A REVIEW OF Mr. Richard Baxter's LIFE. WHEREIN Many Mistakes are Rectified, some False Relations Detected, some Omissions supplied out of his other BOOKS. WITH REMARKS on several Material Passages.  
By THOMAS LONG, B.D. One of the Prebendaries of St. Peter's, Exon.  
I have been in the heat of my Zeal so forward to Changes and Ways of Blood, that I fear God will not let me have a hand in the peaceable building of his Church.  Mr. Baxter's Letter to Dr. Hill. 
LONDON: Printed by F.C. and are to be sold by E. Whitlock near Stationers-Hall. 1697.   

TO THE RIGHT REVEREND Father in GOD, JONATHAN Lord Bishop of Exeter.  
May it please your Lordship,  
I Am very sensible how Criminal it is for any Christian to do what the very Heathen have forbid, to speak any thing of the Dead, but what is well; and yet there are so many ill things recorded of Mr. Baxter in the following Treatise, that I might justly incur your Lordship's displeasure, if I could not plead very necessary and satisfactory Reasons for this Undertaking.  
First therefore, I plead that I have said little or nothing in what is now published, but what Mr. Baxter reported of himself, as Matters of Fact in the History of his Life, and other Books printed in his Life time, or what is fairly inferred from the same.  
2. That the Substance of what is now published, was printed about nine years before his Death, which it is evident he had perused, and acknowledgeth he had given no Answer to it, (except a Mentiris, which was his usual Reply to other Adversaries, for want of Reason and Argument).  
3. I say that (though dead) he hath first provoked me; for in p. 188. part 3. of his Life, he saith, Long of Exeter wrote so fierce a Book to prove me out of my own Writings to be one of the worst Men living on Earth (full of Falsehoods and old retracted Lines and half Sentences) that I never saw any like it: and yet though so much concerned, and surviving about Nine years, he hath not discovered that fullness of Falsehoods, etc. which he suggested; but tells his Readers that it is none of the Matter in Controversy, whether he be good or bad: whereas it is certain, that a good Man would never engage in so bad a Cause as he hath defended by his Personal Actions, as well as in many Writings; and he himself tells us, That a true Description of Persons is much of the Life of History, p. 136. of his Life. And an evil Tree cannot bring forth good Fruit.  
4. I plead not my own Cause, but the Cause of the Church and National Constitutions, and in truth of all Degrees of Persons in the Nation: for this Historical Relation of his own Life, contains a virulent invective and grinning satire against all that live in conformity to the Ecclesiastical or Civil Laws; the King is represented as a Papist and Authorizer of the Irish Insurrection; the Parliament is Tyrannical, making such Laws as proved Taring Engines, and such as no Man fearing God could submit to; the established Order of Episcopacy as Antichristian; the Clergy as perjured and persecuting Persons; the Nobility and Gentry as strengtheners of Iniquity in the Land: And do not such Scandals demand a Reply?  
5. It is necessary to disperse those Clouds and Umbrages with which he would cover his mischievous Designs, his Pleas for Peace, first, second, and third, and his Only way of Concord, being nothing else but Seeds of Discord and Confusion; and necessary it was that such ill things should have good Names given them: those that would propagate Schisms and Heresies need a Form of Godliness to set them off. Arius, Aerius, and Donatus were Men of good Learning, and as to appearance of good Lives also; yet the one most strangely propagated that damnable Error of denying the Lord that bought him: and the other those Schisms which have divided the Body of Christ, his Church, to this present Age: 'Tis but an Artifice therefore of all Seducers, of which the Apostle forewarns us, 2 Tim. 3.2,3. That in the last days men should be lovers of themselves, covetous, boasters, proud, blasphemers, disobedient to parents, unthankful, unholy, without natural affection; truce-breakers, false accusers, incontinent, fierce, despisers of those that are good, traitors, heady, highminded; lovers of pleasures more than of God; and all this under a Form of Godliness; and when even Satan can transform himself into an Angel of Light, it is no marvel if his Ministers be transformed as the Ministers of Righteousness.  
6. I remember that our Excellent Bishop of Worcester prudently foretold of Mr. Baxter, That he would die leaving his sting in the wounds of the Church; which Mr. Baxter hath abundantly fulfilled in this and many other of his Writings, which Stings must be plucked out, or the Wounds which they have made, will be still kept open and bleeding; for though Mr. Baxter be dead, he hath done what he could to raise up, and arm a Succession of such a Generation of Dissenters, as shall still eat into the Bowels of the Church, and he hath provided a Magazine of Ammunition for them. Mr. Sylvester tells us, How much he was delighted in a hopeful Race of young Ministers and Christians; how much he valued young Divines and hopeful Candidates for the Ministry; how liberal he was of Counsel and Encouragement to them, and inquisitive after, and pleased with their growthful Numbers and Improvement. (And he told me) that he had the greatest hopes and expectations from the succeeding Generation of them, that they would do God's Work much better than we had done before them. To which end he acquaints us, in the beginning of his Preface, That Mr. Baxter left the orderly disposal of his bequeathed Library to young poor Students. So that here is a Fund provided for a perpetual Schism. And Mr. Sylvester hath discovered a hidden Treasure of Mr. Baxter's, which he is improving as a Supply of Deficiencies, in another Volume.  
Having shown your Lordship the Reasons of my Undertaking, I shall briefly give you an Account of what I have performed to frustrate these pernicious Attempts. Your Lordship knows, I have served as a Veterane Soldier in these Parts of the Church Militant about Fifty years, and might now sue for a Dismission (being somewhat elder than Mr. Baxter was when he left writing, which was, as Mr. Sylvester says, Seven years before his death, when he was, as I compute it, Sixty nine years old, and I am now entered into the Seventy sixth year) yet to excite and encourage men of greater Abilities, I have, as I were able, performed these two things.  
First, Whereas a great part of this, and other Writings of Mr. Baxter, as also of his whole Life, hath been spent in framing Objections against, and Defamations of our well-established Discipline and Liturgy, which he blameth as too confused for want of Method; and for its Matter (abstracted from the Penal Laws) as abounding with Thirty or Forty such tremendous things as a man fearing God could not comply with; though many men, such as Dr. Beveredge, Comber, Falkner, and the Authors of the London Cases, have convincingly Answered and Vindicated them; yet conceiving that none could so effectually confute them (ad homines at least) as Mr. Baxter himself hath done, I recommended them that are unsatisfied, to the serious use of Mr. Baxter's Last Legacy and Admonitions to Dissenters, lately printed, which if they would read without prejudice and malice, well weigh the force of his Arguments, they would do much right to Mr. Baxter and themselves: For whoever shall think of opposing what Mr. Baxter hath said in Passion or heat of Disputation against what is proposed in those Admonitions, will but show how often Mr. Baxter hath contradicted himself; nor will any sober Person, that hath sound and wholesome Reasons offered by Mr. Baxter, for the informing of his Judgement and Conscience, pass by those and fasten on such putrified Soars and Ulcers, and like the Horseleech, continue sucking in Corruption till he bursts and dies, when Salutary Food is provided.  
Secondly, Whereas Mr. Baxter and his Admirers value him for his great Zeal and constant Endeavours for Catholic Charity, and particularly for Unity, Love, and Concord between all Parties in this Nation, I have shown in this Abridgement of his Life, and mostly (ex Ore suo) from his own Relations, that as much as in him lay, he hath made the Terms of Love and Union impossible; and that as he was a great Incendiary of our Unnatural Wars from the beginning to the end, having engaged some Thousands in the Rebellion, and served as a Chaplain to the Garrison at Coventry in 1642. so he was a Chaplain to Whaley the King's Jailor in 1647. so in our unchristian Divisions, he hath been the most forward Agent and Disputant (Quorum pars magna fuit, as testifieth Mr. Sylvester) and that elaborate History of Bishops and Councils which he began to meditate in the Year 1640. and after many years was printed, to show (as the Learned Dr. Maurice hath proved) how much he wanted of being a Scholar or a Christian. For Mr. Baxter himself was afraid, lest that History, as opened by him, should prove a Temptation to some to contemn Christianity itself, for the sake and crimes of such a Clergy, p. 181. part 3. And indeed they had been intolerable in any Nation, if they had been such as Mr. Baxter represents them. But whoever shall consult the Catalogues of Ancient Heresies, or the Histories of Schisms and Ecclesiastical Feuds and Tumults, (whether those Sixty Heresies reckoned by Epiphanius, or those Eighty eight by St. Augustine, or those greater Numbers by Philastrius and Theodoret: or those Schisms occasioned by Novatus and the Donatists) will have a hard Task to prove any lawful Bishop to be the Founder of any of those Heresies or Schisms. It is evident therefore, that he hath endeavoured to ruin the Primitive Government of the Church, to raise a new Model of his own disturbed Imagination. So that if there be any such Sins as Schism and Rebellion, and such as Endeavour to defend and perpetuate them are guilty, this Dux gregis may bear the Bell.  
Yet lest it should be thought that I have disquieted myself and others in vain, and being an old Man, have dreamt a Dream, and Combat with Fears and Jealousies of my own Imagination, let it be considered, That as of old a Man of Gath came forth, defying the Armies of Israel, saying, Give me a man that we may fight together, and if he kill me we will be your Servants, but if I prevail against him, you shall be our Servants; at whose words all Israel was dismayed and greatly afraid, and the Philistines shouted and cried Victoria: So there hath been a Defiance published (in the Life of Mr. Baxter) to the whole Host of Israel, whereat great Insultation and Triumph among the Non-Conformists is heard in our Streets; and is there not a Cause why an obscure Shepherd, how meanly soever he be otherwise armed, having got Goliah's own Sword wherewith to fight him, should enter the Lists against him?  
My Lord,  
There is another such Disease as the Pice, that hath infected both Sexes among us, and is become Epidemical; Mankind still longs for forbidden Fruit, they loath Manna, and require Meat for their Lusts. How hath that damnable Heresy of the Socinians spread itself of late, and corrupted the Faith of many, though the Authors are either unknown, or Persons of a very ill Character, who, under the Name of Deists and unitarians, design the Contempt of all Revealed Religion, and to unite us all in Atheism. But as Mr. Baxter's Person was had in admiration among many Thousands of his Proselytes, so his Remains are esteemed by them as precious and venerable, as any Relics of the Blessed Virgin Mary by the Superstitious Papists. Whatever raw and undigested Notions, uncharitable Censures, malicious Scandals, and false Histories he hath uttered, are licked up and swallowed by a giddy Multitude as Rarities and luscious Dainties, and the Dictates of an Infallible Teacher.  
I shall trouble your Lordship but with one Instance; Mr. Baxter hath asserted as past doubt, That the Marquis Antrim had a Commission from King Charles the First for Raising that Irish Rebellion, wherein Two hundred thousand Protestants were Massacred; this is published again from Mr. Baxter by Dr. O. in the later end of his second 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And though the ground of this Report hath no other Foundation but a Libel published by some Regicides, yet the confirming it by two such Evidences as Mr. Baxter and the Doctor, hath authorized it to pass as Common Discourse in Cabals and Coffeehouses. I cannot but wonder that the Doctor should so little consult for his own Credit; for who will regard his Testimony against other Persons, who hath so confidently asserted such a Blasphemy against the Lord's Anointed; whatever he hath deserved of the Nation by his former Evidences, he deserves another sort of Pension for this Scandalous Imputation; for we must blot out of our Calendar the Celebrated Memory of the Royal Martyr, or show a Mark of our just Indignation against such a One as hath so publicly affronted the Authority and Wisdom of the whole Nation. Pudet haec opprobria. This may be worthy of the Cognizance of the Parliament.  
My Lord,  
I am conscious that I have moved a Nest of Wasps and Hornets that will be buzzing about my Ears, but I am an old Man and hard of Hearing, so that I shall not be troubled with their Noise; and as for their impotent Stings, they have been so vainly spent on the Church of England, that they are become very Drones. And I well remember, that when the present Bishop of Worcester had provoked them by his incomparable Sermon against Separation, almost as soon as it was published, a Forlorn Party of Reformadoes appeared publicly against it; such as Humphries, Alsop, Job, a Country and City Nonconformist, with Dr. Owen and Mr. Baxter as their Leaders, with their united Force beset him, and railed loudly against him, yet durst not Attack him, but evaded his weighty Arguments. And Mr. Sylvester in his Preface tells us, That the present Archbishop, the Bishops of Worcester and Ely, their greatest Antagonists, were expressly mentioned by Mr. Baxter as Persons greatly admired and highly valued by him; and of their readiness to serve the Public Interest, both Civil and Religious, he doubted not. Yet such is the Hypocrisy of these Men, that they will openly Scandalise and Defame such Persons (for the Edification of their Party) whom they inwardly approve of and admire for their Personal Virtues and constant Endeavours to serve the Public Interest of Church and State. And though I despair of meriting their good Opinion by what I have done, yet I have learned to care less for their Calumnies and Reproaches, which though plentifully, and with great vehemence thrown out, will not stick.  
And now, my Lord, begging your pardon for this tedious Address, and too confident Interruption of your more important Affairs. I bless the good Providence of Almighty God, who under Christ the Great Shepherd and Bishop of our Souls, hath placed me under the Tuition and Patronage of a Person of such Primitive Courage and undaunted Resolution, as hath constantly and successfully stemmed that Springtide of Popery and Socianism which was violently overflowing of us, and I trust will as effectually withstand those raging Waves of Fanaticism, which so impetuously assault the Ark of God on every side, that we being delivered from the Hand of all our Enemies, may serve God with one Consent in Righteousness and Holiness all the Days of our Life, is the earnest Prayer of  
Your Lordship's Dutiful and Devoted Servant, Tho. Long. Exon, Jan. 1. 1696.   

THE Introduction.  
I Think it reasonable to give the Reader an Account how I became obliged to engage in this troublesome Adventure, and for his Satisfaction and my own Justification, I shall declare the first occasion of my Contest with Mr. Baxter. It is generally known how many Books Mr. Baxter hath written to justify that Separation which he, and others of his Persuasion, had printed, some of which he called elaborate and unconfutable; and as another Goliath, despised all the Hosts of Israel, whoever appeared against him, was presently born down with such a Flood of Gaul and bitter Language, (whereof he had an inexhaustible store) that it was enough to affright any considerate Man from approaching near him; he was resolved to have the last word to every Opposer; and his word was as Law and Gospel to all his Party. These Considerations occasioned me to think of dealing with Mr. Baxter in some other Method; and having read something, and heard more of his engaging in our late War, in which he continued well-nigh from the beginning to the end about 71 years, and had been present at most of the great Fights and Sieges in that war, as you will find hereafter from his own relation, I resolved to be at some pains to trace his progress throughout the War; and because I wanted opportunity to inquire it from others, and partly because I might neither be truly or fully informed, either from some of the Party with whom he was, or the Party against whom he was engaged, I thought it much more safe and unquestionable to relate such of his Actions, and his Principles and Reasons on which he acted, as I could glean up from his own undoubted Writings: which being done, though I now perceive I were in the dark, as to many other considerable Passages recorded by himself in his Life at large, I caused my Collections to be printed in the Year 1682. while Mr. Baxter was living, upon which he Reflects as followeth.  
Mr. Long of Exeter (if Fame misreport not the anonimous Author) wrote so fierce a Book to prove me out of my own Writings to be one of the worst Men living on Earth, (full of Falsehoods and r●…fred Lines, and half Sentences) that I never saw the like of it; and being overwhelmed with work, and weakness, and pains, and having least zeal to defend a Person so bad as I know myself to be, I yet never answered him, it being none of the matter in Controversy, whether I be good or bad? God be merciful to me a sinner. P. 188. of his Life.  
Answ. I will not gainsay his Conjecture of the Author of the Book in question, which was entitled The second Part of the unreasonableness of Separation, which was printed 1682. The Book could not seem to be so fierce, being an account of his own Relations concerning his Actions and Writings, which if they represent him to be one of the worst Men living upon Earth, I could not help that. Mr. Baxter himself, in his History of Bishops, pleads for his justification, That he made use of their own words. In the Preface to that Book he says, (in a Parenthesis) That the Book was full of Falsehoods, retracted Lines, and half Sentences) but that he never answered it, which is very strange, seeing he lived above 9 years after he had perused the Book, in which interval he wrote several large Treatises, which less concerned him than that wherein he says he was so much misrepresented: And in all probability, if the Book which he reflects on, had been so full of Falsehoods, retracted Lines, and half Sentences, he might, during that interval, have found leisure enough to have given some Instances of what he pretended against, with his Plea of being overwhelmed with work, weakness, and pains, appears to be but a vain Excuse, for he had zeal enough to defend himself against several others, that charged him with much lesser Miscarriages. And it was very considerable to the Matter in Controversy, whether the Person so fiercely accused were good, or bad? whether he were an honest, and peaceable Man? one wholly devoted to serve a private interest against the public welfare? Mr. Baxter thought this a Reason why so many adhered to the Parliament, That though the King had the Cause, the Parliament had the better Men, Mr. Baxter's Life, p. 37.  
For my part, I should have been extremely confounded, if either Mr. Baxter, whilst he was living, or any one since his death, could have discovered an hundredth part of that Fierceness, Falsehood, or imperfect Sentences in my Book, which Dr. Maurice hath observed in Mr. Baxter's Church History of Bishops, wherein he strikes at Christianity itself, by the Reproaches which he casts on the Primitive Bishops, calling them A few turbulent Spirits, p. 46. silencing and destroying Prelates, p. 73. proud, contentious, ambitious, and hereticating Bishops, p. 77. firebrands of the world, p. 98. merciless, furious, and confounders of Churches, p. 183. Nor doth he deal more mercifully with our Diocesan Bishops, whom he calls Silencing damning Prelates, Briars and Thorns, and Military Instruments of the Devil. Though in a good mood he saith, That none of the Bishops had silenced them, unless by voting as Peers in the House of Lords for the Laws ●…ainst Dissenters, which yet, says he, all did not. Yet Mr. Baxter spares none: nor doth Dr. Maurice, in his Vindication of the Primitive Church and Diocesan Episcopacy, in answer to Mr. Baxter's Church History of Bishops, etc. spare him; for whoever reads the Preface to that Answer, and Chap. 8. p. 276. where he abundantly proves Mr. Baxter's ignorance and scandalous imputation of the Heresies, Schisms, and Troubles which were raised by several Presbyters against their Orthodox Bishops to those Primitive Fathers, he will be of the same mind that I am, That there never was any Schoolboy more justly, though severely chastised for any Fault, than Mr. Baxter is for that Treatise which he says is very elaborate and unconfuted.  
Mr. Baxter in a Preface to his Penitent Confession, Sect. 9 hath this Question and Answer.  
Quest. How should one have the better of any Adversary that blamed him?  
Answ. Speak and do things that are most odious, as Perjury, Lying, Persecution, etc. and cover them with Sacred Pretences; and then all that accuse thee will be taken for uncharitable Railers.  
This method Mr. Baxter useth for Confutation of his Adversaries. Thus he answered the Bishop of Worcester's Sermon against Separation, calling it A Schismatical Sermon in his Preface to his second Defence, p. 12, and says, That the Bishop's Book is made up, 1. Of untrue Accusations; 2. Untrue Historical Relations; 3. Fallacious Reasonings: And that in writing that Book against the Bishop, he felt so little Passion, that he thought verily that he sinned all the while for want of a livelier sense of the sin and hurt which he was detecting by his Confutation. And which is to be noted, in an Epistle Dedicatory to the Bishop, he confesseth, That he answered him in a manner that required his Patience; and if it was too provoking, he begs his pardon. But afterwards adds, I doubt that I took advantage of his temerity, and confuted him in too provoking terms; and that some mere impertinent noise was made (to his Answer) by some one that is confuted. But the Bishop showeth what kind of Confutation it was, p. 59 of the History of Separation; Mr. Baxter discovered so much anger and unbecoming Passion, that I truly pitied him; and was so far from being transported by it, that it was enough to cure an indecent Passion, to see how ill it became a Man of his Age, Profession, and Reputation; for he seems to have written the whole Book in one continued fit of anger. For which, and the scurrility of his Preface, wherein having in twenty particulars described the most unskilful, proud, partial, obstinate, cruel, and impertinent Adversaries he could think of places of Scripture or Similitudes for; he thus concludes, Though all this be not the Case of the Reverend Bishop, etc. which the Bishop notes to be a malicious way of Reproaching, to name so many very ill things, and leave the Reader to apply as much as he pleaseth. And in p. 63. the Bishop complains that Mr. Baxter says, That his Principles overthrow all Religion; and that he was a secret underminer of the Proofs of a Deity, p. 63. of the Bishop's Preface.  
