AS YOU WERE OR The Lord General CROMWELL and the Grand Officers of the Army their REMEMBRANCER. Wherein, as in a glass they may see the faces of their Souls spotted with Apostasy, Ambitious breach of promise, and hocus-pocus- juggleing with the honest Soldiers, and the rest of the Free-people of England. to the end that, having seen their deformed and fearful visage, they may by returning to do their first pretended works, wipe of their spots, mend their deformities & regain their lost Credit; in a word, save themselves and the gaspeing Libertyes of the surprised and enslaved English Nation: lest enlargement and deliverance arise to the English from another place, but they and their Father's house shall be destroyed. Ester 4. and 14.  
All which is contained in a Letter directed to the Lord General Cromwell, to be communicated to the Grandees of his Army, written by L. Colonel JOHN LILBURNE May 1652 from his Lodging in the pleasant City of REFUGE seated upon the banks of the renowned River Rhine, & commonly called by name VIANEN.  Exodus 9: 34, 35. And when Pharaoh saw that the rain, and the hail, and the thunders were ceased, he sinned yet more, and hardened his heart, he and his servants. Neither would he let the children of Israel go, as the Lord had spoken by Moses. Ezekiel 16: 48: 51: 52. As I live, saith the Lord God, (to Jerusalem) Sodom thy Sister hath not done, the nor her Daughters, as thou hast done, thou and thy Daughters. Neither hath Samaria committed half of thy sin, but thou hast multiplied thine abominations more than they, and hast justified thy Sisters in all thine abominations which thou hast done. Thou alsoe which hast judged thy Sisters, bear thine own shame for thy sins, that thou hast committed more abominable than they: they are more righteous than thou: yea be thou confounded also, and bear they shame, in that thou hast justified thy Sisters. Matthew 21: 19 And when Jesus saw a fig tree in the way, he came to it, and found nothing thereon but leaves only, and said unto it, let no fruit grow on thee hence forward for ever, And presently the figtree withered away. Proverbs 27: 6. Faithful are the wounds of a Friend: but the kisses of an Enemy are deceitful. 
Printed May 1652.   

For his EXCELLENCY the Lord GENERAL CROMWELL these present in England.  
MY LORD,  
IT is said in Job the 35 and the 9 and 10 that by reason of the multitude of oppressions, they make the oppressed to cry: they cry out, by reason of the arm of the mighty, but none saith, where is God my maker, who gives songs in the night. And if this be my case in the highest, I know no man that can rationally blame me: If I cry out with all the shrillnes and loudness I can. And that it is my case; my Lord, is evident, 1 In that I am banished for ever out of my Native Country and upon pain of death must be gone by such a day, as appears by your votes of the 15 of January last, recorded in my late Printed Apology to the people of the Netherlands, page 48, 49, 50. 2ly You have made it death and loss of Estate for any man whatever to afford me in England or its territories, for love or money, a night's lodging after that day, as appears by your printed Act of the 30 of January last, recorded in the said Apology page 62, 63. 3ly All your ports were at that time with strictness stopped to prevent people from going out of England, without passes under the hand or hands of some in Authority; and yet. 4ly When according to your votes, I was willing to be gone and came to your speaker for a pass to enable me to go, it was positively denied me by him, as I have truly related in the said Apology page 59 and the want of such a pass, in the eye of reason, had cost me my life, had I not found favour at Dover, in the eyes of those, whose faces before to my knowledge, I had never seen in my days. And yet this is not all; for, besides, I am fined seven-thousand pound, which was more than visibly I was worth. and, if it had been immediately executed or leavyed, according to the severity in your said votes and Act, it had not left me a penny to hire an horse to carry me to the seaside, no nor there to hire a boat to carry me on shipboard, nor there to give any recompense to the Master of the ship to carry me away to save my life; nay nor there to buy me a bit of victuals to sustain life as I go; nay nor when I am set ashore in a land of strangers, to pay for one night's lodging for my refreshment. Nay, that which is more than all this is, that there is not in any of your foresaid votes or Act of Parliament, sixpence provision made to buy bread to support the lives of my poor wise and tender babes, although by Magna Charta chapter the 14 and the statute of the 3 of Edward the 1 chap. 6, both which are laws to this day unrepealed, & they expressly and positively say, a freeman shall not be amerced for a small fault, but after the manner of the fault and for a great fault after the greatness thereof, saveing to him his continement that is is to say his freehold, countenance or livelihood, and a merchant likewise saveing to him his merchandise, and a villain, farmer, or husbandman saveing to him his waynage, or plough. And none of the said amercements or sins shall be assessed save by the oath of honest and lawful men of the vicinage that is to say JURIES. Nay and yet notwithstanding all this, I have by your directions (for any thing I know to the contrary) given to your endeared and bosom agent MR. THOMAS SCOT, a spy clapped upon me at Dover, as I came over, called Captain WENDY OXFORD, who must stand upon the pillory at Westminster and the exchange of London, and semingly be banished from England the better to enable him undiscerned to contrive my murder, ruin and destruction. whose roguery with Mr. Scots against me I have infallibly found out from step to step, and by the assistance of God, as soon as I can have a little leisure shall print it to public view. of which villainy of his, when I gave him a hint of it, at my own chamber, at or upon the 2 of April last old Style, and by my letter to him dated the next day: with in 2 or 3 days after that he left Amsterdam, and departed with his two Gentil-women, called by him his wife and maid, although some do with confidence give very strong reasons to demonstrate, they neither of them are such, but a couple of arrant common whores. but averball hue and cry I then sent after him, which I suppose with this, etc. Will for ever spoil him of being a spy here after (as well as something else hath already spoilt Mr. Cheshire his brother knave, to be a spy at Middelborow who now is forced to fly to Westminster for Shelter) and render him uncapable to receive any more bills of exchange from Mr. Thomas Scot, for the paying him his salary, to enable him to drink drunk night and day, to feast, whore it, swear, rant it and domineer rather like a bedlam then a man; or to send one of his sluts over to give Mr. Scot if he want it a taste of her (which kind of flesh is notoriously at Westminster known he loves as well as Oxford doth) as well as to convey his intelligence over and to solicet him, if he lie not in, sick of the French Pox to procure him a pass to come over, and to meet him, at Gravesend or Dover, etc. and to discourse with him for settling all his affairs.  
And yet my Lord this is not all, but that which is the highest, of aggrevations is, that all this that is done unto me, (and principally by yourself) is inflicted upon me, without (I do avow it and upon my life dare engage to make it good) all shadow of ground, cause, provocation or colour of law or Justice; For, alas my Lord, I was at most upon your own principles, but an accessary and not principal; And to inflict a higher and greater punishment upon me then upon Mr. Primate the principal, and now to set him at liberty from his imprisonment, and to keep me still in my banishment, and under the lash of my foresaid extraordinary great fine: where is in England either the Law, equity or justice, to avow and warrant it? And my LORD, admit Mr. Primates Petition about which I am banished, had been all false, and not proved, (which yet I avow to the contrary) and admit, it contains in it so high things against Sr. ARTHUR HASELRIGE, as if proved, would have occasioned as great a sentence to him, as you have given to me; and therefore per legem talionis you have done by me, as you have done. Truly MY LORD I will join issue with you there, if that be your ground, as by some of your members while I was in England, I understood, it was one of your principallest. Yet remember, you say in your Declarations, that the Law of England is the Inheritance and birthright of the MEANEST MAN thereof as well as of the GREATEST, and that you are bound in duty and conscience both to God and Man to dispense it EQUALLY to all, WITHOUT FAVOUR OR AFFECTION: and therefore be but just to me my Lord and I have done with you. For your Attorney General PRIDEAUX (that unbraced Drum, that makes a great sound & noise, without any tune or harmony) accused & INDICTED me of high-treason, and had 〈◊〉 tried before about 40 judges at Guildhall London in October 1649 for my life therefore: and if he had proved it against me, I must have died therefore as a traitor, and have forfeited all my estate. And therefore by your own rule and your own Law of proceed with me in my present case; because he accused me, & could not prove it, „ he aught to be hanged therefore, and to forfeit 4 parts of 7 of his estate to me. „ which when I was at London by common repute, he was judged by his Land, Postmaster-Generall-ship, attorney- Generalship and the most vast fees, that he [being a Parliament man OF AN UNACCOUNTABLE PARLIAMENT, and thereby so great) takes to plead all manner of base Causes, to the threatening, OUT FACEING & overaweing both JUDGES, jurors and Lawyers, to have incomeing thereby annually about twenty thousand pounds. Although a few years ago, since this eternal Parliaments first sitting, I could never hear he was judged to be worth two hundred Pounds per annum.  
Now, I say my Lord, perform this to me, & I will pay you my seven-thousand-pound fine, without any more to do. But besides, remember also, were not you (My Lord) at Darby-house in Cheynel-row with the Council of State, upon the 28 of March 1649, the chief man to manage an accusation of high-treason against me, and got me committed therefore. The Narrative of which in brief, is contained in the 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, pages of the second edition of the Picture of the Council of State, printed at London 1649. and yet when it came to the issue, there could never one word of it be proved, all though I lay prisoner in the Tower, almost a year there upon, and therefore by your own rule and law of proceed with me, ought not you yourself [my Lord] to be HANGED therefore? and to forfeit 4 parts of seven of your great estate to me therefore? For shame my LORD, once in your life, learn to be just and remember what you said against Mr. Herbert, the King's attorney General, in the Case of the LORD KIMBOLTON and the 5 MEMBERS 1 part of the book of the Parliaments Declarations page 52, 53, 101, 123, 201, 203, 208, 210, 278, 459, 660: and give me not too much cause to picture-draw you so, that all the artificial or pensil-limners in the world, SHALL NOT BE ABLE TO COMPARE WITH IT. You know, I have a quick & sharp pen (My Lord) and therefore give me not cause to challenge you, or any of your Champions, to draw into a short Epitome, or into a larger charge, all that evil that in your own thoughts you can colourably imagine the Buyshops, Starr-chamber, Counsel-table, High-commission, or any persons therein were guilty of; nay or any persons since their downfall by you executed for the highest of treasons, tyrannies & oppressions were guilty of: & yet, comparatis comparandis, for me to aver that you outstrip them all, and in particulars to undertake upon my life to make it good: and that those say of God, by the Prophet Ezekiel, chap: 16, 48, 51, 52, [mentioned on the Title-page) may as truly and as justly be verified of you, as they were of judah or jerusalem & that you have outstriped (comparatis comparandis) all those whom you yourself count the most wicked men, that you have pulled down, „ and thereby have done in actions as much as in you lies, to justify all their wickedness „ that in words you have condemned. And besides, my Lord, what faith, what truth, what honesty? can be imagined to be in that man, or that generation of men? that by a constant series of his or their actions, visiby and apparently declare, he or they hold it lawful to commit any manner of wickedness & baseness whatsoever that can be named under the sun, for the accomplishment of his or their proposed end whether in itself, it be wicked or righteous: yea to cheat, break faith with, and murder the nighest relations a man can converse with, when they cross his ends.  
Yea & for that end only, to raise wars upon wars, to the devastation of Kingdoms & Nations; The gulled, cheated & abused peoples lives, really & truly being of no more value with him or them, than so many dead dogs, serving him or them for no other end, but to be his footsteps to climb up to the top of absolute and arbitrary Power & pretended Authority, or unlimited & unbounded Kingship. And, that you (my Lord) particularly are the man, that is guilty of all this, in my judgement and apprehension, your own quondam darling, „ and heart-indeared & heart secret-knowing Friend, the Major of your own Regiment of Horse, Robert Huntingdon „ in his printed impeachment of you, delivered to both house of Parliament against you, the 2 of August 1648, hath punctually declared it, which impeachment, is reprinted in the 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60 & 61 pages of that Book for making of which I was arraigned for a Traitor at Guildhall October 1649, being entitled An Impeachment of high-Treason against Oliver Cromwell, etc. and for which Impeachment of his, I could never hear, that you endeavoured so much as publicly to question, him therefore, or to put forth a vindication against it. Which may well get belief in un-biased men, that you acknowledge all that he hath there said against you, to be true. And as much as I have said of him, and his Impeachment, may be said of the Authors of those three notable books and of the books themselves called PUTNEY-PROIECTS; The LEVELLERS vindicated, being the stated case, of the late TREACHEROUSLY defeated BURFORD- troops; and the HVE-AND-CRIE of the young men & apprentices of London after the lost fundamental laws & liberties of England. Unto which three books, a great many men's names are set, as the avowers & justifiers of them, and to my knowledge, the most of their names are true: for I particularly know the most of the men myself, & yet I could never hear that any one of them, was so much as questioned for decyfering you there, as they have done. Although to my knowledge, you know some of the men as well as I do, and might several times since those books were writ & published, as easily have laid your hands upon them, to have called them to an account therefore, as I can take up the pen & ink that I writ here with.  
I say, laying the forementioned Books or discourses together, with what follows in this discourse page 13, 14, 15, to 24 & compareing them with your practice, I think they sufficiently prove you to be the man above mentioned, that walks by the Principles of ATHEISM & MACHIAVELLSME, and holds it lawful to do any thing in the world that comes in your way, that will most serve your turn, for the accomplishment of your own ends, be they never so bloody, wicked, or tyrannical.  
But MY LORD you have forced me when I was quiet, to come upon the stage again much against my will and studious endeavours. And yet, when I did, I fairly sought peace with you, and sent you in writing my propositions for peace, grounded only upon your own promises, neglecting to insist upon any thing of concernment to myself. and gave you, or your true Friend Mr. William Kiffen, to whom I sent it, twenty one days, to return me an answer, at least of his receipt thereof; all which appears in the following discourse page 29, 30, 31. But hearing nothing at all from him and feareing that it is intecepted, I am forced to print it. The Copy whereof, with some small additions, thus followeth.  
For my loving Friend Mr. WILLIAM KIFFIN, merchant at his House in Dukes-place London, these with haste, post haste, to be communicated to his Excellency the Lord General Cromwell, etc.   

Mr. KIFFIN.  
