THE HISTORY OF THE Donatists.  
By THOMAS LONG, B. D. and Prebendary of St. Peter's EXON.  
— Mutato Nomine de te,  
Anglia, narratur.  
LONDON, Printed for Walter Kettilby at the Bishop's Head in St. Paul's Churchyard, 1677.   

To the Reverend GEORGE CARY, D. D. AND DEAN of EXETER.  
Reverend Sir,  
ALthough I am no Conjurer, yet I suspect I have done enough to raise the spirits of the Donatists, which are wont to be very troublesome, and that it may exceed my skill to allay them: And therefore I have thus seasonably (I hope) taken Sanctuary under Your Name; for I have observed that some consecrated Persons, as well as Places, are not haunted with such Spectres. And though such Apparitions have been very affrighting & vexatious to Men of weak judgements & wavering minds, yet some Persons who have armed themselves with constant integrity to God, and resolved Loyalty to the King, have been least obnoxious to their power and malice; as good Soldiers that keep their ranks are not so much exposed to the hazards of War, as they whose fears make them sneak from Place to Place. And this, through God's good providence, was Your security in the late Times of Confusion, wherein notwithstanding the busy Emissaries of the Prince of Darkness, you did not only shine as a bright Example of Christian resolution, sound Doctrine, and a holy Life, but did really influence a great part of your neighbouring Clergy, the sense whereof hath obliged me to this public acknowledgement; by which I cannot hope to add to your reputation, but to provide for my own quiet, against such unjust and unsavoury reflections, as guilty persons are prone to make, from whom I appeal to your more righteous judgement, whether I have done them wrong, or no. Sure I am I intended them none, for I only present them with a Glass, wherein if they see their own defects, they have no reason to be displeased with the Glass, but with those Vices which cause the reflection. Socrates, l. 2. c. 15. of the Tripartite History, tells us, that Constantine to shame the Arians, provided by an Edict, that they should be called Porphyrians, Ut quorum mores imitati sunt, eorum nomine perfruantur, that they might be known by his Name, whose manners they did imitate: And a greater than Constantine did the like by the Jews, John 8.44. Ye are of your father the Devil, and his lusts ye will do. Every Man's public profession and practices are the plainest characters to teach us what party he is of. They who through pride and discontent raise and propagate new Opinions, that they may head a Faction, and take pet at the preferment of better Men, vexing their Governors, despising their Authority, persecuting their innocent Brethren, and fomenting Divisions in a well established Church, are as manifestly acted and animated by the spirit of Donatus, as if there were a transmigration of Souls— 

Sic oculos, sic ille manus, sic ora gerebat.   

As old Donatus did, so do his Race,  
Cast up their Eyes and Hands with downcast Face.    
In vain therefore do such pretend, (as with great confidence they do) that they are the offspring of those Primitive Christians, who suffered under the Heathen Emperors, for they in the worst times obeyed their lawful Governors in all things wherein they might not disobey God, and constantly adhered to their Bibles, their Bishops, and their Brethren, accounting all such Traditores, (i.e.) Trayt●rs, as forsook either. Such pretences therefore do make odious representations of the Primitive Christians, as if they were in their Generation as factious and seditious, as the late Donatists in ours; And as ill reflections do they cast on their Christian Governors, as if they were very Persecutors. But, by their fruits ye shall know them: for, if it be considered how exactly every Scene of that horrid Tragedy, which was first acted in the Churches of Africa, hath been acted over, and (if I may so speak) overacted in the Church of England, it cannot be denied, that they who destroyed the Church of England, and its Defender, were the most natural offspring of those Donatists, who so perpetually vexed the good Constantine, and made Havoc of the Churches of Africa; or that the present Sectaries, who so tenaciously adhere to the principles, and follow the practices of them that brought such confusion on the Land in the former Age, are their proper Successors.  
However, it is advisedly done by their Apologists, to make their Pamphlets swell with the frequent mention of the Indulgence of some of the Emperors to peaceable Christians, but pass by the many strict Edicts of the most Christian and pious Emperors, against such as withdrew from the Communion of the Catholic Church, some of which I have transcribed for their better information at the end of this History, and shall only acquaint them here with that success which Sozomen, l. 3. c. 11. of the Tripartite History, observed to follow on the due execution of them. Who speaking of the Laws of Constantine, against such as denied communion with the Church in his days, The Emperor (saith my Author) strictly commanded that their Meeting-places should be taken from them, and they not permitted to assemble in private Houses, or Churches; by reason of which Law (I suppose, saith Sozomen) the Memorial of Heresy was utterly destroyed, for after this Law, they could meet neither publicly in the Churches, nor secretly, being observed, and forbidden by the Bishops and Clergy. Doubtless those Bishops and Clergymen were no Persecutors, they did what was their duty, and by a seasonable restraint of Men of corrupt principles, preserved the true Christians in peace. And certainly the present Bishops would be defective in a special duty of their Function, which is to preserve the Flock of Christ in Peace and Unity, if they should tolerate such, as seek to scatter and make a Prey of them. St. Hierome, who is thought by some to have been no Friend to that Office, doth yet affirm, that it was ever since the Apostles days the best Remedy against Schism. I shall entreat your patience, while I mention a passage or two of that Father, which have been tortured to speak against Episcopacy, but do so far commend its usefulness, and assert its antiquity, and authority, as may suffice to silence all its adversaries. In his Comment on 1 Titus he saith, Antequam Diaboli instinctu, etc. Before such time, as by the instigation of the Devil, Factions were made in Religion, and the People began to say, I am of Paul, and I of Apollo, and I of Cephas, the Churches were governed by the common Council of Presbyters: but afterward, when every one accounted those, whom he had baptised, to be his own, and not Christ's; it was decreed in the whole (Christian) World, that one, chosen out of the Presbyters, should be set over the rest, unto whom the care of the Church should belong, that the seeds of schism might be taken away. Would you know when this was done, and by whom, Panormitan will tell you, Li. Decret. de consuetud. c. 4. Immediately after Christ's death, all the Presbyters ruled in common— but after a while the Apostles caused, that Bishops should be created for the appeasing of Schisms. If any shall not agree that this is St. Hierome's sense, let him compare that passage in his Epistle to Evagrius, (85) Quod autem posteà, That after this, (i) in the Apostles age, (as appears both by what goes before, and by what follows concerning St. Mark) one was chosen and set over the rest, was done for a Remedy against Schism, lest every one drawing a part of the Church to himself, should destroy the whole: for in the Church of Alexandria, from the days of St. Mark the Evangelist, unto Heraclas, and Dionysius, Bishops there, the Presbyters choosing one of their number, and setting him in a Higher degree, called him Bishop: and in his Dialogue, ad Luciferianos, Ecclesiae salus in summi sacerdotis dignitate pendet, cui si non exhorts, & ab omnibus eminens detur potestas, tot in Ecclesiis efficientur schismata, quot sacerdotes. So then St. Hierome's testimony is express for the Antiquity of Bishops, (for as to the original institution, I shall not now discourse) that they were in the Apostles days, particularly in the Church of Alexandria, in St. Mark's , and in the Church of Corinth, ever since the People began to say, I am of Paul, and I of Apollo, for the ending of which controversy, one was preferred above the rest; and the Scholiast tells us, on Titus 1. that Apollo was the Man, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the first Bishop of Corinth: and the same was decreed in all the Christian World; That the care of the Church was committed to them, and the welfare of the Church depended on their dignity, to whom if there were not an eminent and peerless power given by all, there would be as many schisms in the Church, as there were Priests; and lastly, that it was a principal duty of theirs, (though it be now accounted their crime) to prevent the growth of schisms in their several Churches.  
And this is that which I have (according to my mean capacity) endeavoured in these Papers, wherein I have only applied that gentle Remedy, which hath been approved by Ancient and Modern Divines, who agree, that, The means to confute schism, is to reduce it to its first Original: for howsoever it comes to pass, that factious persons are in love with their own, they cannot but abhor the actions of their Progenitors.  
And now, Reverend Sir, If I have said any thing unworthy of your Name, I know, that as your judgement will discern it, so your candour will pardon it, since nothing hath moved me to this attempt, but my duty to the Church, and my particular esteem of your great Merits, who are a chief Ornament of the same; for though you have been placed in an eminent station, yet that you have rather honoured that dignity, than been dignified by it, is the judgement of all that know you, and not only the private opinion of  
Your Humble Servant, THO. LONG. Exon, Febr. 1. 1676/ 7.   

THE PREFACE.  
IT hath been sometime known, that when divers learned Physicians, after all their regular methods of Physic, have given over their Patients as desperate, a mean Empirick, by an easy and gentle application, hath effected the Cure. And (having often considered with myself, how fruitless and ineffectual the many excellent Discourses, and unanswerable Arguments of such as have opposed the Separation from our Church, have been; and that the contumacious humour still spreads itself, to the infection and ruin of many precious Souls) I thought it might be expedient to apply another remedy, (viz.) A true representation of the Opinions and practices of such Schismatics, as have been condemned in the Primitive times of the Church: whereby, as in a Glass, such as are guilty of the present Separation, may reflect on their own deformities, and the evil consequence of their dividing practices. Some Women, who have been too well conceited of their beauty, when they have unawares beheld in a clear Glass, the deforming and destructive effects of a loathsome Disease, have been so surprised with the change, that is visibly made on their Faces, that they have immediately fallen sick and died. And who knows, but when those fanciful persons, who are so highly conceited of their purity, and tenderness of their Consciences, shall be convinced, (as by a serious reflection on this History of the Donatists they may be) what unclean spots, and visible defects the Souls and Consciences of such as live in Separation from a well established Church, have contracted, they may immediately grow sick of their Sins, and apply themselves to the mortification of them, that their Souls may be saved? It is the Opinion of some learned Men, that the Cardinal Baronius hath raised more Prejudices against the Reformed Churches, by his Annals, than Cardinal Bellarmine by all his Arguments: And indeed, upon supposition, that the Relation which he gives of the Primitive Doctrine and Discipline is true, (the contrary whereof hath been sufficiently evinced by Bishop Jewel, and many others) he hath done more to prove our Churches guilty, both of Heresy and Schism, than all the Polemical Divines of the Church of Rome. Accordingly, when it shall appear by the Authentic Records of the Church of God, that those Persons, who held the same Opinions, and followed the same practices, as some in this present Age do, were frequently condemned by the best Christian Emperors, and Catholic Councils, as schismatical and dangerous, and upon what small and inconsiderable grounds they have run themselves into such great confusions, as have overturned all things Sacred, and well settled in Church and State; it may be rationally hoped, that, though the most cogent arguments have not persuaded them, ●et such horrible Spectres may affright them from their sullen and unchristian apartment, and make them choose to live rather with peaceable and humble Christians, in a conformity to the Doctrine and Discipline of the Primitive and present Church, than among such turbulent spirits, as revive the Opinions and practices of the most dangerous and condemned Schismatics. And it is both a more civil, and facile way of insinuating instructions and reproofs to the minds and consciences of such, as are averse from plain dealing, to teach them by pertinent instances and examples, by Historical allusions, and wise Apologues; such as the Parable of Trees used by Jotham, and of the Ewe-Lamb, by the Prophet Nathan: and this method was familiarly used by our Saviour, especially when he would convince the Pharisees; as he doth in the Parable of the unthankful Husbandmen, Luke 21.33. and divers others, wherein he proves them to be worse than those, who persecuted the Prophets, by their malice against the Son of God, and v. 45. it is said, They perceived that he spoke of them. In the days of the late Usurpation, The History of Andronicus, the unfortunate Politician, of Massonello, and the Munster Anabaptists, had their good effect. Most Men are severe censurers of the same sins in others, which they do indulge and allow in themselves. There is scarce a Separatist among us, who, when he shall impartially consider the grievous and continued troubles of the African Churches, occasioned by the Schism of the Donatists, who upon false or frivolous pretences, first forsook the Communion of the Catholic Church, and then raised Parties to oppose it, falsely accusing, condemning, persecuting and murdering their Fathers and Brethren, affronting the Magistrates, despising their Laws, raising Tumults and Armies, and pronouncing them Martyrs that died in Rebellion; I say, there is not any, but will readily condemn these, though he have been seduced to join with such, as have practised the same, or worse things. The Ancients resembled a wise Man to the Image of Janus, which looked both forward and backward; and it would certainly be a point of Prudence in us, to look back, upon the transactions and counsels of former Ages, and to observe what Opinions and practices have been condemned by wise and good Men, and carefully avoid such. As also to look forward, and to consider, to what dangers and precipices our present Opinions may betray us, what outrages and cruelties our ambition may lead us to, though for the present we think it impossible, that ever our lusts, or any temptations, or advantages, should be able to transform us into such ravenous beasts, as afterward we may appear to be. Had Cromwell been foretold, as Hazael was, what horrid Massacres and Regicide he should commit, he would have thought it a slander, though from the mouth of a Prophet, 2 Kings 8.12. And if such as have given themselves up to dividing principles, did but consider, how easily they may be taught to act over the same Tragical Scenes of Sacrilege, Rapine and Blood, when their Masters shall get power, and opportunities agreeable to their malice, which both ancient and modern Sectaries have done before them; they may find just cause to grow jealous of themselves, though they have yet the sheep's clothing on them, and to suspect their Teachers, though transformed into Angels of light, for the Ministers of Satan, whose design it is to attempt the ruin of the Church, by the abused zeal of her seduced Children, which he could not effect by the cruelty of her professed Enemies. To undeceive such Persons, and render Schism and Faction, as odious and pernicious, as the Scripture doth describe them, and both the History of former Ages, and the sad experience of our own, do demonstrate them to have been, and that all who profess the Name of Christ may agree in the truth of his Holy Word, and live in Unity with their Brethren, and in due Obedience to their lawful Governors, both in Church and State, is the only Design, and hearty Prayer of Si sapitis, benè, & recte; si non sapitis, vestri curam gessisse non poenitebit, quia, etsi cor vestrum ad pacem non convertitur, pax nostra ad cor nostrum convertetur, August. ad Petil. l. 3.   

IMPRIMATUR,  
G. James R.P.D. Hen. Episc. Lond. à Sacris Dom.   