After the same manner he confutes Bishop Morley's Letter concerning him; saying, It is most shameless for untruths in public matters of fact; and adds (Ironically) the Accuser is a Member of the best Church in the World; but is this bundle of his gross untruths, a proof that he is one of the best men in the World? In the like manner he reflects on Bishop Patrick's Friendly Debate, That his Book was so disingenuous and virulent, as caused most religious People to abhor it for the strain, and tendency, and probable effects, Baxter's Life, part 2. p. 39 As for Dr. Sherlock, he thinks it Confutation enough of his former and latter Writings, that they were virulent and ignorant, p. 198. of his Life, part 3. But Dr. Sherlock's Practical Treatises, whereof we have many, are as sound, pious, and useful, I need not say as any of Mr. Baxter's, but as any other on such Subjects as he hath written on; as of Death and Judgement, of Providence, etc. Dr. Fulwood. though Mr. Baxter had formerly commended him for a Learned Man; yet for some Reflections on his Book called Sacrilegious Desertion, he calls him railing Russian, p. 6. and his Reflections are a few confident silly Reasonings: And p. 60. tells him of his want of common sense and modesty.  
P. 113. part 1. of his Life, he says, That Dr. Pierce wrote a bitter Book against him, full of malignant bitterness against godly men, and breathing out bloodthirsty malice in a fluent stile; abundance of lies are also in it against the old Puritans and me. And that he wrote a much more railing malicious Volume than the former, the liveliest express of Satan's image, malignity, bloody malice and falsehood, covered in handsome railing Rhetoric. I have not heard, saith he, of three such railing men in England, as Tylenus' junior, Pierce and Gunning; of the Jesuits Opinion in Doctrinals, and of the old Dominical complexion; the ablest men that their Party hath in all the Land; of great diligence in study and reading; of excellent oratory and temperate lives: but all their parts so sharpened with a furious persecuting Zeal against those that dislike Arminianism, high Prelacy, or full Conformity, that they are like Briars and Thorns, not to be handled but by a fenced hand; breathing out threaten against God's Servants better than themselves, and seem unsatisfied with blood and ruins, and still cry, Give, Give; bidding as loud Defiance to Christian Charity, as every Arius or any Heretic did to Faith.  
I fear I have offended my Reader by spreading before him such heaps of putrid and noisome Garbage. But Mr. Baxter offering no matter of Argument (for how could he against his own Relations and undeniable Matters of Fact, except he had given himself the lie) I thought nothing else needful but to show the temper of the Man, and the usual manner of his Communication, to convince the Reader that he too often calls evil good, and good evil; and supplies the want of Argument and Reason with Invectives and Railing.  
As to his Charge that my Book was full of Falsehood, half Sentences, none was more concerned, or better able to have shown a few instances, if the Book had been so full: And for quoting any retracted Lines, I never heard much of Mr. Baxter's Retractations, though he had reason enough to have written as largely upon that Subject as St. Augustine did. I do not think that his expunging out of his Calendar of Saints the names of Brook Pym, White, etc. amounted to a Retractation, because he told us that he did it not as altering his judgement of them, but because it gave offence. Yet Mr. Baxter shows reason enough to have expunged the Lord Brook; for p. 63. of Mr. Baxter's Life, part 1. he says, That the Lord Brook was known, and noted as a gross Sectary in the House of Peers, and Sir Henry Vane in the House of Commons. As for the retracted Lines in his Holy Commonwealth, it is evident that they also gave offence, but that his judgement of them was altered appears not. He seemed willing sometime that some of his Maxims in that Book should be taken as not written: but finding that he hath in other Writings since that, written much to the like purpose, I think he continued to be of the same mind that Pilate was, Quod scripsi scripsi.  
Page 177. part 3. of Mr. Baxter's Life, he says, In June 1676. Mr. Jane the Bishop of London's Chaplain, preached to the Lord Mayor, and turned his Sermon against Calvin and me, charging me that I had sent as bad men to Heaven as some that be in Hell; because I had said in my Saints Rest of Brook, Pym, Hampden and White, that I thought of Heaven with the more pleasure, because I should meet them there. This made me blot out those Names after 1659. not as changing my mind, but not to give offence. For which Reason he should have blotted out those hard Speeches and uncharitable Sentences which there follow: These damning Prelatists are for our Silencing, Imprisonment, and Ruin; and Factious Damners, that for preferment condemn good men, are ordinarily self-condemned. Mr. Baxter's handling my Betters so rudely, makes me less concerned at his railing on me.  
And this may satisfy the Reader why I took the pains to Review Mr. Baxter's Life, as written by himself; to inquire what Discovery he had made of Falsehoods, retracted Lines, or half Sentences, of which I found not any Instance, which made me to wonder; because I found in the Appendix to his Life, p. 108, 109, 110, 111. a large and scandalous Letter directed to me, and dated July 26. 1678. wherein he calls me to an account for three Particulars which I had mentioned in my Examination of Mr. Hales' Treatise of Schism, in which I represented Mr. Baxter as a Person of a peaceable Temper, and made use of his Arguments to confute those of Mr. Hales which pleaded for Schism, for which he ought (as he seems to do in the beginning of his Letter) to give me thanks; yet he that reads that angry Letter, may perceive that he sought occasions to quarrel and defame me, when there was no Provocation given him: But when (he says) I represented him as the worst Man on Earth, and that by Falsehoods, etc. he shuns the Occasion of justifying himself, or proving any of his Accusations against me.   

A PREFACE Concerning the Power of Prejudice.  
IT is a Caution necessary to be observed by all Christians, which St. Paul gives us, 1 Cor. 3.21. Not to glory in Men; (i.e.) not to prefer the Parts or professed Piety of some Men, so as to contemn or despise the Ministry of others. The reason of which he gives us, vers. 4. For while one says, I am of Paul, and another, I am of Apollo, are ye not (i.e. ye are) carnal? This partiality begets Envying, Strife, and Divisions; which are the works of the Flesh: And this Prejudice causeth men to be puffed up one against another, chap. 4.6. as the Corinthians were on behalf of false Teachers, to an opposition of the Apostles themselves. This St. Judas observes to have been the fault of the Gnostick Disciples, who had the Persons of Seducers in admiration, because of advantage; (viz.) the liberty, impunity, and temporal accommodations which were permitted and promised by them. And by such means St. Paul observes, that his Galatians, chap. 3.1. were so bewitched, that they obeyed not the Truth. And Tertullian deservedly chides the Christians in his Age; And ex personis probamus sidem, an ex fide personas? De Prescript. c. 3. 
It is a good Rule which Mr. B. says he had learned (but practised not) to contradict Errors, but not meddle with Persons. Page 107. part 1. of his Life.  Do we approve of the Faith by the Persons of Men, or of their Persons by the Faith? The Faith once delivered to the Saints, should always be the Rule by which we judge of the Ministry of Men. Though we or an Angel from Heaven preach any other Gospel unto you, let him be accursed, Gal. 1.8. There are many false Teachers that transform themselves into Angels of Light, and mix some precious Truths with their damnable Errors. But if they teach any thing for Doctrine contrary to the Word of God, any Doctrine that tends to Impiety, Disobedience, or Divisions, it is our duty to reject; and withhold Communion from them, be their parts never so excellent, and their pretences never so plausible; lest it fares with us as with those silly Larks, who being first taken with the glitterings of the Glass, do play so long about it, till they are also taken in the Net to their destruction.  
For being once dogmatized and captivated by Men of ill Principles; it will prove a matter of great difficulty to extricate ourselves. If we consider how rare a thing it is for Men of great Learning, and perhaps of good Conscience too, to deliver themselves from those Snares in which by Education and Custom, by Prepossession and Carnal Prejudices, they have been involved: whereof St. Paul himself, being bred up as a Pharisee, may be an instance; for whose Conversion no less than a Miracle was thought sufficient. And no other account can be given, why so many Learned Men in the Church of Rome do, against Scripture, Reason, and Sense, believe and defend such great Errors as they generally do, but the tyranny of Prejudice and Education: for, quo semel est imbuta recens servabit odorem testa diu. The ways which we are trained up in from our youth, we will not departed from when we are old: For, as Justin Martyr observed, 
Non Ratione componitur, sed consuetudine. Senec. Epist. 123.  Custom having once got the advantage of long continuance, insinuates Errors and Impostures into the Minds of Men, under the notion and representation of Truth; and some Men have told lies so long, that at last they have believed them to be truths. And Scripture itself doth intimate that it is morally as impossible for a Man to learn to do well, that hath been accustomed to do evil, as for an Ethiopian to change his skin, or a Leopard his spots. And Origen affirms, that of all Customs, those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; concerning Opinions and Matters of Doctrines, are most prevalent: for when other Advantages do conspire with our received Opinions, facile credimus quod maxime volumus: and our religious Opinions being riveted into our minds by the weighty Arguments of temporal and eternal Happiness, it must be a power above that of Nature to vindicate us from the Captivity. Hear Mr. Baxter on this Subject: Take heed of suffering Fancy and Opinion to go for Reason, and raise in your Minds unjustifiable Mistakes of any Way or Mode of Worship. It is wonderful to see what Fancy and Prejudice can do! Get once a hard Opinion of a Thing, and your Judgements will make light of all that is said for it, and will see nothing that should reconcile you to it. Partiality will carry you away from Equity and Truth. Abundance of Things appear now false and evil to Men that once imagive them to be so, which would seem harmless (if not laudable) if they were tried by a Mind that is free from Prejudice. Christ. Direct. p. 66. part 3. Our Saviour also forbids us to call any Man Father or Master upon Earth, so as to make them the Authors of our Faith, Matth 23.9. For this is the Genius of all Sectaries, saith Dr. Manton on Judas 16. to cry up all of their own way as Gnostics, (i.e.) Men of great Knowledge, as if none were to be compared to them; and as Tertullian said, Illuc ipsum esse est promeriri, it were Religion enough to be one of their Party.  
Now suppose that I had made this Discourse to a Papist, you cannot but think it reasonable that he should, in a matter of so great concern as his Salvation, make diligent inquiry whether the Principles in which he hath been instructed from his youth, be agreeable to the Rules of Godliness revealed in the Holy Scriptures, and whether he ought to believe and practise all things which the Doctors of that Church require of him, particularly concerning the Infallibility and Supremacy of the Pope, the giving of Divine Worship to consecrated Wafers, to Saints and Images; or concerning Prayers to Saints, and for the Dead, and that in an unknown Tongue, etc. And there is as great reason for such as have been educated under erroneous Parents, or Teachers in Heretical or Schismatical Principles, notwithstanding their too great credulity and fond opinion of the Persons and Opinions of their Leaders, to have recourse to the Word of God, and search the Scriptures, whether the Dictates that they so tenaciously adhere unto, be agreeable to them or not. Amicus Socrates, Amicus Plato; sed magis Amica veritas. Let the Persons be never so nearly related to us, and their Opinions never so well approved by us, yet if they be contrary to the revealed Will of God, we ought to reject them. And if this practice be necessary, as to the National Church wherein we are educated, (every one being bound to give a reason of the Hope that is in him, and not to give himself up to an implicit Faith, to believe as the Church doth believe) much more is it our duty in those parts of Religion wherein we differ from the established Profession, when it is oppugned by private Persons, be they Parents or Teachers: for as it is probable that they may err, so it may be justly suspected that they do err, when they lead us into such Opinions and Practices as have been condemned by the generality of Christians from the most primitive and purest times of the Church; which they that do err from, will most vigorously oppose, as knowing that if they should appeal to them, they will most certainly be condemned by them.  
Of this sort are the avowed Opinions and Practices of Mr. B. and many other Writers of this Age; and to know well the Authors of them, will be a means to undeceive us, and set us right in our Judgement of their Writings, who have caused the many Controversies and Confusions which have disturbed the Peace and good Order both of our Church and State. To which end I did compose such a Character of the Man and his Communication with whom I had to do, as he had in several Treatises left upon record; for the informanion of succeeding Ages, as well as for the undeceiving of the present; unto which I have now added several considerable Relations from the History of his Life written by himself.   

A REVIEW OF Mr. Baxter's LIFE.  

CHAP. I.  
THE English Nation heard little of Mr. Baxter until the beginning of the late unnatural War in the Year 1640. when Mr. B. says he conceived a Prejudice against Bishops, and from that time meditated on that History of Bishops which was printed Anno 1680. of which History Dr. Maurice says, that it seems to be written to show how much Mr. B. wanted of being a Christian or a Scholar; for therein, through their sides, he wounds Christianity itself, by imputing all the Mischiefs that had troubled the Christian World to that Sacred Order. As he doth also all the Confusions which for Twenty years together kept the Nation wallowing in Blood, and the Church rend in pieces by divers Sectaries, as by so many Evil Spirits, crying, Down with it even to the ground. Yet Mr. B. confidently asserts in several Papers, That the War was begun between the Episcopal Parties, the one adhering to Archbishop Whitgift, and the other to Bishop Laud; and that the Parliament, the Army, and Assembly, consisted generally of such as were (he should have said, such as had been) Conformists. I shall not, to disprove him, repeat what others have said, who refer the rise of it as far back as King James, in whose Reign the Parliaments were divided into Regians and Republicans, as Wilson reports; who tells us of many Disputes between Prerogative and Privilege. There was a Party that persuaded that King and his Son to a War for recovery of the Palatinate; and having engaged them, denied them the assistance which was promised, intending to work upon their Necessities. And where other Parliaments left, that of 1640. begun, as Mr. B. says. But Mr. B. brings the Matter ab origine, p. 32. of his Life, thus: Our Reformers, in the days of Q. Marry, being fled to Frankford, fell into a division, one part were for Diocesans, the English Liturgy and Ceremonies, that they might no more than needed departed from the Papists, nor seem unconstant by departing from what King Edward had done. The other were for Calvin 's Discipline and Worship, setting up Parochial Discipline instead of Diocesan; that Queen Elizabeth did countenance and set up the Diocesan Party. The other Party, as Mr. B. elsewhere says, flew in the Faces of the Bishops with bitter Revile. And he notes, That the Bishops were Jewel, Pelkington, Grindal, Men of great Learning, good Preachers, and of Hol● Lives; but the Disciplinarians petitioned against their Establishment till they were by Law suppressed: but this lamentable Breach, Mr. B. saith, was never healed. Here observe that the War was not begun by two Episcopal Parties, as Mr. B. often affirms; for this was in truth the Origine of that War, All the Nonconformists were against the Prelates, p. 33. Sometimes he says it was for Reformation, and to recover our Liberties, to relieve the Country, and to punish Delinquents, p. 25. of his Life. And then it was begun by the Parliaments stirring up Apprentices in great numbers to Petition with them; and that these went tumultuously to Westminster, and meeting with some Bishops, cried out, No Bishops, p. 26, 27. and crying for Justice, drove the King from Whitehall.  
Again he says, the War was not founded in Theological Differences, but Law Differences. Letter to Mr. Hinckley, p. 25. The first open beginning was about the Militia, says Mr. B. And how then did the Bishops begin it? The Commons wrested it from the King, and by one Order after another, seized his Forts and Magazines, the Tower of London, and his Navy: Had any of the Bishops a hand in this? They all did, and now do own, That the sole command and disposition of it is, and by the Laws of England ever was the undoubted Right of his Majesty; and that both, or either of the Houses of Parliament, cannot nor aught to pretend to the same. They were such Conformists who begun the War, as Mr. B. who taught, That the Law that saith the King shall have the Militia, supposeth it to be against Enemies, and not against the Commonwealth, nor them that have a part in the Sovereignty; and to resist him here, is not to resist Power, but Usurpation and private Will. And where the Sovereignty is divided into several hands, as into King and Parliament, and the King invades the other part, they may lawfully defend their own by War, and the Subject lawfully assist them; yea, though the power of the Militia be expressly given to the King, unless it be also expressed that it shall not be in the other. H.C.W. Thes. 363.  
Another beginning of the War was a Confederacy with the Scots, then in the Bowels of the Nation, with whom the King was informed that some of the Parliament held Correspondence with. The Earls of Essex, of Warwick, Bedford, Clare, Bullingbrook, Mulgrave, Holland, the Lords Say and Brook, and many more, were said to be of this Confederacy, p. 17. of B's Life; with the five Members and Kimbolton; whom the Parliament and City protected from the hands of Justice, and procured and countenanced armed Tumults. Mr. B. makes an Objection, p. 474. of H.C.W. That Tumult at Westminster drove him (i.e. the King) away. Answ. Only by displeasing, not by endangering, or meddling with him: though the King tells us otherwise in his Chapter of Tumults, to which I refer; and observe Mr. B's Account, p. 19 of his Life, That too great numbers of Apprentices and others, emboldened by proceed of Parliament, not foreknowing what fire the sparks of their Temerity would kindle, did too triumphingly and disorderly urge the Parliament (as they had done the King) crying, Justice, Justice: the King called these, Tumults; the Parliament called them City Petitioners; which in the end did more than displease the King. So that his Report of an Episcopal War was but a Dream of his own, though he affirms he was as sure of it as of any thing that he saw: yet elsewhere he says, no Man can tell where, and when, and by whom the War was begun. Confessions p. 61.  
Mr. B. knows another sort of five Members that begun the War, who were no Episcopal Men; I mean the Smectymnuans, who wrote so insolently and pedantickly against that meek, pious, and learned Bishop Hall: And how Isaac Pennington brought a Petition of 15000 Londonners against Archbishops, Bishops, etc. which was seconded by the like from several Counties: And on March 10. 1640. a Bill is read in the House against Episcopacy, and their Vote in Parliament taken away, and many of them sent to the Tower for entering a Protest for their Privilege. Did any of the Bishops call in the Scots? or promote the Covenant? or sit in the Assembly? who were chosen to that very end, that they might stir up the People to assist the Parliament against the King. Though all these things be left on Record, yet Mr. B. thinks by his bare Authority to persuade the present and succeeding Generations, that the War was begun by Bishops, and carried on by a Parliament, an Army, and Assembly of Conformists: yet to excuse the Presbyterians, he says p. 26. that the Separatists and Anabaptists began the War.  