YOu and I have been long acquainted and have had much converse together & although you were in my late troubles before my trial at GVILDHALL my adversary in print; yet not looking upon you by your opposition, as a man that out of malice designedly laboured to take away my life, but rather at a man surprised in your understanding, and thereby induced to believe the plausible arguments of my (pretended Religious) adversaries, as though by my contest with them, an undeniable gap was opened, to let in them that are commonly called the public adversaries to devour all: and so were against the then season as unfit and dangerous in your apprehension, but not against the things themselves held forth by me and my Comrades, which you judged just and righteous and sit to be established in due time, when that fear was over. In which regard that opposition of yours to me, I judged most fit to be buried in the grave, and not with any disgust of mind to be remembered. And therefore it is that of late, some part of that former familiarity that was betwixt us, hath been renewed and since my banishment I find by several Letters from my wife, that you have been very civil and respectful to her, for which I return you many (AND MY HE ARTIEST) thanks. ONE OF HER LETTERS dated the 2. of Feb: last I have answered in print, and caused that answer to be published here as well in DUCHESS as ENGLISH; which I hope before the date hereof is reprinted at London again, since which I have received two Letters more from her, the main substance of both of which are, to presume, with all the mournful arguments that possibly thee can use, to be quiet and to abstain from printing, and Withal she tells me, it is the advice of all my Friends in general who come continually to her, to gather to write to me about it. But having in my aforesaid printed Epistle, given her undeniable reasons WHY I AM COMPELLED TO PRINT, which I hope with my former Letters to her, will so qualify and season her Spirit, that I may presume now, that both my fears are over, which were first, that I was afraid through sorrow about me and her own distressed condition [as she calls it) the should either miscarry of her child, or else secondly that she should be overwhelmed with grief and so her burden should become too heavy for her to bear. But hoping that both of these dangers are over, I must now confess unto you, that that little trouble which used formerly to accompany me, through the hopes hereof is as good as at an end. And therefore to you shall I judge it convenient for me, [and 1 hope no way mischevous to yourself] to answer friendly and resolutely some other clauses in her latter Letters, and some clauses in other Letters of some of my Friends, which I have lately received, and then positively to tell you without deceit or flattery my future resolutions, [by the assistance of God] on purpose because I know you are great with the GENERAL and I think with the NOW LORD-DEPUTY OF YRELAND LAMBERT, but I am sure of it, with LENTENANT-GENERALL FLEETWOOD and MAIOR-GENERALL HARRISON that you may show this Letter unto them all, being the great sword men of England, that so they may lay their heads together obout it, (if they please) and then let God work his pleasure  
In a large Letter to my wise of the 13 of February last, I told her, and now with comfort and rejoiceing tell you, that I bless God, that I have this testimony in mine own Conscience; that the Cause for mannageing of which I am banished, did at the first and all along to this very hour doth appear to my understanding & judgement, upon the strictest scrutiny betwixt God and mine own soul, that I am able to make, to be as righteous and as just a cause, as ever was in the World, and all so however Mr. HILL THE CHAIRMAN reported it to the house, yet Mr. PRIMATES PETITION was as fully proved, before him and the Committee of Parliament in every circumstance of it, so far as its capable of proof, [saveing that single clause of SIR ARTHUR HASILRIGS holding private correspondence, with some of the Commissioners,] as any puition in the world need to be proved, but it was no wonder it went as it did, when SIR ARTHUR HASILRIG WITH Mr. HIL THE CHAIRMAN, WITHOUT A THIRD MAN, DREW UP THE GREATEST PART OF THE REPORT, IN THE SPEAKERS CHAMBER, WHILE THE HOUSE WAS SITTING, as one that took them at it told we with his own tongue. Which report we were never permitted to see, nor none for us, nor to hear red, although we earnestly entreated for it, and by importunity endeavoured it. And besides I am confident of it there was not three men, that judged the cause in the House, that ever at the Committee, were constant hearers of it from the beginning to the end. And by what I have heard from Parliament men, that were at the Committee several days, Mr. HILL NEVER REPORTED TO THE HOUSE, ONE TENTH PART OF OUR EVIDENCES AS WE LAID THEM DOWN BEFORE THE COMMITTEE, AND THE SAID Mr. HILL WAS OPENLY IN THE HOUSE TAXED WITH SEVERAL MATERIAL OMISSIONS, BY A PERSON OR PERSONS THAT HEARD NOT ONE HALF OF IT AT THE COMMITTEE. And besides, when the GENERAL HIMSELF set his shoulders to the work, with all the might he had in the World, to have the sentence so pass and go on, it is unimaginable it could go otherwise then it did, for one THAT IS FAMILIAR WITH HIM AND THAT WISHETH ME WELL, TOLD ME, IT WAS IN THE GENERAL'S HOUSE BY HIM AND A CABAL OF PARLIAMENT MEN AGREED OF, TWO OR THREE DAYS, BEFORE IT WAS VOTED OR DECLARED IN THE PARLIAMENT. And some days after it was passed, the GENERAL HIMSELF IN THE OPEN HOUSE (as one that heard him told me) IN ASPEECH OF HIS DID AVERR AND DECLARE UPON HIS CONSCIENCE, THAT THE SENTENCE ITSELF PASSED AGAINST ME, WAS AS HONEST AND AS JUST A SENTENCE, AS WASPE EVER PASSED BY THAT HOUSE. But I doubt not (through the assistance of God) in a short time, to make it clearly and evidently to appear in every circumstance, that it is the MOST UNJUST, ILLEGAL AND VNRIGHTEOUS SENTENCE, THAT EVER WAS passed by any authority or power in the World, that ever professed to govern by Law, As in abundance of their declarations, they have professed before God and the World, they ought and would do. But at the present, I shall only trouble you with one instance and that in a short Declaration of theirs entitled, a Declaration of the Parliament of England for maintainning the fundamental Laws of this Nation, dated Feb. 9 1648. made by them since they took of the King's head declaredly for Tyranny, Oppression and and exerciseing an Arbitrary power in which they positively declare, that they are fully resolved to maintain & shall & will uphold, preserve and keep, the fundamentale Laws of this Nation, for and concerning the preservation of the lives, properties and Liberties of the people, with all things incident thereunto, with the alterations touching Kings and House of Lords, already resolved in this present Parliament for the good of the People. Which short declaration of theirs, is fully backed by them with a larger declaration, made the 17 of March after. And although, there be an absolute necessity that lies upon me, as speedily as I can to go to the press with such a thing; yet in what I writ or print by the assistance of God all mighty, I shall keep within the bounds of a Christian, THAT VALVES HIS PEACE WITH GOD ABOVE ALL EARTHLY TREASURES IN THE WORLD, and of a rational man, THAT HATH PRINCIPLES OF FREEDOM AND JUSTICE ENGRAFTED IN HIM, THAT HE WILL NOT BALK OR CHANGE FOR ALL THE FEARS OF ALL THE DEATHS IN THE EARTH; and of an Englishman, THAT LOVES HIS NATIVE COUNTRY ABOVE ALL OTHER COUNTRIES IN THE WORLD, and in a great measure, hath the sense of his duty in acting towards its Freedom and welfare, ENGRAVEN UPON HIS VERY HEART; and as a discreet man, THAT WILL NOT MEDDLE WITH THE NATIONS AFFAIRS OR GOVERNMENT WHERE HE SOJOURNS, OR DO ANY THING TO THE UTMOST OF HIS POWER, THAT MAY GIVE THE LEAST DISCONTENT, TO THOSE MAGISTRATES UNDER WHOSE PROTECTION IN HIS banishment HE LIVES. And besides, I bless God, I have both publicly and privately walked, in all peace quietues and uprigtnes towards the General and Parliament since I owned their authority, and neither directly nor indirestly meddled with them, to give them the least offence, or to occasion in them the least cause of jealousy of me for undermining or endeavouring to undermine their power and authority, and therefore can I the more glory and rejoice under their harsh and cruel dealeing with me. BUT THE LORD IS righteous, AND I AM CONFIDENT WILL SPEEDILY RETURN IT SEVENFOLD INTO THE BOSOMS of those who were the principal causers of it Judges: 1: 6: 7: and 2 Sam: 21, 1: 2: 5, 6: 14: and 2 Sam: 12: 31: compared with the 11: of Judges 17: 18: 19: 20: 23: 27: Ester 7: 9: 10: and 8: 11. and 9: 2: 3: 4: 5: 15. Isaiah: 10: 12: 13: 18. Mat: 7: 2. Mark: 4: 24. Luke 6: 37: 38. Rom: 2: 3. James: 2: 12. Revelations: 18: 6: 7: 8.  
But to return back; by my wife's Letters I perceive, the LORD GENERAL gives a very unworthy and strange kind of character of me, which seems to work belief upon the Spirits of some of my Friends; and further saith, that I may think my sentence greater than my offence, if they did not fear other things by me, of which also it seems some of my Friends are satisfied.  
In Answer to all which; I say, its true upon the 28 of March 1649 the present Lord General caused me to be fetched out of my bed by a multitude of armed horse and foot and got me sent to the tower for a traitor, yet when I came to my trial for my life, there was never any thing of that laid unto my charge for which at first I was imprisoned, but only actions pretended to be done by me many months after my imprisonment, when I lay under so many barbarous provocations, put upon me by the General and his confederates, AS HAD BEEN SUFFICIENT (according to Solomon's saying) TO MAKE A WISE MAN MAD. But how just it was to go about to take away my life, upon that score, I leave you to judge.  
It's also true. I am now banished by the GENERAL HIS MEANS and the public pretended grounds and reasons thereof are contained in the Parliaments printed Narrative and Act passed against me recorded in the 49: 50: 51: 62: 63 pages: of my late Apoligy to the people of the netherlands and I am sure of it in both of them they lay no crime at all in Law unto my charge; as I have already fully proved in my said printed Apology to the people of the Netherlands page: 65: 66: 67. But if the GENERAL OR ANY OTHER FOR HIM have any thing in imagination fear or supposition to lay to my charge, let him or them stand up and say their utmost, I crave no favour at their hands; but yet I appeal to your Conscience, how just it is, to disfranchise a man of all his birthrights and banish him forever out of his native country, for things they fear he will act against them. It's confessed, the GENERAL must now needs have something to say for himself against me, as well as his or HASILRIGGS' AGENTS in times bypast had: who a little before my trial at GUILDHALL Octob. 1649, in their printed Books against me, clothed me in bears and Wolves skins, that so the people as their dogs might worry me without compassion or consideration. And therefore it was that they printed me to be an Atheist, a denier of God and the Scripture & given up to all licentiousness and an absolute confederate with Prince Charles, to set up his absolute will & prerogative in the English Nation. All or any of which things they themselves knew to be as true, as the sea burnt. But read my Answer thereto Printed at the Latter end of the first part of my trial at Guildhall, page 158, 159.  
It's also true, my old Friend Mr. CORNELIUS HOLLAND a little before my second trial averred to my wife, that at the Counsel of State they had Letters of mine under mine own hand written to the Prince; and the LORD BRADSHAW did the same, to some eminent Friends of mine. but when I bid defiance to them, and challenged them to produce them they were not albe to do it, and it proved no more than some of Mr. THOMAS SCOTS ROTTEN AND POCKY LIES.  
It's also true, that when I was tried for my life at GVILDHALL, and confidently and justly alleged for myself that by the two statutes of the first of Edward the sixth Chapter the 12 and the 5 and 6 of Edward the 6 Chapter the 11 still in force, there ought to be two direct & plain evidences or witnesses to prove every fact of treason alleged against me: Yet those two worthless and bloody fellow's ATTORNEY GENERAL PRIDEAUX and the LORD KEEBLE, could and did falsely and lieingly (not having the least grain of the fear of God or common-honesty or shame before their eyes) aver, that there was a statute made after them in the 1 and 2 of Q. Marry that overthrew and abolished those two forementioned statutes of Edward the 6: and that now, one witness to prove the treason alleged against me, was sufficient to take away my life. and this they averred again and again unto the jury upon their reputations to be true, after that I had often before the Jury, and all the populous auditory that then was present, to their faces told them, it was false and untrue, and that there was no such law made in Queen Mary's time, and holding the statute book in mine hand, I challenged them again and again to name the Chapter that it might be read, the which they could not do and yet like most bloody and false men, they would have taken away my life by their lies, if I had not understood the Law as well as themselves and had not had CONFIDENCE ENOUGH TO HAVE TOLD THEM THEY LIED TO THEIR FACES, before the jury and all that great auditory of People, all which you may fully read at large in the first part of the book of my trial page 124, 125, 141, 142, 143, 147.  