THE HISTORY OF THE DONATISTS.  
WHen Dioclesian, as a Romish Wolf, had worried and scattered the Flock of Christ, and exhausted Rivers of that precious Blood, he perceived that he could neither diminish their Numbers, nor abate any thing of that primitive Spirit, which, like a Rock, did not only stand firm, but broke in pieces the (Fluctus Decumanos) most impetuous Waves of the greatest persecution. 
Ann. 300,  The Tyrant thought therefore of a more probable way to extinguish that Spirit, which was, to withdraw the word of life; and accordingly, in the Nineteenth Year of his Empire, like another Antiochus Epiphanes, who did Mosaicis libris bellum indicere, he publisheth his Edict. That the Christian Churches should be leveled with the ground, the Ornaments seized to his use, the Holy Scriptures consumed in the Fire, and all that professed Christianity, be deprived of all Liberties, Offices, and Dignities, unless they would offer Sacrifice to the Heathen Gods. Immediately upon publishing this Edict, his Officers do generally become Inquisitors, and strictly require all the Christians to deliver up the Utensils of their Churches, and the Testament of their Lord, to be consumed in the Fire, which, if any refused, they themselves were condemned to the Flames.  
Among other Confessors, Felix Deacon of Autramitum, was summoned by the Inquisitors, 
Optarus p. 40.  to deliver up the Ornaments of his Church, and the Evangelical Books, which were in his custody; whereupon he hide himself with Mensurius, Bishop of Carthage▪ whereof the Officers being informed, they require Mensurius to deliver him up, or to appear on a set Day at the Emperor's Court, to answer the contempt. Where it is observable, that (Episcoporum domus nè in persecutionibus fas erat violare) the Bishop's Houses, even in times of Persecution, were accounted as a Sanctuary by the very Heathen. Mensurius was too much a Christian to betray his Brother, and therefore he chose rather to submit himself to the Emperor's sentence, and to appear at the appointed time: but in the interim, he is careful to secure the Goods belonging to his Church: And in those Days, as the Christians had Churches called Basilicas, so those Churches had their Ornaments. St. August. contr. Cresconium, says that the Church of Cirta, in the time of Dioclesian had two Chalices of Gold, six Cups of Silver, and a Silver Candlestick. Yet the Treasuries of those Churches were much exhausted in those days, it being the frequent practice of those Primitive Christians, to sell their Plate and Ornaments, to redeem the lives, or to relieve the necessities of their persecuted Brethren. Mensurius therefore causeth an Inventory of the Treasury of the Church of Carthage to be made, and committing the Treasury itself to the custody of the Elders, (as Optatus saith) he leaves the Inventory with an ancient Woman, 
p. 41.  whom he had always found faithful, charging her to preserve it, for his Successors, if it should please God to account him worthy of Martyrdom. 
* Erant in illâ Ecclesiâ quamplurima Ornamenta Auri & Argenti.  St. Augustine saith, there were in that Church very many Ornaments of Gold and Silver. Concerning the Death of Mensurius, we have no certain account in Ecclesiastical History, only we find the Bishopric of Carthage to be void shortly after, and Dioclesian languishing under a surfeit of Christian blood, resigned his Empire to Maxentius, who was overthrown sometime after by Constantine, as also Maximinus another Tyrant by Licinius, and thereupon Constantius the Father of Constantine, though he were then in England, was proclaimed Emperor, but he died in York, and so the whole Empire was devolved on Constantine, who by his Mother Helena had been from his Childhood instructed in the Principles of the Christian Religion. Which Baronius observes to be true, notwithstanding the opinion of some ancient Writers to the contrary; for this is related by Paulinus a Man of great Learning and holiness, 
Baronius ad Ann. 315.  as well as of a noble Family, and therefore to be believed above Eusebius, [saith the Cardinal] And yet as we shall observe hereafter, when Constantine accepted of an Appeal from the Donatists to the derogation of the power of the Pope, than they plead that he was a Novice, & rudis fide, lately instructed in the Christian Faith, and unacquainted with the Customs of the Church. The flames that were kindled by Heathen Persecutors, were scarcely extinguished, when the new lights and heats raised by contentious and ambitious Persons, begun another conflagration; for the Bishopric of Carthage being void, Botrus and Celesius two Presbyters become Competitors for it, against Cecilian, who being a Person of known integrity, was by the general suffrage of that whole Church chosen Bishop, and was ordained by Felix Bishop of Aptung. And now, the good Woman, according to the trust reposed in her, brings the Inventory of the Church-Treasury to Cecilian, whereupon he summoneth those Elders, to whom the Treasury was committed, to make restitution, but whether they had sold, or shared it among themselves, they refused to deliver it: and Cecilian, as his duty was, proceeds against them to obtain satisfaction. On this occasion, those sacrilegious Elders deny to hold farther communion with Cecilian their Bishop, and join themselves to Botrus and Celesius, 
Optat. p. 41  those two Presbyters that were discontented at the preferment of Cecilian. To these Lucilla, a Woman descended from a Noble Family of Spain, whom St. Augustine calls, 
S. August. count. Parm. l. 1.  Factiosissimam & pecuniosissimam foeminam quam pro corripiendo Ecclesiae Disciplinam Cecilianus laeserat. A rich and factious Woman, who conceiving that Cecilian being Archdeacon had injured her, by a too sharp reproof for some superstitious practice, 
p. 40.  contrary to the Discipline of the Church (which was to kiss the Relics of some supposed Martyrs, before her communicating at the Lord's Supper) joins herself, to strengthen the Faction; and by her Money, encourageth Secundus Primate of Numidia, and Donatus of Casa nigra, with some others, to oppose Cecilian. Secundus and the rest of his Party, being partly terrified by their own guilt (many of them having in the time of Persecution, betrayed their Brethren, or their Bibles to the flames, for which they were called Traditors, and by the Discipline of the Catholic Church, were to be deprived of Communion, until they had satisfied the Church by Penance and Reformation) and partly, hired by the gifts and promises of Lucilla, first meet together at Cirta, a City which was afterward new built by Constantine, and called after his Name Constantina. And that they might carry on their design against Cecilian with the less suspicion, like selfdenying Persons, they begin first to purge and absolve themselves of that guilt, which by their fear and cowardice they had contracted in the times of Persecution. The number of the Bishops met at this time (they say) was above Seventy. The Names of the Chief St. Augustine acquaints us with, (viz.) Secundus the Primate, Donatus Masculitanus, Victor, Marinus, Purpurius, and Donatus à Casa Nigra, 
Opt. p. 39  the Head of the Faction. Secundus acquaints his Brethren that they were met to ordain a Bishop in the place of Cecilian, who was thought unfit for the Chair of Carthage, as being a Traditor; but it behoves us first to clear ourselves from that crime, before we condemn another.  
First therefore, he questioneth Donatus Masculitanus what he could say, to free himself from the accusation of being a Traditor, which lay against him? Donatus answered, that it was well known, how violently Florus did prosecute him, to make him offer sacrifice, but God delivered me out of his hands, and God having preserved me, my hope is, that you will continue me in the service of God. Secundus replied, what shall we say then of he Martyrs, that chose to endure the flames themselves, rather than to offer a grain of Incense to the Heathen Gods? Donatus answered, I pray you to leave me to God, to whom I shall give an account. Secundus bids him to go on the other side: Then he declares, that Victor was accused to have delivered the Four Evangelists to be consumed in the Fire. Victor answered, that Valentianus being Curator compelled him to cast them into the Fire, and that the Books were so blotted and defaced, that they were almost useless, and if you pardon me for this, I hope God will do the like. Secundus bids him go on the other side. Then was Marinus accused for delivering up his Books, he answered, I gave some Books to Pollus, but the chiefest of them are safe: Secundus bids him go on the other side. The next that was questioned was Purpurius, for destroying his Sisters two Sons, with whom Secundus dealing more severely than with the rest; Do you think, saith Purpurius, to affright me, as you have done others? Consider what you yourself did, when you were urged by the Curator to deliver up your Books; how got you your liberty, but by delivering all that was in your power? I confess, I did slay them, and I will slay all such as seek my destruction, therefore provoke me not lest I discover more. Upon this discourse Secundus the younger spoke thus to his Uncle, Sir, You hear what a charge is brought in against yourself, and these whom you have accused are all resolved to leave your Communion, and join in a Faction against you; do not inquire too strictly, what others have done, leave them to give an account to God. Hereupon Secundus consulting with his Brethren, what was fit to be done in this case, they all advised, to leave the Judgement to God's Tribunal; and accordingly, Secundus said, You all know, and God knows what each of you have done, and he will judge you: and so he grants them honorem consessus, bidding them sit down in their places, and they all sat down and said, Thanks be to God. 
S. Aug. Ep. 162.  (This was the Form of Absolution.) After this they proceed to choose Sylvanus, who also was a Traditor, to be Bishop of Cirta, whose Election Cecilian opposing, drew the whole Faction against himself. And during the Session of this Assembly, they held many private Consultations against Cecilian, and sent threatening Messages to him, so that his Friends advised him of the great danger that he was in, his Enemies having strengthened their Party by great Numbers, and taken to themselves the Authority of a Council. They resolve therefore to adjourn their Session to Carthage, and Summon Cecilian to appear before them, Botrus and Celesius intending to accuse him there for a Traditor. Cecilian not owning their Authority, refuseth to appear, and thereupon they proceed to condemn him as guilty, with as much facility as they had absolved one another; and pronouncing his See void, they proceed to prefer Majorinus, who was Domestic Chaplain to Lucilla, and had been Deacon to Cecilian, to be Bishop of Carthage. By this you may perceive, how many sins, and lusts, were in conjunction, when this Monster of Schism was first produced; The defeated Ambition of some, the sacrilegious covetousness of others, the restless guilt and feminine malice of others; and therefore it is rightly numbered among the works of the flesh, 
Gal. 5.20. Judas 19  and the Authors condemned for sensual Persons. It is generally true of all Schism, what is particularly observed of this, Iracundia peperit, Ambitio nutrivit, Avaritia roboravit: Discontent is the Mother, 
Opt. p. 41.  Ambition the Nurse, and Covetousness a Champion to defend it. To which agrees another ancient Observation. Quicunque pacem ecclesiae perturbant, aut Superbiae tumore furiosi, aut invidentiae Livore vesani, aut Seculari commoditate corrupti, aut cannali concupiscentia perversi. Aug. contr. Parm. l. 3.  
The Faction being by these Arts propagated, and become numerous, gins to remonstrate against Cecilian, not sparing Mensurius his Predecessor, nor Felix who ordained him, but charged them all to have been Traditors, and particularly, that Cecilian, while he was a Deacon under Mensurius, did forbid and hinder all relief from those that were imprisoned, and ready to suffer Martyrdom in the days of Dioclesian: And (which is usual with such Persons) by how much the more guilty of such practices they themselves were, so much the more vehemently do they accuse others, that their pretended zeal against those sins, falsely imputed to others, may serve as a cloak to cover the real guilt which defiled themselves,  crimina in silentium mitterent sua, vitam infamant alienam. And now they begin to persuade the People, that Cecilian is no Minister of Christ, nor the People that adhered to him Members of the true Church; that they had no true Sacraments, nor saving Ordinances, 
Opt. p. 42.  but all were corrupted by Idolatry, and Superstition. And thus they generally called the Catholics, Pagans and Idolaters, Adhuc Paganus es. They would tell those whom they intended to seduce, that they were very Pagans.  
Donatus de Casâ nigrâ, is the first that sets up Private Meetings, 
L. 1.  as Optatus observes: Nolebat cum allis sacrificare sed in domibus secretò: He withdraws from the Communion of Cecilian, and the Bishops that adhered to him, (though they had Communicatory Letters from the chiefest Churches of the World) and gathering the People into Conventicles, (for so both Optatus and St. Augustine call those Meetings) they Preach against the Corruption of Cecilian, and other Catholic Bishops, and the Idolatrous and Superstitious practices that had defiled the whole Church of Carthage, into whose Communion (they say) lapsed Persons, and profane Traditors were promiscuously admitted, to the defiling of all that joined with them; seeing the Church of Christ is to consist only of such as were holy, and without spot and wrinkle; and such (said Donatus) were to be found only in his separated Congregations, where were better Ministers, and purer Ordinances. Having laid this Foundation, no Pharisees were ever so industrious, in gaining Proselytes, as Donatus and his Party, to seduce the People of Carthage, from the Church under Cecilian, to their own Conventicles: for they run from House to House, and from Village to Village, and pick up one of a Family, and two, or three of a Village, by foul and false accusations of others, and fair pretences in behalf of themselves, pitying the People, and persuading them, that they lived among Idolaters, and were defiled by their communion with them. Their manner of seducing the People, is recorded both by Optatus and St. Augustine. Caius Seius, or Caia Seia, adhuc Paganus es, consul animae tuae, esto Christianus. 
p. 75.  Bonus Homo, si non esses Traditor. (i. e.)  
Good Man, or good Woman, you are yet a rank Idolater, be advised by me for the Salvation of thy Soul, come out of that Babylon, and be made a Christian, thou hast good affections, if they were sanctified, and placed aright, thou may'st become an eminent Saint.  
Against this Un-christian practice, St. Augustine most passionately declaimes. O improbam rabiem cùm Christiano dicitur esto Christianus, hoc est dicere nega Christum. O accursed madness to persuade them that were true Christians already, to renounce their Christianity, under a pretence, that they should be admitted to a higher form! What is this (saith he) but to deny Christ? which to prevent, the Servants of Christ have been always ready to lay down their Lives, 
Opt. p. 75.  and resist even to Blood. Vnus consensus & manus tuae porrectio & pauca verba, Christianum faciunt de Christiano: As if the being admitted into their Congregations did contribute more to their Christianity than their Baptism. By these insinuations, they skrued themselves into the affections of the younger and weaker sort, 
Opt. l. 3. p. 73.  Aut exivit Vxor, & resedit Maritus, etc. Either the Wife separated, and the Husband remained in the Catholic Communion, or the Children and Servants were seduced from their obedience to their earthly, as well as heavenly Parents and Masters, until they had rend the Church of God into pieces, and of one Church made many Synagogues of Satan. Persuasionibus vestris divisa sunt corpora & nomina pietatis. The Church and the City, the Towns and Families, Husbands and Wives, Parents and Children were divided, and were no longer known by the Name of Christians, but one was a Majorite, another a Donatist, a third a Maximianist, and all of them professed Enemies to the Communion of the Catholic Church: And whereas they pretended to greater purity than other Congregations, yet such as joined with them, were Persons of least honesty and charity; Ille vobis Christianus erit qui quod vultis fecerit, non quem fides adduxerit: He shall be a choice Christian among you (saith Optatus) whom a blind obedience to you, and not faith in Christ, hath, 
p. 75.  brought over. Tertullian commended the Christian Religion in his days, because it did so alter the dispositions of Men, as to make those who were fierce and cruel, as Bears, or Tigers, to be meek, and innocent as Lambs, or Doves; but the spirit of Donatism, did Hominem de homine tollere, 
Optat. p. 79  rob Men of their Humanity, and made them that were formerly harmless and peaceable, to be unnatural, and implacable; and yet as bad as they were, they promised forgiveness of sins, and a Crown of Martyrdom too, to such, as not only shed the blood of their Brethren, but desperately cast away their own Lives: Of which I shall give too many instances in the ensuing History.  
The Faction being increased by such arts, they begin to leave their private Houses, and build Basilicas non necessarias, 
Optat. p. 61  unnecessary Churches, when those of the Orthodox were sufficient; and having first departed from Cecilian, they departed also from the Catholic Church, affirming, that they only, and the Congregations that joined with them, were the true Churches of Christ, and all the rest were Apostates. Gaudentius one of their Faction, undertook to maintain, That the Article of the Catholic Church, was Figmentum humanum, an Invention of Man, and not agreeable to the Ordinance of Christ. And Donatus, who gave the Name to the Faction, used all diligence to gain the face and reputation of a Church, to the separated Brethren: to which end, he teacheth it to be necessary, that they who were admitted to their Communion, should make a Public confession of their Errors, and submitting themselves to the Discipline of their new pastors, should be rebaptised; for by these means, he knew, he should secure as many as came to his communion, without any fear of their return to the Catholic Church. And to the Sacrament of Baptism they added Exorcism (which is still retained in the Church of Rome,) in this form of words, Maledicte exi foras, Come forth thou wicked Spirit, whereby (as Optatus observes) they did blaspheme the blessed Trinity, in whose Name they had been formerly baptised. The Catholic Bishops are not remiss in the Vindication of Cecilian, but prevailed with Zenophilus, a Man of Consular dignity, to take cognizance of the difference between Cecilian, and Majorinus, and in the inquiry to the merits of the cause, it was affirmed by one Nundinarius, a Deacon, who was sometime privy to the transactions of that Party, that most of those who opposed Cecilian, were Traditors, and particularly, that Sylvanus, whom they made Bishop of Cirta, had betrayed the Holy Scriptures, and some Ornaments of his Church, and sacrilegiously withheld what was devoted to the use of the Poor. For the truth whereof, he appealed to the Bishops and Presbyters of his own Party, who knew the certainty of the particulars, and of a great Sum of Money [Quadringinta folles, 
Baronius Vol. 3. P. 352.  each Follis weighing three Pound and half of Silver] sent by Lucilla, and divided among the chief of that Party, to condemn Cecilian, and to advance Majorinus into his Chair: And that Victor, who had been by Occupation a ●uller, gave Twenty Folles to be ordained a Priest; and all this Nundinarius affirmed to be true, as in the presence of Christ and his holy Angels. And thus the Schism is begun, by erecting, Altar contra Altar, a Presbyter or Mock-bishop, against Cecilian, the lawful Bishop of Carthage. But the first Invader of this Holy Office was short-lived, for about the Year 306. Majorinus the Mock-bishop died, and none is thought so fit to succeed him, as Donatus, who henceforth gives the Denomination to the Schism, which was no longer, Pars Majorini, but Parson Donati: for, as much as in him lay, he did not only re-baptize particular Persons, but the whole Church, which was no longer known by the appellation of Christian, or Catholic, but Donatist; and now he takes on him a power to silence and depose the Catholic Bishops and Presbyters, or to impose such Penance on them, as he thought fit, and to prevent any prejudice, that might arise to his Party, by the testimony pf Nundinarius, which was by Zenophilus certified to the Emperor, he is resolved to complain first, and to cast the Odium of the Schism, and all the sad consequences thereof upon Cecilian, whom he accuseth to be a Traditor, and contrary to the custom of the Church, desireth transmarine Bishops to be appointed Judges in the case. The Petition was to this effect: Rogamus te O Constantine, we entreat thee O Constantine, most gracious Emperor, whose Father never exercised Persecution, that your Piety would appoint us Judges from France, because that Country is free from this dissension. This Petition was subscribed by Lucianus, Dignus, Nassutius, Capito, Fidentius, and the other Bishops of the Party of Donatus. The good Emperor was much grieved to hear of these differences, which he had rather might have been determined among themselves, than be brought to his Court, (where were many Heathen, that would rejoice at them,) or to trouble Foreign Churches with them; However he grants their desire, and appoints Marinus, Maternus and Rheticius, three Bishops of France, to whom he adjoineth the Bishop of Rome, to determine the cause: And sendeth his Epistle to Meltiades Bishop of Rome, which is recorded by Eusebius, l. 10. c. 5. The Epistle is as followeth, Whereas I have received from Anilinus, Lieutenant of Africa, many Letters, signifying, that Cecilian Bishop of Carthage, is accused by divers of his Colleagues; It being grievous to me, that there should be dissension among the Bishops, before the People, who are so prone to evil; It seemeth good to me, that Cecilian himself with Ten of his Accusers, and Ten others, whom he shall choose on his behalf, do Sail to Rome, where I have appointed Meltiades Bishop of Rome, together with Rheticius, Marinus and Maternus Bishops of France, to hear and judge of the differences in question. You cannot be ignorant, that I would have you suffer no Schism, in any part of the Church. The Great God preserve you. These Bishops met at Rome, in the House of Fausta in the Lateran. Meltiades took to his Assistance Fifteen Italian Bishops to assist for the expedition of the cause. These with great deliberation, heard all that was objected against Cecilian, Donatus himself being present. The Bishops also agreed to take public Notaries, for the more orderly and speedy dispatch, that the examinations and proofs in this cause, might be reduced into public Acts. The first thing that was inquired, was, who were the Accusers, and what Witnesses were present to give Evidence against Cecilian? To which, the Party of Donatus answered, that their Accusation was contained in the Libels, which they had presented to the Emperor, and by him were transmitted to them, which they desired might be read. One of the Libels was superscribed thus: Libellus Ecclesiae Catholicae, etc. A Libel of the Catholic Church: (so they called their Faction) containing the Crimes whereof Cecilian is accused. What was contained in the Libel, is not particularly mentioned by any Author, nor are Ecclesiastical Writers agreed, concerning the charge then in question. Those, who in this last Century, have defended the Authority of the Pope, say, that nothing came in question, besides the grounds of the Schism, on pretence, that Cecilian himself was a Traditor. And hereby they hope to avoid the Appeal, which was made from the sentence of the Pope, to the Emperor, because (say they) the questions discussed afterward in the Council of Arles, were of a divers nature from those at Rome; but of this hereafter.  
It is very probable that the Donatists had stuffed their Libel with more than a single accusation, some particulars whereof, I shall give an account. The Libel being read, it was demanded, who were Cecilians Accusers? They answered, the People of Carthage. It was replied, that the Voice of the People assembled in a tumultuary manner, was not a sufficient ground to condemn any, and therefore the Bishops ordered them to produce some competent Witnesses, to attest the accusation. Whereupon Donatus produced some Persons whom he brought with him from Carthage, to depose against Cecilian. The Charge against him was high: (viz.) That while Cecilian was a Deacon under Mensurius, he was set by Mensurius near the Prison Doors, where many Catholics lay, who were appointed to suffer Martyrdom, and did by force (Loris & flagris & Armatorum multitudine) withstand such Friends, as came to comfort and relieve them. To this the Witnesses for Donatus, being examined, could say nothing on their Personal knowledge, but only from the report of the People: This Optatus urged against Parmenian, p. 36. Nullis certis personis aut nominibus Traditores accusastis. The second Article insisted on, was, That Cecilian was condemned by a Synod of 70. Bishops at Cirta, who being all of them Neighbours to Carthage, could not be ignorant of the matters of fact whereof they judged; and that they judged that both Cecilian, and Mensurius his Predecessor, and Felix who ordained Cecilian, were Traditors. To which Cecilian replied, that he was condemned in that Assembly, being absent and unheard: That he could not without great hazard of his life, appear among them, who being his professed Enemies, made themselves his Judges: That many of them were corrupted by the Money of Lucilla to Vote against him, and that generally they were such as had confessed themselves to have been Traditors, but had absolved one another: And also, that he had received many threatening Messages from some of them, especially from Purpurius Bishop of Limatia. Lastly, That they had long before, held private Conferences among themselves, how to destroy him, as well as to depose him, of which things he was advised by several Catholic People, who were ready to attest the same, and by their advice he did forbear to appear. The next Article was, that Felix who ordained Cecilian was a Traditor, and so his Ordination was null. But this the Bishops thought not fit to inquire into, Felix not being present, nor having been at any time convicted by any Ecclesiastical censure, and so long he had a lawful Power of Ordination. And as in the case of Baptism, the Catholics did not rebaptize such as had been baptised by the Donatists: So they resolved in this case, 
Canon. 13.  That Crimen Ordinantis non transiret in Ordinatum. After this, Donatus promised to produce other Witnesses against Cecilian, which he never did, for divers that came with him deserted him, and returned to Carthage. The Bishops therefore acquitted Cecilian, in the Sentence recorded by Optatus, Cum constiterit Cecilianum ab iis qui cum Donato venerunt, juxta professionem suam non accusari, nec à Donato convictum esse, suae Ecclesiasticae Communioni, integro statu retinendum, merito esse censeo. Then Cecilian accused Donatus for rebaptising those that came to his Party from the Catholic Church, and for abusing the Bishops; and it appeared by proof, and by Donatus his own confession, that he had not only rebaptised many, whom he seduced from the Catholic Church, but also degraded the Bishops and Priests, which Optatus expresseth by occidere Honours; but also by a certain Ceremony of laying his Hands on their Heads, and shaking them, enjoined them to do severe Penance, contrary to the privileges and custom of the Church. Hereupon they condemned Donatus, and acquitting Cecilian received him into their Communion. Of these proceed Meltiades certifieth the Emperor: but Donatus instead of acquiescing in the Sentence of these Bishops, works secretly with Fuliminus, a Proconsul, to Mediate with the Emperor, on a pretence of preserving peace, (Bono pacis) that Cecilian might be confined a while at Brixia. 
p. 44.  Which being granted on that pretence, Donatus hasteneth to Africa, and there boasteth of a Victory against Cecilian, and gives out that he was imprisoned at Brixia. Which as soon as Cecilian understood, he gets leave to return to Carthage to undeceive the People, and shortly after the Emperor sends two Bishops thither, Eunomius and Olympius, ●o assist in the establishing of one Bishop, where the People were as yet divided by two. These having tarried at Carthage Fifty Days, and diligently inquired into the causes and grounds of the Schism, and finding that Donatus did Schismatically defend Altar contra Altar, (i. e.) Bishop against Bishop; they join in communion with Cecilian, condemning Donatus and his Party. But that hardy Man being not daunted by all these Sentences against him, his Faction, as well as his Spirit, growing the greater for this opposition, addresseth himself in another supplication to the Emperor, complaining that Meltiades and his Colleagues at Rome, being but a few, and very partial, (for he reported that Meltiades himself was a Traditor) did precipitate the Sentence, not enquiring into the grounds of the difference, and therefore he desired a more full Council might be called for a final determination of that controversies Constantine is pleased of his clemency to appoint a more frequent Council at Arles, An●● 314. Of which before I speak, it may be material to inquire,  
Whether the Donatists did Appeal from the Sentence of Meltiades and his Colleagues to the Emperor.  
For, if Meltiades was called to the determination of this Controversy, by a delegated Power, it will necessarily follow, (saith Albaspinaeus, in the fourth Observation on Optatus) that the Popes in those days were not Universal Pastors, nor had the Supreme Authority of determining Ecclesiastical matters. And the reason of the consequence is evident, for he that submits to the command of another, doth ipso facto, confess that he is not Supreme, nor will the Supreme Judge suffer his determinations to be rescinded by another Power. Now it is not denied, 1. That Meltiades did sit together with the other Bishops at the Emperor's command: 2. And that Silvester his Successor did afterward send his Delegates into France, by the same command. 3. That the Emperor did appoint other Bishops to sit with Meltiades: and Meltiades did join with them as coordinate, which he would not have done, if the Supreme Power had been his own. 4. The Donatists did Appeal (thinking themselves aggrieved) from the Sentence of Meltiades and his Colleagues to the Emperor. Optatus is so plain herein, that Valesius [de Schismate Donatistarum] could find no other evasion, but to say, 
Optat. p. 44.  that Optatus is corrupted in that place; the words are, Donatus appellandum esse ab Episcopis credidit: but he saith less against the second Appeal, from the Council of Arles to the Emperor, where the Pope's Delegates being sent, (Silvester the present Pope being himself not able to be present) did acknowledge, that they were Voluntate Imperatoris adducti: and Valesius grants, that the Gallican Bishops did take place of the Delegates, as appears by their Subscriptions.  
5. That the Emperor did understand it as an Appeal, and acted accordingly; for he did not only appoint such Judges as were desired, but at last determined the case in his own Person; and tells the World, that he thought it his duty so to do: for writing to Ablavius, he says: If he should neglect to put an end to those Divisions, the Supreme Deity might justly be displeased with Mankind, but especially with him, to whose care, by the Heavenly command, the moderation of all earthly things was committed. The like he saith in an Epistle to Celsus, his Lieutenant in Africa, 
Opt. 286.  Nil potius à me agi pro instituto meo, ipsiusque Principis munere oporteat, quam ut discussis erroribus, omnibusque temeritatibus amputatis, veram religionem, universos, concordemque simplicitatem, atque meritam Omnipotenti Deo culturam, praesentare perficiam. He thought it not only his duty as a Man, but as a Prince, to banish error, and by cutting off rash judging, (which was the thing they complained of in the Judges at Rome▪) all Men might preserve the true Religion, etc. And in another place, he tells his Bishops, that he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, A Bishop under God, in the external affairs of the Church: So that the Objection made by the Popish Authors, that Constantine was a Novice, and understood not his own Power, nor the Laws of the Church, but invaded the rights of Meltiades, or that he was forced thereunto by the restless importunity of the Donatists, and afterward asked pardon for his offence, will signify nothing; if we consider, that as he was bred a Christian, so he was too tender of the Bishop's rights to invade them, which he defended to his utmost power; and he was also more prudent, than to neglect his own duty, or that authority which God had given him, for the welfare of the Church: In which also Saint Augustine, Epistle 162. defendeth the Emperor. Peradventure (saith he) Meltiades with his Colleagues, the Transmarine Bishops, ought not to have usurped the judgement, that had been determined by the 70. African Bishops, Tigisitanus sitting Primate; And what say you, if he did not usurp this Power? (saith St. Augustine) for the Emperor being desired, sent Bishops to be Judges, who sat with him, and determined what was just, and to his care (whereof he was to give an account to God) that business did belong. Where it is observable, that in the judgement of St. Augustine, Meltiades ought not to have interposed in the difference of the Bishops beyond the Seas, but it had been an Usurpation so to do; and when he did meddle, it was by the Emperor's command, who joined other Bishops with him. And doubtless had the Africans owned the Pore's Universal Pastorship, they would have gone directly to him, whereas they entreated, not the Pope's Holiness, but the Piety of the Emperor to appoint them Judges: Or at least they would have stood to the Pope's determination, which they did not, either at Rome, or at Arles, but appealed from both to the Emperor; And if the Appeal had been unlawful, either Meltiades, or his Successor would have found a means to let the Emperor know his Error, who was more likely to gratify them in their just demands, than the Donatists in what was unjust. The Popes of later Ages would have been as loud as the Donatists were, when they found the Emperor severe against them, Quid est Imperatori cum Ecclesiâ? What hath the Emperor to do with the Church? But we find not any of that Age to contradict what the Emperor had done, but contrarily they approved and submitted to it. And when the Donatists objected in the case of Felix, wh● was acquitted by Aelian the Proconsul, Th● Bishops ought not to be judged by the Secular Power, St. Augustine defended it, saying it was not Felix his seeking, but the Emperor appointing, to whom it did belong: Epistle 16●  
But Constantine is made to pay dearly so his meddling with the concerns of the Pope and if the Donation which the Church o● Rome boasteth of, had not been forged, th● Pope's Universal Pastorship would have bee● proved more irrefragably from this Donation than from that of Christ to St. Peter, o● which they boast with equal vanity.  
And because the very mentioning of thi● Donation will be confutation enough, I wil● give a brief account of it, as I find it in their late Writers, for among the Ancients there is no foot-step of it: Baronius who is wont to improve every thing for the Pope's Power, being ashamed of this, doth only refer to the Writers that have particularly treated of it.  
This Donation is said to be made to Pope Silvester at Rome, the Third of the Calends of April. Augusto Constantino 4 to, & Gallicano 4 to. Coss. The Original is pretended to have been found, written in the Greek Tongue, in the Vatican at Rome, among other old Records, by Bartholomaeus Pincernus, who translated it into Latin, and presented it to Pope Julius the Second. The occasion of it mentioned in the Grant itself, is said to be this, That Constantine having revolted from the Christian Religion, and persecuted many of the Bishops, he was smitten with a loathsome Leprosy all over his Body, and having tried many physicians in vain, he was at length advised by the Priests of the Capitol, to slay so many Infants as should fill a Cistern with their blood, and bathe himself therein, while it was warm; but being moved at the cries of the Mothers of those Infants, that were appointed to be slain, he resolved rather to endure his Disease; and the Night after that he had dismissed the Infants, Peter and Paul appeared to him, and discovered a surer Remedy, which was, that he should send for Silvester Bishop of Rome, who for fear of the Persecution raised by Constantine, had hid himself in the Caves of the Mountain Soracte, and by him his Leprosy should be cured. Hereupon Silvester is brought to him, and the first question, that Constantine is there said to ask him, was, Who those Gods were that were called Peter and Paul, and whether he had any Pictures of them, whereby they might be known? Silvester presently sent his Deacon, to bring the Pictures of Peter and Paul: at the sight of which, Constantine knew them to be the same that appeared to him in his Vision, and had willed him to send for Silvester. To him he therefore confessed his sins, and desired his advice for his health. The Pope enjoins him for certain Days to go in Sackcloth, within the Lateran, and afterward to receive the Sacrament of Baptism, and then he should be whole. Accordingly Constantine submits to the Penance, and prepares for his Baptism; And being in the Holy Font, he saw a Hand stretched from Heaven to support and cleanse him; and being baptised by Silvester, he came forth sound, and clean from his Disease; Then was he clothed in white, and anointed with Chrism, and had the Pope's benediction, which was, Pax tibi, and all the Clergy answered, Amen. The most of these particulars are mentioned by Baronius, Anno Constan. 19 But nothing of the Donation itself.  
After this he makes a large confession of his Faith, which he had learned à Catholico Hierarchâ, (i. e.) from the Pope; And the fourth Day after his Baptism, He confirmed the Donation: Wherein he granted that all the Clergy should honour the Bishop of Rome, as their King, whose Throne he exalted above his own, giving him Imperial Dignity and Principality, as well above the four Sees of Alexandria, Antioch, Jerusalem and Constantinople, as above all other Churches: He grants him also his Imperial Palace of the Lateran, and taking a Crown of Gold, set with precious Stones, offered to put it on his Head, but the good Pope (as the story says) refused that, and desired only a white Coronet; and to maintain his dignity, he gave him, not only his Palace, but the City of Rome, and all the Cities and Provinces of Italy, (Concedimus & relinquimus, we grant and yield up as the words are) and thereupon the Emperor transferred his Court from Rome to Byzantium, which he builded and called after his own name Constantinople, and bound all his Successors under a Curse (which was habeant Petrum & Paulum sibi contrarios) not to violate any part of this grant. I think it not fit to tyre my Readers patience, to give a full Copy of all the Regalia given to the Pope, the Lorum superhumerale, quod Imperiale collum assolet circundare, Chlamidem purpureum, Tunicam coccineam & omnia Imperialia Sceptra, Signa & Banna— And how he appointed all Officers to attend the Pope, as he was attended in his own Person; and that the Clergy should be honoured, after the same manner, as the Senators of the Emperor were, etc. Doubtless Pincernus (or some other that imposed on him) wrote a History of the Pomp of the Court of Rome, which he saw in the days of Pope Julius the Second, and not of what was intended by Constantine: for if that noble Emperor had given the Pope any of those Dominions, he would not have left them to his Children and Successors, who still had them in possession for many Hundred Years after, all which time we hear nothing of the Pope's claim, in the days of Constantius, Valentinian, Theodosius, Arcadius, Honorius, etc. Some of which were so pious, that they would not have Usurped the Rights of the Church, and by violating the Will of their Renowned Progenitor, incur the Curse of God.  
I have mentioned many Latin words in this Donation, because from them (which are of a later Date, than the time of Constantine) the Divines of the Reformed Churches, have raised shrewd suspicions of forgery: to evade which, the Romanists plead, that these were to be imputed to the Translator, who rendered it from the Greek, but the Original (if there be any) is kept so secret in the Pope● Archives, that the greatest Favourites are not admitted to see it; and doubtless, if it had been published, there would have been more objected against the Original, than against the Translation: For it is very unlikely, that the grant should be made in an unknown Tongue; for Eusebius says, 
l. 3. de vitâ Const.  that at the Council of Nice, the Bishop of Rome, who was this very Bishop, spoke Latin: And the Decrees and Epistles of Constantine were generally written in the Latin Tongue, 
l. 10. c. 4.  out of which Eusebius says, he translated them into Greek, when he inserted them into his History; and it is strange, that neither Eusebius, who wrote the Life of Constantine, nor any other Historian, within some Centuries of Years, should acquaint the World with this bounty of the Emperor. Nor do they tell us of his Apostasy and Persecution of the Church, nor of his Leprosy Cured at his Baptism, which was not long before his Death, and that, not by Silvester at Rome, but by Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia, in the 65. Year of his Age; Silvester being dead about Five Years before. See Eusebius de Vita Constantini, l. 4. St. Hierome in his Chronicle, Ruffinu●, l. 1. c. 11. Socrates, l. 1. c. 39  
And lastly, it is strange, that none of those Authors, that have written the History of his Empire and Actions, many of which I have consulted in compiling this his History, should say any thing of his revolt to Idolatry; but on the contrary, do all agree in his constant care of the Church, and defending it against Heresy and Schism. Especially considering his early institution in the Christian Faith, and the many Victories which he obtained in the Name of Christ, whom he was wont solemnly to invocate before his Battles, as he did in the Fight with Maxentius, in answer to whose Prayers, there appeared in the Heavens, to the view of all his Army, the Sign of the Cross, with this Motto, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and accordingly Maxentius was overthrown at the River Tiber, wherein he and a great part of his Army perished. And thereupon the Emperor did bear this Sign afterward in his Standard, and stamped it on several Coins. This shall suffice concerning that fable: I return now to the History. The Emperor, as you have heard, yielding to the Donatists' importunity, and to leave them without excuse, appoints a Council to meet at Arles in France, and being at that time, as Baronius saith, on the River Rhine, intended to be present at it; Accordingly he signified his pleasure to Silvester Bishop of Rome, to Marinus Bishop of Arles, and to Chrestus Bishop of Syracuse, and generally to all the chief Bishops in his several Dominions, that each of them taking to them two other Bishops whom they should choose, should hasten to Arles: The Number of the Bishops (as St. August. contra Parmen.) was Two Hundred, some say 600. so Baronius, from whom Dr. Heylen tells us, that Restitutus Bishop of London, was there present: Marinus Bishop of Arles sat Precedent, though Fr. Baldwine contends, that the Delegates of the Pope were Precedent; but Valesius and others of that Party confess, that Marinus was, and the Order of Subscriptions confirms it. The time of Assembling being come, the Emperor meets the Bishops, and commanding off his Guards, sets Himself in the midst of them, and acquaints them that to satisfy the importunity of Donatus, who complained of partiality in the Sentence at Rome, where (as he pretended) a few Bishops having shut themselves up, Causâ non satis cognita sententiam praecipitabant, did precipitate judgement without enquiring into the merits of the cause; He had called them to consult and determine of the differences, that had miserably divided the Churches of Africa: and setting before them the Proceed in this cause at Rome, he also adds the purgation of Felix, who had ordained Cecilian, which by the Emperor's care and direction, was dispatched about four Months before, by Aelian his Proconsul in Africa; for the Donatists had alleged at Rome, that Felix Bishop of Aptung was a Traditor, and they pretended that this particular was not examined at Rome, and that it was the opinion of the Church, that the Ordination by Traditors was null; Constantine therefore sent to Aelian, to inquire into the Life and Actions of Felix, which he did with great care and integrity, taking to his assistance Saturnius, who had been Curator of the City, while Dioclesian lived, and so probably was best acquainted with the behaviour of Felix; and Gratianus the present Curator, Alfius Cecilianus a Duum-Vir in the time of Persecution, and others. And first they question Calidius and Saturnius, what they knew concerning Felix: Both which agreed in a testimony of his Innocence, and Christian courage. Then was produced by the Donatists one Ingentius a Notary, to testify that he had seen certain Letters in the hands of Alfius Cecilian, which expressed the guilt of Felix, as a Traditor; which being produced (and they are yet on record in Baronius) upon examination, and the testimony of Alfius Cecilianus concerning them, they were found to be forged, and thereupon Ingentius was condemned to the punishment, called Equuleius, unless he would confess who had persuaded him to that forgery: The terror of that punishment (which was in the nature of a Rack, for two pieces of Timber being joined together, the Offender was stretched out at length, and his Hands and Feet tied fast to the Timber, which being joined in the middle by a Screw, the Executioners extended it to the racking of every Joint, and if the Offender did not confess, they added hot Irons and Pincers, to burn and rend his Flesh) did so prevail with Ingentius, that he confessed that he had forged those Letters, at the instigation of some of the Donatists; and thereupon he was committed to the Custody of Petronius Probianus, to be sent to the Emperor, by whom being examined, he acknowledged the Fact, and implored his clemency. But the Emperor was so provoked at this, that he called the Donatists, Officinam Diaboli, the Devil's shop.  
Together with Ingentius, the Emperor receives a full account of the innocency of Felix, and relates the whole business to the Council; so that this Objection being answered, there was no considerable Article added de Novo, for the Donatists did, Eandem cantilenam canere, only revive their old slanders, by adding new impudence and malice in the prosecution of them. So that the Council having with great patience heard the clamours and false accusations of the Donatists, they justified Cecilian, condemning his Accusers, and appointed the 14th. Canon against them. Qui falsò accusant fratres suos, placuit eos usque ad exitum non communicare, sed falsum testem juxta Scripturam impunitum non licere esse. These transactions the Emperor immediately confirms: But the Donatists were so provoked, that they condemned the whole Council, and the Emperor also of partiality, and especially that famous Hosius Bishop of Corduba in Spain, who was in great favour with the Emperor, saying that he was not only a Judge, but an Advocate for Cecilian; so that, as Antaeus in the Poet, the oftener they were foiled, the more their fury was increased against their Adversaries. Animosque ex vulnere sumunt.  
These subtle Persons were content to be baffled abroad, while their Party was successful at home, and to animate them, they always sent home false reports of the condemnation of Cecilian; and when these were refuted, of the partiality of the Judges, so that their Numbers did still increase, notwithstanding the Anathema of the Council against them; they had the far greater part of the People, and above Two Hundred Bishops to strengthen them. And whereas they pleaded formerly for themselves, that Christ's Flock was a little Flock, and did not act but suffer persecution, their success had furnished them with other Arguments, and with Arms too, for now they begin to boast, that none are so Catholic as themselves, and their Brethren find, that none are so cruel as they; for being much increased, they will not be confined to Africa any longer.  
The gangrene gins to spread itself into Foreign parts, they planted their Emissaries in France, and at Rome, where Victor was made a titular Bishop, with whom they held correspondence, and had intelligence of all transactions that concerned them; Their Party also grew formidable in Africa, and at Constantina, formerly Cirta, they possessed themselves of the chief Church, and constrained the Catholics to meet in the Fiscal belonging to the Emperor: and the Catholics not being able to oppose their Potent Adversaries, petition the Emperor that they might have leave to convert that place into a Church. The Emperor commiserating their condition, caused a Church to be built for them at his own cost, being unwilling to provoke the Donatists, whom he saw to affect a false Martyrdom, and not only to glory in, but to gain by their sufferings. And Donatus thinking to have his Faction established by a Law, soliciteth the Emperor for another Meeting, which St. Augustine says, 
Epist. 162.  Epistle 162. was appointed at Milan, where the Emperor once more condemned them, as the Authors of Schism, and Disturbers of the Peace of the African Churches. In so much that the Emperor being wearied by their importunities, sent word to Valerius his Lieutenant, that the Donatists were Furori suo & Deo Vindici remittendi, as an incorrigible Faction to be left to be punished by their own fury, and the righteous judgement of God. 
Ad Annum 316.  Which as Baronius observes, the Emperor was constrained to, because he could not otherwise ●●tain Africa under his Dominion, but by yielding to so powerful a Faction. He therefore wrote to his Officers,  eos libero dimittant arbitrio, to grant them Liberty of Conscience, but in the same Letters, Sic eos detestatur ut nihil eâ indulgentiâ possit deformius inveniri, he so expresseth his Detestation of them, that nothing may appear more deformed than that Indulgence: St. Aug. Brevic. Collat. Diei 3. c. 22.  
Indeed the Emperor, though he was both wise and valiant, had great difficulties to encounter. On the one hand the Senate, which was generally made up of Pagans, would not yield to any alteration of their religious Rites, and he was enforced to grant them a Toleration,  Senatui morem gereret: On the other hand the Number of Heretics and Schismatics, which exceeded that of the Catholics in divers Countries, gave another check to his Authority— Nos Numerus sumus & magno dominamur Atridi. They were so numerous, that upon their revolt all Africa was in danger of being lost. And here we shall observe, that in all these Councils, nothing was to be determined, but the case of Schism, as both Optatus and St. Augustine have recorded, that is, whether Cecilian or Donatus were the true Pastor and Governor of the Church, for we hear not of any dissent in point of Doctrine, Pares credimus & uno sigillo signati sumus: nec aliter Baptizati, 
Opt. p. 72.  nec aliter ordinati quam vos, Testamentum Divinum legimus pariter. We have one Creed, one Baptism, (for the Catholics allowed of their Baptism where it was not repeated on them that were formerly baptised) we read the same Divine Testament, we invocate One God, the Lord's Prayer is the same with us and you (for they used it until they thought themselves so without sin, that they could remit the sins of others, and then they saw they could use it no longer without a manifest contradiction, Quid vocaris dum peccata confiteris tua, si sanctus es cum dimittis aliena, Opt. l. 2.) but the Schism that was made, to the dividing of the People of God, and to the destroying of unity, was the great grievance. And it is also remarkable, that, though many Heresies were at this time vented in the Church, as the Novatian, Macedonian, Audaean, Apollinarian, and Arian too, yet none did so much afflict the Churches of Africa, as this Schism: against which, as Optatus spent all his labour, so St. Augustine wrote at least one of those great Volumes, which the Church of GOD doth now enjoy.  
The good Emperor, notwithstanding that the Donatists had defeated so many of his endeavours for Peace, was resolved to try one more, which was to call in some of the Eastern Bishops to join with those of the West, as he intimates in an Epistle written to Alexander, and the other Bishops of Egypt, mentioned by Eusebius in the Life of Constantine; who also says, that the Emperor was much blamed for his too great indulgence toward these implacable Spirits: But if the necessity of his affairs be considered, it will appear, that he could not do otherwise: for having out of his Christian clemency condescended so far to them, they take advantage of some unhappy Circumstances to force him farther.  