Mr. B. will not say that Bishop Hall (whom he so frequently commends) had any hand in the beginning of our Wars; nor will he ever be able to persuade others, that what he hath written and publicly delivered, as Matter of Fact, in the beginning of our Troubles, is false. I therefore refer the Reader to that Treatise written with his own hand, May 29. 1647. having first given you part of a Speech delivered by this excellent Prelate in the House of Lords, p. 425. of his Remains— My Lords, It is a foul and dangerous Insolence which is now complained of to you (in the Petitions against Bishops) but it is but one of an hundred of those which have of late been done to the Church and Government. The Church of England, as your Lordships cannot but know, hath been and is miserably infested on both sides; with Papists on one side and Schismatics on the other. The Psalmist hath of old distinguished the Enemies of the Church into wild Boars out of the Wood, and little Foxes out of Burroughs; the one whereof goes about to root up the very Foundation of Religion, the other to crop the Branches, and Blossoms, and Clusters thereof: both of them conspire the utter ruin and devastation of it. As for the former of them, I do perceive a great deal of good zeal for the remedy and suppression of them; and I do hearty congratulate it, and bless God for it, and beseech him to prosper it. But for the other, give me leave to say, I do not find many that are sensible of the danger of it, which yet in my apprehension is very great and apparent. Alas, my Lords, I beseech you to consider what it is, that there should be in London, and the Suburbs and Liberties, no fewer than fourscore Congregations of several Sectaries, as I have been credibly informed, instructed by Guides fit for them, Cobblers, Tailors, Feltmakers, and such like Trash; which all are taught to spit in the face of their Mother the Church of England, and defile and revile her Government. From hence have issued those dangerous assaults of our Church Governors; from hence that inundation of base and scurrilous Libels and Pamphlets wherewith we have been of late overborn, in which Papists and Prelates, like Oxen in a Yoke, are still matched together. O, my Lords, I beseech you to be sensible of this great indignity; do but look on these Reverend Persons: Do not your Lordships see here sitting on these Benches, those that have spent their time, their strength, their bodies and lives, in preaching down and writing down Popery; and which would be ready, if occasion were offered, to sacrifice all their old blood that remains, to the maintenance of that Truth of God which they have taught and written: And shall we be thus despitefully ranged with them whom we do thus professedly oppose? But alas, this is but one of those many scandalous Aspersions and intolerable Affronts that are daily cast upon us. My Lords, if these Men may with freedom and impunity thus beat down Ecclesiastical Authority, it is to be feared they will not rest there, but will be ready to affront Civil Power too. Your Lordships knows that the Jack Straws, and Cades, and Wat Tilers of former times, did not more cry down Learning than Nobility; and those of your Lordships that ha●… read the History of Munster, will need no other Item, etc.  
Bishop Hall's hard measure, p. 45. Nothing could be more plain, than that upon the Call of this Parliament, and before, there was a general Plot and Resolution of the Faction to alter the Government, of the Church especially. The Parliament was no sooner sat, than many vehement Speeches were made against the established Church Government, and enforcement of extirpation Root and Branch. It was contrived to draw Petitions accusatory from many parts of the Kingdom against Episcopal Government; the Promoters of the Petitions were entertained with great respects. The Petitions of the opposite Party, subscribed with many thousand hands, were slighted and disregarded. The Rabble of London were stirred up to come armed by thousands to the Houses, offering foul Abuses, crying out, No Bishops, no Bishops; and professed they would pull the Bishops in pieces. The House of Lords sent Messages to disperse them; they hold on. The Marquis of Hartford told the Bishops they were in great danger, advising them to continue in the House that night. Messages were sent to the House of Commons, but nothing done for their security. At last the Earl of Manchester undertook the protection of the Archbishop of York and his Company; and the rest, by long stay and secret passages, escaped home. This Archbishop persuades the Bishops to petition his Majesty that they might be secured in the performance of their Duties, and to protest against such Acts as should be made during their forced absence. He drew up the Petition and Protestation in our presence, avowing it to be legal, just, and agreeable to former proceed, and got our Subscriptions: And whereas this Paper was first to have been delivered to his Majesty's Secretary, then to his Majesty, and after to the Parliament, by the Lord Keeper; these professed they never perused it; and the Lord Keeper, to ingratiate himself with the House of Commons and the Faction, reads it in the House of Lords, aggravates the matter as highly offensive, and of dangerous consequence, and so sends it to the House of Commons; where Glyn cries it up for High Treason, yea, preferring it to the Powder Plot. The Bishops are called to the Bar on their knees, charged with High Treason, and on Jan. 30. at eight a clock in the Night, in extremity of Frost, voted to the Tower. The Citizens entertained the News with Bells and Bonfires. While we were under restraint, the Faction renew the Bill which had been twice rejected to take away the Bishop's Votes in Parliament, and prevail. Their greatest Lawyers were employed to advance our Impeachment to the highest, but found nothing to fasten on us: One of their Oracles professed they might as well accuse us of Adultery as Treason. The House of Commons, who first desired we might be brought to a speedy Trial, suffered us to languish: at last, on our Petition we obtain it. Our Impeachments being read, we plead Not guilty modo & formâ, and desired speedy Trial. A day is appointed. Wild and Glyn aggravate our pretended Treason; which our Counsel being ready to answer, we were put off to another day, which never came. The Circumstances of that days hearing were more grievous than the substance: we were all thronged so miserably in that straight Room before the Bar, sweeting, and struggling with a merciless Multitude; and when dismissed, exposed to a new and greater danger: for in the dark we must back to the Tower, and shoot the Bridge with no small peril: There we lie, expecting new Summons; but the Parliament wave their Impeachment of Treason, and accuse us of High Misdemeanours; and in a Bill preferred against us, desire our Spiritual Means may be taken away. After some Weeks more, finding the Tower to be chargeable, we petition for Liberty on Bail: the Lords grant it, and we were freed; but the Commons hearing of it, expostulate with the Lords for freeing us without their consent; so we are remanded to the Tower. Having tarried there from New-years-eve till Whitsuntide, where by turns we preached every Lord's-day to a great Auditory of Citizens, upon our Petition and 5000 l. Bonds, with a Clause of Revocation at a short warning, we were dismissed.  
From this Relation the indifferent Reader may perceive how far the Bishops were from beginning the War, who suffered most of these Indignities before the War begun; and ●ow causeless and shameless the Clamours of Mr. B. and his Party, concerning their persecution by Bishops are, when they openly affront the known Laws, by keeping up public Conventicles in the chiefest Cities of the Na●ion; and those Reverend Bishops were so barbarously treated by their Predecessors, against all Law and Humanity. And I desire the Reader to observe, whether from the year 1660. to this present time, it hath not been his chief work to pour out the like Contempt, Malice, and Violence, as was begun in 1640. and as Quintilian says, Maledicus à Malefico non distat nisi occasione. From these Injuries to the Bishops, they proceeded to abuse and affront the King, and force from him his two principal Counsellors, whom they by unparallelled proceed cut off as their most formidable Enemies. And having driven the King away by Tumults, they endeavour by Remonstrances, Declarations and Propositions, to make his Return impossible. In June 42. the Faction sends a Petition with Nineteen Propositions to his Majesty; to which he made many gracious Concessions, as he was ready to do, even to the one half of his Prerogative, to prevent that Deluge of Blood which he foresaw would follow on the War. Out of these Concessions, saith Mr. B. (and likely he knows by whom) there was framed a Catechism that would justify the Parliament in all their proceed against the King. Yet many of those Propositions were such, as his Majesty declared he could neither in Honour nor Conscience consent unto. One was, saith the Royal Martyr in his Chapter of the Nineteenth Proposition, To bind myself to a general and implicit consent to whatever they shall desire or propound; which were as if Samson should have consented not only to bind his own hands, and cut off his hair, but to put out his own eyes, that the Philistines might with the more safety mock and abuse him; which they chose rather to do than quite to destroy him, when he was become so tame an Object and fit Occasion for their Sport and Scorn. This use Mr. B. and the Faction make of all his Majesty's Condescensions. 
P. 37. B's Life.  The King's Answer to the Nineteen Propositions greatly confirmed many, that his declaring that the Legislative Power was in King, Lords, and Commons, and that the Government was mixed, and not Arbitrary; but as soon as the Parliament assumed it, they exercised as Arbitrarily as ever Tyrant did. But let them take in also his Majesty's Concessions at the Isle of Wight, when his Life was in such apparent danger, and make a second Edition of that Catechism: And I suppose there cannot be a more full Justification of his Majesty's real desires of Peace, who granted so much; nor a clearer demonstration of their intentions for War, who would accept of nothing less than an absolute Surrender of the whole Sovereign Power; and having seized that, they could not be secure without his Life also.  
This may suffice (there being so many Histories of the rise of our lare Civil Wars, especially that of Mr. Dugdale) to disprove Mr. B's Paradox, That the War was begun by Episcopal Men; which the very taking and pressing of the Covenant by them that begun the War doth so plainly overthrow, that Mr. Baxter says, None but young Men and Foreigners will believe. Were they Episcopals that Voted down Episcopacy, before the War was begun, Root and Branch? Or they who petitioned the King at York for abolishing Episcopacy and Common Prayer? Were the Smectymnians Episcopal Men? or the Covenanters? or the Assembly? and Directory-men? Yet these begun and continued the War. Let the Reader judge what Credit is to be given to Mr. Baxter in other Relations, who asserts a notorious Falsehood in a Matter of Fact, as well known to himself, as to every Rational Man in the Nation. For this, and several other Reasons, I am tempted to believe that he was as far from approving our Episcopacy at the time of his Ordination, as at the time of his Death: For the Bishop demanded of him these two Questions; Will you maintain and set forward, as much as lieth in you, quietness, peace, and love among all Christian People, especially among them that are or shall be committed to your charge. Answ. I will so do, the Lord being my helper. Again; Will you reverently obey your Ordinary, and other chief Ministers, to whom the Government and Charge is committed over you, following with a glad mind and will their godly Admonitions, and submitting yourself to their godly Judgements? Answ. I will so do, the Lord being my helper. But whether he more industriously performed these Solemn Vows, or perfidiously acted against them, let the impartial Reader judge?  
I now apply myself particularly to Mr. Baxter's Actions in relation to that War. That Mr. Baxter hath obtained the Vogue of a numerous fry of Sectaries, who though they differ among themselves in many considerable Points, yet agree to own him as their Champion, is no more than what the Anabaptists of Munster did for John of Leyden, or our English Sectaries for Cromwell and Hugh Peter. That he still professed a great love to Peace, and zeal for Religion, while under a Form of Godliness he helped to destroy the Power of it, his own Actions will evince. It is necessary indeed, that whoever will set up for an Arch-Heretick, Schismatic, or Rebel, should, besides many plausible Pretences for Reforming Errors and Grievances in Church and State, have some stock of Reputation, as well for Knowledge as Purity, to buoy them up in the Opinion of the People, who mostly judge according to appearance. The Devil and his Instruments could never accomplish their ends of disturbing well-established Churches and Kingdoms, if they did not transform themselves into Angels of Light; and not only gild over their poisonous Pills with a show of Gold, but mix some savoury Ingredients with them. Mr. Baxter hath in like manner written divers Practical Books with specious Titles, for Peace, Holiness, and Self-denial: and happy it had been for himself and the Nation, if he had published them only; but these being laid as Baits in the way of the Vulgar, to make them swallow his Polemical Writings, which are but so many Hooks and Snares to draw them in, and retain them in Rebellion and Schism; our Nation would be less in danger of new Flames, if they were all consumed to ashes. Neither Men nor Books, nor any thing else, is properly good, but what is so ex causis integris. And when his own practice demonstrates that his Writing for Peace and Unity are but so many Pleas for Schism and Division; and like the Egyptian Temples, however beautiful in the Porches and Outsides, are full of Serpents and Crocodiles within, which a multitude of People do adore; they do not only need an Index, but an Ignis expurgatorius, to secure the People from them. There needs no other Argument to undeceive the People, as to his Pretences for Peace and Unity in the Church of God, than his furious acting in, and arguing for that most unnatural War against the King. And I dare challenge and Historian that hath observed or read the Tragedies of the late Times, to show a Parallel in any one Person (I say, not only amongst the Apostate Clergy, but the Laity, and the worst of them) that may equal Mr. Baxter. Who is there among the Living, that entertained more early Prejudices against the Bishops? that left his Calling, as a Minister of Peace, and entered with the first into the War against the King? and for four years' space (which was the heat of the War) was an Agent as well as an Eye-witness of most of the terrible Battles that were fought in England? Who ever boasted of drawing some thousands to that War? Who hath said more to justify not the War only, but the Death of the Royal Martyr? Who more opposed the Return of our present Sovereign? or hath been as active in making the Government uneasy? or who hath or can do more than Mr. Baxter to renew all our Troubles and Confusions? So that I could not devise a better Epitome of the late Rebellion and Schism, than this account of Mr. Baxter's Actions and Writings, which is an Abstract of the Rise and Progress of both; in whom they yet both live, and with whom I wish they may both die.  
Had any Man published the like Passages as are here related upon his own Credit, they would have been thought a Satirical Essay, or Romantic Fiction; but being the products of his own Hand and Pen, and the lively Idea of his very Soul and Spirit, it is impossible any Man can represent him a more vile Person, than he hath done himself in that which followeth.  
P. 39 of his Third Defence, he says, I was not bred in Wales nor Ireland, but in Shropshire, (lest men should suspect he had been a Jesuit or Tory.) In my Childhood I was first bred up under the School and Church-teaching of eight several Men, of whom two only preached once a Month, the rest were but Readers of the Liturgy, and of very scandalous Lives. (Introduction to the Hist. of Episc.) Mr. Baxter began to be a Censor morum before he was at the age of Ten; but being now above Seventy, either Gratitude or Charity should have obliged him to spare the Ashes of them that had been long dead, and to say nothing, or no ill of them: and probably some of them deserved better things; but Ingratum si dixeris, etc. His first Master, he says, was a Reader never at any University, and preached once a Month: of him (being allied to Mr. Baxter, and because he mended) he says no more, but leaves us to conjecture, by what he says of the rest. From the Age of Six till Ten, I had four Schoolmasters Curates of the place successively, that read Common-Prayer; two never preached, the other two seldom; but the two more learned drank themselves into beggary, and left us. The like he says of one Mr. Yale B.D. who drank himself, Wife, and Children to stark beggary. After the Age of Ten, he says, p. 58. of his late Apol. he came to live at the habitation of his Ancestors, (but names not the place:) the Curate there was another of his Schoolmasters, who, he says, never preached but once in his time, and then he was drunk in the Pulpit. After that I fell into the hand of a Teacher that studied for Preferment, and reviled Puritans (it seems his love to these, transported him against all good Manners to speak so ill of his Masters:) at length I was taken into the Tuition of a grave and eminent Man of high esteem among great Men, who expected verily to have been a Bishop. He loved me well, but so far frustrated my expectation, that in two years' time he neither read to me, nor instructed me one hour, but discoursed usually of the unlearned factious Puritans: in his Study, which was all my help, I remember not one Greek Book but the Testament; nor one Father but Austin de Civitate Dei; nor any of the Councils, but ordinary English and Neoterick Divines: And he studied little all the year but Bishop Andrew 's Sermons. Hitherto, says Mr. Baxter, I had no Non-conformists Principles. 
N.B. This was before he was Ordained.  I know not of what Age Mr. Baxter was then; but at Nineteen he tells us he had a distaste against Bishops as Persecutors (as he had also against his Masters for reviling of Puritan. 
Pref. to Cathol. Theol. p. 2. )  
If any suspect that his Father infused the Principles of Nonconformity, he denies that his Father ever scrupled any Point of Conformity, or spoke against it, which is a bare Negative; yet he was reviled by the Drunkards and Rabble by the Name of Precisian and Puritan, as bitterly as any Nonconformist now. But whether Mr. Baxter made his Father a Rebel, or his Father him, he tells us his Father was twice taken Prisoner; and Mr. Baxter's first Adventure was, to seize the Person of a Neighbour, to be an Exchange for his Father; but quo warranto I find not. You see how early Mr. Baxter's Spirit was fermented with Principles of Faction and Sedition. At Fourteen years of Age he Censures the Reverend and Learned Bishop Morton: I went myself (saith he) at Thirteen or Fourteen years to the Worthy (but unworthily dealt with) Bishop Morton, with the rest of the Schoolboys (for Confirmation) without any Certificate, and without any Examination. (But I ask Mr. Baxter, Did your Master, who was also a Minister, first Examine you and the rest? And how know you but he certified your Names to the Bishop, who all know was a Man of Piety as well as Learning, though you say) He hastily said, as he passed on, three or four Lines of a Prayer over us, when I knew not what he said. This was Mr. Baxter's fault, not the Bishop's, no more than that he considered not what he Subscribed to at his Ordination: But he was an Aristarchus, a controller of Bishops at Fourteen: and at Nineteen his Palate was so vitiated, that he distasted them altogether as Persecutors.  
Now of what University Mr. Baxter was, and where he got that stock of Learning which he hath so prodigiously scattered, to his own, as well as the Nations great trouble, he mentions not, nor can I inform myself. His chief Tutors were those (of whom p. 59 of his Apol.) Three neighbour Ministers, venerable for Age, dying two of them above Eighty, and the third near it, were my most profitable Acquaintance; these were very worthy godly Conformists, who kept me from the Principles of Nonconformity. One of them was a Learned great Disputer for Conformity, and my chief Tutor. But what kind of Conformists they were, Mr. Baxter tells you in a Parenthesis, (Though they had all three much rather been rid of it, (i.e. of Conformity) and so were before they died.) They were some of Mr. Baxter's Passive Conformists, who waited an opportunity to be Active in ruining the Church. Mr. Baxter now bethinks himself of entering on the Ministry; and (to remove his Scruples which he had entertained so early against Bishops, etc.) his chief Tutor engaged him to read Dr. Burges, Mr. Sprint, Bishop Downam, Hooker, etc. So that I was not at all in doubt of the matter; and with this satisfaction I WAS ORDAINED, AND DID SUBSCRIBE. But I verily believe never made Conscience of performing what he Subscribed to; for he confesseth he had never read any thing on the other side, nor ever read the Book of Ordination, nor exactly weighed what he subscribed to, though at that time I suppose he was about Twenty four. And whether he was made only Deacon then, as is probable, or was ever ordained Presbyter after, I cannot find. Bishop Morton, who Ordained him, acted very regularly; and to what Order Mr. Baxter was admitted, doth not appear: it was not usual to grant both Orders at once, especially to Persons that never had been at any University: For Mr. Baxter, in his Penitent Confession, N. 8. reckoneth among his Sins his strong inclination to have settled at the University, till he had attained some Eminency of Learning and Degrees; and accounts it a great Mercy that he was hindered and saved from that danger and loss of time. And I ground my Suspicion on what Mr. Baxter says, That he Baptised none in Twenty years, and gave the Lord's Supper to none in Eighteen years, p. 62. & 86. of Answ. to the Bp. of Worcester. No serious Presbyter could think but he incurred the Woe for not Administering the Sacraments, as much as for not Preaching the Gospel: For at his Ordination he promised to give faithful diligence so to Minister the Doctrine, Sacraments, and Discipline of Christ as the Lord commanded, and as this Realm, received the same; which he could not do, who renounced Communion with our Church, and omitted the Administration of both Sacraments for Eighteen years. See the Bp. of Worcester's Historical Account of Separation, p. 151. His first setting up was in another Country, among divers private poor Men that were very zealous Non-conformists: Against these he pretends he was a forward Disputer, and by writing against a Minister of theirs about kneeling at the Sacrament, silenced the Opponent: and in his Disputations for Conformity, he thought he had ever the better. But these Men brought him to resolve to read the Writings of both sides impartially, especially Dr. Ames' Fresh Suit; whereupon he settled in the Judgement which he never since changed, about Liturgy and Ceremonies. 
Though he had conceived a Prejudice against them long before as Persecutors, viz. when he was 19 years old.  But still he was absolutely for Episcopacy as it is with us, till 1640. when the new Canons with the etc. Oath came out; which was the very thing that occasioned such Nonconformity as he is guilty of.  