Now I say, laying all these things together, and considering that these three base unworthy men, are still as great with the General as ever they were; I do not wonder, if he have relations enough at his finger's end to make me odious. But upon what foundation or bottom, they should be grounded, (seeing mine own Conscience is clare and innocent) I cannot imagine; unless it be something in relation to that averment, of Mr. REYNOLDS the solicitor General, who lately at a Committee of Parliament (as by a Letter from London I am informed) openly averred, I held correspondency with the Scottish King; but whether he charged it upon me as done by me before my banishment, or since, the letter doth not declare. And therefore at present I can answer it but by Guests; and say,  
I believe my adversaries have some pangs of Conscience in them (For I am confident the wickedest and most seared Atheist or machiavel, or doer of despite unto the Spirit of grace in the World is not totally without them) that now and them pricks them, as it did profane Esau, who for one morsel of meat sold his birthright, and afterward when he would have inherited the blessing was rejected and found no place of repentance though he sought it carefully with tears Heb: 12, 17. the same may be said of wicked Cain and cursed judas) for that injustice which they have done unto me in banishing me without a Cause, and thereby, as much as in them lies; not only destroying of me, but also of my poor wife and harmless babes. Which cruelty of theirs, it may be, either flies in their faces, [for if we sin wilfully after we have received the knowledge of the truth, there remains no more sacrifice for sin, but a certain fearful looking for of judgement and fiery indignation, which shall devour the adversaries and it is a fearful and dreadful thing to fall (in wrath) into the hands of the living God Heb. 10.26, 27, 31. Or they fear may be much resented and laid to heart, (as I know it is) by the People of England of all sorts, who in time it may be may make some of them smart for their unjust and barbarous dealeing with me. For saith the present Lord chief Justice St. John, in his Argument of late against the Earl of Strafford printed and published by the special order of the house of Commons in the year 1641: pag. 43, he that would not have others to have law, why should he have any himself, why should not that be done to him, that his self would have done to others? It's true (saith he) we give law to hares, and deres, because they be beasts of chase, it was never accounted either cruelty or foul play to knock foxes and wolves on the head, as they can be found, because these be beasts of prey: And it is a righteous and just thing both in the sight of God and man, to measure unto them as they have measured unto others, Judges 1: 6: 7. Matth: 7: 2 Mark 4: 24. Luke 6: 37: 38. Rom: 2: 1. and therefore upon the Principles of Machiavelli, they count it necessary to bespatter me and load me with that, which though in itself never so false, yet they believe and hope may make me lose mine Interest in England, which I have in the affections of thousands of mine honest and endeared Friends there. Who I know do look upon me, as a single-hearted, honest, just, plaine-spoken Englishman, that hath been valiant and courageous for the regaining and preserveing their Freedoms and liberties, though accompanied with frailties and infirmities, which all, yea the best of the sons of men are subject to. And if they could make me lose mine Interest with mine honest Friends; I were then but single john Lilburne nothing at all considerable either to be loved or feared. in hopes and confidence to preserve which, I further say; If Mr. REYNOLDS by my corresponding with the Prince, mean that I did it at any time in the least before I was banished; I bid defiance to him, and challenge him, to instance if he can, averring that his accusation is most false.  
Or secondly, if he mean, that I have corresponded with him since I was banished, than I desire him to explain what he calls corresponding, or else I know not fully how to answer him. But this at present I shall say, and that in truth and faithfulness as before the Lord almighty, that knows my heart and bears witness to me that I lie not, that since the day the Parliament voted my banishment, I have neither writ Letter line or sillabe to the Prince or any about him, nor received Letter, line or sillabe from him or any about him. Neither have I dicttated any Letter or any part of a Letter to him or any about him, or appertaineing to him. Neither have I heard any Letter red to this very hour, that hath been writ, or pretended to be writ to him or any about him.  
It's true, since I came to Amsterdam, I have been very much threatened by some of the rudest sort of the Cavaliers; first by three of them, that came to the lodging where I lay the first night, where they were very uncivil and debauched, as I am informed, and very probably might have done me a mischief had I then been there. and secondly, since that, one more of them, hath to some English people whom I have cause to trust, threatened to ruin and destroy me, and others of them, and they of some port and quality, in the presence of some that are no mean ones, and that I know love me entirely, have sworn within these few days most bitterly, that I am a spy from CROMWELL and a rogue that deserve to be knocked on the head. Laying all which together and those many and strong invitations, that I have had to come into some of their companies, I have judged the hand and finger of MR. THOMAS SCOT, that fellow all most stark rotten with the French-po●e, and some of his agents or spies, have absolutely been at the bottom of this, which to me appears thus. I know my walkings, as to man, are and have been so upright and just (as to man) that all my adversaries in England are not able to blemish them, and I believe my adversaries know as much, being I know they have already searched as with a candle into the bottom and secretest of my actions and ways; and therefore know, that unless they can in the thoughts of my Friends blemish me, in reference to the Prince, whom they have declared a traitor and therefore would be glad they had the least ground in the world to aver me to my Friends to be apostatised from my principles, by corresponding with him or his party, knowing they can have no plausible way in their own thoughts to keep my darts of from them, and to disenable me to work out mine own restauration to the full enjoyment of my native English birth rights, but this. For if they could but colourably hold out this, they would easily by virtue of several of their acts, declare all those traitors that writ but a Letter to me, or receive but a Letter from me.  
And therefore I believe MR. SCOT hath by special instructions from HIS MASTER THE GENERAL, ordered some of his spies, that lie in the bosom of the Cavaliers, to provoke them to speak big words against me, yea and it may be to endeavour to take away my life, on purpose to necessitate me through fear to keep company with them, and to grow familiar with them, that so they might have some ground to write over to him thereof, and thereby earn their promised salary from him, and write their secrets to him betwixt their inky lines either with SACK or the JUICE OF A LIMON (according to his common instructions) which by holding betwixt him & the FIRE, he can easily read, although a stranger that should intercept his Letters (AS PERADVENTURE I OR SOME FOR ME HAVE ALREADY DONE) that knows not his devices, could not do it.  
But Sir, not to put a cloak upon things, I'll deal plainly and freely with you. I judging there was and is such a design upon me as is before expressed, and having many invitations to talk with some of the King's party; lest a constant denial so to do, should give cause to them to conclude and judge me infallibly to be a spy indeed, or to be as base and vile as some of them do imagine me to be, therefore in order to mine own preservation and that I might not be entrapped nor destroyed, before I did that in reference to my banishment, that my brain hath already modellised unto myself, I have been of late in several of their companies and talked my mind rationally and freely to them, in justification of MINE OWN PRINCIPLES; and I am confident of it, have made as much advantage to myself of their discourses with me, as any of them can do of mine. And I must confess unto you, had I been formerley addicted to set up the present Scottish Kings Interest, yet by my discourseing with them, I did find so much ground and reason, as quite to discourage me for the future, so much as to think of any such thing, in their way.  
First, because I find the KING by their discourse, although a man judged by them of parts, yet is he not of that Depth of judgement and solidity, as that he dare trust his own judgement and understanding, in the mannagement of any great design. And I am confident that if he trust to the multitude of his Counsellors, there are some of them men that will talk their minds freely, (especially to company in a Tavern,) by means of which it is impossible but the Parliaments gold and silver, with the help of MR. THOMAS SCOTS agents or spies, which he hath in all Nations of Europe (BUT ESPECIALLY NEAR UNTO THE PRINCE) by their intelligence will be to hard for them all, and thereby know the bottom of their greatest designs, before they be a quarter ripe for execution.  
Secondly, because, by my discourse with some of them I find, that not only the Prince himself, but his cheisest Counsellors, are for his coming in by force and conquest; which is a principle I as much hate as any man in the World doth: and have given as clear testimony against such a Principle and practice in any person what soever as any man upon the face of the earth ever did or durst do, I am confident of it. But besides; I have professed to be a man of Conscience and one that could die for his principles and never could be threatened from them, nor courted out of them, by any persons in the World what soever. And it hath been one of my main principles, and so declared by the constant series of my practice, that evil must not be done by any, that good may come thereby. The Apostle by the Spirit of God, having concluded the damnation of such practisers to be just, Romans 3, 8. but if I should out of Machiavelli or any other Politic Author learn such Principles, as to join with the Prince or any other Interest whatsoever, out of a design of being revenged of my adversaries, to conquer the People of England, that thereby he or any else might rule over them by his will and pleasure: I should not only account myself, one of the greatest murderers in the World but also one of the basest fellows that ever breathed upon the face of the earth. Knowing very well: that none is to rule over the sons of men by will and pleasure but God only and alone. But truly, I am afraid my LORD GENERAL CROMWELL HIMSELF hath really that latitude in his Principles, that will easily lead him out and permit him to act such a practice, as I dare pawn my head, by his actions for many years together, clearly to evince and Manifest. And it may without a speedy reconciliation in short time prove the subject of my pen. And therefore he having such Principles within himself, may judge thereby that I have the like, and thereby may be left to as large an elbowroom as himself takes.  
But for disputations sake, at present, admit that I am so. Yet truly I must tell you, I have red Machiavil and the History of the Kings of Israel and of judah contained in the Scripture, and many other Histories and also within this 15 years have seen abundance of experience even in England itself; out of all which I cannot see the least ground to draw any manner of inference, to induce me to side with a man or Interest of men, that are beaten out of all, and totally to forsake mine own Interest among those, that live under those, that are in possession of all manner of power and strength; or to think that ever by a foreign Arm or power of force, he can ever probably overturn them. Especially considering experience teacheth me, assuredly to know that his bare attempting and endeavouring of it, joins them in England all together in one against him; although in many other things they are much divided amongst themselves. I am sure of it in Scripture I read, that when Absalon had a mind to be King of Israel, he did not presently go about to raise force to obtain it, although he nor none of his interest were ever beaten before, but he courted the People and stole away their hearts, by observeing to them his Father's negligence to do the people right, when they came to complain, and handsomely reproveing of it in him, by telling the People there was no man deputed by the King to hear them: and therefore before the People he wished O THAT HE WERE MADE A JUDGE IN THE LAND, that every man that had a suit or cause might come unto him, and he would do them justice; and when any man came nigh to do him obeisance, he complemented to the purpose with them, and put forth his hand and took them and kissed them: by means of which he riveted himself in the People's hearts and affections: and in process of time thereby he made his Father King David to fly before him, 2 Sam: 15: 1, 2, 3, 4, etc. So likewise JEHV for his own ends, could cry out, come with me and see my zeal for the Lord 2 Kings 10, 16.  
And as I have red the Scripture, so I have seen much experience in England, and first, I have observed the Parliament by their curious oily and sweet declarations in reference to the People out-courted and out bid the King (who in his, stood upon the punctillioes of his prerogative) and thereby won the hearts of the people from him, which proved his ruin. And afterward, in process of time, the independent party (or the great men of the Army) served the Presbyter or the Parliament the same trick. and therefore (Sir) had I nothing of God in me, but only a grain or two of reason left me, I should never side with any party in the World, in endeavouring the overturning the men that rule in England, unless it were a party that in bones and privileges did in reference to the People outbid all parties that ever went before them in Just and rational things and so to tie their hands, that if they would, they should not without the apparent running the hazard of there own ruin do any mischief and therefore it is that by all the honest and industrious means that a laborious or studious man can invent or take, will I by the assistance of God preserve my Interest in their own bowels, amongst those honest and gallant men that live amongst them, which have held forth that in worth and excellency, that in itself is good and profitable for all sorts of reasonable men that are not sots and brute beasts in their understandings, that never any held out before them, videlicet: THE AGREEMENT OF the people DATED MAY THE 1. 1649. And this Interest, I shall Increase, widen, and strengthen as much as possible I can with all persons what soever that will embrace it, not doubting but that in the conclusion it will prove like Aaron's rod that devoured the rods of all the Egyptian conjurers Exodus the 7 and the 20 „ Swallowing up all Interests into itself. „ And you may remember when I was indicted for my life at Guildhall October 1649, that it was laid unto my charge in the said Indictment as an act of treason that I had held out in print the same thing to the Prince by name: the words of which as they were contained in the indictment, you may read, in the first part of the history of my said trial page 58, 59, 60. And I must now acknowledge unto you, that a learned, (and I am sure of it as honest a) judge as ever I knew in England, videlicet: BARON RIGBY upon a serious discourse with him: told me, in these verse words, that if God should suffer the Prince to follow the advice contained in the three foresaid pages; that in one three or 4 months after, he would not give SIX PENCE for all the Parliaments Interest in England. And lest I should fail of my purpose, in maintaineing the peace of mine own Conscience, and my Interest among my foresaid honest Friends in England, I have for many years together and still do give unto myself this mot to, „ that honesty is the best Policy „ as being the truest, most lasting and successful ïn the world, all things being truly and duly weighed, and considered from first to last. In the maintaining of which I have for many years walked, and do resolve by the assistance of God almighty, so to do to my dieing day, all though all the sorrows of the world should be my portion therefore.  
And therefore it is, that I have fixed my resolution „ to be irrevocably „ one of those, that do and shall hold forth such a thing to the people of England, as is truly able to take of all their jealousies and fears from them, that if I should get up with my Interest, I intent by myself or by my Interest, to do that with them, which the forementioned persons did when they had obtained their ends to get uppermost, which was to ride the people and abuse them rather worse than those that were before them, whom they had pulled down: and walk in larger ies of wickedness than their predecessors, as may be clearly seen in ABSALON and JEHU. for which, God cut them short as is verified by 2 Sam: 15, 10, 11, 12, 14, 23. and Chap. 16, 20, 21. and Chap. 17. 1, 2, 18, 23, 26. and 2 Kings 10, 29, 30, 31, 32. and „ who ever shall read but the Parliaments first Remonstrance „ dated December 1641 „ printed in the first part of the book of their declarations „ page 3, 4, 5, etc. „ and their declaration of the 19 of May 1642 page 207, 214. and their declaration of the 26 of May 1642 page 263, 264, 267, 270. and their declaration of August 1642 page 491, 492, 494, 496 and their Reply to the King's answer of theirs of the 26 of May 1642 page 693. and read also their said book page 36, 342, 656, 660, 690, and their declarations of the 6 of May 1643 and of the 17 of April 1646 in the 2 de part of the book of their declarations „ fol: 95, 879, and you shall clearly find they held forth most glorious expressions to the People; of regaining their „ lost Law's liberties and freedoms „ as that which was not only their principal aim, but also as that which was their obliged duty, and (say they) „ woe be to us „ if we discharge not our duty. in order to which, they adjure and call out upon all those that have any sense of piety, honour or compassion to come in and help a distressed state. But they walkeing in too nigh an affinity „ to Absaloms' and jehues' „ latter steps, the Army lays siege unto them, and tells them sound and particularly of it: and holds forth in effect the same things which they had done before them, but with a great deal of more lustre and glory than they had done. As appears, by the Book of the Armies declarations page 23, 25, 26, 35, 37, 39, 42, 43, 44.  
Which pages being red with seriousness, will make it clearly appear, that their words were smother than oil, nay dropped like the honey comb, into the mouths of the hungry oppressed People. How were their words seemingly bedewed with tears of pity and compassion to the distressed people? how did they represent their hearts divided and rend in sunder with hearing the doleful cries and beholding the bloody tears of the oppressed? what professed gallant resolutions did the seeming deep impressions that the people's miseries had made upon their hearts, beget in them? how did they appearingly slight their estates and the enjoyment of their nearest relations? yea and of their dearest blood in comparison of the People's liberties? what gallant principles of freedom and righteousness, did they then profess? how loud were their cries against all arbitrary powers whatsoever, and all seekers of private and particular Interests? how positive and absolute were they in their resolutions, to have all the Liberties of the Nation cleared and secured? how did they seem impatient of any delays or protraction of time?  