For about this time Licinius, 
Anno 315.  to whom the Emperor had given his own Sister in Marriage, and almost half the Empire, revolted, and begun a War against him. The Arian Heresy also was spread over Egypt, and like a mighty Torrent overflowed the Christian World. Of which Heresy it will not be impertinent to give a brief Account, because many of the Donatists, to strengthen their Faction against the Catholics, joined with them; And indeed the descent from Schism to Heresy, is very facile and familiar.— Arius a Presbyter of Alexandria in Egypt, appeared about the Year 315. He was bred up under Meletius a Presbyter, while Peter was Bishop of Alexandria, by whom Arius was made Deacon: but being found to have maintained Opinions contrary to the Catholic Faith, both he and Meletius, that had corrupted him, were excommunicated. Meletius persisted in his Heretical Opinions, That Christ was not the Eternal Son of God, but a very Man, Ex utroque Parent, and that it was lawful in times of Persecution to deny him, which also he did; pleading for himself, that he had not denied God, but a Man only, and at last Daemonibus sacrificavit, he sacrificed to Devils. Thus as from Schism to Heresy, so from Heresy to Infidelity and Atheism, the passage is obvious. Arius refined this Opinion of his Master, and differed but in one Letter from the Catholics, teaching that Christ was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of a like substance with his Father, not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (i.e.) of the same nature and substance with the Father: which Opinion for a while he dissembled, until Peter the Bishop was dead, to whom succeeded Achillas, who did not only restore Arius to his Office of Deacon, but afterward ordained him Priest, and being a Man of subtle parts, he was appointed to be a Reader of Divinity in the City of Alexandria, which he performed with some applause, and go● such an esteem among the Inhabitant, that the Bishopric of Alexandria being void by the Death of Achillas, he was Competitor with Alexander: but Alexander being a Person of greater Wisdom and Piety, was preferred by a general suffrage. Whereat Arius being much discontented, openly opposed Alexander; and having nothing to object against his Life, or Learning, he began to contradict his Doctrine: for whereas Alexander had taught that Christ was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of the same substance, and aught to receive the same Worship with the Father; Arius taught that he was indeed the Son of God, and more excellent than the other Creatures, but that he was not from Eternity, but made Ex praeexistentibus, of things pre-existent, and did not partake of the substance of the Father, nor was of equal dignity and power, but that the Son was inferior to the Father, and the Holy Ghost inferior to the Son, by whom he was made. So that he affirmed Christ to be the Son of God by Adoption only, not by Eternal Generation, and that he was mortal and passable, not only according to the flesh, but as he was The Word of God. These Doctrines the good Bishop could not endure, and finding that Arius did diligently propagate and defend them, he first excommunicates him, and then procures his banishment, and sends cautionary Epistles to his Colleagues, throughout Alexandria, to suppress those destructive Opinions, and fortify their People against them, which notwithstanding, a great part, as well of the Clergy, as the Laity, were infected: So that Hosius Bishop of Corduba, a right good Catholic, and a Favourite of the Emperor's, by the entreaty of Alexander, persuaded Constantine to Summon a General Council of Bishops and Presbyters at Nicaea, a City of Bythinia, where Three Hundred and Eighteen Bishops, besides Presbyters, and others, assembled together, the Emperor himself being present, and moderating among them. About this time, 
Epiph. Heres. 69:  (but whether during the Session of this Council, or before, it is not agreed by Ecclesiastical Writers) Arius died, (Baronius thinks he died not until the Year 336.) But his Death happened thus: Alexander provoked Arius to a public disputation, and the time and place being appointed, Alexander sets apart the precedent day for public fasting and prayers to God, to put a stop to that pernicious Doctrine, which had so much infected the Catholic Church, as that the very foundations of Christianity were shaken. And the time of Meeting being come, Arius going towards the place, was troubled with a violent pain in his bowels, whereupon going aside to ease himself, the pains increased, and became so yiolent, that he voided his very Bowels, and so miserably died. But his Name and Doctrine survived in another Arius, (Arianus potius homo, quam Arius) who appeared and disputed with the great Athanasius in the Council of Nice, to which Council there was presented a Confession of the Faith of the Arians, which was no sooner read but condemned, and presently rend in pieces: and the judgement of the Council in Opposition thereto, was drawn up in the Nicene Creed. They also ordered the burning of such Tracts, as Arius and his Party had written. Constantine also published an Edict, that none should conceal any of their Books on pain of Death. However Lirinensis observes, 
〈◊〉 6.  that by these Heretics, not only the Foundations of the Church, but of the Roman Empire were shaken, all things sacred and civil brought to confusion, Non solum affinitates, cognationes, Domus, verum etiam Vrbes, Provinciae, Nationes, imo Vniversum Romanum Imperium funditus concussum & emotum est. And St. Hierome says, All the Eastern Churches, except Athanasius and Paulinus, were corrupted.  
Among the Bishops Eusebius Nicomediensis was a chief Defender of the Arian Heresy; and Eusebius of Caesarea was tainted also, for he refused for a while to subscribe the Anathema against them, though the next Day he was better persuaded, and did it. But notwithstanding all the Learning and care used by this Council, the Arians increased; for Constantine dying, his Son Constantius succeeded him in part of the Empire, who being of the Arian persuasion, did so countenance those Heretics, that many of the Catholic Bishops were banished, and wandered up and down in remote Parts, among whom Athanasius, whom they wickedly called Sathanasius, was forced to flee as far as Triers, and there lay obscure several Years, until the Storm was over. Of which the good Leontius a Catholic Bishop did foretell, when putting his hand on his grey Hairs, he said, When this Snow shall be melted, much filth will be dissolved with it; Multum Luti sequetur, meaning great Persecution and Impiety would shortly befall the Church. To these Heretics the Donatists joined themselves, many of whom defended the same Opinions, and they that did not, yet agreed in the Persecution of the Catholics, as their common Enemy. To this Heresy (saith St. Augustine) those who are called Circumcellians in Africa do belong. De Haeres. c. 69. And St. Hierome saith, that Donatus wrote a Book, De Spiritu Sancto, agreeable to the Doctrine of the Arians. For before Arius was well known, Ebion and Cerinthus, and Corpocrates, while St. John lived, troubled the Churches of Asia with the like Opinions, against which, St. John at the desire of those Churches, wrote his Gospel, to assert the Eternal Deity of our Saviour. And Eusebius and others say, that Origen was the Father of Arius, for he taught, That, As much as the Apostles were inferior to Christ, to much was Christ inferior to God; and that the Son was not to be prayed unto with the Father, seeing he was not the Author of granting our requests, but only a Supplicator, or Mediator. And among these Heretics, the Gloria Patri was altered, which they used in this form: Gloria Patri, per Filium, in Spiritu Sancto. Glory be to the Father, by the Son, in the Holy Ghost.  
To this Council we find that Cecilian was called, as appears by his Subscription, but none of the Donatists, they being excluded from the Communion of the Catholic Church.  
The Donatists taking occasion of these troubles abroad, did with the more violence prosecute their good old cause at home, and now they take the confidence to petition the Emperor Constantine, to rescind and abrogate the Laws made against them.  
And whereas some of them had been denied the liberty of exercising their Functions, either publicly or privately, and others banished for transgressing the Laws, and enforced to return to secular employments, they urge that their banished may be recalled, particularly that Silvanus one of their Bishops, of whom we have spoken before, might return. He was banished upon the accusation of Nundinarius, for selling the Ornaments of his Church: but his Party reported that he was banished, for refusing to communicate with Vrsacius and Zenophilus, two Catholic Officers under the Emperor, who, as they said, did persecute him. This slander St. Augustine refuteth, l. 3. contra Cresconium, c. 30. where he shows, that the cause of his banishment was not as they pretended, for denying to communicate with the Catholics only, but— Quia cum jam traditor fuit, permanere haereticus voluit, ut falsum honorem in parte Donati haberet, qui habere in Catholicâ nullum potuit, tam manifestis traditionis suae gestis publico judicio reseratis: because being evidently proved a Traditor, he would continue in the Schism, hoping to find a false honour among the Donatists, who could have none among the Catholics. It happened, that this Vrsacius being employed in the Emperor's Wars, lost his life, at whose Death the Donatists rejoiced, as a token of Divine vengeance against a Capital Enemy of theirs. I may not omit another clause of their Petition, which was, that they might enjoy— Libertatem Arbitrii, that is, as Valesius, c. 17. interprets it, Liberty of Conscience, but St. Augustine calls it more fitly, Licentiam agendi, a Licence to do what they pleased, and that they might no more be constrained to communicate Antistiti ipsius (i.e. Constantini) Nebuloni, with that Prelatical Knave of his, Cecilian, Colloq. Carth. l. 3. c. 54. & Brevic. August. c. 21. Declaring, that neither by threats nor promises, they would be thereunto induced, bus would rather suffer a Thousand Deaths. These demands of theirs, how insolent soever, were proposed in such a juncture of time, that the Emperor could no● deny them, but grants what they desired, leaving them to the Divine vengeance, which had begun to be revenged on them. The consideration of this restless temper of theirs, pu●●● St. Augustine into so great a passion, that h● said, Epistle 167. Puto quod Diabolus ipsen I think that if the Devil himself had been so often condemned, by Judges of his own choosing, he would not have been so impudent, as to persist in such a cause. Now that this indulgence was extorted from the Emperor, may appear by his consolatory Epistle, written to the Catholic Bishops, which I shal● here insert, from the Appendix to Optatus, p. 287.— You well know that I have endeavoured, by all the Offices of humanity and moderation, which either faith requireth, o● prudence and purity would admit, that the most holy peace of that fraternity, wherewith the grace of God hath endued the hearts of his Servants, might in all things be kept inviolate. But for as much as our good endeavours have not been effectual to subdue that power of wickedness, which adheres to the judgement of those, who still rejoice in the mischiefs which they have acted; we must expect, until by the mercy of Almighty God, the malice of these Men, which from a few, hath infected many, be again mitigated; for, from thence we must expect a remedy, from whence every good work proceeds: and until this heavenly Medicine be applied, our counsels are to be moderated, that we may give an Honourable testimony of our patience, and by the virtue of true tranquillity, we may endure whatever their wont insolence shall do or attempt. For it is a folly to usurp that revenge, which we ought to leave to God, especially when by faith, we ought to be confident, notwithstanding all that the fury of such Men may cause us to suffer, that God will esteem it as Martyrdom: for what else is it, at such a time as this, to overcome in the Name of God, and with a constant heart no endure the insolent affronts of such, as afflict the People of peace? This if your Serenity shall observe, you shall soon see by the grace of God, that the Ringleaders of contention will be destroyed, when their designs shall be frustrated, and their manners discovered: In the mean time, let all your People know, that they ought not to be led to Eternal Death, by the persuasion of a few desperate Persons; but that by the grace of repentance, and amendment of their errors, they may be reconciled to Eternal Life.— Moreover he was pleased to certify Eumalius, and other his Officers in Africa, of Cecilians innocency. (Pervidi inquit Cecilianum, etc.) I have always found Cecilian to be a Man of great integrity, and free from the crimes objected by his Adversaries. But the Donatists were now by their great Numbers, above the Laws and Power of the Emperor, for now was Constantine employed to suppress the War raised by Licinius, which he did with much more ease, than he could the Tumults of the Donatists. And the Catholic Bishops were busied in confuting the Arians. Credo nostros in refutandis Arianis totos fuisse, Hist. Collat. Carth. p. 606. which is the reason that we hear but little of the Donatists for five or six Years, the Council at Nice continuing for three Years; but the Council being risen, and the Catholic Bishops returned, the controversy is renewed, and carried on with more fury than ever: For Donatus the first being dead, Donatus Magnus (as his Party called him) succeeds him in the pretended Bishopric of Carthage: A man of more Learning, and popular reputation than his Predecessor, and of no less zeal, and obstinacy in opposing the Catholics, and supporting the Faction, among whom there was none so proud and fanatic as himself. I find this Character of him.— Eò evasit Donatus, ut non modo tanquam alter Hannibal Imperatores contemnebat, sed ut deus aliquis à suis coleretur. He got Troops of Armed Men to prosecute his designs, and called their Captain's Deuces Sanctor●●m; 
Optatus, p. 68  these often affronted the Emperor's Officers. Baronius observes in the 26th. Year of Constantine, that he did not only load the Prefects with reproaches, calling them Senatus opprobrium, & dedecus Praefectorum, but did also cast dirt on the Emperor, as if he had been corrupted by the Catholics, Corruptum esse Imperatorem. Delib. Hist. p. 246. which he did on this occasion; The good Emperor commiserating the great sufferings of the Churches of Africa, gives Order for considerable Sums of Money to be sent to Cecilian, with a gracious Letter, which is recorded by Eusebius, l. 10. c. 6. to this effect: Constantine the Emperor to Cecilian Bishop of Carthage sendeth Greeting. I have sent Letters to Vrsus Lieutenant of Africa, that he cause 3000. Folles of Silver to be delivered to thy fidelity, for the relief of the Churches of Africa; and if this suffice not, demand of Heraclus our Treasurer, as much as may be sufficient. And whereas I understand, that some lewd People have much disturbed the peace of the Church, I have given Order in the presence of Anilinus and Patricius, to take cognizance thereof, and in no wise to permit such things. If therefore those Men persist in their folly, acquaint the Governors thereof, that they may act as I have appointed them. The Great God preserve thee.  
This great bounty and grace of the Emperor, which did, as so much Oil, heal the wounds and refresh the countenances of Cecilian and his People, had a contrary effect on the spirits of Donatus and his Complices, whose malice was hereby inflamed to rage and fury, so that he forbade his People to accept any Portion of the Emperor's Largess, if it should be offered. Whereof Optatus gives the reason, p. 64. Misit ornamenta Domibus Dei, misit Elecmosynas Ceciliano, nil Donato. He sent Ornaments to the Catholic Churches, and gifts to Cecilian, but nothing to Donatus, And at last, the Emperor saw a necessity o● using more severity towards them, and to rescue the Catholic Churches by force out o● the hands of the Donatists, who in the late times of distraction, had taken possession of them, and triumphed alone, nobis absentibus, says Optatus: The Emperor therefore by a more strict Edict, not only denied them any public Places of Worship, but forbade them to reside in any of his Cities. St. Augusti●● mentioneth another Law against them, and any others that should trouble the peace o● the Church; by which it was provided, tha● all such as called themselves Christians, and refused to communicate with the Catholics Churches, said in suis conventiculis separati● congregantur, and gathered into separate Congregations, should be suppressed. And that such Priests as did ordain, or were ordained, otherwise than the Church did approve of, should be fined in a Mulct of Ten Pounds of Gold, and the Place wherein such impious Meetings were held, should be forfeited to the Emperor, if the owners were consenting thereunto. Moreover they were made uncapable of any Ecclesiastical promotion,  nihil Ecclesiae nomine possiderent, and that the Goods of such as were convicted, should be seized on for the Emperor, Fisco vindicarentur. St. Aug. Epist. 47. & 166. and l. 1ᵒ contra Parmen. and Bzovius Epitome Ba●●●. p. 550. And that which made these Laws more effectual, was the Emperor's charge to his Sons, to put them in Execution after his Death: whereby their hopes of Indulgence were much abated, And by this means the Church had a Prospect of Peace and Unity before it; and Children were restored to their Parents, Wives to their Husbands, Servants to their Masters, and all of them the Unity of the Church.  
It may here be seasonable to consider, with what Mortar these Persons daubed, to make a Building that consisted of such different Materials, (Aedificium quod de ruinis constat, as Optat. p. 62.) to subsist and join together, notwithstanding the opposition against it, by so Potent and Religious a Prince, and the joint endeavours of the Catholic Bishops and People, and several Councils, as well Foreign, as of their own Nation. For the Emperor had sent express command to Anilinus, not only to restore to the Catholic Churches, all those possessions and privileges, which any of their Adversaries had usurped; Sive hortos, sive Aedes, sive aliud quodcunque ad jus Ecclesiarum aliquando spectaverat, Euseb. l. 10. c. 1ᵒ. but more especially, he granted to the Clergy, united in Communion with Cecilian, new Privileges and Immunities,— As in the 7th. Chap. of Eusebius, l. 10.  absque ulla molestiâ proprie legi obsequium praestent. But exempted as well Schismatics as Heretics from the benefit of those Edicts. And in another Epistle to Cecilian, having ordered him to receive what Money he should want, he adds, Quoniam accepi, etc. Whereas I understand that some Men of unstable and ill composed minds, do seek by corrupt practices to withdraw the People from the Catholic Church, I have given order to Anilinus my Proconsul, and Patricius my Vicar, of the Prefects, when they were with me, u● rem ejusmodi nullo modo negligerent, that they should carefully suppress such, and if you find any to persist in that madness, that you speedily acquaint those Judges therewith, that they may punish them, as I have commanded. And in another Epistle, ad Episcopos Catholicos, he acquaints them, that he had commanded his Prefects to bring to his Court such Donatists as did disturb them, ut ibi sib● mortem pervideant, etc. that they might see the terrors of Death, which were prepared for them. So that we may admire, how such a peevish Faction should not only subsist, but the Leaders of it being Men of pernicious Principles and Practices, should delude such Numbers of the People, and retain them not only in their Communion, but at their Devotion: but the Scripture hath foretold, what Arts and Methods, the Instruments of Satan should use to deceive unstable Souls, most of which were very diligently practised by these Donatists, as St. Augustine observed in his Epistle to Vincentius.  
As first their tampering with the weaker Sex, and most ignorant sort of People, such as had weak judgements, but strong affections; and being once seduced, were perverse and violent in their ways, and deaf to all reason and arguments to the contrary. So Rom. 16.18. it is said, they should deceive the hearts of the simple; and 2 Tim. 3.6. Led captive silly Women: Accordingly Optatus observes, that the weaker Sex, and Younger sort, were generally seduced by them, Exivit Vxor, etc. The Wives and Children were seduced from their Husbands and Parents.  
2dly, Their transforming themselves (as Satan himself may do) into Angels of Light, pretending to greater Purity, better Ordinances, and a greater show of severity, in the Discipline which they used, for the admission of lapsed Persons; whence they were called the rigid Donatists, Nè Luce veritatis carere ostendantur, umbram rigidae severitatis obtendunt. They supplied the want of solid piety by the shadow of rigid severity. August. contra Parmen. l. 3. And according to what the Apostle observed of the Gnostics, They had a form of Godliness, but denied the power thereof, 2 Tim. 3.5.  
3dly, Their good words and fair speeches, Rom. 16.18. commending such as they would seduce, for some excellent gifts, or good affections, and conversing familiarly with them, promising glorious Privileges, and liberty to act according to their own Consciences, assuring them of remission of their Sins, and of special grace and favour with God.  
4ly, They pretended also to immediate Revelations, and Answers of their Prayers from God; As that an Angel was sent to confirm them in their ways; that there were divers Prodigies and Signs declared from Heaven, a● tokens to their acceptation with God; for if any strange accident fell out, they interpreted it to the Vulgar, as a special providence, to assert their cause. If the Heathen invaded the Emperor's Dominions, or overthrew his Armies, or slew any of those Commanders that had been Instruments of their Correction, these were demonstrations of God's displeasure against their Adversaries. Periit Macarius, periit Vrsacius, cunctique comites vestri, Dei pariter vindictâ perierunt, August. contr● Petil. l. 2. c. 92.  
5ly, The false reports, and unjust censures raised against such as were not of their Communion, as well Superiors, as Equals: for as St. Peter observes, 2 Pet. 2.10. They are not afraid to speak evil of Dignities: as that Constantine was corrupted by Hosius, a famous Bishop, St. August. l. 1. contra Parmen. 2dly, That Meltiades was a Traditor, Brevic. Collationis cum Donatistis. 3dly, That the Catholics were. Idolaters and Persecutors, having extorted the Penal Laws from the Emperor against them. They also spoke evil of their Worship, that they had no Ministers nor Sacraments, nor was there Salvation to be had in their Communion; so that as St. Augustine says, they carried on their work, Per insanas querelas, & vana mendacia, by furious complaints, and vain lies: Contra Donat. post Collatine. And when nothing would stick on their Doctrine, then against their Persons. Cum adversariorum Doctrinam refellere non possunt, eorum mores accusarunt. Istae sunt Haereticorum Machinae, ut convicti de perfidia, ad maledicta se conferunt; Hieron. contra Ruffinum. The miscarriage of one Catholic, was enough to cause them to defame not only his whole conversation, but the whole Church, quasi homo ille esset Causa: Aug. ad Crescon. They rejected the Liturgy then used by the Catholics, which both Optatus, and Tertullian before him, called the Legitimate Prayers, as the double salutation, or Pax vobiscum, with which they begun, and ended their Prayers. The Prayer for the Catholic Church, which, as it was framed by the Apostles injunction, 1 Tim. 2.1. so it had been from his days always continued in the Church, and was called Sacrificium pro Ecclesiâ; They omitted also the Prayer for the Emperor, in that Collect, 
Opt. p. 64.  mentioned by Tertullian to be used in the Church of Africa, even for such Emperors as persecuted it; Oramus pro Imperatore, pro Ministris ejus, & potestatibus seculi, pro rerum quiet, pro mora finis, etc. And no wonder that they rejected the Prayers of the Church, when they also left off the use of the Lord's Prayer. They also pulled down many of their Churches, and such as they thought fit to preserve for their own use, they washed the Walls and Pavements, as if the Assemblies of the Catholics had defiled them: They razed their Altars to the ground, and often cast their Bibles into the Fire, which was the very crime that they objected against the Catholics, and particularly against Cecilian, from whose communion they separated on that account. And all this they did under a pretence of zeal for reformation, and a purer worship.  
6ly, As often as they had power in their hands, they did not only silence the Catholics Bishops, but deprived them of all sustenance, and banished them from their Habitations. Aut tacenda erat veritas, aut eorum immanitas serenda, as St. Augustine complained, Epist. 50. They must either conceal the truth, o● yield themselves up to the cruelty of their Adversaries, that laid wait for them, knowing that their errors could not resist the light of the truth; 
Appendix ad Ope. p. 612.  Nec praedicari à Catholicis veritatem patiebantur, contra suum errorem.  
7ly, When they admitted any to their Communion, they Rebaptised, and imposed new Vows and Covenants on them, obliging them not to approach the Catholic Assemblies, or hear any of their Bishops, which St. Augustine desired of Crispin, Epistle 172. And in the next Epistle, he acquaints us with another Art used by Crispin, to increase and keep firm his Proselytes. Crispin being a wealthy Man, as the Donatists generally were by the Spoils of the Catholics, he employed none to dress his ground, or to manage his affairs, but such as did profess to be of his Party; and to every one that would be rebaptised by him, he gave a certain Sum of Money, and promised more, by which means he had corrupted great Numbers, whose dependence being wholly on him, they were ready to execute his designs against the Catholics. St. Augustine asks him, Epistle 173. how he would be able to answer Christ, when he should question him for such sacrilegious practices, upon those souls, which he had redeemed with his Blood; Crispin, Carum fuit precium tuum, ad emendum timorem Mappaliensium, & vilis mors mea, ad emendum amorem Gentium? Plus valuit rebaptizandis colonis tuis quod numeratum est de sacculo tuo, quam baptizandis populis meis, quod manavit de latere meo. O Crispin, Why shouldest thou corrupt with thy Money those poor Souls, to live in fear of thee, whom I redeemed with my Blood to live in the love of me?  
8ly, Their Pride and Reputation with the People, kept off many of their Bishops from the Church communion. Vinci possunt, suaderi non possunt, saith St. Augustine; he gives instance in Tichonius, who was one of their most learned Bishops, and defended the Article of the Catholic Church, yet kept himself in the Schism still. And though divers of them knew and hated the pride of Donatus, yet they deserted him not, or with a greater pride, to set up for themselves in a more Congregational way. Alia schismat● facta sunt ex vobis, sicut Rogatense in Mauritania, Vrbanense in Numidia, etc. contra Cresc●. l. 4. c. 60. Convicta est falsitas, apparuit veritas, & adhuc contemnitur charitas. Post collat. They were convinced of the falsehood of their own Opinions, and the truth of those of the Catholics, yet would not embrace peace. So did Tichonius, who continued in the Schism, when he was convinced that it was so; having espoused the Schism, and gained great reputation, he knew not how to leave that, and his credit too. l. 2. contra Parmen. And i● Men do either love the pre-eminence, or to hear themselves prate, as Diotrephes did, 3 John 9 or if they gain a livelihood, and wealth, as Demetrius and his Craftsmen by the Shrines of Diana, Acts 19 their Ears are so stopped, that neither the Arguments of St. Paul, nor the Eloquence of Apollo's, nor the Authority of Cephas, 
2 Tim. 3.8.  are sufficient to open them, but they will still resist the truth; Men of corrupt minds, reprobate (or as our Margin reads it, of no judgement) concerning the Faith.  
9ly, St. Peter tells us of some places of Scripture hard to be understood, 
2 Pet. 3.16.  which they that are unlearned and unstable, do wrest; And this was another evil art, whereby they advantaged their Party: They would, Proffer Evangelium, take a Text of Scripture, as Optatus, p. 78. and usually such as they did not understand, non intellectas Lectiones, from the Canticles, or Daniel, or the Revelations, and these must be made to speak their Language, and promote their designs. So they interpreted that of the Prophet Isay, 
Isa. 52.  calling the People from the Captivity of Babylon, to justify their Separation, and from St. Paul, 2 Corinth. 6. they would persuade the People not to have any commerce with, or to salute others. So in the Conference at Carthage, to prove that the whole World was Apostatised, except the Church of Christ with them; they allege the revolt of the Ten Tribes, and compare themselves to Judah. St. August. de Verbis Domini in Johan. Serm. 50. names their quoting of Canticles 1.7. as a proof, that they were the Church of Christ: Because it is there said, that he maketh his Flock to rest in Meridie, (i. e.) say they, in the South, where Africa lay; of which see St. August. De unitate Ecclesiae c. 14. (I wonder the less at these, when I find A Lapide, from the same Text, telling us, that Meridies is Romana Ecclesia, ad quam Petrus jubente Christo, ex Jerusalem & Antiochia, transtulit Pontificatum suum.) Thus to prove themselves without sin, they alleged Eph. 5.27. where it is said, Christ gave himself for his Church, that he might present it a glorious Church, not having spot or wrinkle, which they applied to themselves, as St. Augustine observes. Absit ut quis nostrum ita se justum dicat ut sine peccato in hac vitâ se esse jactaret, as did the Donatists in our Conference, saying, that they were in that Church, which hath no spot, no● wrinkle, Epist. 50. They accounted themselves to be, Coelestes in Coelo, and other Terrestres in Terrâ. August. Epistle 48. The● were the few that were chosen, the rest wer● reprobates. They were Israelites, and other● Egyptians and Persecutors. They the Flock o● Christ, others were Wolves. Whatever th● Text was, a great part of the Sermon was to th● purpose. Nec mirum si Scripturae pacem n●● intelligent, qui pacem cum Dei Ecclesiâ non habebunt. August. de Gestis cum Emerito. It i● no strange thing, if they do not understand the truth, who do hate peace.  
10ly, Their ready compliance with all other factious Parties, though never so vile and heretical, was another advantageous practice. For though there were great feuds between the Donatists, and others that separated from them on the like pretences as they separated from the Catholics, as Maximinianists and Luciferians, who were professed Anabaptists, the Circumcellians much like our Quakers, the Euchitae and Massalians, who were perfect Enthusiasts, and the Arians, who denied the Deity of our Saviour, and the Holy Ghost: yet as often as there was an opportunity of vexing and afflicting the Catholics, they all united as one Man, and forgetting their private animosities, armed themselves as against their common Enemy; yea they scrupled not to join with the Jews, the most implacable Enemies of Christianity; and when they were destitute of other Assistants, to make use of the power of the barbarous Goths and Vandals. Thus Manasseh vexed Ephraim, and Ephraim, Manasseh; but both joined to oppose Judah, Isay 9.21. Thus it was in the Infancy of the Church, and thus it will be until its Consummation: Herod and Pontius Pilate, the Gentiles and the People of Israel, will conspire against it, Acts 4.27.  
11ly, Their promiscuous receiving of Men of desperate fortunes, and as desperate resolutions, into their Parties. Such as were in debt, or disgrace, through their debauchery and vicious lives, such as were discontented, and thinking themselves injured by their Magistrates, Parents or Masters, upon whom they could not otherwise be revenged, made Donatus or his Successors their Protectors, they were immediately above the Power of the Laws, their debts are all satisfied, and all obligations of Nature and Religion canceled, and if they believe their Leaders, their sins are all pardoned. This honour did those new Saints confer upon each other, while they lived, and promised no less than a Crown of Martyrdom, if they died in defence of that Holy League.  
12ly, Another Engine which they employed, was, the maintaining of Emissaries in all places, where there was hope of advancing their cause and Party. They had their Confederates in Rome, who screwed themselves into the favour of great Men: nor wanted they their Advocates in the Emperor's Court; for being many of them enriched by the spoils of others, they were very free in their Bribes and Presents to Men in Power, to purchase liberty to themselves; and being Men of smooth Tongues and soft discourse, as well as of crafty and complying conversation, they did insinuate themselves to the acquaintance and counsels of some good Men, with a design to betray them, and not unlike our Jesuits could personate all sorts and degrees of Men, that by all means they might increase the Number of their Proselytes, and support their Cause. To which we may add, the familiar and constant correspondence which they held among themselves, advising not only what was done, but what was most facile and probable to be effected: no● did they only meet frequently to consult o● such means, but did as unanimously agree and resolve on them, and having resolved, as vigorously act and prosecute their designs with great secrecy and constancy; for, as our Saviour observed of the unjust Steward, Th● Children of this World are wiser in their generation than the Children of light: 
Luk. 16.8.  (i. e.) (according to the Hebrew phrase) in rebus sui● agendis, in prosecuting those worldly affairs wherein they are concerned, (for the Hebrews call the actions of Men 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Vatablus showeth from Gen. 6.9. and 37.2.) And the reason of it is, because when Men are conscious to themselves of unjust dealing with others, their own just fears do excite them to advise warily, and act speedily and industriously for their security. Whereas the righteous Man having also an honest cause, supposeth his innocency to be a sufficient guard, and therefore is less studious and solicitous for his own preservation.  
Lastly, And the great countenance they gave to the Vices of their Proselytes, was no small advantage to the Faction, for they were better than their words to them; they promised only liberty, but they allowed all manner of licentiousness; they counted it no sin in them to rob, and deceive the Catholics, nor to defile themselves with fleshly lusts. Vnde tantae turbae convivarum ebriosorum, & innuptarum, sed non incorruptarum, innumerabilia stupra foeminarum? Aug. l. 3. contra Parmen. They had Principles and Doctrines that encouraged them to live more lewdly than others, as that all their sins were already pardoned, and that they could never fall from the grace of God. In so much as their sins, as well as their Opinions had a Toleration. Greges ebrios sanctimonialium suarum, cum gregibus ebriis circumcellionum die noctuque permixtos vagari turpiter sinunt. count. Parm. l. 2ᵒ. Their Teachers permitted the unclean Circumcellians to wander up and down, Day and Night, with young Women, who pretended vows of Chastity, and more holiness than others, as the Gnostics had done before them, but lived in all Uncleanness. If any Bishop or Priest were cast out of the Catholic Communion, for scandalous offences, and fled to them, they received and defended him; and he that was in his own account unworthy of the Office of a Deacon in the Catholic Church, is accounted fit, not only to be a Presbyter, but to create Presbyters too among the Donatists, as Splendonius did. Extant innumerabilia documenta in iis qui vel Episcopi vel alterius gradus Clerici fuerunt, 
l. 3. contr. Petil.  & tunc degradati, vel pudore in alias terras abierunt, vel ad vos ipsos, vel ad alias haereses, saith St. Augustine. And when any Bishop or private Person deserted them, to join in Communion with the Catholic Church, they did not only defame him, but by open violence, and secret conspiracies sought his utter ruin: to which the People were encouraged by their Priests, who taught them, that therein they should do God good service, as they did concerning St. Augustine. It was a difficult matter to find any one among them, that had a good opinion of any that were of another Communion, or that did think soberly of himself, but his proud conceit did generally swell, and poison their souls, that they were the most excellent Christians, and others reprobates: Qui se à Christs anitate discindunt, se solos Christianos esse jactant, & damnant caeteros. Aug. contra Crescon▪ l. 4. c. 59  
By these and other such arts, they increased their Faction, and made it formidable, not only to the Bishops, but to the Emperor himself, by whose care and good government, though the limbs of the Faction were cut off, yet the heads and the heart remained still, and with innumerable affronts and vexations, did they grieve that good Emperor, whom (as much as in them lay) they had slain in 
* In the Language of Optatus, they did occidere Oleum, slew him with the sword of their tongues, and handled him, as if he had not been the Lords anointed.  his reputation, and tantum non with violent hands brought down his grey Hairs with sorrow to the Grave, in the 65. Year of his Age, and the 31th. of his Empire: But their malicious spirits survived, to the perpetual trouble of the Church, and of the Emperor's Sons, which succeeded him; whereof Constantine was slain shortly after, by his Brother's Soldiers; Constans, who lived longer, and was Heir to his Father's Virtues, as well as his Dominions, was also made the object of the Donatists' malice; for during these revolutions of the Empire, they recruited their Faction, and had spawned a mad fry of Fanatic Persons, called Circumcellians, to be their Champions, for though they did not always own them to be of their Communion, yet did they on all occasions employ them to fight against the common Enemy. These Circumcellians were encouraged by Donatus, who pretended that an Angel had appeared to him, and assured him of the confirmation of his Faction, and that he had immediate answer of his Prayers from God, Oravit Donatus & respondit ei Deus è coelo, and that as many as suffered violent Deaths, in defence of the good old cause, should have a Crown of Martyrdom, and for their encouragement, white Altars or Memorials were erected to their honour, and great commendations of them were celebrated i● public Assemblies. 
Anno 348.  Now Constans the Emperor, being mindful of his Father's charge, and in imitation of his Example, sent Paulus, and Macarius with some Gifts and Alms to the Churches of Africa, but with a Commission also, to endeavour the unity of those Churches. Whereof Donatus having intelligence, although those Legates whom Optatus calls operarios unitatis, did in a friendly manner apply themselves to him, first offering him to partake of the Emperor's bounty and then persuading him to embrace peace and unity with the Catholic Bishops, as the Emperor had given them instructions, he not only refused to accept of the Emperor's Largess, but returned many opprobrious speeches, Quid est imperatori cum Ecclesia? What hath the Emperor to do with the Church? (aut quid est Ecclesiae cum Regibus Seculi quos nunquam nisi invidos Christianitas sensit? & multa maledicta effudit) or what hath the Church to do with the Kings of this World? who have been always adversaries to Christianity: and so he rejected the Emperor's propositions for peace, with as much pride and contempt, as the Emperor did with Humility and Charity offer them.  
There was at this time another Donatus Bishop of Bagaia, who gathered great Troops of the Circumcellians, to oppose the Emperor's Legates, to intercept the Gifts and Moneys which they were dispersing, for the relief of the several Churches. Of which the Legates being advised, and apprehending themselves in great danger, by reason of the flocking together of those desperate persons; They sent to Silvester, who had then the command of the Soldiers, to send them a Guard of Soldiers, not that they intended to be Aggressors, but only (vim vi repellere) to defend themselves against those furious Persons, that were in an extraordinary manner assembled: And the event proved, that they did but what was necessary; for the People were stirred up to Sedition, by jealousies and prejudices against the Emperor, which the Donatists had scattered through all Africa, persuading them that Paulus and Macarius had brought with them certain Images, which they intended to set upon the Altars, and to command a Superstitious Worship and Sacrifice to them, whereas they came only as Ambassadors of Peace, and Instruments of Union. And notwithstanding all the affronts which they received from that furious and desperate Party, who often set upon the Guards of Soldiers, to their own destruction, the Legates at the request of the Catholics did forbear any farther acts of Hostility, nor did they act any thing prejudicial to the true Religion. Nulli dictum est Nega Deum, Incende testamentum, etc. 
Opt. p. 62.  None were required to deny God, to burn their Bibles, or destroy the Churches. Sola fuerunt ad pacem hortamenta, ut Deus & Christus ejus à Populo in unum conveniente pariter rogaretur. They only endeavoured, according to the Emperor's instruction, to exhort them to peace, and unity, that they would worship God and Christ with one consent in an uniform manner. But these exhortations to peace, did more offend them, than the tidings of War; they loved the inheritance of Schism more than the Legacy of Christ; Nunciatâ unitate omnes fugistis; at the very name of peace they all desert the Legates, 
Oped, p. 64.  and become their Enemies, and both by open violence and secret plots, by their slanders and Swords too are always provoking them. And yet these Donatists did not only complain of Persecution by the Legates, but imputed it to the Catholics, as if they had procured those Bands of Soldiers with a purpose to destroy them, 
p. 69.  to which Optatus answereth, Quod ab aliis vobis provocantibus factum est, nobis non debet imputari; quicquid objecistis, vos fecistis; that if it were true that the Donatists were slain by the Soldiers, yet it was false that it was done by the procurement of the Catholics, who always mediated with the Officers to spare them; And that in truth the Emperor's Officers never used violence, but when they were first provoked; Nullus erat primitùs terror, nemo vidit virgam, nemo custodiam; there was no terror against any but evil doers, no punishment or Prison threatened to any peaceable Christian, the Emperor only preserved peace in the State. And about the end of Constans his Reign, there was a Council held at Carthage, 
Anno 349.  Gratus being then Bishop, to restore peace to the Church, in which they decreed divers Canons against rebaptising, and to prevent that desperate practice of the Circumcellians, to cast themselves from high precipices, and by other violent practices to destroy themselves. And thus for a while the fury of the Donatists was abated, and the hopes of peace and settlement comforted the Church. But this good Emperor is untimely slain by divers Military men, who conspired against him, thinking to divide the Empire among themselves. One Marcellinus invites him to a Supper, and continuing with him late at Night, Magnentius one of the Conspirators gins to affright him, whereupon the Emperor fled to Helena, whither they sent a selected Company of Soldiers, and murdered him; But Constantius his Brother succeeded him, who at his entrance on the Government, did seem to favour the Orthodox against the Arians and Donatists, but being settled in the Empire, he declares himself an Arian, and consequently an Enemy to the Orthodox Christians, whereby the Arians and Donatists rage's every where against them; Donatus himself, and many of his Faction joined themselves with the Arian Heretics (although they had formerly declared their abhorrence of them) in hope of obtaining the greater power against the Catholics by the Emperor's favour. And to this end, Donatus wrote a Book, de Spirit● Sancto, as St. Hierome hath observed, agreeable to the Arian Doctrine. And others of the Faction joined with the Macedonians, and as St. Ambrose 
* De Spiritu Sancto. l. 3. c. 11.  says, blotted out of their Books those words of St. John, God is a Spirit▪ Maximus Bishop of Neapolis, was deprived of his dignity and function, for not complying with the Arians, who placed one Zosimus in his See, Maximus keeps to his charge and function, until they ejected him by force, and then he denounceth an Anathema against the Intruder, whereof the Intruder taking no notice, applied himself to the discharge of his new Office, and endeavouring to speak unto the People, his Tongue hung out of his Mouth, so that he could not speak, nor draw it in again, until he went out of the Church, and then he recovered the use of it; and this befell him a second, and a third time, whereupon he forsook his new Dignity. And now lived that famous Ecebolius, a Sophist of Constantinople, who while Constantius was a Catholic, professed himself so too, and with him turned Arian; and when Julian was Emperor, was an Idolater; and in the days of Jovianus, would become a Catholic again, and lay at the Church Doors, crying to the Faithful, Me salem infatuatum pedibus conculcate, to trample on him as unsavoury Salt, fit for nothing. But it is more worthy our observation, that within a short time that Constantius had declared against the Deity of the Son of God, the Empire was taken from him, and given to Julian.  
This Julian the Apostate, who had from his Childhood been instructed in the Christian Religion, 
l. 3. c. 1.  and (as Socrates says) had been a Reader in the Church at Nicomedia, being of an unstable wit, declares himself an open Enemy to the Christians, forbidding them to bear any Office in the Army, or to serve as common Soldiers: Then he excludes them from the Magistracy, and all public Offices in the Commonwealth, and permits them not to teach Schools, or instruct Youth in any human literature. He did not persecute the Christians so violently as Dioclesian, and others had done, but he contrived more mischievous ways to destroy Christianity itself, if it had been possible, than others did to destroy the Professors of it. For first, having shut up their Churches, and denied them the nurture of their Children in Humane Learning, He sends for the Bishops of the several Factions, and enjoins them to do nothing prejudicial to the peace of the Empire, and then tells them they might securely follow their own different Modes and Opinions, in the Worship and Faith of God; Eo môdo nomen Christi de terris perire putavit, 
St. Aug. Epist. 166.  si sacrilegas dissentiones liberas esse permifit: And this was that which he designed, in showing any favour to the Arians, and calling back the Donatist Bishops from Banishment; the total destruction of Christianity. And whereas the Catholics looked on this indulgence of the Emperor's, as a design that would prove in time to be fatal to Christianity, 
St. Augustine.  for (quae pejor mors animae quam libertas erroris,) there is no Death so evil as the Licence of Error, which is the destruction of so many Souls: Yet the Donatists are loud in their thanks, and acclamations to Julian, for this liberty, as a most just and gracious Prince, when as he did only contrive and allow it, as a more easy and ready way to destroy the name and being of Christianity, which was almost lost already among the new denominations of Arians, Photinians, Macedonians, and Donatists. And that it might be no more had in remembrance, he imposeth the name of Galilaeans upon them, as (nomen criminis not religionis) a name of criminal and wicked persons, not of a religious profession. And against the being of Christianity he encouraged the Arians, and others that denied the Divinity of Christ, and ever favoured the several Sects, more than the Orthodox. Upon this the Donatists grew more proud and implacable towards the Catholics, and to ingratiate themselves with the Emperor, pull down the Cross which Constantine had set up in public Places, to the honour of Christ, and set up the Image of Julian in its place: and by how much he was more severe against the Catholics, by so much the more they applauded him. He silenced all the Men that were famous for their Learning, as St. Basil and St. Gregory, both of Cappadocia, Èugenius Antiochenus, and Apollinaris the Syrian, who wrote for Christianity against the Heathen, which Book the Christian Bishops presented to the Emperor, desiring him to peruse it, which he did, and returned it to them again, saying, Legi, intellexi, improbavi, to whom they replied, 
Epist. 166.  Si intellexisses nunquam improbasses. In the Petition of Petilian, Rogatianus, etc. they styled Julian the only Assertor of Public Liberty, from whom alone Justice and Clemency was to be hoped for, when-as St. Augustine says, nil injustius, nil perniciosius. The Catholics wondered, as well they might, that the Donatists, and the several Heretics should be so short sighted, as not to perceive that Julian was striking at the very root of Christianity, which the Catholics often minded them of, desiring them to consider, 
Opt. l. 2. p. 54.  that by the same Edict by which they were indulged, the Worship of Idols was enjoined, and the Devil and they were let lose together, to compass the Earth, and make Proselytes to their Party. Tunc reddidit basilicas Donatistis quando templa Daemoniis. St. August. Epistle 166. And when Julian was dead, they often wished their good Protector alive again. But as if Julian were too slow an Executioner of the true Religion, the Donatists make more speed, by destroying their Brethren with as much rage and cruelty, as their most barbarous Enemies; for having by Rogatianus, Pontius, and Cassianus, three of their Bishops, obtained some privileges, which were denied to the Catholics, they exercised all manner of cruelty against them. 
Opt. 55.  Felix and Januarius two of their Bishop's, came to the Castle o● Lemelle, where the Catholics had a Church which being shut against them, they commanded the Rabble which followed them, to pull i● down, who presently got up on the Roof, and uncovered it, and perceiving the Deacons defending the Altar, they threw down the Tile stones, and slew two of the Deacons. In Thipasa a City of Mauritania, 
Idem,  Vrbanus Formensis, and Felix Idicrensis, with their bloody Companions, assaulted an Assembly of the Catholics, while they were at their Devotions, and driving them out of the Church, slew and wounded a great part of them, without respect of Sex or Age. The Bread of the Consecrated Eucharist, they threw to their Dogs, which having eaten it, by the judgement of God grew mad, and fell upon their Masters, renting them in pieces. They sold the consecrated Chalices to Women for live uses, or to the Heathen for the Service of their Gods, pulled down the Altars, and burned the Books of the Holy Scriptures. Felix who was one of their Leaders deflowered a Virgin, that had a little before owned him as her Spiritual Father; and none of the Heathen committed greater outrages, than some of their Bishops. Julian by their instigation did shut up their Church-Doors, and some of his Officers, with a kind of admiration of the beauty and order, 
See Baron.  as well as the richness of the Ornaments and Utensils of their Church, took them away, 
Theodorct l. 3. c. 12. Ecce quibus vasis ministratur Mariae silio.  as too good to be employed in the Service of the Son of Mary: but such profanation as the Donatists committed, those Heathen never learned or practised.  
This Storm was too violent to continue long; One of the Fathers thus comforted the Church, that Julian was Nubecula cito transitura, and accordingly Julians ambition instigated him to a War against the Persians, where he died in the midst of his own Army by the wound of an Arrow, shot from an unknown hand, which he conceiving to be sent from Heaven, pulled it out, saying, Vicisti Galilaee, and so died. To him succeeded Jovianus, proclaimed Emperor by the Army, that was then in Persia, who desired them to name some other, because he being a Christian, could not lead an Army of such Principles, as Julian had form. To whom the old Soldiers that had served Constantine and Constans, answered, that they were Christians, 
Ann. 364.  and would have no other Emperor; But he died unhappily within seven Months after, and Valentinian succeeds him, a right good Christian, whom Julian had for that cause banished from his Court. He joins his Brother Valens to himself in the Empire, who was an Arian. About the Fourth Year of this Emperor died the Great Donatus, and Parmenian (against whom Optatus wrote his Seven Books) succeeded him. It will not be impertinent to set down here a series of the Bishops during this Schism, which is as followeth.  