About this time 1640. Mr. Baxter having no Benefice, as he tells us, 
See pag. 73. of the Treatise of Episc. and pag. 60. of his Apol.  and perhaps for that reason among others being a resolved Nonconformist, betakes himself to Bridge-North, a Town in Shropshire, consisting of six Parishes, most of them great ones; which were under an Ordinary and Court of their own, exempt from the Bishop's Jurisdiction; so that he never used Cross nor Surplice, (his Subscription notwithstanding) having liberty to forbear them. He had no inclination to a Pastoral Charge (p. 13. of his Life) Subscription, almost as soon as he made it, he began to judge unlawful, p. 14. and while he was at Bridge-North, he never administered the Sacrament, nor Baptised with the Sign of the Cross, nor wore the Surplice, ibid. p. 14. This place he chose to make the Stage for that Prologue which ushered in the following Tragedy. To ingratiate him with the People, there is a Report spread that it reigned Manna at his coming thither. From the Oath mentioned in the Canon, he takes the Plot of his first Scene, which was this: Though every Minister in the Country (saith Mr. Baxter) was for Bishops as well as himself, yet they were so startled by the Oath, (or rather by Mr. Baxter, who was resolved to oppose it) that a Meeting is appointed about it; for (N.B.) the Meeting was to be on his Lecture-day, and it was his lot to be the Opponent; which was too much for one Man, to preach the Lecture and manage the Dispute, had not Mr. Baxter been overzealous. Mr. Baxter, p. 27. of his Life, says overdoing is undoing. To magnify that days exploit, he says, The Defendant was Mr. Christopher Cartwright, a good Man, and incomparably beyond him in Learning, the Defender of King Charles the First against the Marquis of Worcester, and the Author of the Rabinical Commentary on Genesis, whose Papers of Justification, saith he, I since answered. All these Titles he gives Mr. Cartwright, to enhance his own Victory, which he easily obtained: for though my Objections, saith Mr. Baxter, were none of the strongest, yet the Ministers thought that he failed in answering them, so that they broke up more dubious; (i.e.) more dissatisfied as to Episcopal Government than before. And thus the Learning and Reputation of Mr. Cartwright were made Trophies to adorn Mr. Baxter's Victory. The Scotch Covenant (he says) was not the first imposed on us (that would have been swallowed without chewing, though imposed without Authority:) but this, though required by lawful Authority, he was prepared and resolved to oppose. P. 37. of his second Defence against the Bishop of Worcester, Mr. Baxter says he was so well acquainted forty years ago with many aged Nonconformist Ministers as his familiar Friends, that he knew their minds, (and probably was confederate with them) which was about the beginning of the late War, in which he was so active, that he encouraged some thousands, and by the Loyal Party was looked on as a dangerous Person; for he complains that they often sought his Life by unjust Accusations, though God delivered him, Postscript to true Cath. p. 312. And now if it appear not by his own Narrative of his Education what put the Principles of Nonconformity into his Head, yet that which follows will plainly evince what Prejudices against Conformity had possessed him from his youth, as well against the Government of the Royal Martyr, as against his Ecclesiastical Superiors; to both which, by many actual Oaths, as well as other Legal Oblations, he was bound to yield obedience, but acted and wrote most violently against them. P. 84. He boasteth of his Success in converting Souls; Before I entered on the Ministry, God blessed my private Conference to the Conversion of some. In the beginning of my Ministry I was wont to number them as Jewels, but since I could not keep any number of them; when (saith he) the Reverend Instructors of my Youth did labour fifty years together in one place, and could scarcely say they had converted one or two of their Parishes. This is too uncharitable a Censure of Reverend men's Labours for fifty years together. Let others judge, whether he thought not too highly of himself. He turned many from the Church to Schism and Faction; and encouraged Thousands, he says, to engage in the War against the King. If his Converts were such, he had no reason to glory in the number of them.  
His Treatise of Diocesan Bishops, he says, was meditated in the year 1640. that is, at the same time he entered into a War against the King, he broached Faction in the Church. His Pen disdained to be less active than his Sword. And it is probable his Church History had its Conception at the same time: for as they were born near together, so no Twins are better like. On these, his Meditations have been more or less employed ever since. In every Treatise almost (for he hath written to the number of Eighty) we are told of the Pride, Oppression and Cruelty of the Bishops: and in his five Disputations of Church Government, we have a Model of this Babel; for the erecting of which, he hath assembled all the Arian Heretical Authors that he could hear of, such as Philostorgus, Sondius, etc. and out of them he quotes only the worst things, omitting what is left on Record concerning the Learning, Piety, Courage, Patience, Charity and Condescensions of those Fathers and Martyrs of whom the world was not worthy: he notes only the Calumnies of their Adversaries, or those Infirmities which their Zeal for Truth against Error, and their Love of Peace against Faction, might discover in them. And contrariwise, speaking of their Adversaries, whether Arians, Nestorians, Donatists, Novatians, etc. he commends them as good and well-meaning Men, mistaken only in the manner of expressing themselves, applauding them for their holy and strict Lives, without any notice of their damnable Errors, though they denied the Lord that bought them. And thus he hath dealt with the Councils and Ancient Fathers, to whose Decrees he imputes all the Troubles which were occasioned in the Church by those Heretics and Schismatics that opposed them, not taking any notice how great a Fence those learned and godly Men were to the Church of God, as well against Heathen as Heretics, whom they resisted even to Blood. So that Mr. Baxter hath not reproached them only, but Christianity itself, and represented the Discipline and Authority of the Church, as not to be submitted to, or tolerated in the World. And this he doth by the whole Order of Church Governors, that he may make ours the more odious. He says, (as in divers places) p. 252. & 253. of Saints Rest, That the first rage of the Prelates in silencing as learned able Ministers, and incessantly persecuting as godly Christians as the World enjoyed, was (just before the War begun) increased an hundred fold. P. 251. As I am certain by sight and sense, that the extirpation of Piety was the then great design which so far prevailed, that very many of the most able Ministers were silenced, Lectures and Evening Sermons on the Lord's-day suppressed, Christians imprisoned, dismembered, and banished: (He speaks as if it were done by Heathen, for no other cause but as being Christians:) That it was as much at least as a man's Estate was worth, to hear a Sermon abroad, when he had none (or worse) at home; to meet for Prayer, or any other godly Exercise; and that it was a matter of Credit, and a way to Preferment, to Revile and be Enemies to those that were most Conscientious, and every where safer to be a Drunkard or an Adulterer, than a painful Christian; and that multitudes of Humane Ceremonies took place, when the Worship of Christ's Institution was cast out, (besides the slavery that invaded us in Civil respects.) So I am most certain, that this was the Work which we took up Arms to resist; and those were the Offenders whom we endeavour to offend. You see Mr. Baxter is armed with Prejudice and Zeal Cap-a-peé for a War, wherein to resist his Superiors, under a pretence of Reformation, though to that Resistance the Word of God threatens Damnation. Yet Mr. Baxter, p. 271. says, As I cannot yet perceive but that we undertook our Defence upon warrantable grounds, so I am most certain, God hath wonderfully appeared through the whole. (Success was the great Argument;) of which p. 250. Having been an Eye-witness of a very great part of the eminent Providences from the first of the War, I have plainly seen something above the common Course of Nature, in almost every Fight that I have beheld. The War (saith Mr. Baxter) was begun in our Streets, before the King or Parliament had any Armies, between the Puritans and drunken Rabble that hated the Parliaments Reformation; and so I was forced to be gone before the Wars. And a Man that was more pious and devout than the Multitude, could not live by them in most places, but were forced into Garrisons and Arms to save their Lives, p. 252. of Saints Rest, (i.e.) in plain English, Mr. Baxter, with the other Reformers, put themselves into Arms, and seized the King's Forts, making them Garrisons against the King.  
I desire the Reader to reflect on this part of the Narrative. Mr. Baxter often accuseth the Conforming Clergy with deliberate Lying and Perjury. What was it in Mr. Baxter being prejudiced against the Bishops at Nineteen, yea against Bishop Morton at Fourteen, being familiar with Nonconformist Ministers, and knowing their Minds, yet to submit to Episcopal Ordination, and Subscribe and Swear to obey the Bishop in licitis & honestis, and presently omit the Cross and Surplice, and dispute openly against Bishops, and prosecute and defend the War against the King, against the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy; and when his taking of Holy Orders seems to be for no other end but to enable him to do the more mischief: Was not this to be deliberately perjured? But to go on, (he says in cold blood) His engaging in that War was the greatest outward Service that ever he performed to God: That Neutrality had been sinful; and to have been against the Parliament in that Cause, had been Treachery, p. 481. of H.C.W. And p. 480. If I had known that the Parliament (in that Cause) had been the beginners, and in most fault, yet the ruin of our trusties is a punishment greater than any fault of theirs (though it were the cutting off his Head) against a King can deserve; and that their faults cannot disoblige me from defending the Commonwealth. I knew the King had all his Power for the Common Good, and none against it; and therefore that no Cause can warrant him to make the Commonwealth the Party which he shall exercise Hostility against: and that War against the Parliament, especially by such an Army, in such a Cause, is Hostility against them, and so against the Commonwealth. All this seemed plain to me, and especially when I knew how things went before, who were the Agents, how they were minded, and what were their purposes against the People. Would not this Man have made a better Solicitor against the Royal Martyr, than Cook (who said he was another Solomon for his parts?) Did Cromwell or Bradshaw ever object such things against him as Mr. Baxter hath done? Who could think that Mr. Baxter, who pretends for so much Peace, was ever a Man of such a Temper? With what heart could he be an Eye-witness of the Humane Butcheries that were made in almost every Fight from the beginning of the War? or with what Face could he say there appeared more of Christ's Interest on the one side than on the other, as in the first occasion, so in the Prosecution? p. 252. of Saints Rest. And again, Whatever the end may prove, I am sure I have seen the Lord in the means, p. 251. And, That as we undertook our Defence on warrantable grounds, so I am most certain God hath wonderfully appeared through the whole, ibid. He says in the Epistle, he was wonderfully rescued from many dangers in four years' Wars; and after many tedious nights and days, and many doleful sights and tidings, he and many of his Kederminsters' (whom he, it seems, had led on to the War) were returned in peace; that he was twenty several times delivered when he was near to death. O the sad and heart-piercing Spectacles, says he, p. 115. that mine eyes have seen in four years' space! In this Fight a Friend fall down by me, from another a precious Christian brought home wounded or dead, (precious Christians, no doubt, that died in such a horrid Rebellion;) scarce a Month, scarce a Week, without the sight or noise of Blood. Surely there is none of this in Heaven; our eyes shall then be filled no more, nor our hearts pierced with such Fights as at Worcester, Edge-hill, Newbury, Nantwich, Montgomery, Horn-Castle, Naseby, Langport, etc. (it seems he was present in these Fights:) For he adds, Mine eyes shall never more behold the Earth covered with the Carcases of the slain. And he saith, He had traveled over the most part of England (to pursue the War.)  Illi robor & aes triplex circum praecordia. 
Mr. Baxter says the War began first in their Streets at Kederminster, between those that would have pulled down Painted-glass and Pictures, and the People that opposed them; which Parties were so violent against each other, that he was forced to fly for his Safety. And having been a while at Bridge-North, 〈◊〉 Parties of the King's Soldiers frighted him from thence to Coventry; and as soon as he heard of Essex's Army at Worcester, he went and tarried there until Edge-hill Fight; and the next Morning hearing that Essex won the Field, he went to see the Slain, and after that he took up his quarters at Coventry, and stayed with the Governor in his House preaching as Chaplain to the Garrison for a whole year, p. 43, 44. of his Life. From thence he went to Wem in Shropshire to settle a Garrison there, and procures Thirty or Forty of his Neighbours to enter themselves under Col. Mackworth to strengthen that Garrison. But Wem being taken, he follows the Parliament Army which marched towards the West, where first he fully describes the Fight at Langport, and says he was next to Major Harrison when the flight of gore's Army was begun; and Goring marching towards the West, Mr. Baxter tarried at the Siege of Bridgwater and Bristol. The Siege of Bristol continuing about a Month, he was taken sick of a Fever after the three first days; but being recovered, he came back to Bristol Siege three or four days before it was yielded, p. 55. He was also at Naseby, and went to see the Field two days after the Fight, p. 50. He also followed the Army that went Westward in pursuit of the Lord Goring, and says he was three Weeks at the Siege of Exeter, and then returned with Whaley's Regiment, which was sent to straighten the Garrison of Oxford, in order to a Siege; he quartered two Months at Banbury and Agmondesham in Buckinghamshire. N. 1. of his Penitent Confessions, he says, While he was at Coventry he went out twice with the Army; once to take in Tamworth Castle; and then to besiege Banbury Castle, whence we were driven home with some loss.  
P. 58. When the Siege of Worcester was over, he went to London for his health; though he said the riding in the Army did him most good of any thing, p. 10. And from London he returned to his quarters in Worcestershire, and from thence to Leicestershire, Staffordshire, and Darbyshire; and then back again to Leicestershire, and was three weeks at Nowel's House, and a quarter of a year at the Lady Rouse's in Worcestershire. So that for the space of Seven or Eight years he constantly pursued the Wars, though he had been very often in danger of his Life. But though he carried on the War with great Zeal and Vigour amidst many dangers against King Charles the First, yet he is not ashamed to tell the World, p. 68 That when King Charles the Second marched by Kederminster towards Worcester, Col. Graves sent two or three Messengers to him, as from the King, to come to him; and afterwards sent others from Worcester to invite him thither: He refused to go because he had fore Eyes.  
Twice, he says, the Season called him to endeavour for the King; once at the Worcesier Fight, and at Sir George Booth's Rising, but I durst not meddle on either side, because I foresaw the Divisions, Silencing, Persecutions and Calamities which the Bishops and other revengeful Instruments would bring to the Kingdom. It seems his Prejudice against the Bishops, bound him up from doing his Duty to the King, when he was actually sent to by Col. Graves. See his Necessary Vindication, Reply to Accus. 6.  
Had not Mr. Baxter told us the contrary, we might have thought he had been born in Ireland, and nursed up by some ravening Wolf, that could see the Death of so many of his Friends who died in Rebellion, and were like to perish eternally as well as temporally; and so many Loyal Nobles and Gentry perish in their Integrity, some perhaps by his own hand, but many probably by his procurement, without any regret, and please himself with the meditation of it; yea, and ascribe all to the eminent Providences of God, above the ordinary way of God's working. Matth. of Westminster, p. 71. of his History, That Richard the First, in the French Wars, took among other Prisoners Richard Bishop of Beaux near his own City, who was presented to the King in his Armour as he was taken; and being imprisoned, the present Pope wrote to the King an angry Letter, chiding him for imprisoning his dear Son, and requiring him to send his dear Son home to him. The King detains the Bishop, and sends only the Armour in which the Bishop was taken, willing him to consider whether that were his Son's Coat or no.  
Reader, you see here a little Man, (David some account him) but in the Armour of Goliath; and as he, a Man of War from his Youth, defying the whole Israel of God, saying, Give me a Man that we may fight together: his confidence in his Armour, which is all of Brass, so close knit with Lies, Contradictions, and Slanders, that as the Scales of the Leviathan, you can scarce discern any space between them. Let the Reader take a full view of him, and then tell me whether he be a Child of Peace, or a Man of War. Do these things savour of an Evangelical Spirit? or are these fit Meditations for one that was penning the Saints Everlasting Rest? Well may he talk of it: But such Men as Mr. Baxter, and Brook, (who was actually slain in the Rebellion) Pym, Hamden, and White, etc. who were perpetually tormenting themselves and others in an unnatural and bloody War, without timely and serious Repentance, could never enjoy it; though Mr. Baxter place them all there, with many more such precious Christians.  
As to Mr. White, this Apostate Presbyter is another of Mr. Baxter's white Saints, who boasted that he and his Fellows had turned out near Eight thousand Ministers out of their Freeholds, contrary to the Magna Charta, the Petition of Right, and the Proclamation of Charles the First against the Oppression of the Clergy by the intrusion of Schismatical Persons into their Cures, mentioned in Bibliotheca Regia, p. 324. And when the Parliament had encouraged the Mob to bring in Articles against their Ministers, he began his infamous Centuries to blacken the Reputation of the ejected Ministers with those false Imputations with which their factious Parishioners accused them, but never proved against them. We have printed Catalogues of the London Clergy, the Heads of Houses in both Universities, as also of the Bishops and Dignitaries, etc. then Ejected as Scandalous and Insufficient. Ministers who were Men of Extraordinary Merit, both for their Lives and Learning; such as Bishop Juxton, Morton, Hall, Cousin, Prideaux, Davenant, Brownrigg; and Dr. Sanderson, Hammond, Holdsworth, Hinchman, Sheldon, Morley, Gillingham, Mason, Duppa, Howel, Hacket, Westfield, Featly, Walton, etc. of whom the Age was not worthy, were forced to forsake their Families and Relations, and to wander up and down, and seek their Bread in unknown Places and Foreign Countries. Yet Mr. Baxter approves of these barbarous Actions, and takes it for one of the best things they could do to cast out these, and to put in such as he calls better in their places. See p. 78, 79. of his Apology, where he tells us what sort of Persons were put into the Cures of the Ejected Clergy. In my Opinion, says he, the Sequestering Ministers being mostly young Men in the Universities, that had nothing of their own, could not else get Bread and Clothing, much less Fire and Houseroom. Many of these thought it a good work, yea a very good work to cast out those as Insufficient and Scandalous, and having a lawful Call to the Work, they thought they had so to the Salary. And when these Sequestrators were forced by the approach of the King's Army to leave their Cures to their proper Owners, Mr. Baxter thinks these the Usurpers before God, and that they were bound, if possible, to make Restitution of the Tithes and Maintenance which they had received, as much as if they had broke men's Houses, or rob by the Highway. See Dr. Pearce against Baxter, § 26.  
Mr. Baxter affirms, That if Bishops, who come in by the King's Nomination, and not by the Majority of the People, shall impose inferior Pastors on the Parish Churches, and command the People's Acceptance and Obedience, the People are not bound to accept and obey them as such, nor is it Schism to Disobey, no more than it is Treason to Reject the Usurper of a Kingdom. So that Mr. Baxter pronounceth, as well the King as the Bishops, and all Ministers Presented by them, or other Patrons, to be mere Usurpers. This is, as the Bishop of Worcester says, an excellent Plea for Peace, p. 138, 139. of the History of Separation.  
I cannot omit to inform the Reader (because I myself, and some thousand others, yet live to contradict him) how falsely, as well as maliciously, he calumniates the happy and peaceable Reign of the Royal Martyr: for so it was, until the times of Mr. Baxter's unhappy Reformation. We read, Ezra 3.12. When the Foundation of the second Temple was laid, the People shouted: but the Priests and Levites, and chief of the Fathers, who were ancient Men, that had seen the first House, wept with a loud voice. I cannot, without a fit of Grief and Pain, look back upon those (over-prosperous) times, wherein Peace and Truth did so flourish, that we were the Envy of our Neighbour Nations; and until groundless Fears and Jealousies distracted us, this Nation was as Jerusalem, a City at unity within itself. Every one sat under his own Vine, and under God's Vine too. There was no decay of Trade, no leading to Captivity, till we began to surfeit of our Plenty, and to grow sick of Peace, and to loath Manna itself; and than God gave us up to the hands of such Physicians as had the skill only to let us Blood, but never the Art to staunch it, till all our Strength and Beauty, all our Liberties, Properties, and Religion were past recovery by the Wit of Man; and God himself did it by a Miracle from Heaven. And yet this Man of Peace (forsooth) to whom (and such as he) we own the loss of all our Blessings, and all the Damages done to Church and State, is at every turn defaming those happy Times, complaining of Persecution of Christians, and Slavery in Civil Respects. See what he says, H.C.W. p. § 7. The People's Rights were evidently invaded; many Thousands have suffered, or were forced to remove out of the Land, upon the account of illegal Impositions; (and though he himself observes the contrary, p. 88 of his Apol.) Ministers were ejected and punished for not bowing towards the Altar, for preaching Lectures, and twice on the Lord's day; (whereas the Canon only required, that they who used that Ceremony, would not despise them that used it not, etc. obliging no Man) and the Afternoon Sermon was only to be exchanged for a Catechise Lecture. The Preachers that were silenced were mostly Brownists and Anabaptists, or such as were prohibited to preach at Norwich. One was a Draper, another a Tailor, a third a Weaver, as appears by the Register there. If any Ministers were silenced, they were such, as contrary to their Subscriptions and Solemn Vows, refused Conformity, and preached up Sedition and Schism, which no Government could endure. Nor were any punished, but for preaching or practising Sedition and Faction, which was then so strong as to affront the Laws, and within a little while to destroy them and the Government both in Church and State. To dismiss this Book of the Saints Rest, which was his first and his best, as he thought himself: for if Mr. Cressy (saith he) had read no better than my Saints Rest, the Life of Faith, the Divine Life, the Christian Directory, etc. he would never have gone from the Protestants to Popery, for want of an affectionate Spiritual Devotion.  
