion which greatly suspected, that Drusus was made away by the Emperors own consent: He found a party as inconsiderate as himself, for he was entertained by the Cities of Greece and jonia, and furnished with aid, and had like to have come into Syria and surprised the forces there, had he not been descried, taken and sent to Tiberius.  
To conclude with some other rarity, besides these of cruelty, there was seen a Phoenix in Egypt this year, as Tacitus hath laid it, (but as Dion two years after) which then exercised the wits of the Philosophical Greeks interpreting the presage either to the State or to the Emperor as their fancy led them: and in after times it exercised the pens of Christians, applying it as an Emblem of the resurrection of Christ.    

PART II. The Affairs of the jews.  

Sect. A commotion of the jews caused by Pilate.  
BEsides the tumult mentioned before, caused by Pilate among the Jews about some images of Cesar, josephus hath also named another raised by the same Spleen and rancour of his, against that people, which because Eusebius hath placed it at this year, be it recommended to the reader upon his Chronology, Pilate a constant enemy to the nation of which he was governor, sought and dogged all occasions whereby to provoke them to displeasure, that the displeasure might provoke them to do something that would redound to their own disadvantage. At this time he took in hand a great work of an Aquaeduct, or watercourse, to jerusalem, to bring the water thither from a place two hundred furlongs or five and twenty miles off, (as josephus reckoneth it in one place, but in another he crosseth himself, and doubleth the measure to four hundred) and for this purpose he took the money out of their Corban or holy treasure to expend upon this his fancy. The people displeased with what was done come together by multitudes, some crying out against the work, and others plainly against Pilate. For they of old did know his conditions, that his affection was not so much to the people or to do them good by his Aquaeduct, as it was to tyrannize over their consciences which were nailed to their ancient rights and rites. But he suborning some of his Soldiers in the common garb and garments, and they hiding clubs under their coats disposed themselves so about the multitude that they had them within them. And then, when the people continued still in their outrage and railing, upon a signal given, they fall upon them, and beat without distinction all before them, both those that were seditious and those that were not: so that many died in the place and the rest departed away sore wounded. This is the tenor of th' story in josephus in Antiq. lib. 18. cap. 4. & Bell. judaic. lib. 2. cap. 14. In the allegation of which History by Baronius, to omit his placing of it in the first year of Pilate about which he showeth himself indifferent, I cannot pass these two things without observing. 1. That he saith that Pilate took the head of his watercourse three hundred furlongs off, whereas in the Greek there is no such sum in either of the places where the story is related, but in the one, two hundred and in the other four. 2. That whereas the Greek readeth the transition to the next story, de Bell. jud. l. 2. cap. 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. At that time Agrippa the accuser of Herod went to Tiberius, etc. His Latin readeth it, Atque ab hoc accusator Herodis Agrippa, etc. losing both scantling of the time which the Author hath given & Eusebius followed, and seeming to bring Agrippa to Rome about this matter of Pilate.  
In the twentieth year of Tiberius hath the same josephus placed the death of Philip the Tetrarch, although he hath named it after the entrance of Vitellius upon the government of Syria, which was in the next year; but such transpositions are no strange things with him. This Philip was Tetrarch of Trachonitis, Gaulonitis, and Batanaea, he died in the City julias' and was interred with a great deal of funeral pomp. His tetrarchy was added to Syria, but the tributes of it were reserved within itself.    

THE CHRISTIAN HISTORY, THE JEWISH and the ROMAN. FOR The Year of Christ 36. And of Tiberius 21. Being the Year of the World 3963. And of the City of Rome, 788. Consuls 

C. Cestius Gallus.  
M. Servilius Rufus.    
London, Printed by R. C. for Andrew Crook, 1645.   

PART I.  

Sect. Affairs of the jews, Vitellius their Friend.  
VItellius the last years Consul a● Rome is sent this year Proconsul into Syria, to govern that and judea which was incorporated into that Province. A man more Honourable abroad then at his own doors, renowned in his youth, but ignominious in his old age, brave in ruling in foreign parts, but base in officiousness and flattery at Rome. At the time of the Passeover, he cometh up to jerusalem, whether induced by curiosity to see the festival, or by the opportunity of the concourse, to behold the whole body of his dominion collected in so small a compass, and to disperse among them his commands, or for what other cause let him keep it to himself: But so well did he like his entertainment, and the people that had given it him, that he remitted to all the inhabitants, the Toll or Impost of all the fruits bought and sold: and he permitted to the Priests the keeping of the High-Priests garments, which o'late had been in the custody of the Romans. For Hyrcanus' the first of that name, having built a tower near unto the Temple, and living in it himself, and after him, some of his successors, he laid up there those holy garments, which they only might wear as in a place most convenient, both where to put them on when they came into the Temple, and to put them off when they went into the City. But Herod in after times seizing upon that tower and repairing it, and naming it Antonia in honour of the great Antony, he seized also upon the custody of those robes, when he found them there, and so also did Archelaus, his son. But the Romans deposing of Archelaus and usurping his whole dominion (if reassuming of that which they had bestowed before, may be called usurpation) they also as he had done, kept these sacred garments under their hands: Laying them up in a room under the seals of the Priests, and the keepers of the treasury: and the keeper of the Tower set up a Candle there every day. Seven days before any of the feasts, they were delivered out by the same keeper, and purified because they came out of heathen hands, and used the first day of the feast, and restored the second, and laid up as before. Vitellius graciously restored the custody of them to the Priests as had been used of old. But joseph who was also called Caiaphas who should have first worn them after, was removed by him from the high priesthood, and jonathan the son of Ananus placed in his stead. And thus is one of the unjust Judges of our Saviour judged himself, and the next year, and by this same Vitellius we shall have the other judged also.    

PART II.  

Sect. I. Affairs in the Empire. A rebellion in Parthia, etc.  
AT this year hath Eusebius in his Chronicle, placed the Spleen of Sejanus against the Jews, which was some years before: and the spleen of Herod against james and Peter, which was some years after: and 
In Chron. Mundi l. 8.  Massaeus in his Chronicle, hath placed the assumption of the Virgin Mary, which was no body knows when. A story first published to the world by revelation, as the common cry went of it, but invented indeed by superstition, backed by ease and love of holidays, and grown into credit and entertainment by credulity and custom. As unconstant to itself for time, as her Sex is of whom it is divulged, for there is so great difference about the time when this great wonder was done, that it is no wonder if it be suspected to have been done at no time at all. We will leave to rake into it, till we come to find it in its place, and rubric in Eusebius, who is the most likely man to follow: and for the present we will divert the reader's eyes to a matter of far more truth and likelihood; Phraates a King of Parthia of old, had given Vonones his eldest son for an Hostage to Augustus: and Augustus upon the request of the Parthians afterward, had given him again unto them for their King. At the first he was well accepted and well affected by them and among them, as he had been desired by them, but afterward he was disliked and displaced by Artabanus whom they had called in for their King in his stead. This Artabanus having been kept in awe by Germanicus whilst he lived, and having been a good while ago quitted and delivered of that awe by Germanicus his death, and having at this present, a fit opportunity for the seizure of the Kingdom of Armenia, by the death of Artaxias their King, he taketh upon him to place Arsaces his own eldest son in that throne▪ demanding withal some treasures that Vonones had left in Syria and Cilicia, and challenging the royalty of Persia and Macedon, and the old possessions of Cyrus and Alexander: This was a proud scorn and defiance to the Romans, and such as was not possible for their victoriousness to digest, nor safe for him to offer, but that he was emboldened to it by considering the Emperor's old age. But Sinnaces and Abdus and other Nobles of Parthia, not trusting their lives and liberties to the rashness of Artabanus, come secretly to Rome and commit the matter to Tiberius: He upon their request and glad of opportunity to correct the insolences of Artabanus giveth them Phraates, another son of Phraates their old King, who also lay for an Hostage at Rome, and dispatcheth him away for his father's Throne and the Nobles with him. And thus is Artabanus in a fair way of an equal retaliation, to lose his own kingdom as he had usurped another man's. As they were thus travailing homeward with this design and plot in their minds and hands, Artabanus having intelligence of the matter counterplotteth again: and fairly inviting Abdus under pretence of great amity to a banquet, preventeth his future designs by poison, and stops the haste of Sinna●es by dissimulation and gifts. Phraates the new elected King, the more to ingratiate himself to his countrymen by complying with them in their manners, forsaketh the Roman garb, customs, and diet, to which he had been so long enured, and betaketh himself to the Parthian, which being too uncouth and hard for him, especially upon a change so sudden, it cost him his life as he was in Syria.  
But this unexpected accident, caused not Tiberius to forelet or neglect the opportunity so fairly begun, but to follow it the more earnestly. For choosing Tiridates a man of the same blood, and an enemy to Artabanus, he investeth him in the same right and challenge to the Parthian crown, and sendeth him away for it. Writing letters withal to Mithradates the King of Iberia to invade Armenia, that the distress and straight of Ar●aces there might draw Artabanus thither to his relief and give Tiridates the more easy access to his country. For the better securing of Mithradates to this employment, he maketh him and his brother Pharasmenes friends, between whom there had been some feud before, and inciteth them both to this same service. This they accordingly perform, and breaking into Armenia, they shortly make the King away by bribing of his servants, and take the City Artaxata with their Army. Artabanus upon these tidings sendeth away Orodes his other son, to relieve and to revenge: But Pharasmanes having joined the Albans and Sarmatians to his party, and he and the Iberians by this union being masters of the passages, they pour in Sarmatians into Armenia by multitudes through the straits of the Caspian mountains, and deny passage to any that would aid the Parthian. So that Orodes cometh up to Pharasmanes, but can go no further, and they both lie in the field so close together that Pharasmanes biddeth him battle at his own trenches: which being stoutly and strangely fought between so many nations and so differently barbarous, it fortuned that the two Princes met in the heat of the light, and Pharasmanes wounded Orodes through the Helmet, but could not second his blow himself being borne away by his horse beyond his reach, and the other was suddenly succomed and sheltered by his guard. The rumour of this wound of the King by dispersion grew to a certain report of his death, and that, by as certain an apprehension, grew to the loss of the Parthians day. Nor was the rumour altogether mistaken, for the wound though it were not so suddenly, yet was it so surely deadly, that it brought him to his end. Now it is time for Artabanus to look and stir about him when he hath lost his two sons, and when his two kingdoms are near upon losing. He mustereth and picketh up all the forces his dominions could afford, and those no more neither (if they were enough) than the present necessity and forlorn estate of himself and kingdoms did require. What would have been the issue, and where the storm of this cloud, and shower of these preparations would have lighted, Vitellius gave not leave and time to be determined, for raising all the legions of Syria and thereabout, (for Tiberius upon these troubles had made him ruler of all the East) he pretended an invasion of Mesopotamia. But Artabanus suspecting whither that war might bend indeed, and his discontented subjects, upon this conceit of the assistance of the Romans daring to show their revolt against him, which they durst not before, he was forced to flee with some forlorn company into Scythia, hoping that his absence might remove the hatred of the Parthians, which we shall see hereafter came accordingly to pass, and Vitellius without any blow struck, maketh Tiridates King in his stead.   

Sect. II. Tiberius still cruel and shameless.  
He was now got to Antium, so near the City, that in a day or night's space he could have, or give a return to any letters: For all his age which the Parthian King had despised, and for all the troubles that he had caused, yet remitted he nothing of his wont rigour and savageness. The Seianians were as eagerly hunted after as ever, and it was no escape nor help to the accused, though the crimes objected were either obsolete or feigned. This caused Fulcinius Trio for that he would not stay for the formal accusations which he perceived were coming against him, to end himself with his own hand, having left most bitter and invective taunts and taxations in his last will and testament, against Tiberius and his darling Macro. The executors durst not publish nor prove the will for fear of the executioner, but the Emperor, when he heard of the contents of it, caused it to be openly read and divulged, and prided himself in those just reproaches. Nor wanted he more of those reproaches from others also, but he repaid the authors in cruel discontent, though he seemed to hear his own disgrace with delight. For Sextius Paconianus was strangled in prison for making Verses against him. It may be they were those in Suetonius. Asper & Immitis, breviter his omnia dicam? Dispeream si te mater amare potest, etc.  
Granius Martianus, Trebellienus Rufus, and Poppaeus Sabinus, were accused for some other offences, and died by their own hands, and Tatius Gratianus that had once been Praetor was condemned by a Praetorian Law, and escaped his own hands indeed, he did not escape the executioners.    

THE CHRISTIAN HISTORY, THE JEWISH and the ROMAN, FOR The Year of Christ 37. And of Tiberius 22. Being the Year of the World 3964. And of the City of Rome, 789. Consuls 

Q. Plautius.  
Sextus Papinius or Papirius.    
London, Printed by R. C. for Andrew Crook, 1645.   

ACTS IX.  

Vers. 23. And after that many days were fulfilled, etc.  

Sect. Account of the Chronologie.  
THe conversion of Paul we observed ere while, and proved to be in the year next after our Saviour's ascension or Anno Christi 34. Now Paul himself testifieth that three years after his conversion he went up to jerusalem, Gal. 1.18. That space of time he spent in Damascus, in Arabia and in Damascus again. For so himself testifieth in the verse before. But how long time he took up in these several abodes in these places, it is not determinable nor indeed is it material to inquire, since we have the whole time of all his abodes summed up in that account of three years: Now whereas there is no mention in Luke's relation of his journey into Arabia, but he maketh him (as one would think) to come up to jerusalem, at his first departure from Damascus, we have showed elsewhere that it is no uncouth thing with this and the other Evangelists, to make such brief transitions, sometimes in stories of a large distance: and Paul himself plainly showeth us in the place alleged, how to make the brief story of Luke full and complete, and to speak it out: Namely that Paul upon his coming after his conversion into Damascus, began there to preach, and increased more and more in strength, and confounded the jews that dwelled at Damascus, proving that jesus was the very Christ: And having preached a while in Damascus, he goeth into Arabia, which country was now under the same government with Damascus, namely under King Aretas) and after a while he returned into Damascus again: And then do the Jews there seek to kill him, and they incense the governor of the City under Aretas against him, so that he setteth a watch to take him, but he escapeth over the wall by night in a Basket, Acts 9.25. 2 Cor. 11.33. We shall see by and by, that there were preparations for war this year, betwixt Aretas the King of Arabia, and Herod the Tetrarch, and it is not improbable that the Jews in those times of commotion did accuse Paul to the governor of Damascus under Aretas for a spy or for a man that was an enemy to the King's cause, and so they interest the governor in a quarrel against him: And this very thing being considered may help somewhat to confirm this for the year of Paul's coming from Damascus for fear of his life to jerusalem, if his own accounting the years did not make it plain enough.    

Vers. 26. And when Saul was come to jerusalem, etc.  
His errand to jerusalem, as himself testifieth, was to see Peter, Gal. 1.18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: not for any homage to his primacy (as is strongly pleaded by the Popish crew) for he maketh no distinction betwixt him and james and john in point of dignity, Gal. 2.9. nay is so far from homaging him that he rebuketh and reproveth him, Gal. 2.11. But his journey to Peter at this time was, that he might have acquaintance with him and some knowledge of him, for so the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 more properly signifieth, and that he desired the rather, because than Peter was the minister of the Circumcision, as he himself was to be of the uncircumcision, Gal. 2.8. and because there had been some kind of remarkable parallel betwixt them in their recovery, the one from denying and forswearing Christ himself, and the other from persecuting of Christ in his members.  

Sect. But they were all afraid of him, and believed not that he was a Disciple.  
This very thing hath caused some to conceive that Paul had a journey to jerusalem a little after his conversion, and before ever he went into Arabia: because they cannot conceive how it should be possible, that he should have been a convert and a Preacher of the Gospel three years together, and yet his conversion and his present qualities should be unknown to the Church at jerusalem: and the rather because he himself saith that the wonder of his conversion was not done in a corner, Acts 26.26.  
Answ. But these two or three considerations may help to resolve the scruple. 1. The distance betwixt Damascus and jerusalem, which was exceeding great. 2. The quarrels betwixt Herod and Aretas, which were a means to hinder intercourse betwixt those two places. 3. The persecution that continued still upon the Church of judea, which would keep Disciples of Damascus from going thither. And 4. the just fear that might possess the Disciples at jerusalem, in the very time of persecution: For though it was said before, the Church at jerusalem and of judaea enjoyed a great deal of rest and tranquillity after the conversion of Paul their great persecutor, in comparison of what they had done before, yet was not the persecution of the Church utterly extinct to the very time of Paul's coming up to jerusalem, but continued still, and therefore it is the less wonder if the Disciples there, be the more fearful and cautelous.    

Vers. 27. But Barnabas took him, etc.  
How Barnabas came acquainted with the certainty of Paul's conversion, better than the other Disciples, is not easy to resolve: It is like that he being abroad for fear of the persecution, as the other of the Preachers were, (all but the Apostles) went in his travails towards Damascus or Arabia, and so had heard and learned the certainty of the matter: However it is pregnant to our observation, that he that was afterwards to be fellow traveller and labourer with Paul in the Gospel to the Gentiles is now made the instrument and means of his first admission to the society of the Apostles. It is possible that there had been some acquaintance betwixt these two men in former times, they being both Grecizing Jews, the one of Cyprus, the other of Ci●icia, and both in all probability brought up and educated at jerusalem; but whether it were so or no the hand of God is to be looked after in this passage, when Paul's future partner in the ministry to the Gentiles, is now his first intertainer into the society of the Church at jerusalem.  

Sect. And brought him to the Apostles.  
That is, to Peter and james the less: for other of the Apostles, he himself relateth that he saw none, Gal. 1.18. What was become of the rest of the twelve, is not determinable: it is more than probable they were not now at jerusalem, otherwise it is hardly possible for Paul not to have seen them in fifteen day's abode there: It is likely they were preaching and settling Churches up and down the Country, and Peter and james, the two most peculiar Ministers of the Circumcision, abode at jerusalem, to take care of the Church there: For that these were so, and in what particular, the dispensation of their Ministry differed, we shall take occasion to show afterward; only here we cannot omit to take notice of that temper as I may so call it, which the Text holdeth out against the Primacy and Prelacy that is held by some to have been among the Apostles: For whereas some conceive james to have been Bishop of jerusalem, this Text sets Peter in the same form and equality with him in that place: and whereas it is conceived again, that Peter was Prince of the Apostles, this Text hath equalled james with him.  
1. And thus that persecution that began about Stephen had lasted till this very same time of Paul's coming to jerusalem, for so it is apparent, both by the fear and suspiciousness of the Disciples at jerusalem, as also by the very clausure of the Text, Vers. 31. Then had the Church's rest.  
2. The length of this persecution by computation of the times as they have been cast up before, seemeth to have been about three years and an half, the renowned number, and time so oft mentioned and hinted in Scripture.  
3. The company of Disciples or believers continued still at jerusalem, for all the persecution, as to the generality of them; as was said before: only the Ministers or Preachers were scattered abroad, all of them except the twelve Apostles.  
4. Some of those Preachers were by this time returned back again, the heat of the persecution abating, as it is apparent by Barnabas now being at jerusalem: and of some such men, is it properest to understand the word Disciples Vers. 26. Saul assayed to join himself to the Disciples.  
5. Therefore the absence of the ten Apostles from jerusalem was not for fear of the persecution▪ but for the dispersion of the Gospel and settling of the Churches.   

Sect. And declared unto them how he had seen the Lord in the way.  
This is most properly to be understood of Barnabas, that he declared these things to the Apostles, though there be, that think it is meant of Paul's declaring them: and they read it thus, And Barnabas brought him to the Apostles, and he, that is, Paul, declared unto them.    

Vers. 28. And he was with them coming in and going out.  
That is, conversing with them, as Beza hath well rendered it: A phrase usual among the Hebrews, as 1 Sam. 18.13. Act. 1.21. etc. And the time of this his converse, Paul himself hath told us to have been fifteen days, Gal. 1.18. where also he hath interpreted this Phrase of coming in and going out, by the term of abiding with, I abode with him fifteen days.   

Vers. 29. And he disputed against the Grecians.  
Gr. Against the Hellenists: which very place helpeth again to confirm the interpretation and gloss we set upon this word before, namely, that it meaneth not, Greeks converted to the Jews Religion, but Jew's conversing and cohabiting among the Greek nation. For, 1. there can be none or small reason given, why converted Greeks should be so furiously Jewish as to go about to kill Paul for preaching against Judaisme, and we hear not the Jews stirring against him for it. 2. What reason can be given why Paul should bend his disputations against converted Greeks more than against Jews? Certainly the Jew's had more need of confutation in their Judaisme then the other had. And 3. it is very questionable, how converted Greeks, which were strangers and sojourners at jerusalem and among the Jews, durst go about to kill a Jew in the midst of the Jews, and there being not a Jew that had any thing to say against him. It is therefore more than probable, that these Hellenists were Jews that had lived among the Greeks, or of the Grecian dispersion, and that they used the Greek tongue: and that Paul chose to dispute with them, partly for that they living among the Gentiles, were by a kind of an Antiperistasis more zealously Jewish, and partly, because of their language, the Greek tongue, which was the very language Paul had learned from a child.  
The times of the stories next succeeding when the Text hath done with the story of Paul, are somewhat unfixed, and uncertain, in what year they came to pass: namely of Peter's raising of Aeneas from sickness, Dorcas from death, and bringing in Cornelius to the Gospel: But the best conjecture that can be given of the times of these stories, is by casting and computing the history backward: And so we find, 1. That the famine prophesied of by Agabus, was in the second of Claudius, as was showed before. 2. We may then conceive that this prophecy of Agabus was in Claudius his first, and that was the year or some part of the year that Paul and Barnabas spent at Antioch, Act. 11.26. 3. The last year of Caius we may hold to be the year of Antiochs first receiving the Gospel, of Barnabas his coming thither, and of his journey to Tarsus to seek Saul, Act. 11.20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25. And 4. the third year of Caius which was his last year but one, we may suppose accordingly to have been the year of Peter's actions with Aeneas, Dorcas and Cornelius, and to that year shall we refer the handling of the Texts that concern those actions, and we will carry on the Roman and jewish Story, as they fall in time, till we come thither.    

Part II. The Roman Story.  

Sect. I. The Parthian war not yet composed.  
TIridates seated in his throne, as was related before, but as it proved, neither sure in it, nor in the hearts of all his people, (the first of these being caused by the latter) he taketh in, certain Parthian towns, and that by the Parthians own consent and aid. For his Roman education compared with the Scythian carriage of Artabanus made the people to hope accordingly of his demeanour, and to entertain him with present applause and future expectation. The day of his coronation being appointed, letters from Phraates and Hiero, two of the chiefest commanders in the State, desire that it might be deferred for a certain space, which accordingly was done in regard of the greatness of the men. The King in the mean time goeth up to Ctesiphon the Imperial City, attending the coming of these two Nobles, who when they put it off from day to day, Surena, in the presence and by the approval of very many, crowneth him on their country manner. These two Nobles and many others that were absent from this solemnity, some for fear of the King's displeasure, some for hatred of Abdageses, his favourite, and some no doubt upon a plot premeditated, betake themselves to Artabanus their old King again. Him they find in Hyrcania hunting in the woods with his bow for his food, rusty and dirty in habit and attire, and overgrown with filth and neglect of himself. At his first sight of them it is no wonder if he were stricken with amazement, but their errand being related, it converted that passion into equal joy. For they complain of Tiridates his youth, and effeminacy, of the Diadems translation out of the blood, of the potency of Abdageses, and the loss of their old King, whom they now are come to desire again. Artabanus believeth them and consenteth, and raising speedily what Scythians he could, marcheth away towards his kingdom again. But his royal apparel he wore not with him, but the poor and rugged garb of his misery & exile, thereby to move the more to pity: and used all his wits and policy to make himself a party strong on his side all the way as he went. But he needed not all this cautelousness and preparation, for Tiridates but hearing of his approaching towards Seleucia, under colour of going to raise up forces, departed into Syria, and parted with his new kingdom with as much facility as he had obtained it.   

Sect. 2. Artabanus giveth hostages to Rome.  
When the power and policy of Tiberius, and his agent Vitellius that had served to get Artabanus out of his Kingdom, would not serve the turn to keep him thence; they send to treat of friendship with him, suspecting what trouble such a spirit might procure, should it bend itself against the Roman Empire. The King wearied with the toils of War, and knowing without a prompter, what it was to defy the Romans, condescendeth readily to the motion, and Vitellius and he meeting upon a bridge made over Euphrates for that purpose, each, with a guard about him; conclude upon Articles of agreement, and Herod the Tetrarch entertaineth them both, in a pavilion curiously seated in the midst of the stream. Not long after this Artabanus sendeth Darius his son for an hostage to Tiberius; and withal he sendeth Eleazar a Jew, of seven cubits high, for a present; and many other gifts.   

Sect. 3. A Commotion in Cappadocia.  
Whilst matters went thus unquietly in Parthia, the Calite a Nation of Cappadocia, grew discontented about paying tribute to the Romans, & so departed into the mountain Taurus, and there fortify, resolving as they never had used to pay such taxations; so never to learn, nor to use to do so. Archelaus was now King, but not now King of them; for the strength of the mountains, and the desperatenes of their resolution, do animate them to withstand him and to rebel against the Romans. When tidings of this was brought to Vitellius into Syria, he dispatcheth away M. Trebellius with four thousand legionary Soldiers, and some other Forces raised otherways, to bring the Rebels to obedience or to ruin. Trebellius invironeth with works and men, two hills, Cadra and Davara, where they were the most strongly trenched, and those that were so hardy as to come forth, he subdueth with the sword, and the rest with famishing.   

Sect. FOUR Bloodshed at Rome.  
These diseases of the Roman body were far from the heart, and yet was the heart, the City itself but little the better; for though some veins were opened in these wars which one would have thought should have turned the blood another way, yet did the City through the cruelty of the Emperor bleed inwardly still. For L. Aruleius and some others died by the hand of the Executioner, and C. Galba, two of the Blesii, and the Lady Aemylia Lepida by their own hands. But the example of the greatest terror was Vibulenus Agrippa a Knight, who being at the bar, when he had heard what his accusers could say against him, and despairing to escape he took poison out of his bosom in the face of the Court (Dion saith he sucked it out of his Ring) and swallowed it and sank down and was ready to die, yet was he haled away to prison and there strangled.   

Sect. V. Mishaps.  
Besides this deluge of blood, which overflowed the City continually, there was also this year a deluge of water. For Tiber rose so high and violently into the town, that many streets became navigable, and where men had walked lately on their feet, they might have passed now up and down in ships. And a greater misfortune happened this year likewise by the contrary element: for a terrible fire consumed the buildings of the mount Aventine and that part of the Circus that lay betwixt that and the Palace; For the repair of all which again, Tiberius out of his own treasure gave a great sum of money: Tacitus saith Millies Sestertium, which according to the value and reckoning of our English coin amounted to eight hundred thousand pounds, within nineteen thousand. A sum not strange in an Emperor's coffer at Rome, where the vastness of the Empire brought in vast revenues, but somewhat strange out of the purse of Tiberius for so good a purpose, whose covetousness was larger than those whole revenues. And therefore as I cannot but observe the difference of Dion about this liberality of the Emperor from Tacitus, and the difference of his translator from his Text; so can I not but conceive his computation and account to be the more probable in regard of the nigardise of the Emperor. For whereas the sum of Tacitus is eight hundred thousand within nineteen, he hath so far come short of such a reckoning, that he maketh nineteen thousand pounds to be the whole account. For Tiberius saith he gave 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, two thousand and five hundred thousand, meaning ●600. sestertia, and each sestertium containing a thousand Sestertios, this accrueth to about the sum last named, of 19000 l. and yet hath his translator forsaken his Greek, and followed Tacitus Latin, to so vast a difference.    

PART III. The Jewish Story.  

Sect. I. A commotion in Samaria. Pilate out of office.  
A Great space of time is past since we heard any news of Pontius Pilate, and news it is indeed that his malicious and stirring spirit hath not entertained us with some bloody tragedy or other, of all this while. His government draweth now near its expiration, for he is going upon the tenth year of it, and it is a kind of miracle if so mischievous an agent, should part without acting some mischief before his exit, and this at last he did which put him out of office. There was a certain impostor among the Samaritans (Simon Magus as like as any) that would persuade the people, that in mount Gerizim he could show them, 
joseph. Ant. l. 1● c. 5. See how Egesippus relateth this story, De excid. Hieros'. l. 1. c. 5.  holy vessels which Moses had hid and laid up there with his own hand. The credulous vulgar meet by multitudes at a certain Village called Tira●haba intending when their company was full, to go see these sacred relics. But Pilate beforehand takes the passages with his Horse and Foot, and falling upon those that were thus assembled, some he slew, others he took captive and the rest fled. Of those that he captived, he caused the noblest and most principal to be put to death. For this fact the chief men of Samaria, accuse him to Vitellius, who commands him to Rome, there to answer before the Emperor what should be objected against him; and in his stead he made Marcellus a friend of his own, the Governor of judea: but before Pilate came to Rome, Tiberius was dead. Yet hath Eusebius put off the testimony that Pilate is said to have given to Tiberius concerning the death and resurrection of Christ, and concerning the wonders wrought by him, till the next year following. A relation doubtful in itself, but more than doubtful in the issue. For first, though it be granted that Pilate bore witness to the works and wonders done by Christ, and gave testimony to his resurrection, which yet to believe requireth a better evidence than I can find any: Yet secondly, the Epistle that is pretended for this his certificate by 
* In Anacephal. in biblioth. Patr. tom. 7  Hegesippus, cannot be that original one that Tertullian, and out of him Eusebius do mention, because it is endorsed to Claudius, and not to Tiberius. Thirdly, though both these were confessed and agreed unto, that Pilate wrote a Letter to Tiberius to such a purpose, and that this was the Letter, or some other that Tertullian had seen; yet can I never find the Emperor of so good a nature, and respective a disposition, as to give the desert of goodness its due, be it never so eminent and conspicuous, or be it in what kind soever. Fourthly, and lastly, that which maketh all the rest of the story to be doubted of, and which may justly hinder the entertainment of it, is, what is added in the common relation of the story. That Tiberius referring this matter to the Senate, with his vote, that Christ should be numbered among the Gods, and Christianity among their holy things; the Senate crossed him in it with flat contrariety, because Pilate had written of it to him, and not to them. Now in the Stories that have been related before concerning the state and affairs of Rome, and by other stories that might be produced in other years, it is but too miserably evident, that the Senate was in too great a fear and slavery to the Tyrant, then to dare to affront him so palpably and plainly. Pilate after this, as 
* Chron. ad annum. chr. 41.  Eusebius allegeth out of the Roman Historians, falling into many miseries, ended himself with his own hand, the common and desperate Roman remedy against distress. 
* In Chron.  Cassiodorus hath placed his death under the Consulship of Publicola and Nerva: And the common report hath given it in, that the place was Vienna.   