The Catholic Bishops.  
Mensurius.  
Cecilian.  
Rufus.  
Gratus.  
Genetlius.  
Aurclius.   

The Donatists.  
Majorinus.  
Donatus à Casi● Nigris.  
Donatus magnus  
Parmenianus.  
Primianus.   
Gratus and Parmenian are the two Bishops that were in competition, Anno 368. Of what temper Parmenian was, Optatus his Cotemporary, a Person greatly beloved, as well for his Piety as Learning, hath shown at large. He wanted very little of the Pride of Donatus, and for Calumny and Cruelty nothing at all. In his days Ticonius, one of the most learned and sober of that Party, reading and weighing the Arguments of Optatus for the Catholic Church, was so far convinced, that he wrote in defence of it, confuting the Arguments of the Donatists: and asserting, that (nullius hominis peccatum potest praescribere promissis Dei) the wickedness of Man cannot make void the promises of God, concerning the extent of Christ's Church, for which he was condemned by a Synod of their Bishops, without any other Answer to his Arguments. Now the great confusion which was at Carthage, drove St. Augustine (who was yet a Heathen) to Rome, where he read Rhetoric, and Philosophy, until at length by the Prayers of his Mother Monica, and his converse with Pious and Learned Men, especially Saint Ambrose, he was converted, and baptised by St. Ambrose at Milan, and became Malleus Donatistarum, a happy Instrument to destroy that Faction 
* At his Baptism Te Deum was first sung by S. Ambrose and St Augustine Alternatim. . Which Valentinian seeks to do by good Laws and Edicts; divers of which are yet extant in the Codex Justinianus, as that against all Heretics; Nullus haereticis ministeriorum locus, etc. That no Place be allowed to them that were condemned by the Councils of the Church, to exercise their Ministry, and if any such command or allowance were fraudulently procured, it should be null; That the People should be restrained from such Meetings, and their Teachers banished from Towns and Cities. Another Law was made against Rebaptising, that the Offender be deprived of his Priesthood, l. 2. Ne sanctum Baptisma iteretur. Another against Conventicles: Conventicula illicita etiam extra Ecclesiam in privatis aedibus celebrari prohibemus proscriptionis domus periculo imminente, si dominus ejus in eâ clericos nova ac tumultuosa conventicula celebrantes susceperit. I shall name but one more made expressly against the Manichees and Donatists, Tit. de Haereticis. Which in English is to this effect: We do; deservedly prosecute the Manichees and Donatists with severity. Commanding that they enjoy not the Privileges common to others, because they offending against Religion, are injurious to all. We therefore pronounce them uncapable of enjoying any public bounty, or liberality, of making their Wills, and bestowing their Goods; neither shall their Sons inherit their Estates, unless they depart from their Father's wickedness and if their Servants forsake such Masters, to have communion with the Catholic Church they shall be indemnified. These Laws are severe indeed, and by Men that had made conscience of any Law, would have been thought obligatory: but to them that had broken th● great Law of Charity, they were as cords o● Sand. The Donatists were now become so numerous, and had so wasted the Catholics that they began to quarrel with each other and in one Tumult, Donatus Bishop of Bagaia is thrown into a Well, in another Marculus is cast from a high Rock. Salvius an Aged Bishop of Membresa hath Dogs hung about his Neck, while the mad People with obscene Songs dance round about him; a cruelty, saith St. Augustine, beyond that of the Hetruria● Tyrant, who joined only Humane Bodies together. This is true, however strange it may be; St. Augustine tells them, the City is nigh and there they may be fully informed of it. Nor will it seem strange, if it be considered, how the mad Circumcellians cast away their own lives, of whom I shall at present give you only this short account, That they lived in madness, they died in desperation, they lay stinking and noisome after Death, and yet there were a madder sort left behind, that worshipped these abominable Wretches, as if they had been Martyrs. Of these barbarities the poor Catholics desired their Governors to acquaint the Emperor, and it was in a fit season, for both Valentinian, and Valens the Arian, who gave them some countenance, being dead, Gratianus and Valentinianus they younger succeeded, and chose Theodosius Magnus to govern the Empire, who though he used great power and prudence to suppress these Donatists, and hated them perfectly, as by the Laws made while he was Consul, and his actions during his Government may appear, yet could he not effect it. How much he honoured the Church, may appear by submitting himself to the censure of St. Ambrose, having by the instigation of some of his Courtiers given order to destroy some of the Inhabitants of Thessalonica in cold blood: But the wisdom of God intended to effect this by other means. 
Anno 389.  St. Augustine having buried his Mother Monica, resolves to return to Carthage, to assist in making up the breaches of that Church, where the first Book which he wrote against the Donatists, was that which he calls his Psalm, containing an Epitome of their Opinions and Practices; and being afterward made Bishop of Hippo in Africa, he bestowed much of his time and labour, as well in private and public disputations, as in many learned Writings yet extant. But still the Faction thrived, and was delivered of another Sect; For Parmenian being dead, the Donatists meet at Bagaia to choose a Successor in the Chair of Carthage, and there were two Competitors, Primianus and Maximianus: Primianus was the most zealous, but Maximianus being of the alliance of Donatus, 
St. Aug. Epist. 162.  and having some good Women to assist him, hoped to succeed; but as St. Augustine observes, for any real worth or ability, other than to head a Faction, Maximianus might have been Minimianus, and Primianus Postremianus. The Assembly is much divided, the greater part vote for Primianus, to the discontent of Maximianus and his Party, who thenceforward deny to hold communion with their Brethren, and gather distinct Congregations; and in a short time, he and his Party had procured Forty Three Bishops to side with him, and these condemned Primianus, and owned Maximianus for their Bishop. And St. Augustine, on Psal. 36. tells us of another Meeting at Cubursussita, where were an Hundred Bishops that confirmed Maximianus; But still Primianus hath the greater Number, for shortly after, at another Synod at Bagaia, we read of Three Hundred Bishops that rescinded all that the Maximinianists had decreed, and establish Primianus: of this St. Augustine gives a full account, Contra Cresconium; and there observes, that without scruple they could urge and execute the Imperial Laws (against such as divided their Church) upon the Maximinianists, but thought it a Persecution, when the Catholics proceeded by the same Laws against them; they compared the Maximianists to Core, Dathan, and Abiram, for dividing from them, 
St. Augustine confuted the Donatists by their Arguments against the Maximianists. Hoc corum factum multum valuit ut corum ora penitus clauderentur. S. Aug. Epist. 50.  yet would justify their Separation from the Catholic Church. Such is usually the judgement of God upon Schismatics, as well as Heretics, to make themselves condemned, returning their own actions, arguments, and censures against others upon themselves: Quae tanta Dementia est, pacem in ipsa pace relinquere, & eam in dissentione velle retinere, as St. Augustine most ingeniously applies it; 
Contra Petil. l. 2.  What greater madness can there be, than to forsake the peace of the Universal Church, and seek it in the midst of dissension? For it seldom happeneth that all who separate, are of one mind among themselves, but there is a superfetation, some are ready to set up for themselves as soon as there is another opportunity. It was so with the Maximianists, who went off from the Primianists, pregnant, and were shortly delivered of Twins, the Rogatians and Claudianists, which as Vipers, endeavoured to eat out the bowels of their Parents. And now we are come to a Scene so full of cruelty and bloodshed, that you will suppose it to be the last; But, Nec dum finitus Orestes, this Tragedy is not yet at an end.  
Arcadius and Honorius succeed their Father Theodosius, and at their entrance on their Empire, make divers as strict Laws against the Heretics in general, and particularly against the Donatists, as the wisdom of Man could contrive: but the more they were restrained, the more violently they acted. The Churches generally enjoined a calm, the fury of the Arians and other Heretics was spent, only Africa is pestered with new Monsters, of whom the Catholics send their complaints to the Emperors, That their Bishops could not appear in public without affronts, nor travel for fear of such as lay in wait to destroy them; They burned the Bishop's Houses, destroyed the Churches, slew their Priests, particularly Restitutus, and Innocentius, having first digged out one of his Eyes, and cut off his Fingers. St. Augustine hardly escaped them▪ for having been abroad (as his custom was) to visit and comfort his Brethren, they had provided some of their Circumcellians to lay in Ambush, in the way by which he was to return, but by God's providence, his Guide conducted him home another way. 
St. Hier. to St. Aug. Epist. 25. quos gladio nequeunt voto interficiunt.  But he could not escape the Sword of their Tongues, for they rail at him as a Deceiver, and Murderer of Souls, and (dicebant & tractabant) they taught and preached publicly, that it was not only as lawful to kill him, as to kill a Wolf, that did destroy the Flock, but also that whoever slew him, should have all their sins undoubtedly pardoned, and be honoured as Martyrs. In the Year 401. Aurelius' Primate of Africa, assembles a Council at Carthage, for conversion for the Donatists, and supplying the Catholic Churches with Ministers, which were much destroyed. To this they were encouraged by Anastasius Bishop of Rome, and by his persuasion they offered, that whoever of the Donatists would return to the Church, should still enjoy their Bishoprics and Dignities. But their courtesy was a little regarded, as their authority; only they prevailed with the Emperors, to send relief to the poor Catholics, who suffered no less than if they had lived under Heathen Persecutors. The Decretals of Anastasius made about this time, against the Donatists, are still on Record. At Milevis also was a Council assembled against them, where St. Augustine being present, 
Epist. 168.  describes their accursed practices, and gives an instance in a young Man, who had been admonished by the Bishop for beating his Mother: The young Man thereupon threatneth his Mother, that he would become a Donatist, and then would slay her, and so he did. For to them he flies, and is rebaptised, and in white Garments, as a Circumcellian, he goes and sheds his Mother's blood; And from this instance, St. Augustine draws this conclusion. That he who durst not strike his Mother, while he was of the Catholic Church, slew her without punishment, when he became a Donatist. Aurelius the Primate, summons a General Council of all the Bishops of Africa, and sends express Messages to the Donatists, that they would be present at that Council, to treat of the Union of the Church, where he promised a full and calm disquisition of their arguments, and pressed them to consider the great confusions, which that (Veternus error, as he calls it) old error of theirs had occasioned. Possidius is employed to deliver this Message to Crispinus a Donatist Bishop, which having heard, He replieth, (Patriarchali Sermone Definio, Recedant à me impii, vias eorum nosse nolo) in a Patriarchal stile, Depart from me ye wicked, I desire not the knowledge of your ways; and a few days after Possidius was pursued as he was travelling, by a Presbyter, that was also called Crispinus, and fled into a Cottage to hid himself, but Crispin with his Armed Company, broke open the Doors, and having drawn him down from an upper Room, 
St. Aug. Epist. 166.  would certainly have slain him, had not the People that were present entreated for him, or rather had they not threatened to prosecute the Mutherers. St. Augustine having heard among the People, how their Bishops and Presbyters did often wish that they might meet and confer with the Catholics, for the vindication of their practices, offers himself to discourse privately, or publicly, with any of them. Particularly he invited Procidianus, who pretended a great desire of it, 
Ep. 147.  but refused when it was offered. In the Year 404. is another Council at Carthage, against the Donatists, from which Council they send Theasius and Evodius two Bishops to Honorius the Emperor, to desire his Protection of that part of the Church, and the due execution of the Laws that were made in that behalf, which if well observed, would redress all their grievances. They name especially the Edicts, whereby they were disabled to take or receive any public dignities, or profits belonging to the Church, or to make their Wills and dispose of Estates: and another Law for punishing those that should schismatically or heretically ordain, or be ordained. Honorius was grieved at the complaints of these Bishops, and professed, that the confusion and ruin of the Church did grieve him more than the loss of Rome, which the Goths and Vandals had about that time taken from him; and St. Ambrose observes of him (fecit quod Pater fecit in Causâ Donati) that he acted for the Church in the case of Donatus, as Theodosius his Father had done, who was solicitous for the welfare of the Church, as of his own Soul. Accordingly he gives order to Adrian, his Vicegerent in Africa, to Vindicate the integrity of the Catholics, and punish the perfidiousness of the Donatists, that did rend asunder the Members of the Church, being as he describes them subtle to seduce, cruel to destroy, provoking the Sons of Peace to War. Moreover, he forbade all that were Enemies to the Peace of the Church, to come within his Palace. 
Opt. p. 650.  And upon the Petition of a young Nobleman, whose Sister being seduced by the Donatists, divided a considerable Estate among them, without any Legacy to her Brother; it was ordered, that the Estate should wholly descend to him, according to a former Edict. It would offend the Readers patience, to repeat all the Constitutions of the Emperors, and Decrees of Councils, against these lawless Persons, who could break them with less trouble, than the Emperors could make them; Witness their heinous Murder of one Maximianus Bishop of Vaga, 
St. Aug. Epist. 50.  who having by sentence of Law recovered his Church, which the Donatists had by force taken from him, came to demand it of them, and to take possession; But the Donatists fell on him with so great fury, and wounded him so desperately, that he was left for dead, through loss of blood; and whe● the Catholics came to carry him away, they drove them off, and carrying him into a Turret, cast him down thence, but it being no great height, and falling on soft Turfs, he was afterward conveyed away, and recovered by his Brethren, and together with other Sufferers, petitioned the Emperor to pity those persecuted Churches, showing their wounds, and relating the Cruelty of the Donatists; with which the Emperor was so affected, that he made Capital Laws against several exorbitances of the Donatists, and enjoined a strict execution of them; which produced so good effect, that St. Augustine says thus of them: It was my Opinion heretofore, 
Epist. 48.  that none ought to be compelled to the Unity of Christ, but to be persuaded by Reason and Argument, lest we should have dissembling Catholics, instead of open Heretics; but this Opinion was overthrown, not by the contradiction of words, but by the demonstration of Examples, for this my City (saith he, that is Hippo, whereof he was Bishop) which was wholly seduced by the Donatists, by the Laws of the Emperor, which punished some Offenders among them with Death, is so generally united in the Catholic Unity, as if there had been no Schism among them; for being first awed by fear, they are afterward convinced by truth, which they could not hear among their false Teachers, and are by degrees made to understand, and abhor their wicked practices, etc.  
And to silence their Objections, that they were persecuted and punished beyond their deserts; He willeth them to consider, first, what they had done, and then what they did suffer, which was far less than their demerits. Leges puniendo non possunt, quod isti saeviendo potuerunt: 
Epist. 170.  The Laws never inflicted such punishments on the worst Malefactors, as They did on their innocent Brethren. How great mischiefs did some of your mad Clerks and Circumcellians' act among us? our Churches were burnt, our Books cast into the flames, Men were taken out of their Houses, which they also burnt down, having first plundered them, and then tortured their Masters, by maiming them in their Limbs, and putting out their Eyes, saith St. Augustine, contra Donat. post Collat. These things were not done by the rabble of Circumcellians alone, but by their Clergy; Qui deuces eorum semper fuerunt, who were still their Leaders. What Master was there that did not stand in fear of his Servant, if he came to the Donatists, 
Epist. 166.  to make his complaint, and desire their Patronage? They constrain the Masters to deliver up their Covenants, and let them go free; they force from the Creditors their Bonds and Obligations, and deliver them up to the Debtors, and if this were not done at their command, they assembled Multitudes with Arms, and Fire, threatening present Death, and burning of their Houses, St. August. Epistle 50. Praetexatus a Bishop of the Donatists dying, they ordained Rogatus in his place, being a Person of good Learning and Reputation, who afterward declared himself to be of the Catholic Communion, whereupon they so persecuted him, that at length the Circumcellians plucked out his Tongue, and cut off his Hand, as St. August. de Gestis cum Emerito. No good Catholic while he lived among them, could be secure of any Possession, nor of life itself, 
Epist. 61.  for as St. August. Qui sibi nequam cui bonus? They that by Fire, Water, and Precipices, desperately destroyed their own Lives, had an easy command and power over the Lives of others; and yet these Men, would first cry out of Persecution. Nos ab armatis vestris fustibus & ferro concidimur, & vos dicitis pati persecutionem. St. August. Epist. 166. gives many instances of their cruel usage of such Bishops and Presbyters, as were reconciled to the Catholics. Marcus a Priest, of his own proper motion declared himself to be a Catholic, and shortly after some of the Donatists met him, and would have destroyed him, had not some that by accident came by, rescued him out of their hands. Restitutus another Convert, was drawn out of his House, beaten, and dragged through the Mud, and long kept a Prisoner, until Proculianus obtained his deliverance. Marcianus had his House beset, and he escaping, they beat his Subdeacon, so as they left him for Dead. They made public Proclamations, that whoever should communicate with Maximianus, his House should be burnt; and when Possidius was sent to Fugilia, to visit and instruct some People there, the Donatists laid ambushes for him, which he having escaped, they pursued him to a House, where he hide himself, and set it on Fire three times, intending to have burnt him alive, had not the Country Men quenched the Fire: and this was done by some of the Donatist Clergy, who being condemned for this outrage, in a Mulct of Ten Pounds of Gold, the good Bishop Possidius interceded for them, and got the Penalty to be remitted.  
So desperately were they bend to ruin the Catholics, that sometimes they joined with the Arians and Macedonians, and sometimes with the Pagans and with the Jews (whom the Fathers of that Age called Coelicolas) to persecute the Catholics. Who meet again in another Council at Carthage, and decree to send Legates to Honorius, to complain of the great slaughters made upon them by the Donatists, who had slain many eminent Person namely Severus, Macarius, Evodius, Theasius and Victor, who were Bishops, besides grea● Numbers of other Persons. They appoint therefore Restitutus and Florentius, to infor●● the Emperor of their continued cruelty; and St. Augustine sends Letters to Olympius, a M●● of great account with the Emperor, desiring that some Assistance might be speedily sent ●●to them, upon which the Emperor sent 〈◊〉 Rescript, commanding that such Jews and Heretics as molested the Church, should be punished with Banishment, or loss of Life. O●● device of the Donatists may be here seasonably mentioned, which is this: Honorius the Emperor, and Arcadius his Brother were Persons of so much piety and clemency, that they could not immediately reproach them, as Persecutors, and therefore they laid the blame of all the severe Laws, that were enacted against them, 
St. August. Epist. 129.  upon the evil Counsellors, that we●● near them; These are not the Laws (say they) of the Sons of Theodosius, but of Stilicho: yet when Stilicho was dead, the same Law were vigorously executed against them.  
I happened in the Year 410. that Attalic a Tyrant, had invaded the Emperor's Dominions, and promised protection to all such as would submit to him, whereupon many of the Donatists fled to him, insomuch that the Emperor was enforced to grant a General Toleration, that every one should worship God in what manner he pleased, to prevent that general revolt to Attalus, which was feared. Upon this the Donatists grew more insolent than ever; so that they permitted not the Catholic Doctors, to speak against their Errors, nor to Preach the truth: They dragged Restitutus, a Presbyter, through a Channel of mud, 
Possidonius in vitâ Aug. & Contra Cresc. l. 2. & Epist. 166.  and after twelve days torments slew him: They put out the Eyes of others, and poured in Lime and Vinegar into the holes; and with Fire and Sword terrified all the Churches of Africa. To divert this fury the Catholics meet again at Carthage, and send four Bishops to the Emperor, to acquaint him of the Cruelties that had been committed, upon his Edict for Toleration, which he recalls by high Rescript in these words, 
Codex de Rel. l. 3. & de Haeret. 51.  Ea quae circa Catholicam fidem vel olim ordinavit Antiquitas, vel Parentum nostrorum authoritas religiosa constituit, vel nostra Serenitas roboravit; novellâ superstitione remotâ, integra & inviolata custodire praecipimus: That whatever Laws had been established by himself, or his Predecessors, concerning the Catholic Faith, should be held firm and inviolated. By the four Bishops sent from this Council, to the Emperor, at the motion of St. Augustine, who complained, that in the Regions belonging to Hippo, where the Barbarians had not come, the robberies and violence of the Donatist Clergy, and their Circumcellians, the Churches were made more desolate, than under the power of the Barbarians; It was earnestly petitioned, that the Donatists might be compelled to a public conference with the Catholics, all other endeavours for Union being frustrated. This Honorius willingly grants, 
Pridie Id. Octob. 413.  and lest the Donatists should refuse this Christian means, or commit any act of violence against the Catholics, he sent Marcellinus his Principal Notary (or Secretary) to be a Moderator between them, and to take cognizance of the proceed: and lest he should meet with the like affronts, as Paulus and Macarius did, when they were sent by Constans, upon the like occasion; He commanded a sufficient Army to attend him, which also the Catholics, fearing the attempts of the Circumcellians, justly desired. The day appointed for this conference being at hand, the Donatist Bishops being as they reported 279, enter the City with great Pomp and Numbers, so as they drew all the City to be Spectators, and to admire their equipage. And though many of them lived on the benevolence of their Faction, being rendered uncapable by the Imperial Laws of Ecclesiastical Dignities and Possessions, or upon that which they had wrested from the Catholics in Licentious times; The Catholics were far inferior to them, as well in Riches, as in Ostentation. The Catholics were in Number 286, many of their Party had been slain, and many were afraid to Travel, because of the Circumcellians, however their Number much exceeded the Donatists, for when St. Augustine viewed the Subscriptions of that Party, to satisfy himself of their number, he found that the noise of 279. was shrunk into 159. The Meeting was appointed to be at the Gargilian Baths, in a spacious Room fitted for that purpose. 
Aug. de Gestis cum Emerito.  Before the Catholics enter, they agreed mutually by solemn promise, That if the Donatists could evince, that the Marks of the true Church belonged to their Party, they would not desire to retain their Episcopal Dignities, but leave them to the Donatists to be disposed of, (bono pacis) for the peace of the Church: And if it should appear, that they were in the Communion of the Catholic Church, they would notwithstanding admit of the Donatists as their Brethren and Colleagues, upon their conformity, to enjoy their several Dignities; and wherever there was a competition for the present, between a Catholic and a Donatist, for any Ecclesiastical Preferment, there should be a present provision made for the Donatist, and if the Catholic died he fore him, he should have an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (as the Civilians called it) a right of succession, wherein they manifested their real charity, who as they generally professed, (Parati erant Episcopatum pro Christi unitate deponere & non perdere sed Deo commendare) were prepared to lay down their Bishoprics for the Christian Unity, and not think them lost, but entrusted with God. Delib. p. 220.  
This charity was not answered with the like from the Donatists, who as soon as they had been saluted by the Catholics as Brethren, Marcellinus willeth them all to sit down. Accordingly the Catholics took their Seats, but the Donatists refused, and Primianus their Titular Bishop of Carthage replied, 
August. post Collatine. Carth.  Indignu● est ut filii Martyrum & progenies Traditor●● in unum conveniant: It is an indignity to the Sons of the Martyrs, to sit with the offspring of Traditors; Another said, Odi Ecclesian malignantium, & cum impiis non sedebo. To which the Catholics answered, that they were met to inquire of the truth, and not of men's persons, and desired that (nec causa causae, nec persona personae praejudicet) former cause and persons might not create a prejudice to the present. At length they condescend to take their Seats, and then it was proposed by Marcellinus, that for Orders sake, there should be a Select number appointed by both Parties, to discourse pro & con. This after some reluctancy by the Donatists, was yielded to, and the Number on each side were to be Seven, whereof St. Augustine was to be Prolocutor for the Catholics, and Petilian (who had been a Civilian) for the Donatists: There were also four Notaries appointed by each Party, to write down the several Arguments, and Answers, which being printed at large, and joined with the Works of Optatus, I shall refer the Reader to them, and only give a brief account of what is pertinent to the present case of the Schism. Marcellinus having produced the Emperor's Rescript for the Treaty, promiseth them all candour, freedom, and protection during the Conference, and entreats them to direct their discourse to the causes and grounds of the difference, which was between them. But the Donatists, who as St. Augustine observes, 
Contra Emeritum.  (hoc unum agebant ut nil ageretur) make use of all possible cavils, and subterfuges, as if the chief business that they had to do, were to take care that nothing might be done, and to return with as much Pride and Pomp as they came. First therefore they object, that the time appointed was elapsed; then, that there was no certain Date to the Imperial Edict, because the Names of the Consuls were not inserted. These being answered, they desire to know who procured the Edict for that Meeting, that the Names of the Legates, and their Petition might be read; tacitly reflecting upon the Catholics, (saith St. Augustine) for referring the cause of the Church to the Emperor. To this it was answered, that the Catholics (who confessed that they procured it) had done no other, than they themselves appealing from the Sentence of Meltiades in the case of Cecilian, unto the Emperor Constantine. Then they begin to reflect on the Persons of Felix and Cecilian, and having almost tired Marcellinus, to keep them from impertinencies, repetitions and evasions, he brought them at last to the merits of the cause. But, Quid dignum tanto? I know not any thing that may raise greater admiration, than to consider what trifles, and apples of contention, like the forbidden fruit, engaged all Africa in such desperate feuds, as made it an Aceldama, for bloodshed and slaughters, and employed so many Emperors, Bishops and Councils, for more than an Hundred Years together, without any considerable effect. For when the differences and causes of that confusion came to be considered in this Conference, we do not hear that the Donatists could plead in justification of their Schism, that their supposed Enemies did deny God, or Christ, or the Resurrection, or did actually persecute them, or that they did with pride, and contempt, deny to admit them to their Communion; nor did the Catholics charge the Donatists with Apostasy from the Faith, and denying Fundamentals of Christianity: We do not hear them urging, as they might, their rebaptising and joining with the Macedonians, or Jews, and Pagans, against those whom they knew to be Orthodox Bishops. They all professed an agreement in all such necessary points of Faith, that it is strange, how they could differ in any thing; And yet the Donatists persecuted the Catholics so cruelly, as if they had not been agreed in any principle of Christianity. Marcellinus having heard the whole Conference, declared against the Donatists, and charged the inferior Officers speedily to execute the Imperial Laws, in seizing their Churches for the Catholics, scattering their Conventicles, and confiscating their Meeting places; which Edict the Emperors confirm, and cause to be entered among the public Acts. That which was pretended by the Donatists, as the ground of the Schism, was, that Cecilian, who was Bishop of Carthage, for almost 100 Years before, was a Traditor; that he, and other Catholic Bishops had admitted lapsed Persons into their Communion, whereby all their Churches were defiled, and ought not to be communicated with: Quia lapsi vel haeretici qui resipiscerent admittebantur. Prosper de promise. & predict. So I find the Question expressly stated, by consent of both Parties: Vtrum Ecclesia permixtos malos usque id finem habitura, praedicta sit, an omnion omnes bonos sanctos atque immaculatos ab hoc seculo usque in finem habitura sit. Whether the Church of God (according to the predictions concerning it) were to consist of a mixture of good and evil, or only of such as were holy and undefiled. The Catholics maintained the former from the predictions of the Prophets, concerning the Universal extent of Christ's Kingdom, from many Parables of our Saviour concerning his Church, from the Commission he gave to his Apostles, to Disciple all Nations, from the event, which succeeded upon the Apostles preaching, the Conversion of all Nations, from many Arguments used by St. Cyprian against the Novatians; and lastly from their own practice, in readmitting the Maximianists, who had revolted from the Donatists, and used another Baptism. And most unreasonable it was to think that the wickedness of one Man should ruin the whole Church of Christ. 
St. Aug. Epist 50.  Nec peccavit Cecilianus, haereditatem suam perdi●● Christus. Against this, the Donatists urge that the same Prophets foretold, that the Church of Christ should be Holy, as well 〈◊〉 Catholic, that Jerusalem was to be a Hol● City, the Spouse of Christ must be without spot, a chaste and undefiled Virgin. To whic● St. Augustine replies, 
Perfectio promissa non data.  that these things aught to be endeavoured in the Church in thi● World, but would never be effected, unt●● Christ do come in the end of the World, whe●● he will thoroughly cleanse his Flower, & gather the Wheat into his Garner, and burn up the chaff with unquenchable Fire.  
Then the Donatists begin to recriminate Mensurius and Cecilian, that had been long dead; To which it is presently answered, That they were absolved by the Emperor, and Councils of the Church then in being, as did appear by most ancient Records, which were ready to be produced, and thereby also Donat●● stood condemned. But (saith St. Augustine) if those Bishops had been wicked, the Church of God cannot be judged to have perished with them. Whether they were good, or bad, they were our Brethren: if we knew them to be evil, we would join with you to condemn them, but not to desert the Church of God, because of them. If Cecilian were good and innocent, he hath the reward of his innocence, and I rejoice at it; but I never placed my hope and faith in his innocence: if he had been evil, yet the Church thought fit to continue in his Communion, and so do we. Melius est per patientiam ferre malos quam per calumniam relinquere bonos, St. Aug. in Colloq. Carthag. The several Arguments and Answers are too large to be here set down. Upon the whole, Marcellinus adjudged, that the Donatists' arguments and pretences were invalid, their Schism unjust, their practices cruel; and therefore he willed them to return to the Communion of the Church, and live in peace and unity; otherwise he would provide, that the Imperial Laws should be executed upon them. In the mean time, he prevailed with them to subscribe the Records of the Conference, which had been faithfully taken, by the Notaries on both sides, and so dismissed them. After the Publication of this Conference, and of the Emperor's reinforcing the Laws for pecuniary Mulcts, and Banishment against them; some Thousands of the common People deserted them, and returned to the Catholic Church, and to their honest and lawful callings, which they had long omitted, as generally the Circumcellians did: But the Donatist Bishops and Presbyters were for the most part obstinate, and endeavoured to continue the Schism. There were many imprisoned, and condemned for Murder, and Robberies, committed in that Tumult, wherein Restitutus and Innocentius were slain; for these St. Augustine mediates, and obtains Pardon. But the Donatist Bishops return in great discontent, and report among the People, that they were not permitted to speak with that liberty and freedom, as they ought: And Petilian, who went off from the Conference, before it was ended, having lost his Voice by raving and passion, pretended afterward, that he was dissatisfied with the partiality of Marcellinus; and therefore he persuaded the rest to Appeal from his Sentence, pretending that they had been kept as Prisoners, and were not suffered to prosecute their Arguments; and that Marcellinus was corrupted, and pronounced the Sentence at Midnight, which was contrary to Law. And St. Augustine going afterward to Mauritania, was challenged by Emeritus, one of the Donatist Bishops, who undertook to defend the Conference, in a Personal disputation, which St. Augustine agreed to, and hath given us a particular account of it. But as St. Augustine saith, Hoc proprium Donatistis eandem cantilenam canere: It was their custom to inculcate the same Arguments again, which had been often confuted many Years before.  
There being no reformation among the Leaders of the Faction, who continue several Tumults, Cruelties and Murders: Thirty of their Bishops were condemned to be banished, who met together, and resolved rather to cast themselves over the Precipices, (as the practice of the Circumcellians was) and to die Martyrs for the cause. And some did destroy themselves in Wells, and by throwing themselves from the Rocks. In so much that Dulcitius, who was joined with Marcellinus in the Government of Africa, advised with St. Augustine, what was most fit to be done with those obstinate Persons, that still seduced the People; and what counsel St. Augustine gave him, we read in the 61. Epistle: Furiosus error paucorum non debuit tot populorum salutem impedire. Proculdubiò melius est, ut quidam suis ignibus perirent, quam pariter sempiternis ignibus Sacrilegae dissentionis ardeant universi. That the error of a few distracted Persons, should not be permitted to involve all the People in confusion and ruin: and that without doubt, it was better, that such as were Incendiaries, should die in the flames which they had kindled, than that all the People should still suffer in the fires of sacrilegious Dissension.  
Thus I have given you a Summary of the History of these dangerous Persons, for full an Hundred Years, and might pursue it yet farther; but considering how troublesome and unsafe it may be to follow them too nigh, I shall desist, and only add some Reflections upon the Faction: And first,  