I would willingly prevail with Mr. Baxter, that as in a later Edition of his Saints Rest, he left out the mention of Brook, Pym, Hamden, etc. as Members of a more knowing, unerring, well-ordered, right aiming, selfdenying, unanimous, honourable, triumphant Senate; so if he lived to see another, he would leave out those unsuitable Passages which I have mentioned, and change them for such as this in the Epistle: I shall leave you my best advice for your immortal Souls, as the Legacy of a dying Man; receive it as from one that unfeignedly loves you, as if I offered it on my bended knees, yea, as one that hath received Authority from Christ to command you: I charge you in his Name, as you will answer it when we shall meet at Judgement, that you faithfully and constantly practise these Directions, (whereof this is one:) Above all, see that you be followers of Peace and Unity, both in the Church, and among yourselves. I differ from many in several things of considerable moment; yet if I should zealously press my judgement on others, so as to disturb the Peace of the Church, and separate from my Brethren, I should fear lest I should prove a Ferebrand in Hell, for being a Firebrand in the Church. And for all the interest I have in your Judgements and Affections, I here charge you, that if God should give me up to any factious Church-rending course, that you forsake me, and follow me not a step.  
No sooner had the Preebyterians excluded the Bishops, and their Directory the Liturgy, but the Lord's Prayer is also exploded as a thing of no use, either for matter or form: for the men of that Age thought it not Spiritual enough for such overgrown Christians as they were, being adapted only to the Nonage of the first Disciples: Nor was it sufficient to disuse it, but they poured out all the Contempt they could upon it, both from their Pulpits and the Press. Dr. O. was so transported with the Indwelling of the Spirit, that at the same time when he wrote against the Socinians, he wrote also against the use of our Lord's Prayer. And this Anticristian Practice prevailed so far, that the People generally refused to teach it their Children: Some gave God thanks they had forgotten it; and if any sober Clergyman did conclude his own Prayer with it, a great part of his Auditory would presently departed out of the Church, as if it were impossible for them to be edified by such a Preacher as had no better Gift of Prayer. And thus to make a thorough Reformation, they first agreed on no more Addresses unto God, before they Voted no more Addresses to the King. The Creed and Commandments suffer the same Indignities, being generally omitted in their Public Worship; and in many places, especially at their Lectures, scarce a Chapter of the Holy Scripture read to the People; the whole Exercise being made up of Extemporary Prayer and Preaching: the best of their Sermons, if I may account them so that are printed, and were preached in the greatest Congregations on most Solemn Occasions, abounding with such Invectives against the King, such Arguments and Motives to Rebellion and Shedding of Blood, as will be an indelible Reproach to the Presbyterian Party, who so taught others the Doctrine of Resisting their Superiors, that they soon felt it to be practised against themselves, who had broken down all the Fences of Government, and opened those wide Breaches by which so many Heresies and so great Confusion overflowed the Nation; so that the Pulpit-Drums exceeded those of the Field in doing Mischief, drawing on more Souls to Destruction than the other did Bodies.  
Mr. Baxter, p. 43. of his Life, tells us what Chaplains were in Essex's Army: Abundance of famous excellent Divines were Chaplains to his Army, Stephen Marshal and Dr. Burgess to Essex 's Regiments; Obadiah Sedgwick to Col. Hollis; Calibut Downing to the Lord Roberts; John Sedgwick to the Earl of Stamford; Dr. Spurstow to Hamden 's; Mr. Perkins to Col. Goodwin 's; Mr. Moor to the Lord Wharton 's; Adoniram Bifield to Sir Henry Cholmley 's; Mr. Nalton to Col. Grantham 's; Mr. Simeon Ash to the Lord Brooks; Mr. Morton of Newcastle to Sir Arthur Haslerigge, with many more. These were the first Incendiaries & Boutefew's that first kindled and continued the Wars, and such of the King's Friends as escaped the mouth of the Armies Swords, were sentenced to a worse Death by the Sword of these men's mouths.  
In the Year 43. when the Parliaments Army were worsted and weakened by the King, and they thought themselves in danger of being overcome, they entreated help from the Scots, who taking advantage of their straits, brought in the Covenant as the Condition of their help. Thus Mr. Baxter, p. 127. of his first Plea; who confesseth it was contrived as a Stratagem of War to bind the Faction in both Nations in a Confederacy against the King, and strengthen the War against him; for the doing whereof, they pawned their Souls to each other, as his Majesty observes in the Chapter of the Covenant. And if it be considered by how many Solemn Oaths and Protestations the Subjects of both Nations, as well as by the Laws of God and Nature, were obliged to defend his Majesty's Person, and the Laws and Government established; it will appear to be true, as Mr. Philip Nye observed, concerning the Covenant, That for Matter, Persons, and other Circumstances, the like hath not been in any Age or Oath we read of in Sacred or Humane Story. But it did the work for which it was designed; it brought in the Scots Armies, by by the promised hopes of dividing the Church Lands upon the Extirpation of Episcopacy; and was as fatal to the King as to the Bishops: For the King's Forces being broken, he withdraws from Oxford, where he was besieged, and commits himself to the Scots Army, who solicit him to take the Covenant, and sign their Propositions for the Presbyterial Government. Henderson is sent to dispute the point with the King; and he being baffled, Mr. Cant, Blaire, and Douglas endeavoured the same; but more by railing than reasoning with him. One of them (besides many rude expressions in his Sermon before the King) called for the 52 Psalms; which gins thus: Why dost thou, Tyrant, boast abroad, Thy wicked works to praise? Whereupon the King presently stood up, and called for the 56 Psalms, which gins thus: Have mercy Lord on me, I pray; For men would me devour. Which the People readily sung, leaving the other. And the Commissioners of the General Assembly resolved, That if the King be excluded from Government in England for not granting the Propositions concerning Religion and the Covenant, it was not lawful for that Kingdom to assist him for the Recovery of the Government. Nay, they threaten to deliver him up to the Parliament of England, as shortly after they did for 400000 l. for the raising of which Sum, an Ordinance is passed for Sale of the Bishop's Lands at Ten years' value, Nou. 16. And by another Ordinance, Febr. 8. none were to bear any Office Civil or Military that refused to take the Covenant. The Parliament having gotten the King in their power, thought themselves very secure; and therefore resolves to disband the whole Army, Horse and Foot, and to send a good part of them for Ireland; which so startled the Army, that they began to take new measures. And first they demand their Arrears for 56 Weeks. Next, that a Declaration against the Army March 13. might be recalled, and they secured for what had been done in the late Wars: which things at a general Rendezvouz they petition the Parliament for; who being under great fears, Vote all that was desired. But the Army had a farther design, and by 1000 Horse under Cornet Joyce, seize the King's Person, and detain him in the power of the Army; which was Cromwel's design, who though he sat with the Members at Westminster, and protested there with Execrations against himself and his Family, that he was ignorant of the Fact, yet he told his Considents, that having got the King into his hands, he had the Parliament in his Pocket. And presently he falls to purging of the House, impeaching Eleven of the chief Presbyterians of High Treason, and secluded them the House; and afterward got the Militia of London into their hands: for the Army being drawn up on Hounslow-heath, marched up to the Parliament House, and gave it a second purge of many more Members; and marching triumphantly through London, did demolish their Works; and never left, till he had settled the Parliament to his own liking.  
But to return to Mr. Baxter: Four years, he says, he was a Member of the Army; part of which time (by what follows) will appear to be after that the Independent Party was predominant, and the Army new modelled; yet he tarried with this Army under Cromwell, until the King was murdered, and till Richard the Protector was cast out of the Government by those that had placed him in it. Hear what Mr. Baxter says, p. 14. of his Answer to Bagshaw: Is it possible for any sober Christian in the World to take them to be blameless, or these to be little sins? What? the violating of the King's Person, and the Life of so good a King, and the Change of the Fundamental Government, and The Armies Force upon the Parliament; the setting up a Protector, and pulling him down again; the setting up the Remnant of the Commons, and presently pulling them down, to whom (as Mr. Baxter said) they had sworn, and sworn, and sworn again to be faithful to, and defend them; and that they were the best Governors in all the World. If all this was not Rebellion, or Treason, or Murder, there is no such Grime possible to be committed?— If I was guilty of such sins, I do openly confess, that if I lay in Sackcloth, and in Tears, and did lament my sins before the World, which had done such unspeakable wrong to Christ and to Men, I should do no more than the plain Light of Nature assureth me to be my great and needful duty, p. 17.  
Now that which Mr. Bagshaw accused Mr. Baxter of, was, That he was guilty of stirring up and fomenting that War against Charles the First, which Mr. Baxter had confessed, and that he had drawn some Thousands into it: of this we have him boasting often, but not of his Repentance for it. And N.B. he thinks the pulling down of the Protector, and the Remnant of the Commons, to whom they had often sworn to be faithful, and defend them, and says they were the best Governors in the World, to be as great a Sin as the violating the King's Person and Life, in Mr. Baxter's Opinion.  
Mr. Baxter pretends he was sent among the Army by an Assembly of Divines: And I find, that such Divines as attended the Westminster Assembly were ordered (Aug. 28. 1643.) to go into the Country to stir up the People to rise for the defence (as they call it) of the Parliament; but indeed, to strengthen the Rebellion against the King: For against this Assembly, consisting of half Lay and half Clergy, but wholly of disaffected Persons, we find the King thus declaring by Proclamation: That many of them were persons who had openly preached Rebellion, and excited the People to take up Arms against him: That the far greater part of them were Men of no Reputation or Learning, and eminently disaffected to the Government of the Church of England; and therefore he forbade their meeting. But Mr. Baxter was of another judgement: he says, I have not read of many Assemblies of worthier Men since the Apostles days; Answ. to the Bishop of Worcester, p. 84.  
Mr. Baxter, p. 73. of his Life, says of this Assembly, That the Divines there congregate were Men of excellent Learning and Godliness, and Ministerial Abilities and Fidelity; and I speak it in the Face of Malice and Envy, that as far as I am able to judge, the Christian World, since the days of the Apostles, had never a Synod of more excellent Divines than this Synod and the Synod of Dort. To these were added many Lords and Commons, and six or seven Independents, five proved dissenting Brethren, Nye, Goodwin, Burroughs, Simpson and Bridges, For my part, saith Mr. Baxter, I honour the Men, but am not of their mind as to the Government they would have set up; and some words in their Catechism I could wish had been more clear: And above all, I could wish that the Parliament, and their more skilful hand, had done more to heal our Breaches. N.B. The Assembly had a skilful hand, the Parliament a more skilful; but Mr. Baxter was Magnus Apollo, that could have healed all our Breaches, by his only way of Concord. But which of these three Parties were more skilful to divide and destroy, we need a greater Oracle than that of this Apollo to determine.  
I cannot pretend to know much more of the Learning and Godliness of these Assembly-Divines, than by what I have read in their Sermons preached upon special Occasions: Several of them are named, among the Chaplains that attended the Earl of Essex's Army, Mr. Marshal was one, who in a Letter of his, p. 19 says, That if the King had been slain (in the Battle at Edge-hill) it had not been the Parliaments fault, for he might have kept himself farther off if he pleased. And in his Sermon, January 8. 1647. The question is now, saith he, whether Christ or Antichrist shall be King. And in another Sermon to the Mayor and Aldermen, 1644. speaking of the King's Party, he saith, These are miserable and accursed Men, Factors for Hell, Satan's Boutefews; and as true Zealots are set on fire from Heaven, so these men's fire is kindled from Hell, whether also it carrieth them. And in his Sermon Curse ye Meroz, I pray lock on me as one that comes to beat a Drum in your Ears, to see who will come out to follow the Lamb; with much more to the like purpose. John Goodman, another of them, saith, That the Doctrine of Resistance was reserved for our times. Mr. Arrowsmith, in a Sermon 1643. We are not a Kingdom divided against itself, but one Kingdom against another; that is, the Kingdom of Christ against Antichrist. So Mr. John Bond told the Parliament, That they fought against Babylon, Dagon, and Antichrist; and exhorted them to pull it down, though, like Samson, they died with it. Mr. Case, in a Sermon 1644. says, God would have no Mercy shown where the quarrel is against Religion, p. 16. Those who would bring in Idolatry and false Worship to depose Christ from his Throne, and set up Antichrist, Christ hath doomed to destruction. St. Luke 19.27. As for these mine Enemies, bring them out and slay them before me; p. 18. Mr. Thomas Palmer said, That God saw it good to bring Christ into his Kingdom by a bloody way. Dr. Downing told the Artillery-men, It was lawful for Defence of Religion to take up Arms against the King: And so did Mr. Calamy; 'Tis commendable to fight for Peace and Reformation against the King's Command. And in a Sermon Decemb. 25. 1644. he calls them the Judas 's of England that made their Peace with the King at Oxford. What a sad thing is it, saith Mr. Case, to see our King in the Head of an Army of Babylonians, refusing, as it were, to be called the King of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and choosing rather to be called the King of Babylon; Serm. on Isa. 43.4. 1644. p. 18.  
Mr. Herle in a Sermon to the Commons, Nou. 5th. Anno 1644. exhorts them to do Justice to the greatest; Saul 's Sons are not spared, nor Agag, or Benhadad, though Kings. Brooks to the Commons, Decemb. 26.48. Set some of these Grand Malefactors in Mourning, that caused the Kingdom to mourn so many Years, in Garments rolled in Blood by the execution of Justice. Mr. Love was chosen as the fittest Person to assist at the Treaty at Uxbridge, who in compliance with the sense of his Masters, called Episcopacy and Liturgy, Two Plague Sores, and tells the Commissioners, That while their Enemies go on in wicked practices, and they keep their Principles, they may as soon make Fire and Water, nay he had almost said, Heaven and Hell to agree; it is the Sword, not Disputes that must end this Controversy: Wherefore turn your Plowsheres into Swords, and your Pruninghooks to Spears to fight the Lords Battles, to avenge the Blood of the Saints which hath been spilt: It must be avenged by us, or upon us. I have prayed that too much pity in our State Physicians, do not retard the healing of the Land; here are Malignant Humours in the Nobles and Gentry to be purged out, before they be healed. O that in this our State Physicians would resemble God, to cut off those from the Land who have distempered it. You may know what he means by his Latin sentence, Melius pereat unus, quam unitas, Men that be under the guilt of much Innocent Blood, are not fit to be at Peace with, till all the guilt of Blood be expiated by the Sword of the Law, or the Law of the Sword.  
It is true, saith he at his Execution, I did in my place and calling oppose the Forces of the late King, and were he alive again, and I should live longer, the Cause being as then it was, I should oppose him longer: But the present Power saw it not fit to trust him with a longer Life. And it is very remarkable, that Prideaux the Attorney General repeated most of those passages which Mr. Love had urged against the King and his Party, to ruin them, to show that he ought not to have any Mercy shown him: See the Printed Trial of Mr. Love. Mr. Baxter, pag. 67. of his Life, says, That the Soldiers, said he was so like to Love, that he would not be right till he was shorter by the head. But Mr. Baxter acted more warily, and as he says, p. 84. of his Life, that after Wars he had Fourteen Years Liberty in such sweet employment, and that in times of Usurpation when under a Rightful King and Governor, he was laid by as a broken Vessel, suspected and vilified, scarce Tolerated to live privately and quietly in the Land. But if Mr. Baxter had complied but half so much with the rightful Government in things lawful, as he had done with usurped Powers in things unlawful, he might have lived more than twice as long, as quietly and godly as other good Men did. Yet after the clamour of his Sufferings, he thrived in those worst Times (as he accounted them) for he had a stock of Money, out of which he could spare a Thousand pound to the Exchequer, intended most of it for pious uses (as he says) p. 89. part 3. But in Seven years he endeavoured a purchase of House or Land, but could not find it: So that he perceived the Devil's resistance of it, and that there are Devils that keep up a War against Goodness in the World; yet he found the Devil did not hinder his disbursing almost as great a Sum to build a Synagogue for his Conventicle. He did not thrive so well in the Service of the Army; for his Arrears of many hundred pounds were never paid him: Nor was he dealt with as Mr. Love. Ille crucem sceleris precium tulit hic diadema. But to return: This, or some other Relic of this Assembly (who themselves ran before they were sent) did send Mr. Baxter to the Army, under Cromwell after the King's death, where he says he accompanied Commissary-General Whaley, a Person who was sometime the King's Jailor, and whom you may find in that black List of his Majesty's Judges; a fit Conductor and great Confident of Mr. Baxter's; to him Mr. Baxter dedicates his Apology, by the Name of The Honourable, etc.  
With this Achitophel our Shemei hunts David from Mountain to Mountain, cursing and railing at him as he goes; the Sword of his Tongue being longer and sharper than his furbished Sword. Curse ye Meroz, and Cursed be he that doth the work of the Lord deceitfully, and Cursed be he that holdeth back his Sword from Blood, were the common Texts of the Army-Chaplains: And the Maxims of his Holy Commonwealth were the Subjects of some of his Sermons.  
