The Late APOLOGY In behalf of the PAPISTS, Reprinted and Answered In behalf of the ROYALISTS.  
LONDON:  
Printed for Henry Brome, at the Gun in S. Paul's Churchyard. MDCLXXIII.   

TO THE AUTHOR OF THE Apology.  
SIR,  
ABout fourscore Years ago, in a time when there were such Apprehensions of the Papists as now there are, (and howsoever they are now, surely 
V. Cambdeni annal. Anno 1586. concerning Babington's Conspiracy.  than they were not without cause) some of your Predecessors, to palliate the matter, and to make their Governors more secure of them; writ a Book to this effect, that Catholics are to employ no other Arms against their Prince but the Arms of Christians, viz. Tears, and Spiritual Means, daily Prayers, and Watchings and Fast▪. So you begin,  [My Lords and Gentlemen, The Arms which Christians can use against lawful Powers in their severity are only Prayers and Tears.] 
We cannot say that you writ your Book for the same End as they did. But we do not like it, that you jump so together in the same Beginning.  [Now since nothing can equal the infinity of those we have shed, but the cause, viz. to see our dearest Friends forsake us, we hope it will not offend you, if (after we have a little wiped our eyes) we sigh out our Complaints to you.] 
Of the Cause of your Tears, we shall say more anon. Of the Quantity of them, you say very extravagantly, Nothing can equal the infinity of those we have shed. For you might have excepted those of the Protestants in Queen Mary's days, or of them that suffered in the late Irish Rebellion. You ought to have excepted the Fears of your Fabulous Purgatory: and yet those are said to be short of Infinity. But you Jesuits love to be Hyperbolical, whether ranting or whining; as if that Religion which obliges you to damn all other Christians, had likewise forbidden you to speak like other Men.  [We had spoke much sooner, had we not been silent through Consternation to see you inflamed, whom with reverence we honour) and also to show our submissive patience, which used no slights nor tricks to divert the Debates of Parliament: for no body can imagine where so many of the great Nobility and Gentry are concerned, but something might have been done; when as in all Ages we see things of public advantage by the managers dexterity nipped in the bud, even in the very Houses themselves. Far be it from Catholics to perplex Parliaments, who have been the Founders of their I riviledges, and all Ancient Laws: Nay Magna Charta itself had its rise from us, which we do the less boast of, since it was not at first obtained in so submiss and humble a manner. 
In the same Roman Style you commend your own silence and patience. You boast that you have been the Founders of the Parliaments Privileges, and all Ancient Laws. Of the first, let every man believe as he sees cause. But the second we cannot allow, in either sense, whether you mean it of yourselves, or of your Predecessors.  
For as now in your Church, men are of two sorts, even so they were heretofore in this Realm. There were some that wholly minded the common interests of Christian Religion and Civil Government. Others were Papalini, asserters and promoters of the Pope's usurpations. They which acted in those first capacities were not more your Predecessors than Ours. They which acted in the other were truly and only Yours. You say,  [We sung our Nunc Dimittis when we saw our Master in his Throne, and you in your deserved Authority and Rule.] 
'Tis very well. And yet 
* Answer to Philanax, p. 85  some of you sung your Venite Exultemus when you saw his Blessed Father upon the Scaffold. But what of that? since the Son is King, who is not glad 
† So Argyle said Let them take all, since my Lord the King is come home in peace.  that he is King? or whom would it not grieve to have his Loyalty called in Question?  [Nor could any thing have ever grieved us more, but to have our Loyalty called into question by you even at the instigation of our greatest Adversaries. [If we must suffer let it be by you alone; for that's a double Death to men of Honour, to have their Enemies not only accusers, but for their insulting Judges also.] 
Sir, he that is Loyal, and a man of Honour, has no cause to fear Death, double or single. For our Kings have always Declared 
* K James Premonition, p. 336. of his Works.  that they put no man to death for Religion. Therefore if you Truly fear Death, it is for Treason. If you only pretend this, it is a Calumny. Either way you are no friend to the Government, for all your pretences to Honour and Loyalty.  [These are they that by beginning with us, murdered their Prince, and wounded you: and shall the same method continue by your Approbation? We are sure you mean well; though their design be wicked: but never let it be recorded in story, that you forgot your often Vows to us, in joining with them that have been the cause of so great Calamity to the Nation.] 
How far it is true, that the King's Murderers began with you, we shall consider anon. But it seems you take the Liberty of bestowing that Character upon whom you please; that no man hereafter may dare move for the Execution of any Law against you, for fear of being said to continue the Method of the King's Murderers.  
As for any Vows that we have made to you, whatsoever they are, you are more sure of them than we can be of any that you make to us; for we have no Pope to dispense with them. Neither is it recorded in Story, 
* V. I●●. K. Charles his Testimony in his Letter to the Prince.  that English Protestants ever joined with the Enemies of their Nation.  [Of all Calumnies against Catholics, we have admired at none so much as that their Principles are said to be inconsistent with Government, and they themselves thought ever prove to Rebellion.] 
'Tis a Calumny of yours to call those things Calumnies, which are true, and which you cannot Deny without such a Presumption as we should much admire in you if it were not so very Ordinary. Concerning your Principles, where should we look for them, but in your Councils, your Decretals, and the Books of your Divines? In each of these we are taught, that the Pope has a Power to depose Kings, and to discharge Subjects from their Allegiance: which Doctrines are utterly inconsistent with Government: for whosoever believes them, no Prince can be secure of him. But whosoever is a Papist, is bound to believe them. And he that has imbibed this Faith, may well be thought ever prone to Rebellion.  
The Council of Lateran under Pope Innocent III. expressly 
Conc. Lateran. IV. c. 3.  Ordains, that in case any Prince be a favourer of Heretics, after admonition given, The Pope shall discharge his Subjects from their Allegiance, and shall give away his Kingdom to some Catholic, that may root out those Heretics, and possess his Kingdom without contradiction. 'Tis observable, that this Pope was himself a deposer of Kings, namely of John King of England, and of Otho IU. the Emperor; and also that this Council which made Rebellion a Duty, was the first that made Transubstantiation an Article of Faith.  
Next for the Bulls and Decrees of your Popes, which according to Bellarmine are sufficient to make that to be sin 
Bellarm. in Barclaium c. 31.  which is not sin, or not to be sin which is sin: it would be tedious to instance in all that could be produced to this purpose.  
From Gregory VII. downward▪ such a Trade was driven of deposing Kings, that no weak Prince could wear his Crown, but at the Pope's Courtesy. And that it might never be otherwise, Pope Boniface VIII. declares it for Law in these words: 
† Extrav. de Majoritate & O●ed. c. 1. Unam sanctam  We say, and Define, and Pronounce, that it is absolutely Necessary to salvation, for every humane Creature to be subject to the Bishop of Rome: Which Oracle is thus interpreted by Bertrand; Every humane 
* 1 Pet. 2. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ●ulg. Lat. Om●● humanae 〈◊〉.  Creature, (i. e.) Every Magistrate, Must be subject, etc. (i. e.) Must submit himself to be deposed, when the Pope thinks fit. And that the Gloss doth not injure the Text, it appears by the Tenor of the Decree; especially by those words about the middle of it, that the Spiritual Power▪ is to order the Worldly Power, and to Judge, it if it be not as it ought; according to that in Jeremy, I have set thee over Nations and over Kingdoms, 
Jer. 1. 10.  etc. In which suppletive, etc. these words are wound up; To root out, and to pull down, and to destroy, and to throw down, to build, and to plant. All which powers this Lawgiver of yours endeavoured himself to exercise. He endeavoured, saith 
Plat. in Vit. Bonf. VIII.  Platina, to give and take away Kingdoms, to expel men, and to restore them at his pleasure.  
Agreeably to this doctrine and practice your great Canonist 
Lanc. in Temploomn. Judic. l. 2. c. 1. Sect. 4  Lancelottus teaches you, That the Pope may depose Kings and Emperors, and transfer their Kingdoms and Empires from one Line to another. Which wholesome Doctrine, no doubt, as well as the rest of his Book, Pope Pius IV. has made 
Ib. in Traef.  Authentic by his unerring Approbation.  
Lastly for your Divines, They have generally owned it; and many of them have written large Books in defence of it. We do not tell you this as news, for your Clergymen know it already; but that your Laity may not be ignorant of it, we shall quote them some few of the greatest Doctors of your Church in this Age. And we shall leave it upon you to show them, when and where they were condemned, what Justice has been executed on the Persons, what Index Expurgatorius has censured the Writings of these Authors. Nay, if you deal honestly, you cannot but confess, that their Works are generally approved, and that their Persons are had in admiration among you that are the guides of the laymen's Consciences.  
We pass over the gross things of Mariana's Book▪; because, they which once licenced it for love of the Doctrine; have since condemned it, for fear of their King's heavy Displeasure.  
But pray Sir, who condemned your Cardinals, Bellarmine 
Bell. de Rom. Pont. l 5. c. 8. Baron. Anno 800. Sect. 10.  and Baronius? who teach you, that the Pope may do with any King, as Jehoiada did with Athalia; that is, he may deprive him first of his Kingdom, and then of his Life. Bellarmine indeed elsewhere expresses it more like a Jesuit, and a man of distinctions, in these words; The Pope does not allow 
Bell. in Bar claium c. 3.  you not to obey your King, but he makes him that was your King to be not your King; as who should say, when the Pope has done His part, than you are free to do Yours.  
Again, who condemned your great Schoolmen, Suarez 
Suar. in Reg. M. B. l. 6. c. 4. Sect. 20.  and Valentia? of whom the one writes against his Majesty's Grandfather, that a King, Canonically Excommunicated, may be deposed or killed by any man whatsoever: the other says, 
Greg. de Val. Tom. 3. in Thomam dis. 1. q. 12. p. 2. ●hilopater. p. 149.  that an Heretical Prince may, by the Pope's sentence, be deprived of his life, much more of his Estate, and of all Superiority over others.  
Nay, who has condemned our Countryman Parsons, or Cresswel? (for the high-fliers of Popery have been those of our own Nation) by whom this is laid down as a Conclusion of the whole School of Divines and Canonists, and declared to be Certain, and of Faith; that any Christian Prince whatsoever, that shall manifestly swerve from the Catholic Religion, and endeavour to draw off others, does immediately fall from all Power and Dignity, etc. and that, even before any Sentence of the Pope is pronounced against him; and that all his Subjects whatsoever are free from all obligation of any Oath of Obedience which they have made to him as their lawful Prince; and that they may and ought (if they be strong enough) to eject such a one from the Government of Christians, as an Apostate, an Heretic, a deserter of Christ, and an enemy of his Commonwealth, etc.  
Cardinal Perron went not altogether so high; but yet he held to the Roman Catholic Principle, that Kings may be deposed by the Pope when he sees cause. He seemed to be of another opinion while Henry IV. was alive: but when He was dead, and a Child was in the Throne, than he ventured to declare this publicly in his Oration 
* Jan. 15. 1615  on behalf of the whole Clergy of France. 