What Valiant Champions did these men appear to be for England's Freedom? how did old English valour and undaunted courage to oppose the stoutest enemies of the Public Interest and advantage, sparkle forth in them upon June 4, 5, 1647. When they boldly engaged in opposition to the Parliament and their special orders, not to disband nor to divide, nor suffer themselves to be disbanded or divided, until they had security that the free borne people of England should not be subject to the like injury, oppression and abuse as had been lately attempted to be exercised upon them? Did ever the most faithful patriots to the most noble Nation of England pass a larger engagement to their Country then this? who could have forborn to conclude, that these would have been our worthy ehud's (of whose valour and bravery for his Country you may read in Judges the 3.12, 13, 14, etc.) that would have pierced the bowels of every oppressor and destroyer of England? who could upon the sight of this engagement but imagine, that these would never have given themselves rest, until they had seen the top-stone laid in the beautyous Fabric of England's native Freedom? did they not oblige themselves in this engagement, to bid defiance to every oppressor and abuser of the People in Parliament, Committees, amongst judges or Lawyers and all others whatsoever? were they not hereby bound to stand like the Jews with good Nehemiah, with their swords in their hands, not only until England's breaches were repaired, but also until the strongest possible iron gates were composed and set up to defend the Conscientious Persons, Liberties and Estates of all English men from oppressors? indeed could any engage to procure more perfect Freedom for the People, than they did in this engagement? can more be said then this, that they would have security, that the People should not be subject to the like injuries or abuses, as had been attempted? All men know there had been attempts to offer all kinds and degrees of wrong and abuse to the people, and therefore they promised and engaged to secure them for the future from them all.  
Secondly; how were the purest, and most exact principles of Freedom and of righteousness, professed by these, to be the only grounds upon which they thus engaged, even against the Parliament? The undefiled Law of Nature, was declared to be the rule of their proceed. In their Declaration of June 14, 1647. the establishment of common and equal right and Freedom to the whole Nation, was promised should be their Study, all purposes and designs to advance any private Interest, were most solemnly dis-avowed and disclaimed. Yea when the Parliament unvoted and expunged at their desire from their journal Book, those votes whereby the Soldiers were declared enemies for petitioning in order to their satisfaction; yet these men professed such principles of Freedom and common good, that they slighted that particular reparation given them, in that great case of common concernment And in their Remonstrance of the 23 of June 1647 declared, that they did not value or regard their own injuries or reparations in comparison to the consequence of the one or prejudice of the other videlicet, „ the future security of common right and Freedom in the Nation.  
Nay; how did these pretended heroic patriots seem to disdain selfish private Interests or advantages? they seemed to think it too base, sordid and unworthy for their pure Spirits to be a mercenary Army, to serve the Arbitrary power of a state for money or gold, and therefore they disavowed their standing as such an Army and declared; that they took up Arms in judgement and conscience, as called forth by the Parliaments Declarations to the defence of their own and the People's rights Freedoms and Liberties? and were not their avowed Principles as purely free, as thus truly public? for they declared, the equitable sense of the Law to be supreme to the Letter, and to dispense with it, when the Safety of the People is concerned. And likewise. That all authority is fundamentally seated in the Office and but ministerially in the persons. Were ever clearer principle, of Freedom planted in any heroic hearts then proceeded from these men's mouths; and they penned even by Ireton himself the present General his son in Law, and apiece of his heart and soul? die not every discerning eye, see the tendency of these gallant pure principles to be perfect Freedom and common justice? Were not the hearts of the oppressed people by the sight of these declared principles and engagements upon them, Filled with living hopes of perfect Freedom from all Kind's of tyranny and oppression, though sheltered under never so visible and specious forms of Parliamentary power, & c.? did not every unprejudiced and truly English heart, expect that the crooked wills of men should no more have been the measure of England's Freedom, But only the straightest rule of Nature?  
Thirdly; what fiery zeal and burning Indignation, did these our seeming saviours breathe forth against those they judged the invaders of our native Freedoms and obstructers of their speedy settlement? Were not their words spears and swords and hot burning coals, against Sir Philip Stapleton and the rest of that faction? Did not these our hopeful and seeming Patriots, teach the tongues of the whole Soldiery to cry aloud at New-market and Triploe heaths justice, justice, justice! against those invaders of England's Freedoms? Was it not the first borne of their desires? yea were they not so transported with zeal for the removal of those membres whom they called apostates; that in their said remonstrance of June 23, 1646 dated at St. Alban, they pręfixed a certain day to the Parliament for their suspension from the house, menaceing and threatening them to take an extraordinary way, unless that by the preęfixed day they were suspended? And appearingly so solicitous were they of purgeing the house from all obstructers of justice, common good and Freedom; that when the Parliaments commissioners on July the 7, 1647 incited them to hasten the treaty between the Army and Parliament for a settlement; they answered that no comfortable effect of a trealy could be expected, so long as the Parliament was constituted of some persons, whose Interests were contrary to common good book of their Declarations page 78 thus they presented themselven even jealous for the people's sake, and industrious even to emulation for „ freedom and justice.  
Fourthly; how tedious irksome to these our seeming deliverers were the delays in clearing and securing the people's liberties, when the hopes of the People deferred made their very hearts sick: page 77? How did they profess the nearest and dearest sympathy with the people's oppressions in their said Declaration of June 14? And did they not upon July 23 declare, that their respect to the people's safety enforced them to admit of no longer delays, and that they could allow the house not above four or 5 days wherein they might give assurance and security to them and to the People of a safe and speedy proceeding to settle the Armies and Nations Rights and Freedoms?  
Thus the speedy settleing of common right and Freedom was visibly and declaredly the choicest object of all their actions and intentions, that was seemingly the golden ball of all their contention,. „ the fruit that their souls so exceedingly seemed to lust „ after, and the ultimate pretended end of all their painful and hazardous race? Whatsoever they desired for themselves, was professed to be insisted upon only, in relation to the public ends asore said. Did not their Hearts seem so far inflamed with desire of the settlement of the people's right and Freedoms, that no quiet, rest, content, or satisfaction of mind could possess them so long as the People groaned under tyranny and oppression? yea they seemed so far to prefer the people's good before their own advantage, that they declared they would never have entered into so hot a contest with the Parliament for reparations for their private wrongs and abuses suffered from them, or their encroachments upon their particular Freedoms, had not their suffering those particular wrongs, been prejudicial to common and universal right and Freedom.  
Now Sir; Behold these your great commanders and seemingly Religious Friends thus clothed with the glorious garment of their own Declarations, of such a curious texture; thus adorned with variety of the fairest promises as so many „ bright oriental pearls „ and do they not appear like „ Absolom, without spot or blemith from head to foot „ 2 Samuel 14, 25, „ are they not like to Saul higher by the head then all the people 1 Sam: 9, 2. „ can you forbear to cry, there is none in the world like unto them? „ Did ever more hopeful son's spring from England's fruitful womb? Did ever more lightsome stars arise in this Horizon? Did not their hearts seem to be the thrones of righteousness, and their breasts the habitation of goodness and compassion to the oppressed and afflicted? was not justice as a robe to them, and mercy as a diadem? did they not appear to go forth in the strength of the Lord, To break the Jaws of the wicked and oppressors, to pluck the spoil out of their teeth? Did they not then give such hopes of deliverance to those who were bound in chains of tyranny, and of relief to the poor afflicted, who had none to help them, that the cares that heard their words rejoiced? and the blessing of many which were ready to perish, came upon them?  
And what Egle-eye could at first discern, „ that this glorious clothing, was but painted paper? „ what jealous heart could have imagined, „ that these promiseing Patriots, were only sweet mouthed dissemblers? „ Who could have harboured the leasts suspicion that these seeming visible stars of heaven, „ were but blazing Comets? „ that would quickly turn their backs as they have perfectly done upon all these glorious promises and declarations, and prove the vilest apostates that ever the earth bore? and have made it their work, „ to imprison, arreigne, condemn, shoot and murder men that have but put them in mind of their own serious promises and engagements, in which the present General himself hath been the chief ringleader. And I wish that you and many of those that „ outwardly profess godliness and honesty in England „ were free from a zealous countenanceing of him in it. Although both they and he cannot out know, that the righteous god of Heaven and earth, brought a desperate famine upon Israel for three years together, because Saul had broke and violated that solemn contract, and engagement, that the Israelites had made with the heathen Gibeonites although it was not voluntary, but obtained by fraud and deceit. Yet nothing would appease the wrath of God, and satisfy the Gibeonites, but the hanging up of seven of the sons of Saul before the Lord, who was the man that had broken and violated the contract with them. At the doing of which, „ the anger of God was turned away from Israel. „ All which appears by Joshua 9, 3, 4, 5, 16, 17. and 2 Sam: 21: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 14. And though it were that god prospered JEHV while he was doing his work in cutting of the „ wicked house of Ahabs „ & made him prosperous and victorious in all his encounters, whereby his heart was so elevated and lifted up that he cried out Come see my zeal for the Lord, yet when he turned his back upon God and the ways of Justice and righteousness, „ god than cut him and Israel short, and gave them up with a mighty slaughter to their Enemy's „ the 2 Kings. Chap. 10. Therefore as a man that entirely loves my native Country I shall request you to commend unto the serious and hearty consideration of the LORD GENERAL and his Confederates the Advice of their valiant and learned Champion MR. MILTON, who having much spent his eloquence to rout the forces of SALMASIUS, in the Epilogue of his Latin book, „ called a Defense of the People of England „ turns his speech to his Masters that had set him on work, whom he with much faithfulness and Freedom bespeaks on this manner. One thing is remaineing and that haply of the greatest moment, that you o my Countrymen and Fellow-Cityzens should your own selves undertake the refutation of this your adversary; which I do not see how you can otherwise possibly effect, save by endeavouring with tooth and nail to make your gallant actings the eternal confutation of all your Enemy's raileings. God did graciously give care to your Vows and most ardent petitions, when being oppressed with more than a single bondage you fled to him for succour. You in the first place among all Nations has he gloriously delivered from Tyranny and Superstition, the greatest plagues, donbtles, of humane life, and most prejudicial to all virtue and true Gallantry. Into you it is that he hath insused that height of courage, as that you have not doubted to be the first of Mankind, that have by a famous judgement tried a King and punished him being condemned, after that you had by your Arms procured his Conquest and surrender. After which so glorious a transaction, you ought not now to think, much less to act any thing that is Mean and Low. Which that it may be your commendation, you have no more to do, but to take this course; namely, to make it appear to all the World, that you are as well able in the midst of peace and disarmed, most valiantly to conquer Ambition, Avarice, Mammon and those corruptions of manners that attend prosperity; which are wont to conquer other Nations and generations of men; as you have been to vaquish your Enemies in a time of War; and to show forth as much justice, Temperance and Moderation in the preservation of your Liberties, as ever you have manifested courage in casting the yoke of bondage from of your necks. By these arguments and these alone, by such testimonies as these alone, you will be able to evince, that you are none of those public Enemies, Traitors, Theives, Murderers, Parricides, Fantastic Enthusiasts whom this man rails upon; that you have not, moved with ambition or a desire to invade another's right, nor pricked and spurred on with sedition, any base lusts, madness or fury, murdered a King: but that you have, being inflamed with the love of liberty, religion, justice, common honesty and your native Country, punished a tyrant. But if (which I beseech thee o good God may never come to pass) your minds shall be otherwise inclined, if having been valiant in war, you shall in time of peace prove base and unworthy; you who have had manifest experience of Gods fight in such a manner for you and against your enemies; if casting behind your backs so ●are and never to be for gotten an example of divine Presence you shall forget to sear God and execute Righteousness; for my part I shall certainly grant and confess, (for it will be past all denial,] that all those things are true which malignant liars and railers have at any time most ignonimiously thought or said of you; and that you shall in a short time find God more incensed with wrath against you, than ever yet your enemies have found him averse or you have felt him benign, favourable „ and fatherly-affected unto you, more than to all the Nations at this time inhabiting the face of the whole earth and so far for Mr. Miltons' excellent and faithful advice to them. And  now to go on.  