He says in the Epistle to his first Plea for Peace, My honest Friend, (a Proselyte of his, whom, it seems, he had engaged in the War) when he saw here a Leg, and there an Arm, (was faint-hearted, and) said it was time for him to stop. But the valiant Mr. Baxter, though he had seen many sadder sights, even the Carcases of some Thousands, Streams of Blood, the Ruin of Cities, Towns, Churches, and Castles, goes on as undauntedly as the Horse that rusheth into the Battle. Let the Reader view (if he can without horror) what Mr. Baxter reports of himself in two Epistles dedicated to two of his Army-Saints. In that to Whaley, he saith, Providence did so clear his way (viz. in that War) and draw him on, and sweeten unusual Troubles with unusual Mercies, and issue all in Testimonies of Grace, that he had great mixtures of Comfort with Sorrow in the performance. And that he had more eminent Deliverances and other Mercies in those years and ways of Blood and Dolour, than in most of his Life besides. It seems he was of the mind which our Saviour foretold of some, that should kill his Disciples, and think they did God Service. He adds: The best is, we now draw no blood, (it seems he had done that sufficiently) they were now as Conquerors to divide the Spoil. And great things did this Champion promise himself, though it appears that he was disappointed of his hopes: For in another Epistle to Colonel Berry, whom (Stilo Novo) he calls Honourable too, as being one of the Council of State, he thus expostulates; Was I not capable of Secular and Military Advancement as well as others? (it seems he thought so, but they did not) Did I ever solicit you as much as for my Arrears, which is many hundred pounds? (it seems he had served them long, and was well promised for his pains; but this Man of Conscience was content with the pleasing work of drawing Blood gratis:) he scorned to open his mouth for the many Hundreds due to him, hoping they would have advanced a Man of so generous a Spirit to some eminent Military Preferment, whereof (his Ministry notwithstanding) he thought himself capable. But this great Warrior, partly through regret at his disappointments, of which he complains p. 2. of his Epistle before his Saints Everlasting Rest, against ungrateful men; and partly through his bodily infirmities (for however willing his Spirit was, his Flesh was grown weak) being exhausted by the Accidents of War: For in the same Page he tells us, that being in his Quarters far from home, he was cast into extreme languishing by the sudden loss of about a gallon of Blood, (which should have minded him of the many Gallons of Blood whereof he had been the cause of effusion) after many years foregoing weakness, by which his Body was ruined beyond hopes of recovery, the sentence of present death being by the ablest Physicians passed upon him; from which he was delivered by a wonder in the midst of his duties, (i.e. in the War) and was supported fourteen years in a languishing estate, wherein he had scarce a waking hour free from pain. And thus (though against his will) he is forced to leave the Army. And might not Mr. Baxter justly say (and the Reader believe him in this) as he writes in a Letter to Dr. Hill— I have been in the heat of my Zeal so forward to changes and ways of blood, that I fear God will not let me have a hand in the peaceable building of his Church? And the Judgement of God is eminently upon him, who hath been so far from building, that it hath ever since been his great business to destroy the best established Church in the World; which will appear, by taking a view of this mortified Man in his retirement from the War. And we find him sitting down on the sequestered Living of Mr. Dance at Kedderminster; he had enticed many of that place and neighbourhood to the War, and some few returned with him again. How far he was given to Plunder in the time of War (whereof he hath been accused) I affirm not; but it will draw a shrewd suspicion on him, that he was not afraid to take a Horse or two in time of War, who seized on the Person of a Neighbour, to serve as an Exchange for his Father; and possessed himself of the Livelihood of Mr. Dance, of whom he confessed, as the than Bp. of Worcester's Letter, p. 3. informs, That he was a Man of an unblameable Life and Conversation, though not of such Parts as might qualify him for the Cure of so great a Congregation. And though Mr. Baxter was not welcomed here by a Miracle (as he was at 
* See Mr. Baxter's Relation of this in a Postscript to his True Catholic, p. 294.  Bridgenorth, where the Report is, that it reigned Manna on the Church wherein he was to officiate;) yet he was convinced by Providence, (as he says in that Epistle) That it is the Will of God it should be so: (a strange Argument, from God's permission of an unrighteous Act, that it is his Will it should be so!) For this (saith he) I clearly discerned in my first coming to you, in my former abode with you, and in the time of my forced absence from you. But the truth is, Mr. Baxter had too much adhered to the Presbyterian Interest, to be advanced by that Army; though he desires them to remember how far he had gone with them in the War, and pleadeth their acknowledgement that a special Presence of God was with the Parliament; and presseth on them the Sin of forcing out 140 Members first, and then 120, and their proclaiming it Treason to say that the Parliament was in being: And then he urgeth those Scriptures to them, which himself had shown them an example to contemn, Rom. 13. 1 Pet. 2.13. and that they might know his meaning, he tells them, That the secluded Members were the best Governors in all the World; that they had the Supremacy, and yet had been resisted and deposed in England. It was a Sin with Mr. Baxter to oppose the Usurpers, and a Duty to resist the King and fight against him; which Mr. Baxter did for four years together: And it is to be believed (saith Mr. Baxter) that a man would kill him against whom he fights, p. 423. Holy Commonwealth.  
But Mr. Baxter was not very constant to his own Profession concerning his long beloved Parliament: For in the same place and breath almost, he says, Secondly, I mean the Powers that were last laid by, (viz.) Richard and his Parliament; of whom he says, as to Richard, That he piously, prudently, and faithfully, to his immortal honour, did exercise the Government, how ill soever you have used him. But wherein did all this Piety and Prudence appear? was it that he did inherit from his Father Oliver a tender care of the Cause of Christ? of which you seem to give an instance in the Protestants of Piedmont; when it was notorious, that a great part of the Charity of the Nation for their Relief, was employed in maintaining the War against the King. Was it that at the instance of a few of his Officers, he dissolved that Parliament of his? Was it in swearing that he would to the utmost of his power maintain and preserve the just Rights and Privileges of the People, and govern according to Law? which he could not do. Was it in making a tame Submission to some of his Army, calling them The present Government, from whom he expected Protection, and held himself obliged to live peaceably under them, and to procure to the utmost of his power that others should do so too? These things argue no great stock of Piety, Prudence, or Faithfulness. And as to Richard's Parliament, which had an Upper House consisting mostly of Military, Mechanical, and Fanatic Members; a Lower House of Men of none or very ill note: Of this Parliament Mr. Baxter says, He never had known a Parliament more inclined to Piety and Peace; (the Long Parliament not excepted) whereof he gives this instance: Because it was their desire to have settled Elections according to Mr. Baxter's advice, (i.e.) to keep out all whom he calls ungodly, from choosing or being chosen. See the Preface to the Holy Commonwealth. These, and such like, were they of whom Mr. Baxter says, They were the best Governors in all the World, such as they had sworn and sworn to obey again and again; such as might not be imposed on pain of Damnation; and that he would with great rejoicing give a thousand thanks to that Man that would acquaint him of one Nation in the World that had better Governors in Sovereign Power, as to Holiness and Wisdom conjunct, than these, who yet had been resisted and deposed. It seems Mr. Baxter could have been easily reconciled to any Governors, but those to whom of right the Government did belong. And any Reader conversant in Mr. Baxter's Writings, may observe, that Mr. Baxter never complained so much of Arbitrary Government and Persecution under any of the Revolutions of Usurped Powers, as he hath done since the King and Church were restored; nay, he wrote as industriously for Obedience to some of them, as he hath since to encourage Disobedience to these. And let me desire the Reader to consider what ground Mr. Baxter had for his great veneration of the Secluded Members, more than for those who were called the Rump. Did not they agree in that accursed Vote of Non-Addresses to the King before their Seclusion? Did not they upon their readmission, reinforce the Engagement to be true and faithful to the Commonwealth, without a King or House of Lords? Did not some of them provide an Oath of Abjuration of the King, to be taken by such as were to sit in the Council of State? Did not some of them send to General Monk to advise him that he must take that Oath, before his admittance into that Council? Did they not offer to settle Hampton-Court on General Monk, and desire him to take the Government on himself, under what Title he pleased? And because they did this, (and might justify themselves in so doing, upon Mr. Baxter's Theses in his Holy Commonwealth) they are (all these things notwithstanding) the Supreme Powers, the best Governors in all the World, and such as to resist, is to incur Damnation.  
Mr. Baxter during the time of his abode at Kedderminster, was not employed in writing only, as he did against Dr. Pierce, justifying the Trade of Sequestrations; and against others, representing them as Men that had neither hatred to Sin, nor love to Godliness or common Honesty; because, he says, they published so many, so gross and shameless Falsehoods, and overacted the part of the Accusers of the Brethren, p. 308. of Postscript to the True Catholic. But he was employed also in assisting the Commissioners for Sequestrations, p. 297. ibid. Yet he excuseth the matter, and says, He never persecuted or cast out any, or endeavoured it by word or deed, unless for notorious scandal or insufficiency; and we know that Dr. Pierce, and such as he, were then accounted such, as not having the Grace of God in them. Upon some such account it was, that Dr. Sanderson and Dr. Pocock were ejected, to the perpetual Infamy of the Ejectors.  
How vainly doth Mr. Baxter still plead for Sequestrations, p. 78. of his Apol. First, That the Ministers were ejected by the Secular Power. But were not they animated by the Clergy, who, as Mr. Baxter, had then no Benefices? Secondly, That some of the Parish were the Accusers, Witnesses, and Solicitors. And such may be still found in most Parishes where there are very good Ministers. But, Thirdly, The People should not be left as Heathen, and therefore 'tis an excusable error; and when the love of Souls makes them spend themselves for the People's good, this should not be thought their unpardonable Crime. And they did think that the Salary was for the Work; and if they had a lawful Call to the Work of the place, they thought they had so to the Salary. Now though Mr. Baxter framed these Reasons for them, he adds, I justify not their Reasons; but my Opinion is, That being young Men mostly in the Universities, that had little or nothing of their own, they could not well otherwise have got Bread and Clothing, much less Fire, Houseroom, etc. Those young Men could better have shifted for their Maintenance, than by turning so many aged Ministers, with Wives and Children, out of all. Of such as say, We may do evil that good may come of it, the Apostle says, Their damnation is just. But Mr. Baxter concludes, p. 79. To say the truth, many of them thought it a good work, yea very good, to cast out those (thousands of them whose Live were desirable, by false Accusations) as insufficient or vicious.  
These are that learned, godly, faithful Clergy, who to requite Mr. Baxter, hath chosen him their Prolocutor, to justify them in all their Disobedience and Violences, and to accuse the Conformists of Perjury, Persecution, and other heinous Sins, in those Books which he calls his Pleas for Peace.  
Because Mr. Baxter thinks himself abused in the account which Mr. Durel and others have given of his Sequestration at Kedderminster, take his own account. In the year 40. the Parliament began to Sequester such Ministers as appeared most Loyal: and so early the People of Kedderminster article against their Vicar: it was worth then about Eightscore pounds per Annum, (now more.) The Vicar fearing to lose all, is forced to give a Bond of 500 l. to pay 60 l. yearly to a Lecturer. Mr. Baxter is invited to accept of it, and holds it for a year and half, being driven off by the Wars, which he followed four years, and thinks it a kindness that he did not sue the Vicar for his 60 l. per Annum, which he did nothing for. But at his return, the Vicar is sequestered by a Committee, and Mr. Baxter is importuned to take it; which he refuseth to do in his own name, but thus it was contrived: I got all the Magistrates and Chief of the Town together, who openly subscribed to give me 100 l. per Annum, as their Lecturer; and that no part of this should accrue from the Vicarage. But mark the Juggle! He said immediately before, I told them, that by an Augmentation which I had procured, making my 60 l. an 100 l. and a House, I would be their Lecturer as before. This 60 l. was to come out of the Vicarage, notwithstanding that Proviso to the contrary. But the Sequestrators, who gathered the Tithes, gave him no account; nor needed they: if it be true that Mr. Baxter had 80 or 90 l. and an Assistant about 60 l. more, there was not much left for the Vicar. But Mr. Baxter asked them whether any of the Money they gave him came out of the Tithes? They told him, the 60 l. due by Bond, and an Augmentation granted by Parliament, was more than he had; (i.e.) all that he had came out of the Vicarage, though it were not full as much as was promised him: for the Bond and Augmentation came to 100 l. whereas he received but 80 or 90 l. And they used my name (saith Mr. Baxter) in letting the Tithes: for they had privily got an Order to put me in the sequestered Vicarage; which when I knew, I consented to, for their indemnity. So that after all his Art to evade the guilt of a Sequestrator, it is plain the Vicarage was sequestered in his name, the Tithes agreed for in his name, the Pay was made out of the Tithes; and to all this, though post factum, Mr. Baxter consented. And this was my taking the Sequestration, p. 81. of Apol. I know that some Persons have minded Mr. Baxter to make Restitution; but he thinks he had a Right to it, and wants but a Secular Power to place him in it again; yea, he thinks himself wronged that he hath not the fifth part still paid him: for, p. 85. Eve● the Usurpers allowed the Wives of the sequestered Ministers the fifth part; for my part, I never asked you so much. He expected to have it offered him as his due, without ask. But I suppose his many hundred pounds of Arrears from the Army, and his Fifths from Kedderminster, will be paid together.  
Mr. Baxter says, the Protector Oliver never had any respect for him: and he would now persuade the World that he had as little for the Protector; although in an Epistle to his Son Richard, before the Key for Catholics, he thus applauds him: The serious Endeavours of your Renowned Father for the Protestants of Savoy, discovered to the World by Mr. Morland, hath won him more esteem in the hearts of many that fear the Lord, than all his Victories in themselves considered: We pray that you may inherit a tender Care of the Cause of Christ. When Mr. Baxter could not be so great a stranger as to be ignorant how the Charity of the People, which was very large at that time, was abused, and employed to very ill uses; yet with Mr. Baxter, Oliver is as David, and his Son Richard as Solomon.  
Mr. Baxter's Key for Catholics was dedicated to Richard Cromwell, where he gives this Character of himself: One that rejoiceth in the present happiness of England, and wisheth earnestly that it were but as well with the rest of the World; and that honoureth all the Providences of God by which we have been brought to what we are: One that concurs in the common hopes to these Nations under your Government. And in another Epistle before his Five Disputations of Church-Government, when all Religions were tolerated, except that of the Church of England, (to prevent the toleration of that) he says, If you give Liberty to all that is called Religion, you will soon be judged of no Religion, and loved accordingly.  
How Mr. Baxter and his Party behaved themselves during the Imprisonment of the King, and while he was in the hands of his Murderers, they are not willing to discover. Mr. Baxter for his part says, That he proved in the times of Usurpation, that the Presbyterians detested it, that the London Ministers printed their Abhorrence of it to the World, Preface to Second Plea. As for the London-Ministers, I read, that about 59 of them in number pleaded for the King in these words: That the woeful Miscarriages of the King himself, which we cannot but acknowledge to be very many and great in his Government, have cost the three Kingdoms so dear, and cast him down from his Excellency into a horrid Pit of Misery beyond example. This Plea for the King is like their late Pleas for Peace, (i.e. Justifications of Schism and Sedition;) for in it they say enough to excuse the Regicides: We cannot but acknowledge, (i.e. we affirm and bear witness) that the woeful Miscarriages of the King himself, not of his evil Counsellors only, but his personal Crimes and fundamental Errors in Government, too many and great to be here mentioned, have cost the three Kingdoms so dear, as that all the Bloodshed, and Rapine, and Devastations that have been made in England, Scotland, and Ireland, might be charged on him; and for these he is justly cast down from his Excellency into so horrid a pit of Misery beyond example; (i.e.) Though the like were never done in the World, he is justly fallen under a Sentence of Condemnation. As to Mr. Baxter's particular abhorrence of that barbarous Fact, and his proving that the Presbyterians detested it, I suppose the place he refers to, is his Key for Catholics, p. 321, etc. he says in p. 323. That the Case of Murdering our King, differs very much from the Powder Plot, or Papists murdering of Kings, and teaching that it is lawful for a private hand to do it. A War, and a treacherous Murder, are not all one; nor is a part of the Sovereign Power all one with a private hand, p. 324. I have read what John Goodwin and Milton have written in Vindication of that horrid Murder, and do believe that Mr. Baxter hath outdone them both. Let the Reader seriously peruse that part of his Writings (which he quotes to prove the contrary) from p. 323. to p. 326. and I believe he will be of the same opinion: for the design of it is to prove, that, (p. 323.) If the Body of a Commonwealth, or those that have part in the Legislative Power, and so in the Supremacy, should unwillingly be engaged in a War with the Prince, and after many years' Blood and Desolations, judiciously take away his Life, as guilty of all this Blood, and not to be trusted any more with Government; and all this they do, not as private Men, but as the remaining Sovereign Power, and say they do according to Laws: undoubtedly the Case differs very much from Papists murdering of Kings. I speak not this by way of Justification, saith Mr. Baxter, p. 325. whether they were in the right or wrong; I am not the Judge: but surely it was the Judgement of the Parliament upon the Division, (between the King and them) the Power was in them to defend themselves and the Commonwealth, and suppress all Subjects that were in Arms against them; and that those that did resist them, did resist the Higher Powers set over them by God, and therefore were guilty of the Damnation of Resisters. And this they assured the People was a Truth: And so hath Mr. Baxter done too in his Political Aphorisms more at large; but expressly enough in this place, where under the name of Grotius, p. 324. he asserts, That the Legislative Power being divided between the Prince and Senate, the Prince invading the Senate's Right, may justly be resisted, and lose his Right. And this was well understood by all that engaged in the War against the King from the beginning, that in case they Conquered the King, he was no more to be trusted with the Government: For if it were known beforehand, (saith Mr. Baxter) that if they should purchase a Victory by their Blood, when they have done all, they must be all governed by him, whom they have conquered, and lie at his mercy, they would hardly ever have an Army to defend them. So that the King was never more to be trusted (i.e.) either with Government or Life.  
As for Mr. Love, Mr. Baxter in the cited Preface intimates, that he was Beheaded for his Loyalty; which I think he sufficiently demonstrated, in these two passages: (Not to take notice here of his barbarous insulting over that truly great Prelate when he was brought to the Block, waving his Handkerchief, and crying out, Art thou come, little Will, etc.) the one, in his Sermon at Uxbridge: It was the Lord that troubled Achan, and cut him off because he troubled Israel. O that in this our State, Physicians would resemble God, to cut off those from the Land that have distempered it; (and he tells us plainly whom he means) Melius pereat unus quam unitas: Men that lie under the guilt of much Innocent Blood, are not fit persons to be at peace with, till all the guilt of Blood be expiated and avenged, either by the Sword of the Law, or by the Law of the Sword, else the Peace can never be safe or just. The other passage was, in his Speech, Sect. 14. of his Trial; where speaking of his opposing the Tyranny of a King, he says, I did, it is true, in my place and calling, oppose the Forces of the late King; and where he alive again, and should I live longer, the Cause being as then it was, I should oppose him longer; That is, he had lived, and would die a Rebel.  
An hundred Instances of such fatal Reflections on that excellent Prince, have been noted in the Sermons and other Writings of Men of Mr. Baxter's Persuasion; and yet to show that he dares do any thing to justify his Party, he makes a bold Challenge to those whom he calls their Accusers, to show, if they can, what Body or Party of Men on Earth have more sound and loyal Principles of Government and Obedience. And yet they have preached and published to the World the same Doctrines which were voted January the 4th, 1648. That the Representative of the People in Parliament have the Supreme Power of the Nation; and whatever is enacted or declared for Law by the Commons in Parliament, hath the form of a Law; and the People are concluded thereby, though the Consent of King and Peers be not had thereunto. Which Votes were passed in order to the King's Trial.  
Were not they the King's most Loyal Subjects, that carried on a War against him, until they made him their Prisoner, and then used him as a captived Slave, denying him the liberty of a Man, the society of Wife, Children, and any Attendant whom he could trust; and of a Christian, denying him the assistance of his Chaplains; leaving him no Comfort that might make his Life desirable, but perpetually baiting him with the Covenant, and such unreasonable Propositions as they knew beforehand the King could not in Honour or Conscience comply with? Being thus bound and chained, the Independants take him out of their hands, and put an end to his Sufferings. Salmasius, a great Presbyterian himself, truly represents the Case: If a Thief (says he, p. 353. of his Defensio Regia) apprehends a Traveller, disarms him, robs him of his Money, and leaves him naked, and fast bound to some Tree, and some ravenous Beast finding him in that condition, kills and devours him; to whom ought the cause of his Death to be imputed? to the Thief, or to the Beast? And he concludes, Ita justum Regem & sanctum extinxere Presbyteriani. These disarmed him of his Militia, these bought and sold him as a Captive, these covenanted to preserve his Life, with a Condition of his preserving their Religion; which when he should refuse, they thought themselves bound by Covenant to desert him. The Army in a Remonstrance from St. Alban, Novemb. 16. say, that Whereas it might be objected that the Covenant obliged them to preserve the King's Person: They say, It was with this restriction, In the preservation of the true Religion. Religion and Public Interest were to be understood the principal and supreme Matters engaged for; the King's Person and Authority were inferior and subordinate; which being not consistent with the preservation of Religion and Public Interest, they were by the Covenant obliged against it. And what was it less that the Commissioners of the General Assembly of the Scots resolved on, viz. That if the King were excluded from Government in England for not granting the Propositions concerning Religion and the Covenant, it was not lawful for that Kingdom to assist him for the recovery of his Government? (yet this is that Solemn Covenant, for the obligation whereof Mr. Baxter so contumaciously pleads, against the Authority of the whole Nation.) And upon these and such like Proposals from Scotland, the Parliament vote, That no more Addresses be made from them to the King, nor any Letters or Message received from him: And, That it should be Treason for any person to receive Letters from the King, or deliver any to him, without leave from both Houses. And were not these the King's most Loyal Subjects? Or what Body or Party of Men have in Mr. Baxter's sense more sound or loyal Principles of Government and Obedience?  