† Note that the Pope sent him thanks for it; & King James writ in answer to it, that solid Defence of the Right of Kings  He maintained that this was the current Doctrine in France till the time of Calvin: and for the contrary Doctrine, viz That Kings are not deposable by the Pope, Rossaeus 
* Ross. p. 85.  calls it the Paradox of the Lutherans; Perron calls it a Doctrine that breeds Schisms: a gate that leads into all Heresy; and to be held in so high a degree of detestation, that rather than yield to it, he and his fellow-Bishops would choose to burn at a Stake.  
But how has this Doctrine taken among the Papists in our King's Dominions? it has not taken with some of them: either because you have not thought it seasonable for you to instruct them in it (for Doctrines of this sort are then only proper to be Inculcated, when they may do Execution) or else because your Instruction has been over ruled by some better Principle; as we doubt not there have always been some of your Church, in whose generous breasts the English man has been too strong for the Papist. But yet this Doctrine has taken with others; and many of them have practised according to it, as we shall show you hereafter; and many more would have been practising, if there had not been something to hinder them or deter them. For 'tis allowed by your Divines, as a very good Reason, for Catholics to omit the Duty of Rebellion, if they are not strong ●nough to go through with it. So Bannez excuses our English Catholics, and so Bellarmin 
* Bell. de Rom. Pont. l. 5. c. 7.  does the Primitive Christians: Nay your 
† watson's Quodlibets, p. 255, and 295, etc. out of Bannez, Valentia, and Parsons.  Casuists say, If there be any notable danger of Death or Ruin, without which you cannot perform it, that then you are not bound to endeavour it. Long may these Good Reasons continue; for if these were removed, we know not how far we may trust you. For one of your Brethren, another poisoner of the people, has been so forward already, since His Majesty's Restauration, as to declare in Print, that in case your Pope should take upon him to Deprive our King, he would not meddle between them. 
The Exhortation in the afternoon, p. 22.  I leave that Question, saith he, to be decided by the two Supreme Powers, the Pope, and the King, when occasion shall be for it.  [My Lords and Gentlemen, had this been a new Sect not known before, something perchance might have been doubted; but to lay this at their doors that have governed the civilised world, is the miracle of miracles to us] 
Sir, we know not how to cure your wonder, but by showing you, 'tis unreasonable. For you can it a Miracle, that men judge according to good Evidence. Who doubts less of the dangerousness of your Principles and Practices, than they that have Read most, and had most Experience of them? We can give you no greater instance, than in King James of blessed Memory, who was no stranger to you either way, and this is his judgement of you: That as on the one part, many 
1. His speech in Parliament. p 504. of his Works.  honest ●en seduced with some Errors of Po●ery, may yet remain go●d and faithful Subjects: So on the other part, none of those that truly know and believe ●he whole grounds and School-conclusions of ●heir Doctrines, can ever prove either go●d Christians or good Subjects.  
But pray Sir, when was it that you governed the civilised World? For the Eastern and Southern Churches never owned your Government; nor yet the Western, while Learning flourished: But when Barbarity had overrun it, than Popery grew up by degrees, and made it more Barbarous both in Ignorance and in Cruelty. Then came in those Doctrines of Transubstantiation, etc. Then came in those Papal Usurpations, etc. which the Wo●ld, being again Civilised, hath partly thrown off, and partly reduced into more tolerable terms.  [Did Richard the First, or Edward Longshanks, suspect his Catholics that served in Palestine, and make our Country's Fame big in the Chronicle of all Ages? or did they mistrust (in their dangerous absence) their Subjects at home, because they were of the same profession? could Edward the Third imagine those to be traitorous in their Doctrine, that had that care and duty for their Prince, as to make them (by Statute) guilty of Death in the highest Degree, that had the least thought of ill against the King? be pleased that Henry the Fifth be remembered also, who did those Wonders, of which the whole World does yet resound; and certainly all History will agree in this, that 'twas Oldcastle he feared, and not those that believed the Bishop of Rome to be Head of the Church.] 
The Reigns of those Kings whom you speak of, were in those dark times; when all Goodness declined, and Corruptions were daily growing upon us. Richard the First, being 
Daniel's Hist. Ric. I. in fin.  told he had three wicked Daughters, Pride, Covetousness, and Lechery, said he could not Match them better than among your Templars, Fathers, and Friars. Edward the First outlawed the whole Clergy of this Realm, for refusing to pay the King any Taxes, because the Pope had forbidden 
Walsingham. Edw. I. 1298.  them to do it. And both those other Princes whom you mention, made Laws against his Usurpations. Edward the Third made a notable one of this kind, by advice of 
25. E. 3. Vide Statute of Provisors.  that very Parliament, in which he enacted his Laws against Treason. And certainly, Henry the Second was more vexed with Becket, than ever Henry V. feared Oldcastle. We doubt not, those Kings had many good Subjects, and our King hath some better than you seem to be. But they differed not in Religion, as you do from ours: And yet then, your Faction was always encroaching where it was suffered, and dangerous where it was opposed.  
Did not your Pope force King John to do him homage for England? Did he not wrestle with Edward I. 
* Mat. Westm. 1301.  for the Sovereignty of Scotland? Hath he not often laid claim to the Kingdom of Ireland? If the old Gentleman in a pet should go to turn out his Tenant, what would our King have left, when these are disposed of?  [We will no longer trouble you with putting you in mind of any more of our mighty Kings who have been feared abroad, and as safe at home as any since the Reformation of Religion. We shall only add this, That if Popery be the enslaving of Princes, France still believes itself as absolute as Denmark or Sweden.] 
The French King will believe what he pleases, but not all that you say of him. For he cannot but know, that the Pope gave away that Kingdom from some of his Predecessors; and maintained War in it against his Grandfather, till he brought him to his terms. And why hath not His Holiness dealt so with him that now is? partly for the sake of his Religion; but chiefly for fear of a Storm, lest his Coin should do that which Lewis the Twelfth's only threatened in the Inscription 
Thu. Hist. l. 1.  of it, PERDAM BABYLONIS NOMEN.  [Nor will ever the House of Austria abjure the Pope, to secure themselves of the fidelity of their Subjects.] 
For the Austrian Princes that are so linked to the Pope▪ and whose Subjects are all Papists; you suggest a mad way 
The Spaniard holds the Kingdoms of Navarre and of Naples, and Sicily, only by the Pope's gift; by which he should have Ireland too, and England, but that the right Heir keeps them from him.  to secure themselves by firing their Country about their ears.  
But what is this to England? where, since the exclusion of that trash, which you call the Catholic Faith, the King and the greatest part of his People are no Papists, and have had so much trouble and danger for it from them that are. May not Reason and Experience teach us to fear, that having to do with the same kind of Adversaries, we may still have some troublesome and dangerous Enemies?  
No, we have none to fear but ourselves, if we may believe you. For, say you,  [We shall always acknowledge to the whole world, that there have been as many brave English in this last Century, as in any other place whatsoever: yet, since the exclusion of the Catholic Faith, there hath been that committed by those who would fain be called Protestants, that the wickedest Papist at no time dreamt of.] 
Pray Sir, what may that be? For you have murdered Kings, and them of your own Religion, four or five in this Realm since the Conquest (not to speak of those Numbers elsewhere.) But that was in the growing Age of Popery. In latter times, have you so soon forgot our King's Grandfather, Henry IV. murdered by Ravilliac? or his Predecesfor Henry III. murdered by Friar Clement? and the People you have killed up by whole Families and Townships? Witness England, Ireland, France, Piedmont, which you may hear of elsewhere. These things have been done by Papists broad awake; and what must that be which the wickedest of them never dreamt of?  ['Twas never heard of before, that an absolute Queen was condemned by Subjects, and those styled her Peers; or that a King was publicly Tried and Executed by his own People and Servants.] 
First, you tell us of the Queen of Scots being put to Death 
Walsingham, Hist. Edw. I. 1306.  in Queen Elizabeth's Reign. It was by the same colour of right, we suppose, that Wallis suffered in Edward the First's Reign, namely of that Sovereignty that our Princes challenged over Scotland. But Edward I. was ere while a laudable Papist; and Queen Elizabeth, for all this, might be a very good P●otestant. Sure we are, that King James and King Charles, who were nearest concerned in this matter, never imputed the Fault of it to her Religion.  
Your other instance is, of that most execrable Murder, committed on the best of Kings, by his own Subjects, and by such as you say, would fain be called Protestant's. Sir, we would fain be called Christians, and Members of the Catholic Church: would you take it well of a Turk, that should therefore charge our faults upon you? but you do worse than a Turk, in charging these men's faults upon us. They were neither then nor since of our Communion; but that blessed Prince was, whom they murdered. He declared upon the Scaffold, I die a Christian, according to the profession of the Church of England, as I found it left me by my Father. He charged the Princess Elizabeth, not to grieve, and torment herself for him; for that would be a glorious Death which he should die, it being for the Laws and Liberties of this Land, and for maintaining the true Protestant Religion. He died with some Care not to leave you this advantage by his Death; as it appears by these words of his last Letter to His Majesty that now is. The scandal of the late Troubles which some may 
Letter to the Prince.  object and urge to you against the Protestant Religion established in England, is easily answered to them or your own thoughts in this, that scarce any one who hath been a beginner or an active prosecutor of this late War against the Church, the Laws, and Me, either was or is a true lover, embracer, or practiser of the Protestant Religion established in England; which neither gives such Rules, nor ever before set such Examples.  [My Lords and Gentlemen, we know who were the Authors of this last abomination, & how generously you strove against the raging Torrent; nor have we any other ends to remember you of it, but to show that all Religions may have a corrupted spawn; and that God hath been pleased to permit such a Rebellion, which our Progenitors never saw, to convince you perchance (whom for ever may he prosper) that popery is not the only source of treason] 
But do you indeed know, who were the Authors of this last abomination? Pray Sir be plain with us, for in these doubtful words, there seems to be more truth than every man is aware of. The Rebellion that led to it, began we know in Scotland, where the design of it was first laid by 
† V L'Estrange 1639. in Habernfields Relation.  Cardinal Richelien His Majesty's 
* Answer to the Reasons for no Address.  irreconcilable Enemy. Then it broke out in Ireland, where it was blest with His Holiness' Letters, and assisted by his Nuntio, whom he sent purposely to attend the Fire there. Lastly here in England, you did your parts to unsettle the People and gave them needless occasions of jealousy, which the vigilant fanatics made use of, to bring us all into War and Confusion.  
Both in England and Scotland, the special Tools that they wrought with, were borrowed out of your Shops.  