Of their several Sects.  
The Luciferians, as the most moderate, shall have precedency: These were so called from Lucifer Calaritanus, Bishop of Sardinia, who in the Nicene Council was a zealous Defender of the Catholic Faith against the Arians for which he was banished while they had the power: He is commended for it, by Athanasius, Hilarion, and St. Hierome. When the Arians were suppressed, he was recalled, and restored to his Bishopric: but perceiving that many of the Arians were on very easy conditions admitted to the Catholic Communion, and made capable of Ecclesiastical Dignities, he was much dissatisfied, and denied to hold Communion with the Church, for being so charitable to those new Converts. He therefore lays the Foundation of his Schism in Sardinia, where the Catholics solicit him, by all gentle and rational means, not to divide that Church whose Faith and unity he had so strenuously asserted; but finding that he was not only resolutely obstinate, but indefatigably industrious to propagate the Schism, the Catholics thought fit to suspend him, and to dissipate his adherents. Whereupon he transports himself into Africa, whither great numbers of his persuasion follow him, and join themselves to the Donatists, but kept themselves as a distinct Faction, in this respect, that they did not rebaptize, as the Donatists generally did: but their Pride and contempt of the Catholics, was in a short time equal to that of the Donatists. St. Augustine commends them for not renouncing their Baptism, but condemns them as much for cutting themselves off from the Catholic unity, and much urgeth that known Axiom, Extra Ecclesiam non est salus. 
Oratio de obitu Satiri.  St. Ambrose writing to his Brother Siricus, who espoused this Schism, doth thus acquaint him with the danger of it: Non est fides in Schismate; cum enim propter Ecclesiam passus est Christus, & Christi corpus sit Ecclesia: non videtur ab his Christo exhiberi fides, à quibus evacuatur ejus passio, & corpus distrahitur. There is no true faith in Schism, for whereas Christ suffered for his Church, and that Church is his Body, it doth not appear, that true faith in Christ is in them, by whom his Passion is frustrated, and his Body divided: for Christ gave his Natural Body, for the preservation of his Mystical Body, the Church. Saint Hierome therefore comparing these Donatists with the Novatians, calls them both, Non Ecclesiam Christi, sed Antichristi Synagogam. These Luciferians stood as independent on the Donatist Congregations, or any of the other Factions, which were generally Anabaptistical: For they did not only Rebaptize the adult that came over to them, but refused to baptise Children, contrary to the practice of the Church, as appears by several discourses of St. Augustine. The most desperate Sect of all, were the Circumcellians, who were as so many Hectors, to fight for the Donatists on all occasions. These were the Zealots, which did abound in every faction, and pretended to higher dispensations, than their Brethren: for they believed, that they were inspired by God, to act and suffer extraordinary things, which they were ready to attempt, as often as their Brethren, or their own lusts did prompt them thereunto. They met sometime in lesser, and sometime in greater Numbers, either as Robbers, to abuse and plunder all that were not of their own Persuasion: Slaves would rob their Masters, and Debtors would force their Creditors to deliver up their Obligations, and had the perfect Principles of Levellers, holding that none had right to any of their Possessions, but by partaking of the same Faith, and Profession with themselves. Dominium fundatur in gratiâ, was their Maxim. Or else they would meet in great Numbers well armed, and able to affront the chief Armies of the Emperor: And were often the Aggressors, provoking the Roman Soldiers to their own destruction. Thus they set upon Paulus and Macarius, who were sent with Presents to the Church of Carthage, from the Emperor Constans, who being assisted by the Proconsul, slew great Numbers of them. These were animated by their Leaders, who were generally Donatist Bishops, and called Sanctorum Deuces, Captains of the Saints, and were animated by a Persuasion, that as many as suffered a violent Death, in defence of the Religion, were Martyrs: 
Optat. p. 146.  and accordingly, Altars were built to their Memorial, and Prayers offered up on those Altars. These Circumcellians had a Solemn initiation; for having devoted themselves to violent Deaths, (which they sometimes voluntarily executed on themselves, or at the command of their Brethren) their Neighbours and Relations gave them all possible respect and attendance, so that nothing was denied to them for their encouragement, that like so many fatted Beasts, they might be fit for the slaughter, rather than for a Sacrifice, which yet they were persuaded, that they were offering up to God in an acceptable manner. And as oft as they declared themselves ready for such desperate designs, their Brethren assembled, and prayed, and gave thanks for that supernatural and heroic spirit, wherewith they were inspired. Being thus in a most diabolical manner initiated, they would go forth sometime armed, sometimes unarmed, but resolved to provoke whomsoever they met with, railing, beating, and wounding them; sometime slaying others, or suffering themselves to be slain; and if this happened not, they would cast themselves into deep Wells, or over high Precipices, to their certain destruction. Sometimes these Circumcellians assembled in great Numbers: Sub specie Martyrum rapientium latrocinantes; playing the Robbers under pretence of Martyrs, as Philaster observes: or else really attempting such acts of Hostility upon the Catholics, their Houses, and Churches, or upon the Emperor's Soldiers, as caused the ruin of many Thousands. 
De fabutis Haereticor. St. August. Epist. 50. ad Bonifac.  Theodoret tells us of a Company of these, who went abroad armed, and resolved to run this mad race, and meeting with a young Man unarmed, they were so humane, as not to destroy him with such unequal Numbers, wherefore they all agreed, that they would deliver their Weapons to him, to wound and kill them, as he pleased; but threatened him also that if he did not execute them, they would miserably destroy him. The young Man seems to accept of the Conditions, only he tells them, it was fit they should suffer themselves to be bound, not only that he might the better fulfil their desires, but also because he feared▪ that when he had shed the blood of some of the Brethren, the survivors might, to preserve their own lives, take away his. They therefore do all agree to this, as a reasonable proposal, and forthwith submit themselves to be bound and fettered by the young Man, which having done, with as much skill as he could, he first destroyed most of their Weapons, and then beats them sound with the rest, and so departs, leaving them in their bonds, to be mocked and derided by the Passengers. This frenzy they thought a very high Enthusiasm, but Malus Daemon istam phrenesim immisit; it was the Devil, (that was a Murderer from the beginning) that inspired it. There were two mad Captains of these Martyrs of the Devil, that, as Theodoret says, were instar Corybantum; furentes & debacchantes, like the Priests of Bacchus, drunk with fury, and led on great Numbers of the Circumcellians, to destroy as far as they went, all sorts of Men, Women, and Children, burning Houses and Churches, razing the Altars, and casting the Bibles into the Fire. With some such Donatus Bishop of Bagaia assaulted Macarius and Paulus, who having the Roman Soldiers to guard them, slew great Numbers of them, whom being destroyed, he afterward disowned, and denied them Burial; and at last cast himself headlong, and perished in a Well. You have heard formerly of Salvius, a Bishop of the Donatists, who made another Faction among the Membresitans. He built a Church for his Party, and kept a separate Congregation for a while, but being abandoned by the Donatists, who condemned him in a Synod of theirs, was left to the fury of the mad Circumcellians, who, as you have heard, hung dead Dogs about his Neck, and danced about him, 
August. l. 3. cont. Parmen.  singing filthy Songs. This Saint Augustine says, they would excuse, because he was condemned by a full Synod of Bishops; to which he replies, That if he suffered justly, being condemned by their Bishops, they ought not to repine and murmur it they also suffered, who were so often condemned by the Bishops of the Catholic Church; and desireth them to consider, Priùs quid faciunt, deinde quid patiuntur: First what they do against others, and then what they suffer from others. The History of the Maximianists you have had already; I shall now acquaint you with another Faction, which they had established at Rome, for when they perceived that they could not Answer the Arguments of the Catholics, for the Universality of Christ's Church, and considered how numerous they were in all Africa, they sent their Emissaries abroad, and especially at Rome they had planted some of their Faction, so that at length they pretended, that no Party were more Catholic than themselves. Victor was settled as the Titular Bishop of Rome, in the days of Constantine: his Successors were, First, Bonifacius Balatensis: 2. Encolpius: 3. Macrobius. 4. Lucianus. 5. Claudianus: who lived in the days of St. Augustine. But as both Optatus and St. Augustine say, they could pretend no higher than Victor, whereas the Churches of Jerusalem and Rome could derive their Succession from the Apostles. But Victor was, Filius sine Patre, Discipulus sine Magistro, and Episcopus sine populo, A Son without a Father, a Disciple without a Master, and a Bishop without a Flock; nor could any of them produce their (literas formatas) communicatory, or testimonial Letters, signifying their Communion with the Universal Church. Besides, Sr. Augustine tells them, that they lived at Rome more like Beasts of Prey, than like a Flock of Christ, and never met but in Speluncis, in Dens and Caves without the City, where they kept their Conventicles; and from their wand'ring from place to place, they were called Montenses, Campitae, and Rupitani, as St. Hierome observes, not unlike our Quakers, Quod inter homines solet esse common, 
Optatus p. 78.  salutationis officium auferunt, & ne Ave dicunt cuiquam nostrum,— Nec monstrare vias eadem nisi sacra colenti. They would not salute any, nor bid them God speed. I shall name but one mad crew more, which were headed by Optatus Gildoniensis, a Donatist Bishop, who was called Gildoniensis, from one Gildo, a barbarous Person, who invaded Africa with a great Army, and made havoc of the Catholic Churches. To him this Optatus, with a great Number of the Circumcellians, joined himself, and was first Latrociniis infamis, notorious for his Robberies. He snatched away the Wives from their Husbands, and Children from their Parents, causing many Abortions, and in his Cruelties, exceeded the very Barbarians; for they would kill them at once, but he would torment them many days together, that they might die daily. So that Historians observe, he as much exceeded the Circumcellians, as they did exceed others in Cruelty.   