Sect. 2. Agrippa his journey to Rome.  
This Agrippa was the son of Aristobulus (who died by the cruelty of his father Herod) and he was a man that had sufficiently tried the vicissitudes of fortune heretofore, but never so much as he is about to do now. A good while ago he had lived in Rome, and in the familiarity of Drusus the son of Tiberius: That great acquaintance caused great expenses; partly in his own port and pomp, and partly in gifts and beneficence bestowed upon others. When Drusus died, than Agrippaes' estate is not only dead, but his hopes also: so that he is forced to flee from Rome into judea for debt and poverty; and thence into a certain Tower in Idumea for shame and discontent. His wife Cyprus by solicitation and suing to Herodias, obtaineth Herod's favour so far, that he was removed to Tiberias, made a chief Governor or Officer of the City, and allowance given him for his Diet. But this lasted not long ere Herod and he fell out; whereupon he removed away, and betook himself to Flaccus the then Governor of Syria, who had been his old acquaintance at Rome: Long he had not continued there neither, but Aristobulus his brother wrought him out of his favour and abode there. From thence he went to Ptolomais, intending to have set from thence for Italy, but was forced to stay till he had borrowed some moneys before: Being now furnished and shipped, he was again stopped by Herennius Capito, the Governor of jamnia, for some money that he ought to the Treasury of Tiberius. And what must he do now? He must not go till he have paid the sum, and when he hath paid it, than he cannot go for want of more. He taketh on him to obey the arrest while it was day, but at night he cut cables, and set away for Alexandria: There he reneweth his borrowing again of Alexander Alabarcha and obtaineth of him five talents for his viaticum: and now this year (namely as josephus noteth it, the year before Tiberius his death) he setteth away for Italy again. This Alabarcha is not the proper name of any man, but the title of men that bare Rule over the Jews in Alexandria. For I observe that as josephus in one place, calleth it Alabarcha, and Alabarchus, so in another he calleth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, fixing it thereby as a title rather to any man that bore such an Office, then as a proper name to any man at all. And if conjecture may read its denotation & Etymology, it seemeth to be compounded of the Arabic Article Al, which they fix before all their nouns, and the Egyptian word Abrec●, which in that language importeth dignity and honour (as we have observed elsewhere) as may be collected from the proclamation before joseph, Gen. 41.43.  
Agrippa being arrived at Puteoli, sendeth to the Emperor to Capres to certify him of his coming, and of his desire to wait upon him there. Tiberius giveth him admission and entertainment according to his mind: till Letters from Herennius Capi●o spoilt that cheer: For the Emperor understanding by them how he had slipped the collar at jamnia, from his Officer, and from his own debt, he doth flatly forbid him any more access unto him till the money be paid. Now is Agrippa in a worse case than ever: for there is no paltering with Tiberius, though there were with Capito; and no shifting from Capri, though he had found such an opportunity at jamnia. Nor is there any such thought to be entertained. For now his life and fortunes, and all lay in the hand of Tiberius; and when he findeth him inclinable to use him kindly, there is no losing that favour, for want of paying such a sum: Of Antonia the mother of Germanicus, and the old friend and favourer of Bernice the mother of Agrippa, he borroweth the money, and getting out of the Emperor's debt, he getteth into his favour again. Insomuch that he commendeth him to the converse, acquaintance, and attendance of Caius his Grandchild that was to succeed him.   

Sect. 3. His Imprisonment.  
Happy might now Agrippa think himself, if he can but hold so: For he hath obtained the inward friendship of Caius, and with it retained the outward favour of Tiberius. Antonia and Claudius a future Emperor and all favour him, but he becomes an enemy to himself. Whether it were in love or flattery to Caius, or to himself and his own hopes, he casteth himself into a present danger upon a future expectation. For Caius and he being very intimate and private together, whether more affectionately, or undiscreetly, he himself best felt; he broke out into this dangerous wish, That Tiberius might soon die, and Caius as soon come to rule in his stead. These words were heard by Eutychus his servant, and a while concealed; but when Agrippa prosecuted him for stealing some of his clothes, which he had stolen indeed, he then broke forth and revealed all: for fleeing for his theft, and caught and brought before Piso the Sheriff of the City, and demanded the reason of his flight, he answered that he had a great secret to impart to Cesar, which concerned his life. Piso therefore sent him bound to Tiberius, who also kept him bound and unexamined a certain season: Now began Agrippa to hasten and spur on his own misery and vexation: Whether having forgotten the words that he had spoken, or not remembering the presence of his servant, at the speech; or not suspecting that his tale to Cesar would be against himself; or which was likeliest, thinking to make his cause the better by his confidence, he soliciteth his old friend Antonia, to urge the Emperor for a trial of his servant. Tiberius declineth it, though he suspected the matter; not so much belike for Agrippaes' sake, as for Caius sake, whom the familiarity that was betwixt them made him suspect to be accessary, if any thing should prove otherwise then well. But being still importuned by Antonia, at last when he had uttered these words, Let the God's witness O Antonia, that what I shall do, I do not of my own mind, but by thy solicitation: He commanded Eutychus to be brought forth, who being examined, confessed readily that such words were spoken by Agrippa to Caius, himself being present, adding others no less dangerous, that were spoken about young Tiberius. The Emperor as readily believed the matter; and presently called out to Macro to bind him. Macro not understanding that he meant Agrippa, prepared to bind Eutychus more strictly for examination: but Tiberius having walked about the place, and coming to Agrippa, it is this man saith he, that I commanded to be bound. And when Macro asked him again who? Why, saith he, Agrippa. Then did Agrippa begin to find how he had forwarded his own mishap, but it was too late. And then did he begin to pray him now, whom he lately prayed against, but that was too late also. For Tiberius was not half so averse to have tried his servant, as he is now to forgive the Master: and he cannot be much blamed, for he had wished his mischief, and procured his own. Well, Agrippa is tied in bands, and led away to prison as he was, in his purple robes, a garment very incompatible with chains, unless of Gold. Being exceeding thirsty with heat and sorrow, as he went towards the prison, he spied one Thaumastus a servant of Caius, carrying a Tankard of water, and he desired some to drink; which when the servant freely and readily gave him, If ever, saith he, I escape and get out of these bonds, I will not fail to obtain thy freedom, who hast not refused to minister to me in my misery and chains, as well as thou didst in my prosperity and pomp. And this his promise he afterward performed.   

Sect. FOUR The death of Thrasyllus the Mathematician.  
This man Thrasyllus had endeared himself to Tiberius, by his skill in Astrology long ago, even while he lived in Rhodes, before the death of Augustus, but with the imminent hazard and peril of his own life. For Tiberius being very much given to those Chaldean and curious arts, and having got leisure and retiredness in Rhodes for the learning and practice of them, he partly called, and partly had offered to him, those that professed to be skilful in that trade and mystery. His way to try their skill was desperate and terrible, but such a one as best befitted such as would take upon them to foresee things to come, and it was this: when he consulted of any business, saith Tacitus, he used the top of his house, and the privacy of one only servant, a man utterly unlearned, and of a strong bulk of body: when he had a mind to try any man's skill, this Lubber was to go before him over craggy, steep and dangerous Rocks that hung over the Sea, and over which his house stood: and as they returned again, if there were any suspicion that the Prognosticator had given an answer fraudulent or lying, he flung him into the Sea, lest he should reveal the secret that he had been questioned upon. Thrasyllus at his first coming, being brought to this dangerous trial, and having presaged Tiberius should be Emperor, and having foretold other things to come, he was asked by him whether he could calculate his own nativity; which when he went about to do, and had set a figure, upon the sight and study upon it, he was first in a muse and then in a fear, and the more he viewed it, the more he feared: and at last cried out that some strange and sudden danger was near and ready to seize upon him. Then Tiberius embracing him commended his skill, secured him against the danger, and retained him ever after for his intimate familiar. This year (as Dion doth place it) befell this great Wizzards death, and as it proved, a forerunner of the Emperors: With whom he did more good with one lie, near his latter end, than he had done with all his Astrological truths (if he ever told any) all his life long. For assuring him by his skill, that he should yet live ten years longer, though in his heart he thought no such thing, he caused him to be slack and remiss in putting divers men to death, whose end he had hastened, had he known the haste of his own, and so they escaped.   

Sect. V. War betwixt Aretas and Herod.  
There had been a long grudge betwixt Aretas the King of Arabia Petraea, and Herod the Tetrarch, and a field had been fought between them before this. For Herod having put away his wife which was Aretas daughter, and having taken Herodias (the wife of his own brother Philip and he yet living) in her stead, it is no wonder if Aretas dogged him for revenge for this indignity to his Daughter and himself. Wherefore he beginneth to quarrel with him and to seek occasion of war, by challenge of a territory controvertible, and they come to a pitched battle, in which Herod's Army is utterly overthrown, by means of some treachery wrought by some fugitives from his brother Philip's Tetrarchy which had taken up Arms to fight under his colours: And here, as josephus hath observed. It was the observation of divers that this his Army utterly perished through God's just punishment upon him for the murder of john the Baptist. And it is worth the marking, that this overthrow took beginning from men of that country whence Herodias the causer of that murder, and of the present disquietness had come. Herod upon this defeat, doubtful of better success at another time, for it may be his conscience told him this was but deserved, betaketh himself by letters to Tiberius, certifying him of the accident, and it is likely, not without much aggravation. The Emperor either displeased at the fortune of Aretas in his victory, or at his audaciousness in stirring so within the Empire, or at both together, sendeth angry letters to Vitellius the Governor of Syria, charging him to undertake the war, and either to bring the rebellious King prisoner alive, or to send his head to Rome. But before the design came to maturity, Tiberius that had thus threatened another man's life had lost his own, as will appear hereafter: when this first battle was that was so fatal to Herod, it shall not be insisted on to question, but that this brewing towards a new war, befell in this year, is apparent sufficiently by the sequel.    

THE ROMAN, and JEWISH STORY, FOR The Year of Christ 38. And of Tiberius 23. The first year also of Cajus Caligula. Being the Year of the World 3965. And of the City of Rome, 790. Consuls 

Cu. Proculus Acerronius.  
C. Pontius Nigrinus.    
London, Printed by R. C. for Andrew Crook, 1645.   

PART I. The Roman Story.  

Sect. I. Macro, all base.  
THis man had been mischievous ever since he had power to be so, but now was he so most of all, that he might keep that power of his afoot, or might raise it more and more. He was used by Tiberius as an instrument to bring down Sejanus, the one bad, and the other worse; and after he had done that, none must stand by his good will, that was likely to stand in his way: He was made master of the Praetorian Soldiers in Sejanus his stead, and as he possessed his place, so did he his favour with the Emperor, and the crookedness of his conditions: as if all the honours, fortune, and wickedness of Sejanus had been entailed upon Macro. An agent as fit for Tiberius as could be required, and a successor as fit for Sejanus. A man as bloody as the Tyrant could desire him, and sometimes more than he set him on work. He was the continual Alguazil and Inquisitor for the friends and complices of the late ruined Favourite, and under colour of that pursuit, he took out of the way, whosoever would not friend and comply with him. Of that number were Cn. Domitius, and Vibius Marsus, accused with Albucilla the wife of Satrius secundus, for Adultery, but all three together for conspiracy against the Emperor, yet was there no hand of the Emperors showed for the prosecution of the matter, which showed the only spleen and machination of the Bloodhound Macro. Albucilla, whether guilty indeed or knowing that his malice and power would make her so, stabbed herself, thinking to have died by her own hand, but the wound not being deadly, she was taken away to prison. Grasidius and Fregellanus the pretended Panders of her adulteries were punished the one with banishment, and the other with degradation, and the same penalty was inflicted upon Laelius Balbus: A man, but justly, paid in his own coin, to the rejoicing and content of divers, for he had been a strong and violent accuser of many innocents'. Domitius and Marsus (it may be) as guilty as the woman, but more discreet, traversed the indictment, and saved their own lives, partly by the shortness of the Emperor's life, and partly by the feigned prediction of Thrasyllus, that promised that it should be long. But too sullen was the indignation of L. Arruntius against Macro, and too desperate his ill conceit of Caius who was to succeed in the Empire, for when he was enwrapped in the same accusation with the two last named, and might have escaped the same escape that they did, yet despised he so to outlive the cruelty of Tiberius and Macro, as to come under the greater cruelty of Macro and Caius. No, saith he, I have lived long enough, and (to my sorrow) too long. Nor doth any thing repent me more, then that thus I have endured an old age under the scorns, dangers and hate, first of Selanus, now of Macro, and always of one great one or another, and that for no other fault then for detesting their flagitiousnesse. It is true indeed that I may survive the old age and weakness of Tiberius, but what hopes to do so by the youth of Caius, and wickedness of Macro? Can Caius a youth do well being led by Macro, who so corrupted Tiberius in his age? No, I see more tyranny like to come then hath been yet: And therefore will I deliver myself from the present misery, and that to come: And with these words and resolution, he cut his own veins, and so bled to death: and spent a blood and a spirit, what pity it was that they should have been so lost? As Macro thus divided his pains in cruelty, betwixt the satisfying of Tiberius his mind and his own malice, so also did he, his affections shall I say? or flattery rather, and own-end observances betwixt Tiberius and Caius. For as he sought to please the one that now ruled, for his own present security, so did he, to endear the other that was to succeed, for his future safety: Hereupon he omitted not any opportunity nor occasion, that he might screw Caius further and further into Tiberius his favour, and to keep him there, that he might do as much for himself into the favour of Caius. One rarity and non-parallel of obsequiousness he showed to the young Prince, worth recording to his shame, for he caused his own wife Ennia Thrasylla to entangle the youthfulness of Caius into her love and adultery, and then parted he with her and gave her to him in marriage. The old Emperor could not but observe this monster of pretended friendship, nor were his old eyes so blind, but he perceived his flattery plain in other carriages, in so much that he broke out to him in these plain words: Well, thou forsakest the setting Sun, and only lookest upon the rising.   

Sect. II. A wicked woman.  
With the wife of Macro, that made her own prostitution to become her husband's promotion, may not unfitly be yoked, the mother of Sex. Papinius that made her own lust her son's overthrow: Whether this were the Papinius that was the last years Consul, or his son, or some other of the same name and family, it is no great matter worth enquiring, but whosoever he was, infortunate he was in his mother: for she caused his end, as she had given him his beginning. She being lately divorced from her husband, betook herself unto her son, whom with flattery and looseness she brought to perpetrate such a thing, that he could find no remedy for it, when it was done but his own death. The consequent argueth that the fault was incest, for when he had cast himself from an high place, and so ended his life, his mother being accused for the occasion was banished the City for ten years, till the danger of the slipperiness of her other son's youth was past and over.    

Part II. The jewish Story.  

Sect. I. Preparations of war against Aretas.  
THe terrible and bitter message of the Emperor to Vitellius against King Aretas, must be obeyed, though more of necessity then of any zeal of Vitellius in Herod's quarrel. He therefore raising what forces he accounted fitting for his own safety in the Emperor's favour, and for his safety with the enemy, marcheth toward the seat of the war, intending to lead his Army through judea: But he was diverted from this intention, by the humble supplication of the Jews to the contrary, who took on how contrary it was to their ancient Laws and customs to have any Images and pictures brought into their Country, whereof there was great store in the Romans Arms and Banners. The gentleness of the General was easily overtreated, and commanding his Army another way, he himself with Herod and his friends went up to jerusalem, where he offered sacrifice, and removed jonathan from the High-priesthood, and placed Th●ophilus his brother in his stead. This was, saith josephus, at a feast of the Jews, but he named not which; and Vitellius having stayed there three days, on the fourth receiveth letters concerning Tiberius his death. I leave it to be weighed by the reader whether this festival were the Passeover or Pentecost. For on the one hand since Tiberius died about the middle of March as the Roman Historians do generally agree, it is s●arse possible that the Governor of Syria and the nations of the East should be unacquainted with it, till Pentecost which was eight or nine weeks after: For all the Empire must as soon as possible ●ee sworn unto the new Prince, as Vitellius upon the tidings did swear judea, and so long a time might have bred some unconvenience. And yet on the contrary it is very strange, that the intelligence of his death should be so quick as to get from Rome to jerusalem between the middle of March and the middle of the passover week.  
Vitellius upon the tidings recalleth his Army again, & disposeth & billeteth them in the several places where they had wintered, for he knew not whether Caius would be of the same mind with Tiberius about the matter of Aretas and Herod: you may guess how this news was brooked by the Arabian King, & yet was it no other than what he looked for, if he believed what he himself spoke. For hearing of the preparations of Vitellius against him, and consulting with Wizards and Augury; This Army, saith he, shall not come into Arabia, for some of the Commanders shall die; Either he that commandeth the war, or he that undertaketh it, or he for whom it is undertaken: meaning either Tiberius, Vitellius, or Herod.   

Sect. II. An Omen to Agrippa in chains.  
Such another wizardly presage of the Emperor's death, had Agrippa at Rome as josephus also relateth, who relateth the former. For as he stood bound before the palace, leaning dejectedly upon a tree, among many others that were prisoners with him, an Owl came and sat in that tree, to which he leaned, which a German seeing, being one of those that stood there bound, he asked who he was that was in the purple, and leaned there: and understanding who he was: he told him of his enlargement, promotion to honour, and prosperity, and that when he should see that bird again, he should die within five days after. And thus will the credulity of superstition have the very birds to foretell Tiberius his end, from the Phoenix to the Owl.    

The Roman Story again.  

Sect. I. Tiberius near his end.  
TWice only did Tiberius proffer to retrne to the City after his departure from it, but returned never. The later time was not very long before his end: For being come within the sight of the City upon the Appian road, this prodigy (as he took it) affrighted him back. He had a tame Serpent, which coming to feed as he used to do with his own hand, he found him eaten up by Pismires: upon which ominous accident being advised not to trust himself among the multitude, he suddenly retired back to Campany, and at Astura he fell sick. From thence he removed to Circeii, and thence to Misenum, carrying out his infirmity so well, that he abated not a whit of his former sports, banquets and voluptuousness: whether for dissimulation, or for habitual intemperance, or upon Thrasyllus his prediction, let who will determine. He used to mock at Physic, and to scoff at those, that being thirty years of age, yet would ask other men's counsel, what was good or hurtful for their own bodies.   

Sect. II. His choice of a successor.  
But weakness at the last gave him warning of his end, & put him in mind to think of his successor: and when he did so, perplexity met with such a thought. For whom should he choose▪ The son of Drusus was too young, the son of Germanicus was too well beloved, and Claudius was too soft; should he choose the first or the last, it might help to disgrace his judgement, should he choose the middle, he might chance to disgrace his own memory among the people, and for him to look elsewhere was to disgrace the family of the Caesars. Thus did he pretend a great deal of care & seriousness for the good of the common wealth, whereas his main aim and respect was, at his own credit and his family's honour. Well: something he must pretend to give countenance and credit to his care of the common good. In sine his great deliberation concluded in this easy issue, namely in a prayer to the Gods to design his successor, and in an auspicium of his own hatching, that he should be his successor that should come first in to him upon the next morning, which proved to be Caius. It showed no great reality nor earnestness for the common good in him at all, when so small a thing as this must sway his judgement, & such a trifle be the casting voice in a matter of so great a moment. His affection was more to young Tiberius, his nephew, but his policy reflected more upon Caius: he had rather Tiberius might have had the rule alone, and yet he was unwilling that Caius should go without it, seeming to divide his affections betwixt the two, whereas his chief thoughts and respects were to his own self. But Caius whom the Gods had cast upon it (as his foolish auspicium persuaded him) must be the man, though he read in his nature the very bane of the Empire: and yet for affections sake too must young Tiberius be joint heir with him, though he foresaw and foretold that Caius should murder him. A monstrous policy: to lay his own grandchild for a bait, for those jaws that he knew would devour him: and this was that by that present cruelty of Caius his own cruelties that were passed might be forgotten, and the talk of that might not give room to talk of old Tiberius. This was that pretended care that he had of the Commonwealth, to be sure to leave one behind him that should be worse than himself, that by his greater wickedness his own might be lessened, and that himself might seem to be less vicious, by the others viciousness above him. Yet giveth he counsel to Caius inciting him to goodness which he himself could never follow, & exhorting him to tenderness towards young Tiberius, which in his heart he was reasonable indifferent whether he followed or no.   

Sect. III. His death.  
Charicles the Doctor gave notice of his death approaching, to Caius and Macro, though he stole this judgement and conjecture but by a sleight. For sitting with the Emperor at a Banquet, and taking on him some earnest and speedy occasion to be gone to some other place, he rose from the Table, and pretending to take the Emperor's hand to kiss, he closely and stealingly tried his Pulse, which Tiberius perceiving, but not expressing so much, caused him to take his place again, and the Banquet to be renewed, and him to sit out the meal. But when the Doctor was got loose from the Table, and was come to Caius and Macro, and the rest of the adorers of that imperial Sun that was now waiting when he should rise, he resolved them that his end drew on apace, and was not many days off: And then was all preparation for the new Emperor when the last gasp should remove the old. But he that had used so much dissimulation all his life dissembled even in his dying. For fainting and swooning so very sore, that all conceived he was departed, and Caius and all his favourites were gone forth to take possession of his new Empire: suddenly the tune is turned, and news comes forth that Tiberius is revived and calleth for meat: Macro that had often been his instrument of cruelty upon others, 〈◊〉 the faculty now upon himself, and in stead of meat stopped his mouth with a pillow, or with heaping clothes upon his face and so he died. There are indeed diversities of opinion about the manner of his death, some saying it was thus as is mentioned, others that it was by poison, others that it was by being denied meat in the intermission of his fits, others that he rose out of his bed and fell on the floor, nobody being near him: all which are mentioned by Suetonius. It is not much material what his end was, that that is first named is most entertained, and certainly it suiteth very well with his deservings, and it is some wonder that he came to such an end no sooner. He died the seventeenth of the Calends of April or the sixteenth of March, or if Dion may have his will the seventh, and so the rest of that year is accounted the first of Caius.   

SECT. FOUR CAIUS.  
AN evil Emperor is gone, but a worse is to succeed him. Caius the son of Germanicus, a bad child of a good father, inheriting the love and favour of the people for his father's sake, till he forfeited it, by his reserving the qualities of Tiberius. He was surnamed Caligula, from a garb that he wore in the Camp, in which he was bred and educated: from whence he had the love of the Soldiers, till his barbarous nature lost it. It may seem incredible, that a worse disposition should ever be found then that of Tiberius, but the old Politician saw that this was so much beyond it, that it would do him credit: some impute the fault to his bloody Nurse one Pressilla a Campanian, the custom of which country it was, that the women when they were to give their children suck, they first anointed the Nipple with the blood of an Hedgehog, to the end their children might be the more fierce and cruel. This woman was as savage above the rest of the nation, as they were above other women, for her breasts were all hairy over, like the beards of men, and her activity and strength in martial exercises inferior to few of the infantry of Rome. One day as she was giving Caligula the Pap, being angry at a young child that stood by her, she took it and tore it in pieces, and with the blood thereof anointed her breasts & so set her nursling Caius to suck both blood and milk. But had not his infancy been educated▪ in such a butchery, the school of his youth had been enough to have habituated him to mischief. For being brought up in the sight, and at the elbow of Tiberius, it would have served to have corrupted the best nature that could be; but this of his was either never good, or at least was spoiled long before. Yet had he reasonably well learned his Tutor's art of dissimulation, so that he hid those Serpentine conditions, not only before Tiberius his death, but also a while after he had obtained the Empire. Only he that had taught him to wove this mantle of dissembling could spy through it, insomuch that he would profess, That Caius lived for the destruction of him and all others. And that he hatched up a snake for the Roman Empire, and a Phaeton for all the world. And it proved so both to him and them. For when Tiberius lay a gasping stifled with a pillow pressed upon him, he also throttled him with his hand, and crucified one of his servants that cried out upon the hideousness of the fact. And as for his demeanour toward the State, a little time will give too lamentable witness.   

Sect. V. Tiberius in a manner cruel being dead.  
How welcome news, the tidings of Tiberius' death were at Rome, may be easily conjectured, by any that hath observed his cruelties before. Some cried out, Tiberius into Tiber, some to the hurdle and Tyburn, some to one thing, some to another, using the more liberty of their tongues against the tyrant now, by how much they had been tied up the straighter whilst he lived. Nor did the remembrance of his former cruelties only cause them to rejoice for his death, but a present cruelty, (as if he were bloody being dead) made him the more odious to them, then alive. For certain men that were but lately condemned, & their execution day falling upon the very day when tidings of his death came to the City (for the Senate did ever allow ten days for the condemned persons after their sentence, before their end) the poor men emplored the aid and comfort of every one they met, because Caius to whom they should have sued was not in the City, but they were haled away by the Executioners and strangled.   

Sect. VI Agrippa in a perplexity, and enlarged.  
Agrippa was partaker of the common joy, but withal of some mixture of misery, for such variety of fortune had he tasted ever, and now must he have a farewell to such vicissitudes. Marsy●● his freeman hearing the rumour in the City, runneth with all speed to certify his master; and finding him with some company in the ways toward the Bath, he beckeneth to him with this speech in the Hebrew tongue, The Lion is dead. With which tidings Agrippa was so transported with joy, that the Centurion his Keeper perceived it, and enquiring the reason, and being told it by Agrippa, he rejoiced with him for the news, and loseth him from his Bonds. But as they were at Supper, there cometh a contrary report that Tiberius was alive, and would ere long be in the City. What now think you is become of the heart and mettle of Agrippa and his Centurion? Both had done enough by this their present joy, to procure their endless sorrow, and his Keeper the worse of the two; but Agrippa must smart for all for the present. He therefore casts him into irons again, and committeth him to a surer Guard than before: And thus, as his too much eagerness of Tiberius his death had imprisoned him before, even so doth it now: but the next morning puts him into life again, for the rumour of the old Emperor's death, is confirmed by Letters from the ne●●; and a special Warrant cometh from him for the enlarging of Agrippa out of Prison, to the house where he had used to live before.   

Sect. VII. Caius cometh to Rome.  
The Corpse of the dead Tyrant is carried by the Soldiers into the City, Caius himself in mourning apparel following the Hearse; and there he maketh his Funeral Oration, & performeth his Obsequies with great pomp & solemnity. And on the very day of his coming to town he had enlarged Agrippa, but that the advice of Antonia persuaded him to hold a while, lest the people should suspect that he was glad of the death of Tiberius, if he should so suddenly set free one that he had committed for an enemy. But within a few days he is enlarged, and sent for home unto him. And there is he trimmed, his garments changed, and he crowned King of the Tetrarchies of Philip and Lysanias, and his chain of iron, and of his bondage, changed for a chain of Gold of the same weight. This is that King Agrippa that slew james, and imprisoned Peter, and is called Herod, Acts 2.   

Sect. VIII. Caius his dissembling.  
Caius his beginnings were plausible and popular, dissembling his cursed dispositions under such crafty colours, that the people were transported with so happy a change (as they supposed) and 160000 Sacrifices were slain for gratulation in his three first months. His tears for Tiberius, his piety to his dead mother and brother, his respect to his living Sisters, his fair words to the Senate, and as fair carriage to the people, his paying of Legacies, his enlarging of Prisoners, his remitting of offences, his reviving of good Laws, etc. made the people to forget either in what school of dissimulation he had been brought up, or how soon so great advancement corrupteth men of little education,; and it made them vainly to hope that they had a Germanicus, because they had his son; and that a good Prince could be bequeathed to them by Tiberius.  
Yet could he not hide the illness of his disposition under all these cloaks and coverts of dissembling; for presently upon his coming to the City, he disannulled the will of Tiberius that he might nullify the authority of his partner of the same name in the rule and Empire: And yet did he pay all the Legacies of old Tiberius with bountiful additions of his own, which showed tha● he disliked the will, only because of partnership of Tiberius the younger. Having thus the whole sway and dominion devolved upon himself, by the outing of his poor Cousin (for the Senate was made and packed by Macro for such a purpose) he was received with as much joy and applause, as was possible to express, upon the old memory of his father, and the present expectation of himself. Nor was this jocundnesse confined in the narrow bonds of Rome and Italy, but dilated itself through all the Empire, in every corner where the hoped benefit, and happy fruit of so great an expectation would have come, had it proved right. Every Country, City and Town was poured forth into exultation and festivity, with a common joy in this common hope. Now could you have seen nothing but Altars, Offerings, Sacrifices, Feasts, Revels, Banquets, Plays, Dance, merry Faces, crowned Heads, singing Tongues and joyful Hearts, that the World seemed to be ravished besides itself, & all misery to be banished out of it, and all the thoughts of a changing fortune utterly forgot. Had Tiberius but spied this work out of his Coffin, how would he have laughed for company, to behold this deludednesse of the people, and dissimulation of the Prince? And thus lasted this music and masking for his first seven months, in which the new Emperor behaved himself with that moderation and bravery, as if virtue itself had been come among them.  
In the eighth month a grievous sickness seized upon him, and then was all this mirth and melody turned to mourning and lamentation: each man sorrowful, and women bemoaning, as if all the world had been sick as well as he. Now were their songs turned into tears, their revelling into prayers, and their festivals to Vows for his recovery. Nay, so far did some strain the expression of their affections, that they vowed their heads and lives for his restoring. Nor could the people be so much blamed for this their sorrow, as pitied for being thus deceived, nor could it so much be wondered at that they were deceived, as it was wonderful that he could so deceive. For who could have chose but have erred their error, that had seen what they beheld; and who could have brought them into such an error, but such a one as he, who was both a Caius and a scholar of Tiberius? When he paid the Legacies of Tiberius,) he also discharged those of julia which Tiberius had stopped, and added a considerable sum of his own bounty: He gathered the ashes of his mother and brother, and committed them to their Urn with his own hands, choosing a tempestuous season purposely when he travailed about that business, that his piety might be blown about the more; and he instituted annual festivals for them. Nor must his father Germanicus be forgotten, nor indeed could he, nor did he deserve it, for his memory therefore would he have the month September to be called by his name, placing him in the Calendar next Augustus. His Grandmother Antonia he also dignified and deified equally with Livia; and that by the consent and decree of the Senate. His Uncle Claudius he honoured with partnership with him in the Consulship; and his brother and partner Tiberius, with adoption to put him in future hopes now he had lost his present ones; and he titled him The Prince of the Youth, to stop his mouth belike, when he had put him beside his being the Prince of Men. But as for his Sisters, the sequel showed that it was more doting and lust then pure brotherly affection, that caused him to show these expressions: that in all oaths that were administered to any, this must be one clause to which they must swear, That they neither accounted themselves nor their children, dearer than Caius and his Sisters: and this in all the Records of the Consuls, Which be for the happiness of Caius and his Sisters, etc. The like popularity used he likewise to the people, releasing the condemned, and recalling the banished; condemning on the contrary all enormities in Judicature, and banishing all incentives to evil manners. Forgiving his own private grievances, and satisfying for injuries done by his Predecessors; that it was no marvel if the whole State were sick in the sickness of such a Prince.   