It was His Majesties own Observat on (by which you may guests whose spawn they were) Their Maxims, saith he, 
Large Declaration concerning the tumults in Scotland, p. 3.  were the same with the Jesuits; their Preachers Sermons were delivered in the very phrase of Becanus, Scioppius, and Eudaemon Johannes; their poor Arguments, which they delivered in their seditious Pamphlets printed or written, were taken almost verbatim out of Bellarmin and Suarez.  
In Ireland, where you durst do it, you employed Iron and Steel against him; with which you might as well have preserved him, if you had pleased; but you denied to do that, (as he tell us) 
* Answer to the Reasons for the Votes of no Address  only upon account of Religion. Then followed the accursed Fact itself, agreed to in the Councils of your 
† Answer to Philanax, p. 59  Clergy, contrived and executed by the fanatics. In vain did the poor royalist strive against it, for what could he do? when two such streams met against him; of which the deepest was that which came from Rome, where the false Fisherman opened all his Floodgates, to overwhelm us with those troubles, which, for the advantage of his trade, he had often before endeavoured, but could never prevail till now to send them pouring in upon us.  
[Little we think, (when your Prayers and ours were offered up to beg a blessing on the King's Affairs) ever to see that day, in which Carlos Gifford, Whitgrave, & the Pendrels, should he punished by your desires for that Religion which obliged them to save their forlorn prince; & a stigmatised man (for his Offences against King & Church) a chief promoter of it.  
Nay less, did we imagine, that by your Votes Huddleston might be hanged, who again secured our Sovereign; and others free in their fast Possessions that sat as Judges, and sealed the Execution of that great Prince of happy Memory.]  
That many Gentlemen of your Church were not of your Party, we do willingly acknowledge; and that some of them in that critical day of Danger, did the King very eminent Service. But so did Protestants too; therefore you cannot ascribe this to Your Religion. Nor does it seem reasonable, that to requite particular persons for their service, we should abandon those Laws which may secure the public against as great a danger.  
To question his Life that had freely exposed it for our Sovereigns, were too great a Barbarity for any Christians but of your Sect, or any Age but Queen Mary's days; 
Dolemans' Conference of Succession, part 2. p. 237.  for then Sir Nicholas Throgmorton was indeed so dealt with; but we do not more detest those times than such examples. And we know that His Majesty, without any trespass on his Laws, may protect and reward those persons whom he judgeth deserving it; as well as his Royal Predecessors did, in whose Reigns the penal Laws were made.  
Pray be you as favourable to the stigmatised Man, (whom sure you are not angry with for his Offence against King and Church, whatsoever you say;) and if he be now a promoter of any thing that displeaseth you, bear with him, as His Majesty doth; for whom he lately did his utmost against fanatics toward the bringing of him in: and he would not willingly live to see the Pope turn him out again.  
For the Regicides, be as severe with them as you please; only beware how you tax His Majesty's Mercy, for fear you may have need of it.  [We confess we are unfortunate, and you just Judges, whom with our lives we will ever maintain to be so; nor are we ignorant the necessity of Affairs made both the King and you do things, which formerly you could not so much as fancy. Yet give us leave to say, we are still loyal; nay▪ too desire you to believe so, and to remember how Synonymous under the late Rebellion) was the word Papist and Cavalier; for there was never no Papist that was not deemed a Cavalier, nor no Cavalier that was not called a Papist, or at least judged to be popishly affected.] 
Your fawning upon the Parliament, and commending of yourselves, we pass over as things of course. And we equally believe you now, as you did the fanatics heretofore, when they called us Papists; or as we did you erewhile, when you called them Protestants. For pray Sir, what did they to be called Protestants? or what did we to be judged Popishly Affected? And if all Papists, as you say, were deemed Cavaliers; we hope some of them have had the grace to be ashamed of it. In Ireland there were whole Armies of Irish and English, that fought against His Majesty, solely upon the account of your Religion. In England it is true, some came in voluntarily to assist him; but many more of you were 
* Second Moderator, p. 43.  hunted into his Garrisons, by them that knew you would bring him little help and much hatred. And of those that fought for him, as long as his Fortune stood; when that once declined, a great part, even of them, fell from him. From that time forward, you that were, always, all, deemed Cavaliers, where were you? In all those weak Efforts 
* 1647, 1656, 1659.  of gasping Loyalty, what did you? You complied, and flattered, and gave sugared words to the Rebels then, as you do to the Royalists now. You addressed your Petitions 
† First Moderator, p. 59  to the Supreme Authority of this Nation the Parliament of the Commonwealth of England You affirmed 
* Second Moderator, p. 41. V. Answer to Philanax, p. 63. of Father Bret..  that you had generally taken, and punctually kept the Engagement. You promised, that if you might but enjoy your Religion 
† First Moderator, p. 31.  you would be the most quiet and useful Subjects in England. You proved it in these words. 
* First Moderator. p. 36.  The Papists of England would be bound by their own Interest (the strongest obligation amongst wise men) to live peaceably and thankfully in the private exercise of their Consciences; and becoming gainers by such compassions, they could not so reasonably be disinherited, as the Prelatic Party that were losers. You proved it more amply by real Testimonies; which we have no pleasure in remembering, and you would have less in hearing of them. These things were too lately done to be talked of.  
If after all this said and done for your own Vindication, you were still deemed Cavaliers, the more was your wrong. But who could help it? all the right we can do you, is, Not to believe it.  
[We know though we differ something in Religion (the truth of which let the last day judge) yet none can agree with your Inclinations, or are fitter for your Converse than we; for as we have as much Birth among us as England can boast of, so our Breeding leans your way both in Court and Camp: and therefore, had not our late sufferings united us in that firm tye, yet our like humours must needs have joined our hearts.  
If we err, pity our condition, and remember what your great Ancestors were, and make some difference between us (that have twice converted England from Paganism) and those other Sects that can challenge nothing but intrusion for their imposed Authority.]  
As for Religion, we agree with you in all that is truly Catholic: We differ from you only in not admitting your Innovations. And whether justly, we say also, let the last day Judge. Your Converse, Breeding, etc. we heartily respect as far as 'tis English. But we suspect every thing that Leans toward a Foreign Jurisdiction. And we would be loath, by our kindness to those things wherein we agree with you, to be drawn into the danger of those things in which we differ from you.  
By that flame of your having twice converted England from Paganism, sure you mean that we in this Land have been twice converted by persons sent to us from Rome. Which you will never persuade any one to believe, that dares trust himself to taste of Church-History without one of your Fathers chewing it for him. But, supposing this to be true, pray what would you infer from it? that because we received good from the Primitive Christians of that place, therefore we should lay ourselves open to receive any evil that may happen to us from their degenerous Successors.  
[But 'tis generally said, that Papists cannot live without persecuting all other Religions within their reach.  
We confess, where the name of Protestant is unknown, the Catholic Magistrates (beliveing it erroneous) do use all care to keep it out: Yet in those Countries where liberty is given, they have far more privileges than we, under any reformed Government what soever. To be short, we will only instance France for all, where they have public churches, where they can make what Proselytes they please, and where it's not against Law to be in any charge or employment. Now Holland (which permits every thing) gives us, 'tis true, our Lives and Estates, but takes away all trust in Rule, and leaves us also in danger of the Scout, whensoever he pleaseth to disturb our Meetings.]  
What is generally said of the Popish Persecutions, is also generally believed. But Sir, you answer it deceitfully. For you tell us of the manner; first, of those Countries where the Name of Protestant is unknown: and next, of those Countries where liberty is given: but you slip over a third sort, namely, of those where the Name of Protestant is well known, and yet no Liberty is given. Pray what Liberty have the Protestants in Flanders? we are told they have none: and yet the Name of them is very well known there. The like may be said of divers other Countries: Nay in England, while it was Yours, did you give any Liberty at all? yet the Name of Protestant was very well known here, and was sufficient for the burning of any one that was known by it. But you say, you will only instance France for all. Very wisely resolved: for it would not have been for your credit to instance any other. In France then, whatsoever Liberty the Protestants enjoy, it is by virtue of their Edicts: which how they were obtained, we shall have occasion to mind 
* K. James Defence of the Right of Kings p. 479, 480.  you; and how they are observed, let the poor Hugonots tell you. But if they were observed to the full; should we therefore grant You that Liberty which is against Law? because they are allowed that which you say is not against Law.  
In Holland, the Papists may have some reason to complain, if their Masters allow them no more Liberty than you speak of. For, it was chiefly by their hands, that the Spanish yoke was thrown off: which, on the contrary, our Papists were so fond of, that for divers years together, we had much ado to keep them from pulling it on upon our necks.  [Because we have named France, the Massacre will perchance be urged against us: but the world must know, that was a Cabinet-Plot, condemned as wicked by Catholic Writers there, and of other Countries also: besides, it cannot be thought they were murdered for being Protestants, since 'twas their powerful Rebellion (let their Faith have been what it would) that drew them into that ill machinated Destruction.] 
The French Massacre, which you next speak of, was a thing of so horrid a Cruelty, that, as Thuanus 
* Thu. Hist. l, 53.  tells us, Considering-men, having turned over the Annals of the Nations, could find no example of the like in all Antiquity. 
* Thu. Hist. l. 52.  It was cloaked over with shows of the greatest Amity in the world; namely of a Marriage between the Houses of Valois and Bourbon; to which all the chief of the Protestants were most lovingly invited. There, after the Jollity of Mirth, and caresles of Entertainment, in the dead-time of the night, the whole City was in Arms about them; they fell upon all the Protestants Houses and Lodgings; they butchered them without distinction, Men, Women and Children, till the Channels ran down with Blood into the River: And scarce a Protestant was left alive, except the 
* Guignard, in his Oration said, It was ae great error that they had not cut the Basilick vein.  Bridegroom and the Prince of Conde; who turned Papists to escape their hands, and yet they could not escape them; the one being poisoned, and the other stabbed by men of your Religion. This hellish Stratagem, you say, was condemned as wicked by Catholic Writers. It was likewise extolled as glorious by Catholic Writers. But pray Sir, what think you of it? you are bashful in company, but one may guests at your meaning. First, you say it was a Cabinet-Plot: a fine soft word, for the butchering▪ 
* Id. l. 53.  of 30000 persons. Next, in answer to them that call it murder, you seem to blame it as a thing done to Halves; for what else can you mean, by calling it an ill-machinated Destruction? Lastly, whatsoever it was, that which drew it upon them, you say, was their Rebellion (let their Faith have been what it would.) Nay Sir, it was their Faith (let their Obedience have been what it would.) For neither had that King better Subjects than those which were Massacred; nor had his Successor erranter Rebels than those that did Massacre them. Brave Coligni was the first murdered; and his Head was sent to Rome, while his Body (according to his own ominous 
* Thu. Hist. l. 52. saith, that being forewarned of the Plot, & advised to stand upon his Guard; He wished rather to have his Body dragged, etc. than to see any more Civil Wars in Franc.  wish) was mangled and dragged about the Streets of Paris. The Duke of Guise was chief of the murderers; whose factious Authority, as you sweetly style it, was as black a Rebellion as ever that Kingdom saw. But to end this Question, whether these men were massacred for Protestant Religion, or for Rebellion; let us take judges between us: for possibly, We may be partial for the one, and You for the other.  