Their Opinions.  
It appears not, that they were accused of any false Doctrine for a long time, until they began to Rebaptize, upon an Opinion, that there were no true Ministers in the Catholic Church, and by consequence no true Sacraments. St. Augustine says, that in his time, they were, Pares Doctrinâ & Ritibus, agreed in the chief points of Doctrine, and in the Ecclesiastical Rites. And when Optatus wrote against Parmenian, 
Optat. p. 72,  They had generally One Creed, One Testament, and One Baptism (viz.) in the Name of the Blessed Trinity; they prayed to One God, and used the Lord's Prayer alike. The Controversy was not, (the Captie, but de Corpore) concerning the Head, but the Body of the Church: But their Schism, which divided that Body, was sufficient to condemn them. 
Opt. p. 72. St. August. cum Emerito.  Extra Ecclesiam omnia possunt habere praeter salutem: possunt habere honorem, possunt habere Sacramentum, possunt cantare Hallelujah, possunt respondere Amen, possunt Evangelium tenere, possunt in nomine patris, & filii, & Spiritus sancti fidem habere, & praedicare; sed nusquam nisi in Ecclesiâ Catholica salutem possunt invenire. He granted, they had the Scriptures, the Sacraments, the Prayers, and Preaching, materially the same as in the Church, but yet Salvation was not to be had but within the Church. All which is true, upon the grounds of St. Paul, as well as St. Augustine, because, without Charity, all these gifts and exercises do profit nothing, 1 Cor. 13. And therefore the Primitive Fathers did so passionately declaim against Schism, not only, because it was the Occasion of greater confusion in the Church, than Heresies ordinarily were: but because it did equally endanger the Salvation of those that obstinately persisted in it, fitting them for any Error. Dionysius Alexandrinus wrote to Novatian, 
Quisquis ab Ecclesia Catholica separatus est, quanquam laudabiliter se vivere existimet, hoc solo scelere quod à Christi unitate disjunctus est, non habebit vitam. Epist. 152.  that he might rather do any thing, than rend the Church of God by Schisms, which (saith he) you ought to avoid, as much as Idolatry: for, when you fly from Idolatry, you consult only your own safety, but when you avoid Schism, you consult for the benefit of the Universal Church. I shall therefore only mention that great Error, in the chief Article of Faith, wherein Donatus himself, and many of his Followers, agreed with the Arians; as divers of the 
* Aug ad quod vult Deum.  Ancients have recorded, (viz.) That the Son was less than the Father, and the Holy Ghost than the Son. This being a Consequent of the Schism; (And it is usual for such as first desert the Unity of the Church, to deny the faith and verity therein professed, within a short time.) It is my intent to speak chief of such Opinions, as led them to it, or hardened them in it, that others may see and avoid them. There was a strict Canon in the Catholic Church, forbidding Christians to hold any Communion with such, as had in times of Persecution turned Apostates, or Traditors, until they had undergone the censure of the Church, and manifested their repentance: but as if this Canon were not strict enough, the Novatians first, and then the Donatists, made themselves wiser than the Laws, and would not on any terms admit such Persons; accounting, that by Communion with them, the whole Congregation was defiled; and such as had been of the Clergy, they accounted of as lay Persons; and the lay People, they esteemed of as Heathen: their Baptism being frustrated, upon this ground they withdrew from the Communion of Cecilian, and other Catholic Bishops, pretending they had been Traditors and that all the People adhering to them, were polluted; and that the Bishops and Clergy of the Church, could not lawfully rule, or teach the People, nor administer the Sacraments, the efficacy of all these Ordinances depending o● the Holiness of the Minister; and that there were no such true Ministers, but among themselves. For this Opinion they urge Acti 19.4. where St. Paul gives order, that they who had been baptised by St. John, should be baptised again in the Name of Jesus. Now if John's Baptism (say they) who was a Friend of the Bridegroom, was made void, much more ought the Baptism of those, that are Enemies and Apostates, to be so accounted. Against this Opinion, Optatus argueth thus; Non dotes Ministri sed Trinitatem in Sacramento operari, cui concurrit fides, & professie credentium: The efficacy of the Sacrament depends not on the endowments of the Minister, but the grace of the blessed Trinity, in whom if they that are baptised, do believe, and make profession accordingly, their Baptism will doubtless have its effect: for the believer is regenerate, not according to the abilities of the Minister, but the power of the Sacrament; Nascitur Credens, non ex Ministri sterilitate, sed ex Sacramentorum fertilitate. This is handsomely expressed by Gregory Nazianzene in the allusion of an Image, engraven on two Seals, one of Iron, another of Gold, where the Image being the same, the Iron Seal makes the same impression, as that of Gold. But St. Augustine observes also, the difference between the Baptism of St. John, and that of our Saviour Chri●●, which was in the Name of the Holy Trinity, and therefore both Optatus, and St. Augustine charge the Donatists, with no less sin than Blasphemy, when (as their practice was) they would exorcise those, whom they had rebaptised, with this form of words, (Maledicte exi for as) calling the whole Trinity, in whose Name they had been baptised, accursed. Optatus therefore farther urged, 
Opt. p. 86,  Si datis alterum baptisma, date alteram fidem, date alterum Christum. It is superfluous to renew the Baptism, where there is no alteration of the Faith. He adds, Etsi hominum litigant mentes, non litigant Sacramenta: The Sacrament is the same, although the judgement of those that administer it may differ. The Bishops of the Catholic Church did therefore admit of those that were baptised by the Donatists, although the Donatists would by no means approve of the Catholics Baptism. Which plainly argues, as well their excess of Pride, as their defect of Charity, both which St. Augustine observed in a Donatist Bishop that Preached in his City of Hippo, who used this comparison, that the Church of God was like Noah's Ark, it was pitched both within, and without; without, Nè admitteret baptisma alienum; and within, Nè emitteret suum; that it might not admit of those that were baptised by others, nor baptise any but such as were of their own persuasion. They u●ged the bare Authority of St. Cyprian for their rebaptising, which as St. Augustine says, the●● despised, when he pleaded for the unity of th●● Church, 
Cyprianus tolerandos in Ecclesia malos, potius quam propter eos Ecclesiam deserendam & exemplo consirmavit & praecepto admonuit.  though his argument's we●● enforced with Scripture and Reason's And for their practices his sole Authority is alleged against the Authority and practice of the Church St. Cyprian in an Epistle to Julian●● said, Baptizandos esse in Ecclesiâ Catholicâ qui fuerunt in haeresi & sc●●● mate baptizati; to which St. Augustine answereth, Ego ejus authoritate non teneor, q●●literas Cypriani, non ut canonicas habeo, sed e●ex canonicis considero, & quoth in iis divinar●● Scripturarum authoritati congruit, cum lau●● ejus accipio, quod autem non congruit cum pa●●● ejus respuo. (i.e.) Though St. Cyprian ho●● that they who have been baptised by Heretics or Schismatics, aught to be rebaptised, yet I am not bound by the authority of St. Cyprian, whose Epistles I do not esteem of as Canonical, but do judge of them by the Cano●● of Scripture, and what agreeth to the authority thereof, I receive to his praise, but what is contrary, I refuse with his peace. And whereas they had pleaded, that Conscientis sancte dantis attenditur quae abluat accipientis; that the efficacy of the Sacrament flowed from the holiness of him that administered it: Saint Augustine answered, that as to the visible Ministry, both good and bad might baptise; but he to whom both the visible Baptism, and the invisible Grace doth belong, doth invisibly baptise by both good and bad: Contr. Cresconium, l. 2 do. But it as a sad kind of Baptism, which was practised by Crispin the Donatist, who with his Money hired some to be rebaptised by him, and having got a Number of poor People together, that would not be corrupted by his Money, he drove them by force into a River; and, Vno terroris impetu, octoginta fermè animas rebaptizando submerfit, Drowning them in the Water, baptised them with their own blood; St. August. l. 2. contra Petil. The cruelties and mischiefs that have always followed Anabaptistical Principles, may cause all sober persons to abhor them, and therefore I shall not repeat any other arguments against this absurd practice, which as St. Augustine says, if it should be repeated, as often as it was administered by an unholy person, they need to do nothing else but rebaptize.  
Another Opinion of the Donatists, was, that the Church of Christ ought to consist only of such as were Holy and Undefiled. Against this those two Fathers pleaded: That the glory of a Prince, consisted much in the extent of his Dominions, and that God had promised to give unto his Son, the Heathen for his inheritance, and the uttermost ends of the Earth for his possession; and therefore they were very sacrilegious to confine the Church of Christ to their own Conventicles; especially, seeing God had according to his promise, planted the Christian Faith among all Nations; And that Christ had foretold, that as the Seed of the Faithful should be disseminated over the face of the whole Earth so the Devil should sow his tares in the same Field. From this Opinion of being more pure than others, they proceeded at length to think themselves without sin, as the Novatians, or Cathari had boasted before them, and therefore they refused to join in the fame Prayers with others, or to use that Petition of our Lord's Prayer, Forgive us our trespasses; but as the Pharisee of old, stood by himself and prayed, God I thank thee I am not as other men: 
Opt. p. 57  So would Donatus, Non habeo quod ignoscat Deus: I know nothing for which I may ask God forgiveness, (said he.) To this St. Augustine replieth, 
Christophorus Justellus in Codice Canonum Ecclesiae Africanae Canone 108. haec habet: Quod in Oratione Dominica Sancti pro se dicunt, Dimitte nobis debita nostra; Placuit ut quicunque dixerit in Oratione Dominicâ Sanctos dicere Dimitte nobis debita nostra, non pro scipsis quia nonest iis xecessaria ista petitio, sed pro aliis qui sunt in suo populo peccatores, & ideo non dicere unumquemque Sanctorum Dimitte debita mea sed debita nostra, us hoc pro aliis potius quam pro so justus picere intelligatur, Anathema sit. Item placuit ut quicunque epsa verba Dominicae Orationis ubi dicimus Dimitte nobis debita nostra 〈◊〉 volunt à sanctis dici ut humiliter non veraciter hoc dicatur, Anathema sit. Quis enim ferat Orantem & non hominibus, sed ipsi Domino mentientem: qui labiis sibi dicit dimitti velle, & cord dicit quae sibi dimitrantur debita non habere? This Council was held at Carthage by Aurelius, and 214. Bishops. Honorio xii. & Theodosio Coss kmal●majas.  Quaero utrum ores oratione Dominicâ; si non, unde aliam didicisti pro majoribus meritis tuis, excedentem merita Apostolorum? si sic, quomodo dicis Dimitte nobis debita nostra, etc. Ista verba orationis aut te non permittunt esse dei deprecatorem, aut aperiunt esse peccatorem: but when they left the use of that Prayer, he would no longer call them Brethren: Tum desinent dici fratres nostri, 
In Ps. 32.  cum desierint dicere Pater noster. And now it is no wonder, if they despised the usual Prayers of the Church, and particularly that Form which was made in behalf of the Emperor. 
Bz. p. 550.  But they went a point beyond this, affirming, that they were so without sin, 
Opt. p. 56.  as to be the Justifiers of others, who no sooner were admitted to their Congregations, but they presently assured them of the pardon of their sins, and if they suffered in their Society, of a Crown of Martyrdom. And Donatus himself exceeded all these, he became a perfect Enthissiast, and pretended immediate revelations from God; 
August. Epist. 165.  particularly, that an Angel had appeared to him, and assured him that his Faction should be established. And it was a frequent boast of the Donatists against the Catholics; Oravit Donatus & respondit ei Deus è Coelo: When Donatus prays, God answereth him from Heaven; and therefore to him they went, as to an Oracle, when they would attempt any design, that he might seek God, and then give them direction. To this Optatus replies, 
Opt. p. 84.   quid pulsetis Coelum cum hic in Evangelio habetis testamentum: In vain do you expect new revelations from Heaven, having the complete will and testament of Christ here on Earth. Agreeable to that of Tertullian before him, 
St. Aug. de unico Baptis.  Non opus est revelatione post Evangelium, etc. They held it to be a pollution not only to communicate, but to converse with others. There wants nothing now, but a Spirit of Infallibility, to make him the great Antichrist, instead of which he had infallibly the Spirit of Contradiction to carp at, and reproach every thing that was not agreeable to his own fancy. When we say yea, 
Opt. p. 84.  you say nay, (saith Optatus) Et inter Licet nostrum, & Non licet vestrum, nutant, & remigant animi Christianorum: nemo vobis credit, nemo nobis, omnes contentiosi homines sumus: While we plead for the lawfulness, and you object the unlawfulness of Ecclesiastical affairs, the minds of the People are alienated from us, and they condemn us all for contentious Persons; So that the Heathen of that Age might well say, Cum tot sint inter Christianos sectae, sit anima mea cum philosophis.   