How often and how deeply this incomparable King was wounded at the heart by those barbarous Declarations of the Parliament and Presbyterian Incendiaries, as if he were a witless, worthless, faithless Person, not to be trusted in his most Solemn Protestations against his Intentions for Tyranny and Popery, is beyond any Man's expressions but his own? These had often murdered him in his Honour and Reputation before his last Execution. Nor could his last Speech silence those malicious Blasphemies; he was no sooner dead, but he was executed in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and as much as lay in the power of his Adversaries, robbed of that immortal Jewel more worth than his Crown, though no Man was so qualified for such pious and excellent Meditations as himself. Those two Disputes about Episcopacy against Henderson, and a Junto of Presbyterians at Newport, of which his greatest Enemies could not deny him to be the genuine Author, sufficiently show his great Abilities both for Learning and Acurateness of Style; of which Debates the Bishop of Worcester says, that his Majesty understood the Constitution of our Church as well as any Bishop in it, and defended it with as clear and strong Reasons, whereof that Learned Bishop made great use against Mr. Baxter's opposition of Episcopacy, p. 271, & 280. of his History of Separation. Yet from the beginning of the War to the end of the Life of that best of Kings, and I may add to the end of Mr. Baxter's Life, no one hath endeavoured to defame him more, and render him odious to Posterity, than Mr. Baxter, by charging him with granting Commissions to those Irish Papists that massacred Two hundred thousand Protestants; of which more hereafter.  
Though Mr. Baxter was disabled to combat any longer with the Sword, yet is he resolved to do it with the Pen, which he dips not in Gall and Vinegar, but in the very Poison of Asps, to keep open the Wounds of the expiring Church: To which end he endeavours to draw his Neighbour-Ministers into an Association, and procures the Worcestershire Agreement; the design of which you may see in Mr. Baxter's Gildas Salvianus, which was intended as a Humiliation Sermon to those that would enter into the Association; not that they should humble themselves, but the Clergy that yet adhered to the King: For one effect of it was, the promoting a Petition, That notoriously insufficient and scandalous persons (and as such, Mr. Baxter represented the Loyal Clergy; though, as himself observes in the same Book, the Synod of Dort called them Stupor Mundi, the Astonishment of the World, by reason of their Eminency) should not be permitted to meddle with the Mysteries of Christ, especially the Sacraments. Upon which Petition, as Mr. Baxter hath been told, there issued that rigid Proclamation for Silencing all sequestered Ministers, and forbidding them not only the Exercise of their Ministry, but of keeping any Schools, etc. A design as witless as it was wicked; for Mr. Baxter notes in the Preface to that Book, That it had been put to a Vote in Parliament, to take away both Ministry and Maintenance, which was carried in the Negative by two Voices only; yet, like another Samson, he is pulling down the Pillars of that House, whose Ruins would bury himself and all his Order. A little taste of his Malice at that season, must needs distaste the impartial Reader. One sort that will be offended at me (says he) are some of the Divines of the Prelatical way, (as indeed they all justly might) for reproaching not as by hear-say, but from sight and feeling, first, the Silencing of most godly able men, the Persecution even of the peaceable, the discountenance of godliness, and the insulting scorn of the profanest in the Land. And many hundred swearing, drunken, ignorant, scandalous, negligent Ministers are cast out, and we have now many humble, godly, painful Teachers in a County. And as for the People, he says in the same Epistle to his Gildas, That most of them wherever he came, did make Religion, and reading the Sacred Scriptures, or speaking of the way to Heaven, the matter of their bitter scorn and reproach. He spares not to Revile the Royal Martyr, as if he intended to justify his Murder: King Charles (saith he) by the Bishop's instigation, kept Mr. Pryn long in Prison, and twice cropped his Ears for writing against their Masks and Plays, and the high and hard proceed of the Prelates; though the Archbishop (whose Head they cut off for less) shown greater Crimes, of which he was proved guilty, in his Speech in the Star-Chamber. This was not such a fast as God required, to lose the bands of wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens, to break every yoke, and to let the oppressed to free. This was the Hypocrite ' s fast for strife and debate, and to smite with the fist of wickedness, and to make their voice to be heard on high, Isai. 58.4. in the words of the proud Pharisee, God I thank thee, I am not as other men, nor as this Publican, as will appear to him that reads chap. 4. sect. 1. and p. 154. where he raileth intolerably against the Rulers, as Haters of practical godliness, and of all that would but speak seriously of Heaven, and tell Men of Death and Judgement, and spend the Lord's day in preparation thereto; that did but pray in their Families, or reprove Drunkenness or Swearing. What could any Papist say more to disparage the Church of England? As to the inferior Clergy, he says, p. 157. The Churches were pestered with abundance of mere Readers, Drunken, Profane, and Debauched Men: and many that had more plausible Tongues, made it their chief business to bring those they called Puritan into disgrace. So that I must needs say, I knew no place in those times (for he speaks of Men and Places within his knowledge) where a Man might not more safely have been drunk every Week, than to have gone to hear a Sermon if he had none at home. Nor doth he spare those that died long before his memory, p. 143. What Toys and Trifles did the ancient Reverend Fathers of the Church pester the Church with? And what useless Stuff are many of their Canons composed of? Three lamentable Vices did the Prelates of the Church commonly abound in; Pride the Root, and Contention and Vainglory the Fruit, etc. to p. 149. where he is not ashamed to tell the World what Troubles the first Nonconformists raised at Frankfort against those Reformers and Confessors that were Exiled for maintaining the same Worship and Liturgy, for the defence of which many Bishops and Ministers were suffering Martyrdom under the Papists. No sooner were they (the Nonconformists) called home, saith he, p. 150. but some of them were so intemperate, impatient, and unpeaceable, that some turned to flat Separation, and flew in the faces of the Prelates with reviling. Yet Mr. Baxter doth the same, and accounts the requiring of Uniformity in the same or a better Worship, to be a Persecution. As for his Brethren, he professeth to believe, That England never had so able and faithful a Ministry since it was a Nation as at this day, viz. Decemb. 4. 1655. in the heat of Rebellion; yet he affirms, Sure I am, the change is so great within these Twelve years, that it is one of the greatest joys that ever I had in the World to behold it. But for the Prelatical Party, he brings in some, saying, They are all empty, careless, if not scandalous and ungodly men. And may we not conclude, as Mr. Baxter doth, p. 167. This is not a confessing sin, but an applauding those whose sins they pretend to confess? Mr. Baxter calls this Book Gildas Salvianus; but he might have more truly entitled it Excidium Britannicum: for that followed on it.  
How Mr. Baxter can be excused from the guilt of Schism, in the departing from the Communion of the Church, after his Ordination and Subscription, and Solemn Vows then made, for more than Twenty years before the Impositions and Penalties enjoined by the Secular Powers, which he pleaded in his justification after the year 63. will be a very difficult, if not an impossible work to him that considers Mr. Baxter's circumstances and actings. I shall therefore only show the heinous nature of that Sin, as described by Mr. Baxter himself, p. 741. of his Christian Directory.  
That Schism is a sin against so many clear and vehement words of the Holy Ghost, that it is utterly without excuse; Whoredoms, and Treason, and Perjury are not oftener forbidden in the Gospel than this. That it is contrary to the very design of Christ in our Redemption, which was to reconcile us all to God. That it is contrary to the design of the Spirit of Grace, and the Nature of Christianity; a sin against the nearest bonds of our highest relations; a dividing of Christ, or robbing him of a great part of his Inheritance. That it is accompanied with Self-ignorance, Pride and Unthankfulness to God. That Church-dividers are the most successful Servants of the Devil, and serve him more effectually than open Enemies. That it is a sin which contradicteth all God's Ordinances and Means of Grace; a sin against as great and lamentable Experiences, as almost any sin can be; and this is a heinous aggravation of it, that it is commonly justified, and not repent of by those that commit it; and the more heinous, that it is commonly fathered upon God: Therefore remember this, that Schism and making Parties in the Church, is not so small a thing as many take it for.  
Yet this pious Man, to keep his Proselytes from ever returning or repenting for Schism, tells them in the Preface to his Plea for Peace, That more like truth hath been said for the lawfulness of Anabaptism, Polygamy, Drunkenness, Stealing and Lying in case of Necessity, than any thing he ever yet read of for a full Conformity, as he their describeth it. Behold here the great Charity of Mr. Baxter, which he extends rather to the Congregations of Schismatical Anabaptists, and such as live in those detestable sins of Polygamy, Drunkenness, Lying and Stealing, than to the most Solemn Assemblies of Conformists, to which yet he hath often joined himself in Communion. How great soever his Knowledge was, how strong soever his Faith, yet wanting Charity, the Sacred Scripture assures us, that such a Man is but as sounding Brass or a tinkling Cymbal.  
In the year 1658. just Ten years after that the best of Kings suffered by the worst of Men, Mr. Baxter sets forth his Grotian Religion; and through Grotius' sides, strikes at the Head and Members of the Church of England with one blow: For the Grotian design (i.e. Popery) was carrying on, saith he, in the Church of England; and that this was the cause of all our Wars and Changes in England, p. 105. 
Another Cause of the War not Episcopal.  where he thus talks concerning the Royal Martyr, beyond any thing that his barbarous Judges could accuse him of.— How far the King was inclined to a Reconciliation (with the Church of Rome) I only desire you to judge: 1. By the Articles of the Spanish and French Match sworn to. 2. By his Letter to the Pope written in Spain. 3. By his choice of Agents in Church and State. 4. By the Residence of the Pope's Nuntio here, and the College of the Jesuits, etc. 5. By the illegal Innovations in. Worship so resolvedly gradatim introduced. All which I speak not with the least desire to persuade Men that he was a Papist— but only to show, that while he as a moderate Protestant (i.e. a Papist in Masquerade, as they are now termed) took hands with the Queen a moderate Papist, the Grotian design had great advantage in England, which he himself boasted of, p. 106. Of this indignity to that Religious Prince, the Learned Bishop Bramhal, p. 617. of his Works, took notice, and vindicated him: of which Mr. Baxter being told by a Book called the Impleader, who said only, that Mr. Baxter gave several intimations that the King was Popishly affected; he numbers that among other lies of that Author, p. 100 of his third Defence; and says, Why did not the Man tell where and when; and that he had printed the contrary in times of Usurpation; and that he is a Calumniator unless he prove it? Why did he not cite Bishop Bramhal 's proof— and you see that a Calumniator with them is no singular person; they are not ashamed to tell the world that their Archbishops lead them, and are as bad as they. It seems Mr. Baxter was pinched by this Relation, which makes him cry out, I have printed the contrary. See what these sort of Men are come to! What credit is to be given to such Men's Reports! Is this it in which the Authority of Archbishops consists, that they must be followed in slanders, etc. I have saved the Impleader the labour of quoting the place, and desire the Reader to consult it, and see how maliciously and groundless he urged those things against the King at such a time as that. But Mr. Baxter says, he printed the contrary in times of Usurpation. That time which now he calls a time of Highest Usurpation, was the same which he then looked on as a blessed time, when Richard Cromwell piously, prudently, and faithfully, to his immortal honour, exercised the Government, 1659. and to him he dedicated that Book, wherein he says he wrote the contrary, p. 327. where having accused the new Episcopal Party for following Grotius, he adds, As for the King himself, that was their Head, if any conjecture that he was a flat Papist, etc. Mr. Baxter believes him not; but he was the head of the Grotian Papists; and he himself boasted of it (ubi suprà.) Now if any would know how far Grotius was a Papist (he says) he was a more arrant Papist than Cassander, and one that owned the Council of Trent; And such I think are flat Papists. And therefore it was no lie in the Impleader, to say Mr. Baxter gave intimations that the King was Popishly affected; but a gross one in Mr. Baxter to deny it, and give him the lie, as he doth impudently to others. But Mr. Baxter says, He did not believe it himself, that the King was a flat Papist: Then his iniquity was the greater, to give so many instances by way of proof, that others might believe it. Did not Mr. Baxter know that the fear of introducing Popery was made one ground of the War against the King? and may he not make it a ground of another War, because the King adheres to his Bishops, whom Mr. Baxter calls Popish Clergymen? And he says, That the Parliament, whom they were bound to believe, made it their great Argument and Advantage against the King, that he favoured the Papists; and on this supposition (saith he) Thousands came in to fight for their Cause. And they made one Article against the Archbishop of Canterbury, That he endeavoured to introduce Popery, though he were indeed one of their greatest Adversaries, whose Life on that account they endeavoured to take away. And the Relation of Dr. Du Moulin, That at the Death of the King, a known Papist was heard to say, That now their greatest Enemy was cut off, is very credible. But Mr. Baxter knew that old Maxim, Fortiter Calumniare, aliquid adhaerebit. It is no honest Man's part, first to break a Man's Head, and then to give him a Plaster; which if it be not too narrow to heal the Sore, or ineffectual to cure it, yet may leave some ugly Scar behind.  
Dr. Pierce hath given many more Arguments to prove Mr. Baxter a Papist, than he hath given of King Charles the First: And if his actings for Forty years together be well considered, it will appear he hath been made use of as one of the most keen and Catholic Tools that ever the Papacy did employ, whether he knows it or not. It is, I confess, a difficult thing to tell the World what Persuasion Mr. Baxter was of as to Church-government, whether Episcopal, Presbyterian, or Independent; he hath been of all, and I think he is now of neither, having a peculiar Model of his own.  
In a Book called A Method for Peace, etc. printed 1653. I find him to favour Lay-Elders, though in other Writings he condemned them as Superstitious; but by a passage in p. 341. he seems reconcileable to them: for thus he saith, Nothing almost is wanting to us to set our Congregations in the Order of Christ, and to the great Work of Reformation, so much as want of Maintenance for a competent number of Ministers or Elders to attend the Work: We have divers godly private Christians capable of helping us as Officers in our Churches; by which I suppose he intends Lay-Elders, although I cannot certainly affirm what his Judgement is concerning them: for he would willingly set up a new Model of his own, (i.e.) a mixture of Episcopal, Presbyterian, Independent Government; but declares for neither of them. It is more certain, that he once professed himself a Conformist, and disputed for Bishops and Liturgy as by Law established; and he thought he had ever the better: yet if it be true that he had a prejudice against them ever since he was Nineteen years old, it was rather to betray than defend them. But in an Assize-Sermon preached 1654. at Worcester, p. 191. he pleads for the Presbyterian Government, in these words: How long hath England rebelled against his (Christ's) Government? Mr. Udal told them in the days of Queen Elizabeth, That if they would not set up the Discipline of Christ in the Church, Christ would set it up himself in a way that should make their hearts to ache: I think (saith Mr. Baxter) their hearts have ached by this time; and as they judged him to the Gallows for his Prediction, so hath Christ executed them by Thousands for their Rebellion against him. Now it is evident what Discipline Vdal meant, by his Confederacy with Coppinger, Penry, etc. of which Cambden, p. 420. of his Eliz. Angl. says, Some of those Men who were great Admirers of the Geneva Discipline, thought there was no better way for establishing it in England, than by railing against the English Hierarchy, and stirring up the People to a dislike of Bishops. They therefore set forth scandalous Books against the Government of the Church, and Prelates; as Martin Mar-Prelate, Minerals, Diotrephes, A Demonstration of Discipline, etc. In which Libels they set forth virulent Calumnies, and opprobrious Taunts and Reproaches, in such manner, as the Authors seemed rather Scullions out of the Kitchen, than pious and godly Men: yet the Authors were Penry and Vdal, Ministers of the Word. Bishop Bancroft quoteth a Pamphlet of Mr. Vdal's, called A Dialogue, where he says, That the Bishop's Callings are mere Antichristian, p. 59 of Dangerous Positions; and p. 45. he says, They were very devilish and infamous Dialogues, and that there was a Conspiracy between Coppinger, Wigginton, etc. by some extraordinary means (such as Vdal had prophesied should make their hearts to ache) for releasing of some that stood in danger of their lives; meaning, as I suppose, says the Bishop, Vdal, Newman, etc. The dangers threatened by such extraordinary means to disturb the Government, hastened the Trial of udal, who with three others, took occasion from the intended Invasion in 88, to alarm the Nation at home; as also they did on the Powder Plot, and to this day do, by scattering seditious Pamphlets. Vdal was charged with a Book called A Demonstration of Discipline which Christ hath prescribed in his Word for the government of his Church, in all times and places to the World's end. The Preface was directed To the supposed Governors of the Church of England; to whom he says, Who can deny you, without blushing, to be the cause of all ungodliness, seeing your Government is that which giveth leave to a Man to be any thing, save a sound Christian? for certainly its more free in these days to be a Papist, Anabaptist, of the Family of Love, yea, as any most wicked, rather than what we should be: And I could live these Twenty years as well as any such in England, yea, in a Bishop's House it may be, and never be molested for it. So true is that you are charged with in a Dialogue lately come forth, and by you burnt, that you care for nothing but the Maintenance of your Dignities, be it to the damnation of your own Souls, and infinite millions more. The whole Book being like this Preface, he was indicted at the Assizes held at Croyden, and found guilty. He pleaded That he was indicted on the Statute of 23 of Eliz. c. 2. for publishing seditious words against the Queen, but that the Book charged on him, contained no seditious words against the Queen, but the Bishops only. But it was answered by the Judges (N.B.) That they who spoke against her Majesty's Government in Cases Ecclesiastical, her Laws, Proceed, or Ecclesiastical Officers which ruled under her, did defame the Queen. And on clear proof that he was the Author of that Libel, he was found guilty, and received Sentence of Death; but by intercession of Archbishop Whitgift, was Reprieved. Mr. Baxter's actings have been so like Mr. Vdal's, that it is no wonder to find him labouring to justify him in a Cause wherein himself is so nearly concerned.  
In 1659. came forth Mr. Baxter's Key for Catholics, dedicated To his Highness Richard Lord Protector, p. 323. where he asserts, That if the Body of a Commonwealth, or those that have part in the Legislative Power, and so in the Supremacy, should be unwillingly engaged in a War with the Prince, (suppose the Long Parliament, or the Commonwealth under Oliver against King Charles the First) and after many years' Blood and Desolations, judiciously take away his Life as guilty of all this Blood, and not to be trusted any more with Government, (as the Parliaments Vote for Non-address to the King.) And all this they do, not as Private Men, but as the remaining Sovereign Power, and say they do it according to Law; undoubtedly this case doth very much differ from the Powder Plot, or Papists murdering of Kings. With much more to the same evil purpose. And doubtless the difference is great; it is more horrid for Subjects to pretend Justice, than for the Pope to attempt by secret Plots to destroy a Protestant Prince. In the year 58. he prints his Five Disputations of Church Government; which were designed against restoring the extruded Episcopacy and Liturgy, and to justify the Presbyterian Ordination, where (as also in his Method for Peace, p. 389.) he saith, We have taken down the superfluous honour of Bishops, (viz. their power over Presbyters.) as Antichristian. This disputatious Book (he says) was written against Dr. Hammond, who was then his Neighbour; and he dealt very friendly with him: for he scarce touched one of his Arguments, but the design of the Book was to destroy the whole Order, as Optatus said of a Donatist, Dei Episcopos linguae gladio jugulasti, fundens sanguinem non corporis sed honoris, Opt. Milevit. l. 2.  