First, of Rebellion, a King should be the most competent Judge: hear therefore what King James saith, who lived in the fresh memory of those days. I could never yet 
Defence of the right of Kings, in his Works, p. 479, 480.  learn (saith he) by any good and true Intelligence, that in France, those of the Religion took Arms against their King. In the first Civil Wars they stood only upon their Guard, they stood only to their lawful Wards, and Locks of Defence. They armed not, nor took the Field, before they were pursued with Fire & Sword, burnt up and slaughtered. Besides, Religion was neither the root nor the rind of those intestine Troubles. The true ground of the Quarrel was this; during the Minority of King Francis II. the Protestants of France were a refuge and succour to the Princes of the Blood, when they were kept from the King's Presence, and by the Power of their Enemies were no better than plainly driven and chased from the Court. I mean the Grandfathers of the King now Reigning, and of the Prince of Conde, when they had no place of safe Retreat. In regard of which worthy and honourable Service, it may seem the French King hath reason to have the Protestants in his gracious remembrance. With other Commotion or Insurrection the Protestants are not justly to be charged. Certain it is, that King Henry III, etc. by their good Service was delivered from a most extreme & eminent peril of his Life, etc. they never abandoned that Henry III. nor IV. in all the heat of Revolts and Rebellions raised by the Pope, and the more part of the Clergy, etc.  
Then of Religion, since you will allow none but the Pope to be Judge, let us hear his Judgement from Thuanus, who was a Roman Catholic, and a most authentic Historian. 
Thu. Hist. l. 53.  He tells us, the Pope had an account of the Massacre from his Legate at Paris, that he read his Letter in the Consistory of Cardinals, that there it was decreed that they should go directly to St. Marks, and there solemnly give thanks to Almighty God for so great a blessing conferred upon the Roman See, and the Christian World. That soon after a Jubilee should be published through the whole Christian World, and these causes were expressed for it, To give thanks to God for destroying in France the Enemies of the Truth, and of the Church, etc. In the Evening, the Guns were fired at St. Angelo, and Bonfires were made, and nothing was omitted of all those things that use to be performed in the greatest Victories of the Church. Some days after, there was a Procession to St. Lewis, with the greatest resort of Nobility and People. First went the Bishops and Cardinals, than the Swissers, than the Ambassadors of Kings and Princes: then under a Canopy, went His Holiness Himself, with the Emperor's Ambassador bearing up his Train for him, etc. Over the Church-Door was an Inscription set up, in which the Cardinal of Lorain, in the name of the King of France, congratulated his Holiness, and the College of Cardinals, etc. for the plainly stupendious effects, and altogether incredible events, of their Councils given him, and of their Assistances sent him, and of their twelve Years Wishes and Prayers. Soon after, the Pope sent Cardinal Ursin in his name, to congratulate the King of France, who in his Journey through the Cities, highly commended the Faith of those Citizens that had to do in the Massacre; and distributed his Holiness' blessings amongst them. And at Paris, being to persuade the reception of the Council of Trent, he endeavoured it with this Argument, That the memory of the late Action, to be magnified in all ages, as conducing to the Glory of God, and the Dignity of the Holy Roman Church, might be as it were sealed by the Approbation of the Holy Synod: for that so it would be manifest to all men that now are, or hereafter shall be, that the King consented to the destruction of so many lives, not out of hatred or revenge, or sense of any injury of his own, but out of an ardent desire to propagate the Glory of God. That, what could not be expected whilst the Faction of Protestants stood, now since they were taken away, the Catholic Apostolic Roman Religion which by the Synod of Trent is cleared from the venom of the Sectaries, might be established without Controversy, and without Exception, through all the Provinces of the French Dominion.  
Well spoken, worthy Head of the Church! we will take thy Judgement about cutting of throats at any time; thou dost not mince the matter, as this English limb of thee doth: who yet is thus far to be commended; that since he durst not say of it as he desired, for fear of provoking us, yet he would not call it as it deserved, for fear of too much contradicting thee.  [May it not be as well said in the next Catholic Kings Reign, that the Duke of Guise and Cardinal, Heads of the League, were killed for their Religion also? Now no body is ignorant, but 'twas their Factious Authority which made that jealous Prince design their Deaths, though by unwarrantable means.] 
The Duke of Guise and his Brother, were not killed for their Religion; for they were killed by 
* Henry III. of France.  one of the same Religion, and one that was bend against the Protestants as much as they. Only because he spared the blood of the Protestants your Zealots hated him; and so much the more, because a Protestant 
* Henry IU.  being his Heir, he would not declare him uncapable of the Succession. For these causes, by the Pope's consent, these Guises (whom he called the Maccabes 
† Thu. Hist. l. 91.  of the Church) entered into an Holy League against their King; and called in the Succours of Spain and Savoy, which they paid for with the Rights of the Crown; they maintained a sharp War against him, and did all that was in their power to deprive him of his Kingdom and Life. Whereupon that jealous Prince (as you favourably 
* Rossaeus, one of your Predecessors, calls him a thousand times worse than Mahomet, p. 170. & saith, From the beginning of the world, no Nation or State ever endured such a Tyrant, p. 171.  call him) for his own preservation, was urged to deal with them, as they had dealt with the Protestants; from whose case, this of the Guises is so vastly different, that one would wonder why you should mention it.  
But since you have led us thus far out of the way, let us invite you a little farther. The Pope Excommunicated the King for this Action, and granted 9 Years of true Indulgence to any of his Subjects that would bear Arms against him; and foretold, 
* Sixtus ●. quoted his own Prediction in his Oration that follows.  (as a Pope might do without Astrology) that e'er long he should come to a fearful Death. The Subjects took Arms, and earned the Indulgence. A Friar took his Knife, and fulfilled the Prediction; by ripping up those Bowels that were always most tenderly affected with kindness to the Monkish Orders. But what joy was there at Rome for this! as if the news of another Massacre had come to Town, one would think so, by the Pope's Oration 
* Printed at Paris, 1589, by the Printers of the Holy League, and approved by the Sorbon.  to his Cardinals: in which he sets forth this work of God (the King's Murder) for its wonderfulness to be compared with Christ's Incarnation and Resurrection. And the Friars Virtue, and Courage, and fervent Love of God, he prefers before that of Eleazar in the Maccabees, or of Judith killing Holofernes: and the murdered King (who had professed himself to die in the Faith of the Roman Catholic Apostolic Church) he declared to have died in the Sin against the Holy Ghost. Pray Sir, may it not well be said, that Papists cannot live without persecuting Protestants? when we see a Popish King stabbed and damned for not persecuting them enough, or for doing the work of the Lord negligently.  [If it were for Doctrine that Hugonots suffered in France, this Haughty Monarch would soon destroy them now, having neither Force nor Town to resist his Might and Puissance. They yet live free enough, being even Members of Parliament, and may convert the King's Brother too; if he think fit to be so. Thus you see how well Protestants may live in a Popish Country, under a Popish King: nor was Charlemagne more Catholic than this; for though he contends something with the Pope, 'tis not of Faith, but about Gallicane Privileges, which perchance he may very lawfully do.] [judge then worthy Tatriots, who are the best used, and consider our hardship here in England, where it is not only a Fine for hearing Mass, but death to the Master for having a Priest in his House; and so far we are from preferment, That by Law we cannot come within 10 miles of London; all which we know your great mercy will never permit you to exact.] 
You say, if this were true, than this Hanghty Monarch would soon destroy his Hugonots now. No such consequence, Sir, for he may persecute them, and not destroy them; he may destroy them, but not so soon. Prince's 
* K. James works, p. 483.  use to go their own pace, whilst they are upon their legs; but if any misfortune throws them upon all four, than the Pope gets up and rides them what pace he pleaseth. Nor is this Monarch yet so Catholic as Charlemagne was; if he were, he 
Canon Agatho Dist. 63.  would do as Charlemagne did. He would be Patron of all the Bishoprics in his Empire, even of Rome itself, if it were there. He would make the Pope himself know the distance between a Prelate and an Emperor. He would 
Fauchet. Anno 801. c. 10. that the Pope adored him, not he the Pope.  maintain the Rights of his Crown; and not chop Logic about Gallicane Privileges, which you say, like a sly Jesuit, that perchance he may lawfully do. He would call a Council when he pleased, to separate Errors from the Faith; as Charlemagne himself called a Council 
* Council of Frankford, An. 794.  against Image-Worship, which was then creeping into the Church. This were a good way of destroying the Hugonots, by taking away all causes of strife amongst Christians. By any other way than this he cannot destroy them, without the violation of his Laws: which, as they are the only Forces and Towers, whereby Subjects ought to be secured against their King; so, since he is pleased to allow them no other, these Laws, backed with his puissance, are forces enough to secure them against their fellow-Subjects.  
We cannot pass this Paragraph, without observing your Jesuitical ingenuity; how you slight those favours that you have; how you complain of those hardships that you have not; and how you insult over the poor Hugonots, by comparing with them, who generally would mend their condition by changing with you. Pray Sir, do not Popish-Peers sit in our English Parliaments, as well as Protestants in the French? or have you not as free access to our King's Brother, as they have to theirs? or would you have his Highness to Catechise, as the Abbot had the Duke of Gloucester? perhaps that you would have. Otherwise we know nothing but His Highness' Wisdom, and care of his Conscience, that guards him from you.  
Of the Laws you complain hideously, Worthy Patriots consider our hardship. And yet, those very Laws you complain of, you never knew executed in your life; and you tell us soon after, that you know they never will be.  
For what cause then were they enacted? Plainly for this cause, to guard the lives of our Princes against your traitorous practices.  [It hath often been urged, that our Misdemeanours in Queen Elizabeth's days, and King James' time, was the cause of our Panishment.] 
Your Misdemeanours! We cry you mercy, if they were no more; but that comes next to be argued, Whether they were Misdemeanours or Treasons?  [We earnestly wish that the Party had more patience under that Princess. But pray consider (though we excuse not their faults) whether it was not a question harder than that of York and Lancaster, the cause of a War of such length, and death of so many Princes, who had most right, Q Elizabeth or Mary Stuart: for since the whole Kingdom had crowned and sworn Allegiance to Q. Marry, they had owned her Legitimate Daughter to Henry the Eighth; and therefore it was thought necessarily to follow by many, That if Mary was the true Child, Elizabeth was the Natural, which must then needs give way to the thrice Noble Queen of Scots.] 