Their Opinion concerning the Magistrate's Power in Ecclesiastical Affairs.  
It is seldom that a Faction is made in the Church, but the Authors of it do raise Sedition in the State, their Principles do show what their practices are like to be; Quid est Imperatori cum Ecclesiâ, 
August. l. 2. ad Petil. 92.  & quid nobis cum Regibus Seculi, quos nunquam nisi Invidos sensit Christianitas? What hath the Emperor to do with the Church, or what have we to do with the Kings of this World, whom Christianity hath always found to be Adversaries? And hence, they did not only refuse to pray for the Emperor, which the Catholics persuaded them unto, according to St. Paul's exhortation: Orandum pro Imperatore quanquam Gentilis, quanto magis quòd Christianus, quòd Deum timens, quòd religiosus, & misericors? To pray for Kings, although they were Heathen, much more for such as are religious, gracious and merciful; but instead of Prayers, Invenit Donatus Bagaiensis unde contra Macarium furiosam conduceret turbam: 
Opt. p. 68  Donatus Bishop of Bagaia, could raise Armed Troops against Marcellinus. But they held also, that they ought not to be restrained by the Emperor's Laws in the Worship of God, and therefore they cried out of Persecution, as often as any Penalty was to be inflicted on them for their disorderly Assemblies: They were (contumaces & legibus hostili modo repugnantes) insolent, and professed Enemies to the Laws. When any of the Emperors sent their chief Officers to make Peace, and establish Unity in the Church, quia uni Deo convenit ut in unitate colatur; as Constans sent Paulus and Macarius, and Honorius sent Marcellinus and Dulcitius, who came not, as Florus did, to shut up the Doors of the Churches, 
Opt. p. 71.  or to pull them down; but, ut pigri in Basilicam cogerentur, to regain them to the Church that were refractory, that God and Christ might be invocated with one consent; they cry out of oppression, and invading the Liberty of their Consciences; and like David's Enemies, When he spoke to them of peace, they made themselves ready for battle. To this the Fathers plead, that the Church was in the Commonwealth, that is, in Romano Imperio, and not the Commonwealth in the Church; that God had promised, that he would send Kings to be nursing Fathers, and Queens nursing Mothers to the Church; and required our Prayers for them, and our obedience to them, that under their protection, we may lead quiet and peaceable lives, in all godliness and honesty: And accordingly, the Catholics being sensible of their duty, were always loyal, and as ready to spend their lives for the Emperor, as the Donatists were to adventure them against him: whereby they consummated an evil life with a worse death, as St. Augustine said: And if the Magistrate may be the Sword punish Murder, Oppression, and Robbery, and Witchcraft, why may he not also, saith St. Augustine, restrain such practices, as give occasion to all these? Whatever evils you suffer from the Magistrate, you draw them on your own heads: Si occidi malum est, ipsi causa mali estis, and therefore your sufferings are not a Persecution, but Justice, as the same Father.  
Again St. Augustine minds them, that they themselves had made use of the Emperor's Laws and Edicts, against the Maximianists, and we blame you not (saith he) for restraining their fury by the secular Sword, but that you condemn that in others, which you hold lawful for yourselves to do. You can by the Theodosian Laws, exclude and punish them for opposing the Party of Donatus, and yet you are highly offended, if any censure pass against you, Qui adversus Orbem terrarum Sacrilegae dissentionis altare erexistis, Who have separated from all other Churches in the World. How as it probable they could live as good Subjects, when they accounted their Emperor's Enemies and Persecutors of their Religion; and that such died Martyrs, who desperately cast away their own Lives, in opposing their Brethren, and the Officers of the Emperor, that were sent to provide for the common Peace? Si vestros videri Martyres vultis, probate amâsse pacem in quâ prima sunt Martyrii fundamenta, 
Opt. p. 72.  aut dilexisse Deo placidam unitatem, aut habuisse cum fratribus charitatem sine quâ maxima & imperiosa virtus caret effectu: If you would have those, that die in your persuasion, to be accounted Martyrs, you ought to prove that they were lovers of Peace, Unity and Charity, without which all other Virtues are ineffectual to that end: Non in passione certa est justitia, sed in justitiâ passio est gloriosa. Whatever severity they met with, the Catholics were far from occasioning it, as the Donatists did charge them. They did sometime Petition the Magistrate to relieve and protect themselves, but never to destroy the Donatists; but when they had provoked the Secular Power, the Catholics interceded for them: whereas on the contrary, the Donatists did not only provoke the Magistrate, but the Heathen also against them, as in the days of Julian, who did indulge them, as well as the Donatists, until by their means, Julian was enraged against the Catholics, and the Donatists were made his Instruments in many Cruelties against them: 
Optatus. p. 57  Vrgentibus & praesentibus Episcopis vestris, persecutionem disponebat; So that they exceeded the Arians in their malice, for they, Armed by the Emperors of their own Persuasion, (Constantius and Valens) did persecute the Catholics, but the Donatists persecuted them, non modo non adjuvantibus, se● reclamantibus; when the Emperors did strictly forbid it. 
* Si Imperatoribus ●orunt communionem derestantibus talia ausi sint, quid facerent si iis per Imperatoris communionem aliquid efficere liceret? August. contr. Petil. l. 1.  So far were they from indulging that liberty of worshipping God to their Brethren, which they themselves expected from the Emperors, that they would complain of Persecution, if it were not granted them. While Constantine was in the Throne, none petitioned and pleaded for Toleration more than the Donatists, and professed themselves irreconcilable Adversaries to all Persons, and Principles, that should tend to disturb, or punish Men for their Conscience sake. But as soon as Julian was settled in the Empire, and called home some of them from Banishment, and restored their Churches to them, the Emperor himself was not so imperious and sanguinary as they. Whatever good Laws Constantine had made for the welfare and unity of the Church of God, were condemned, as acts of Arbitrary Power. But when Julian granted their Society some Privileges, to the vexing and grieving of the Catholics, these were applauded as acts of Grace; nor had Constantine that love and obedience from them, which they manifested to the Apostate. And evident it is, that one reason why the Catholics were so much envied and hated by the Donatists, was; because the Emperors did favour them, as being more peaceable and loyal. Eusebius tells us, that Constantine frequently advised with his Bishops, even in Secular Affairs: And then, Quid Episcopis cum Palatio? What have Bishops to do at Court, (say they) or to meddle with the Government? Vos portatis Imperatorum Sacras, (i.e.) literas, nos portamus sola Evangelia: You are busy in promoting the Edicts and Mandates of the Emperors, we study only the Gospels. To this St. Augustine answers, Epist. 166. Because you have no Power with the Emperor, you would raise envy against us that have: but Melius est portare veras jussiones Imperatoris pro unitate quam falsas Indulgentias pro perversitate. Whatever their study was, their practice was contrary, their hands were the hands of Esau, though their voice was like jacob's. I cannot omit to enlarge a little concerning their Arguments for Liberty of Conscience, that there might be no violence, or restraint laid upon them, to reduce them to Unity, in the Service of God. Gaudentius a Donatist Bishop, argueth thus, Scriptum est, fecit Deus hominem, 
Aug. l. 2. contra Gaudent.  & reliquit eum in manu Arbitrii sui; that is God made Man, and left him in the power of his own judgement, that is, to the Liberty of his own Conscience, (as the following Discourse expounds it) and why should that be forced from me, which God hath granted to me? Mark (saith he) how great Sacrilege i● committed against God, when humane presumption takes away what he gave, and boasts itself to act for God, and to defend him with force and violence, as if he could not avenge the injury that is done to him. Christi par volentes invitat, non cogit invitos: The peace which Christ teacheth, inviteth them that are willing, and doth not force them that are unwilling. God sent Prophets to teach the People of Israel, not Kings; and Christ, to promote the Salvation of Souls, sent not Soldiers, but Fishermen. To which I may add that of Petilian, 
Contra Petil. l. 2.  Absit! absit à nostra conscientia, us ad nostram fidem aliquem compellamus: Far be it from us, that we should compel any to be of our persuasion 
* Si voluntas libera unicuique tribuenda est, Ceciliano priùs tribuatur, August. post Col: lat. cum Donatist. . To which St. Augustine. replies, (1.) By minding them of their Proceed against the Maximianists, against whom they made use of the Theodosian Laws. And (2.) how when under Julian, they had gotten some power, they improved it to the utmost against the Catholics. So that, as St. Augustine says, the Kite that is frighted from preying upon the Chicken, may as well be thought a Dove, as they be accounted mild and gentle, who only want power, and not malice: And then he shows, how irrational and impious their Arguments are, by which all humane lusts and outrages should go unpunished, and no King should restrain his Subject, nor a Father his Children from any wickedness: For if you once blot out that which the Apostle says, for the good government of Mankind; Let every Soul be subject to the higher powers, etc. you open a Gap to all Licentiousness. Clamate si audetis puniantur homicidia, puniantur adulteria, sola sacrilegia volumus à regnantium legibus impunita. How can you say that Murder and Adultery ought to be punished by the Magistrate, but Sacrilegious Schisms ought to be permitted? Or, that it i● not the duty of the Magistrate, to contradict or punish you, when you are injurious to his Church and Worship? If a pretence of Conscience may supersede the Penalties of the Law, few Offenders would be retrained or punished for any Transgression. And therefore St. Augustine calls it, a most vain and impertinent way of reasoning, which their own practice did contradict and confute, as often as they had power in their hands; and tells them, they did most incuriously condemn the Emperors, as Persecutors, when they only restrained evil doers, and dealt with unruly Persons, as Physicians use to deal with phrenetick Patients, that bind them up from hurting themselves, and others. Non persequitur Phreneticum Medicus sed Medicum Phreneticus. If Men be frantic, and being diseased themselves, shall endeavour to infect and disturb others, he is a Physician, not a Persecutor that binds them to better behaviour▪ St. Augustine wrote an Epistle to Bonifacius, which in the second Book of his Retractations, he calls, Librum de correctione Donatistarum: Wherein he asserts the power of the Magistrates, to make coercive Laws in the Case of Religion. 1. Because the Kings that did it not under the Law, were blamed, and those that did it, commended. 2. Because it is their duty, as Kings, Aliter enim servit quia homo, aliter quia Rex: As a Man, the King ought to serve God, by living faithfully, as a King, by executing with convenient rigour such Laws, as command things that are just, and forbidding what is contrary. For what sober Man will say, to Kings, Nolite curare in Regno vestro à quo teneatur vel oppugnetur Ecclesia Domini nostri? It is not your duty to take care who join themselves to the Church of God, or who oppose it; as if they ought not to regard the piety of Men, as well as the Chastity of Women, or it concerned them, that there should be no Bastards, and not that there should be no Idolaters, or Sacrilegious Persons in their Kingdoms. 3. Because Kings may redress what others cannot, they having the Sword given them to that end; and whereas the Donatists objected, Cui vim Christus intulit? Whom did Christ ever constrain? He propounds the case of Saint Paul, that was stricken to the Earth, in whom they might perceive, Christ first restraining, and then teaching him— And our Lord appointed Guests to be first invited, and upon refusal, to be compelled to his great Supper. Wherefore if those that are found by the Highways, and Hedges, (i.e.) among Heretics, or Schismatics, be constrained to the Lords Vineyard, by the Power which the Church hath received, ever since Kings received the Christian Faith, let them not find fault, that they are driven by force, but consider whither they are driven, even to those Pastures where they may find true food, and rest to their Souls. 4. Because the Donatists used unjust violence, to suppress the Catholics, much more might Christian Princes use their just Power to support them: Cur non cogeret Ecclesia perditos filios ut redirent, si perditi filii coegerunt alios ut perirent? It is unworthy a Christian Emperor, to deny his Subject's Power to destroy other men's lives, and to leave them Power to destroy their own, and other men's Souls. And, when the Emperor makes Laws for falsehood against the truth, they that are faithful, are approved, and they that persevere are crowned; And when he makes Laws for truth against falsehood, those that were cruel are restrained, and those that are intelligent are reform. He therefore, that will not obey the Laws of the Emperor, made against the truth, obtains a great reward, and he that will not obey the Laws made for the truth, deserves a great punishment: See Epistle 50.  
It happened that Donatus a Presbyter, was summoned to appear at one of the Councils at Carthage; to prevent the censure that he expected there, he threw himself into a Well, and would have certainly perished there, had not others been more charitable to him, 
Epist. 204.  than he was to himself. From this accident, Saint Augustine reasons thus: If they be justly esteemed your Friends, that preserved your Natural Life, when you endeavoured desperately to destroy it, how can you think them your Enemies, who in love to your Soul, seek to preserve that unto Eternal Life? An justior est privata violentia, quam regia diligentia? And again, 
Contra Parm. l. 1.  An perperam agitur, cum Reges prohibent divisionem, & non cum Episcopi dividunt unitatem? Doubtless the good Laws which were made and executed by public Authority, to prevent such barbarous actions, were much more just than those acts of violence, whereby they destroyed themselves and others. Therefore he proves that none of the Donatists were so severely dealt with, by the lawful power of the Christian Emperors, for the Peace and Unity of the Church, as they dealt with one another, in their private Divisions, nor as they dealt with themselves, in violently procuring their own Deaths: and yet their Survivors justified this practice, from the Example of Razius, 2. Macchab. which St. Augustine confutes at large in the 61. Epistle. And in his second Book against Petilian, he saith, Nemo vobis aufert liberum Arbitrium, sed attendite, quid potius eligatis, utrum correcti, vivere in pace, an in malitia perseverantes, falfis Martyrii nomine, vera supplicia sustinere. That good Laws did not deprive them of the liberty of their wills, but did require them to consider, what was most eligible, whether by gentle correction, to be kept within the bounds of peace, or by persevering in malice, instead of a pretended Martyrdom, to suffer deserved punishments.  
It may here be seasonable to Answer an Objection, which is made by some Persons, for Liberty of Conscience, and against the enacting of Penal Laws in the Cause of Religion, which I am obliged to take notice of, because it particularly asserts, that none of those Christian Emperors, through whose Lives I have drawn the Series of this History, did enact any Laws, or use any force for the Suppression of Sectaries, or Heretics, but granted them all a free Toleration. Dr. Stubs improved this Objection to the utmost, in a Treatise concerning the Power of the Civil Magistrate in things of Spiritual concernment, which Treatise, I hope he hath put among his Retractations, as St. Augustine did some Opinions of the like nature.  
And first, I wonder why he should mention, p. 4th. that Law of the Twelve Tables, Separatìm nemo habessit Deos, neve novos, sed nec advenas, nifi publice adscitos, privatim colunto; (the breach whereof the Romans often punished with Death) unless he thought the Christian Magistrate less obliged to take care of the true Religion, than the Heathen were of a false. It being matter of fact, which I am concerned to Answer, I might confute the Objection (as the Philosopher did him, that denied motion, by rising up and walking before him) by transcribing the several Imperial Laws, made to restrain both Schisms and Heresies, which I shall add by themselves hereafter, and shall now reflect on those, which he says, were made in favour of them. And first, I say, in general, with St. August. contra Parmen: Nec pro pro iis aliquid promulgasse quis invenitur, nisi Julianus Apostata. That Constantine was he first that published many Edicts against them, (which have been particularly mentioned already) and that none, but Julian the Apostate, may be found to have enacted any thing in their favour. And yet p. 55. the Objector says, Constantine did allow an Universal Toleration, and to that purpose, he quoteth Eusebitus in the 2d. Book of the Life of Constrantine, c. 55. where the Reader may easily observe, that the Liberty there granted, was to the Heathen, whom he distinguisheth from the faithful, and (says he) let them (if they will) erect Groves and Altars to Vanity: for indeed they would do it, whether the Emperor would or no, All the Senators, and the far greatest part of his Dominions, being Heathen; and Constantine could not deny them their Ancient Rites, ( Senatui morem gereret) lest he should displease the Senate. And the Objector notes that Eusebius spoke largely of this, to no other end, but to confute those, who had given out, that he had abolished the Heathenish Rites and Customs. And indeed he did not seek to bring the Heathen to Christianity by force; but that he did by force endeavour to keep Christians in Unity, is beyond all doubt. And those very Edicts which seem to grant Liberty to the Heathen, were framed purposely in favour of the Christians, as that made by Constantine and Licinius, mentioned by Eusebius, l. 10. c. 5. For Licinius being a Heathen, violently Persecuted the Christians under his Dominions, to prevent which, this Edict seems to grant a General Toleration, but it especially respected the welfare of Christians, (for the Heathen (as I have said) were not to be suppressed)— as, That Liberty be not denied to any, to embrace and imitate the Christian Religion without molestation— And, Nominatim Christianis decernimus, that such Places wherein the Christians were wont to meet, however alienated, should be restored to them, whether they had been seized by the Emperors, or by them given, or sold to any other. After this, we are told Of several Pagan Philosophers, that were in favour with the Emperors; as Sopater with Constantine, who sat him sometime at his right hand; Libanius, who under Constantius, had the tuition of Julian, as also Maximus Tyrius had; so Themistius was a Senator in the time of Theodosius; Symmachus was Praefectus Vrbis, in the days of Valentinian and Valens, and Consul in Theodosius his Reign: of all which we may say, as the Objector doth, concerning Generidus, who was made General under Honorius; That the Emperor did it out of necessity, p. 88 But that Honorius favoured the Donatists, and did only punish them a while, by the instigation of Stilicho, the Donatists found to be an untruth, when after the Death of Stilicho, the same Laws were still executed upon them, so severely, that as the Donatists grieved for the death of Julian, so they rejoiced at the Death of Honorius. It were no difficult matter to transcribe many Laws made by the Christian Emperors, against the Pagan Rites; but it is not to my purpose, and therefore I shall only trouble my Reader with that of St. Augustine, Epistle 48. Quis nostrum, quis vestrum non laudat leges ab Imperatoribus, adversus sacrificia Pagana? illius quippe impietatis Capitale supplicium est. But at last we are told, that though there were very severe Laws made against Heretics and Schismatics, yet the Emperors never did, nor intended to execute them. So p. 80. Constantine (saith he) made Laws against Heretics, rather for show and terror, than for execution; and so he tells us of Theodosius, that he made a Law, that the Sectarians should have no Assemblies, nor make any profession of their faith, nor ordain Bishops and Pastors, and that some of them should be banished the City and Country, others made infamous, and have no public Preferment, and this he enacted with severe Penalties, which yet (saith ●he) the Emperor did never inflict, for he did not ordain these things with an intention to punish, but to terrify his Subjects, that they might better agree in Religion. This had been a very politic device to bring their Authority into contempt, when the Imperial Laws, like the Blocks of Wood cast down from Jupiter, among the Frogs, having made a little noise, shall ever after lie still, for every creeping thing to leap and insult over them. If the courage and resolution of those Emperors, or rather the opportunities for the execution of those Laws had been answerable to their prudence in making them, they might, in all probability, have stopped that deluge of Christian blood, which was poured forth in greater abundance, through all Africa, by the Donatists, than by the Heathen Emperors, And the Execution of those Laws, with such moderation, as the Catholics did always desire, expressed in several Epistles of St. Augustine, to Bonifacius, Cecilianus, and other of the Emperor's Officers, had been, as St. Augustine says, Epistle 50. magna in eos misericordia, as great an act of Charity to the Bodies and Souls of Christians, and of Piety towards God, as the Indulgence granted by Julian was an occasion of Impiety and Cruelty; whereby he had almost destroyed Christianity, by permitting Divisions among its Professors. Nor were the Christian Emperors negligent in the execution of their Laws, as far as the present necessities, and iniquity of the Times would permit. The Objector instanceth in the banishment of Arius, and four or five more with him, under Constantine, p. 60. And of Eunomius, under Theodosius, for keeping Conventicles, and I have given divers other instances. If we may believe the complaints of the Donatists, they were not only in terrorem, they felt not only the Rod, but the Sword too, sometime, which as the Scripture saith, The Magistrate beareth not in vain; You may hear them complain, Quod eos Costantinus ad Campum, (i. e.) ad Supplicium duci jussit, l. 1. contra Parmen. that they were in great Numbers exiled, and had divers Punishments, even unto Death inflicted on them.  
And we read that St. Augustine and the Catholics, 
Epistle ad Bonifacium.  did often mediate with the Emperor's Officers, that their Punishment might not be unto Death, and yet they accuse the Catholics, as if they had been the cause of forming and sharpening the Instruments of Punishment against them, such as the following Laws mentioned in the conclusion of this History.   

Of their unjust Censures and Calumnies.  
The Foundation of this Schism was laid on the ruin of the reputation of Cecilian, and the Catholics in Communion with him, whom they reported to be Traditors and Idolaters, that they had nor Ministers, nor Sacraments, and their whole Worship was corrupted by Superstition, and strange Images, which were set upon their Altars. As for St. Augustine, he was a contentious Disputer, and a perverter of Souls, rather to be avoided than refuted, or to be dealt with as a Wolf, or a Beast of prey, and accordingly they did lay many secret Snares to entrap and ruin Him. It is evident, that by the very act of separation, they did condemn their Brethren, as guilty of some heinous sins, for which they refused to hold Communion with them, and as much as in them lay, excommunicated all the Churches of Africa, as corrupted by Traditors, and become Apostates. They appealed from Meltiades, not only as partial, but as being himself a Traditor. Nor was the Emperor free from their Calumny, for they report him to have been misguided by Hosius the famous Bishop, and other evil Counsellors: Imperatorias aures pravis suggestionibus sufflatas; whereof he was never more guilty, than in yielding so far as he did, to their importunity, which he did to a good end: Eorum perversitatibus cedens, & omnimodo cupiens tantam impudentiam cohibere; being wearied by them, and hoping by so many sentences against them, he might for ever silence their impudent clamours. Of Mensurius, who preceded Cecilian, they said, that he was, Tyranno saevior, Carnifice crudelior, more raging than a Tyrant, and more cruel than a Hangman; and that he had chosen Cecilian, 
Opt. Append. p. 291.  as a fit instrument of his cruelty, whereas Mensurius was well known to yield himself up to the pleasure of Dioclesian, rather than to betray his Brother; and of Cecilians innocency, you have heard sufficiently. Nor did they deal thus only with the Clergy, but with the Magistrates also. Donatus writing to Gregorius a Perfect, gins directly in the Language of our Quakers, Gregori, macula Senatus! Dedecus Praefectorum! Thou Gregory, blot of the Senate, and disgrace of the Prefects, Opt. p. 64. This was not their common, but their holy Language; Profertis Evangelium & facitis convitium; their Preaching was little else besides Railing. And as if their Preaching was not enough, they did in perpetuam Reimemoriam, fill their Libels and Writings with such unsavoury Language. Nullus vestrum est, qui non tractatibus suis convitia nostra miscet: And this they did to maintain prejudice in the hearts of the People, and to lay a scandal, or stumbling-block in the way of such, as might otherwise be brought over to a better Opinion of their lawful Pastors. Auditorum animis infunditis odia, inimicitias docendo, suadetis, Haec omnia dicendo contra nos scandala ponitis, Optat. p. 78. And though there were many among the People of the Catholic Communion; that lived unblamably among their Adversaries, yet did they condemn them for remaining in the Faith and Communion of their Pastors; as Petilian told St. Augustine to his face; Qui fidem à perfido sumpserit, non fidem sumpsit, sed reatum: August. contra Petil. l. 1. When Constans sent Paulus and Macarius to promote Unity, and comfort the Catholics, that had been much vexed and injured by the Donatists, they report that they were come to advance Idolatry and Superstition, that they had brought Images, which they intended to set upon the Altars, and would command the People to Worship them; Whereas those Statues were sent rather as a token of the Emperor's favour, (it being a Custom of those Emperors, to send their Effigies into those Countries under their Dominion, to which they could not come in Person) and the Christian Emperors had provided by their Edicts, that Cultura excedens hominum dignitatem, supremo numini reservaretur; Only a civil respect was to be yielded to them, and Divine Worship to be reserved to God alone. And the event proved them liars, for when those peacemakers came, and communicated with the Catholics, Nil tale visum est, nil viderunt Christiani Oculi quod horrerent. There was no change or innovation in the Public Worship, but the same decency and order was observed as formerly, and those Images proved to be only imaginations of their own brains. The Second Nicene Council calls these Images of the Emperor's, Laurata & Iconas, which being sent to great Cities, the People went out to meet them, with Acclamations to the Emperor, whom they did honour, and not the painted Image. Thus also they accused Marcellinus, as if he had been corrupted by Bribes and Presents from the Catholics, to incline him to their Cause. And Honorius the Emperor was said to be seduced by Evil Counsellors, though he acted by the known Laws of his Ancestors. And as to false accusations, they gave such proof of their faculty in contriving them, that St. Augustine at the Conference at Carthage, hearing them, contrary to evident truth, to charge Felix and Mensurius for Traditors, and to allege that Optatus had written, that Cecilian was condemned by Miltiades, and that Constantine had imprisoned him at Brixia, tells Cresconius, that he wondered how the Donatists could have any Blood in their Bodies, and not blush at the mentioning of such things. And as to St. Augustine's particular, they gave him no other Character, but of a contentious Sophister, that was rather to be avoided than confused, and to be dealt with as a Wolf; upon no other provocation, but because, as St. Augustine said, they had rather cover a bad cause with wicked slanders and excuses, than to end it by fair disputations and inquiry after truth. And this is the reason, saith he, that Cresconius (Me fecit causam cum defecisset in Causa,) fell so foully on my Person, when I had fairly overthrown his cause. Leave off such subterfuges, (saith he) I am but one Man: It is the cause of the Church, not my own, that is now in question; what my conversation is, is known to those among whom I live, we are now to inquire into the cause of the Church. Optatus complained of the like Calumnies long before. Nullus vestrum est, 
Opt. p. 69.  qui non suis tractatibus convitia nostra miscet, lectiones Dominicas incipitis, & tractatus vestros ad injuriam nostram explicatis. Profertis Evangelium & facitis absenti fratri convitium, 
idem p. 81.  nec voluntatem bonam vis habere nec pacem: They wrested and tortured the Scripture, to make it speak against their Brethren. There is not one of you that doth nor fill up his Sermons with slanders. You begin to read the Scriptures, and expound them to our injury and disgrace. You have neither Peace, nor Good will. Turba gravis paci placidaeque inimica quieti.—   

Of their Cruelty.  
What St. Cyprian (Epistle 49.) observed of Donatus, was true of these, In ipsa persecutione, alia nostris persecutio fuit. St. Augustine, in the Psalm which he wrote against the Donatists, saith more, Quod persecutor non fecit, ipsi fecerunt in pace. They that were prodigal of their own Lives, could not be sparing of other men's. No sooner did any of the People fly from the Catholics to the Donatists, but they were of another spirit, clean contrary to what the Gospel inspires good Christians withal. This made the Lion as mild as the Lamb, but among the Donatists, not only Men, but Women, of Sheep became Wolves; of faithful, perfidious of patiented, furious; of peaceable, contentious; and of modest, impudent. Optatus (p. 99) says, they were pragmatici & crudeles, busy and diligent in exercising Cruelty. (Episcopi vestri multas caedes, propria manu perpetrarunt:) Many of their Bishops did with their own hands, shed that Blood, for the sparing of which Christ shed His. Under Constantine, and other good Emperors, they did not make such havoc of the Churches as they would, they were then awed by a greater Power; 
Epist. 48.  But St. Augustine tells them, Nulla bestia mansueta dicitur, quod neminem mordet, cum dentes & ungues non habet: The Lion or the Bear do not lose their Natures, when they lose their Liberty, or their Paws and Teeth; and that their intentions were always cruel, their actions manifested, as soon as they got liberty, and their power was increased under Julian. Quae caedes à vobis factae postquam Julianus Basilicas tradidit? What Murders did they not commit, when Julian restored the Churches, and gave them power? They forced the Catholics from their Habitations, and Churches, into the Mountains, or into Places of strength, and there assaulted them, with as much fury as the most barbarous Enemy. they slew the Bishops at the Altars, and those Churches which Dioclesian had spared, were by the Donatists razed to the ground: they were Interfectores Prophetarum, Murderers of the Prophets, and built Monuments to those that murdered them. And this did animate them, to slay the Catholics with a rage that reached up to Heaven, they were taught, that they did God good service in it. When Men think their Passions to be warranted from Heaven, and that they act by a Commission from God, they think themselves obliged by their greatest hopes and fears, to act them to the highest, as St. Paul did before his Conversion. But such a furious zeal is without knowledge: For the Wisdom that is from above, is first Pure, then Peaceable, etc. How far the Donatists were from this temper, the many Massacres made by them do demonstrate; it was a sport to them to shed Blood, for as Optatus says, they did Vivum facere Homicidium, make Men die often, starving some to death, cutting off the Hands and Fingers of others, putting out the Eyes of others with Lime and Vinegar, Deturbatos bonis & dignitatibus, 
Opt. p. 99  vivere in poenam quasi sibi ipsis superstites sinitis: The very mercies of these wicked Men were cruel. Yea, they persecuted them after Death, denying them Burial, and exposing their dead Bodies to the Beasts, and Fowls of the Air:  terreatis vivos, male tractatis mortuos, negantes funeribus locum cum mortuis litigatis.  
Clarius a Priest, being ready to perform the solemnity accustomed at the Funerals, in the Village of Subbulia, was forbid by his Bishop, who was a Donatist, and so did insepultam facere Sepulturam. I shall name but that one instance or Novatus, of whom St. Cyprian tells us, Epist. 49. ad Cornelium, that he suffered his Father to die for want of Bread, in a neighbouring Village, and would not permit him to be Buried when he was Dead. He kicked his Wife, so as to cause an Abortion. And in a word, among such as Novatus and Donatus were, they are esteemed most Religious that are most cruel and unnatural, as if they had a command to hate Father and Mother, etc.   