Sect. IX. Caius' beginning to show himself in his own colours.  
Not to insist longer upon the vizor of this dissembler, but to take him as he was, and not as he seemed, his nature began more evidently to show itself after his recovery of his sickness mentioned, and then the State began by degrees to be sick indeed. His beginnings were in lightness, sports, and lavishing of money; but his proceedings were in bestiality, cruelty and effusion of blood. His Banquets, Plays, Sword-fights, Fightings of Beasts (as 400 Bears, and as many other African wild Beasts at one time) his Music, Shows, strictness that none should be absent from them, and expensiveness in all (insomuch that he spent above twenty millions in such vanities in less than three years) may be thought as virtues in him, in comparison of that that followed, and of the mischiefs that he mingled between.   

Sect. X. Caius cruel.  
The recovery of the Emperor Caius, from that disease under which we left him ere while, proved the sickness of the whole State, and the death of divers. For now he began to show himself in his own colours, and to lay open the inside of his barbarous nature, which hitherto he had hid under strange dissimulation. P. Afranius Petitus a Plebeian, and Atanius Secundus a Knight, had bound themselves by oath, in the Emperor's sickness, partly in flattery, partly in hope of reward, the one that he would die on condition the Prince might recover; and the other that he would venture his life in combat on the same condition. Caius' understanding of this obligation, and pretending that he would have neither of them perjured, seeing he was now well again, constrained them both to perform their vows, and brought them to repent their flattery with repentance too late and vain, and to a reward clean contrary to their expectation. Nor was his cruelty any whit less, though for very shame it must be better dissembled, to his Father in Law the noble Silanus. A man hated of him for the two main things that in humane society are the eyes of love, virtue, and alliance, and so indignly used him, that he found no way to regain his love, nor any better to avoid his hate then to murder himself with his own hands. Claudia the daughter of Silanus was his wife, but he divorced her from him, and took Cornelia Orestilla, from her husband Calpurnius Piso, on their very wedding day, where he was present at the solemnisation, and he kept her not two months, but sent her to her Piso again.   

Sect. XI. Young Tiberius brought to a miserable end.  
These entries being made for the fleshing as it were the Tyrant in bloodiness and cruelty, he is now made ready and fit to execute a more horrible design upon his poor brother, partner and son by adoption, the young and innocent Tiberius. He poor Prince having been thrust by him out of his right and patrimony, by the nullifying of old Tiberius his will, must now also be deprived of life. This was it that the old Testator did presage, and yet would leave him for a prey to his inhumanity. The pretences against this young Prince were, that either he had been a means to cause his sickness, or at least had rejoiced in it, and desired his death. A sleighty accusation to bring such a Person to death; yet might he only have died, it might have seemed more tolerable, but the manner of it made the cruelty double. He is commanded to die by his own hand, though Tribunes, Centurions, and men of war fitter far to have done such an execution stood by and would have done it. He desired but this mercy, that he might have been slain by some of them, but that was denied him upon a point of Honour and Justice forsooth, because it was not fit that such a Prince should die by inferior hands. The poor Prince offered his neck to every one that stood near, but they durst not strike for fear of their own: The only favour that he could obtain was this, that they might teach him where to wound himself for his soon dispatch, and so he did. And thus is the Tyrant delivered as he thinketh from all fear and danger of copartnership and corrivality in the Empire: next will he take a course with those that any way may cross him in, or advise him against his headlong humours, and of them we shall hear in their course. The last six months of this year he had taken the Consulship upon himself, and had chosen his Uncle Claudius for his colleague, but we have reserved the names of the old till now, to avoid confusion.    

THE ROMAN, and JEWISH STORY, FOR The Year of Christ 39 And of Caius Caligula 2. Being the Year of the World 3966. And of the City of Rome, 791. Consuls 

M. Aquila julianus.  
P. Nonius Asprenas.    
London, Printed by R. C. for Andrew Crook, 1645.   

PART I. The Roman Story.  

Sect. I. Cruelties at Rome.  
THis year began at Rome with a fatal Omen. For on the first of january, Machaon a servant went up to the shrine of jupiter Capitolinus, and there having presaged and Prophesied many fearful and terrible things, first he slew a whelp that he had with him, and then he slew himself.  
These beginnings had answerable sequels, for Caius addicted himself wholly to bloodiness, sometimes for his sports, sometimes in cruel earnest: He commanded sword plays to be made, in which he set not man to man, but multitudes to multitudes to slaughter each other: He slew in the same manner six and twenty Roman Knights, with great contentment taken by him in the effusion of their blood: He set also another Knight to the same terrible sports, and when he came off victorious, he caused him, and his father to be slain, and divers others with them enclosing them in a strong Chest or Press: When once there were not ●now of poor condemned wretches to cast to the wild beasts, he caused divers that stood upon the Scaffolds for spectators to be cast unto them, causing their tongues first to be cut out, that they might not cry or complain: yet did he with these cruelties mingle some plausible actions tending to popularity, as creating of Knights, privileging the commons, and lavishing in gifts, that strengthening himself with these courtesies in the hearts of some men, he might with the more confidence be cruel to other.   

Sect. I. An end of Macro.  
It cannot be expected that he should come to a good end himself, that had brought so many to a bad. His course is now come to taste of the same sauce that he had provided for so many others, and it would half move the spectator to some kind of pity to see him slaughtered for such a cause as he was slaughtered for. How he had been a means to curry Caius favour with Tiberius, and to screw him into the Empire and himself into his good opinion, even by the prostitution of his own wife, we have heard before, and this his extraordinary officiousness, he did not forelet or slacken, when he had brought him where he desired to have him, to the Empire. But now he turned his observance a better way, and what he had done before by baseness, flattery, and senseless obsequiousness to bring him to the rule, he changeth into good counsel to keep him well in it. For when he saw him fall asleep at Banquets amongst his cups, he would freely check him for it, as being neither for his credit nor for his safety. The like would he do when he saw him misbehave himself by lightness, profuse laughter, and ridiculous gestures in the theatre, and in beholding of plays: In brief, so round and plain was he with him when he saw just cause, that in fine the uncounselable humorist became his enemy, and at last his death. His end is reported to have been the same with young Tiberius, forced to slay himself, and Ennia his wife, or the wife of Caius whether you will, to have been constrained to the same extremity and end with him. An end well befitting and well deserved of them both, but from all men living least deserved from Caius. Philo after the death of Macro placeth the death of M. Silanus, which upon the warrant of Dion we have set before, and in things so indifferent will not spend labour to examine.    

Part II. The jewish Story.  

Sect. I. Troubles of the jews in Alexandria.  
FLaccus Avilius was now Governor of Egypt, and had been so for some years before: A man that ruled well while Tiberius lived, but after his death, could not govern himself. For when he heard of the death of the old Emperor and the succession of the new, sorrow for the one, and fear of the other did so transport him besides himself, that forgetting the bravery and glory wherewith he had governed hitherto, he let lose the reins of himself to these two passions, and the reins of the government to desperate carelessness and neglect. He did nothing but weep for the loss of old Tiberius, to whom he had been very intimate and dear, and he might well weep the more, because he could meet hardly with any that would bear any part and share in that sorrow with him. This his grief was augmented by the fear that he had of Caius and of his displeasure, and that by the intelligence that his conscience gave him that he had deserved it: partly for his propensity to young Tiberius and siding with him, but chiefly because he had had some hand or at least some consent and inclination to the death of Agrippina, Caius his mother. Both these his miserable passions were brought to their height when he heard of the death of young Tiberius and of his old friend Macro. The thought of these two was the only comfort he had against his dejectedness and discontent, for all his hope was, that these two might make his peace with Caius, whose displeasure he so much doubted: But what must he do now, when they cannot make their own peace? He yieldeth himself therefore wholly to his discontented mood, and neglecteth utterly both himself and the State. His old friends he groweth jealous of and rejecteth: his professed enemies he receiveth to his favour and to his counsels: These rule him that should have ruled Egypt, and he had done it worthily, but now is drawn any whither, that ill advise, sullenness and melancholy doth direct him. These his wicked counsellors invent a course to procure his peace and the Emperor's favour, a course indeed bloody, barbarous, and inhuman, but such as suited with their own malice, and (as it proved) took place with the Governor's desperateness and cowardice, if so be he may be called a Governor still. Caius the Emperor, say they, is an enemy to the jews, and a friend to the Alexandrians: Let this be the opportunity whereby to work thy reconciliation, to suffer the city to rise against the jews and to commit outrage upon them, and thou canst not perform an act more acceptable to the Prince, nor more profitable for thyself. The wretched Flaccus that took to heart no man's misery but his own, and cared not who suffered, so he might scape, gave ear to this damnable and devilish counsel, and put it in practice, fi●st plotting mischief against the Jews in secret, then oppressing them in judgement and in their suits openly, and at the last professing and publishing himself their resolved enemy.   

Sect. II. Agrippa at Alexandria an unexpected and unwilling occasion of further troubles.  
Those incendiaries that had kindled this fire will be sure to lose no blast that may make it flame and keep it burning: Agrippa that had not long ago depaited from Alexandria a poor private man, returneth now thither in prosperity and a King. Caius that had promoted him to his kingdom, did lovingly direct him by Alexandria, as the safest way to it. Thither he came with as great privacy as such as personage could do, and yet was he espied by the jealous eyes of these rare counsellors, and his coming misconstrued, through their malice to the Jews. They persuade Flaccus that his coming thither was an affront to him in his own Province, that his Pomp and Train was more sumptuous than his, that the eyes of all men were upon the new King Agrippa, and in short that his presence there, was his present disgrace and would prove his future disadvantage. The ill governed Governor was ready enough to hearken to such buzzings as these, and to yield them impression in his mind, yet durst he not put any thing in execution against the King for fear of him that sent him. He therefore thought it best to carry a fai●e outside to Agrippa, and to his face he speaketh fair and pretendeth friendship, but behind his back, he did not only descry his hate and revile him in secret, but also connived at those that did so openly: so that within a little while, the King that neither thought nor came for any hurt is made the public scoff and scorn throughout the City, and on their stages, in their plays, ballads, speeches, houses, streets, there is no language so common nor so currant, as the abusive of Agrippa.   

Sect. III. A Pageant of one and more madmen.  
This connivance of the Governor shall I call it, or his toleration, or his setting on, or his folly, or what you will, you may well presume that it added boldness and impudence enough to the outrageous multitude, which commonly in such mischievousness need small encouragement: Their madness among other things showed itself in this Pageant, whether more senseless or spleenatick, if not both alike, let the Reader judge. There was a poor mad man or distracted wretch in the City whose name was Charabas, that used to walk up and down stark naked night and day, heat and cold, the common fool as it were of boys and young men, with whom they used to make sport. The riotous rout (now set on mischief) bring this silly wretch to one of their public meeting places, and there setting him on high in a seat above all the people that he might be seen of all, they put a Diadem of Paper about his head, and mat of sedge about his body in stead of his robes, and a piece of ●●eed for a Sceptre in his hand: and thus have they solemnly and suddenly made him a King, and one indeed that had been fit enough for themselves; and one that was indeed but a fit Emblem of their Governor Flaccus, that suffered such a thing. Their mimical King being thus accoutred with his robes and royalty, they bring him forth in a solemn state: Before and about him went youths with poles upon their shoulders for his guard, by the way as he went some come to do him homage, others to petition for justice, others to advise him concerning affairs of State, and at last they all of them All hail him with the title of Mare, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  which in the Syrian tongue, the language of the country of Agrippa, (whom by this very word they showed that they mocked) betokeneth Lord and Master. And now let the Reader but look upon this rout of Alexandrians, and let him judge who was the madder, the poor Lunatic that was so used, or they that so used him. For was it not mere madness in them thus to taunt and revile so great a King, so greatly respected by the Roman Senate, and so great a favourite of their Lord and Emperor? But Flaccus the maddest of all that beheld all this, and yet did permit it. And on the other hand let him look upon the Jews to whom this sportful mummery is the preface to misery in good earnest, and if this mockage of their first King with a Crown, Robe●, and Sceptre of derision, put not the Reader in mind of their scorning and usage of their true King and Saviour in the very same manner, he cannot but remember Barrabas upon the naming of Charabas by the very same sound and rhyme.   

Sect. FOUR More outrage.  
The Alexandrians thus countenanced by Flaccus in the derision of the new King of the Jews, grow to a boundless outrage against their God. For now they begin to assail their Synagogues, and there they desire to set up Images: a thing as odious to that nation, as beloved among the Alexandrians. For in them is fulfilled that prophecy of Hosea Chap. 3.4. where they neither are as yet to God, nor as yet to any other, but on the one hand detesting false Gods, and yet on the other hand not embracing the true: hating the Images of any creature for adoration, but withal hating him that is the very Image and Character of the living God, the Creator.  
This enterprise of profaning and defiling the Synagogues and houses of prayer of the Jews was not a fearful and terrible vexation to those of that City only, but what hurt may such an example do, think you, both through Egypt and indeed through all the other Cities of the Empire: What fruits these beginnings brought forth in the same City, and elsewhere, we shall see ere long.   

Sect. V. Caius will be a God.  
A special encouragement to this insolency at Alexandria was Caius the Emperor's demeanour at Rome: A man not fit to be ranked in the rank of men, and yet no way with him now but he will be a God. The senseless groundwork of this his impious fancy, he took from this damnable Logic and devilish argumentation. That seeing shepherds and herdsmen that are masters of sheep and cattle, are in a degree far above their beasts and cattle: So he that was the Lord of all men, was not to be ranked in the degree of men, but of the Gods: This his opinion founded upon impiety, backed with flattery, and strengthened by his uncontrolled power, he followed with such vehemency and vigour, that now no Deity must be thought on but the God Caius, and all the Gods as he pleased were engrossed into himself. He changed his Godship when he thought good, and that with no more ado then with change of his ga●be. To day he would wear a Lion's skin and a golden Club, and then he was Hercules, to morrow a Kid's skin, and an Alepole, and then he was Bacchus; when he laid that by it may be he would put on his curious Bonnet, and then he was Castor or Pollux: He would but lay that by and put on a beamy golden crown, and take bow and Arrows in his hands, and he was Apollo, a Cuduceus made him Mercury, and sword, ●●●met and gauntlet made him Mars: But the terror that attended him when he would be this God last named, walking in his armour, with his drawn sword in his hand, and a band of cutthroats about him, showed to the people but little of any divine qualities, or celestial intentions, but terrified them with expectation of devilish cruelty and murders: Sometimes would he sit betwixt the two statues of Castor and Pollux and endure to be saluted by the name of the Italian jupiter; sometimes would he sit betwixt the two statues of Castor & Pollux & endure to be saluted by the name of the Italian jupiter: Sometimes would he sit by jupiter himself and whisper with him, and threaten to banish him out of Italy into Greece: And indeed it had been but an equal change had he done so, for he got the most curious pieces of the Gods of that country, and struck off their heads, and on the trunk he set the representation of his own. He had a standing statue of gold erected for him, to represent his walking Deity, which was clothed with the same garb that he wore himself every day, and to this were offered daily sacrifices as rare and new found out as was his Deity itself, Peacocks, Pheasants, and other birds of the greatest rarity and value. So vain a thing is man deserted and left unto himself, that he will be a God when he is in the next form unto a Devil. The plain and rustic Gaul hit him right, and spoke but the truth, when seeing him in these his postures of his foolish deity, and laughing, and being asked by Caius what he thought of him that he laughed, he answered boldly and escaped with it, That he seemed to him to be a great folly.   

Sect. VI The miseries of the Alexandrian jews.  
How these manners of the Prince might redound to the calamity of the Jews who would worship no God but their own, it is easy to guess by the common advantages that are always taken in the like cases, by men that are armed with power & weaponed with malice. As this humour of the Emperor was blown up with flattery and blasphemous clawing at home, so was it soon blazoned and divulged abroad, and they that delighted in many Gods, it was good contentment, to have them all met in the Centre of the new God, all-God, their Prince. But what will become of the Jews, the only opposers of such impiety, and what especially of the Alexandrian Jews, whose tragedy was begun already? This opportunity suited with the spiteful desires of their adversaries, as their adversaries themselves could have desired. For now thinks Flaccus, he may ingratiate himself to Caesar indeed by being ungracious to the Jews, and now have the Alexandrians a double forwarding beside their own malice, their Governor and their Prince.  
First Flaccus deprived the Jews of their Synagogues, Oratories and houses of prayer, and therewith as much as in him lay of their religion, then of the benefit of the City and Country Laws, proclaiming them strangers and foreigners, and at last gave free and open liberty to the Alexandrians to use their wills upon them, in what manner and measure their malice thought meet. And now their Tragedy begins.  
The Jews in the City were above two parts of five; the Alexandrians driving them out of their own houses, and ransacking the houses as they went, they force into a straight place of the City, where they had not room to stir one for another, much less to make any orderly ha●talia for defence of themselves, or for resistance. In this straight both of place and fortune, it is no wonder if they speedily suffered famine who had nothing of their sustenance left them, unless they would have devoured one another. Here are many mouths and no meat, and great complaining but no relief. Plenty enough there was in the City, but none for them, and abundance of every thing necessary, but pity. The poor crowded, starved, and distressed people, those that had any hope or courage to shift for themselves, streak abroad and steal forth of their enclosure, for food and fresh air; some to the shore, some into the City, some one way, some another, but the misery of them also was no less than theirs that stayed impounded, but that it was not so lingering. For wheresoever they were caught, as no where could they go but descried, they were either stoned, clubbed, or burned to death, yea often man, wife, children and whole families so murdered all of a heap. Some they smoked and choked to death in a fire where they wanted fuel to burn them out, some they haled with ropes tied about their ankles, up and down the streets till they were dead, and then neither spared they the dead bodies, but mangled them in pieces. Their Synagogues they all burned down, with the loss also of some of the Alexandrians houses adjoining, their houses they defaced, and their lives they took away, when and wheresoever they could catch them. Flaccus in this bloodiness, had done enough by connivance and toleration, but he is not content with this passive tyranny unless he be an actor himself in the Scene, and be not behind other in this mischief, as he was before them in authority. Eight and thirty of their Judges and Counsellors (for a Senate of their own was tolerated by Augustus and allowed them) he sendeth for by his officers, and binding their hands behind them causeth them thus to be led along the streets for a derision, and then caused them to be publicly scourged, some to death, some to the lingering out of a miserable life. He caused also a pretended search to be made throughout all the Jews houses for armour, pretending a suspicion of their insurrection, but intending thereby to give the Soldiers the more advantage for their pillaging and oppression. He spared neither age nor sex against whom he could take an occasion or find cavil, nor reverenced he any festival for their execution, nor omitted any kind of cruelty for their torture. Here is the first smarting blow to count of that this nation felt, since they called for the blood of the just one upon themselves and upon their children, and some of this City were nimble agents for the compassing of the death of his first martyr Steven, Act. 6.9.   

Sect. VII. Agrippa in his own kingdom.  
You may well presume that the stay of Agrippa would not be long at Alexandria, where his entertainment was so foul, and his invitation to his own home was so faite and good▪ His welcome thither was not so full of scorn and disgrace, as in the other place, but as full of unkindness, because the unkindness was from his own sister. Herodias, the incestuous wife of Herod the Tetrarch, and once some comfort to this her brother whilst he was in distress, grows now, the bitter envier of his prosperity. A woman ever active to the mischief of others, but now beginning to twine a whip for her own back. It grieveth her to see the unlooked for pomp of the new King Agrippa: A man that had so lately been 〈◊〉 the hatches of fortune, and in her bilboeses, debt and danger, that had but the other day fled from his wife, country, and friends for poverty and shame, unable to pay the moneys that he ought, and which was worse, as unable to borrow more, and now he is returned again with a Kingdom, a Crown, and with pomp and train● agreeable to both: Oh how this grated her haughty and emulative spirit, though he were her brother! Well, whether it were in spite to his promotion, or in disdain to her degree that was now below him, which is the more like, the shower and storms of her discontents do shower upon her husband. She lays in his dish the present spectacle of Agrippaes' glory, and his own inferiority. Taxeth him with dulness and sleepiness, that would not seek for a higher dignity, which might be had for a journey to Rome; twitteth him for being an underling when he might prevent it, persuadeth him to spare no cost nor travail for that prevention, and in fine worketh so with him by uncessant clamours, that though he could well have been contentented to have sitten quiet at home, yet he is induced or driven to travail, and she with him to Rome to Caius. Agrippa was not unacquainted with her discontents and with both their designs, and will not be far behind in reciprocal requital of such intentions, but their meeting, pleading and success at Rome must be reserved to another year.    

PART III. The Roman Story again.  

Sect. Caius the new God, little better than a Devil.  
AFter the sight of the goodly Godship of the Empeperour showed in little a little before, let us take him now as he is indeed, little better than a Devil. A man, the shame and confusion of men, if he may be called a man, and so far beyond the vices of any that had gone before, that he seemed to live to no other purpose then to show, what the utmost extent of viciousness could do in the utmost height of power and liberty. You would wonder, but that his defiance of the Gods doth lessen that wonder, how scornfully and despitefully he used the memory and persons of his ancestors, sisters, kindred and best friends: He charged Augustus with incest, Livia with base birth, Tiberius but with what he deserved, his own mother with bastardise, and whosoever was most near and most honour to him, with some ignominy and reproach or other. But such words were courtesies in comparison of his actions. All his sisters he first deflowered, and then prostituted them to others being so deflowered. But his darling sister Drusilla, sped somewhat better, if that better were not as bad. To her he continued his affection, of love or lust whether you will, while she continued in life, and when she was dead, he made her the means of his profit as he had done before of his pleasure; she was the wife of M. Lapidus, but still the whore of her brother Caius, and after her death he made her a Goddess, whom all her life long he had made his harlot. Altars, statues, vows, festivals were ordained for her, and Livius Geminius played the knight o'th' post, and swore devoutly that he saw her ascend to heaven, and conversing with the Gods. Such a Deity had the Romans never known before, but only her brother, and she troubled them as much in her heaven, as he did on the earth. For now was it impossible for any man so to behave himself, but he was entrapped on the one hand or the other, about this new found Goddess. To mourn for her death, it was criminal, because she was a Deity; and to rejoice for her Deity was capital, because she was dead, so that betwixt this Dilemma, of piety, tears and devotion, that man was very wary indeed that suffered not inhumanity and violence. For to laugh, feast, bath, sing or dance was mortal, because the Emperor's sister and darling was dead, and yet to mourn, or sorrow for her death was as deadly, because she was immortal. This last stale did he make of this his deceased sister, when she would now serve him for no other use, that both sorrow for her mortality, and joy for her being immortal did alike bring in money to his treasures, (which were now almost drained of his many millions) either by bribes for the saving of the life of some, or by confiscation upon the Death of others.  
But how must he do now for another Paramour after his dear Drusilla? Why, that needeth not to breed any great difficulty, when his unbridled lust is not very curious of his choice, and his as unbridled power might choose as it list. He first married Lollia Paulina the wife of C. Memmius, sending for her from another country where her husband was General of the Army, and all the reason of this his choice was, because he was told that her grandmother was an exceeding great beauty; but he soon put her away again, and forbade that any should touch her for ever after him. Next came Caeso●ia into his affections, and there continued; a mother of three children, and of more age than beauty, but of a lasciviousness and beastiality so well befitting his, that now he had met with his match, and it was pity they should have miss meeting: He would sometimes, show her to the Soldiers, in armour, and sometimes to his friends stark naked, transforming her by these vicissitudes into two extremes equally unbefitting her sex, to a man and to a beast. By her he had a daughter whom he named julia Drusilla, and whom he brought to the shrines of all the Goddesses in Rome, and at last committed to the lap of Minerva for her tutorage and education. But this his behaviour is nothing in comparison of that which followed. He slew divers of the Senate, and yet afterward cited them to appear as if they had been alive, and in the end pretended that they had died by their own hands, others came off with a scourging, and so they escaped with life, but he caused the Soldiers to tread on them as they lay, and as they whipped them that they might have them at the more command: And thus he used some of all ranks and 〈◊〉 Being disturbed at midnight one night by the noise of same that were getting places in the Circus against the next day, he fell upon them with Clubs and slew twenty knights, as many matrons, and an infinite company of the 〈◊〉 people. He threw a great multitude of old men and decrepit householders to the wild beasts, that he might 〈◊〉 such unserviceable men, as he thought them, out of the way, and he caused the granaries to be often shut up, that they that had escaped the wild beasts, might perish with famine▪ He used to fatten the beasts that he desired to have fed with the inhuman diet of humane bodies yet alive, that thereby he might save other charges: Many men he first m●ngled and maimed, and then condemned to the mines, or to the wild beasts, or to little-ease-prison●, and some he caused to be sawed in sunder. He forced parents to be present at the execution of their children: and for one that could not come to such a miserable spectacle he sent a letter; and another he invited to a feast, after he had caused him to be a spectator of the execution of his own son. One of the masters of his games that had offended him, he kept in chains, and caused him to be beaten every day before his face, till the offensiveness and stench of his wounded brain obtained his death: A Roman Knight being cast by him to the wild beasts, and crying out of the injustice done to him, he caused to be taken out again, and his tongue to be cut out, and then he cast him to them again. He caused all the banished men that were in the Lands about Italy to be slain at once, because having asked one that was banished in the time of Tiberius, what he did all the time of his exile, and he answered, that he prayed continually for the death of Tiberius and the succession of Caius, he thought that all the present exiles prayed for his death likewise. Every tenth day he caused an execution to be had of those that were condemned, boasting and vaunting that he scoured the prisons: And ever as any one came to suffer, he commanded the executioners to end him with such deliberate tortures, as that he should be sure to feel himself to die: involving many deaths in one, and causing men that were to die, to live even in death, that they might die with the more pain.    

THE CHRISTIAN HISTORY, THE JEWISH, and the ROMAN, FOR The Year of Christ 40. And of Caius Caligula 3. Being the Year of the World 3967. And of the City of Rome, 792. Consuls 

Caius Caesar II.  
L. Apronius, Celianus or Cestianus.    
London, Printed by R. C. for Andrew Crook, 1645.   


ACTS.  
Chap. 9 Vers. 32. And it came to pass as Peter passed through all quarters.  

THe occasion of Peter's travail at this time, may be well apprehended to be for the settling and confirming of those Churches that were now begun by the Ministry of the dispersed Preachers: One thing was most necessary for these new founded Churches, which the Preachers themselves could not provide for them, and that was Ministers or Pastors, unless they would have stayed there themselves, which in all places they could not do and in many places they did not, if in any place at all they did longer then for a little space, the necessity of dispersing the Gospel calling them from place to place: Therefore it was needful that the Apostles themselves should go after them to ordain Ministers by the imposition of their hands, with which they did not only install or institute into the office of the ministry, but also bestowed the holy Ghost, for the enabling of those that they did ordain, for the performance of that office, which gift the other Disciples could not bestow, and this may be conceived one reason why ten of the twelve Apostles were absent from jerusalem at Paul's coming there, as was observed before, namely because they were dispersed abroad over the new planted Churches for this purpose▪ And this was one cause why Peter travails thus at this time, the plantations of the Churches still increasing: and his comforting, confirming and settling the Churches was another.  