Is it not true Sir, that successive or new Parliaments equally chosen by the People of England are confessed on all hands, to be the very soul and life of all their Freedoms? and do not the Law-bookes of England show, that a Parliament (which in its own constitution is excellent good physic but never was intended nor ever safely can be used for constant diet, because it has always been pretended by the members thereof to be unlimited and arbitrary) was called and held fresh and fresh some times twice a year and that even before the Conquest as is declared by Lambert in his collection of Laws before the conquest, amongst the Laws of King Edgar chapter the 5, and by Sir Edward Cook in his margin in the 9 page of his 4 part of Institutes, in the Chapter of High-Court of Parliament which with other of the liberties of England, being by force of arms subdued by the Norman Conqueror, although the people of England forced him three several times to take his oath, after his being owned for King, to maintain the English people's Laws and liberties, as being not able nor judging his conquest so good, just and secure a plea, to hold his new-gat crown by, „ as an after mutual compact or Agreement with the People, or their representatives „ over whom he was to rule. And therefore, as the Lord Cook, in the foresaid Chapter page the 12 declares „ a Parliament or a kind of one was held even in the Conqueror's time. „ See also to this purpoose, the Lawbooke of the 21 of Edward the 3 solio the 60 and „ the first part of the Lord Cooks Institutes „ lib: 2. Chap. 10. Section 164. fol: 110. a. and came to be more Frequently used in his Successors time, „ yea even to be once in two years in Edward the 1 or 2 his time „. at which notwithstanding the people than grumbled as being an absolute abridgement of their ancient and undoubted liberty, ‚ to meet more frequently in their national and public assemblies „ to treat and conclude of things for their weal & better being. The want of which in ancient time, ‚ lost the Island of Brittany to the Romans „ as the said Lord Cook declares in the said 4 part of his Institutes folio 9, out of Tacitus in the life of Agricola page 306. whereupon it was enacted in full Parliament in Edward the third his time, that the King (who was the People's Officer of trust) „ should assemble & call the People together in Parliament once every year or oftener if need required; „ as appears by the statute of the 4 of Edward the 3 Chapter the 14. But because this was not constantly used by that King, but that sometimes he made intervals of three or sour years betwixt Parliament & Parliament, which was still a diminution of the very Soul and Life of all the People's liberties vide ●icet Frequent & Often new Parliaments: therefore in the 36 year of his reign, annual Parliaments are provided. In these very words; Item for maintenance of the said articles & statutes and redress of divers mischiefs & greivances which daily happen, a Parliament shall be holden every year; as another time was ordained by a statute of the fourth of Edward the third Chapter the 14. and though in after ages it hath many times been otherwise practised, yet the statutes being still in force, the parliaments answer to the King in the book of Declarations, pag: 709 holds good, that the practice is no argument against the right. But the late King Charles' exceedingly faileing to put these Laws in execution, in the Frequent calling of Parliaments; & also when he had called them dissolved them at his pleasure & so made them useless to the Nation; Both which the Parliament most notably declared was against his trust, in their Declaration of November the 2, 1642. first part of the book of their Declarations, page 70, & 702, 709, etc. of which the Parliament most bitterly complained in their first Remonstrance Book of Declarations Part 1 page 5, 6, 11 & in page 10, 11, ibidem, they positively declare, that his destroying of those two grand Freedoms of the People videlicet, frequent, new, & successive Parliaments & free debates therein; had corrupted and distempered the whole frame & government of the Nation & brought in nothing but destruction & ways of tyranny. For the preventing of which for the future, the Parliament got an Act to pass in the 16 year of the late King, which was the first year of this long-lived Parliament, to confirm every tittle of the two fore mentioned acts for annual Parliaments; & further, in that act they say thus, that whereas it is by experience found, that the not holding of Parliaments according to the two forementioned acts, hath produced sundry & great mischiefs & inconveniencyes to the King's Majesty, the Church & comment weal, for the prevention of the like mischiefs & inconveniencyes for the time to come; be it enacted by the Kings most excellent Majesty with the consent of the Lords Spiritual and temporal and the Commons in this present. Parliament assembled, that the said [last Forementioned) Laws & statutes be from henceforth duly keeps and observed. And most excellent & worthy to be written in Letters of gold, were and are those arguments that the Lord George Digby (though since a Cavalier) used in his public speech in the house of Commons January 19, 1640 at and for the passing of the last forementioned Law; which speech of his is recorded in a printed book called speeches & passages of Parliament, page 12, 13 & to page 21.  
And hath not the PRESENT GENERAL in his verbal expressions confirmed all these things as most righteous and just? for, was it not he or his son in law IRETON (lately deceased) that drew that excellent declaration of the Army dated june the 14, 1647 printed and published in the book of their Declarations page 41, 42, 43 where they positively declare, that they were so far from designeing, or complying to have an arbitary power fixed or settled for continuance in any persons whatsoever, as that (say they) if we might be sure to obtain it, we cannot wish to have it so in the persons of any whom we could most confide in, or who should appear most of our own opinions and principles, or whom we might have most personal assurance of or Interest in. but we do & shall much rather wish that the authority of this Nation in Parliaments (rightly constituted, that is, „ freely, equally & successively chosen „ according to their original intention) may ever stand & have its course & therefore we shall apply ourselves chiefly to such things, as (by having Parliaments settled in such a right constitution) may give most hopes of justice & righteousness to flow down equally to all, in that its ancient channel, without any overtures, tending either to overthrow, that foundation of order & government in this Kingdom, or to engross that power for perpetuity into the hands of any particular persons, or party whatsoever. And for that purpose, though (as we have found it doubted by many men, minding sincerely the public good, but not weighing so sully all consequences of things) it may and is not unlike to prove, that, upon the ending of this Parliament, & the election of a new, the Constitution of succeeding Parliaments as to the persons elected may prove for the worse many ways; yet, since neither in the present purging of this Parliament, nor in the Election of new, we cannot promise to our selves, or the Kingdom, an assurance of justice, or other positive good from the hands of men, but those who for the present appear most righteous & most for common good („ having an unlimited power fixed in them for life or pleasure „) in time, may become corrupt, or settle into parties, or factions; „ or, on the other side, in case of new Elections, those that should so succeed, may prove as bad or worse than the former. „ We therefore humbly conceive that („ of two inconveniencyes the less being to be chosen „) the main thing to be intended in this case („ and beyond which humane providence cannot reach, as to any assurance of positive good „) seems to be this, viz. To provide, that how ever unjust or corrupt the persons of Parliament-men, in present or suture may prove; or what ever ill they may do to particular Parties (or to the whole in particular things) during their respective terms, or periods yet they shall not have the temptation or advantage of an unlimited power fixed in them during their own pleasures, whereby to perpetuate injustice and oppression upon any (without end or remedy) or to advance and uphold any one particular party, faction, or interest whatsoever, to the oppression or prejudice of the community, & the enslaveing of the Kingdom to all posterity; but that the people may have an equal hope or possibility, if they have made an ill choice at one time, to mend it in another: and the members of the House themselves may be in a capacity, to taste of subjection as well as rule, & may so be inclined to consider of other men's cases, as what may come to be their own. And speakeing a little after of the Parliament whose power they say is so arbitrary & in a manner unlimited; in which regard, „ it is most unfit & dangerous „ (as to the People's interest] „ to be fixed in the persons of the same men dureing life or their own pleasures; „ they add, that „ Neither by the Original constitution of this state, was it, or ought it to continue so, nor does „ it (where ever it is & continues so) render that state any better than a mere Tyranny, or the People subject to it, any biter than Vassals: But in all states where there is any face of common Freedom, and particularly in this state of England (as is evident, both by many positive Laws, & ancient constant custom) the people have a right to new and successive elections unto that great and supreme trust, at certain periods of time, which is so essential & fundamental to their Freedom, as it cannot, or ought not to be denied them, or withheld from them, and without which the house of Commons, is of very little concernment to the interest of the Commons of England. And therefore a little below they positively desire, that some determinate period of time may be set for the continuance of this and future Parliaments, beyond which none shall continue and upon which the writts may of course issue out and new Elections successively take place accordingly. And thus (say they) a firm foundation being laid in the Authority and constitution of Parliaments for the hopes, at least, of common and equal right and Freedom to ourselves and all the Freeborn people of this Land, we shall for our parts freely and cheerfully commit our stock or share of interest in this Kingdom into this common bottom of Parliaments and though it may (for our particulars) go ill with us in one Voyage, yes we shall thus hope (if right be with us) to far better in another. And did not the present General in his proposals of the 1 of August 1647 published to the view of the whole Nation, press that a certain period may by act of Parliament be set for the ending of this present Parliament, and that such period be within a year at most? See the book of the Armies Declarations page 112. And did not the present General in his Remonstrance of the 8 of August 1647 declare, that it was his earnest endeavour and the endeavour of the Army, to settle a sound and lasting peace on good terms for the Interest of the Nation? but in stead of the hoped for fruit of their labours and hazards and of the Nations vast expense (in the dispenceing of justice and righteousness and the settleing and upholding of common right and Freedom to the people of England) we found (saith the General etc.) immediately the cross workings of a strong and prevalent party in the parliament and Kingdom, who [walkeing under the mask of the Parliaments Friends but being in truth men of corrupt and private ends and Interests, different from and destructive to the real and common Interest of the Kingdom) made use of their power to obstruct & pervert justice, to injure, oppress and crush the peaceable and well-affected people of the Kingdom; to abridge and overthrow all just Freedom and liberty, and drive on designs to set up a party and faction in the Parliament and Kingdom, and (by the advantage of a PERPETV ALL PARLIAMENT] to domineer over and enslave the Kingdom to posterity, and for that end to make such a peace with the King (if any] as without any just provision, for the common and true Interest of the People and the security thereof for future; which [saith the General etc.) we were called out to vindicate and defend and had so long fought for. those being (saith he etc.) those just and public ends for which so much blood and treasure hath been spilt and spent in the late wars. See the book of the Armies Declarations page 129, 132, 134. Did not the Army in their grand Remonstrance, of 16 of November 1648 presented by them to the Parliament by the hands of COLL. EWERS (once my Major] and other Officers, and tendered by them to the consideration of the whole Kingdom, say as much for the necessity and utility of constant, equal, and successive Parliaments, as it is all most impossible for any men in the world with tongues or penns to say more. Read their expressions in page 15, 45, 46, 52, 56, 66, 67, 69. and are not these part of their words, where speaking to the Parliament, do they not earnestly desire them; First, that they would set some reasonable and certain period to their own power, by which time (say they) that great and supreme trust reposed in you shall be returned into the hands of the people for and from whom you received it, that so you may give them satisfaction and assurance, that what you have contended for against the King (for which they have been put to so much trouble, cost and loss of blood) hath been only for their Liberties & Common Interest & not for your own personal Interest or power. Secondly, that there may be a sound settlement of the peace and future Government of the Kingdom upon grounds of common Right Freedom and Safety, to the effect here following.  
First, that from the end of this, there may be a certain succession of future Parliaments) ANNV ALL OR biennial with secure provision. 1 For the certainty of their meeting, sitting and ending. 2 For the equal distribution of Elections thereunto, to render the House of commons as near as may be an equal representative of the whole people electing. 3 For the certainty of the people's meeting (according to such distributions) to elect, and for their full Freedom in elections. Provided that none who have engaged or shall engage in war against the right of Parliament and Interest of the Kingdom therein, or have adhered to the Enemies thereof, may be capable of electing or being elected (at least during a competent number of years) nor any other, who shall oppose or not join in agreement to this settlement. 4 That it be declared, that (as to the whole Interest of the people of England) such representatives have and shall have the SUPREME POWER & trust, as to the making of Laws, Constitutions and Offices, for the ordering, preservation, and government of the whole, and that in the NEGATIVE they may not render up or give or take away any of the foundations of common-right, liberty or safety contained in this settlement & agreement: AND THIS TO BE ESTABLISHED BY A GENERAL CONTRACT OR AGREEMENT OF THE PEOPLE, WHICH THEY THERE REQUIRE MAY HAVE THEIR SUBSCRIPTIONS THEREUNTO, and that withal it may be provided, that none may be capable of any benefit by the agreement who shall not consent & subscribe thereunto, nor any King be admitted to the Crown, or other person to any Office or place of public trust without express accord and subscription to the same: and also they press the Parliament to consider such sperial overtures as have been tendered to them, in the petitions of well wishers to public good and especially and particularly That large petition from many in and about London dated the 11th of September 1648: that so they may when they lay down their trust (which they press may be speedily) leave a good favour behind them, both to the name of Parliaments & also of men professing Godliness and therein chiefly to the honour of Almighty God, who hath (in his rich grace and mercy) done such wonders for them.  
And did not the present General & the rest of the Officers of the Army draw up and cause to be presented unto the House upon the 20 of January 1649 or rather 1648 by Lieutenant General Hammond, Coll: Okey and other Officers of the Army, a petition and a draught of such an Agreement, which was afterwords by their order printed at London by john Partridge, Rich: Harford, Giles Calvert & George Whittington all Bookesellers in London? In which said petition they use these very words. Now as nothing did in our own hearts more justify our late undertake towards many members in this Parliament, than the necessity thereof in order to a sound settlement in the Kingdom and the integrity of our intentions to make use of it only to that end; So we hold ourselves obliged to give the people all assurance possible, that our opposeing the corrupt closure endeavoured with the King, was not in design to hinder peace or settlement, (thereby to render our employments, as Soldiers, necessary to be continued) and that neither that extraordinary course we have taken, nor any other proceed of ours, have been intended for the setting up of any particular Party or Interest, by or with which to uphold ourselves in power and dominion over the Nation, but that it was and is the desire of our hearts in all we have done (with the hindering of that imminent evil and destructive conjunction with the King) to make way for the settlement of a peace and government of the Kingdom, upon grounds of common Freedom and safety.  
And the introduction of the said agreement is in these very words; An agreement of the people of England and the places therewith incorporated, for a secure & present peace upon grounds of common right Freedom and safety.  
Having by our late labours and hazards made it appear to the world, at how high a rate we value our just Freedom, & God having so far owned our cause, as to deliver the Enemies thereof into our hands; we do now hold ourselves bound in mutual duty to each other, to take the best care we can for the future, TO AVOID BOTH THE DANGER of returning into a slaveish condition & the chargeable remedy OF ANOTHER WAR. For as it cannot be imagined, that so many of our Country men would have opposed us in this quarrel, if they had understood their own good, so may we hopefully promise to ourselves, that WHEN OUR COMMON RIGHTS AND LIBERTIES SHALL BE CLEARED, their endeavours will be disappointed, that seek to make themselves our Masters. Since therefore our former oppressions, and not yet ended troubles; have been occasioned, either by want of frequent national meetings in council, or by the undue or unequal constitution thereof, or by rendering those meetings uneffectuall. We are fully resolved & agreed (God willing) to provide, that hereafter our Representatives be neither left to an uncertainty for time nor be unequally constituted, nor made useless to the ends for which they are intended In order whereunto we declare & agree;  
(1) THAT, TO PREVENT THE MANY INCONVENIENCYES, APPARENTLY ARISEING FROM THE LONG CONTINV ANCE OF THE SAME PERSONS IN SUPREME AUTHORITY, this present Parliament end and dissolve upon or before the last day of April, in the year of our Lord 1649.  