Under Queen Elizabeth, you wish your Party had more patience; and we think they Needed none; for in the first ten Years of her Reign they had no Business for it. In all that space of time, which was twice as long as Queen Mary's Reign, though it was fresh in memory what the Papists had done, yet not one of them suffered Death: till the Northern 
Philopater. p. 103.  Rebellion: which being raised against her, only upon the account of her Religion; it appears that She was the persecuted person: She had the occasion for Patience; and you would have wished Them more Loyalty, if any such thing had been in your thoughts. But perhaps you wish they had so much patience, as not to have discovered their design before it was fully ripe for execution. Not unlike. For it appears, you account Rebellion no fault; by this, that you say, you excuse not their faults, and yet you do excuse their Rebellion.  
You excuse them, by saying, it was a very hard Question, whether the Right of the Crown lay in her, 
Ross. p. 223. saith of them that were pretended to die for your Religion, Where was it ever heard that they denied her to have been the lawful Queen.  or in the Queen of Scots; for that many thought Queen Elizabeth Illegitimate. Pray Sir, who Thought it? or when arose that Question? The Archbishop of York though a Papist, in his Speech at the publishing of Queen Mary's Death, said, No man could doubt of the justness of the Lady Elizabeth's Title to the Succession. The whole Kingdom received her, and owned her as Queen, more generally and freely than eyer they did Queen Mary. The Neighbour Kings of Spain and France, and the Emperor offered 
* Philip II. and Henry III. for themselves, & the Emperor Maximilian for his Brother Charles.  Marriage to her, in hopes to have got the Crown by her. The Queen of Scots herself did acknowledge her, and claimed nothing more than to be Heir to her, and so did King James that was her Successor. So that whosoever opposed Queen Elizabeth's Right, if they were English, 'tis apparent they were Rebels; and if they were Papists, we may guests what led them to it For the first that Questioned her Title, was Pope 
* Council of Trent. l. 5. An: 1558.  Paul IU. who would not acknowledge her for sundry causes; the chief that he alleged, were these: First, Because this Kingdom is a Fee of the Papacy, and it was audaciously done of her to assume it without his leave. The second was, because she was Illegitimate: for if her Father's Marriage were good, the Pope must let down his Mill. But after all this, his Successor Pius IV 
* In his Letter by Parpaglia, dated 1560. May 5.  did own her, and would have done any thing for her, so she would have owned him. Which because she would not, the next Pope Pius V. issued out his Bull 
* Dated 1570. Feb. 25.  against her, and deposed her; not for Bastardy 
† See the Bull itself, there is not the least mention of Bastardy in it.  but for Heresy; that is, for being a Protestant; for which Heresy it was, that the Northern men Rebelled against her, and many more of her Subjects disowned her: and some or other were every foot plotting how to take away her life.  
True it is, that some of these pretended to do it in favour of the Queen of Scots. But how if that Queen had not been a Catholic? or Queen Elizabeth had not Been thought Illegitimate? would a legitimate Protestant have been so contended for? or would a Popish Bastard have been rejected by them?  
Pope Gregory XIII. had occasion to consider this. For his Holiness had a Bastard 
* James Buoncompagno.  of his own to provide for, and another 
† Don John.  of the Emperors; no doubt good Catholics both of them. To one he gave the Kingdom of Ireland, and set out Stukely 
* Whom his Holiness had created Marquis of Lemster, Earl of Wexford, etc. Thu. Hist. l. 64.  with Forces to win it for him. To the other he gave the Kingdom of England, and gave him leave to win it for himself. But what was all this to the thrice Noble Queen of Scots? Possibly she might have been preferred to have married one of the rwo? but than it must have been expressly with this condition, That her Son King James (who was a Heretic) should have nothing to do with the Succession.  
When their bubbles were broken, and she was dead, all her Right descended to King James, who being as little to the Pope's mind, as Q. Elizabeth was, Sixtus V. only took no public notice of Him, but he proceeded with all his might against Her. He cursed her afresh, and published a Croysade against her, and gave the whole Right of Her Kingdoms to Philip the II. King of Spain. But neither that Pope's Bounty, nor his three Successors Blessings, nor the Spanish Arms, nor the Italian Arts (for no way was left untried) could ever prevail against God's Providence; which, till the end of her days, kept that Queen always fast in her Possessions.  
At last, Pope Clement VIII. seeing there was nothing to be done against her, resolved to let her go like a Heretic as she was; and to take the more care that another Heretic should not succeed her. For which cause he sent over two Breves into England, one to the Clergy, and the other to the Laity, commanding them not to admit any other but a Catholic, though never so near in Blood, to the Succession: 
Cambden, Eliz. 1600.  that is to say, in plain words, not to admit King James to Reign after Queen Elizabeth's death. So 'tis clear, that your Popes never stuck at that hard Question that you speak of.  
Let us see what our Countrymen did, who, as you say, suffered for it in those days. They did like obsequious Members, at every turn, as their Head directed them. They acted for the Papal Interest as far as they were able. They made the House of Scotland the Cloak for it, as far as it would reach. And it reached pretty well, as long as the Title was in Queen Mary. But after the Title came to be in King James, Pray Sir, name us those Papists, or but one single person of them, that either died or suffered for Him: and then you bless us with a discovery.  
What then? were they idle for so many years as past between the commencing of his Title, and the Death of Queen Elizabeth? Nothing less. For they were as busy as Bees, in contriving how to hasten her Death, and how to put him by the Succession. And if it were for his Service, that they would have destroyed Her; pray for whose service was it, that they would have defeated Him? but that will be known by the story.  
Soon after his Mother's Death was the Spanish Invasion; which would have defeated him with a Witness, if it had sped; and yet our Papists, both Negotiated 
* Cambden Eliz. 1588.  it, and writ in Defence 
† Cardinal Allen's Admonition. V. Watson's Quodl. p. 240. and 247.  of it. Afterwards in Scotland your Jesuits procured the Earl of Huntley 
* Cambden Eliz., An. 1589. Watso. Quodl. p. 150.  and others to raise a powerful Rebellion against him. In England, they endeavoured to persuade the Earl of Derby 
† Cambden Ib. Anno 1593. Watson Ib. p. 154.  to set up a Title to the Crown; who honestly revealing it, was poisoned soon after, according to the prophetical threatening of Hesket whom they had made use of to persuade him.  
When these single shots failed, Father Parsons 
* Cambden Ib. Anno 1594. Dolmans' Conference about the next succession to the Crown.  gave a broadside to the Royal House of Scotland. For he published a Book under the name of Dolman, wherein he set up divers Competitors for the Succession, and consequently so many Enemies to the unquestionable Right of that Family. And to provide one sure Enemy upon the place, he found out a Title for the Earl of Essex, the most ambitious and popular Man in the Nation, to whom also he craftily dedicated his Book. In which he mentions, 
† Dolman. part. 2. p. 9  among other Books of this nature, one written by Lesley concerning the Queen of Scots Title; another by Heghinton for the King of Spain's Title; and another concerning the Prince of Parma's; But for his part, before these and all others, he prefers the Title of the Infanta. And, to show that he meant as he said, 
* Cambden Ib. 1602. Watson. Ib. p. 279.  he caused their Scholars in the Seminaries abroad to subscribe to it, and made them swear to maintain it, and bound the Missionaries to promote it in those places whither they were to be sent. Whereas for King James his Title, he prefers several others before it, and tells us, 
† Dolman Ib. p. 109.  I have not found very many in England that favour it: meaning sure of your Catholics, with whom his converse chiefly was; and concerning whom he gives this remarkable testimony, that 
* Ib. p 110.  the Catholics make little account of his Title by nearness of Succession.  
We have reason to believe he did not wrong them, because when an answer was written to his Book, 
† Watson. Ib. p. 107.  the Archpriest Blackwel would not suffer it to be published. And your next Head-Officer, the Provincial of the Jesuits, 
* Tortura Torti. p. 197.  declared he would have nothing to do with King James his Title; and 'twas the common voice of the men of his Order that 
* Watson. Ib. p. 150.  if King James would turn Catholic, they would follow him; but if not, they would all die against him.  
Which pious Resolutions were seconded with agreeable Actions. For they endeavoured, as far as Catholics are obliged by their Principles, viz. as far as they durst and were able; at first; to hinder him from coming in, and afterwards to throw him out again, or to destroy him in the place, as we shall have occasion to show you in the answer to the next Paragraph.  
The mean while out of this present discourse, in which you cannot deny any thing that is material to our purpose; It appears that this hard Question of Right to the Crown, was not between the Parties themselves in one or tother of whom you confess the Right was. It appears that your Infallible Judge of Controversies very easily and impartially resolved it, by denying both sides of the Question, and assuming the whole right to himself. It appears that your Catholics, who are said to have sided with one against the other, did in truth side with the Pope against them both. And lastly it appears that their Misdemeanours were inexcusable Treasons, if any Treason can be inexcusable that is befriended with such an Apologist.  ['Twas for the Royal House of Scotland that they suffered in those days; and 'tis for the same Illustrious Family we are ready to hazard all on any occasion.] 
Sir, we have found you notoriously False in that which you Affirm: Pray God you prove True in that which you Promise.  [Nor can the consequence of the former procedure be but ill, if a Henry VIII. (whom Sir W. Raleigh, and my Lord Cherbury, two famous Protestants, have so homely Characterised) should after twenty years' cohabitation turn away his Wife, and this out of scruple of Conscience as he said) when as History declares that he never spared Woman in his Lust, nor Man in his Fury. 
This Character would better agree with many a Head of a Church whom we could name you, than with Henry VIII. of whom better 
* V. Thu. Hist. l. 1.  Historians speak better things. But if he were such a Monster as you would make him, perhaps it was for want of a better Religion; for he was 
* Philopater, p. 308. and 323. & v. Thu. Ib.  perfectly of Yours, except only in the point of Supremacy. And you had no occasion for this flirt at him; unless that, having undertaken to put the best colours upon Treason, you might think you did something towards it in bespattering of Kings.  
We have a touch of the same Art in the next Paragraph. Where having undertaken to excuse the Gun-powder-Treason, you call it first a Misdemeanour, than the Fifth of November, and then a Conjuration; soft words all of them: but you deal wicked hardly with the great Minister of State; whom you make to have been the Author of it; as if the Traitors had not conspired against the State, but the State against them.  
But before we come to answer this, It will be needful to set down the story, as it appears out of the Examinations and Confessions of the Traitors themselves.  
The rise of this Treason, was from the beforementioned Breves of Pope Clement VIII. in which he required all his Catholics, that after the death of that wretched Woman Queen Elizabeth, they should admit none but a Catholic to reign over them. These Breves were by Garnet the Provincial of the Jesuits, communicated to Catesby and others: who in Obedience thought best to begin their Practices in her life time. So they sent Father Tesmund and Winter into Spain to crave the assistance of that Crown. The Spaniard sent them back with the promise of an Army. But soon after Queen Elizabeth died, and no Army came. Therefore again they sent Christopher Wright into Spain to hasten i● and Stanley out of Flanders sent Fawks thither upon the same errand; who finding the Councils of Spain at this time wholly inclined to peace, returned quickly back, and brought nothing but despair along with them.  