Through all quarters.  
This referreth to those places mentioned in the verse preceding, judea, Galilee and Samaria: only whereas that verse speaketh of the places themselves, this Verse in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a word of the masculine gender, referreth to the people of the places, and this is all the difference: And therefore Baronius is besides the Cushion, who upon this very place and out of this very word would conclude that Peter in this his peregrination did found the Episcopacy at Antioch. His words are these.  
Luke, saith he, being intent (as it appeareth) to commend to memory the more remarkable miracles wrought by Peter, hath omitted in silence the rest of his actions performed in this visitation of the province, and among other things, the institution of the Church of Antioch: which that it was erected by him in this very year, we shall easily show by the testimony of the ancients. Eusebius may be alleged as one of these ancients, and one for all, who speaketh much to the same purpose, and somewhat further, but only with this difference that he hath set down this matter a little before the death of Tiberius. Peter the Apostle, saith he, founded the Church of Antioch, and having there gotten his chair be sat five and twenty years. Thus Eusebius ad annum Christ. 38. Parisiis, 1511. Now to take up this position and story in its several particulars, almost every parcel will prove a stumbling block, and before belief can be given to it, it must pass thorough, and overcome these difficulties.  
1. Whereas his journey to Antioch is laid in this visitation: it is strained beyond the letter, and beyond the Spirit and meaning of the Text. For that speaketh only of the Churches of judea, Galilee, and Samaria, and then how came in Antioch in another country? And those words through all quarters run at a very uncertain random if they be uncircumscribed by the Verse before.  
2. It is past all peradventure that as yet there was no Church at Antioch at all, much more that there was no Episcopal Chair and See there. For it is a year yet to come before there be any mention of a Church there, Act. 11. and that that story of the first beginning of that Church lieth in its proper place and time without any transposition or Hysteron-proteron is so plain to him that will but view it that it needeth no proof.  
3. How is it consistent with Peter's imprisonment at jerusalem, Chap. 12. to sit Bishop in another country? Much more is it inconsistent, or rather to speak plainly, impossible that he should fit five and twenty years at Antioch and as many at Rome, and yet go thither in the second of Claudius as he is held to have done. Now Baronius hath espied these two stumbling blocks, and laboureth to remove them: but in his striving about the one, he throweth dirt into Eusebius his best Authors face, for he saith he is corrupted; and indeed he doth little less about the other: For whereas Eusebius saith in plain terms, ibi sedit, Peter there sat, this his Paraphrast glosseth, that it sufficed though he never came there; For with him Peter was as a Creator of Churches and Bishoprics; for if dixit factum est if he but spoke the word, be he where he would, there was a Metropolis or an Episcopacy created in any place whatsoever. But not to spend much labour where we are sure but of little profit, let it suffice the reader to have but a Catalogue and particular of his arguments, & let him censure them according to his own judgement.  
Argum. 1. It was Peter's office to oversee and take care of the whole stock, and for this he visited all the Churches that lay round about jerusalem, pag. 306. But that draweth on another question, which will be harder to prove then this, and it maketh Paul but an intruder, th●t took upon him such a care.  
Arg. 2. Peter taking opportunity of the Church's tranquillity, pag. 306. visited all (the Christians which were in Syria) pag. 309. But here he is besides his warrant of the Text, and maketh a History of his own head.  
Arg. 3. Peter wheresoever he was might raise an Episcopal or metropolitical See at any place distant where he pleased, by the Authority wherewith he was endued, pag. 309. When this is proved, we may believe the other that he would prove.  
Arg. 4. The number of Eusebius, of his sitting 25. years at Antioch, is an error crept into the Text, but the number of his 25. years at Rome, in him is right, pag. 306. but if he be at liberty to suspect the one, sure we may have the like liberty to suspect the other.  
Arg. 5. The hierarchical order seemeth not to endure, that the prime Church that had been as yet instituted, should be governed by any but the prime Apostle, pag. 309.330. It will be some work to prove any hierarchical order at all, or Peter Prime Apostle, or Antioch, a chief Church above others more than by humane preferring, or Antioch yet a Church; and were all these proved, which never will be, yet is the inference or argumentation thereupon but of small value and validity.  
6. His last Argument is from Authorities, which at last he gathereth into the Centre of a Council at Rome, pag. 332. But Amicus Plato, amicus Aristoteles, magis amica veritas.  
As for his answers to Eusebius that calleth Evodius the first Bishop of Antioch, his answer to Ignatius that saith he was placed there by the Apostles, more than one, and to Onuphrius, that maketh Peter Bishop of Rome before he was Bishop of Antioch, be they referred to the perusal in his own Text, for the matter is not worth the labour of examining them.    

Vers. 32. Lydda.  
This seemeth to be the same with Lod, 1 Chron. 8.12▪ A City in the Tribe of Benjamin, mentioned, Ezra 2.33.   

Vers. 35. Saron.  
Heb. Sharon: A fertile valley famous in Scripture, as 1 Chron. 27.29. Esa. 33.9. Cant. 2.1, etc. where the Targum renders it, the garden of Eden, and the seventy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a field or plain, the masculine Article showeth, it is not the name of a City: And so do the seventy article it, Esa. 33.9. There is men●ion of a Sharon beyond jordan, 1 Chron. 5.16. inhabited about by Gileadites: by which it seemeth that it was a common name for plain champion grounds wheresoever.   

Vers. 36. Tabytha, which by interpretation is called Dorcas.  
Tabytha the Syriack, and Dorcas the Greek, do both signify a Hind, or Do, Capream as Beza renders it. Now the reason why Luke doth thus render the one into the other, seemeth to be because Tabytha was a Grecizing Jewesse, and so was commonly called by these two names, by the Syrian among the Hebrews, and by the Greek among the Greeks.   

Vers. 37. Whom when they had washed.  
Whether it were a common custom among the Jews to wash all their dead bodies before they buried them, as is concluded by many upon this place, we will not insist to question; nor whether it were in token of the resurrection, or no, as some apply it; only the other application that they make hereupon, I cannot pass over untouched: which is, that Paul spoke in reference to this custom, and to that intention is this custom, when he saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. 1 Cor. 15.29. Else what shall they do, which are baptised for the dead, etc. as our English reads it: as if the Apostle produced this custom as an argument for the resurrection, as meaning to what purpose should dead bodies be washed, if not to betoken this: thus he is conceived to argue: whereas, by the juncture of the 30. verse to this, it seemeth that he intendeth a clean contrary, or different thing, by being baptised 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, namely, being baptised so as baptism signifieth death by martyrdom, or suffering for the truth, as Matth. 20.22, 23. Luke 12.50. And his arguing is to this sense, If the dead rise not again, what will become of those that are baptised with a martyriall baptism, or that do suffer death for the profession of the truth? why are they then baptised for dead? yea, and why stand we in jeopardy every hour of such a baptism and martyrdom also? Why do they suffer, and why are we daily in danger to suffer for the truth, if there be no resurrection? And so the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to signify, not vice, or supra, but pro, that is, in such a sense; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to mean, In such a sense as baptised, meaneth, dead or martyred: As 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is taken in this clause, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Fabius' delivered the power, or Army to Minucius, under this intent and meaning, or condition, that he should not fight, Plut. in Fab.  

Sect. They laid her in an upper chamber.  
This probably was the public meeting room for the believers of that Town; Dorcas being a woman of some good rank, as may be conjectured by her plenteousness of good works and almsdeeds. Now they purposely disposing of the dead corpse, that Peter if he would come, might exercise a miracle upon it, they lay it in that public room, that the company might be spectators of the wonder; but Peter would not suffer them so to be for some singular reason, ver. 40.     

Acts X.  
Sect. Some things remarkable about the calling in of Cornelius.  
First, the Gospel had now dilated itself to the very utmost bounds of the Jews territories in Canaan, judea, Samaria, and Galilee, had been preached to, and through, and now is it got to the very walls of their dominions round about: And there wanteth nothing but laying the partition wall flat, that the Gospel may get out unto the Gentiles: and that is done in this Chapter; where the great partition and distance that was betwixt Jew and Gentile is utterly removed and taken away by God himself, who had first pitched and set it betwixt them.  
Secondly, the two first and mainest stones of interposition that were laid in this wall, were circumcision and diet: the one in the time of Abraham, Gen. 17. the other in the time of jacob, Gen. 32.32. And in reference to these two it is, that they of the Circumcision contend with Peter, upon his return to jerusalem, for they are grieved that he went in to men uncircumcised, and ate with them, chap. 11.3. These were the proper distinguishers betwixt Israel and other Nations; for all their other Ceremonies were not so much to distinguish them from other people, as to compose them among themselves and towards God, they being first distinguished from others by these.  
Of these two, singularity of Diet, or Prohibition of certain meats, was the more proper differencer, and the more strict distinctive: For all the seed of Abraham was circumcised, and so in regard of that Ceremony, there was no difference betwixt an Ismaelite and a jew: But abstaining from such and such meats, was a proprium quarto modo, a singularity that differenced an Israelite from all the world besides.  
Thirdly, therefore it was most proper, and of most divine reason, that the liberty of eating any meats, did denote and show a liberty of conversing with any nation, and that the enlarging of the one, is the enlarging of the other.  
Fourthly, the first-fruits of this enlargement, and entertainment beyond the partition wall is Cornelius, a Convert, but not a Proselyte: a man that was already come into God, but not come in to the Church of Israel: a man as far contrarily qualified for such a business, in all humane appearance, as what could be most contrary, as being a Roman, a Soldier, a Centurion; and yet he of all men chosen to be the first-fruits of the Gentiles, that God herein might be the more plainly showed to be no respecter of persons.  
Fifthly, it had been now 2210 years since the Heathen were cast off at the confusion of Babel, and had lain so long in darkness, sin, superstition and idolatry, strangers to God, and aliens from the congregation of Israel; bondslaves of Satan, and under his dominion, and even all the world (Israel only excepted) become the kingdom of hell and the Devil.  
Sixtly, Satan had by this very time brought his kingdom among these heathens to the very Apex and perfection, when he had gotten one into the throne of the Roman Empire, (which was now over all the world) who by the very sword and power will force the people to adore him for a God, and had the sword and power in his own hand to force them to adore him: as we saw by Caius even now. And here I cannot but look back from Caius as he sat in his throne as an ungodly Deity when the Gentiles began to be called in, to the first Idol that they proposed and set up for themselves to adore at Babel, as he is described by the jerusalem Targum at their first casting off: For thus doth it Paraphrase those Rebel's plot and conspiracy, for the building of that Idolatrous City, Gen. 11.3. And they said, Come let us build a City and a tower, whose top may reach to heaven, and in the midst of it, let us build a Chapel, and an Idol in the head of it with a sword in his hand to fight for us that we be not scattered.  
Nor can I but look forward also from the same Caius Deifying himself, and that in the Temple of God as we shall see ere long, to the succeeding times of the Gentile Church, which is now beginning: wherein a man of sin, the successor of Caius Caligula a thousand fold more likely, than the successor of Simon Peter, hath set up himself to be adored, and exalts himself above every thing that is called God.  
Seventhly, the instrument of the first introducing of the Gentiles, by the bringing in of Cornelius, was Peter: not for any Primacy or universal Bishopship that he was invested withal, but rather because he was the most singular minister of the Circumcision: for his bringing in of the Gentiles would stop the mouth of the Judaizing believers the more.  
Eighthly, and for this thing he had a special engagement and deputation from our Saviour a good while ago as he himself speaketh, Act. 15.7. And that was, when Christ giveth him the keys of the kingdom of heaven, Matth. 16.19. that is, putteth into his hand, the peculiar privilege to open the door of faith and the Gospel to the Gentiles, and giveth him power withal to bind and to lose, the use of Moses Law among the Heathens when he brought the Gospel among them, some of it to fall and some to stand, according as the Spirit should direct him, and accordingly it should be ratified in heaven. And that this is the genuine, proper and only meaning of that so much disputed place, will be undeniable to him that shall consider what is the proper meaning of the kingdom of heaven in Scripture, and loosing●n ●n Jewish authors from whom that Phrase is taken.  

Vers. 1. In Caesarea.  
Called of old Turris Stratonis, Stratons Tower; but new built by Herod the great, and named Caesarea in honour of Augustus. It lay upon the Sea shore betwixt joppa 
* Dor.  and Dorae saith josephus, Antiq. lib. 15. cap. 13. where he describeth it at large.  

Sect. The Italian band.  
Not to spend time in enquiring what Italian band this was, whether Ferrata, or Dives, or Voluntariorii, or the like, it seemeth to me that the consideration of the place itself where Cornelius was, will help ●o understand what Luke intendeth by it. For Caesarea was the place where the Roman Governor or Proconsul resided: as appeareth, Act. 23.23, 24. and 24.6. and that partly for the bravery of the City, and chiefly for the commodiousness of the haven: Now this Italian band may very properly be understood of that band that attended the Governors' person, or were his lifeguard, and which had come out of Italy for this purpose to be his defence and the defence of the City where he lay.    

Vers. 2. A devout man, etc.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, A man that worshipped the true God, and followed not Idolatry: And a man that feared Good indeed, as well as he worshipped him in profession.  

Sect. Which gave much alms to the people.  
To the Jews, to whom alms was not unclean though given by a heathen; to which thing our Saviour seemeth to allude in that speech, Luk. 11.41. But rather give alms of such things as ye have, and behold all things are clean unto you. And upon this respect it is like that alms are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Righteousness, so commonly among the Jewish authors, and used by the Syriack and Arabic here, because they lost not their nature or quality of cleanness or purity and righteousness, though they came even from an unclean, yea a heathen person.   

Sect. And prayed to God always.  
Beza hath made this clause the beginning of the next verse, and that, as he saith, with the warrant of one copy. The Arabic doth the like: They think they mend the sense with it, in which they mistake because they mind not the scope: For it is the intent of the holy Ghost to show the constant carriage of Cornelius in his devoutness, as Vers. 4. and not his devoutness as occasion of his vision.    

Vers. 3. He saw in a vision evidently.  
The word evidently, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is added to show that he saw it waking, and with his bodily eyes, for there were visions in dreams, as Gen. 20.3. and 28.12. job 4.13.  

Sect. About the ninth hour.  
The hour of the evening sacrifice, three a clock after noon: compare Dan. 5.21. Cornelius though he were not yet proselyted by circumcision to the Jewish Church, yet followed he their manner and form of worship.    

Vers. 9 To pray, about the sixth hour.  
About twelve a clock or high noon, and this was the time of the Mincha gedolah as the Jews called it, or the very beginning of it: And so do they expound, Dan. 6.10. and Psal. 55.17. accordingly. Daniel prayed three times a day, that is, say R. Saadias' and R. Solomon, Morning, Evening, and at the Minchah. And Evening and Morning, and at noon will I pray, R. Sol. Evening, Morning and at Minchah, the three times of prayer: Now this Minchah time is described by their Doctors thus, Minchah gedolah, is the beginning of the time of the daily sacrifice between the two evenings, when the Sun begins to decline: which is from the sixth hour and forward until night, some say, from the sixth hour and an half, which was according to our phrase in hand about the sixth hour: Now this their accounting was not for that they always began to fall about their evening sacrifice at twelve a clock, or half an hour after, but because that it was lawful then to begin to fall about it; for when there were additional sacrifices besides the daily, as the Passeover, or the like, than it was necessary for them to begin to prepare the sacrifices from that time, that it was lawful to begin about them; which from that time of the day it was, all the time from thence forward till night being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 between the evenings, according to the letter of the Law, Exod. 12.6. Numb. 28.4. And to this sense speaketh the Text 1 King. 18.29. When noontide was passed, and they had now prophesied till the offering of the Minchah: not till the very time of the firing of the sacrifice, for that the verses following deny: but to the time of the Minchah in that sense that we have in hand: and to this purpose the difference of the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vers. 36. is very remarkable.  
So that Peter in this practice of praying about the sixth hour imitated the custom of the Jews, and though he had so long been a Convert to the Gospel, yet doth he not forsake their manner of worship: no more did the other Disciples, as hath been showed elsewhere.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. An ecstasy fell upon him, and so Chap. 22.17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, I was in an ecstasy: This was the highest and excellentest way of all other, of revelations; when a man was rapt even from himself into heaven: for so Paul calls it, 2 Cor. 12.2. and was wholly in the spirit, for so john calls it, Rev. ●. 10. being for the time as it were out of the body, and in the very next degree to souls departed, enjoying God. Seven manner of extraordinary ways did God use to reveal himself and his will to his people in ancient times. 1. By dreams. 2. By apparitions when they were awake. 3. By visions when they were asleep. 4. By voice from heaven. 5. By Vrim. 6. By inspiration, or revealing of the ear. 7. By rapture or ecstasy: and this last the excellentest, as to him that did enjoy it. And of this should I understand that deep sleep that fell upon Adam, Gen. 2.21.   

Vers. 12. Fourfooted beasts and wild beasts.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Beasts tame and wild, for so doth the Scripture most frequently distinguish them.   

Vers. 15. That call not thou common.  
Gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Do not thou pollute, that is, do not thou call or account polluted, Vers. 28. For so is the use of Scripture very frequently, to speak as in an effective or active sense, and to intend only a declarative, as Gen. 41.13. Me he restored to my office, but him he hanged, Ezek. 43.3. When I came to destroy the City: The Priest did make clean, or make unclean the Leper, Leu. 13.6.8. etc. which was only pronouncing clean or unclean, as our English hath well rendered it: or teaching what was clean and what unclean, as Chap. 14.57. And in the very same sense is the binding and losing to be understood, Matth. 16.19. and 18.18. for teaching what is bound and what loose, what 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and what 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the Jews speak, or what lawful, what unlawful.   

Vers. 28. Ye know how that it is a● unlawful thing for a man that is a jew to keep company, etc.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. By which words is not to be understood as if a Jew might have no dealing at all with a Gentile, for they might walk, and talk, and traffic with them, and it was within a little of impossible to do otherwise, they living exceeding many of them in heathen Cities: And Gentiles came continually in way of trade to jerusalem, Neh. 13.16. But the unlawfulness of their conversing with the Gentiles, was conversing in near and more close society, as the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth, and that especially in these two things, not to eat with them, and not to go into their houses: And this is that for which they of the Circumcision excepted at Peter upon his return. Thou goest in to men uncircumcised, and didst eat with them, Chap. 11.3.  

Sect. But God hath showed me, that I should not call any man common, or unclean.  
This vision that Peter had, when this satisfaction was given him, to learn to call nothing common, was only of beasts and fowls and creeping things, yet might he learn that the lesson was also to be understood of men, because the distinction between men and men in regard of common and unclean was first made and most strictly made by the difference betwixt meats and meats. For the very first distinguisher that ever began to enclose Israel for a peculiar from other people, was the not eating of the smew that shrank, Gen. 32. Circumcision distinguished the seed of Abraham from other people, but this began to distinguish Israel from the other seed of Abraham. And it is observable, that that ceremony or distinctive rite was first taken up, when jacob first received the name of Israel.  
Now it is true indeed that their forbearing to eat the smew that shrank, was not as if they accounted it common or unclean, but it was in regard of the honourable memorial that they read upon it, yet was that ceremony the first and proper distinguisher of an Israelite from all other people under heaven some hundreds of years, till more distinctive rites came in, and more things were prohibited to be eaten, for the surer distinction.  
There was distinction of clean and unclean beasts before the flood, as appeareth, Gen. 7.8. but this was in reference to sacrifice only, and not in reference to diet at all: for till the flood they ate nothing but the fruits of the ground, till God gave Noah liberty to eat flesh, and to eat any thing that was wholesome for diet. And in this liberty did the world continue till the Law given at Sinai, save only an Israelites not eating the smew that shrank: And this liberty some Jews themselves confess shall be in the days of Messias, which now first taketh place at this vision of Peter and forward. And here doth Peter begin to put in use and ure that power of binding and losing which Christ had put into his hands, when he put into his hands the keys of the kingdom of heaven: And this very place doth so clearly expound and interpret that speech of our Saviour to him, that it is a wonder that ever there should be such scruple and controversy about it.  
For, 1. Here beginneth the kingdom of heaven: when the Gentiles are received to savour and to the Gospel, who had been so long cast off, and lain in ignorance and idolatry, and when no difference is made betwixt them and the Jews any longer, but of every nation, they that fear God and work righteousness are accepted of him as well as Israel. This is the very first beginning or dawning to the kingdom of heaven; and so it grew on more and more, till jerusalem was destroyed, and then was the perfect day, when the Gentiles only were become the Church of Christ, and no Church or Commonwealth of Israel to be had at all, but they destroyed and ruined.  
Secondly, here Peter hath the keys of the Kingdom, and unlocketh the door for the Gentiles to come in to the faith & Gospel, which till now had been shut and they kept out. And Peter only had the keys, and none of the Apostles or Disciples but he: for though they from hence forward brought in Gentiles daily in to the Kingdom of Heaven, by converting them to the Gospel; yet it was he that first and only opened the door, and the door being once opened, was never shut, nor ever shall be till the end of the world. And this was all the priority that Peter had before the other Apostles, if it were any priority; and how little this concerneth Rome, or the Papacy, as to be any foundation of it, a child may observe.  
3. Peter here looseth the greatest strictness, and what was the straitest bound up of any thing that was in all the policy of Moses and customs of the Jews, and that was, the difference of clean and unclean in the legal sense. And this he looseth on earth, and it is loosed in heaven, for from heaven had he an immediate warrant to dissolve it: And this he doth, first declaratively, showing that nothing henceforward is to be called common or unclean, and showing his authority for this doctrine, and then practically conforming himself to this doctrine that he taught, by going in unto the uncircumcised, and eating with them: Binding and losing in our Saviour's sense, and in the Jews sense from whose use he taketh the phrase, is of things and not of persons, for Christ saith to Peter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whatsoever thou bindest and not whomsoever, and to the other Apostles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Matth. 18.18! and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whatsoever things, and not whatsoever persons, so that though it be true indeed that Jews and Gentiles are loosed henceforward one to the communion of another, yet the proper object of this losing that is loosed by Peter, was that Law or doctrine that tied them up: and so concerning the eating of those things that had been prohibited, it is true indeed that the Jews were let loose henceforward to the use of them in diet and to eat what they thought good, but this losing was not so properly of the men, as the losing of that prohibition that had bound them before. And this could be no way but doctrinally by teaching that Christian liberty that was given by the Gospel.  
Now though Peter only, and none but he had the keys of the Kingdom of heaven, yet had all the Apostles the power of binding and losing as well as he: and so have all the Ministers of the Gospel as well as they, and all in the lame sense, namely, doctrinally to teach what is bound and lose, or lawful and unlawful, but not in the same kind: for the Apostles having the constant and unerring assistance of the holy Ghost, did nullify by their doctrine, some part of Moses Law, as to the use of it, as Circumcision, Sacrifices, Purifying, and other legal Rites, which could not have been done by men that had not had such a spirit, for there must be the same spirit of Prophecy to abrogate a Law, which had set it in force.  
This matter therefore of Cornelius his calling in, as the first-fruits of the Gentiles, is a thing that deserves very high regard and consideration; as in which are included and involved so many things of note as have been mentioned, and divers others that might be added thereunto; and in the consideration of the matter, the time of it is not to be neglected, which to the serious and considerate Reader and weigher of things in the balance of judgement, will appear to be in this year in which we have laid it; especially, that being concluded upon, which before we proved undeniable, that the Famine was in the second year of Claudius. And this time is the rather to be looked upon, because that some do foolishly misconstrue a clause in Daniel 9.27. by missing of the right time of this occurrence of Cornelius. For looking no further into the text then in our English translation, which there hath not spoken the mind of the Original, they conceive that Christ died in the midst of the last seven years of the seventy sevens, namely, when three years and an half of the seven were gone, and that at the end of the other three and an half Cornelius was converted: and so they will make those seventies to end in that his conversion, and not in Christ's death: which were scarcely worth answering, though we had time and season to do it: seeing it riseth from a mistake in the Text, and sets in a mistake of the time.    

Ver. 30. Four days ago I was fasting, etc.  
The Greek hath it, From the fourth day until this hour I was or have been fasting: by which it seemeth that Cornelius had now been fasting four days together, as Paul was three days at his conversion, Chap. 9.9. But it is not much material whether we understand it so, or as it is commonly understood of his fasting four days since, till such an hour of that day, as it was now of this day when he is speaking to Peter, unless we will make any thing of it, that the Jews especially upon their solemn days used to taste nothing till noon, and Cornelius herein follows their custom: and that it was about noon when Peter comes to Cornelius, as it was about noon when Cornelius messengers came to Peter: And so the distance betwixt Caesarea to be a days journey and an half.   

Vers. 36. The Word which God sent.  
Bez● supposeth that this▪ verse aught to be referred and joined to the verse that went before, and they two together to be construed to this sense, Now I know that God is no respecter of Persons; but in every Nation, he that feareth him, and worketh righteousness, is accepted of him; which is the very doctrine which God sent among the children of Israel by Moses and the Prophets, preaching peace by them by jesus Christ. And one main induction that he hath to this construction is, because otherwise it would be improper for Peter to say, Cornelius and his friends knew this word, when it was Peter's very errand to instruct them in it, and teach it to them. But the words are to be read and taken in the sense that our English hath well made of them; namely, as following the word ye know: For all the Country knew that jesus preached, and preached peace and the like; and thousands though they knew that he preached, and what he preached, yet did they not believe that he was the Messias, nor that he was risen from the dead: and these two last things it was that Peter came to teach Cornelius, and not to tell him that jesus of Nazareth had preached, for, that he and all his friends knew.   

Ver. 44. The holy Ghost fell on all them that heard the Word.  
This was a second confirmation of the entertainment of the Gentiles to the Gospel, or a miracle added by God, to the doctrine preached by Peter, that nothing now was to be accounted common or unclean: for when God had poured the holy Ghost upon the uncircumcision as well as upon the circumcised, it was evidence sufficient that now God made no difference betwixt them: How these extraordinary gifts of the Spirit had been confined hitherto only to the Nation of the Jews, it is not only clear by scripture, but it is upon that clearness thought by the Jews that it must be confined thither ever, and that neither any Gentile at all, nor hardly any Jew out of the Land of Canaan could be capable of them; and therefore when they here see the same measure and fullness and freeness of the Spirit upon the Gentiles, as had been upon the Jews; they cannot but conclude that the difference was in vanishing, and that God was setting up a Church among them, when he bestowed the spirit of Prophecy upon them.   

Ver. 47. Can any man forbid water, etc.  
Peter's thoughts in these words, look back to those words of our Saviour, Go teach all Nations, and baptise them, Mat. 28.19. where he meaneth not, that none should be baptised but those that are capable of teaching, but his meaning is this, that whereas his Disciples had hitherto been limited and confined only to preach to the Jews, & to go to none but to the lost sheep of Israel; now had the Jews by the murdering of Christ showed themselves unworthy, and had forfeited the benefit of the Gospel; and therefore Christ now enlargeth his Apostles and Disciples, to go now and to teach all Nations, and to baptise them, to preach to the Heathens, and to bring them in by baptism, since the Jews had despised the Gospel, and crucified the Lord of life that preached it: To this it is that Peter here looketh, at this first conversion of the Gentiles; and when he seeth the very same gifts bestowed on them from Heaven, that were upon the Jews, he concluded that none could object against their being baptised; and accordingly he commands that they should be baptised: either by some of those that came with him from joppa, they being more than probably Ministers; or he commanded that provision should be made for their baptising by himself.    

Acts XI.  
That part of this Chapter which falleth under this year that we have in hand, viz. to ver. 19 is but a rehearsal of this Story in the tenth Chapter, and therefore it is not necessary to insist upon it.    

PART II. The Roman Story.  

Sect. I. Caius still cruel.  
THe beginning of this year Caius was Consul, but held that place only for a month or thereabouts, and then resigned for six months more to his partner Apronius, and after those six months Sabinius Maximus took the place. A policy above his reach, howsoever he came to it, to shake the chief Magistracy by so often changes, that his own power might stand the surer. Both in his Consulship, and after it, he behaved himself after his wont manner of barbarousness and cruelty, but that now he began to add one vice more to his cruelty in bloodiness, namely intolerable covetousness and oppression. Now, saith Dion, was nothing but slaughter: For many of the Nobles were condemned, many perished by the Sword-playes, and many imprisoned by the late Emperor Tiberius, were drawn to execution. Now did he bend himself to cross the people, and the people being thoroughly incensed began to cross him. The main causes of this his displeasure (guess how weighty) were such as these: Because they came not to the Plays and Shows so constantly, and at such constant times as he had appointed: because sometimes when they came, they liked such sports as he liked not, & contra: And because they once extolling him, called him by the title of young Augustus. For such occasions as these (behold the madness of a man selfwilled) he broke out into all cruelty, slaying many at the Theatre for the one fault, and many as they went home for the other, and many at their own homes, or otherwhere for a third. And now was his rage grown so high, that he wished that all the City had but one head, that he might strike it off at one blow; and bewailed his times, for that they had not been enfamoused with some notable misery of the Roman State, as was the Reign of Augustus with the overthrow of Varus and his Army in Germany; and the Reign of Tiberius with the slaughter of above twenty thousand men by the fall of an Amphitheatre at Fidenae. And that we may take a full view of his cruel words and actions here together, (the Reader I hope will not be punctual in expecting an exact order of time in this disorder of conditions) his common resolution against the people always was, Let them hate me and spare not, so that they fear me. But what was his anger think you, when his very feasts and embraces of his minions were mixed with cruelty? he used to have men tortured in his presence as he sat at meat, mingling his sauce as it were with innocents' blood. At a great feast to which he had invited the two Consuls, he suddenly fell out into an extreme laughter, and upon demand of his reason, his answer was, Because he had power to take away their two heads whensoever he pleased. And whensoever he was kissing the neck of his wife or paramour, he would constantly add these words, but cruelly amorous, This neck, as fair as it is, when I command shall be cut off. Such was his jesting; and as for his earnest, I suppose you will easily believe, that it was proportionable. Whereas hitherto, he had been very free and lavish of his tongue in dispraising Tiberius, and not only had not checked, but also countenanced, and taken delight in those that spoke ill of him, as well as he; he now turneth his tune, and breaketh out as fluently into his commendations: pleading that he himself had liberty to say what he list, but accusing those that had assumed the like liberty, when as no such thing belonged to them. Then did he cause a list or catalogue to be read of those that had been executed and put to death under Tiberius; laying withal the death of the most of them to the charge of the Senate, and accused some for accusing them, others for witnessing against them, and all, for condemning them. These things he alleged out of those books which in the beginning of his reign and in the time of his seeming goodness, he professed that he had burnt: and after a most bitter and terrible speech now made among them in the Senate, and reviving an act of treason for speaking against the Prince, he suddenly departed out of the Senate and the City. In what case the Senate and the people were, that were guilty of either words or actions, that he had charged them withal, it is readily guessed, but how they shall come off, and what they shall do to escape, is not easily to be resolved. Their presentest help is to fawn and speak fair, and that course they take, praising him infinitely at their next meeting, for his justice and piousnesse, and giving him as infinite thanks that he suffered them to live, and decreeing that sacrifices should be offered annually to his clemency on that very day that those charges were published against so many, seeking to appease his senseless and foolish anger by as senseless and foolish a pacification. But how little they could sacrifice, or pray or praise him into any better mind than he hath been in hitherto, you shall see by the sequel.   