And for the excellency common utility & safety of settleing the distressed Nation of England upon such an agreement, after the shakeing the foundations of the government thereof, by so many bloody wars, in their printed Declaration annexed to the said agreement whereby they recommend it to the serious consideration of the people of England, they have these very words; We shall not otherwise commend it (that is the said agreement) then to say it contains, THE BEST AND MOST HOPEFUL FOUNDATIONS FOR THE PEACE AND FUTURE WELL GOVERNMENT OF THIS NATION, THAT WE CAN DEVISE OR THINK ON WITHIN THE LINE OF HUMAN POWER, and such wherein all the people interessed in this Land [that have not particular Interests of advantage & power over others, divided from that which is common & public) are indifferently & equally provided for, save where any have justy forfeited their share in that common Interest by opposeing it, and so rendered themselves incapable thereof (at least) for some time. And we call the Consciences of all that read or hear it to witness, whether we have therein provided or propounded any thing of advantage to ourselves in any capacity above others, OR AUGHT, BUT WHAT IS AS GOOD FOR ONE AS FOR ANOTHER. And a little further in the said Declaration, they aver and say.  
And we for our parts, being far from any desire or thought to assume or exercise a law-giveing, or judicial power over the Kingdom, or to meddle in any thing save the fundamental settleing of that power in the most EQV, ALL & hopeful way for COMMON RIGHT, FREEDOM AND SAFETY (as in this Agreement) and having not means nor time for, nor the necessity of some present general settlement, admitting the delay of such a consideration, as seems requisite in relation to such numerous particulars, we have purposely declined the inserting of such things into THIS AGREEMENT.  
And did not the present GENERAL & the rest of his Officers publish a Declaration dated in December 1648: which expresseth the reasons of their then advance with their Army to London, to purge (OR RATHER PLUCK UP BY THE ROOTS) the Parliament? and do they not in that Declaration positively declare, that the Parliaments treating with the King and rejecting all better & wholesomer counsels given them IS NO LESS THAN A TREACHEROUS OR CORRUPT NEGLECT OR AN APOST ATIZING FROM THE PUBLIC TRVST REPOSED IN THEM. Yet not ASSUMING to themselves [as there in words they say] a standing power of judgement (AS OF RIGHT OR TRVST) to conclude others thereby, acknowledging that to lie most properly in those whom the people DULY CHOOSE AND TRVST TO JUDGE FOR THEM. But considering that such power, where ever it is, IS COMMITTED BUT IN TRVST, and that neither this Nation, nor any other people DID EVER GIVE UP THEIR NATURAL CAPACITIES OF COMMON SENSE OR REASON, as to the ends & fundamentals of that trust. And as for the Parliaments breach of trust, there being no formal power of man in being to appeal to, in the present case, they positively declare, They cannot but exercise that common judgement which in their NATURAL CAPACITY is left to them, and therefore considering that the Parliaments than BREACH OF TRVST, was so transcendently great, as that it was an hazard of total destruction to that Interest, & to those people, for which especially (they say) the trust was reposed. And seeing there is no orderly & open way left for a just succession of another formal and proper judicature to be appealed unto in due time, therefore they there renounced the then Parliament, AS NO PARLIAMENT AT ALICE, & with confidence APPEALED TO THE COMMON JUDGEMENTS OF INDIFFERENT AND UNCORRUPTED MEN, exciteing all those that yet were faithful to their trust in the Parliament to COME OUT & join with them, and in such a case of extremity they promise to look upon them [not as a Parliament, but) as persons materially having the chief trust of the Kingdom remaining in them, THOUGH NOT A FORM ALL STANDING POWER, to be continued in them or drawn into ordinary precedent; yet the best and most rightful that can be had, as the present State and exigency of affairs than stood; and we shall (say they) accordingly own them, adhere to them & be guided by them, in their FAITHFUL PROSECUTION OF THEIR TRVST, which they there declare, to be only in order unto (MARK IT WELL) and UNTIL THE INTRODUCEING OF A MORE FULL AND FORMAL POWER IN A JUST REPRESENTATIVE TO BE SPEEDILY ENDEAVOURED AND RATIFIED BY AN AGREEMENT AND SUBSCRIPTION OF THE PEOPLE THEREUNTO.  
And did not the present General (for upon him I principally look, and judge him in a manner to be all in all, and not only one man but; his word in England, to be more than ten thousand) lay it as an act of treason, to the late King Charles, charge his in his (for so I may truly call it) late impeachment of him, dated the 20 of January 1648: that he had KEPT OF FREQVENT AND SUCCESSIVE PARLIAMENTS OR NATIONAL MEETINGS IN COUNCIL, which (as before is averred) ought to be once every year or oftener if need require? And did not the Generals then two principal agents, to wit, the LORD PRECEDENT BRADSHAW and Mr. JOHN COOK now Lord chief justice in Ireland, notably with all their Eloquence and Rhetoric aggravate that against the King, as a most transcendent crime? see the 11 page of the Lord Bradshawes last speech against the King, being upon the 27 of January 1648, and Mr. john Cook his State of the King's Case page 7, 11, 14, 17, 18, 20. in the last of which, Mr. JOHN COOK averrs, THAT THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND NOT ONLY BY SEVERAL STATUTE LAW AUGHT TO HAVE A PARLIAMENT ONCE A YEAR OR OFTENER IF NEED REQVIRE, BUT ALSO OF COMMON RIGHT THEY AUGHT TO HAVE IT; and that the Kings making of Parliaments when he called them, USELESS to the END for which they were instituted, was a crime in him EQVALL to his not calling them, for nine or ten years together. And I wish the present General, were not much more guilty than ever the King was, of all those tamperings, juggleings & machiavilian devices, that he speaks of in his 17, 18 and 20 pages, to make a Parliament useless in any thing, BUT TO SERVE HIS OWN LUSTS AND OPPRESS THE PEOPLE THEREBY. So that then by Mr. john Cook's conclusion, to speak in his own words, the General may throw the gauntles & challenge all the MACHIAVELS IN the world to invent such an EXQVISITE PLATFORM of tyrannical domination & such a PERFECT TYRANNY without MAIM or BLEMISH as he is Prince or Emperor of, and that by a Law, which saith Mr. JOHN COOK is worst of all.  
And did not the present General before the late battle at Worcester, engage and promise before God & several Officers of his Army, & of the good people of England; that if God blessed him with that victory, he would immediately be the effectual instrument to procure unto the people of England their natural common, legal and undoubted birthright, TO ELECT AND CHOOSE A NEW PARLIAMENT? and did he not after the battle, engage the same? and did he not come up to London and in the Parliament House immediately after his coming up express himself full of zeal for the immediate calling a new-Parliament, „ As that which they were bound in Conscience and duty both to God and Man forthwith to call „? And were not the Spirits and Hearts of thousands and ten thousands of the honest people of England refreshed thereby, and cried him up as their earthly Saviour & Redeemer therefore? yet was his carriage therein any other than A PERFECT CHEAT AND DECEIT, on purpose in peace & quietness to get disbanded & scattered all those forces that in their hearts longed for it, and in their words expressed so much, and it may be he feared were at Worcestor twice so many, as he, & all those that durst then join with him against it. which necessitated him to give them good words, and fair promises; till he got all the „ new-raised forces (who were full of Life for a new Parliament) disbanded „ & all his own Regiments that he was jealous of dispersed & scattered into small companies abroad in the Nation¿ and under the pretence of case of the People's taxes, ordered he not his Officers to disband a certain number our of their troops & companies of the most choicest men that he was afraid were Possessed with such principles? and did he not to the saddening of the Universality of honest men's hearts in England, when he imagined he had done his work to his hearts desire, vote & declare the Parliament should (after they had sat almost twelve years) sit three years longer if they pleased, and at three year's end they may sit as long as they or he lives, if he please. So that the people shall never have a New Parliament.  
And upon this, did not you and divers other honest men, Leaders or Preachers to several of the most CONSCIENTIOUS CONGREGATIONS OF INDEPENDENTS AND ANABAPTISTS in and about the City of London, repair to him, and with grief of heart freely and fully to his face lay open his wickedness in this very thing, as the most gross hypocrisy and baseness that could be acted by a man? against which, did you not tell him, you judged yourselves bound in duty and conscience before God & the world to bear witness; & against this his practice to endeavour as of duty and of right, to the hazard of your lives and all that in this world you could call yours, „ immediately to procure a new Parliament? and when by your discourses with him, he grew choleric & hot, and would not well endure freely to be spoke to, did not some of the „ chiefest Independents amongst your company „ tell him to his face, that seeing he was so altered & changed from what he used to be, that now he would not endure plainly to be told his own, you would leave him in his declined condition and go home to your closerts, and by prayer cry aloud to God against him? and have not some of the chiefest of the same company (I mean Independents] since declared to some of their acquaintance, that they absolutely found and judged the General (now by clear experience) to be as false & as juggleing a man as the worst or highest of his adversaries had ever reported him to be? and that his juggleing & deceit would be quickly the apparent hazard of the ruin of all the honest men in England? And did not you all lay your heads together and abstract the very quint-essence of your brains into reasons deducted both from the Right, Profit and Necessity of having a NEW PARLIAMENT out of hand, & the duty that lies upon your Consciences particularly, to stickle vigorously for the procureing of it? and did you not deliever the said reasons in writing to the Generals own hands¿ and upon his continuing obstinate against your just desires, have you not since kept SEVERAL FASTS AT GREAT ALL-HALLOWES IN THAMES STREET LONDON, from morning till night, twelve 14, or 16, of you praying in one day? and have not your hearts been lifted up to God, earnestly to beg assistance from him, to enable you to go on courageously and actively with faithfulness and success, not withstanding all opposition to the contrary to accomplish fully that great good for the people of England „ to wit: the procureing a new-elected Parliamen for them? And hath not the General himself with his Sycophantizeing agents & Chaplains MR. or Dr. OWEN the new Dean of , Mr. LOCKYER, Mr. SYDRACH SIMPSON, AND Mr. PHILIP NYE been extremely curaged and mad with you therefore, and used to several of you not only threats, but also sugared persuasions to cause you to desist there from; & have you not nevertheless persevered and gone on; and sent your Letters and agents to all (or the most part of] your Friends, in all the Counties of England or Wales: to excite them to join with you therein? and can you now without horror of Conscience upon any pretences whatsoever, and an apprehension of the Wrath, Vengeance, and curse both of God and man to seize immediately upon you and your Families, go back, sit still, or grow cold or lukewarm? especially if you but seriously read, ponder and meditate upon, what I have here writ unto you, which is all the Inference that at present I shall draw from the premises.  
Only I shall now take the Liberty, to give you the reasons why I writ these lines to you & the  
First is, Because I know no man of mine ancient acquaintance, that professeth Religion, Zeal, Conscience or Common-good, as yourself doth, that is so familiarly acquainted with all the four forementioned great Swordmen, or the major-part of them, as yourself is: and so well heard by them as you are: and because I hate to grapple in good earnest with the greatest adversary I have in the world, but I will (if it be possible,) tell him before hand what weapons I will be at with him, that so he may if he please choose a Composure, if not let him do his pleasure, and I shall do the best I can for myself.  
Secondly, because I understand since I saw you, you have been very civil and respective, to my poor distressed & disconsolate wife. and least by any after actions of mine you should repent of any civility you have already done her, or be unwilling to do her any more hereafter, & because I would give as much satisfaction to her (whom my soul hath loved & still doth love) (if I know any thing of mine own heart (as entirely as ever husband loved a wife) as far as with a good conscience & mine own safety I possibly can; and that I am a rational man & willing to stoop, for her Satisfaction, so Farr as with the maintaineing of mine own peace it may be.  
The General having meddled with me, without the least shadow of ground or cause, or the least provocation given him by me, I am confident of it; and thereby picked a quarrel with me as Benhadad the King of Assyria did with the King of Israel, who would not be contented with any thing that the King of Israel could proffer to him, unless he would give him every thing that was pleasant in his eyes, as appears the 1 Kings 20 who paid dear enough for his Insolency as in that Chapter you may read. And I for my part, challenge the General to instance if he can, any one seemeing provocation that I have of late given him, for I am sure of it, since our last outwardly solemn reconcilement, I never in the least Disserved him, but waited upon him, since his coming from Worcester at his own House, and had an hour or two's private discourse with him in his Gallery, & gave him all the engagements from me that are fit, either for a man of Honour, Conscience, or Integrity to give to a great man, whose absolute vassal he cannot be. And he assured me he would receive no Information against me behind my back, but he would send for me and speak with me, before it should stick or find belief with him, protesting he had absolutely buried in the grave of forgetfulness the remembrance of all bypast things betwixt us, and now should be as ready to serve me, as any Friend I had in England, commending my Ingenuity and proffers to him in the difference betwixt SIR ARTHUR HASILRIG & my Friends, which was in the first place; I proffered the General that so he might see, [as I told him] that I had no desire to ruffle with any that I knew he was intimate with & that I had a very high apprehension of his Integrity & of the Justice of the cause, which for my Friends I managed against SIR ARTHUR HASILRIG and therefore First, that if his Honour with deliberation would vouchsafe to hear the business fully, I would engage if SIR ARTHUR would do the like, THAT MY FRIENDS SHOULD ENGAGE THEMSELVES IN A BOND OF 20 THOUSAND POUND FINALLY TO STAND TO HIS JUDGEMENT AND THEREIN TO ACQUIESCE WITHOUT FURTHER STRUGGLEING. But he told me his occasions were great & many and would not permit him time fully to hear so large a business, as he was afraid it was. Unto which I replied My Lord;  
Then in the 2d place if your Lordship please to propound this unto Sir Arthur, that if he please to choose any two Officers in your Army, of those that he leaves we will choose two more.  