Of their Pride.  
They thought so well of themselves, that they would not sit with the Catholics, and thought themselves injured if the Catholics called them Brethren, as St. August. contra Gaudentium, 
Opt. p. 52.  l. 3. So Petilian refused to sit with the Bishops in the Conference at Carthage, pretending it was forbidden in Scripture to sit with the wicked. Donatus the first was a Person that often affronted the Emperor's Chief Officers, and as the Emperor complained, much hindered his service by the Tumults which he raised against them.  
He kept the Bishops of his own Party at such a distance, as if they all had their dependence on him. When he met any of them, his question was, Quid agitur de parte meâ? What success have my Party? and the Bishops thought it a great honour to write themselves (as they did in public acts) Episcopos ex parte Donati: and as if the Title of Bishop had been too mean for him, he was called Donatus of Carthage, by way of eminency.  
Donatus the Second, whom they called Magnus, (after the Title of him that subdued the whole World) was not content with civil honour; Eum non minori metu omnes Episcopi venerabantur quam Deum: All his Bishops honoured him as if he had been a God. They did not only, jurare in verba, resign themselves to his sole conduct, as if he ruled them by an Infallible Spirit, but swore by him, which is not lawful to do by any, but God, Oped, p. 65. and seeing he did not forbid it, it is plain that he made himself as God: And the People generally reputed him as their Tutelar Angel, by whom Carthage was preserved, and all Africa blessed. He pretended such familiarity with God, as if he had immediate Answers to all his desires, Oravit Donatus & respondit ei Deus de Coelo. Seldom did he converse with any of his Brethren, but as an Oracle, to give rare and indisputable Answers, which Tichonius objected against him, who though he continued in Donatus his Party, yet found his Pride to grow intolerable, for he gave no other reason for his practice, but, Quod volumus sanctum est. St. August. Epist. 193. When Marcellinus at the Conference of Carthage, had entreated the Bishops to sit down, refusing to sit himself (though he then represented the Emperor) until they had taken their Places, the Catholic Bishops sat down, but the Donatists refused, and began to dispute the lawfulness of it, urging that of the Psalmist, Odi Ecclesiam Malignantium, Psalm 26. I hate the Congregation of the wicked. To which the Catholics relplyed, first wittily, that the Psalmist said also, Cum iniquis non ingrediar, that he would not enter into the Assembly of the wicked; and seeing they had condescended so far, as to come into their Company, they might as lawfully sit down with them. And then they desired them more seriously to remember, that David did not so hate the wicked, as for their sakes to forsake the Temple of the Lord; Delib. Hist. p. 218. And so after much entreaty they were persuaded to sit, but desired the Public Notary to enter it among his Acts, that they did it at the pleasure of Marcellinus, & not of their own accord. The like pride was expressed by Parmenian, who being in Conference with some Catholics, and brought to a nonplus, risen up in a fume, and said (Modicum fermentum, totam Massam corrumpit. Dixit hoc Parmenianus & abiit. l. 3. contra Parmen.) A little Leaven leaveneth the whole Lump, and so went away.  
This pride of Spirit appears in that, when they entered upon the Churches of the Catholics, 
Opt. p. 98.  they did wash the very Pavement, and whited the Walls, they broke the consecrated Chalices, and sold them away; and lest any part of the Sacrament which the Catholics had consecrated, should have touched the Linen , wherewith at the administration of the Sacrament they covered the Altars; Quis fidelium nescit ipsa ligna linteamine cooperiri? they did not only remove them, but the Altars themselves, which they razed even to the ground 
* Ne ad Deum solito more supplicatio ascenderet, impia manu scalas subducere laborastis, Opt. p. 94.  Optatus (l. 6. p. 95.) bids them dig deeper, seeing they knew not how far the pollution might extend; Altam facite scrobem, sed observate ne veniatis ad inferos, & illic inveniatis Core, Dathan, & Abiron, Schismaticos Magistros vestros; but beware, saith he, that you did not so low as Hell, where you may find your Schismatical Masters, Core, Dathan, and Abiron. These Men, saith St. Augustine, thought better of themselves than the Apostles did, and worse of their Brethren, than they did of Judas, Com quo Apostoli acceperunt primum Sacramentum Coenae; with whom they received the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper: Psalmo contra Donatistas'. So that it will be a hard matter to find out any sort of Men, to whom that Character of the Man of sin, 2 Thess. 2.4. better agreeth, Who opposeth and exalteth himself against all that is called God, and is worshipped.  
And thus having shown to what height of impiety and mischief this Schism did grow, from very small and inconsiderable beginnings, so by that, all Men may see the madness of such, as give themselves up to dividing Principles, as manifest as the Scripture said it should be: and though I have not painted the Sin as black as it was, 
2 Tim. 3.9.  yet enough is done to affright all such, as profess the Gospel of Peace, and pretend to the Spirit of Love, from such destructive practices: For, as Solomon says, they are fools that make a mock of sin, and think light of so great an evil: That cast Firebrands, Arrows, and Death, and make themselves sport, as if their work and their Religion engaged them (as the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Priests of Mars) to scatter Fire in the Church of God; Behold, saith St. James, how great a matter, a little fire kindleth; that fire he means, which is kindled in the Hearts and Tongues of such as profess the Christian Religion from beneath, when they think themselves inspired from above. All Africa was not fuel enough, it put Rome, and France, and Spain into a flame, and that not for the present Age only, 
in Epistle.  but St. Gregory says, it continued both name and thing to his time, and though those flames were for a good while after abated, the heat of those distempers having consumed the vitals of religion, the true knowledge and fear of God, and although the fire was raked up under the ashes of ignorance and impiety, yet at length some rash and unwary Persons brought home from beyond the Seas into these Kingdoms, such burning Coals, as meeting with combustible matter, and having glowed a while, and only obscured and sullied the beauty of our Church by their smoke, at length broke put into a devouring flame, and (not to renew our sorrows, by recounting the almost innumerable mischiefs that it did) consumed the very foundations both of Church and State. And though by the wonderful compassions of God, (which because they failed not, therefore we were not consumed) our foundations were not only new laid, but glorious structures, to the envy and admiration of our enemies were raised on them; yet we still feel such unnatural heats, (though God be thanked we do not yet see the flame) that we have no Reason to be secure, or to think our building and establishment to be safe, though the foundations be sure; especially if we shall consider, how like this fire hath been to that of Hell, it having been for so many Hundred Years unquenchable.  
How much the Holy Waters of the Church of Rome, which have been abundantly sprinkled on us, have contributed to the increasing of our flames, (notwithstanding the boast of their extinguishing Virtue) is more to be deplored than disputed. If any thing may be available, our penitent Tears, and importunate Prayers to the God of Peace, That he would give Peace in these our days, may be most effectual. And of this blessing we need not doubt, if every one would sincerely endeavour to withdraw that fuel of spiritual Pride and Vainglory, of Envy and Malice, of Carnal Lusts and Secular Interests, and let the Word of God, the Water of Life, dwell richly in him; for those living Plants of the knowledge and fear of God, obedience to our Governors, love and good will to our Brethren, of humility and a mean conceit of ourselves, would resist and suppress those flames, whereas our formality and empty profession, a zeal without knowledge, a spirit of pride, contention and contradiction, and ambitious aspiring, as the bramble in the Parable of Jotham, makes us like so many dry sticks and sapless Leaves ready to take fire at every blast and motion of the Winds. Let us therefore study to be quiet, and to do our own business, to repent of our own sins, and amend every one his own life, instead of Reforming Churches and Kingdoms. And as Solomon adviseth, Fear God and the King, and not meddle with them that are given to change.    

POSTSCRIPT.  
I Have thought fit to Transcribe some few of those Laws, made by the most Christian Emperors, against this rude Faction, the execution whereof (when all other means had been used i● vain) gave a check to its growth. Constantine, as his Nature, and his Religion more especially inclined him, had long endeavoured to reduce them by lenity and indulgence, but the insolence of the Faction necessitated him to a greater rigour, for he well perceived that his Indulgence to the Donatists, was not only an occasion of their Cruelty to the Catholics, but of great disturbance in his Empire. St. Augustine also, who had been an Advocate for them, against the rigour of the Imperial Laws, saw it to be expedient to execute those Laws against them in all their Sanctions, except only in the case or Life. And whoever shall impartially consider the History of those Times, may observe with me these two things: First, That as the Emperors, and their Councils, became more zealous for the Christian Religion, they made stricter Laws, and with greater severity caused them to be put in Execution.— 2ly, That by the diligent execution of such Laws, the insolency of the Faction was much restrained, and unity and peace in a good measure established in the Church. And indeed the life of the Laws, as Sir Francis Bacon observes, is in the execution of them, without which they are always a dead (and sometime a kill) Letter, and it were much more convenient not to have them made, than being made, not to have them executed; for, by this neglect, the Offenders are animated, and Authority contemned: As in the Natural body, when physic hath not its due operation, but only stirreth the humours without purging them, it causeth a new fermentation of blood, and makes way for the noxious humours to seize on the vital parts: Or like the placing of an impotent Dam, to a growing River, which causeth the Waters to swell and roar, and with a greater impetus, than they could have otherwise exerted, to overflow all bounds. What Solomon observed of the Laws of God, is as true of the Laws of Men: Eccles. 8.11. Because sentence against an evil work is not executed speedily; therefore the heart of the sons of men is fully set in them to do evil. Common experience teacheth us, that if we only threaten our Children or Servants, and chastise them not as they deserve, they grow the more presumptuous and selfwilled. And Solomon says, Prov. 13.24. He that spareth the rod hateth his Son, but he that loveth him, chasteneth him betimes.  
Besides, what prejudice and jealousies doth such a neglect beget between a Prince and his People? The Prince sees a necessity of curbing the insolency of his People, by making wholesome Laws; The People fancy that the Prince hath an inclination to Tyranny, but, not executing those Laws, they suppose him to want power, and to be like a foolish Builder, who having begun to build, is not able to finish. And when they perceive a defect in power, as well as in prudence, to manage the Reins of Government, they endeavour to get the Bit, that was put into their Mouths, between their Teeth, and run away with their Rider. In a word, there is no Fruit more desirable to corrupt Nature, than that which is forbidden, the very prohibition doth endear it, and irritate our desires to an enjoyment. How many have publicly declared, that they could, and would have conformed to our Liturgy and Ceremonies, had they not been imposed by a Law: as if those things which are in their own nature, lawful and good, became evil and unlawful, when enforced by a Law. This was long since practised by some Nonconformists, in the days of Archbishop Laud, who commending to his Clergy the wearing of short Hair, they that had been zealous for it before that time, did afterwards suffer their Hair to grow to an excessive length. This is such a spirit of contradiction, as will not be charmed with. Reason and Arguments, though the Charmer be never so wise; Nor will good Laws silence or suppress it, without a seasonable and vigorous execution of them, which was the course taken by the first Christian Emperors; as appears by the following Instances.  


Sozomen Hist. Tripartit. l. 3. c. II.  
De Novatianis, Phrygibus, Valentinianis, etc.  
Contra hos omnes Imperator (Constantinus) positâ lege sancivit auferri eorum Oratoria & Ecclesiis applicari, & neque in Domibus privatorum eos Congregationes neque publice celebrare: melius enim judicabat in Ecclesia Catholica communicandum & in eam cunctis convenire suadebat, propter quam legem (Arbitror) haeresium memoriam fuisse destructam—  
Post hanc enim legem neque publice in Ecclesiis poterant convenire, neque latenter, dum Episcopi civitatum & Clerici observantes talia prohiberent: hinc ergo plurimi metuentes, ad Ecclesiam se Catholicam contulerunt, Alii vero manserunt in sua sententia, non tamen successores haresis reliquerunt.   

Anno Constantini 20. lib. 1. Codicis Theodos.  
De Haereticis.  
Privilegia quae contemplatione Religionis indulta sunt, Catholicae tantùm legis observatoribus prodesse oprtet; Haereticos autem & Schismaticos, non tantùm ab hiis privilegiis alienos esse volumus, sed etiam diversis muneribus constringi, & subjici.   

Euschius in vitâ Constantini, l. 3. c. 61.  
— Et haec cautio eò vim suam porrigat, ut non mode non in publicis, sed nè in privatis quidem aedificiis, aut in locis ullis separatis, hujus vestrae superstiosae dementiae factiones coeant: & proptereà etiam Jubemus, ut universae aedes vestrae, in quibus congressus illos celebrare consuevistis, penitus evertantur. Ac quò provisio haec, in curandis erroribus, robur, & firmitatem sibi necessariam assequatur, mandavimus, ut omnia Superstitionis vestrae loca, in quibus convenire solebatis, omnia dico haereticorum templa, (si modo templa appellare convenit) sine recusatione aut controver siâ diruantur, & diruta, absque morâ Catholicae tradantur Ecclesiae, reliqua loca publico Reipub. usui abdicantur, nec ulla in posterum v●bis celebrandi conventus relinquatur facultas.  Hâc lege promulgatâ istarum sectarum memoria, magna ex parte deleta est, plurimis ad Ecclesiam conversis; aliis autem, cum discipulos facere nequirent è vitâ sublatis. Bzovius ad Annum 20. Constantini.  

Anno 418.  
 pulsis ex urbe primitus capitibus dogmatis execrandi, Caelestio & Pelagio, si qui hujus de cetero sacrilegii Sectatores quibuscunque locis potuerint inveniri, aut de pravitate damnatâ aliquem rursum proferre sermonem, à quocunque corrupti, ad competentem judicem pertrahantur, quos sive Clericus sive Laicus fuerit, deferendi habeat potestatem, & sine praescriptione aliquâ perurgendi, ut probationem convicti criminis stilus publicus insequatur, ipsis inexorati exilii deportatione damnatis.   

Anno 419.  
 nefandi dogmatis repertores ab urbe Româ veluti quaedam Catholicae veritatis contagia pellerentur, ne ignorantium mentes scaeva persuasione perverterent, sed quia obstinati criminis pertinax malum ut constitutio geminaretur coegit, recenti sanctione decrevimus ut si quis eos in quancunque provinciarum parte latitare non nesciens aut propellere aut prodere distulisset, praescriptae poenae velut particeps subjaceret. Praeciquè tamen ad quorundam Episcoporum pertinaciam corrigendam qui pravas eorum disputationes tacito consensu asserunt, vel publica oppugnatione non destruunt— Quicunque damnationi suprà memoratorum subscribere, impiâ obstinatione neglexerint, Episcopatus amissione mulctati, interdictâ in perpetuum, expulsi civitatibus communione priventur.   

Anno 421.  
Mandatum Volusiano Vrbis Praefecto.  
 omnes qui Dei invident pietati diligenter inquirat & eos faciat statim è muris urbis expelli; it a tamen ut ne intra centesimum lapidem habeant licentiam consistendi.  
Notat Vossius quod post ista edicta alii Episcopatu dejecti ut Julianus, etc. alii legum severitate territi seu fidei luce convicti ab erroris semita in veritatis viam revenerunt: uti Turbantius, & Leporius, qui de se sic confitetur, sic imperitia & superbia, sic stulta simplicitas cum persuasione noxia, sic fervor cum intemperantia, sic debilis fides, in me viguerunt, ut haec ab animo potuisse cedere, mihi stupenda Gratulatio.   

Socrates, l. 2. Cap. 15. Historiae tripartitae.  
Victor Constantinus Max. August. Episcopis & Populo.  
Malignos & impios Arius imitatus, dignum est, ut illorum quoque suscipiat ultionem: Sicut ergo Porphyrius divinae pietatis inimicus iniqua volumina contra religionem proferens dignam promeruit invenire mercedem, & talem per quam imposterum esset opprobrium & plurimâ compleretur infamiâ Et nunc placuit Arium & consectores ejus vocari Porphyrianos, ut puorum mores imitati sunt eorum vocabulo perfruantur. Super haec autem, si qua conscriptio ab Ario facta invenitur igni tradatur, ut non solum prava enjus doctrina depereat, sed neque ulla ejus possint remanere Commenta. Hoc etiam praecipio, si quis Arii conscriptiones cellasse comperitur & non repente proferens, igne consumpserit, mortis supplicio subjacebit, mox enim ut in hoc fuerit captus, capitalem suscipiet ultionem. Deus vos custodiat.   

De Trinitate.  
Nullus haereticis Ministeriorum locus, nulla ad exercendam animi obstinatioris dementiam pateat occasio. Sciant omnes, etiamsi quid speciali quolibet rescripto, per fraudem elicito, ab hujusmodi hominum genere impetratum sit, non valere. Arceantur cunctorum haereticorum ab illicitis congregationibus turbae, unius & summi Dei nomen ubique celebretur.— Omnes haereticos illicitas agere intra oppida congregationes vetamus; at si quid eruptio factiosa tentaverit, ab ipsis etiam urbium moenibus, exterminato furore propelli jubemus.  
Euchario & Siagrio Coss.   

De Episcopis & Clericis.  
Si quis Episcopus Sacerdotio pulsus, praesumpserit ingredi civitatem ex quâ pulsus est, Jubemus hunc monasterio in aliâ regione constituto tradi, ut quae in Sacerdotio deliquit, in monasterio degens corrigat.  
Conventicula illicita, etiam extra Ecclesiam in privatis adibus celebrari prohibemus, proscriptionis domus periculo imminente, si dominus ejus in eâ Clericos nova ac tumultuosa conventicula extra Ecclesiam celebrantes, susceperit.  
Honorio & Aristaeneto Coss.   

De Haereticis.  
Omnes haeresses, legibus Divinis & imperialibus vetitae constitutionibus perpetuo quiescant, nemo ulterius conetur profana praecepta, vel docere, vel discere, nec Antistites eorundum audeant sidem insinuare quam non habent, & ministros creare, qui non sunt; nec per conniventiam Judicantium omniumque quibus per constitutiones paternas super hoc cura mandata est, ejusmodi audacia negligatur & crescat. Haereticorum autem vocabulo continentur, & latis adversus eos sanctionibus succumbere debent, qui vel levi argumento, à judicio Catholicae religionis & tramite detecti fuerint deviare.  
Ausonio & Olybrio Coss.   

Manichaeos, vel Donatistas meritiffimâ severitate persequimur; huic itaque hominum generi, nihil ex moribus, nihil ex legibus commune sit cum caeteris. Ac primum quidem volumus esse publicum crimen quia quod in Religionem divinam committitur in omnium fertur injuriam; quos bonorum omnium publicatione prosequimur, ipsos quoque volumus amoveri ab omni liberalitate, & successione, quolibet titulo veniente. Praetereà non donandi, non emendi, non vendendi, non postremo contrahendi cuiquam convicto relinquimus facultatem; in mortem quoque inquisitio extendatur. Nam si in criminibus Majestatis licet memoriam accusare defuncti non immeritò & hic debet subire tale judicium, ergo & suprema illius scriptura irrita sit, sive testamento, sive Codicillo, sive Epistolâ sive aliquo alio genere reliquerit voluntatem, qui Manichaeus fuisse convincitur. Sed nec filios haeredes eis existere aut adire permittimus, nisi â paternâ pravitate discesserint: Delicti enim veniam poenitentibus damus. In eos etiam auctoritatis nostrae aculei dirigantur, qui eos domibus suis, damnandâ provisiene defendunt. Servos insuper extra noxam esse volumus, si dominorum Sacrilegium evitantes ad Ecclesiam Catholicam servitio fideliore transierint.  
Honorio & Theodosio Coss.   

Si vero Diminus temporalis, requisitus & admonitus ab Ecclesia, terram suam purgare neglexerit, ab haereticâ pravitate, post annum à tempore monitionis elapsum, terram ipsius exponimus Catholicis occupandam, qui eam exterminatis haereticis absque ullâ contradictione possideant, & in fidei puritate conservent: &  
quae sequuntur ibidem.   

Ariani, Macedonianis— Donatistae & qui ad imam usque scelerum nequitiam pervenerunt, Manichaei; nusquam in Romanum locum conveniendi morandique habeant facultatem. Manichaeis etiam de civitatibus pellendis, & ultimo supplicio tradendis, quoniam his nihil relinquendum loci ast in quo ipsis etiam elementis fit injuria. Cunctis quoque legibus, quae contra eos, caeterosque qui nostrae sidei refragantur, olim diverfisque temporibus latae sunt, semper viridi observantiâ valituris. Sive de donationibus in haereticorum conventicula (quae ipsi audacter Ecclesias nuncupare conantur) factis, sive ex ultimâ voluntate rebus qualitercunque relictis, sive de privatis aedificiis in quae domino permittente, vel connivente, convenerint venerandae nobis Catholicae Ecclesiae vindicandis, sive de procuratore qui hoc nesciente domino fecerit, Decem librarum auri mulcta, vel exilium si sit ingenuus subituro, Metallum vero post verbera si servilis conditionis sit; it a ●t nec in publicum convenire locum, nec aedificare sibi quasi Ecclesias, nec ad circumscriptionem legum quicquam meditari valent, omni civili & militari, curiarum etiam & defensorum & judicum sub viginti librarum Auri interminatione prohibendi auxilio. Illis etiam omnibus in sua manentibus firmitate, quae de militiâ, poenisque variis deque diversis haereticis sunt promulgata, us nec speciale quidem beneficium adversus leges valeat impetratum.  
Felice & Tauro Coss.   

Apollinaristoe, vel Eutychianistae, non Ecclesias sibi construant, parasynaxes & conventicula tam diurna, quam nocturna, non contrahant— Nec eis publicè, vel privati● convocandi caetus, vel circulos contrahendi & de errore haeretico disputandi, tribuatur facultas. Nulli etiam contra venerabilem Chalcedonensem Synodum liceat aliquid vel dictare, vel scribere, vel edere, vel emittere, aut ali●rum dicta vel s●ripta super eadem re proferre. Nemo hujusmodi habere libros & sacrilega Scriptorum monumenta audeat servare: quodsi qui in his criminibus fuerint deprehensi, perpetua deportatione damnentur.  
Constantio & Rufo Coss.   

De Baptismate.  
Antistitem, qui Sactitatem baptismatis illicita usurpatione geminaverit, sacerdotio indignum esse censemus, etc. Gratiano & Merobaude Coss.  
Si quis rebaptizare quempiam de Ministris Catholicae Sectae fuerit detectus, unà cum eo qui piaculare crimen commisit, (si tamen criminis per aetatem capax sit) & hic cui persuasum sit, ultimo judicio percellatur.  
Lucio & Hadriano Coss.   

Hi qui sanctam fidem prodiderunt, & Sanctum baptisma haereticâ superstitione profanârunt, à consortio omnium segregati sint, & à testimoniis alieni— Lapsis etenim, & errantibus subvenitur, perditis vero, hoc est sanctum baptisma profanantibus, nullo remedio poenitentiae succurritur.  
Tatiano & Symmacho Coss.   

Eum qui servum, sive ingenuum, invitum, seu suasione plectendâ, ex cultu Christianae Religionis, in nefandam Sectam, ritumve seduxerit, cum dispendio personarum, capite puniendum esse censemus.  
Theodosio & Valentiniano Coss.   

St. August. contra Parmen. l. 3.  
Si quid pro hujusmodi iniquitatibus patiuntur, si nolint corrigi, saltem non audeant gloriari.    
FINIS.