Sect. II. An inhuman cruelty.  
Among the many cruelties of this monster, the murder of Esius Proculus may bear some bell, because he slew him for nothing but only for this, for that he was such a one as God had made him. This man was the goodliest man of person and shape in all the City, insomuch that he was commonly called Colosseros, for his extraordinary properness and stature: One day as he sat a spectator upon the scaffolds, of the bloody sports below, Caius commanded him suddenly to be put down among the combatants, and there to fight for his life. When he had had a trial with two several men and came off victorious, the inhuman tyrant caused him speedily to be bound, and arrayed in tatters and rags to be led about the City, showed to the women, and then slain. So much of beast had this monster in him that he could not endure the goodliness of a man.   

Sect. III. Caius his luxury▪ lavishness and prodigality.  
Thus bestial was he towards men, and no less was he in another kind towards women. This appeared in the deflowering of his own sisters, and adulterating the most of the noble Ladies of the City. He was his own Pimp, and purveyor for his lust, with this open and hideous way of brothelry. He would invite the great men and their Ladies to supper, and as the women passed by him in way of salutation he would earnestly and leisurely view them, mercantium more, saith my author, as they do that are to buy any thing, and if any matron for modesty held down her head, he would lift it up, that he might have his full survey: she that pleased him, he took into a retiring room and adulterated: and presently would he bring her forth again, and tell openly whether she had given him content or no. Nor was he content with this choice and variety of women neither, but that he might be beastly in every kind, he abstained not from the abomination of Sodomy with men. But let us stay no longer upon him in this his filthiness, but trace him a little in his own tolerable vices of fantasticness and prodigality. He seemed to affect a singularity in these three things, sinning, working and spending, according to the uncontrolednesse of his will, the vastness of his command, and the hugeness of his revenue. He invented new manner of bathe, and prodigious kinds of meats and feasts; he would dissolve most rich and precious Jewels in Vinegar, and then drink them off. And because he doubted, as it seemeth, that he could not waste his treasure fast enough with such tricks as these, he would stand upon a Tower divers days together, and fling great sums of money among the people. To all which ways of lavishing, and expensiveness, joined monstrous works and machinations, which showed at once, his folly in their undertaking, and the vastness of his power in their performance: As levelling mountains to even the plain, and in other places filling up the plain to equal mountains; sometimes causing rocks of flint to be cut through, to make a passage▪ and sometimes foundations of houses or walls to be laid in the bottom of the Sea, bringing soil and rubbish to fill up the place and to make it firm ground: ambitious to bring to pass seeming impossibilities, and cruelly hasty in the accomplishing of what he undertook, punishing the slacking of the work with certain death.   

Sect. FOUR His strange Bridge and Ships.  
In the list of these his vanities, and ungodly ways of spending, let his bridge between Puteoli and Bauli, come in the first place, or else you do it some injury. These two places were about three miles and a half distant, an arm of the Sea of that breadth, severing them, and lying between. The ambition of the vain Emperor was to ride on horseback and in his chariot between these two places: What his fancy or Frenzy rather, was, that stirred up such a humour in him, is diversely related, and it is no great matter to inquire after it. Some say it was, that he might terrify Germany and Britain against whom he intended hostility, with the very rumour of so great a work: others, that he might imitate, or rather excel Xerxes, who made a bridge of ships over the Hellespont. But the rumour of it at Court, where his mind was likeliest to be best known, was, that he did it in confutation of a prediction of Thrasyllus, who had told Tiberius that Caius should no more rule then ride over the bay of Baiae on horseback. Dion guesseth this to have been his reason, that whereas the Senate upon their fear and fawning mentioned before had decreed an Ovation for him, or a kind of triumphant riding on horseback, he thought it too poor a thing to ride so by land, and therefore invented this trick of his own vain head, to ride so by Sea. For this purpose, all the ships that could be got were sent for in, and when they were not enough, others were made and so they all were set two and two linked together till they made a bridge of that three miles and a half long: Then caused he an infinite number of workmen to carry on earth, and make a causey like the Appian road over all those ships from the continent to the Island. (If this were not a Pontifex Romanus with a witness, let all men judge.) When his dear bought way was thus prepared, he prepares for it and for his Fantastic journey over it: His garb in which he would ride was this: He put a breastplate on, which he said had been Alexander's, and over that a rich purple robe, than his sword and buckler, and an oaken garland about his head: and having sacrificed to Neptune and to the other Gods, and even to the Deity Envy, lest the bridge should miscarry, he sets forth on horseback with a great troop of armen men attending him, and takes his strange and idle voyage. When he had ridden thus one day on horseback, he returns the next day in his Chariot, with an infinite train of his friends in Coaches, of soldiers in arms, and of the common people lookers on, and among others of state Darius an hostage of Parthia attended his Chariot; when he had done this great exploit, of walking, riding and coaching so many miles upon the Sea, he getteth up into a Desk which was made upon this newfound bridge on purpose, and there maketh a solemn speech in commendation of this his great attempt, and of the soldiers and workmen's pains and care about it; And when he had done he bestowed a large munificence among them. And the rest of that day and the night that followed, he spent in feasting and banqueting in banqueting houses that he had made purposely upon his bridge, because he would make the Sea a perfect road. Into these houses he had brought fresh water in Pipes from the shore to serve the occasions of this night's feast, if he will suffer one to call it night. For he that had turned the Sea into a Coach-way, way, was ambitious also to turn night into day; that in him might be showed at once both how foolish he may prove that hath once let go the reins of reason, and how boundless that folly is when it is backed with power. The ships that made the bridge were set in manner of a crescent, and so went the road: upon it he caused a great number of fires to be made, and so upon the mountains all about, that what had been his Coach-way by day was now at night become his Amphitheatre. But is is strange that we hear of no murder of all this while among all this madness, for if Caius be not cruel he is not Caligula. After this his entertainment of his friends and of the company, he suddenly cast a great multitude of them into the Sea, and when they laid hold of rudders or any thing that might succour and save their lives, he caused them to be thrust away and so they perished.  
Answerable to the vanities of this his bridge, had he also Ships and Frigates to sail in for his own recreation, in which were baths, vineyards and orchards that sailed with him, that as upon his bridge he went over the Sea by land, so in his ships when he went by Sea, the land went with him.   

Sect. V. His Covetousness.  
It is not so much wonder that these courses wasted the Emperor's treasures, as it is how they have held out so long: And now that all his wealth is emptied and gone, he can find as strange and unheard of means to fetch in more as he had found out to consume the old. He now began to accuse, condemn and execute apace, that he might be dealing with their goods in confiscation. So died Calvisius Sabinus, Titius Rufus, and junius Priscus, for no other real fault but only for being rich. But why should I reckon them by one and one, when at one clap he condemned forty men together, and when he came into his Chamber he bragged to Caesonia his darling Leman, Behold how much I have done in the time that thou art taking a nap at noon but this feat of condemning would not bring in money fast enough, therefore as there were more ways of spending then one, so must there also be of getting. He inventeth new taxes and payments, strange exactions and imposts, suffering nothing to pass in common use, but it must bring some tribute unto his treasures. He set a rate to be paid him out of all meat that was eaten, a rate out of every suit or action for debt, a rate out of the porters gains, nay a rate out of the whore's hire. He made men that were already free of the City to buy their freedom again, and many that had named him for their heir when they should die, he poisoned, that he might inherit their estate sooner: And these his exploits he used not only in Rome, but when money was scarce there, he went into France and Spain and set up the same trade of polling there: He sold the Jewels, the goods, and the very servants of his condemned sisters; nay the very Jewels of the Crown, as the royal robes and ornaments of Antony, Augustus, julia, Antonia, and others of the princely blood. And to conclude all in one, he set up a stews in his own Palace, and had women there of all sorts and sizes, and his panders went about to fetch in whoremaster customers: and all this was done, because it was for the Emperor's profit. He also made the Palace a common dicing house, and himself was the master gamester; cogging, cheating, lying, forswearing, and doing any thing to make himself a gainer. Having once left another to play his game, and being gone down into the court of the palace, he saw two rich knights passing by, and caused them suddenly to be apprehended, and their goods to be confiscated, and returned to his game again, bragging that he had had an exceeding good throw. Another time at play, wanting money to maintain his stake, he went down and caused divers rich Nobles to be slain, and returned presently again, saying, You sit here playing for a few pence, and I since I went, have gotten six hundred thousand sesterces.  
As he thus cruelly murdered many, only for their goods so also did he many others upon other spleened: as Len●●lus Getulieus, because he was beloved of the Soldiers: Lepidus, because he had adulterated his sisters▪ when he had done with them himself, and he caused Agrippina one of them to carry his bones in an urn in her bosom to Rome. A poor servingman for filching a silver plate off the cupboard, he caused to have his hands cut off, and hung about his neck, and to be led up and down with a Crier before him proclaiming his offence. Seneca was condemned by him for being too eloquent, or more eloquent than himself, (for that he could not endure in any) but he escaped through the entreaty of one of Caius his Lemen. But Domitius Aser deserved to scape indeed who overcame him with silence, and mastered the tyrant by being mastered. For being a man of renowned and incomparable eloquence, and now under accusation, Caius had strained the utmost of his own Rhetoric to frame a speech to confound him, both in his cause and in his Oratory. Domitius (when the Emperor looked that he would have answered him with the same height of Rhetoric again, and had he done so, it had cost him his life) sat mute, and took upon him to be amazed at so admirable and infinite fluency, and in stead of pleading his own cause, he rehearsed his Oration word by word, seeming to be so ravished with that eloquence that he forgot and neglected his own life. And then cast he himself at the tyrant's feet, and begged for mercy, avowing that he dreaded him more as an Orator then as Caesar. The Lion grows mild upon this fawning, and turns his malice and spleen into pride and vainglory, rejoicing that he had so overcome Domitius in eloquence, whereas Domitius had more cause to rejoice that he had so overcome him by silence.    

PART III. The Jewish Story.  

Sect. I. Herod and Herodias before the Emperor.  
We are now to present to Caius as bloody a woman as he was a man; Herodias, that hath committed as much murder in taking away but one man's life, john the Baptist, as he hath done in all his: And when these two are met together, the two Princes of cruelty and bloodiness that either sex could then afford, are met together. You may remember that not long since we left Her and her Herod (for husband I may not call him) shipped for Rome to purchase, if possible, the Emperor's good respect, and with that, an augmentation of their dignity and dominion. Agrippa, knowing of this their journey, and suspecting that as it began in envy and emulation to him, so would it terminate, if they could compass it, to his disadvantage, he sendeth his servant Fortunatus after them with letters to the Emperor, either because himself was not yet at leisure to come, or in policy trying how his letters would speed and be entertained before he ventured his own person. At Baiae they all met before Caesar, and Agrippaes' complaint by writing meeteth theirs by word of mouth. He layeth to Herod's charge, confederacy with Sejanus at Rome and with Artabanus in Parthia, and an armoury and magazine at his own home, sufficient to furnish 7000. men, all which laid together could not but breed a just suspicion of his revolting. Herod not being able upon questioning, to deny the last thing that he was charged withal about his arms, gave Caius presumption to conclude the truth of all the other: whereupon he adjudgeth him to Perpetual banishment to Lions in France: and thus (thank Herodias) by his looking for a greater dignity and honour, he lost that which he had already.  
Herodias, Caesar would have spared Herodias for Agrippaes' sake as being his sister, but she refused the courtesy, and chose to suffer the same fortune with her husband; and but very justly neither, for she had brought him to it. And she could not in civility refuse to take part with him in his misery, as he had done with her in her folly, that had caused it; both their estates, dignities and dominions Caius bestoweth upon Agrippa to their greater vexation; and so we leave them going to Lions, there to think, and repent too late, how wholesome the counsel was that was given them by the Baptist and that they took it not.   

Sect. II. The Alexandrian jews still perplexed.  
And now let us return from Rome to Alexandria, where the last year we left the Jews in so extreme misery and distress, and now it is to be suspected we shall find them in the same still. Being so oppressed, plundered and massacred by Flaccus as we have heard, their utmost refuge is to petition to the Emperor, but a miserable refuge you must needs think it will prove when they cannot do it but by Flaccus his permission and assistance. When they made this motion and request to him (foolish men to expect such courtesy from their greatest enemy) he taketh on him to approve of their intention, promiseth to speed their petition the best he could, but when he had it, pretending to have sent it away, he keepeth and suppresseth it, and answered neither his promise nor their expectation, either in haste or in assisting. Thus do the poor Jew's lie waiting in uncertain hopes but in certain misery, looking for some comfortable answer from Rome to their petition, which is still at Alexandria. But at last comes their old friend and countryman Agrippa to Rome with the old grudge in his bosom against Flaccus for his base usage of him at his last being there, and he promotes their cause to Caesar with the best excuses he can make for them, and with some bitter accusing of their enemy the Governor.   

Sect. III. Flaccus his downfall.  
Whether it were the prevalency of Agrippaes' letters with the Emperor, or the divine vengeance upon this unjust & murderous governor, or both, or some other conjoined, Caius ere long sent Bassus a Centurion, with his band into Alexandria, to apprehend Faccus: He stole in by night into the City, lest his approach (had it been detected) should have bred commotion, and meeting with a Soldier in the dark, and enquiring for the chief Captain, that he might acquaint him with the cause of his coming, and obtain his assistance with his Soldiers if there should be any resistance, he was informed that Flaccus and he were both at supper with Stephanio one of the freemen of Tiberius. Thither he getteth with all secrecy, and scouting before the house, he sendeth in one of his Soldiers habited in the garb of a Servingman, that he might the more safely thrust in among the servitors to see what store of company was there, and when he heard by him that it was but small, he bursteth in with his men and apprehendeth him. I leave to the reader to imagine the contrary operation that this sudden action had with Flaccus and with the Jews. It was now the time of the feast of Tabernacles with them, but the feast was intermitted because of their common misery, but now somewhat solaced by the event of this feast of Flaccus. He is hurried away to Rome in the beginning of winter, and there tried, and condemned to perpetual banishment in the I'll of Andros, where what became of him you shall hear the next year.   

Sect. FOUR The jews of Alexandria still distressed.  
Flaccus the Jews enemy at Alexandria, they are thus happily rid of, but a worse, if worse may be, springeth, as it were out of his corruption at Rome. Helicon a Servant of Tiberius whilst he lived, and now of Caius, a fit man for such a master, the more to ingratiate himself into the Prince's favour (yet had he it already in no ordinary measure) bendeth himself with the utmost of his Rhetoric and eloquence, skill and flattery to traduce the people and religion of the Jews, and to make them odious, and himself the more acceptable to the Emperor. The envious Alexandrians having by their Ambassadors espied this advantage, do spur him forward who needed no incitation: with great presents and greater promises they urge him on to prosecute that malicious accusation that he had begun: which he performed accordingly, with a renewed impetuousness, added to his present spleen by his future expectation, and present fee. The miserable Jews thus betrayed, lie under distress and under the Emperor's displeasure for a season, and could not learn from whence it proceeded: But at last they address a number of petitioners to Rome to make their peace with Helicon, if possible, and to make an humble remonstrance to the Emperor of their state and grievances, and a petition for some remedy and redress. Their Legation and Embassy they indeed presented not to the Prince till the next year, yet since Philo saith that they took their voyage in the very depth and middle of winter, it was not unproper to mention their preparation and setting forth, this year, and you shall hear of their business, and the success of it, when the next year comes in.    

THE CHRISTIAN HISTORY, THE JEWISH, and the ROMAN, FOR The Year of Christ 41. And of Caius Caligula 4. Being the Year of the World 3968. And of the City of Rome, 793. Consuls Caius Caesar III solus.  
London, Printed by R. C. for Andrew Crook, 1645.   

ACTS. Chap. XI.  

Vers. 9 Now they which were scattered abroad, etc.  
IN this fourth year of Caius, and forty first of our Saviour, we conjecture these occurrences to have been in the Church: namely Antiochs receiving the Gospel: Barnabas his being sent from jerusalem, and preaching there to the conversion of many: his going to Tarsus to hearken out Saul: and his bringing him thither: and there did they two spend a whole year in preaching, which whole year may very probably be concluded to have been the next year after this that we have in hand, or in the first of Claudius, in which year Aga●us prophesied of the great famine which was to come, which befell in the second of Claudius, as we observed and proved before. So that we may hence take up the time of these Minister's dispersion and preaching up and down, which were scattered at the death of Stephen; namely, that they had been in this employment and travail for the space of six whole years or thereabouts: And in this time they had gone over judea, Samaria, and Galilee, and were now got out of the Land of Canaan into Phoenicia, Cyprus, and Syria, and yet preached the Gospel to none but Jews only.   

Ver. 20. Men of Cyprus and Cyreno.  
Men of these places by Original, but of jerusalem, on some other part of Canaan by education and residence, as Simon, Alexander, and Rufus were. Mark 15.21, and Barnaba●, Acts 4.36.  

Sect. They spoke unto the Grecians.  
Gr. To the Hellenists: This word is not opposed to the word jews in the preceding verse, but it is a part of the same story: for that telleth of their preaching to the Jews in Phenicia, Cyprus, and Antioch; and this telleth of the fruit of their Ministry to the Jews in Antioch, that it was to the conversion of many of them. That showeth that they came to Antioch, and preached to Jew's only, this showeth who they were that came to Antioch, and how they preached to the Hellenists, which must be understood in the same sense with the former. But he calleth them Hellenists, because they were Jewe● of the Corporation or enfranchisement of the City, for Antioch was a Syr●grecian City.    

Ver. 22. They sent forth Barnabas.  
He himself was an Hellenist, being a man of Cyprus; and he was to be a fellow helper to the Apostle of the Gentiles for their conversion. and therefore he a very fit man to go to this Gentile City, who coming thither and seeing a great conversion of all sorts of people, Gentiles as well as Jews, he goeth over to Tarsus to seek the Doctor of the Gentiles, to bring him over thither to a work agreeable to that his function, to preach to the Gentiles.    

Part II. The jewish Story.  

Sect. I. Troubles at jamnia.  
THe troubles and miseries of the Jews are now drawing to the heart of their State, and this year are got into their own Land, and drawing near jerusalem itself. And the poor Alexandrian Jew's Commissioners, that the last year set forward for Rome, and in the beginning of this year are gotten thither, to petition for redress of their own calamities, do there receive tidings of worse miseries coming towards all their Nation. The original and occasion was from Capito a gatherer of Tribute for the Romans in judea. This man coming into that Office and Country a very poor man: and (as no other can be expected from men of so base and mean quality put into so high places) having peeled and polled all before him, to raise and to mend his fortunes; and being now grown rich, and being afraid to be accused of the Jews to Caesar, for his injustice and oppression, he thinks it the safest way to prevent that, to get some occasion against them, that he might accuse them, and cry thief first. In jamnia therefore where he resided, there was mixture of Inhabitants, very many Jews, and not a few Strangers, or Gentiles. Hereupon Capito secretly contriveth, That these strangers should set up an Altar in the City to Caius, who as they heard, would be worshipped for a God. This both he and they knew that the Jews would never endure, as being a most notorious violation of their Law; but would oppose the matter, and so should he have cause and accusation enough against them to Caesar, for despising of his majesty, and contemning his Godhead. Accordingly did the cursed plot take effect: for suddenly and unexpectedly an Altar is built and erected in the City, the Jews as soon as they hear and see the business, they rise generally and pull it down. Their enemies that had built it, run to Capito, who indeed had had the chief hand in the design, and complain of the indignity: He not thinking it enough to take recognizance of the business himself, by Letters acquaints the Emperor with the affront, for so he sets it forth; and well he knew the Emperor would be ready enough to second him to do mischief to the Jews according to his desire.   

Sect. II. Troubles at jerusalem and elsewhere throughout Judea. Caius his Image to be set up in the Temple to be Worshipped.  
Caius having received this intelligence from Capito, which he had mingled with all kind of gall and vinegar of exasperation and evil language against the Jews, and being himself already irreconciliably incensed and bend against them; partly through mischievous incendiaries and accusations, and chiefly because they only were cross to his deifying and impious Worship; he now determineth a course against them, which should strike at the very root, and bring them either to bend or break. He dispatcheth therefore a message to Petronius the Governor of judea; 
josephus relateth this story far different from Philo: For he saith that Caius sent away Petronius for this purpose; but Philo that he was in judea already: josephus that the notice of the message came in time of seedness; Philo in time of harvest: josephus that the Jews came to Petronius at P●olemais and Tiberias; Philo in Phoenicia; and the like: which the Raeder will readily see if he compare the two Authors together, and his judgement subscribe to Philo as the more probable, he being at the Emperor's Court when these things were done; but only that he hath flourished the truth with Rhetoric more than needful.  that in stead of the Altar of stone which the Jews had pulled down at jamnia, he should without fail set up a Golden Colosse or an Image of the Emperor in the Temple at jerusalem: and that this design might receive no hindrance by opposition, he charged that he should send for part of the Army from Euphrates that lay there for the guard of the East; that if the Jews would quietly receive the statue it was well, and if they would not, they must be forced to it, whether they would or no. What must the Jews do now at such a pinch? Nay, what must Petronius? If he disobey what he is commanded, he hazardeth his own ruin; if he perform it, he ruineth a whole Nation: The Jews will be ready to die before they will admit of such an Idol; and Petronius is not like to escape, if he bring them not to admit of it. In this straight between affection to himself, and to a whole people, he useth the best accommodation that the present necessity would afford: namely, not to decline the injunction for his own safety, but to delay it as much as may be for the safety of the Jews: that in the space while the image was leisurely making the one party might possibly be brought to comply, either the Emperor upon consideration to lay his resolution down, or the Jews upon persuasion to lay down their resoluteness. He appointeth the Image to be wrought at Zidon, whence on the one hand, less offence might accrue to the Jews, and on the other some satisfaction might come to the Emperor, he hearing by Passengers that the work was in hand, and they seeing the gentleness of Petronius that would not work it in their own Country.  
Tidings of this lamentable and heavy design could not be long kept from the Jews, nor they upon the tidings long from Petronius. To him they come into Phenicia, men and women, young and old, of all sorts and conditions an innumerable multitude, with tears in their eyes, and bitter cries in their mouths, that either he would surcease the enterprise that was in hand, or take their lives before they saw the performance of such abomination. Petronius threatens, speaks fair, urgeth, persuadeth, but all to no purpose, they tendering their necks rather to the execution, then enduring to hear of such violation of their Religion. In the end they obtain this favour of the gentle Governor, that he will not proceed in this impious work, till he or they, or both have sued to Caesar, by petition to surcease the design, and to remit of his resolution. And so return the Jews to their home and harvest, with some contentment in speeding so well at the present, and in some hope to speed better for the future. josephus here telleth a story of a miraculous and sudden shower that fell as Petronius and the Jews were thus parlying together, whereas there had been no rain of a long time before, and no sign at all of any rain instantly before this fell: God (as he would have it) seconding this their request with this wonder, and using this argument for the moving of Petronius to back theirs.   

Sect. III. Petronius his Letter to the Emperor.  
The gentle Governor failed not of his promise, nor of the trust the Jews had reposed in him, but though it may breed his own smart, he addresseth a message to the Emperor in their behalf, and useth the utmost of his persuasive skill and faculty in it. He layeth before him that the prosecution of his commanded and intended enterprise, would be the destruction of a whole Nation, the loss of a fair and goodly Tribute and Revenue, the impairing of the Roman strength and honour, the prejudice of his Majesty's journey into Alexandria, which he intended ere long to take: That they were already grown desperate, and began to neglect their harvest and occasions, whereby a certain famine would follow upon the Land, and a disadvantage to the Country's round about: with other Arguments of the same nature, sensible, strong, and persuasive, had not the Emperor been wedded to his own senseless will, and bewitched and led away with destructive counsel. Two caitiffs he had about him, that continually suggested evil to him against the Jews, as if for either ear one, Helicon an Egyptian mentioned before, and Apelles an Ascalonite, such another as he. These were ever adding spurs to his malice against that nation, which was in its full carreare already, and blowing those coals which it was impossible to quench. Wretched men that they were, that sought to rear their fortunes upon others ruins, and to cement estates with others men blood. Such instruments it pleased God to use for the scourging of that ungracious and condemned nation, and having done the work by them that he had appointed, he cast these rods into the fire, Apelles being tortured by Caius, whom he had indoctrinated to cruelty, and Helicon slain by Claudius, the Emperor that succeeded in Caius his room.   

Sect. IU. Agrippa his mediation for the jews.  
King Agrippa the Jews old friend and Advocate is now at Rome, and ready in affection, as well as in place, upon these heavy tidings to intercede for his people, and to do them good, if it be possible for any good to be done. josephus and Philo do again differ about the relation of this his undertaking of a mediation, as they do almost in every thing that they relate jointly, in one circumstance or other. josesephus saith that Agrippa hearing of this misery of his people, invited Caius to a most sumptuous and extraordinary banquet; using to his cost, such a preparative to his fairer and better aggresse and accosting the Tyrant upon a matter of so great import: That Caius at the banqu● offered him a boon, whatsoever he should desire, expecting he would desire some great Revenue: but that Agrippa requested nothing but the liberty of his people in their Religion, and the removal of that fear that now lay upon them by the 〈◊〉 preparing. That Caius, overcome by so honest and unexpected a petition condescended to his desire, and was well 〈◊〉 and pacified, till Petronius his Letter came to him after this, and then was he all of a fury and ragednesse again. But 〈◊〉 thus, That the intelligence from Petronius was come to him before Agrippa began to mediate: That Agrippa coming as at other times to attend the Emperor, was so cast down and daunted at the terror of his looks, and thunder of his words against the Jews, that he fell down in a swoone, in which he lay till the next day. Then he addresseth a Letter to him in his people's behalf, so powerful and pithy, that Caius betwixt anger and calmness▪ betwixt commending Agrippa, and being displeased with him, at the last granteth it to Agrippa as a special boon, that the dedication of his Image should not go forward: and to such a purpose he writeth to Petronius; but withal mingling mischief with this his mitigation, he giveth order that if any one would set up his Image, or dedicate his statue in any town or City of judea, (jerusalem excepted) it should not be opposed, but the opposer should be suddenly and severely punished. A politic and a deadly plot to involve the Nation in an insurrection and rebellion: For the enemies of the Jews would be ready to be erecting such offences; not so much for the honour of Cesar, as for spite of the jews, and the jews would be as ready to oppose them to the hazard of their lives, because they abhorred Idols for themselves, and not for the place; and the tyrant would be as ready as either to take this opportunity of their insurrection, to entangle them in a destructive War. But the time of their final desolation was not yet come, and so it pleased God that none of their enemies were active at this time in this kind; nor when he set a work a Colosse to be made for him in Rome, intending from thence to convey it secretly into the Temple at jerusalem, it took effect according to his impious design and desire, but came to nothing and the intention quashed, either by his death, which fell out the beginning of the next year, or by some other stop and hindrance.   

Sect. V. Flaccus Avilius in banishment, and his end.  
The last year we brought Flaccus to the Isle of Andros, and now let us land him there. When he came within ken of Land, he burst out into tears and lamentation, comparing that place in his pensive thoughts with Italy and Egypt, and his deplorable condition of life upon which he was now to enter, with the pomp and prosperity in which he had lived in those two places of his education and Authority. Being landed, his pensiveness increased the more, by how much he was now nearer to that misery which his thoughts presaged. His demeanour in this his banishment; if Philo have not set it forth with more Rhetoric than truth, was full of horror and amazedness: avoiding the society of men, running up and down the woods, tearing his hair, tormenting himself, and sometimes rising out of his sleep at midnight, and running abroad, and he would look up towards Heaven and cry out in a lamentable note. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. O King of Gods and men, thou art not therefore careless of the Nation of the jews.  
Thus did he spin out a miserable life for certain months, till Caesar cut his woeful thread in two. For the tyrant lying awake one night and could not sleep, among other thoughts that came into his mischievous mind, he considered how happily retired those men lived that were banished: they wanting nothing, and enjoying all things in enjoying themselves. The cruel caitiff from these thoughts of their estate, began to envy it, and accounting their banishment rather a pleasure then a punishment, he gave charge the next morning that they should all be slain. Under this doom fell Flaccus, one of the first in the Tyrant's thoughts, because one of the first in his displeasure. Executioners are sent for his dispatch, whose errand he knew as soon as he saw them, and from them he flies as soon as he knew them. But it is in vain to flee, and it is too late, for they and vengeance have soon over taken him, and with many wounds have put him to death.   