Or 3dly; if he like better to choose two Members of Parliament, we will choose two more; and I will engage my Friends shall bind themselves in the foresaid bonds, to stand to their final judgement, provided that wherein they cannot agree, that so we may have an end, your Lordship shall decide it. Unto which he replied, it was so fair, as fairer could not be offered by any man in the world, and most solemnly engaged himself unto me (to use his own words) to speak effectually to Arthur about it, and at that time took of me my printed Book, against SIR ARTHUR and the „ four unjust commissioners at Haberdasher's Hall: And promised me seriously to peruse it. But although I was often in his way on purpose to wait upon him to receive his commands about it; yet I never heard more of it from him, although this discourse betwixt him and me, was many weeks before Mr. Primates appeal to the Parliament. Therefore, I say, considering all these things, I must have a care how I trust a twice reconciled Enemy, especially one that hath made so many and so glorious transcendent promises to the Nation of England, and all sorts of honest Men contained in it, as he hath already done several times over, (as is before truly repeated) AND MAKES NO CONSCIENCE AT ALL TO PERFORM ANY ONE OF THEM. Yet for peace sake & for affections sake to my endeared and poor wise, I will the third time now go as low in my propositions, as possible with any safety or imaginable security I can; upon the granting of which, I will engage to sit still and write no more against him, unless he break the engagement first. And therefore in order to a third reconcilement, I propose in the first place, that seeing by Common right, several ancient and modern statute Laws yet in force, the Parliaments and Armies forecited Declarations, and the unanimous confession of all Interests and parties whatsoever, a new and successive Parliament once a year, is the undoubted birthright of the people of England & seeing by the GENERALS own forementioned Declarations, this Parliament, THAT NOW IS, IS NO PARLIAMENT AT ALICE, nor upon, „ his own principles, never was since he declared and avowed they were traitors to their trust „ which in the year 1648 he did, as has been truly before recited; and seeing by his and his Armies own confession (as is before truly mentioned) there is no other Safe, Secure, Honest or Just way to provide for the calling of future parliaments in England, but by a „ Popular Agreement signed amongst and by the people; that therefore he would immediately declare, and give good Cautionary security, that within three, sour or 5 Month's time, the people of England shall choose and have sitting a new Parliament, either upon the principles of our Agreement dated at the Tower of London May 1, 1649: or upon the principles of their own forementioned Agreement, delivered by them to the House of Commons. & upon these conditions I will wave all things concerning myself, or the colliery of Harraton, or my Friends related thereunto. And further; to manifest to all the world, that my present necessitated and compelled struggleing, is not to appropriate to myself either Government, Rule, Domination, Riches or Greatness; I will be willing to give my full consent unto it under my hand and seal, that an act shall be passed, by this present Parliament, to make me by name uncapable of being chosen of the next Parliament, or bearing any Office in the Commonwealth of England, dureing its sitting, or coming into England, till it be sat.  
Now, Sir, it may be the General may be full of Indignation and scorn, that such a nothing as myself should dare to make such a proposition to him, of whom it may truly by reason of his greatness be said, as it is said in the 41 of Job of the LEVIATHAN, that when he raiseth up himself, the mighty are afraid, the sword of him that layeth at him cannot hold: the spear, the dart, nor the habergeon. He esteemeth iron as straw & brass as rotten wood. the arrow cannot make him flee: sling stones are turned with him into stubble, darts are counted as stubble, he laugheth at the shakeing of a spear; upon earth there is not his like, who is made without fear. But if the General do rage and scorn at what I say; In calmness I answer him.  
In the firstplace with the words of himself and his Army, as they are written in the 70 and last page of their grand Remonstrance from St. Alban 16 Novemb: 1648 which thus sollowes. We hope (say they) that in Age of so much light, mere will or resolution will not be held forth or pursued against what has been said. But that, what reason or righteousness, there is in the things which we have said will be considered & followed, nor let it find prejudice with you (meaneing the Parliament) from any disdaigne towards those from whom it comes [being in the condition of an Army looked upon as servants under you] since servants may speak to their Masters and aught to be heard & regarded even when they speak for their own right only, & rather when they speak for the good and safety of them they serve, but much more, when they speak of that wherein they have some joint Interest with them; and yet more, when (those their immediate Masters being themselves also servants and trusties for the benefit of others) they speak for the Interest of those for whom they are employed.  
But if the General shall hold forth nothing but mere will and resolution against what I have here said, then in the  
Second place, Let me tell both you & him, I am confident of it, very speedily in one Kind or another, he will meet with one way or another, as bad a portion as he or they did, against whom that Remonstrance was made.  
But thirdly, I answer him in the words of the Scripture Samuel 2. 22, 26, 27, 28 and Chapter 23, 2, 3. where David speaking of God saith, With the merciful thou wilt show they self merciful & with the upright man thou wilt show thyself upright; with the pure thou wilt show thyself pure, and „ with the froward thou wilt show thyself unsavoury „ and the afflicted people thou wilt save, „ but thine eyes are upon the haughty „ that thou mayest bring them down. And David further going on saith, the Spirit of the Lord spoke by me, and his word was in my tongue, the God of Israel said, the rock of Israel spoke to me: „ He that ruleth over men must be just, ruleing in the fear of God. „ And also I further answer with those say of the Spirit of God, in the 2d of Isay the 11, 12, 13, 14, 15 & the 3d of Isay the 11, 13, 14, 15, where it is said, The lofty looks of man shall be humbled, and the haughtiness of man shall be lowed down „ and the Lord alone shall be exalted in that day. For the day of the Lord of Hosts shall be upon every one that is proud and lofty, upon every one that is lifted up & he shall be brought low, and upon all the Cedars of Lebanon, that are high, and lifted up, and upon all the oaks of Bashan, and upon all the high mountains, and upon all the Hills that are lifted up & upon every high-tower and upon every fenced wall. Woe unto the wicked, it shall be ill with him; for the reward of his hands shall be given him, for the Lord standeth up to plead and standeth to judge the people, the Lord will enter into judgement with the Ancients of his people and the Princes thereof, for ye have eaten up the vineyard, the Spoil of the poor is in your houses. What mean you that you beat my people to pieces and grind the faces of the poor saith the Lord God of Hosts? & chap: 5, 15, 16 And the mighty man shall be humbled, and the eyes of the lofty shall be humbled but the Lord of Hosts shall be exalted in judgement, and God that is holy shall be Sanctified in righteousness. And chap: 13, 6, 11. Howl ye for the day of the Lord is at hand, it shall come as a destruction from the Almighty, and I will saith God punish the World for their evil and the wicked for their iniquity and I will cause the arrogance of the proud to cease, & will lay low the haughtiness of the terrible, and chap: 23: 9 The Lord of Hosts hath purposed it, to stain the pride of all glory, and to bring into contempt all the honourable of the Earth, and chapter 24, 5, 6, 20, 21. the Earth also is defiled under the inhabitants thereof, because they have transgressed the Laws, changed the ordinance, broken the everlasting covenant. therefore hath the carse devoured the Earth and they that dwell therein are desolate. the Earth shall reel to and fro like a drunkard, and shall be removed like a cottage, and the transgression thereof shall be heavy upon it, and it shall shall and not arise again. And it shall come to pass in that day, that the Lord shall punish the Hosts of the high ones that are on high, and the Kings of the Earth upon the Earth, and Chap: 26. 4, 5, 6, 7, 10, 11. trust ye in the Lord for ever, for in the Lord Jehovah is everlasting strength, for he bringeth down them that dwell on high, the lofty City he layeth it low, he layeth it low even to the ground, he bringeth it even to the dust. the foot shall tread it down, even the feet of the poor and the steps of the needy. the way of the just is uprightness; thou most upright, dost weigh the paths of the just. But let favour be showed to the wicked yet will he not learn righteousness. In the Land of uprightness will he deal unjustly & will not behold the Majesty of the Lord. and chap 28, 2, 3. Behold the Lord hath a mighty and strong one, which as a tempest of hail and a destroying storm, as a flood of mighty waters overflowing, shall cast down to the earth with the hand the Crown of pride. And Chap: 29, 20, 21. For the the terrible one is brought to naught, and the scorner is consumed and all that watch for iniquity are cut of: that make a man an offender for a word, & lay a snare for him that reproveth in the gate. that turn aside the just for a thing of naught. And Chap. 40, 23, 29, 30, 31. Where it is said of God, that the bringeth Princes to nothing and maketh the judges of the earth as vanity, and giveth power to the faint, and to them that have no might he increaseth strength. Even the youths shall faint and be weary, and the young men shall utterly fall, but they that wait upon the Lord shall renew their strength: they shall mount up with wings as Aegle; they shall run, and not be weary; they shall walk, and not faint.  
Fourthly, I answer, when God will have athing brought to pass, the sounding of Ramms-hornes shall be sufficient to blow down the walls of Jericho Joshua the 6. For when God will work who shall let him? Isay 33.13. And when the Almighty will have a man to act, in desperate & visibly improbable designs for him, he will compass him about, with such necessities to go on with his work, that there is no evadeing it, and put him into Jeremy's condition (as many times I myself have been) when he forced him to cry out. O Lord, thou hast deceived me, & I was deceived, thou art stronger than I, thou hast prevailed: I am in derision daily, every one mocketh me. For since I spoke, I cried out, I cried, Violence and spoil; because the word of the Lord was made a reproach unto me, and derision daily. then said I, I will not make mention of him, nor speak any more in his name. BUT HIS WORD WAS WITHIN ME, AS A BURNING FIRE SHUT UP IN MY BONES, AND I WAS WEARY WITH FORBEAREING, AND I COULD NOT STAY. For I heard the defameing of many, ●eare on every side. Report, say they, and we will report it: all my familiars watched for my halting, saying, peradventure he will be enticed and we shall prevail against him, and we shall take our revenge on him. But the Lord is with me, as a MIGHTY TERRIBLE ONE, therefore my persecutors shall stumble and they shall not prevail: they shall be greatly ashamed, for they shall not prosper, their everlasting confusion shall never be forgotten. But O Lord of Hosts that tryest the righteous and seest the reins and the heart, let me see thy vengeance on them for unto thee have I opened my cause, be not a terror unto me, thou art my hope in the day of evil. LET THEM BE CONFOUNDED THAT PERSECUTE ME, but let not me be confounded, let them be dismayed, but let not me be dismayed; BRING UPON THEM THE DAY OF EVIL, AND DESTROY THEM WITH DOUBLE DESTRUCTION Jeremy 20, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12. and chap. 17. 17, 18. And give me leave without offence to say to my Lord General Cromwell, as God in something the like case said in the 22 Jeremy 13, 14, 15, 16, 17. Woe unto him that buildeth his house by unrighteousness, and his chambers by wrong, that useth his neighbour's service without wages, and giveth him not for his work: that ●aith, I will build me a wide house and large chambers, and cutteth him out windows, and it is seeled with cedar, and painted with vermilion. Shalt thou reign, because thou clothest thyself in Cedar? did not thy Father eat and drink and do judgement and justice and then it was well with him? he judged the cause of the poor and the needy, than it was well with him, was not this to know me, saith THE LORD? But thine eyes and thine heart, are not but for thy covetousness and FOR TO SHED INNOCENT BLOOD, and for oppression and for violence to do it. therefore, saith the Lord, thou shalt be buried with the burial of an Ass, without lamentation, saying AH MY BROTER! or AH LORD! or AH HIS GLORY! Therefore let not the General for all his greatness despise the day of small things. For who would have believed or imagined 10 years ago, that Oliver Cromwell a mean private inconsiderable man in comparison, should by this day have had 3 Nations at his beck and command [for I am sure of it when he & I about 10 years ago by the Parliaments authority were first made captains, my particular Interest in England, was so far beyond his, that I could then have easily raised a hundred volenteers to have followed my banner for his one,] and enjoy really a greater power in them, than ever any of there most Absolute Kings this 500 years had.  
Fiftly, I answer that I have heard from travellers that the ELEPHANT (which of all the beasts in the world is the most warlike one, carrying a Castle able to secure many men upon its back and being in many places in the East-Indies so expert in war, that if an Iron chain be tied to its trunk, it will with it mow down whole rows of men, and yet for all this) of all the creatures in the world is the most afraid of the little silly contemptible pismire, the which if it Creep up its trunk and get into its brains (as some times they do) the little creature will more mad, that great, furious, strong beast, than the shake of multitudes of spears, and the pouring of showers of warlike darts and arrows upon it.  
I wish my LORD GENERAL for his own sake having done so great things in England as he hath done, may seriously consider what he will get at my hands when he hath done the worst he can to me, for if I fall I can (as I have often through the goodness of God) rise again, but so can not he, for his fall if it come will be so great, it will break his neck; and I look upon him as my grand adversary, and against great nor small must I now not fight, nor contest with to the purpose, saveing only themselves; And truly I am apt to think (how contemptible soever he may Judge me to be) that if he force me to it to the utmost nesessitie; I shall be able (through the strength of almighty God) to trouble him as bad, as the greatest Army of Cavaliers that ever he fought with in his life did, and to make his very heartstrings to ache for skin for skin yea all that a man hath will he give for his life; But peace with him, (not only for my own good, but the good and benefit of the whole Nation) is the thing I desire from my hart and soul.  
, I will here presume to advice him as Joab advises David, when he had like to have taken in the City of Rabbath, and therefore advised him, to gather his people together & take it in himself, lest he took it, and it should be called by his name. even so, say I, a New Parliament is the people of England's right, and the obtaineing of one for them, is even at the very door, I am sure of it; therefore let my Lord General arise, and gather his Army about him, and effectually, and in good earnest revive his or our Agreement and speedily procure thereby a New Parliament for the people, which I dare avow, infallibly to demonstrate, he may as easily, freely and safely do it, if he will but say the word, as kiss his own hand, & I will maintain it he hath no real durable safety in the world, but in the doing of it. but I think Politicus in his notable preambles to his thursday newes-bookes, hath already sufficiently cleared that point. I say therefore, if he will in the hearts of the honest and understanding people of England be esteemed and be really their darling, let him arise and do it with all his might quickly, lest I or some other contemptible or unthought of instrument or instruments, do it for the people in despite of him, and so run away with the honour of it, and have it called by our name. For let him remember, when the Scots first invaded England in the year 1639 by their declareing they came in for to procure the English people their liberties and that they might enjoy a Parliament, which they had been without ten or eleven years together, they tied the King's hands behind his back thereby, and won the Zealous stout English people's hearts away from him, and thereby procured for the English People a Parliament in spite of the teeth of all that opposed it. Nay and thereby made the Kings own Soldiers knock their commanders on the head, that were leading them against the said Scots. I say no more at present, but bid himself make the farther application, only adding, that I am confident of it, that he will be the highlyest esteemed man to the people of England, that is in the world, that can or shall be an Instrument upon the principles aforesaid, to procure a New Parliament for them, thereby rationally & probably to free & deliver them from their unsupportable and un-imaginable oppression, bondage and slavery which they are under, worse and greater by a thousand degrees then ever it was in the worst of the late King's times. For now, I will maintain it, there is no man in England, that can rationally or upon any probable grounds call either his land, his trade, his Estate, his life, his wife or his children his own, or be sure to enjoy them free from violence one single day to an end. And in the multitude of instances, I need to give you no more than mine own which is now upon me.  