Yet the Breves had so wrought upon Catesby, that he could not find in his heart to give over; but still casting about for ways, he hit upon this of the Powder-Treason, which as being much out of the common Road, he thought the most secure for his purpose He communicated this to Winter, who approved it, and fetched Fawks out of Flanders to assist in it. Not long after Piercy being in their company, and offering himself to any service for the Catholic Cause, though it were even the King's Death: Catesby told him, that that was too poor an Adventure for him: but, saith he, if thou wilt be a Traitor, there is a Plot of greater advantage; and such a one as can never be discovered. Thus having duly prepared him, he took him into the Conspiracy. And the like he did with so many more as made up their Number thirteen of the Laity.  
But where were the Jesuits all the while? rot idle, you may be sure. The Provincial Garnet was privy to it from the beginning, so were divers 
* Baldwin, Hammond, Tesmund, and Gerard, were named by the Conspirators, as privy with them.  more of the Society. Insomuch that when Watson endeavoured to have drawn them into his Plot (for the setting up of the Lady Arbella's Title, in opposition to King James his) they declined it, 
* V. Watsons Confession.  saying, They had another of their own then afoot, and that they would not mingle designs with him for fear of hindering one another.  
But Watson miscarried with his Plot, and the Jesuits went on with theirs. They absolved the Conspirators of the Gild, and extenuated the Danger of their design; they persuaded them how highly Beneficial it would be in the Consequences of it; they gave them their Oath, by the Holy Trinity, and the Sacrament which they did then receive, that none of them should reveal it to any other, or withdraw himself from it without common consent: and for the pitiful scruple of destroying the Innocent with the Guilty, Garnet answered, they might lawfully do it in order to a greater good. Yet it seems there was a spark of Humanity in some of them. which the Divinity of this Casuist had not quite extinguished; as appeared, either by the absenting of some Lords that were afterward fined for it in the Star-Chamber, or certainly by that Letter of warning to my Lord Monteagle, which was the happy occasion of the Discovery of the whole Treason.  
In Warwickshire, where the Princess Elizabeth then was, they had appointed a meeting, under the pretence of a Hunting-Match, to seize upon her, the same day in which the King and his Male Issue were to have been destroyed. There met about fourscore of them, which was a number sufficient for that business. But the news of the Discovery coming among them, they were so dismayed at it, that they desisted from their enterprise, and fled into Stafford-shire; where, the Country being raised against them, they were some of them killed, and the rest taken; and those which were left alive of the prime Conspirators were sent up to London, and there Executed.  
This is the plain story, now let us see how you colour it.  [Now for the Fifth of November; with hands lifted up to Heaven, we abominate and detest.] 
What is it that you abominate and detest? That day which is the Festival of our Deliverance? We can believe you without your hands lifted up to Heaven. Or mean you the Treason which was to have been acted upon that day? why then do you not speak out and call it so? For if you cannot afford to call it Treason, it is not the lifting up of your hands that can make us believe you do heartily abominate and detest it.  [And from the bottom of our hearts say, that may they fall into irrecoverable Perdition, who propagate that Faith by the Blood of Kings, which is to be planted in truth and meekness only.] 
It was a good caution of a Philosopher to the Son of a common Woman, that he should not throw stones among a multitude, for fear of hitting his Father. You might have had that caution when you threw out this curse; for your Father the Pope stands fairest for it of all men that we know in the World.  [But let it not displease you, Men, Brethren, and Fathers, if we ask whether Ulysses be no better known? or who hath forgot the Plots Cromwell framed in his Closet; not only to destroy many faithful Cavaliers, but also to put a lustre upon his Intelligence, as if nothing could be done without his knowledge. Even so did the then great Minister, who drew some few Desperadoes into this Conjuration, and then discovered it by a Miracle.] 
Having spit and wiped your mouth, now you make your speech. And it begins with a mixture of Apostle and Poet; to show what we are to expect from you; namely, with much Gravity, much Fiction: and so far you do not go about to deceive us.  
The scope of your speech is to make the world believe that your Catholics were drawn into this Plot by Secretary Cecil. You are so wise, that you do not offer to prove this; but you would steal it into us by an example, that we are concerned in. As Cromwell trepanned many faithful Cavaliers, even so Cecil drew in some few Desperadoes. Comparisons (they say) are odious: But to the business.  
First, admitting your Fiction, as if it were true, that Cecil did draw in those wretches into this Treason. Was it ever the less Treason because he drew them into it? For, according to your own supposition, they did not know that they were drawn in by him. But they verily thought that they had followed their own Guides; and they zealously did according to their own Principles. They did, what they would have done, if there had been no Cecil in the world; provided there had been a Devil in his room, to have put it into their heads. For your excuse only implies, that they had not the Wit to invent it: But their progress in it shows, that they wanted not the Malice to have executed it. So that according to your own illustration: As those faithful Cavaliers whom Cromwell drew in, had their Loyalty abused, & were nevertheless Faithful still; so those Powder-Traitors whom you say Cecil drew in, had their Disloyalty outwitted, and were nevertheless Traitors still. For as well in the one case as in the other, this very thing that they could be drawn in, is a clear demonstration that they were beforehand sufficiently Disposed for it.  
Secondly, When you have considered the absurdity of your excuse for your friends, you may do well to think of an excuse for yourself. For that which you affirm of Cecil's having drawn them into this Plot, is a very groundless and impudent Fiction, and you are properly the Author of it. For though others perhaps may have spoken this in raillery; yet you are the first, that we know of, that has asserted it in Print.  
Pray Sir, whence had you this tale? By what Tradition did you receive it? Or had you some new Revelation of the Causes threescore years after the Fact? For 'tis plain, that King James 
* V. His speech in Parliament 1605. and his Relation, etc. Warmington, p. 7. saith▪ None were therein culpable, but only Jesuits and Catholics.  knew nothing of it. Bellarmin and his fellow Apologists in that Age never pretended it. The parties themselves, neither at their Trial, nor at their Execution, gave any intimation of it. Can you tell us which of the Conspirators were Cecil's Instruments to draw in the rest? Or can you think he was so great an Artist, that he could persuade his Setters to be hanged, that his Art might not be suspected? For 'tis well known that he saved not any of those wretches from suffering. And they which did suffer, charged none other, but themselves, in their Confessions. Particularly, Father Garnet said, before Doctor Overal, and divers 
Casaub. Epist. ad Front. Du●●um.  others, that he would give all the World, if it were his, to clear his Conscience, or his Name from that Treason,  
These are strong presumptions of the Negative; but you ought to have proved your Affirmative, or at least to have offered something toward it. For if barely to say this, be enough, then here is an excuse indifferently calculated for all Treasons in the world that miscarry: (and if they prosper, who dares call them Treasons?) Here is a never failing Topick for any one that would write an Apology in behalf of any Villainy whatsoever. For if the Traitors be discovered by any kind of accident, this will always remain to be said for them, that the then great Minister drew them in.  
But why did you not say this for those Conspiracies in Queen Elizabeth's days? You might have said it perhaps with less improbability. But than had you a higher Game to fly at, namely the Queen's Title to her Crown; and if you durst have made so bold with King James his, you would not have stooped at so low a Quarry as a Minister of State.  
But by the way we cannot but acknowledge, that you Jesuits are a sort of most obliging Gentlemen. If men will believe what you Say, nothing that you do can fall amiss. In your attempts against the life of Queen Elizabeth, you obliged his Majesty that now is, as being Martyrs for the Royal House of Scotland. And in your Plot to blow up that Royal House, you were a kind of Fellow-sufferers with the Faithful Cavaliers; for as they used to be trapped by Cromwell, even so you were drawn in by Secretary Cecil.  
It is worth observing in this Paragraph, how you diminish that hellish Plot, by calling them that were engaged in it, a few Desperadoes.  
The Fewness of them will be considered in your next.  
But in what sense do you call them Desperadoes? Were they such in respect of their Fortunes? That is so well known to be false, that it needs no Answer. Were they such in respect of their Discontents? that seems to be your Meaning. But there was little Reason for any. For at the time of this Conspiracy, there was none of your Priests in Prison, there was no Mult taken of any Layman, Nor was there a man of them, as King James. 
* King James Speech in Parliament, 1605.  said, that could allege any pretended cause of grief. And yet they were continually Restless, as we have shown you in their story. Was it because they had not all the Liberty they would have had? This is so far from excusing them, that it rathet gives us occasion of suspecting You.  
'Tis no wonder that you, who cannot afford to call this Conspiracy a Treason, are not willing to allow the Discovery of it a Miracle. Yet you might have forborn Scoffing at it, in respect to king 
* Ib.  James, who was pleased to Name it so. Especially when his adversary Bellarmin 
* Tortus, p. 85. Edit. Colon.  acknowledges that it was not without a Miracle of Divine Providence. And sure our King makes a better use of this word Miracle in the thankful acknowledgement of God's great Mercy in his deliverance; than your Pope 
* Sixti Orat.  Sixtus V. did in his insolent Oration upon the King of France's Murder; by which we may guests what Some body would have called this Plot, if it had Sped.  [This will easily appear, viz. how little the Catholic Party understood the Design, seeing there was not a score of Guilty found, though all imaginable industry was used by the Commons, Lords, and Privy Council too.] 
The design itself was understood but by Few, because it was neither safe nor needful to impart it to many. But the Papists generally knew that there was a Design in hand; and though they did not know the horrid nature of it, yet many of them prayed for the success of it: and if the Plot had taken effect, and the Hunting-Match had gone on, we should then have been better able to have judged how your Catholic Party stood affected toward it. Sure enough though there were but a 
* 5 Jesuiteb 13. Laymen, besides Owen and Stanley▪  Score in the Treason, yet there appeared fourscore in the Rebellion: and it cannot be imagined, that so small a Number could Expect, without any other Assistance, to have made any great Advantage by surprising the Lady Elizabeth. But when the Treason had miscarried, as hateful as it was, (for who does not hate Treason when it is unsuccessful?) yet many of you had a high Veneration for some of those Wretches that were deeply engaged in it. What a Coil here was about the Miracle of Father Garnet's straw? And perhaps you have seen his Picture, and Gerard's too among the 
* At La Fleche, and elsewhere.  Martyrs of your Society. Nay his Holiness himself showed his good Will to them, when after all this, he made Tesmund Penitentiary at S. Peter's in Rome.  [But suppose, my Lords and Gentlemen, (which never can be granted) that all the Papists of that Age were consenting, will you be so severe then to still punish the Children for the Father's Faults?] [Nay such Children that so unanimously joined with you in that glorious Quarrel, when you and we underwent such sufferings, that needs we must have all sunk, had not our mutual love assisted.] 