Sect. VI The Ambassadors of the Alexandrian jews before the Emperor.  
The miseries of the Alexandrian jews could find no remedy, while the source from whence they flowed, was not stopped, but overflowed them continually. The wellhead of this their mischief was double▪ The spiteful counsel that was given the Emperor against them by others; and the endless rancour that he bore to them himself. To stop the current, and inundation of the calamity that overwhelmed them continually from these to puddle springs, they can find no better, or more feasable means and way then to send some men of their own Nation to Rome, to atone, intercede & mediate for them. We left them upon their journey the last year, three in number, as saith josephus, but five, as Philo, who was one of them himself: and now let us trace them to Rome, and see how they speed.  
Their first sight of the Emperor was in Campus Martius, who saluted them friendly, and promised to give them hearing with a great deal of speed, and it was hoped by the most of them with a great deal of favour, but it proved far otherwise. For he shortly went out of the City down to Puteoli by the sea, and they follow him thither. There they first hear the tidings of the state of judea under Petronius, and of Caesar's Image that was preparing. From Puteoli they follow him to Rome again, and there being admitted to audience, he with a terrible and grinning countenance first asked them; What? are you that people that of all others scorn my Deity, but had rather worship your nameless God? and then scornfully lifting his hands up to Heaven, he named the name jehovah. At this all the company of the malignant party rejoiced, as accounting they had got the day. But when the jews began to excuse and answer for themselves, he flung away, and fisked from room to room, they following him all this while: At last, after some chiding at somewhat that he disliked in the rooms, and appointing how he would have it mended; he asked them, How comes it to pass that you forbear to eat Swine's flesh? Here the company laughed out again: and as the jews began to answer, he angrily interposed thus, I would fain know what are those privileges of your City, that you challenge? When they began to speak, he fisked away into another room. Shortly he cometh to them again in a milder manner: And now, saith he, what say you? And when they began to lay open their matter to him, away flings he into another room again. At last, coming again more mildly still, These men seem to me, saith he, not so evil, as miserable, which cannot be persuaded that I am a God; And so he bade them to depart. And thus concluded this great scene of expectation, for aught that we can find further in Philo. But whether this was the very end of the matter, or it proceeded further, but that the relation of it is failing in Philo, is hard to decide. It seemeth by him that this was the end of their conference with the Tyrant, but it appeareth withal, that they presented him with some Palinodia, or recantation, which is perished and gone. Eusebius speaketh of five Books written by Philo, 
Eccles. Hist. l. ●● c. 5.  about the calamities of the jews, and the madness of Caius, whereof we have but two extant at this time, that against Flaccus, and that about the Embassy to Caius, and the other three seem to be the Palinodia, or it to be some part of them.   

Sect. VII. Apion.  
Among the five, or three Ambassadors of a side, (as josephus and Philo differ in their number) the most renowned in their contrary and differing kinds were Apion the Greek, and Philo the jew; the others are wholly nameless, and their memory exstinct, but these two have left a perpetuation of theirs behind them by their writings.  
Apion was an Egyptian, born in the utmost borders thereof in a place called Oasis, but feigned himself for an Alexandrian. A man given to the Grecian studies of Philosophy, but with more vainglory than solidity. He not contented, to have been a personal accuser of the Jews to Caius in that their Embassy, wrote also bitterly against them in his Egyptian History, to disgrace them to posterity. Of which josephus that wrote two books in answer of him giveth this censure. That some things that he had written were like to what others had written before, other things very cold, some calumnious, and some very unlearned. And the end and death of this blackmouthed railer he describeth thus To me it seemeth, that he was justly punished for his blasphemies, even against his own Country laws, for he was circumcised of necessity, having an ulcer about his privities, and being nothing helped by the cutting or circumcising, but putrifying with miserable pains, he died, Contr. Apion. lib. 2.   

Sect. VIII. Philo the jew.  
Philo was a Jew by Nation, an Alexandrian by birth: by line, of the kindred of the Priests; and by family, the brother of Alexander Alabarcha. His education was in learning, and that mixed, according to his original and residence, of the Jews, and of the greeks: his proof was according to his education, versed in the learning of both the Nations, and not inferior to the most learned in either: From this mixture of his knowledge, proceeded the quaintness of his stile and writing; explaining Divinity by Philosophy, or rather forcing Philosophy out of Divinity, that he spoiled the one, and did not much mend the other. Hence his Allegories which did not only obscure the clear Text, but also much soil the Theology of succeeding times. His language is sweet, smooth, and easy, and Athens itself is not more elegant and Athenian. For attaining to the Greek in Alexandria, partly naturally, (that being a Grecian City) and partly by study, (as not native Grecians used to do) he by a mixture of these two together, came to the very Apex and perfection of the language, in copiousness of words, and in choice. His stile is always fluent, and indeed often to superfluity, dilating his expressions sometimes so copious, that he is rather prodigal of words, then liberal, and showeth what he could say if the cause required, by saying so much, when there is little or no cause at all. And to give him his character for this, in short, He is more a Philosopher then a scripture man in heart, and more a Rhetorician then a Philosopher in tongue. His manner of writing is more ingenious than solid, and seemeth rather to draw the subject whereon he writeth whither his fancy pleaseth, then to follow it whither the nature and inclination of it doth incline. Hence his allegorising of whatsoever cometh to his hand, and his peremptory confidence in whatsoever he doth allegorise, insomuch that sometimes he persuadeth himself that he speaketh mysteries, as pag. 89. and sometimes he checketh the Scripture, if it speak not as he would have it, as page 100  
How too many of the Fathers in the primitive Church followed him in this his vein, it is too well known, to the loss of too much time, both in their writing and in our reading. Whether it were because he was the first that wrote upon the Bible, or rather because he was the first that wrote in this strain, whose writings came unto their hands, that brought him into credit with Christian Writers, he was so far followed by too many, that while they would explain Scripture, they did but intricate it, and hazarded to lose the truth of the story, under the cloud of the Allegory. The Jews have a strain of writing upon the Scripture, that flieth in a higher region than the writings of Christians, as is apparent to him that shall read their Authors. Now Philo being a Jew, and naturally affecting like them to soar in a high place, and being by his education in the Grecian wisdom more Philosophical than the jews usually were, and by inclination much affected with that learning, he soareth the Jewish pitch with his Grecian wings, and attaineth to a place in which none had flown in before (unless the Therapeutae, of whom hereafter) writing in a strain that none had used before, and which too many, or at least many too much used after; of his many strange and mysterious matters that he findeth out in his vein of allegorising, let the Reader taste but some.  
As see what he saith of the invisible Word of God, pag. 5. & pag. 24. & 169. & 152.  
How he is a Pythagorean for numbers, pag. 8. & pag. 15, 16, 31. where he is even bewitched with the number Seven; and pag. 32, 33. as the Therapeutae were 695. from whom he seemeth to have sucked in his Divinity.  
Pag. 9 He accounteth the Stars to presage future things; whom in pag. 12. he almost calleth intelligible Creatures, pag. 168. and immortal Spirits, pag. 222.  
Pag. 12. He seemeth to think that God had some Coadjutors in man's Creation.  
Pag. 15. God honoured the seventh day, and called it holy; for it is festival not to one people or region only, but to all: which is worthy to be called the festivity of the people, and the nativity of the world.  
Pag. 43. He distinguisheth betwixt Adam form and made, earthly and heavenly.  
Pag. 57 He teacheth strange Doctrine, which followeth more copiously, pag. 61. about two natures created in man, good and bad.  
Pag. 68 Observe his temperance when his list.  
Pag. 86. He believeth that his soul had sometime her raptures, and taught him strange, profound, and unknown speculations, as there she doth concerning the Trinity, and in pag. 89. He thinketh he talketh mysteries.  
Pag. 94. Faith the most acceptable Sacrifice; an unexpected confession from a Jew.  
Pag. 100 He checketh joseph the Patriarch for impropriety of speech, and he will teach him how to speak.  
Pag. 102. Speaking of the death of Moses, he saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. He is not gathered, or added, fainting or failing, as men had done before, for he admitted not either of addition or defection, but he is translated or passeth away by the Authority of that efficient word by which the universe was made.  
Pag. 122. He is again very unmannerly and uncivil with Joseph, and so is he again in pag. 152. he had rather lose his friend then his jest, and censure so great a Patriarch then miss his Allegory.  
That Aaron used imposition of hands upon Moses, pag. 126.  
Pag. 127. That Abel slain yet liveth, as Heb. 11.  
Pag. 152. God like a Shepherd and King governeth all things in the world by right and equity, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Setting over them his upright word, which is his first begotten Son, who taketh the care of this sacred heard, like the Deputy of some great King.  
Pag. 161. He showeth his learning is the great Encyclica.  
Pag. 168. He calleth Angels Genii and Heroes, according to the greeks, and holdeth that they were created in the air, but in the superior part of it near the Sky, and fly up and down there, pag. 221, 222.  
Pag. 170. His Allegories make him impious, and he counteth the story of Paradise to be but foolery, if it be taken literal.  
Pag. 180. He talketh a Rabinall tale about the invention of music.  
He constantly followeth the Lxx, as appeareth, pag. 160, 179, 218, 245, 255.  
Pag. 190. He maketh God and his wisdom, as it were father and mother, of whom the world was generate, but not humano more.  
Ibid. He readeth that place, Prov. 8.22. The Lord created me the first of his works. For saith he, it was necessary that all things that came to generation, should be younger than the mother and nurse of all things.  
Pag. 191. He is very uncivil with jethro.  
Pag. 205. He holdeth Lot's wife to have been turned into a stone.  
Pag. 206. He was in the Theatre at a play.  
Pag. 213. He holdeth Isaac weaned at seven years old. And mentioneth certain Dialogues made by himself, personating Isaac and Ishmael. He calleth cap. 32. of Deuteronomie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Canticum majus, according to the Rabbins phrase: so likewise pag. 179.  
Pag. 214. jacob praying for joseph saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. It is very questionable where this speech is to be found.  
Pag. 223. The spirit of God is an immortal knowledge.  
Pag. 232. He treateth de Primogenito, & secundogenito Dei: that is, of his Word and the World.  
Pag. 234. He holdeth freewill, but it is in comparison of the actions of men with the effects of Plants and Brutes.  
Pag. 241. He is fallen out with joseph again.  
Pag. 251. He telleth a fable, how all Birds and Beasts spoke the same language, and understood one another; but that their tongue was confounded because they petitioned that they might never grow old, but renew their youth as the Serpent doth, who is the basest of them.  
But this is more then enough for a taste: we shall conclude his Character with that Apophthegm that came from him when Caius was in a rage against him and his fellow-Commissioners, How ought we to cheer up, saith he, though Caius be angry at us in words, seeing in his deeds he even opposeth God? josephus relateth it, Antiq. lib. 18. cap. 10.    

Part III. The Roman Story.  

Sect. I. Caius still foolish and cruel.  
THis year did Caius make an expedition to the Ocean, as if he would have passed over into Britain: but the greatest exploit that he did was, that first he went a little upon the Sea, and then returning, he gave a signal to his Soldiers that they should fall to battle, which was nothing else but that they should gather cockles and shells upon the shore, and so he returned with these goodly spoils, and brought them to Rome in a foolish triumph, as if he had conquered the Ocean: being come into the City he had like to have slain all the Senate, because they had not decreed divine honours and worship to him: But he became reconciled to them again upon this occasion: Protogenes his bloodhound (that used to carry his two Books, or Black-bills, the one whereof he called a Sword, and the other a Dagger; in which Books he enrolled whom he destined to death or punishment) he coming one day into the Court, and being saluted and fawned upon by all the Senate, was among them all saluted by Scribonius Proculus. Upon whom looking with a grim and displeased countenance, What, saith he, dost thou salute me, that hatest so deadly the Emperor my Master? Whereupon the rest of the Senators arose, came upon him and pulled him in pieces. With this piece of service so well suiting with the Tyrant's humour, he was so well pleased, that he said they had now regained his favour again. Under his cruelty this year perished by name, Ptolemy the son of King juba, because he was rich: Cassius Becillinus for no crime at all: and Capito his father, because he could not endure to look upon his son's death. Flattery delivered L. Vitellius our late Governor of Syria; and it was much to appease such a Lion, but that it was a flattery without parallel.   

Sect. II. Caius profane.  
The blasphemous Atheist continued still in his detestable Deity, being what God he would when he would, and changing his Godship with the change of his clothes: sometimes a male Deity, sometime a female, sometime a God of one fashion, sometime of another. Sometime he was jupiter, sometime juno, sometimes Mars, sometimes Venus, sometime Neptune, or Apollo, or Hercules, and sometimes Diana: and thus whilst he would be any thing, he was nothing, and under the garb of so many Gods he was indeed nothing but Devil: He built a Temple for himself in Rome, and made himself a room in the Capitol, that he might (as he said) converse with jupiter. But it seems jupiter and he fell out, for he removed his own mansion, and built himself a Temple in the Palace, because he thought that if jupiter and he shared in the same Temple, jupiter would have the upper hand, and the more repute. Therefore that his own Deity might have room enough, he built this new Temple; and that he might be sure to get equal worship with jupiter, he intended to set up the statue of jupiter Olympius there, but pictured directly after his own Image; so that it must have been jupiters' statue, but Caius his picture; jupiters' trunk, but Caius his head and face; but this fine design came to nothing, and was clean spoiled, for the Ship that went for this statue was spoiled with lightning; and there was a great laughing always heard, whensoever any one went about to meddle with the picture, to forward the bunnesse; and truly it was as fit an Omen, as likely could have been invented for it. When this invention thus failed him, he found out a new trick, to get part of the Temple of Castor and Pollux for himself, and joined it to the Palace; and he so contrived the matter, that his entrance was just in the middle between those two Gods: and therefore he called them his Porters, and himself he styled the Dialis: and his dear Caesonia, and his uncle Claudius, and divers of the richer sort he ordained to be his Priests, and got a good sum of money of every one of them for their Office; nay he would be a Priest unto himself, and which best suited with him in such a function, he admitted his Horse to be fellow Priest with him; and because he would be a right jupiter indeed, he would have his tricks to imitate thunder and lightning, and he would ever be defying jupiter in Homer's speech, Either take me away, or I will take thee. And thus was his Palace parted into a senseless contrariety, one part to be a Temple, and another part a common Stews; in one, Caius to be adored as a God, in another, Caius to play the Beast, deflowering Virgins, violating Boys, adulterating Matrons, exacting and extracting money from all; and using to tumble himself in heaps of Money which he had so gotten.    

THE CHRISTIAN HISTORY, THE JEWISH, and the ROMAN, OF The Year of Christ 42. And of 

Caius Caligula 5.  
Claudius' 1.   Being the Year of the World 3969. And of the City of Rome, 794. Consuls 

Caius Caesar IU.  
Cn. Sentius Saturninus.    
London, Printed by R. C. for Andrew Crook, 1645.   

PART II. The Roman Story.  

Sect. I. Caius his death contrived.  
THis madness of Caius could not last long, it was so mad and it was so violent, and he could not expect a dry and timely death himself, which had brought an untimely and bloody to so many hundreds. He began a Consulship this year with Cn. Sentius, but it was soon out of date, as he was himself, but he not so soon as the people desired, as he had deserved, and some had compassed, had their plot but taken effect. One or two conspiracies had been contrived against him before this, but had failed in the success, and he escaped to do more mischief still. But now a design is in undertaking, that will run the business to the full, and men are entered into the combination, that have mettle, and want not fortune. These were Cassius Chaereas & Cornelius Sabinus that contrived in chief, and they entertained many others into the conspiracy with them, as Callistus and Eparchus, Regulus and Minutianus. While the plot was in hatching, Caius gave an extraordinary offence and disgust unto the people, which basined and ripened it the more, upon his own head. There were solemn sport's kept now in the City, at which time it was 〈…〉 that if the people asked a boon, the Emperor ●id 〈◊〉 grant it. Now therefore they begged that he●●ould ea●e 〈◊〉 taxes, and release somewhat of the grievous 〈…〉 under which they groaned. But 〈◊〉 was so far from 〈◊〉▪ that he caused many of the petitioners to be slain, hastening his own death by theirs, and condemning himself by their condemnation. For what now remains thought the conspirators but a speedy course, when neither his own reason, nor their petitions, nor their country's custom can any whit move him to goodness, nor divert him from his cruelties? Besides this general quarrel of their country, some of them had their peculiar heart-burnings against him for particular abuses: As Minutianus for the death of his friend Lepidus and for fear of his own life: but Cassius Chereas' for divers affronts and disgraces, which the Tyrant not only used but loved to put upon him above other men. He was Tribune of the Praetorian band, or as it were Captain of the guard, and a man as valiant, as that place required or any whatsoever. Yet was it the senseless and inconsiderate tyrant's delight and continual custom, to gear him with the taunts of cowardice or effeminacy. Whensoever he came to him to ask of him a word or ticket for the Watch, he would give him Venus or Priapus: when he offered him his hand to kiss, he would frame it into an obscene form, and so hold it to him: And that which might make him odious to others, he caused him to be the wracker and tormentor of delinquents, himself standing by, that he might use no mercy for fear; and yet when he had cruelly and miserably torn and rend the poor wretches, would the spiteful Prince speak pitifully to them, bemoan the extremity, condole their condition, and sometimes give them rewards, thus turning the detestation of all the cruelty upon the head of Chereas' only: such things as these set the abused man all of a fire for revenge, that was hot enough already for the common cause, and he wanteth nothing to end his own disgrace and his country's misery, but partners and opportunity. He therefore first assayeth Clemens the chief commander of the soldiery, & Papinius the chief Equerry or Squire of the Emperor's body, with feeling words and forcible arguments to draw them into the same design with himself of freeing the Common wealth from the common misery, and themselves from the common guilt that lay upon them, not only for not redressing, but also for promoting it. For Caius, saith he, indeed commandeth such cruelties, but we are the men that execute them, he guilty in word only, but we in action. Whilst we obey his bloodiness we encourage it, and the weapons that our offices have put into our hands, for our country, we use only against it: forwarding that cruelty which when it wanteth further objects will not stop to fall upon our own selves. Come let us at the last right our Country and our own consciences: and give an end to those butcheries which we promote by our obedience, and of which we are doubly guilty, because we execute them, and because we avenge them not. With these or such expressions as these, did Chereas' easily bend these men to his opinion, who were in the same guilt, danger and misery with him: But Clemens, whether for cowardice or variableness of his disposition, fell suddenly off again, and persisted not either in resolution or in secrecy, but began to divulge the conspiracy all abroad: Now therefore was it time for Chereas' to hasten his enterprise, or it would be too late: such undertake as these will not brook long delays, especially when any one of the faction beginneth to run out, and leak. He therefore speedily addresseth himself to Sabinus, and to Minutianus, though a kinsman to Caius, and prevaileth with them both, to be of the same mind and action with him: and all of them having men ready for this exploit do but wait for an opportunity to bring it to effect.   

Sect. II. The manner of his death.  
Chereas' afraid to lose any time, thought several times to have thrown the tyrant headlong from an high place which he used to stand in in the Capitol, to throw and scatter money to the people, but he was withheld partly by his own judgement, which doubted whether the fall would kill him or no, and partly by the advice of his friends, which persuaded him to hold till a solemn festival which was now coming on, in which they might have better access in a mixed crowd and multitude.  
This time was come, and three days of the festival, and of the shows were passed before opportunity would serve their turn: On the fourth and last of the solemnity which must be the day or none, and this was the ninth of the Calends of February or january the three and twenty, Chereas provideth his confederates for the expedition both for mettle and weapons. In the morning betime, people of all conditions flock to the place of the shows and solemnity to get them places, disposing of themselves where they could, so that men and women, bond and free, noble and base sat mixedly together, and happy was he that could get a place no matter where. At last comes Caius, way forced for him through the crowd, all eyes upon him, but theirs especially that meant him mischief. His first beginning of that day's solemnity was with sacrifice, with the blood whereof when the clothes of Asprenas a Senator were accidentally bedawbed, it afforded matter of laughter to the Emperor, but it proved a fatal omen to himself. After his sacrifice he took his place with the Nobles about him, and the plays began: one of them was a Mimic acting that part which Neoptolemus did at the slaughter of King Priamus: Another, of one or more actors that seemed to vomit blood, so that the stage was even bloody over; and his sports read his destiny, himself being presently to substantiate in his own person, what these did but personate and represent of others. Having fitten a spectator of these his own Omens till towards one a clock, and indifferent whether to go to dinner or no, his stomach being undisposed through his yesterday gluttony, Asprenas a partner in the plot, sitting near him persuaded him for his refreshment to go to the bath, and so to dinner, and then to the plays and shows again. Caius giving notice of his rising, the company bussles to make him room, the conspirators pretending officiousness, helped to keep off the crowd and people; when he was come from among the multitude, he took not the open and ordinary way to the Palace, but a back and by way toward the Bath: There was he met and accosted by Chereas', who came to him as the custom was to demand the word: which when he gave him with his accustomed scorn, and disgracefulnesse, Chereas drew and flew upon him, with these words, Hoc age, and smote him sore into the collar bone: upon the wound Caesar neither cried out nor resisted, but sought to have slipped away. Then was he entertained by Sabinus with the like courtesy of a blow or Stab▪ so that by this time the great Lion is gotten down, and then the rest of the confederacy fly all in upon him, every one with his slash, that there he lieth mangled with few or no less than thirty wounds.   

Sect. III. The sequel.  
A pleasant spectacle was this to the overpressed commonwealth, but there must be some more trouble before she can enjoy the pleasure. Such storms as these, though they come suddenly, and without expectation, yet are they not so suddenly, passed and calmed again.  
The Germane Soldiers were the first that had notice of the Prince's death, and they are the only men that will avenge it▪ Men not only conditioned like himself, in barbarousness and headlong cruelty, but also in love with those conditions, because they found acceptance and reward with him. These men upon the report, rise up in revenge, and in searching for the murderers of Caesar, you must expect some innocency will be murdered. They first light upon Asprenas, a man that indeed had a singer in the business, but it is like it is more than they knew, yet howsoever he must pay for it because he cometh in their way, and so the shedding of his own blood answereth the Omen that he had but even now by the blood of the sacrifice. Next cometh Barbarus Norhanus to handling because next to hand, and after him Anteius whose curiosity was his destiny, for coming to look upon the corpse of the slain tyrant he was made a corpse himself: When the rumour of what had passed came into the Treater, it moved different passions according to their different affections. Some could not believe the news it was so good, others would not, because it was displeasing, hoping better, then that they had lost so great a patron of their unruliness and sporting. But when the Soldiers came in thither after the rumour, with the heads of Asprenas, Norbanus and Auteius in their hands, then imagine what case they were all in there, expecting to be all involved in the same fatal end, by the same fatal fury, though they were not of the same opinion and affection to the fact that had lately passed. But this fear and fury was with as much speed as wit, and indeed were both finely calmed and removed by one Aruntius, for coming in among them in a mourning weed, as if for Caius, he plainly, and dolefully, and assuredly averred that he was dead. One would have thought that this should have increased the raging of the Soldiers far more than before, but it had the clean contrary effect, as his policy had wittily foreseen. For when they knew certainly that he was dead, of whom they expected a reward for this their outrage in his quarrel, and when they considered what the people might do now he was dead, who so hated him while he was alive, they sheathed their swords and their fury together, and withdrew themselves from the Theatre, and the people's fear from the people fairly▪ and quietly both at once. By a carriage of as much valour as this was of ingenuity, did Valerius Asiaticus calm the tumult of the people in the market place, for when there was no other language, but, who is it, and who is it that hath killed Caesar? he steppeth into some place above the people, and boldly cried I would it had been I, and with his boldness daunted the mutiny, and amazed their anger.   

Sect. FOUR Dissension about the government.  
The hearts of the people were pretty well settled about the death of the Prince, but their minds not so well about the manner of the future government. The Senate being assembled in the Capitol were divided about this great matter, whether the commonwealth should return to its old Democracy, or to its later Monarchy again; some remembering the tyrannies used by the two latter monarches, abhorred the thought of that government any longer: Others considering that it were better to be under one tyrant, then under many, were as much against democracy; and yet if they might have a Monarch, which they desired, they were yet to seek who should be he. Sentius the Consul was vehement for the former choice, and might have well been suspected for affecting some kind of monarchy for the present himself, for he was chief governor alone, but that his earnestness to reduce the state to its former rule stopped the mouth of any such prejudice. Thus rose the Court without any determination, and no less was the City divided in opinion. And indeed it was a very hard task that they had in hand, to resolve for futurity what might prove the best, being to take a gentle medium betwixt their too much liberty and too little.   

Sect. V. Claudius.  
Whilst they were thus in doubt and agitation, and better able to resolve what they would not have, than what they would, fortune seemed to offer them an umpirage and determination, winding an acceptance of a Monarch into their hearts before they were aware. Claudius' an uncle of the Tyrant that now lay dead, hearing the tumult and hubbub that the palace was in, and how the matter went with Caligula, he crept into an obscure hole to hide himself, not much guilty indeed of any other cause of such fear, but only because he was so near allied to the man so hated and now slain. When lo Gratus a common Soldier searching about, whether for a prey or for a conspirator, spyeth his feet lying out of his skulking hole, and draws him out to see who it was; here might a slander by have laughed to have seen the different passions of Claudius and the Soldier meet together in one like and uniform action. Claudius, ready to kneel to the Soldier to beg for his life, and the Soldier already kneeling to Claudius to reverence his person. For being drawn out and brought into the light, and his face known by him and who he was, he presently shows him all reverence and homage, and cryeth out An Emperor, an Emperor; with this cry they bring him out to some more of their fellows, who getting him on their shoulders bring him into their Garrison, the people as he went pitying him, as going unto execution. There he lodged that night, and you may suppose that he slept out little, being so divided betwixt hope and fear. The Consul and Senate the next day hearing what was done, send to him to advise him to submit to their government, and not to disturb the State with a monarchy again, which had been so burdensome and tedious to it so long: which if he should go about to do they would oppose him to their utmost strength, and doubted not the assistance of the Gods in this their vindication of their liberty. Verrannius and Brachus, their two Legates upon this message, delivered their errand with as much moving Rhetoric and entreaty as they could invent, beseeching him with all the vehemency they could, not to distemper the Republic again by affecting and aspiring the Monarchy, which was now in a hopeful possibility of settling her tranquillity and liberty to her own content. But the sight of the strength and forwardness of the Soldiers that were about him, made them to strain their Oratory one key higher than it may be they had either commission for at their coming forth, or any thanks for at their return. For they besought him that if he would needs have the Empire, that he would rather receive it from the hands of the Senate then of the Soldiers, and make an entry to his government by consent and approval and not by violence.  
Claudius, howsoever his mind stood, gave a gentle answer, either dissembling till he could be sure to have his own party good, or indeed rather forced upon this pursuit then propense, and though affecting the majesty of the Empire, yet not patient of the trouble.   

Sect. VI Caesonia and her child slain.  
There let us leave him to study, as far as his fear and the Soldier's tumult would suffer him, what to resolve upon as best to be done, or if he were resolved already, then how to do it: And let us a little step aside to the corpse of Caius, and there we shall see some partners with him in his death, which had better relation to it then Asprenas and the other that we saw slain before: Chereas' not thinking it enough for the common safety, and the accomplishment of his design, that Caius was dead alone, unless so much also of him were cut off with him, as was in Caesonia his wife and her and his little child, he sendeth one Lupus one of the tribunes upon this execution, that nothing might remain of Caligula, but his putrified memory. Some were of opinion that Caesonia had been his persuasive and provocation to his mischiefs either by charms, or exhortations, or both; others thought, that she used her utmost endeavours to have reduced him to a better mind, but could not prevail: But were it the one or the other, were she good or bad, it is all one to Chereas', she was Caius his wife, and so must needs die for the desert of her actions, if she were nought, and though she were otherwise, yet for the due of her relation. Lupus findeth her tumbling upon the ground with the corpse, all besmeared with his blood and her own tears: She conceiving his errand by his very person, boldly invites him to accomplish what he came about, which he did accordingly, and withal slew the little child upon the heap: And so there lieth the greatest Prince and Princess under heaven, a spectacle of misery and majesty tied up together, and to be lamented in regard of these two, howsoever but justly rewarded in regard of their deserts.   

Sect. VII. Claudius' made Emperor.  
That rule and Monarchy that the Soldiers would have tumbled upon Claudius they cared not how, Agrippa the King of whom we had mention a good while ago folded it as it were upon him fairly and smoothly, that it both lay more easy for him himself, and less wrinkled and rugged to the eyes of others. For first coming privately to Claudius whilst he somewhat fluctuated in opinion, and was ready to have yielded to the Senate's propositions, he settled him in a contrary resolution, persuading him by no means to forsake or relinquish that fair apprehension and seizure of the dominion that was offered him. Then cometh he as craftily into the Senate as if he had been a mere stranger to what was in hand, and there asketh how the matter went between them and Claudius; when they ingenuously laid all the business before him, and demanded his counsel and advise in those affairs: He subtle enough for his own ends, and neither regarding their liberty, nor Claudius his Monarchy so much in the matter as his own security in his kingdom, maketh fair weather to them, and professeth with all solemnity to serve them in their designs to the utmost of his power. But when it came to the vote what must be done, and the resolution was that they must take up arms, and arm their servants, and compass that with the sword that they could not do with persuasions; then Agrippa thought it was time to work or never. He therefore puts them in mind of the strength of the Soldiers that had proclaimed Claudius, and of their forces but weak, few, and utterly unexpert: that to hazard a war was to hazard their State, and therefore he would advise them to tender to Claudius' propositions of accommodation, and if they were so pleased, he himself would be the agent. It is agreed upon, and he sent upon this employment, which how he would perform it is easy to guess, by looking upon his own condition in which he now stood. For in the life of Caius it was conceived that his evil counsel had very much forwarded the others cruelty and mischievousness, and therefore if the Senate be masters of their desires, he can little expect to be master any more of his Kingdom, but if with all his officiousness and trotting up and down he can help Claudius to the Monarchy, he is sure he hath then holpen himself to the royalty. It was therefore not an oversight in that grave & discreet great Council that they employed such a man as this in their occasions, who, a far dimmercie of judgement than any of theirs would easily perceive, would be against them: but it was their descreet evasion with their honour, when finding themselves too weak to deal it out by force of Arms, they came to a noble reference, by the motion and mediation of so great a Prince. When Agrippa cometh to Claudius he is now more urgent than before, that he stand to his challenge, because he had now groped the mind and strength of the Senate: and he prevaileth with him so far that the Soldiers go to the Senate house, and there demand a confirmation of their choice. It was now come to it in the Council, that they were resolved to choose one Monarch, for they saw the Soldiers would so have it, but now the question was who that must be; some were for one, some for another, but the conspirators against Caius were against Claudius howsoever: This division had like to have caused another tumult, but the end of all was, that the power and fear of the Soldiers prevailed, and the Senate was glad to accept him for their Prince whom they durst not refuse.   