For, have I done the General, or the Nation or any particular man in it any wrong, oppression or injustice? if it be said I have, I challenge the sight of my whole charge and a particular declaration, that I shall enjoy the benefit of the Petition of right, and the Parliaments and Generals pass freely to come into England „ and there to stay for a time and return back again, without let or molestation, and I do hereby engage with speed to meet (by God's assistance) the greatest and stoutest adversary that I have in England there at the bar of justice. And I am sure, if they can legally prove me guilty of any wickedness or oppression acted upon but the meanest man in England, my reputation is gone, and then all my Interest in that nation is not worth a groat. So that afterward the General need not in the least to be afraid of any thing that I can say or do against him. For than it would signify no more than the wind that blows.  
Sir, to draw towards a Conclusion. As the General used to give his earthly Lords, Masiers & Creators the Parliament, a few and set number of days viz: 4 or 5 at most, to answer his demands in: so from the date hereof, I give you three weeks, or one and twenty days exclusive, to return me what answer you please about this Letter, promising till they be passed, not to print and publish it; provided, by the very first post after this, you writ me word you have received it, or else I shall judge Mr. Thomas Scot hath catcht it „ as I am informed from London, he hath already done some other of my Letters. for which, and for setting his spies upon me in these Countries, which I have very visibly found out, and for all his old roguery exercised towards me, and plotted against me, I must be forced when I am a little at leisure in print to pay him: and particularly for all his notorious codpiece Simony that I know of, in attempting to lie with two of my female Friends at one time and in one bed in the same chamber, at the sugarloaf near the Muse by Charing-cross, being one of those many Lecherous houses he haunts and hath the command of. Which COLONEL THOMAS PRIDE now a Member of the Army, many months ago at the Parliament door TOLD Mr. SCOT partly of to his face, but he the said Scot durst never question him therefore, nor the two women that (as I remember the Story from Colonel Pride's mouth) were then mentioned to him to be the parties; and for his strong attempting to hire one of my quondam Friends with the gift of two hundred pound land a year, firmly to be settled upon him and his heirs for ever, to swear against me at Guildhall, at my late trial to take away my life. I say, if it come into his hands, I believe the General shall never see this Letter, till he see it in print, which I desire to avoid if it be possible.  
It may be, at the sight of this, the General will be mad, and revenge himself on my Estate, and my Wife and poor Children. But let him take heed what he doth, for it is the Judgement of Christ, that the same measure a man meats should be measured to him again. And the truth of it is, if my sentence, to morrow, WERE TAKEN OF, 1500 POUND would not, all things considered, in my worldly business, set me in so good a condition as I was in, the day before it passed against me. For being in many entanglements in the world, having scarce recovered to stand upright upon mine own legs, it hath already as good as broke my back, with reference to the world. And in my absence, I hear every unworthy man, that can but pretend any thing against me, to reach me or my poor wife, takes his advantage of my absence to abuse her, and trample upon her. And SIR ARTHUR HASILRIG, I hear, must be doing again, with his gross Knave William Huntingdon of Billingham in the County of Durham, against both of whose base and lying dealeings with me, preferred to the Parliament in November last against me, I made my particular and clear defence, to the then silenceing of them both, in a sheet and an half of paper, and presented it in print to the Parliament the 28 of November 1651 being incitled, to every individual Member of the supreme Authority the Parliament of the Commonwealth of England The humble Address of Lieutenant Colonel john Lilburne, by way of answer to a most false and scandalous printed Petition delivered at the House door against him, by one William Huntingdon upon Weddensday the 26 of November 1651. In which I am confident I have made as clear, rational and just a defence for myself, as any man in the World, can make to any accusation laid unto his charge, unto which to this very day I never saw any thing by way of reply, neither do I believe its possible rationally and justly to reply any thing yet unto it. And I hereby bid defiance to him & all my adversaries I have in England, to lay a farthing tokens-worth of baseness justly to my charge for 15 years together.  
And I wish with all my soul, you would seriously read my said defence, my wife being able to furnish you therewith. But further, if I have wronged the man, which I absolutely deny in the lea●●, that I have done it, to the value of a single pin: I proffered him many times fair enough, as in the said defence you may read, but he would never accept thereof, and besides, the Law was open for him when I was in England and still is, and is his inheritance as well as mine, and though I be here beyond the seas, so that he cannot arrest me; yet let him put in his Declaration in a legal Court in England, as its commonly there reputed, and send me a Copy thereof & I will give Authority to a Friend to answer it legally. for the Law is yet my inheritance, and the heart of the greatest and stoutest man in England, I will make to ache if possibly I can, that shall endeavour to deprive me of the benefit thereof, although I die at his feet therefore. But let not Sr. ARTHUR HASILRIG take upon him arbitrarily to arbitrate my estate, as I hear he is about to do, when I give him no power and authority so to do. If he persevere in it, it will but add unto that great guilt of his, that I am persuaded in time will justly carry him to the Scaffold at Tower-hill or else where, which I believe I shall live to see with mine own eyes.  
Sir; if towards peace I receive not a satisfactory answer to this Epistle, I must deal truly with you, my condition already is such, that it will force me with all the Eloquence & Rethoric that I have, to cry out aloud, as the Parliament in the day of their distrese did when they required and desired, all those that had any sense of piety, honour or compassion, to come forth and help a distressed state, part 1 of the Book of their Declarations page 498. so, must and shall I by God's assistance, with the mournfullest dittyes and bleeding tears of oppression cry out for help & supply, that my soul is able to pour out, either to God, to Men, or Women, of all Nations, relations and conditions (and publish it as farras English, Dutch, French or Latin will carry them, especially to all truehearted Englishmen, that have fought for their Liberties and Freedoms, or stood by the stuff whiles others did it, who ought to have as good a share in the liberties contended for, as those sons of wickedness and Belial as David calls them 1 Sam: 30.22. that would now engross all to themselves. Who though Christians in name, may yet infinitely be condemned and reproved by the Righteousness and justice OF NEHEMIAH, though a jew, in the like case. Who although he 12 years together was Governor over his Countrymen in martial and civil affairs in the days of their distress, yet neither he nor his Brethren all that time did eat the bread of the Government, nor bought any land, but provided for strangers at his own cost, and at his own table: because of the reproach of the heathen their Enemies & because of the fear of God. Nehem: 5.9, 14, 15, 16., Nay he would not suffer the rich men in that day to exact usury of the poor men. and righteous Abraham (though not so full of religious pretences as the Lord General Cromwell) when he had redeemed from Captivity by force of Arms the People of the wicked City Sodom, whose King would have given him for his pains all the goods he had redeemed with them; yet he scorned it, and would not take any thing that was his or theirs, Noah not to the value of a show-latchet, lest the heathen should say he had made Abraham rich, Genesis 14, 15, 22, 23. I say I must be forced to all sorts of people to cry out bitterly for help and assistance, to enable me to print thousands and ten thousands of my mournful ditties and lamentations, and to bear the charges of my messengers and agents, by whom I must send them gratis, into all the parts & coasts of England, Scotland & Ireland; and all the Isles thereunto belonging; that possibly I can get them conveyed unto. and I doubt not; but although the Magistrates of Amsterdam, have already seized upon some of my Apologies and thereby stopped the public sale of them, being almost ten-sheets of paper in ENGEISH AND DUTCH, yet that I shall either beg or borrow money enough, to enable me within a little time, to give them, and ten thousands of other printed papers away gratis. For I doubt not, but the Spirit of magnanimity, zeal & conscience will work so powerfully in some of my rich Countrymen &c. (that now have no assurance by reason of that arbitrary and tyrannical power they are under of keeping what they possess and enjoy, nor of their lives, nor of their Liberties, wives nor children, to find out ways and means to send me a supply of money, to enable me like a man of mettle, courage and industry; to struggle for the obtaineing of a New Parliament for them and myself: to bind up, heal and cure; all the breaches of our greatly distressed and distempered Nation: & thereby to secure unto them and myself the Free enjoyment of our ancient and undoubted birthright liberties, that so in peace and quietness with rejoicing and praising of God, for all his Fatherly goodness and loving kindness manifested to poor England, we may sit down in security, peace, & tranquillity of mind, under our own vines. So committing you, as my own soul, to the sweet and gracious protection of the Lord God almighty, the rock & Re●uge, of all those that truly have a portion in him, I rest  
From my Study at Mrs. BEZOAR'S HOUSE in Sheepes-alley in the Holy-way-street, IN AMSTERDAM this present Fry●●● being the 2 April 1652. old Style. Yours and England's true and through-pac it Friend JO: LILBURNE, SEMPER IDEM.   

MY LORD,  
I Do assure you I took all the care that possibly I could, that this foregoeing Letter, written to your fast and real Friend Mr. William Kiffen might be delivered to your Lordship, but seeing I have stayed the outrunning of the time I did prefix in the 30 page foregoeing, and have not heard one word as yet from any body in the world, what is become of it. Although I writ divers Letters to several persons, signifying that I had sent such an Epistle over, yea & also gave a hint of it to your Lordship in my Letter to yourself sent by the Post, the Copy of which thus followeth.  
For his Excellency the LORD GENERAL CROMWELL these persent.  
MY LORD,  
AT my discourse with you in your Gallery about 4 or 5 Months ago, I had thought I had given your Lordship so full satisfaction in every thing, that might remove all jealousies from you, of my disserveing you in any Kind; that of all men in the Parliament, I little imagined to have found your honour to be the principal man to banish me into a strange Country, where for the Safety of my Life I am forced to print an Apology. And because you are named in it, I judge it but manlike to send you a Copy of it. And, if I had not been travailing last post day, I had sent it to you then. And I have also by this post sent to a Friend three shears of Paper in writing to communicate to your Lordship. the which, if you please to read them, you will find that you are deeply concerned in them.  
I have no more to say to your honour, but to desire God for you (if it be his pleasure) to make you speedily as righteous in actions, as you were some years ago in Declarations, and to take leave to say, I am yet as much honest  
Amsterdam April 2 1652 Old style. JOHN LILBURNE as ever I was in my life, that neither love's Flattery, nor fears Greatness or Threatening.  
ANd now my Lord, besides that Apology which I sent your Honour, I have also here in Dutch and English printed the reasons wherefore I was necessitated to print that Apology, and they are dated they 4 of March last old style. and in the said Apology to the People of the Netherlands pag: 71 I promised them speedily to print in Dutch the manifestation & Agreement of the 1 of May 1649 therein named. which, being two sheets, I have accordingly prepared for them, with about as much more additions by way of appendix to my Apology. But seeing that upon the Magistrates stopping the public selling my said Apology and by the „ chief Scout or high-Sherif of Amsterdam „ giving me some reasons therefore, which begot from me this Replication: that I was a man commonly reputed to have some stock of reason in me, but being but a private individual man, and also a stranger of another Nation and banished from thence, and come here to take up sanctuary, and therefore in mine own understanding I should judge myself totally void of reason or judgement, if I should press to enjoy that at their hands, which they themselves judged pręjudicial to their whole nation, or any part of it, they themselves alone (and not I in the least), being the only and proper Judges of their own good and well far; and therefore with all respect to them must acquiesce in their pleasure. In this regard I say (my Lord] to avoid offence, I judge it not fit to publish the said Appendix till such time as one where or an other, I can freely obtain licence, to print avowedly, what in that kind I have to say.  
Now (my Lord) it may be, several of my Friends in England, may wonder why all this time, I have not published the full state of the case betwixt Sr. Arthur Hasilrig, Mr. Primate and myself. But, I must Apologise for myself, that to secure my person and reputation hath taken me up much time, as also the Magistrates stopping my Apologetical Narration, hath forced me to spend much money and time to travel and look out for myself, where Safely to abide and print without offence Besides, that business is a long work, & although I brought over with me above 150 sheets of written paper of that business, as it was taken at the said committee in shorthand; yet for a long time, I have wanted some part of the beginning and latter end of it, as also copies of several orders and of depositions, & I could not for want thereof go on with it, but now by God's assistance I shall apply myself unto it, with all the vigour that possibly I can.  
And this, before I conclude, give me leave further to aver unto your Lordship. I am an Englishman borne and bred, & to breath in the air of England, is as much my right as yours; & I have contested & fought with my sword in my hand for the enjoyment of my share in the Laws & Liberties thereof, & never was convicted of doing any action that forseited my portion therein. And therefore, by the assistance of God, I will turn all the stones in the world, that it is possible for a resolute man & an industrious man & a man of brains to turn, to make way for my coming to England again & for my living there, in a rational security, although in the endeavouring thereof, I run the hazard of being exposed to all the miseries and deaths, that it is possible for a man to be exposed to. And yet I hope, through the strength of God, I shall undertake nothing, but righteous and honest ways for the procureing thereof. But this I assure you my Lord, I groundedly think, that I or any man else that will not be your absolute slave, can never live in a rational & probable Safety in England, so long as your will is an absolute Law there. Therefore, My Lord, sit as fast as you can: In the strength of the Lord God almighty, have at you; and if I perish I perish. But if you will let us have in England new and annual Parliaments, upon the terms before premised, I have done, & in your doing thereof shall rest.  
Yours to serve you therein, JOHN LILBURNE. From my lodging at that pleasant City of much refuge, that little Zoar, commonly called VIANEN May 1652.  
POSTSCRIPT, My Lord, if you set any of your Champions to write against me, be sure they set their Names to their discourses, or else truly my Lord I shall take you yourself for the Author of every paper that comes out against me, & so nominally reply upon you.   
FINIS.