You suppose that which is False, to avoid that which is True. For who ever said, that All the Papists of that Age were Consenting to the Gun-Powder-Treason? Or who can deny that some Papists in this Age retain the Principles of them that were consenting to it? Who, although they are not to be Punished for what their Predecessors did; yet they ought to be so restrained, that they may not do like their Predecessors.  
And though, by that long word Unanimously, you endeavour to shuffle in the men of these Principles, amongst them that served his Majesty in that Glorious Quarrel: Yet we think it no hard matter to distinguish them. For those among you which did the King Service, are not so many but that they may be Numbered. And as for the rest of you, which Only suffered with us, we thank you for your Love, but not for your Assistance. For we could not well have sunk lower than we did. But some of you floated the while▪ like Cork; and others of you swum upon the Bladders of Dispensations. So that as we received no Help from you in your Swimming; so we can apprehend no Assurance of you by your Sufferings.  [What have we done that we should now deserve your Anger? has the indiscretion of some few incensed you; 'tis true, that is the thing objected.] 
Sir, our Anger is only a Necessary Care, that what you now call your Indiscretions, may not grow to be such as you lately called your Misdemeanours.  [Do not you know an Enemy may easily mistake a Mass-Bell for that which calls to Dinner?] 
We know he may upon a Fastday; For than you use to ring your Vesper- Bell before Dinner. And how can a simple Heretic tell, whether it calls you, to Pray, or to eat Fish? But we do not know that ever any of you was brought in trouble about this Question.  [Or a Sequestrator be glad to be affronted being Constable? when 'twas the hatred to his Person, and not present Office, which perchance egged a a rash man to folly.] 
Possibly he May be glad of it. For it was your Jesuitical distinction between Person and Office, that first holp him to be a Sequestrator. And now he sees that Distinction come in play; he may hope, within a while, to have his Place again.  (We dare with submission say, Let a public invitation be put up against any Party whatsoever; nay, against the Reverend Bishops themselves and some malicious Informer or other will allege that, which may be far better to conceal.) (Yet all mankind by a Manifesto on the house door are encouraged to accuse us; nor are they upon Oath, though your Enemies and ours take all for granted and true.) 
What an Ambush you have laid here for the Bishops! to have them thought Popish, because you Reverence them, and Obnoxious, in such matters, as (you say) it may be far better to conceal. But as in the one, your kindness to them is sufficiently understood. So they are able to defy your Malice in the other. 'Tis for a Bishop of Donna Olympia's 
* V. Her Life. p. 61. and p. 156, 157.  to need concealment. Our Bishops in England are of another make, than to hold their Credit at any one's Courtesy.  
For the Manifesto that troubled you, what could the Parliament do less, when the Complaints of you were great in all parts of the Nation, than to Invite men to bring their Grievances to the proper place of Redress? But then say you, men were not upon Oath, for what they said against you. What a Hardship was this, that the House of Commons would not do that for your sakes, which no House of Commons ever did upon any occasion?  [It can not be imagined where there is so many men of heat and youth, (ever joined with the happy restauration of their Prince) and remembering the insolences of their Grandees, that they should all at all times prudently carry themselves; for this would be to be more than men. And truly we ecteem it as a particular blessing, that God hath not suffered many through vanity or frailty to fall into greater faults, than are yet as we understand laid to our charge.] 
The King will never be out of your debt, if a Jesuit may but keep the reckoning. Your old Treasons you put upon the account of his Family and Friends, and your late Insolences upon the score of his most Happy restauration. But would you seriously persuade us, that, at six years' distance, so many men of heat and youth were still transported with the Joy of that Blessing? That there were some fresher causes of this Jollity, has been vehemently suspected by many, who considered the great Unseasonableness of it, in so Calamitous a time, while the Fire was ranging in our Metropolis, and a French Army lay hover upon our Coasts.  
(Can we choose but be dismayed (when all things fail) that extravagant Crimes are fathered upon us.  
It is we must be the Authors (some say) of firing the City, even we that have lost so vastly by it; yet in this, our ingenuity is great, since we think it no Plot, though our Enemy an Huguenot Protestant acknowledged the Fact, and was justly Executed for his vain Confession. Again, if a Merchant of the Church of England buy Knives for the business of his Trade; This also is a Papist Contrivance to destroy the well affected.)  
There can be nothing charged on you, more extravagant than those things were, which your Predecessors committed, and which here, You have taken upon you to justify or excuse. The Particulars of your Charge, whatsoever they are, we leave to the Consideration of the Parliament: where we heartily wish there may appear more Reason on your side, than there is to be found in this Apology. For as to the Firing of the City, if according to your words (which we have not hitherto found to be Gospel) you have lost so vastly by it; yet that will not Acquit you from the suspicion of the Fact. in the judgement of any one that considers the Determination of your late Provincial, 
* Garnet in the Case of the Powder-plot.  viz. that it is lawful to destroy the Inrocent with the Guilty in order to a greater good. And it seems this vast loss goes not near your Heart; one would think so by your pleasantness in the very next passage. For there you call Hubert your Enemy, and a Huguenot Protestant: which Hubert, after Father Harvey had had him at Confession, did indeed affirm himself to be a Protestant; but then being asked whether he meant a Huguenot (which it seems was beyond his Instruction to say) he earnestly denied that, as he very well might, for he then also declared that he believed Confession to a Ptiest was necessary to his salvation: and being admonished to call upon God, he repeated an Ave-Mary, which he said was his usual Prayer. So that it evidently appears, he was neither Huguenot, nor Protestant, nor Your Enemy upon any account of Religion. And yet you, being about to avouch this knot of Falsehoods, are pleased to usher them in with this Preface, (either in Praise of your Brother Harveys Pious Fraud, or of your own Proper Virtue) Truly in this, our ingenuity is great.  [We must a little complain finding it by experience, that by reason you discountenance us, the People rage: and again, because they rage, we are the more forsaken by you.] [Assured we are, that our conversation is affable, and our Houses so many Hospitable receipts to our Neighbours. Our acquaintance therefore we fear at no time; but it is the stranger we dread: that (taking all on hear-say) zealously wounds, and then examines the business when it is too late, or is perchance confirmed by another, that knows no more of us than he himself.] ['tis to you we must make our Applications, beseeching you (as Subjects tender of our King) to intercede for us in the execution, and weigh the Dilemma, which doubtless he is in, either to deny so good a Parliament their requests, or else run counter to his Royal Inclinations, when he punishes the weak and harmless.] 
He that complains without a cause, must be heard without redress.  
We only desire to be Safe from those dangers, to which your Principles would expose us, and against which neither Affableness nor Hospitality will secure us. The Protestants of Ireland were never so treated and caressed by their Popish Neighbours, as they were the very year before▪ they cut their throats.  
The best Means of our security, is, that which his Majesty has been pleased to require, viz. The discreet Execution of his Laws. By which (if others shall please to distinguish themselves from the rest by renouncing their disloyal Principles) only the disloyal and seditious will be kept weak, that they may be harmless.  [Why may we not, noble Countrymen, hope for favour from you, as well as French Protestant's find from theirs? a greater duty than ours none could express, we are sure; or why should the United Provinces, and other magistrates (that are harsh both in mind and manners) refrain from violence against our Religion, and your tender breasts seem not to harbour the least compassion or pity?] [These barbarous People Sequester none for their Faith, but for Transgression against the State. Nor is the whole Party involved in the Crime of a few, but every man suffers for his own and proper fault. Do you then the like, and he that offends, let him die without Mercy:] [And think always, I beseech you, of Cromwel's Injustice: who for the Actions of some against his pretended Laws, drew thousands into decimation, even ignorant of the thing, after they had vastly paid for their security and quiet.] 
We have answered your Instances, of the French Protestants, and the Dutch Papists; and your unjust upbraiding us with the greatness of your Duty, and with our want of compassion and pity. And yet, as if all these were Unanswerable, you come over with them again and again.  
These barbarous people, you say, sequester none for their Faith; but pray what did you, when you governed the Civilised World? you hanged and burned men, for no other cause but their Faith; and this you did with abundance of Civility; so it seems we may be worse than Barbarous, and yet much better than you.  
But that were little for our credit, unless we had this to say more; that not the worst of you suffers any otherwise than by known Laws, or any more than is of pure Necessity. For, we hold it Necessary to maintain the Authority of the King, and the Peace of the Nation. If you call any thing Religion, that is contrary to these; must we therefore alter our Laws? or ought you to mend your Religion?  
You put the Effigies of Cromwell upon any thing that you would render odious; as your Inquisition bedresses one with Pictures of Devils, whom they are about to burn for his Religion. For such Disguizes are apt to work much upon the weak judgements of the multitude. But he must be very weak indeed that cannot perceive the wide Difference, between the Edicts of Cromwell, that were designed to Ruin men for their Loyalty, and those Laws that our Princes have made to Restrain them from Treason and Rebellion.  [We have no other study, but the glory of our Sovereign, and just liberty of the Subjects.] 
Sir, if we may judge by your Works, there is nothing less studied in your College.  [Nor was it a mean Argument of our Duty, when every Catholic Lord gave his voice for the Restauration of Bishops; by which we could pretend no other advantage, but that 26 Votes (subsisting wholly by the Crown) were added to the defence of Kingship, and consequently a check to all Anarchy and Confusion.] 
This is no Argument of Your Duty; for, sure, You are no Lord. Nor is it likely that these Lords followed Your direction in the doing of this Duty.  ['Tis morally impossible but that we who approve of Monarchy in the Church, must ever be fond of it in the State also.] 
If you mean this of Papists in General, that which you call morally impossible, is Experimentally True. For in Venice, Genoa, Lucca, and the Popish Cantons of Switzerland, where they very well approve of Monarchy in the Church; yet they are not fond of it in the State also. But if you mean this of the Jesuitical Party, than it may be true in this sense, that you would have the Pope to be sole Monarch both in Spirituals and Temporals.  [Yet this is a misfortune, we now plainly feel, that the longer the late Transgressor's live, the more forgotten are their Crimes, whiles distance in time calls the faults of our Fathers to remembrance, and buries our own Allegiance in eternal oblivion and forgetfulness.] 
We can now allow you to complain, and commend yourselves without Measure; having proved already, that you do it without cause.  [My Lords and Gentlemen, consider we beseech you the sad condition of the Irish Soldiers now in England; the worst of which Nation could be but intentionally so wicked, as the acted Villainy of many English, whom your admired Clemency pardoned. Remember how they left the Spanish Service when they heard their King was in France; and how they forsook the Employment of that unnatural Prince, after he had committed the never to be forgotten Act of banishing his distressed Kinsman out of his Dominions. These poor men left all again to bring their Monarch to his home: and shall they then be forgotten by you? or shall my Lord Douglas and his brave Scots be left to their shifts, who scorned to receive wages of those who have declared War against England. 