Sect. VIII. His demeanour at his beginning.  
Agrippa had persuaded him to deal gently with the Senate, but he either persuaded not or prevailed not with him for the like towards the conspirors of his nephew's death. Chereas and Sabinus the slaiers of Caius, and Lupus the executioner of Caesonia and her child were not like the Senate, either persuaded by reasons, or affrighted by forces to accept of Claudius or to owe him homage, but they boldly and resolutely gainsay his election even to the death. Claudius therefore causeth Chereas' to be slain and Lupus with him, which doom they underwent with different demeanours, Chereas' stoutly, but Lupus weeping, Chereas at one blow, for he met death half the way, but Lupus at many, for he shrunk it all he could. But Sabinus, foolehardy as he was, when Claudius had granted him his pardon, and not only so but also restored him to his former honours, he disdaining to be singled from his fellow conspirators in their end any more than in their design, fell upon his own sword and died. Such a beginning did the new made Emperor make into his Empire, mingling severity and clemency together in the censure of offenders of the same knot, that he might also mingle fear and love in the hearts of the people. This Claudius was the son of Drusus the son of Livia, a man dull and diseased even from his childhood, and for that brought up most in the converse with women or nurses: hence his effeminacy and luxuriousness at all times, and his readiness to be led away by the counsel of women at some. He was now about fifty years of age when he began to reign, at the very ripeness of all the discretion he had, but that it was often blasted with fearfulness, drunkenness & wicked counsel. When he was set quietly in the Throne, the first thing he did was to get the two days in which the agitation was about the change of the government, quite out of memory, and for that end he made an act of oblivion of all things that had passed either in words or actions of all that time: yet had he not wrought his own security so far, but that he caused all that came near him to be searched for weapons, and while he sat at any meal, he had a strong guard about him. For the motion that had been so lately and so strongly carried for the abolition of monarchy, and the other which proposed others thereto when Monarchy was agreed upon, and would have excluded him, had taken such an impression upon him, that he reputed no safety in his holding of the royalty, but by that strong hand and power by which he had gotten it. Yet tried he fair and gentle dealing though he durst not trust it: Those from whom he had received any affront, in the days of Tiberius and Caligula (for sometimes in those days to abuse Claudius, was to curry favour) he freely pardoned if he found them guilty of no other crime, but if he did he paid them then for all together. The unjust fines of Caius he remitted, his illegal decrees he revoked, his innocents' imprisoned he released, and his causeless banished he called home.  
The poisons which he had prepared for the Nobles, and a list of their names for whom they were prepared, being found in the Palace, though Caius had pretended to have burnt them, he showed publicly to the Senate and then burned them indeed. He forbade any one to adore him or to sacrifice to him, he restrained the great and loud acclamations that were used to be made to the Emperor, and carried himself with such sweetness and moderation, that happy had the Republic been in the continuance of the Monarchy, had he been so happy as to have continued in this his fi●st demeanour. But his wicked Empress Messalina, and her wicked consorts first provoked him to mischief, and his too much delight in the bloody sports did by degrees habituate him unto cruelty. He had recalled julia and Agrippina the two sisters of Caius out of banishment, whither they had been sent by their own brother after he had deflowered them, and he restored them to their estates and revenues again. But Messalina stomacking that julia did her not honour and homage enough, and envying her beauty, and being jealous of her privacy with Claudius, she caused her to be banished again, and in a short time she compassed her death.  
These were but ominous beginnings, when Caesar's love to his own niece was cause enough to work her ruin, but was not strong enough to stand between her and the fury of his own wife: And it did but fatally presage what mischief her wretched counsels would work the cowardice and indiscretion of her husband to, when their first effect was upon one so near allied: Nor did cruelty and bloodiness enter thus only in at his ears, by the suggestion of his cursed wife, but the like it did also at his eyes, by his frequent and delightsome beholding of the bloody sports: that growing by degrees to be his delight to act, which had grown by degrees also to be his delight to see. Sometimes beasts with beasts, as twelve Camels and Horses at one time, and 300. Bears, and 300. African wild beasts at the same: sometimes beasts with men, and sometimes men with men, and at all times hideous bloodshed, that he that can look upon such barbarousness and slaughter with content, it may be suspected that he in time will grow to act the like with the same delight.    

PART II. ACTS XI.  

Vers. 26. And the Disciples were called Christians first in Antioch.  

Sect. I. The name of Christian.  
THe Jews and Gentiles being now since the calling of Cornelius knit up together into one Church they are this year tied up into the rofie and glorious knot of the same name, and Epithet the name of Christian: A new name which the Lord himself did give them, as we may well understand that prophecy, Esa. 65.15. that the two distinguishing names of Jews and Heathen might no more continue the ancient distance that was betwixt them, but that that and all differences arising there from might be buried under this sweet and lovely denomination given equally to them both. The current of the story hitherto hath fairly and plainly led this occurrence to this year, as the reader himself will confess upon the trace of the history, and he will be confirmed in it, when he seeth the next year following to be the year of the famine, which next followeth in relation in St. Luke to this that we have in hand, Act. 11.26, 27, 28.  
By what names the Professors of the Gospel were called before this time, it is plain in Scripture. Among themselves they were called 
(b) Act. 4.15.  Disciples, 
(c) Cap. 5.14. & 6.1. & 9.1.  Believers, 
(d) Act. 8.1.  The Church, 
(e) Act. 8.2.  Devout men, 
(f) Act. 11.29. 1 Cor. 15.6.  Brethren; But among the unbelieving Jews, by this sole common and scornful title of 
(g) Act. 24.5.  The sect of the Nazarites. Epiphanius hath found out a strange name for them not to be found elsewhere, nor to be warranted any where, and that is the name of jessaeans.  
Before they were called Christians 
(h) Lib. 1. advers. Nazarae●●. pag. 120.  (saith he) they were called jessaei; either from jesse the father of David, from whom the Virgin Mary and Christ by her descended, or from jesus the proper name of our Saviour. Which thou shalt find in the books of Philo, namely in that which he wrote 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: In which treating of their Policy, Praises and monasteries which are about the Marish Marian (commonly called Mareotis) he speaketh of none others then of Christians. Of the same opinion in regard of the men themselves, are divers others, both the Fathers, and later writers, though they differ in regard of the name. No Romanist but he takes it for granted, that Philo in that book (that is meant by Epiphanius, though he either title it not right, or else couch two books under one title,) speaketh of Christian Monks, and from thence who of them doth not plead the antiquity of a Monastic life, so confidently, that he shall be but laughed to scorn among them that shall deny it? They build indeed upon the Ipse Dixit of some of the Fathers to the same purpose, besides the likeness of those men in Philo to the Romish Monks, that such a thing as this is not altogether to be passed over, but something to be examined, since it seemeth to carry in itself so great antiquity and weightiness.  
Eusebius therefore in his 
(i) Lib. 2. c. 15.  Ecclesiastical History delivereth such a matter as tradition. They say (saith he) that Mark being first sent into Egypt, preached the Gospel there which he also penned, and first founded the Churches of Alexandria, where so great a multitude of believing men and women grew up, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in a most Philosophical and strict course, that Philo himself vouchsafed to write of their converse, meetings, feast, and all their demeanour: And for this his writing of them, He is reckoned by us (saith 
(k) De Scriptorib. Eccles. ●om. 1. pag. 102.  Jerome) amongst the Ecclesiastical writers, because writing concerning the first Church of Mark the Evangelist, he breaketh out into the praises of our men: relating that they are not only there but also in many other provinces, and calling their dwellings Monasteries. Of the same mind with these fathers, are Cedrenus 
(l) Lib. 2. cap. 16.17.  Nicephorus, 
(m) Bibl. Sanct. l. in voce. Philo.  Sixtus Senensis, 
(n) Lib. 2. cap. 1. de Monach.  Bellarmine, 
(o) Apparat. Sacer. in voce Philo.  Possevine and others; which last cited Jesuit is not contented to be satisfied with this opinion himself, but he revileth the Magdeburgenses, and all others with them, that are not of the same opinion with him. For the examining of which, before we do believe it, we may part their position into these two quaeres. First, whether Mark the Evangelist had founded the Church at Alexandria before Philo wrote that book. And secondly whether those men about Alexandria reported of by Philo, were Christians at all yea or no.  
First then look upon Philo and upon his age, and you shall find that the last year when he was in Embassy at Rome, he was ancient, and older than any of the other Commissioners that were joined with him, for so he saith of himself: Caesar speaking affably to them when they first came before him, the standers by thought their matter would go well with them, 
(p) In legate. ad Cai●●n.  But I (saith he) that seemed to outstrip the others in years and judgement, etc. and then from him look at the time when Mark is brought by the Ecclesiastical Historians first into Egypt and Alexandria. 
(q) In Chronico.  Eusebius, (for we will content ourselves with him only) hath placed this at the third of Claudius, in these words, Marcus Evangelista interpres Petri, Aegypto & Alexandria Christum annunciat. And then is Philo four years older than before. To both which add what time would be taken up after Marks preaching before his converts could be disposed into so settled a form of buildings, constitutions and exercises, and then let indifferency censure, whether Philo that was so old so long before, should write his two books of the Esseni, and the Therapeutae after all this. But because we will not build upon this alone, let us for the resolution of our second Quaere, character out these men that are so highly esteemed for the patterns of all monastics, and that in Philoes' own words and description.     

Part III. The Jewish History.  

Sect. I. The Therapeutae.  
THey are called Therapeutae and Therapeutrides (saith Philo) either because they profess a Physic better than that professed in Cities, for that healeth bodies only, but this diseased souls.— Or because they have learned from nature, and the holy Laws to serve him that is— Those that betake themselves to this course, do it not out of fashion, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  or upon any one's exhortation, but ravished with a heavenly love, (even as the Bac●bantes and Corybantes have their raptures) until they behold what they desire. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Then through the desire of an immortal and blessed life, reputing themselves to die to this mortal life, they leave their estates to sons or daughters or to other kindred, voluntarily making them their heirs, and to their friends and familiars if they have no kindred.— When they are thus parted from their goods, being taken now by no bait, they fly irrevocably, leaving brothers, children, wives, parents, numerous kindreds, societies and countries, where they were borne and bred— they flit, not into other Cities— but they make their abode without the walls in gardens or solitary Villages, affecting the wilderness not for any hatred of men, but because of being mixed with men of different conditions, which thing they know is unprofitable and hurtful. This kind of people are in many parts of the world,— but it abounds in Egypt through every one of those places that are called Nomi, especially about Alexandria. Now out of all places the chief or best of the Therapeutae are sent into a Colony (as it were into their Country) into a most convenient region, besides the lake Maria, upon a low gentle rising bank, very fit, both for safety and the wholesome air.— The houses of the company are very mean, affording shelter in two most necessary respects, against the heat of the Sun, and the coldness of the air. Nor are they near together like houses in a City, for such vicinity is trouble and displeasing to such as love and affect solitude. Nor yet far asunder, because of that communion which they embrace, and that they may help one another if there be any incursion of thiefs. Every one of them hath a holy house which is called a 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Chapel and Monastery, in which they 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  being solitary do perform the mysteries of a religious life: bringing in thither neither drink nor meat, nor any other necessaries for the use of the body, but the Law and the Oracles given by the Prophets, and hymns and other things whereby knowledge and religion are increased and perfected. Therefore thy have God perpetually in their mind, insomuch that in their dreams, they see nothing but the beauty of the Divine powers, and there are some of them who by dreaming do vent excellent matters of Philosophy. They use to pray twice every day, morning and evening, at Sun rising and Sun setting, and all the time between they meditate and study the Scripture allegorising them, because they believe that mystical things are hid under the plain letter: they have also many commentaries of their predecessors of this sect to this purpose. They also made Psalms, and Hymns to the praise of God. Thus spend they the six days of the week every one in his Cell, not so much a● looking out of it. But on the seventh day they meet together and sit down according to their age demurely, with their hands within their coats, the right hand betwixt their breast and their skin, and the left on their side. Then steps forth one of the gravest and skilfullest in their profession and preacheth to them, and the rest hearken with all silence, only nodding their heads, or moving their eyes: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  their place of worship is parted into two rooms, one for the men and the other for the women: All the week long they never taste meat nor drink any day before Sun setting, because they think the ●●udy of wisdom to be fit for the light, and the taking ease of their bodies for the dark: some hardly eat above once in 3. days, some in 6. on the 7th day after they have taken care of the soul, they refresh the body. Their diet is only bread and salt, and some add a little hyssop. Their drink spring-water. Their clothes mean and only fit to keep out heat and cold▪ At the end of every seven weeks they feast together, honouring much the number seven: Old women are present at their feasts, but they are such as are virgins upon devotion. When they first meet together, they first stand and pray that the feast may be blessed to them, then sit they down the men on one side and the women on the other, some of their young Scholars wait on them: their diet is but as at other times, bread and salt for their meat, hyssop for sauce, and water for drink: there is general silence all the meal, save that one or other asketh or resolveth questions, the rest holding their peace; and they show by their several gestures that they understand, or approve or doubt. Their interpretations of Scripture are all allegories; when the precedent hath satisfied the things proposed, they give a general applause, and then he singeth a Psalm either of his own making or of some of the ancients: And thus do the rest in their course, when all have done, the young men take away the table: and then they rise and fall to a dance, the men apart and the women apart for a while, but at last they join and dance all together: and this is in representation of the dance upon the shore of the red Sea. Thus spend they the night, when Sun riseth they all turn their faces that way, and pray for a happy day, and for truth and understanding, and so they depart every one to their Cells.  
To this purpose doth Philo describe these Therapeutae of his times: which howsoever they are taken for Christians by divers as was said before, yet is it so plain by divers passages in Philoes' Charactering of them that they were no Christians, but Jewish sectaries, that it is even needless to determinate it: let the reader but consider that it is a Jew that commends their devotion, that he himself imitates their manner of expounding the Scriptures by allegories, that he saith they had many commentaries of their predecessors to that tenor, that they were superstitious about the number seven, as he himself is not a little, and if there were no other arguments to prove that they were only a sect of the Jews, these were enough.   

Sact. II. The affairs of the jews in Alexandria, and Babylonia.  
The death of Caius was an allay to the troubles of the Jews both in judea and Alexandria, and the proclamation of Claudius which we shall hear of the next year, was their utter cessation for the present, but so it was not in Babylonia. The terror and trouble that had seized judea, about the statue of Caesar, was removed, and extinct with the removal, and extinction of Caesar himself, so were the pressures of them in Alexandria mitigated much from what they were before, though their commotions and troubling continued still in an equal measure. For whereas before the displeasure of the Emperor lay so heavy upon them that they neither could nor durst stand out in their own defence, when that burden is now removed they gather heart and mettle, and now though the Greeks and they be continually at daggers drawn, yet now it is upon equal terms, and they dare strike as well as the other. But in Babylonia and thereabouts, their miseries is but now a brewing, and an equal strait is preparing for them, as had been to either of the other, though it began with some smiling of a seeming happiness, and the sunshine of present prosperity. The bloodhound of vengeance was to hunt this nation, and not to be taken off till it was destroyed: and therefore when it giveth off the quest in one place, it takes it in another, and leaveth not their footing till it had left them no footing at all.  
Those Jews whose Tragedy we have seen acted already found their own misery though they sought it not, and how much more shall they that we are now to bring upon the scene that sought and wooed it with their utmost pains.   

Sect. I. The rebellion of some jews.  
There were in Nea●daa (the residence and University of the Jews in Babylona) two brethren named Asinaeus and Anilaeus, or in their proper language Chasinai, and Chanilai. These two their mother (their father being dead) had put to a trade and to a master, for the making of sails or other tackle for ships. The sturdy youths having one day given their master some offence, and he them some blows, did take the matter in such high scorn and disdain, that they resolve not only to overrun their master, but indeed to run over all mastership whatsoever. They therefore getting away all the Arms their master's house would afford, betake themselves to a strong place in an Island of Euphrates, and there publish and proclaim their rebellious resolution. Young men flock in to them apace, men of the same desperate minds and fortunes, and after building some Castles in the air of future expectations, they begin to build a Fort in the I'll for their present security and rendevouz. They then command the neighbour towns to pay them tribute, which the numerousness and resolution of the Commanders made them that they durst not disobey. The governor of Babylonia thinking to quell this growing evil before it should be too strong, cometh secretly upon them on the Sabbath day, thinking to involve them in their own superstition into the trap that he had prepared for them: But the furious youths were not so over-religious as to be killed in devotion, nor did they prise the Sabbath above their own lives, but for all it was that day they are resolved to fight, and they fight resolvedly, and kill and rout and foil the forces that made no other account but of victory.  
Artabanus King of Parthia hearing of the power of this newborn army, and the resolution of those upstart Captains, and considering how advantageous it might be for his own affairs, to have them sure and firm unto himself, he sendeth for the two brethren with assurance of their safety: whereupon they come to him, and are royally and bravely entertained by him: and when Abdagasis the General of his army would have slain Asinaeus treacherously, the King forbade him, sent Asinaeus home with rich gifts and the government of Babylonia committed to him: There he grew greater and greater in power and honour: and stood in high repute both with the Babylonians and the Parthians, and had all Mesopotamia at his command. And thus continued these brethren in pomp and height for 15. years together: till a miscarriage of Anilaeus began to cloud and eclipse their prosperity: For Anilaeus having slain a Parthian Peer that he might enjoy his Lady, and she when she was now his wife, using her ancient idolatry as in her first husband's days, this became a double offence to his chiefest friends, namely, for that he had married an heathen, and for that she continued still in her Idolatry: They seriously admonish Anilaeus of the matter, but he slew one of the chiefest of them for his home-reproofe and admonition. Therefore the rest address themselves to Asinaeus, and demand the vindication of their native Laws and Religion: he rebuketh his brother Anilaeus, and is therefore poisoned by the Parthian Lady, because that her husband might be from under rebuke, and might be commander of all. He being now so indeed, first invadeth the country of Mithridates, son in Law to Artabanus, and forageth that, and by a surpizall getteth Mithridates' prisoner, yet sendeth him home again to his own possessions, having hardly delivered him from his soldier's fury that they did not kill him: Mithridates sensible of the disgrace of his usage (for they had set him naked upon an Ass,) and instigated by the haughty and revengeful spirit of his wife, raiseth what force he can get, and giveth Anilaeus battle and routeth him. But Anilaeus himself escaping, and recruting an army of dissolute and resolute fellows again, he beginneth to spoil some towns of the Babylonians, but the Babylonians finding a fit opportunity, fall upon Anilaeus and his troop, and slew many of them, and Anilaeus himself among the rest: This bridle and curb of the Jews, which had lain so long and so heavy upon the Babylonians being now taken off, they begin now to rise up and to curb and oppress the Jews: who for their safety flee to Seleucia: and there they reside quietly for the space of five years, but in the sixth year, a hot plague driving the rest of them that had stayed behind at Babylon, into Seleucia also, providence did as it were bring them all thither together to execution: for a quarrel being first between the Greeks and Syrians that dwelled in that City, and the Syrians getting the better through the help of the Jews, at last Greeks and Syrians join both together against the Jews, and destroy fifty thousand of them: And this was a second notable vengeance that hath overtaken that nation since the murder of the Lord of life.    

THE CHRISTIAN HISTORY, THE JEWISH, and the ROMAN, OF The Year of Christ 43. And of the Emperor Claudius 2. Being the Year of the World 3970. And of the City of Rome, 795. Consuls 

C. Largus.  
Claudius' II.    
London, Printed by R. C. for Andrew Crook, 1645.   

ACTS. Chap. XI.  

Vers. 28. Great dearth throughout all the World; which came to pass in the days of Claudius Caesar.  
THat this famine was in the second of Claudius, we have showed before, not only out of Dion the Roman Historian, but even by necessary collection from other things. Now whether it proceeded from want of Rain, or from what other cause, it is not determinable: it appeareth by Sutton, that it came to this height through a continued sterility of the ground, which it seemeth had been some years together. This year was Helena the Queen of the Adiabeni, present at jerusalem, and her presence there was a happiness to the City, for from Cyprus and Alexandria, she sent for Provisions, and distributed them among the people, when divers had perished of famine before.   

Vers. 30. Sent it to the Elders by the hands of Barnabas and Saul.  

Sect. Paul's rapture into the third Heaven.  
Although it be not mentioned in this Chapter that Paul went up to jerusalem, but was sent only with provisions to the poor brethren in judea: yet have we also proved before, that at this journey he had his trance in the Temple, Acts 22.17. and in that trance he was rapt up into the third Heaven. The story of which he himself relateth, 2. Cor. 12.2. I knew a man in Christ above fourteen years ago, whether in the body I cannot tell, etc. And there he relateth also the story of the messenger of Satan, buffeting him, and himself praying, and God giving him a gracious answer: all which we shall explain, by God's permission, in another place.  
In this trance God bids him get out of jerusalem, and gives him commission to go preach among the Gentiles, Acts 22.18, 21. And so he returneth from jerusalem to Antioch, where we shall have him the next year.   

Sect. II. Peter not this year at Rome.  
This year the Romanists have brought Peter to Rome, and made this the first year or beginning of his Episcopacy there. For thus Baronius, That Peter came to Rome this second year of Claudius the Emperor, it is the common Opinion of all men. And to this purpose he allegeth Eusebius his Chronicle, and Jerome de scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis, and concludeth that others have written the same things concerning the time, that there can be no doubt left of it.  
It may be tolerated to insist a little the more largely upon the examination of this opinion, not for that it is of any such great import in its own nature, as for that it is made of so great by them for their own advantage. For were it granted that Peter was Bishop of Rome, and that he went thither in this year, yet what great matter were there in this, in common sense and reason? But because unreasonable men have from hence, or upon this foundation built the supremacy of the Pope, the great delusion of the world, let the same common sense and reason equally and impartially judge of the probability or improbability of this thing, in these two parts into which this tenet doth fall of itself.  
1. Whether it be probable that Peter was Bishop of Rome at all.  
2. Whether it be possible that he could come thither this year according as they themselves have laid his progress, and that he should set up an Episcopacy there.  
Weigh the first by these;  
First, Peter was Minister of the Circumcision, why then should he go settle himself to live and die among the uncircumcised? He might indeed have preached to the uncircumcised as he travailed up and down, as Paul did to the circumcised, being the Minister of the uncircumcision, but to take up his abode and residence, and thereto settle, to live and die among them; was a thing neither probable in the eyes of other men, nor justifiable in him himself.  
Secondly, if Peter were at Rome in the sense and extent that the Romanists will have it, then hath the Scripture omitted one of the greatest points of salvation that belongeth to Christianity: For how many main points of faith hath Popery drawn out of this one conclusion, that Peter was Bishop of Rome; as the Primacy of the Pope, the infallibility of his Chair, his absolute power of binding and losing, no salvation out of the Church of Rome, and divers other things, which all hang upon the Pin forenamed: And it is utterly incredible; 1. That the holy Ghost that wrote the Scriptures for man's salvation, should not express or mention a thing that containeth so many points of salvation. 2. That Luke that undertook to write the Acts of the Apostles, should omit this one act of Peter, which is made of more consequence than all the actions of all the Apostles beside. It is above all belief, that he that would tell of Philip's being at Az●tus, and going to Caesarea, chap. 8.40. Saul's going to Tarsus, ch. 9.30. And Barnabas his going thither to him, and divers other things of small import, in comparison, should omit the greatest & most material, & of the infinitest import that ever mortal man's journey was (for to that height is the journey of Peter to Rome now come) if there had ever been such a thing at all.  
Thirdly, it is as incredible, that Paul sending salutation● to so many in Rome, and again from so many there, should omit to have named Peter at one time or other if he had been there. What was become of Peter in these reciprocal kindnesses and salutations of the Saints one to another; was he a sleep, or was he sullen, or what shall we make of him, or was he not indeed at Rome at all?  
But not to insist upon this question whether Peter were at Rome at all, which hath been proved negatively by many Authors, and by many undeniable Arguments; let us look a little upon this foundation of his being there, which hath been laid, namely, his coming thither this year, which is the second thing to be taken into consideration.  
And about this point, there have been divers simple Ignoramusses in former time, who so they held this first Article of the Roman Creed, That Peter was Bishop of Rome five and twenty years, and died in the last year of Nero, and so believed as the Church believed, they never cared to bring the head and heels together, or to observe how the times agreed, but have easily swallowed this camel of senseless computation, that Peter went from the Council of jerusalem, Acts 15. to Rome, and there sat Bishop five and twenty years, which expired in the last of Nero; whereas, betwixt the Council at jerusalem, and the last of Nero there were but twenty years in all, if there were so many: But nimbler wits, that cannot be caught in so plain and apparent a trap as this, have found out a quainter and more curious date from which to begin the Chair of Peter at Rome then this, and that is from the Story in the twelfth of the Acts of the Apostles. Where Peter being apprehended by Herod after his murder of james the great, and being delivered by an Angel, and having acquainted the Disciples with his delivery, they being together in john Marks house, he is said, to depart to another place: which they say, (and you must believe it, or they will take it very ill) was to Rome, and this was (say they) the second year of Claudius. A long journey believe it, to run to Rome, to avoid danger at jerusalem: and Rome but a mad place to set up an Episcopacy in at this time, as hath been plain in the preceding, and will be also in the subsequent story of it. But that we may see, if not the impossibility, yet the utter improbability of that his journey in this second of Claudius, if that were the journey in the twelfth of the Acts, it will not be impertinent to insert a story out of josephus concerning Agrippaes' return from Rome to jerusalem, where he slew james, and imprisoned Peter.     

PART II. The Jewish Story.  

Sect. Herod Agrippa his coming to jerusalem.  
Claudius' the Emperor having attained the Empire as we have seen, the more easily and readily by the mediation and agitating of Agrippa, he would requite him like an Emperor for that his service: and therefore he confirmed to him by Charter, that Kingdom in which he had been enthroned by Caius, adding also judea and Samaria, which had belonged to his Grandfather Herod (from hence it may seem that he took that name) and Abilene, and the region near it, and appertaining to it in Lebanon, which had belonged to Lysanias. He caused also the Articles of a League betwixt himself and the King, to be cut in brass, and to be set up in the midst of the Forum.  
There was now some sedition and civil hostility in Alexandria; for the Jews having been suppressed and oppressed by the greeks, all the time of Caius, began after his death to stand in their own defence, and to rise up against those that had opposed them. Claudius' by Letter commands the Governor of Egypt to quell the tumult▪ and at the request of Agrippa, and of Herod King of Chalcis, he sendeth forth an Edict into Syria and Alexandria in behalf and favour of the Jews. And another Decree he sent also through the rest of the Roman Empire, to the same tenor, and for the benefit of the same people, beginning with these his Titles, Tiberius Claudius Caesar, Augustus, Germanicus, Pont. Maximus. Trib. Pleb. or Tribunitia Potestatis Consul designatus II. or second time Consul, and so it goes on.  
By these decrees (saith josephus) being thus sent to Alexandria, and through the whole Empire; Claudius declared what opinion he had of the Jews: And presently he sent away Agrippa to manage his Kingdom, with enlarged Honours, and wrote to the Governors of the Provinces, and to the Magistrates to favour him. And he, as it befitted a man that had had happy success, returned with speed. And coming to jerusalem, he performed or offered Thankes-Offerings, omitting nothing that was enjoined by the Law: Wherefore he caused many Nazarites to be shaved; and the golden Chain which was given him by Caius, weighing equally with the iron chain that had bound his royal hands, he hung up 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 within the enclosures.  in the consecrate Court over the Treasury, for a memorial of his adversity, and for a witness of his better fortune. Thus Agrippa having performed rightly this his service to God, he removed Theophilus the son of Ananus from the High-priesthood, and conferred the honour upon Simon the son of Boethus, whose name was also Cantheras, thus josephus Antiq. l. 19 c. 4.   

Sect. Peter not imprisoned in the second year of Claudius.  
To which let us join some of St. Luke's text in the twelfth of the Acts, and then let us make use of both together. Now about that time (saith he) Herod the King stretched forth his hands to vex certain of the Church; and he killed james the brother of john with the sword. And because he saw it pleased the jews, he proceeded further to take Peter; then were the days of unleavened bread.  
Now let the Reader observe in either story one special circumstance of time, as in josephus, That Claudius was now second time Consul: and in St. Luke, that james was slain before Easter; and then let him cast whether it were possible, at the least probable, that so many things should be done and intercede between the beginning of January, when Claudius entered his Consulship, and Easter, as in these Stories must intercede, if Peter were imprisoned at the Easter of this year; yea though it fell the latest or furthest in the year that ever Easter yet fell. For, for Claudius to make his decree, and disperse it: for Agrippa to provide for his journey, and part from his friends in Rome: for him to travail from Rome to jerusalem, to perform his Sacrifices and Ceremonies there, to seek to lay hold upon certain of the Church, to light upon james, and to kill him, and then to apprehend and Imprison Peter, and all this betwixt Claudius his entry of his Consulship in January, and Easter, is a thing so incredible (especially to him that considereth how slowly great bodies move, as Kings and Emperors in their actions) as that it seemeth next impossible. For it cannot be imagined that this decree for the Jews was the first thing that Claudius did after he was made Consul, or that he fell upon that work in the very beginning of january; for matters of the City and of Italy one would think should take up the first thoughts of the Consuls, when they entered into that Office, and not of jerusalem and Alexandria, so many hundred of miles distant: and matters of the Romans themselves, and not of the Jews a despised Nation: But grant that on the very first day he set pen to paper for that decree, on the second dispersed it, and on the third dismissed Agrippa, yet must so great a Prince have some preparation for so great a journey, he must have some time to part with so great acquaintance; it was strange if he waited not some time for a convenient wind, and he must take up some reasonable time after he is shipped, before he land in judea. After his landing some time was required for such a King in his own Kingdom to prepare for his journey by Land to jerusalem, some for his settling there; some for his Sacrifices, and performance of the Rites of the Law mentioned; and all these before the apprehension of james, and that no man knows how long before Easter. Let indifferency judge, whether all these things were possible to be done in that space of time; and then let it censure of the matter in hand.  
To the eviction of this opinion, that Peter went to Rome, and there began his Episcopacy the second year of Claudius, Romanists themselves may be produced that do gainsay it; as Salmeron on the twelfth of the Acts, who holds that he went thither in Claudius his fourth, and he produceth Comestor, Nuaclerus, and Petrus de natalibus of the same opinion with him.  
So likewise Simeon the Metaphrast, though he bring Peter from jerusalem this year for fear of Herod, and lead him through many places ordaining Churches and making Bishops, yet in conclusion he mentioneth not one word of Rome, but bringeth him to jerusalem again at Passeover next. Hereupon Surius, or at least his Marginist, & Baronius are ready to give him the lie; and though they both allege him, and applaud him while he serveth their own humour, yet here they fly in his face, and tell him he is beside the cushion, because he is beside their opinion, and saith not what they would have him say.  
Upon consideration of what hath been said before, we have put over the death of james to the year next following, as not seeing it possible to have fallen out this year before Easter, all circumstances being well considered: and accordingly have we referred thither, as the order requireth, the imprisonment of Peter, and his fleeing for his life, or retiring for some other cause, which the Romanists will have to have been to Rome; and there will we take it into some examination again.    

Part III. The Roman History.  
THE Moors rebelling, are beaten by Suetonius Paulinus, and after him by C●. Sidius Geta, who following them far into the Sands, fell into an extreme want of water for his Army: But by the wicked advice and furtherance of a renegado Moor, he obtaineth an extraordinary great rain by Magic, to the sufficient refreshing of his Army, and to the terror and subduing of the enemy. And now did Claudius divide Mauritania into Tingitana and Caesariensis.  
Claudius is exceedingly delighted with and given to the cruelty of the Sword-playes, in which he swept away a world of Servants and Freemen that had been accusers of their Masters in the time of Caius. And which was most ridiculous, he caused the statue of Augustus to be removed out of the place, because it should not behold such bloody work; being inhumanely himself delighted in that butchery, which he thought too barbarous for a brazen statue to look upon.  
These bloody spectacles brought him to an habit of cruelty; which was augmented and hardened in him by the damnable counsels of his Empress Messalina, a woman wicked above parallel or expression, and by the spurrings on of other sycophants C. Appius Silanus is put to death because he refused to incestuate Messalina when she desired him, for he had married her mother; but because Claudius must not hear of this beastly cause of her displeasure, Narcissus a freeman of the Emperor accused him for this, that in a dream he had seen Appius slay the Emperor.  
Upon his death the people began to expect no more goodness from Claudius at all, but gave him up for a Tyrant like the two that had gone before him: whereupon, Annius Vin●ianus, and Futius Camillus Scribonianus and others conspired against him; but being deserted of their soldiers in the enterprise, they are glad to end their lives by their own hands, that they might escape the executioners.  
Messalinae and Narcissus and others of their faction using the stupid folly of the Emperor to the compassing of their own wills involve in false accusations and in miserable, deaths, an infinite multitude of men and women, honourable and inferior, of all qualities and conditions, according as the spleen of any of them moved or was provoked. Among them that thus perished Arria the wife of Caecinna is upon record for her Roman valour: for when her husband trembled and was afraid to slay himself, she took the sword out of his hand, and fell upon it, and gave it him again, reeking with her blood, with these words, Behold boy how I feel no pain: And now, saith my Author, were matters come to such a pass, that nothing was reputed a greater virtue then to die valiantly and like a Roman. To such a cruelty had custom and evil counsel brought him, that of himself was of a reasonable gentle nature, but wanted constancy and discretion to manage it.   

THE CHRISTIAN HISTORY, THE JEWISH, and the ROMAN, OF The Year of Christ 44. And of the Emperor Claudius 3. Being the Year of the World 3971. And of the City of Rome, 796. Consuls 

Claudius Caesar III.  
L. Vitellius.    
London, Printed by R. C. for Andrew Crook, 1645.   

ACTS. Chap. XII.  

Vers. 2. And he killed james.  

Sect. I. The martyrdom of james the great.  
WE are now come to the time of Great James his death. For Agrippa coming the last year into judea, as we saw from josephus, and it not being probable that he should do this exploit before Easter, as the circumstances told us; we may justly take this year for its proper time and place. Now about that time (saith St. Luke) Herod the King (the Syriack addeth who is called Agrippa) stretched forth his hands to vex certain of the jews; and he killed james the brother of john with the sword. The first words, About that time, relate to what went before in the preceding Chapter, vers. 28. and meaneth in the days of Claudius Caesar. Now what should be the incentive of the spleen of Agrippa against the Church, it is not specified: it may well be supposed it proceeded from that his ceremoniousness and strict observance of Mosaic Rites, which is mentioned by josephus: Concerning the Martyrdom of james under this his spleen, we will content ourselves with the words of the Text, He killed james the brother of john with the sword; accounting all other additional circumstances which may be found in officious Authors to be nothing else but gilded legends, and fond inventions: As that mentioned by Eusebius out of Clemens his Hypotypose●n, concerning his accuser, that seeing his constancy to the death, confessed the faith, and was martyred with him. That by Epiphanius that he lived and died a virgin: and that by 
* Tom. 2. julii 25.  Surius (who is the bell-wether for old winter tales, that telleth, That his body after his martyrdom was shipped by Ctesiphon and his fellow-Bishops for Spain; that the Ship in six days was directed thither without Pilot or Compass, but only by the influence of the Corpse that it carried. That at the landing the body was taken up into the air, and carried near the place of its burial, twelve miles off. That Ctesiphon and his fellows were led to it by an Angel: And more such trash, that it is but labour lost, either to read or mention.   

Sect. II. The Apostles Creed.  
The Creed was made upon this occasion (saith 
(a) De Insti●●. Cleric. l. 2. cap. 56. extat in Au●tari● ad Bibli●th. Patrum. ecls. 620.  Rabanus Maurus) as our Ancestors have delivered unto Vs. The Disciples after the Ascension of our Saviour being inflamed with the holy Ghost, etc. And being cha●ged by the Lord to go to all Nations for the preaching of the Gospel, when they are to part one from another, they fi●st make a common platform among themselves for their future preaching. Lest being severed in place, divers and different things should be preached to those that were invited to the faith of Christ. Being therefore together in one place, and filled with the holy Ghost, they compose a short platform for their preaching, conferring together what they thought. And this they appoint to be given to them that believe, and to be called Symbolum, &. Thus he, and very many others with him, conceiving that the Apostles supplied not only the matter of the Doctrine contained in the Creed, but the very form and words also.  
For Peter said, say they, I believe in God the Father Almighty.  
John, The maker of Heaven and Earth.  
James, And I believe in jesus Christ his only Son our Lord.  
Andrew, Which was conceived by the holy Ghost, borne of the Virgin Mary.  
Philip, Suffered under Pontius-Pilate, was crucified, dead and buried.  
Thomas, He descended into hell: the third day he rose again from the dead.  
Bartholomew, He ascended into heaven: sitteth at the right hand of God the father Almighty.  
Matthew, From thence shall he come to judge both the quick and the dead.  
James the son of Alpheus, I believe in the holy Ghost, the holy Catholic Church.  
Simon Zelotes, The communion of Saints, the forgiveness of sins.  
Judas the brother of James, The resurrection of the flesh.  
Mathias, The life everlasting. Amen.  
Thus the hundred and fifteenth Sermon de Tempore, that goeth under the name of 
(b) Tom. 10. col. 849.  Austen: but apparent that it is no● his, by this, that here is ●eckoned the descent into hell, which in his book 
(c) Tom. 3. p. 143.  the F●de & Symbolo is quite omitted.  
Now were this tradition as true as it is punctual, it would readily plead for its own place in Chronologie, namely, about this time at which we now are, before james his death, for he gave in his symbolum (according to this tradition) among the rest. But that this opinion of the Apostles casting in every one his parcel, is of no validity, but a presumptuous and false surmise, may be evinced by these Arguments.  
First, 
(e) Mr. Perk▪ on the Creed.  Because the title of The Catholic Church, is neither used in any of the Apostles writings, nor is it likely that it came into use till after the Apostles days, when the Church was dispersed into all parts of the earth.  
Secondly, because the Article He descended into hell, is not owned or acknowledged at all by the Nicene Creed, nor by any of the ancientest Fathers next the Apostles times, in their reckoning up of the Articles of the Creed, as see instances in abundance in 
(e) Pag. 410.  Polanus his Syntagma, lib. 6. cap. 21.  
Thirdly, if the matter and words of the Creed had been from the Apostles themselves, why is it not then Canonical Scripture as well as any of the sacred Writ?  
Fourthly, in the giving in of their several symbols or parcell●, after the manner opinionated before, there is so great disproportion and inequality, some giving so much, and some so little, that it maketh the contribution itself to be very suspicious.  
Fifthly, the Summary Collection of the points of Christian religion taught by the Apostles, and delivered by them to others to teach by, consisteth of two heads, faith and love, 2 Tim. 1.13. But the Creed consisted of faith only, I rather think therefore, saith Mr. Perkins, that it is called the Apostles Creed, because it doth summarily contain the chief and principal points of Religion, handled and propounded in the doctrine of the Apostles; and because the points of the Creed are conformable and agreeable to their Doctrine and writings.   

Sect. III. Traditions.  
With their framing of the Creed before their parting, hath Baronius joined al●o their delivery of Traditions. Sicut symbolo, saith he, ita etiam aliis absque Scripturâ traditionibus Ecclesiae impertitis, diviserunt sibi ad quas singuli proficiscerentur orbis terrae provincias. Having thus imparted the Creed, and also traditions without Scripture to the Church, they parted among themselves what Country every one of them should go unto.  
These Traditions the 
(a) Sess. 4. de●ret. 1. exta● tom. 4 Concili●rum par● 2.  Council of Trent divideth into those which were received by the Apostles from the mouth of Christ; or delivered from hand to hand, from the Apostles to our times; the holy Ghost dictating them unto them. And these those Fathers hold of equal authority with the Scriptures, and the Council curseth them that shall willingly and knowingly contemn them. And well do they deserve it, if they did but certainly and assuredly kn●w that they came from such hands. Bellarmine 
(b) Lib. 4 de verbo non script. c. 2. extat tom. 1. pag 166.  hath stretched the name and piece o● traditions to one tainterhook higher. For Traditions, saith he, are Divine, Apostolical and Ecclesiastical. Divine, are those which were received from Christ himself teaching his Apostles, and yet are not to be found in the Scriptures; such are those which concern the matter and form of the Sacraments. Apostolical are those which were instituted by the Apostles, not without the assistance of the holy Ghost, and yet are not to be found in their Epistles. Ecclesiastical traditions are properly called certain old customs, began either by Prelates, or by people, which by little and little by the tacit consent of the people obtained the power of a Law. Under these heads, especially under the two first, hath he placed these particulars 
(c) Ibid. cap. 9  The perpetual Virginity of Mary, the number of the Canonical books, Baptising of Infants, blessing the water before, bidding them renounce Satan and his works, signing them with the sign of the cross, anointing them with oil, not rebaptising after Heretics, Lent, Ember week, inferior Orders in the Church, worshipping of Images, etc. To which 
(d) Vid. Whitaker de S. Script▪ con●rov. 1. q. 6. c. 5.  others add, The oblation of the Sacrament of the Altar, Invocation of Saints, Prayer for the dead, the Primacy, Confirmation, Orders, Matrimony, Penance, extreme Unction, Merits, necessity of satisfaction, auricular confession, etc. Into which controversy not to enter, concerning the thing itself, which so many grave and learned pens have handled sufficiently, reckoned by Bellarmine, though with small good will, in his entry upon this question, let but reason and indifferency censure, concerning that which is more proper to this discourse, namely, the time of delivering these Traditions, whether this or any other: And here in the first place let the Reader but consider that at this time, there was no more of the New Testament written, than the Gospels of Matthew and Mark, if so be that those also were written at this time. And then let him judge how senseless a thing it is to speak of delivering unwritten Traditions to the Church, when almost all the New Testament was yet to be written. Or take it at the Council at jerusalem, which was divers years hence, when all the Apostles were all together, and giving rules to the Church, or take it at Paul's apprehension at jerusalem, when imagine all the Apostles to be together again, and even even at either of those times, will the same absurdity follow still for no more of the New Testament was written, or very little more than now. And then how ridiculous doth it appear, That the Apostles should offer to give rules to the Church by unwritten tradition, when they had all their Epistles for rules of the Church yet to write: If they would leave the Church to be regulated by unwritten traditions, why should they write after? And if they would have her regulated by their writings, why should they give her unwritten traditions before? A quick wit will nimbly answer, that they left her such traditions as were not to be expressed in their writings, but let an honest conscience and an unprejudicate judgement censure whether this will abide the test, yea or no. For is it within any compass of likelihood that these Apostles did know what things Paul would not write of in his Epistles, that they should deliver such things beforehand for tradition, when as yet they hardly knew whether he was to be an Apostle of the Gentiles or no, when they did not know whether he would write any Epistles or no, much less did they know what Epistles he would write? Appello conscientiam, and so much for traditions.    

Vers. 3. He proceeded to take Peter also, etc.  

Sect. Peter's imprisonment and delivery.  
james his death was seconded by Peter's imprisonment, but his time for martyrdom was not yet come as was the others. Agrippa having laid hold upon him, deferred his execution till after the Passeover, 
(e) Sanctius in Act. 12.  either because he would not defile that holy feast with effusion of humane blood, or because he would afflict Peter the more, and give the Jews the greater content by his long restraint and straight imprisonment, or rather because he feared a tumult if he should have slain him in that concourse of people as was there at Passeover time. Thus lay he guarded, with four quaternions, or (as the Syriack hath it) with sixteen Soldiers, which as it seemeth watched him by course, for the four watches of the night, two close by him and two at the gate. Besides these two and two successive jailors, he was bound with two chains, and if 
(f) Sanct. ubi supra ex Chrysost.  some say true, his two keepers were tied for the more sureness in the same chains with him. Happy men were they sure, that had so great interest in these happy chains, which if you dare believe 
(g) Augusti. ●. cap. 18.19.20.  Surius, had the virtue to work miracles, to diffuse grace, to procure holiness, to heal diseases, to affright the Devil and to defend Christians. They were preserved, saith he, by some of Herod's servants that believed, and in process of time laid up for a sacred relic at Constantinople, and there either he or they lie.  
That very night that preceded Peter intended execution, he being fast asleep between his keepers, is waked, loosed and delivered by an Angel. 
(h) Ann●. a● ann.  Baronius maketh a great matter of it that the whole Church prayed for Peter whilst he was in prison, and since the like is not related to have been done by them for any other, he will needs from hence infer his primacy, the whole flock praying for her universal Pastor, whereas the reasons of this expression are apparent to be only these two. First, to show that the Church was praying for him whilst he was sleeping, for alter he had taken a part of his first sleep, this night he cometh to the house of john Mark, and they are there still out of their beds and at prayer. Secondly, because the fruit of their prayers were showed in his delivery. There is no doubt but constant prayers were made for james by the whole Church whilst he was in prison as well as for Peter, but so much is not expressed, because the story could not answer that relation with relation of his delivery: And Atheism and profaneness would have been ready to have scoffed, that the whole Church should have prayed in vain.  
The Angel, and Peter (thus loosed) pass two watches, and then come to the iron gate; there are some that hold these watches to be two prisons, and the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be taken as it were passively for places where men are kept, and that Peter was in a G●ole within these two, as in the worst, basest and surest place, and that all were closed with a gate of Iron. But 
(i) Vid. Baron.  others hold these watches to be guards of men, and that the prison was without the City, between or within the two outmost walls, but in these things it is not material to insist for determination. The latter is far the more probable, both in regard of the signification of the Greek word, and that josephus mentioneth three walls about jerusalem, and divers towers in every wall, as also in regard of the greater heightening of the miracle, in that Peter escapeth, not only his own sixteen men's watch, at the prison door, but also two watches more at the two walls gates, and the second which was the Iron gate gave them free passage of its own r●cord.  
Peter being cleared of the danger, and left of the Angel, betaketh himself to the house of Mary the mother of john Mark, where when Rhoda upon his knocking and speech averred constantly it was Peter, the whole company there assembled conclude that it was his Angel. Here is some ambiguity about their thus concluding. 
(k) Chrysost. i● loc. hom. 27.  Some understand it of his tutelar Angel, and from hence would strongly plead the opinion that every man hath his proper and allotted Angel to attend him.  
But first, we sometimes read of one Angel attending many men.  
Secondly, sometimes of many Angels attending one man.  
But thirdly, if the matter may be agitated by reason, if a singular Angel be destined to the attendance of every singular man, what doth that Angel do till his man be borne, especially what did all the Angels but adam's and Eves and a few more for many hundreds of years, till the world was full? 
(l) Vid. Salmeron in locum.  Others therefore understand it of a messenger, which the Disciples supposed Peter had sent to them upon some errand. But this opinion is easily confuted by Rhodas owning of Peter's voice. 
(m) Atetius in loc.  There is yet a third opinion as much unwarrantable as either of these; That the Disciples concluded that an Angel by this knocking and voice came to give them notice of Peter's death to be near at hand, and that therefore they call him his Angel, and that it was sometimes so used that one Saint should know of another's death by such revelations. The Jews indeed in their writings make frequent mention of Samael the Angel of death, but they call him so for inflicting it, and not for foretelling it: And we have some examples indeed in the Ecclesiastical history of one man knowing of another's death by such revelations and apparitions as these: but because those stories are very dubitable in themselves, and that the Scripture is utterly without any such precedent, this interpretation is but utterly groundless and unwarrantable. The most proper and most easy meaning therefore of those words of the Disciples, It is his Angel, seemeth to be, that they took it for some Angel that had assumed Peter's shape or stood at the gate in his resemblance.    

Vers. 17. He departed and went to another place.  
The place whither he went is not to be known, because not revealed by Scripture. As for his going to Rome, which is the gloss that Papists see upon this place, it is a thing senseless and ridiculous, as was touched before, and might be showed at large were it worth the labour. I should as soon nominate Antioch for the place whither he went at this time, as any other place at a far distance: For I cannot imagine any time when he and Paul should meet at Antioch, and Paul reprove him, Gal. 2.11. so likely as this time: for it is most probable that Peter being put to flee for his life, would get out of the territories of Herod for his safety: now there was no place more likely for his safety then in Antioch, where not only the distance of place might preserve him, but the new borne Church would seek to secure him.   

Vers. 21. And upon a day Herod arrayed in royal apparel.  
The acts of this Herod Agrippa after his coming from Rome to jerusalem and the manner of his death are largely described by josephus, and therefore we will trace them in him in our Jewish Story.    

PART II. The Roman Story.  

Sect. I. Some Acts of Claudius this year.  
THe Roman year was now taken almost wholly up with sacrifices and holy days, even as it is at this day, to the great hindrance of the people in their employments and occasions, therefore Claudius being now Consul abrogated abundance of these days and solemnities, and contracted those that he let remain into as narrow compass as was possible: Many things that Caius had foolishly given away he remanded, and many again that he had wickedly wronged he repaired: He brought Lycia under servitude, because in a tumult they had slain some Romans; and he joined it to Pamphylia: and disfranchised a Lyciam Ambassador that came to treat about the business, because he could not speak Latin, saying, that it was not fit that he should be a Roman that understood not the Roman tongue: and many others he disfranchased for other causes, yet on the contrary was he most lavish, he, Messalina and his and her favourites in conferring the Roman freedom and other offices for money, insomuch that he was glad to give an account of it in an oration in Campus Martius. He exhibited some sword plays this year in the Campe.   

Sect. II. The abominable whoredoms and actions of Messalina the Empress.  
She lived in continual lust and uncleanness: and was not content to do so herself, but she forced divers other women to the same course: Nay she caused some women to commit adultery even in the very sight of their own husbands: And those that consented to her villainy she honoured and rewarded, and those that did not, she hated and sought to destroy: These her detestable carriages she kept long unknown from Claudius, providing him lasses for his bed, while she took whom she thought good to hers: and killing and taking out of the way, whomsoever she suspected likely to tell Claudius. So slew she Catonius justus, to prevent his telling of tales: and the two Julia's upon other occasions.  
A Roman Knight was also this year executed as for some conspiracy against the Emperor.   

Sect. III. An expedition into England.  
This year did Aulus Plautius with much ado lead an Army into Britain: For one Bericus, who had been expelled thence for sedition, had persuaded Claudius to send an Army over: But hardly would the Soldiers be gotten out of Gaul over thither, they being incensed and taking it ill that they should go fight even out of the world: Narcissus being sent by Claudius to the Army, made a speech to them which exasperated them the more, in so much that they made the outcry of Io Saturnalia: or All masters, and were ready to make head, but at last they willingly followed Plautius: He parted his army into three parts, because that if they were repelled and opposed in one place, they might land in another: They had some trouble in their passage, through cross winds, but they took heart and bore it out, and the rather because a bright light or flame ran from the east toward the west even that way that they were to go: they entered the Island without opposition: for the Britain's suspected not their coming▪ but when they were now entered and they not ready to withstand them, they ran into the woods and bogs, hoping to weary out the Romans with following and seeking them, and so to cause them to return without doing any more.  
It cost Plautius' a great deal of toil accordingly to find them out, which at last he did, and overcame first Cataratacus and then Togodumnus the two sons of Cynobellinus, who himself was but lately dead.  
These fleeing, he took into homage part of the 
* Glocestershire and Oxfordshire.  Boduni, who were subject to the 
* Buckinghamshire and Hartfordshire. See Camden's Bi●an  Catuellani, for the Britain's were now subject to divers Kings. He leaving a Garrison the●e, marched on till he came to a river, which the Britain's thought he could not have passed without a bridge, and therefore they encamped carelessly on the other side: But Plautius sent over some 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  German Soldiers, who were accustomed to swim over Rivers, and they suddenly assault the enemy, but wounded not the men, but only their horses that should have drawn their Chariots, and so spoilt and undid the Riders. Then sent he over Flavius Vespasian, who was afterwards Emperor, and Sabinus his brother, who passing the River slew many of the enemies on a sudden: yet did not the rest flee but gave battle the next day, and the fortune of the fight was doubtful till C. Sidius Geta, being in danger to be taken, did so stoutly behave himself, that he got the victory, and triumphal honours though he were not Consul.  
Then did the Britain's betake themselves to the Thames towards the place where it falls into the Sea and flows high, and they easily get over, knowing the convenientest places: but the Romans following them were in danger: when the Germans had again swum the River, and others had passed at a bridge above, they fell upon the Britain's on all parts, and made a great slaughter: but in pursuit of them they fell into some marshes, and so lost many of their men.  
Upon this mishap, and because the Britain's were exceedingly exasperated for the death of Togodumnus, and made still greater preparations for war, Plautius proceeded no further, but garrisoning those places that he had gotten he sends for Claudius: for so he had been commanded to do if he came to a pinch.  
Claudius' receiving the tidings, prepares for the expedition, and among many other things bring divers Elephants along with him, and coming to his army at the Thames, and passing the River he fights a pitched battle and obtains the victory, and takes in 
* Mald●n.  Camalodunum the 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Regiam▪  chief City of Cynobellinus; disarms the Britain's, leaves them that were conquered to be governed, and the rest to be conquered by Plautius, and so goes for Rome, where the Senate gives him the title of Britannicus, appoints triumphs and Statues for him, and honour for Messalina.   

Sect. III. A Whorish trick of Messalina.  
Little did she deserve either honour or respect, but fear and flattery regard not desert. Among her various and continual adulteries, she cast her eyes of lust upon one Mnester, an Actor or Player, a man that had been very intimate with Caius, and never the better to be thought of for that. This man she solicits to her bed, with words, promises & gifts, but prevails not with him, not for any honesty that was in the man, but for fear of the displeasure of Claudius: When the shameless strumpet could not prevail with all her solicitations, she goeth to Claudius, and desires him to command Mnester to do what she would have him: which Claudius did, not knowing what he commanded. And then did Mnester adulterate the Empress so freely from fear of Claudius, that he thought it had been the Emperor's express mind he should so do. And by divers other men did Messalina practise the very same project. And to that impudence did she grow in her whoredom with this Mnester, that when the Senate had commanded that all the brass coin that bare Caius his Image should be melted, and this in detestation of Caius, she caused pictures of Mnester to be made of it.    

Part III. The Jewish Story.  

Sect. I. Agippa his actions at jerusalem after his return from Rome.  
Agrippa returned the last year to jerusalem, where as we observed and saw before, he performed much ceremoniousness, and changed the High priest, slew james and imprisoned Peter. Besides these things he remitted a tribute to the men of jerusalem, for their kindness in entertaining of him: he obtained the letters of Petronius to the men of Dor for the removal of Caesar's statue, which some seditious men had set up in their Synagogue: He removed Cantharas from the high-priesthood again, and placed Mathias in his stead. He imprisoned Silas the master of his horse for his free discourse concerning his service done to him in the time of his calamity and poverty, but on his birth day festival he enlarged him again, where he continuing still in the same freedom of speech, he imprisoned him again. He began to fortify jerusalem, and to make it exceeding strong, but Marsus (the present governor of Syria in stead of Petronius) got letters from Claudius to stop his work, as suspicious towards innovation. He was exceedingly observant of his Country's Laws, and much care and cost he bestowed on sacrifices, yet was he challenged by one 
* It may be this story aimeth something at Simon Peter.  Simon that took on him to be a teacher, for an unholy man and one unfit to come into the Temple: which Simon he sent for to Caesarea, where he questioned with him about the words, and dissuaded him without punishment but with a reward.  
He built sumptuous things in Berytus, as a Theatre, Amphitheatre, baths, porches, and such like magnificences, and set 700. and 700. condemned men to fight together for pastime, and so destroyed them. From thence he went to Tib●rius of Galilee whither divers Kings came to him to visit: And so did Marsus also the Governor of Syria; but he seeing so many Kings together with him (for they were five) he suspected the matter as tending to innovation, and therefore he commanded them home. Herod after this went down to Caesarea, and there he made sports and shows in honour of Caesar; and on the second day being most gorgeously apparelled, and the Sun shining very bright upon his bright clothing, his flatterers saluted him for a god, and cried out to him; Be merciful unto us, hitherto have we feared thee as a man, hi● henceforward we will acknowledge thee to be of a nature more excellent than mortal frailty can attain unto. The wretched King reproved not this abominable flattery, but did digest it: And not long after he espied his Owl which the German had foretold to be the Omen of his death. And suddenly he was seized with miserable gripe in his belly, which came upon him with vehement extremity, whereupon turning himself towards his friends, Lo, saith he, he whom ye esteem for a God is doomed to die; and destiny shall evidently confute you in those flattering & false speeches which you lately used concerning me. For I who have been adored by you as one immortal, am now under the hands of death: And so his griefs and torments increasing, his death drew on a pace: whereupon he was removed into the palace, and all the people put on sackcloth and lay on the ground praying for him, which he beholding could not refrain from tears: And so after five days he gave up the Ghost being now 54. years old, and having reigned 7. years, 4. years in the time of Caius and 3. under Claudius: He left a son behind him of 17. years old named also Agrippa, and three daughters, Bernice, Mariam and Drusilla. Before his death was published, his brother Herod the Prince of Chalcis, and Chelchias the King's Lieutenant, caused Silas to be put to death.   
FINIS.   

ERRATA.  
PAg. 13. lin. la●t, for eleven, 1. twelve, p. 16. l 26. for next, ●. text▪ p. 17. l. 9 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, l. 12. for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, l 20. for twenty, r. two thousand, p. 19 l. 21. for pereb, r. pe●●k, ● so in several other places, p. 22. l. penul. r. Canaite. p. 34 l. 1. for pay, r. day, p. 4●. l penul. fo● Heleb, r. Helek, so p. 43. p. 43. l. 7. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 49. l. 1. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, l. 34. ●. Diphilus. p. 53. l. ult. for mountains, r. mountain, p. 56. l. 3. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, p. 57 l▪ 8. for bare, r. bear, p. 62. l. 24▪ r. Gophins, p▪ 67. l. ult. r. his wretchedness in the sale of his, p▪ 69. l 2. r. residue, p. 78. l. 34. for stopped, r. stripped, p. 81. l. 27. for can to it, r. came to it, p. 82. l. ult. r. that counteth the years and Consuls, p. 86. l. 23. r. taken upon him to accuse, p 93. l. 22. r. Bishop of jerusalem, p. 99 l. 10. for Hellen●, r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, p. 109. l. 23 r. was to Sichem, p. 113. l. 22. for Chijun, r. Chijun, so l. 23. and elsewhere, p. 114. l. 9 after these words, in one Series, or in one body, add (as see Ezek. 8.10) p. 115. l. penult. r. Stevens confuting, p. 118. for thy labour, r. the labour, p. 125. l. 18. r. hath in this place, p. 134. l▪ ●. for expected, r. expelled, p. 140, 141. and so in other places, the Title is mistaken by the Printers and A Commentary upon the Acts of the Apostles set, instead of The Roman Story; such lapses the Reader will pardon and correct, p. 144. l. ult. leave out these words to be admired, p. 164. l. ult. r. but he did not, p. 165. l. 27. for then, r. that, p. 192. l. 3. r. return, p. 198. l. 12. r. Act. 12. p. 212, the 14 and 15 line are superfluous, p. 213. l. 27. r. they force them, p. 216. l. 1. r. contented, p. 232. l. 1. for good, r. God, l. 8. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, p. 237. l. 34. leave and out after Ma●. 18.18. p. 339. l. 15. r. between Caesarea and joppa, p. 245. l. 23. for own tolerable, r. more tolerable, p. 247▪ l. 17. r. armed, p. 2●7. l. 1. for ver. 9 r. ver. 1●