To swell up the Bill of the Merits of your Party, you take in the Services of the Irish and Scottish Soldiers, as if they were a part of the English Catholics, whom you profess to plead for in the Title of your Apology. And that you may seem to have done this, in kindness to Them, and not to yourselves; you exhort us to Consider them, in such terms, as if You were the first that had ever thought of them. God forbid but they should be considered as they deserve; and he is neither good Christian, nor good Subject, that would grudge to contribute his proportion toward it.  
But you seem to have a farther drift in the mentioning of these Loyal Irish. For you immediately mingle them with the worst of that Nation; namely with those infamous Butchers, that in times of as great Peace and Liberty as ever that Nation enjoyed, and in the Name of that gracious King under whom they enjoyed these, cut the throats of above an hundred thousand of his Protestant Subjects of all Sexes and Ages. It was so black a Villainy, that You, the Apologist 
Lord Orory's Answer to W●lsh, p. 20. saith. Within few months about two hundred thousand.  of such Actions, knew not how to mention in its proper place, viz. after the French Massacre, because you had not wherewith to colour it. And yet being conscious to yourself that this lay as a blot upon your Cause, you thought fit to place it among these brave Men; as if their Names would mend the hue of an Action that will make the Names of all that had to do in it, look black, and detestable to Mankind, throughout all Generations.  
Nor do you deal much better with our Royalists themselves; of whom you do not stick to affirm, that in their admired Clemency, (and if this were true, who would not admire it?) they pardoned Many English, whose Acted Villainies were so wicked, that the worst of the Irish Nation could be but Intentionally so wicked in their Villainies.  [How commonly is it said that the Oath of Renouncing their Religion is intended for these, which will needs bring this loss to the King and you, that either you will force all of our Faith to lay down their Arms (though by experience of great Integrity and Worth) or else, if some few you retain, they are such whom necessity hath made to swear against Conscience, and who therefore will certainly betray you, when a greater advantage shall be offered. By this Test than you can have none, but whom (with Caution) you ought to shun. And thus must you drive away those who truly would serve you; for had they the least thought of being false, they would gladly take the advantage of gain and pay to deceive you] 
You proceed, concerning the Irish and Scottish Soldiers, in these words; How commonly is it said, that the Oath of Renouncing their Religion is intended for them! Pray Sir, can you tell who are said to intend this? For if they are such as have no Authority, it is frivolous. If they are such as have Authority, it is false. And we do verily believe it was never said, wished, or thought of, by any one that loved the King, and the peace of the Nation.  
But what trick had this Jesuit in his head when he framed this? One may guests at his design: But let it pass. Perhaps he only imagined this, to heighten his Fancy, that he might think and write the more Tragically toward the end of his Oration.  [We know your Wisdom and Generosity, and therefore cannot imagine such a thing; nor do we doubt when you show favour unto these, but you will use mercy to us, who are both your fellow Subjects, and your own flesh and blood also; if you forsake us, we must say the world decays, and its final transmutation must needs follow quickly.] 
Here you un-imagine for the Soldiers, and imagine for yourself; and, as if you really thought yourself in danger, you beg for mercy of the Royalists, in such words as your Predecessor 
* First Moderator, p. 76. Your own Kindred and Allies, your own Countrymen, born to the same freedom with yourselves; who have in Much less measure (than the Scots) offended in matter of Hostility, nay divers of them not at all.  used to the Rebels. Only for the last strain, we do not know that any one hit upon it before, nor do believe that any one will ever use it again.  [Little do you think the insolences we shall suffer by Committee men, etc. whom chance and lot, hath put into petty Power. Nor will it choose but grieve you to see them abused (whom formerly you loved) even by the common enemies of us both.] 
It seems Committee-men are entrusted with his Majesty's Authority; or that none must use it against Papists for fear of being accounted Committee-men.  
It is time to have done, when we are come to the dregs of your Rhetoric.  [When they punish, how will they triumph and say, take This (poor Romanists) for your love to Kingship; and again This, for your long doting on the Royal Party: all which you shall receive from us Commissioned by your dearest Friends, and under this Cloak we will gladly vent our private spleen and malice. 
Sir, though you set yourself before to speak Tragically, this does rather seem a piece of Drollery. But you Have your design either way. For no man can read it, but he must either Laugh, or Shake his head.  
[We know my Lords and Gentlemen, that from your hearts you do deplore our condition, yet permit us to tell you, your bravery must extend thus far, as not to sit still, with pity only, but each is to labour for the distressed as far as in reality his ability will reach: Some must beseech our Gracious Sovereign for us, others again must undeceive the good, though deluded multitude: therefore all are to remember who are the prime raisers of the storm; and how through our sides they would wound both the King and you: for though their hatred to us ourselves is great, yet the enmity out out of all measure increases, because we have been yours, and so shall continue even in the fiery day of trial.  
Protect us we beseech you then, upon all your former promises, or if that be not sufficient, for the sakes of those that lost their Estates with you; many of which are now fallen asleep: But if this be still too weak, we must conjure you by the sight of this bloody Catalogue, which contains the names of your murdered Friends and Relations, who in the heat of the Battle perchance saved many of your lives, even with the joyful lofs of their own.  
Sir, in answer to this Paragraph, you oblige us to speak plainer, what before we only intimated to you.  
It was the policy of the Rebels in the beginning of the late War, to harrass the Papists in all parts of the Kingdom. One Reason of it was to make his Majesty Odious; for, the Papists being his Subjects, and having none but him to fly to, it was certain he would do what he could to Protect them, and this would make many Zealous People believe▪ that what the Rebels pretended was true, viz. that his Majesty was a Friend to Popery. Another Reason was to enrich themselves with their Spoils, and to invite the Needy 
* Second more derater, p. 43. Most of them in the beginning of the late War (seeing themselves unprotected by the Parliament, & exposed to the plunder of the then Soldiery) fled into the King's Garrisons, to save their own lives, without taking up Arms to offend others.  Rabble with a Prospect of Booty; among which, if they found a string of Beads, or a Crucifix, it served them upon both Accounts, both to fill their Pockets, and to justify the Cause.  
By this Means you were driven into his Majesty's Garrisons; where, besides those that Voluntarily offered themselves to his Service, many of you were Necessitated to it for a subsistence, and many more of you did not serve him at all, but only shrouded yourselves under his Protection. Whereas the Protestant Royalists had no such Necessity, for they might have been welcome to the Rebels, to do as They did; or they might have been Permitted to live quietly at their home. But they chose to do otherwise, and were hated the more for it by the Rebels, because they preferred their duty before those Considerations.  
From this account of the Motives that brought us together, it is easy to Judge how far we are in Debt to one another.  
First, As for them which lost their Estates with us, We remember those things were alleged in their Defence, 
* Second Moderator, p. 43.  which we would have been loath to have admitted in ours. But possibly it was not their Fault that these things were Alleged, nor was it to our Advantage that they were not Accepted. For the Rebels, having devoured these gentlemen's Estates, fell to ours, with the more Colour, and never the less Appetite.  
In your Catolague of those Papists which were Slain in the Service, you have Omitted some names which we are able to Reckon. But perhaps you did this in Design, that you might the more excusably Reckon some names that you ought to have Omitted. So you begin with my Lord of Carnarvan, the only noble man in your Catalogue, who was indeed too negligent of his Religion, till he came to be in view of Death; But then, in his extremities, he Refused a Priest of yours, and Ordered the Chaplain 
* Mr Langford  of his Regiment to pray with him. If you take this libert of stealing Martyrs, we have Reason to wonder, that you had not taken in one that would have adorned your Cause indeed, viz. his Majesty himself; since Militiere 
* In his Victory of Truth.  was not ashamed to publish, that that Blessed and Glorious Prince died of your Religion. Him alone we might weigh against All that ever was good in your Church. But besides, we could reckon you a far greater number of Protestants, than you pretend to do of Papists, that lost their lives also in the Day of Battle. They lost them joyfully, in hopes to have saved his Majesty's Life; and 'twas an Accession to their Joy, if perchance they saved any of yours.  
But did they ever intent their sufferings should go for nothing, or become cyphers to yours in the day of Reckoning? or that their blood should be made use of to stop the Execution of those Laws for which they shed it? Did they think your condition was so deplorable, or their own was superfluously fenced and secured against you before the late troubles?  
Pray Sir do not persuade us to believe a thing so incredible, or to do at the rate as if we did believe it. Rather if you have such an opinion of your own Faculty; Try what you can do with your own Party, and persuade them to do what is fittest & best for Themselves.  
But because the Genius of your Writing does not give us any such Hopes of You: We shall rather make bold to say something from ourselves, by way of Advice, to as many of them as may happen to need it, and are capable to receive it.  
We desire them to content themselves with that condition which they enjoyed under his Majesty's Royal Predecessors: and neither to Disparage those days, by endeavouring to persuade the world that they which suffered then for Treason died for Religion; Nor to Undervalue all the Liberties which they now Enjoy, if they may not be allowed to Exceed the Measures of their Fathers. We wish they would not, for the paring of their nails, make all Christendom ring with Cries of Persecution. We wish them deeply to lay to Heart, the Honour, and Peace, and Welfare of their Nation. To abhor him, that could 
D. of Medina in 88 said his Sword knew no distinction between Catholic and Heretic,  wish to see it in Troubles, in hope that at next Turn it would settle in Popery; or that could find in his heart to bid a Foreigner welcome upon the terms of restoring Catholic Religion. We desire them to keep their Religion to themselves: and not lay about them, as some do, to make Proselytes; of which they have had a plentiful harvest in the late Confusions; and if they should think to go on at that rate, we have reason to fear, it would be a means to bring us into Confusion again. We desire them at least not to abuse the weakness of dying persons: nor under pretence of carrying Alms to condemned Prisoners, to Convert some of them with Drink, and to Cheat others with hopes of Salvation upon easier terms than ever God yet declared unto Men. We desire them not to hinder the course of Justice, by interposing in the behalf of any Criminal, because he is a Catholic. We desire them to content themselves, as their Fathers have done, with such Priests as are known and protected 
* V. Cambden's Eliz. 1602.  by the Civil Power; and that They would be pleased to demean themselves as Priests ought to do: not disguising themselves like Hector's, or mingling with Gentlemen, to poison the Clubs and Coffeehouses with Fanatic Discourses, or even with Atheism itself, to destroy all Religion that they may have their will upon ours. We desire them not to fill the World with their Pamphlets, Parallels, Philanaxes, Exhortations, Apologies, &c which tend only to the fermenting of men's Passions, not at all to the conviction of their Reason. If they please to come into the fair Field of Controversy, we shall not decline them; and we think we are not in Debt to them upon that Account. But for Books of the other sort which are apt only to inflame Parties, and make the People Jealous, and the Government Uneasy, We wish they would spare their Own pains, and consequently Ours. If they will not; let them bear their own blame, and let them Answer it to the world what Occasion they had to give us this trouble of Answering them.  
FINIS.