And because after No Bishop follows No King, in 1659. he sets forth his Holy Commonwealth; which was no other than a Plot to keep out the King, as the other was to keep out the Bishops: for there being great hopes that upon so many Revolutions of Government we should settle again on our ancient Foundations, he says, He suited that Book to the demands and doubts of those times. And his endeavour is to prove, That the King being secluded, and his Subjects discharged of their Obedience, ought not to be readmitted. Thus in the Preface: That a Succession of wise and godly Men, may be secured to the Nation in the highest Power, is that I have directed you the way to in this Book. And thus he explains himself: First, as to the higher Powers; Prove, saith he, that the King was the highest Power in the times of Division, and that he had power to make that War that he made, and I will offer my Head to Justice as a Rebel. These confident, Assertions of his were such as brought a far better Head to the Block. But what would Mr. Baxter have? My wish is, saith he, that our Parliaments may be holy, and this ascertained from Generation to Generation, by such a necessary Regulation of Elections, that all those who by wickedness have forfeited their Liberties (i.e. the King and Loyal Party) may neither choose nor be chosen. And the reducing Elections to faithful, honest, upright men, such as (he says) were then in Richard Cromwell 's Parliament, is the only, only, only way to a certain and perpetual Peace and Happiness. He commends Richard Cromwell, as one that inherited his Father's Virtue; one that piously, prudently, and faithfully, to his immortal Honour, exercised the Government; persuades all men to live in obedience to him; and styles himself (in the Epistle to his Five Disputations, desiring his favourable acceptance of the tendered Service of) a faithful Subject to his Highness, as an Officer of the Universal King, R.B. Doth not this Man affirm, notwithstanding all the Confusion that had covered the Land, all the Blood that had been shed, and all the Heresies and Blasphemies that had poisoned millions of Souls, that he is one that rejoiceth in the present happiness of England, and honoureth all the Providences of God by which we have been brought to what we are? Epistle Dedic. to Richard before his Key for catholics; and in his Holy Commonwealth, p. 487. Nor can I be so unthankful as to say, for all the sins and miscarriages of Men since, that we have not received much mercy from the Lord. And therefore he sets up his Stone of Remembrance, with this Inscription in great Letters: HITHERTO HATH THE LORD HELPED US.  
Is it possible, that a Man who hath said and done such barbarous unnatural Deeds, and stirred up many Thousands to do and say the same things with him, should still deceive the meanest Christians? Is it possible he should still persist in the same, and yet retain the opinion of a Saint? and be reputed the chiefest Guide of a Godly People? Yet thus it is: He is consulted as the Oracle of the Non-conformists; All of them, as a late Encomiast says, do light their Fires at his Torch. And he hath the forehead with the strange Woman, to wipe his mouth, and say, What have I done? You may guests by what he says: I must profess, that if I had taken up Arms in that War against the Parliament, (he says it, p. 488. of Holy Commonwealth) my Conscience tells me I had been a Traitor, and guilty of resisting the Higher Powers. And in his Key for Catholics, where the Legislative Power and highest Judicial Power is divided by Constitution of the Government between the Prince and Senate, (as he determines the English Monarchy to be) he says modestly there, many will think; but he elsewhere delivers it as his own Sentiment, That the Prince invading the Senate's Right, may justly be resisted and lose his Right, p. 324. Yet this Man says, Further than I was for the King, I never was one year with the stronger side: As if he had been always Loyal. And p. 489. of Commonw. If any of them (i.e. his Accusers) can prove that I was guilty of hurt to the Person, or destruction to the Power of the King, or of changing the Fundamental Constitution of the Commonwealth, (not the Kingdom) taking down the House of Lords without consent of all three Estates that had a part in the Sovereignty; I will never gainsay them if they call me a most perfidious Rebel, and tell me that I am guilty of far greater sin than Murder, Whoredom, or Drunkenness. And Anno 1680. he is not ashamed to say in his Preface to the second part of the Nonconformists Plea,— In all the times of Usurpation, and since, I said and wrote that the King's Person is inviolable, and to be judged by none, either Peer or Parliament: And the Book accused (i.e. the Holy Commonw.) goeth on these Principles. So that notwithstanding his pretence of recanting what was there said, he still seems to justify those Theses, and adds, The Book accused hath not a word meet to tempt a Man in his wits to such accusation: Yet he says, Thes. 352. Though a Nation wrong their King, and so quoad meritum Causae they are on the worse side, yet may he not lawfully war against the Common Good, (i.e. the rebellious Party) or on that account; nor any help him in that War. And Thes. 374. If a Prince that hath not the whole Sovereignty (which he says of our King) be conquered by the Senate that hath the other part, and that in a just defensive War, (as he thought the late War to be) the Senate cannot assume the whole Sovereignty, but supposeth that Government in specie to remain: and therefore another King must be chosen. This was pleasing Doctrine in the Protector's time. And Thes. 137. If Providence (i.e. Success in Rebellion) statedly disable him that was the Sovereign from executing of Laws, protecting the Just, and other ends of Government, it maketh him an uncapable Subject of the Power, and so deposeth him. And being so made uncapable of Government, by Thes. 146. Though he were unjustly dispossessed, it is not the duty of his Subjects to seek his Restitution. The Reader hath heard of a famous Roman Saint called Ignatius, who, if compared with others of that Church, we may say of him as one doth of Mr. Baxter, That he exceeds them as much as a Flint doth a Freestone, because out of him so many Fires have and may be kindled. If such an Historian as Plutarch were now living, how easily might he run a Parallel between these two Generals? Both were famous tam Marte quam Mercurio; but whether of them was the greater Soldier or the better Saint, might occasion some dispute; the reading whereof would not be altogether so sad, as the restless endeavours of the Disciples of them both; who, however they seem to differ in other things, join all their hands to pull down our Church. Impiety being grown to such an height, I should think it a thing impossible that it should proceed any farther, the wickedness and shame of it being (notwithstanding any pretence) manifested to all Men: and that upon the joyful tidings of his Majesty's most happy return in peace, by a most miraculous and admirable Providence, the Authors of such Opinions and Practices should seek where to hid their heads. But we are told, that Rebellion is as the sin of Witchcraft, which seldom admits repentance; and though they have power to do hurt, yet they have none to do good. Hence it is that this confident Man appears still with open face, and pursues the same ungodly ends. I know not how it came to pass, but this same Man was admitted to preach a Fast Sermon to the House of Commons when they were consulting of inviting home the King to his Father's Throne; and with great boasting he tells us often, That the King was called home the next day after that Sermon of his, as if it had not been done if he had not preached: whereas it is very observable, that in all the Sermon there was not one word that might be interpreted to promote that noble Design, but many things that were intended to hinder it, or clog it with very dishonourable terms. He intimates the Supreme Power to be still in the two Houses. He tells us indeed, that Rom. 13. is part of the Rule of his Religion, (and adds) but unhappily there hath been a difference amongst us which is the higher Power. (And be it remembered, that he had offered his Head to Justice as a Rebel, if any could prove that the King was the highest Power in the time of Division.) Whereas he himself confesseth, that a Heathen persecuting Nero must be obeyed; Yet he affirms, That it was not the intent either of St. Peter or St. Paul, to determine whether the Emperor or Senate was Supreme; though St. Peter plainly determines it, when he calls the King Supreme; and St. Paul, by appealing not to the Senate, but to Caesar. In that Sermon he magnifies the Loyalty of the Presbyterians; adjures the Commons to an opposition of Episcopacy, though the King in his Message commended it to be as ancient as the Monarchy in this Island. And under the Titles of Sound Doctrine and Church Government, pleads for Presbytery; and would (p. 46.) have the Church Revenues settled on them: p. 43. saying, Give first to God the things that are Gods. For these he pleads, under the name of the godly, peaceable, and prudent people of the Land, in opposition to the profaneness: And to insinuate new fears and jealousies, cries out, O what happy times did we once see! When were those happy times? Not in the peaceable time of King Charles the First; those were days of Profaneness and Persecution: He must mean either under the Long Parliament, when so much Loyal Blood was shed; or under the Protection of Oliver, when the best of Princes was butchered; or under Richard, of whom and his Mock-Parliament he gives such large Encomiums. But now, Nox una perpetuo mansura, The days of Light and Jubilee are gone: And (as it is with Bats and Owls) when the Sun appears, their Night is come. He was it seems of the same mind with his Brother Jenkins, who said in a Sermon preached Sept. 25. 1656. That the removal of Prelatical Innocations countervailed for the Blood and Treasure shed and spent in the late Distractions; nor would he redeem all those by the return of the same, if it might be done. For Mr. Baxter speaking of Prelatical Men, who condemn the Ministers and Churches that had not Prelatical Ordination, says, They would surely silence such Ministers, and dissolve such Churches through all the Land, if it were in their power, as it may be (says he) when our sins have ripened us for SO GREAT A PLAGVE, Postscript to True Cath. p. 335.   

CHAP. II.  Nec dum finitus Orestes. 
IF Great Theodosius, as Mr. Baxter says, (Treatise of Bishops, part 1. p. 147.) did cast himself down on the Earth before Ambrose to beg pardon and readmission with tears, and was not received till some Months continued penance. If Great Mr. Baxter, being so heinous a Criminal as he hath under his own hand acknowledged, should, after such a miraculous return of the King, humble himself before the King and his Nobles in such manner as he promised once he would do; it was no more than was his duty, and perhaps not enough to expiate his Crime. Thus then Mr. Baxter expostulates, p. 14. of his Answer to Bagshaw: Is it possible for any sober Christians in the World to take them to be blameless, or those to be little sins? What, both the violating the Person and the Life of so good a King? and the change of the fundamental Government or Constitution? The setting up the Protector, and pulling him down again? etc. If all this were no Rebellion, Treason, or Murder, is there any such Crimes to be committed? If I was guilty of such sins, (Habemus confitentem Reum) I do openly confess, that if I lay in sackcloth and in tears, and did lament my sins before the World, and beg pardon both of God and Man, and beg all Men to take warning by my fall, which had done such unspeakable wrong both to Christ and Men, I should do no more than the plain Light of Nature assureth me to be my great and needful duty, p. 17.  
But he that had the confidence to meet the old King and his Armies in the Field, (now that the Sword is taken out of his hands) wants not confidence to take up his Pen, as dangerous a Weapon, and most maliciously handled, and to affront the then present King before he be well settled on his Throne, in this Military way, as he terms it in his Third Plea, page the last. And though his Fraternity could not be permitted to bring him under Articles before, yet they vigorously attempt it after his return. The first attempt was concerning a Declaration to be extorted from the King about Ecclesiastical Affairs: We offered his Majesty and the Bishops, at first, the Archbishop Usher 's Model for Concord: Treatise of Episc. Part 2. p. 53. The Bishops would not once take it into consideration, nor so much as vouchsafe to talk of it, or bring it under any deliberation. They knew whence it came, not from the Archbishops, but the Presbyterian Forge: Mr. Baxter confesseth, p. 87. second part, They that would have conformed to his Majesty's Declaration (which, as you shall hear anon, they had caused to be drawn according to their Model) went on this Supposition, that the Species of Prelacy was altered by it: and yet on these terms they would unite with the Prelatists, only so far as to go in a peaceable performance of their Office, p. 116. (just as now they do.) In that 116 p. Mr. Baxter supposeth this Objection against the Declaration; (for I can scarce call it his Majesty's, being by the necessity of times, and the importunity of troublesome Men, extorted from him.) Obj. You did but obtrude on us your own Opinions: for when you had drawn up most of those words, his Majesty was forced to seem for the present to grant them to you, for the quieting of you. Answ. p. 117. If we did offer such things, (for it was in vain to deny it) let the World judge what we sought by them. 2. There is most of that about Rural Deans put in, I suppose, by the Bishop's consent, who were to word it after it went FROM US; (a good office indeed, to whet a Sword to cut their own Throats, and be the Presbyterians Journeymen to their own undoing.) For Thirdly, Whoever mentioned or desired it? it appears that the work of Jurisdiction, Excommunication, Absolution, no nor Ordination, was not thought to be above the Office of a Presbyter; that is, They would have rob the Bishops of all their Power and Authority, and taken it to themselves; and then they would go on peaceably in the performance of their Office: and therefore it is no wonder that the Bishops refused to consider of such a Model, And that very Parliament that had so much manners as to thank his Majesty for that Declaration (which others have not done for the Act of Oblivion) did lay it by, so that it was never done, but other Laws established which we feel, saith Mr. Baxter.  
I cannot pass by that vainglorious boasting of his so often mentioned, how soon the Archbishop of Armagh and he was agreed as to Episcopacy, etc. in half an hour: and in another place, in a quarter of an hour: when indeed the Model which he calls the Archbishop's, was published after the beginning of our Wars, to put a stop to that utter Confusion then intended by the total Extirpation of Episcopacy, and not as a Pattern for 1660. He says, one Mr. Stanley of Dorchester told him, That Archbishop Usher did profess to him, that he took a Bishop to be Primas Presbyterorum, of the same Order; and every Presbyter to be a Governor of the Flock: and when he asked him, Why then he would be a Primate? he told him, That he took it not for any part of his Office, but for a collateral Dignity which the King was pleased to bestow on him. And that Bishop Reynolds professed to him his Opinion to be the same when he took the Bishopric. At Bishop Reynolds I cannot wonder; perhaps he cared not for the Species of Episcopacy, which this Opinion of his destroys, but the substantial advantage: His Bishopric was managed partly by his Wife, who visited the Conventicles, and his Chancellor, who, as Mr. Baxter says, p. 184. of Treatise of Episcopacy, had been a Judge-advocate in Fairfax 's or Cromwell 's Army. But that Archbishop Usher, who so long and so laudably exercised the Jurisdiction of an Archbishop, should act against his Judgement and Conscience, Mr. Baxter nor Mr. Stanley shall ever make such as knew any thing of that good Man to believe: something he might do in that necessary time, for the reduction of the Church, which was then in a miserable confusion, to some order and government; but he never intended that Model which Mr. Baxter calls his, and which altered the very Species of Episcopacy, for the reduction of Episcopacy. The Bishop's Practice for so many years, is an undeniable Argument of his Judgement for Episcopacy. Dr. Bernard confutes all such Slanders, having recorded the Archbishop's Judgement in these words: Holding as I do that a Bishop hath SUPERIORITY IN DEGREE ABOVE A PRESBYTER, you may easily judge that the Ordination made by such Presbyters as have severed themselves from those Bishops unto whom they had sworn Canonical Obedience, cannot possibly be excused by me from being Schismatical. But Mr. Baxter hath well observed, That Faction is one of the greatest Liars (and I may add, the greatest Slanderers) in the World.  
It is usual with Mr. Baxter from the Concessions of Men in Cases of Necessity, to frame an Argument against their free and most deliberate Judgement; as he hath most injuriously dealt with his late Majesty in his Concessions to the Nineteen Propositions of the Parliament, which he made for Peace sake, wherein he condescended to part with much of his right, but could not be heard. Archbishop Usher was translated to Armagh, March 22. 1624. and died March 21. 1655. so that he continued in that See 31 years, and doubtless did not act against his Conscience all that time. I cannot give you his Judgement in all our controverted Points: One thing is very considerable which he delivered in a Speech at the Castle of Dublin before the Lord Deputy and the great Assembly, April the last, 1627. concerning a Supply of Money to be granted the King, p. 80. of Dr. Barnard's Sermon: In this case give me leave as a Divine to tell you plainly, that to supply the King with means for the necessary defence of the Country, is not a thing left to your own discretion either to do or not to do; but a matter of Duty, which in Conscience you stand bound to perform. The Apostle, Romans 13. having affirmed, that we must be subject to the Higher Powers, not only for Wrath, but Conscience sake, adds this as a reason to confirm it; For, for this 'Cause you pay Tribute also; as if the denying of such payment could not stand with conscionable Subjection: thereupon he infers this Conclusion, Render therefore to all their due, Tribute to whom Tribute, Custom to whom Custom is due, agreeable to that known Lesson which he had learned of our Saviour, Render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's, &c. where you may observe, That as to withhold from God the things which are Gods, Man is said to be a robber of God, whereof he himself complains in case of substracting Tithes: so to deny a Supply to Caesar of such means as are necessary for support of his Kingdom, can be accounted no less than a robbing of him of that which is his due; which I wish you seriously to consider— And in this Mr. Baxter and many of his Persuasion will be Dissenters from the Archbishop, and so they would from his Model also; for why else did they not show any readiness to accept it when it was first proposed? Nothing would please them then, but the Extirpation of Episcopacy Root and Branch. And secondly, the Archbishop's Model preserves that Species of Diocesan Bishops, which Mr. Baxter would destroy, and (Thirdly) under which Mr. Baxter makes Christ's true Discipline impracticable. Nor will any Government please Mr. Baxter as long as the Liturgy is established, which he fancieth to abound with many heinous sins, whereof, as long as any one is retained, Conformity is to him impossible.  
Mr. Baxter hath been always opposing the Party that was uppermost. He began with the King and Bishops: then with the Presbyters, opposing their Doctrine in the Confession of Faith, see p. 20. of Mr. Baxter's Confession. And their Discipline by Lay-Elders. And p. 83. of his Apology, When the Presbyterians seemed uppermost, I was looked on as a Dissenter: When the Rump was uppermost, I was by their order (de jure) Sequestered: With the Army I was out much more: Cromwell was not for me, because I was not for him. And yet he was so much for him, as to leave it on record, That if the Lord Protector had not stepped in all the Ministry had been taken down. And whence came it, (says he, p. 321. of his Key for Catholics) that Sexby and others that have been Soldiers in our Armies, have confederated with Spain to murder the Lord Protector? And whence came their Jesuitical Treasonable Pamphlets, (such as Killing no Murder, whose Author is known to be no Jesuit) provoking Men to take away his Life? Whence is it that Mr. Baxter prays that his Son Richard might inherit a tender care of the Churches of Christ, if he were so much against Oliver? The plain truth is, he was neither for Oliver nor Richard, but so far only as to hinder the return of his Majesty and the Church to their lawful and ancient Rites. In his gracious Declaration concerning Ecclesiastical Affairs, his Majesty desired the Dissenters to read as much of the Common Prayer as they had no just Exceptions against. But though Mr. Baxter and others of his Brethren had professed that they could use the greatest part of it, we never heard that they gratified his Majesty in the reading so much as one Collect; but instead thereof, they petition for a Reformation both of Doctrine and Discipline: and particularly, they petition his Majesty that some Learned, Godly, and Moderate Divines of both Persuasions, indifferently chosen, may be employed to compile such a new Form, as they there described, or at least to revise and effectually reform the old, etc. The King denies the first part, of making a New Liturgy; and tells them he had in his Declaration of Octob. 25. expressed his esteem of the Liturgy of the Church of England: but grants the second, and authorizeth certain Persons to advise upon and review the said Book, comparing the same with the most ancient Liturgies: And, if reason be, to make such reasonable and necessary alterations, corrections, and amendments, as should be thought needful, etc. with this special caution— Avoiding as much as may be, all unnecessary abreviations of the Forms and Liturgy wherewith the People are acquainted. And how thankfully was this received? Mr. Baxter tells us, That he drew up another Liturgy, a Petition for Peace and Concord, and a Reply to the Answer of the Bishops to their Exceptions: This new Liturgy, though he confesseth it had many imperfections, and needed to be amended, being the hasty offspring of eight days; yet he pedantically calls it their more correct Nepenthes, and protests before God and Men against the dose of Opium which was by the Bishops prescribed, (i.e.) the Liturgy which the King recommended to them) as that which plainly tended to cure their Disease by extinguishing of Life, and to unite them in a dead Religion. Dr. Reynolds (he confesseth) blamed them for offering a new Liturgy instead of additional Forms; but they would have their New (or) nothing: And tells the Bishops, If these be all the abatements and amendments you will admit, you sell your innocency and the Church's peace for nothing; (which is indeed somewhat cheaper than that for which his Brethren sold the King, and those other things to boot.) I have heard it credibly reported by some Reverend persons there present, that that Treaty might have had the desired effect of Concord, had not Mr. Baxter so obstinately resisted: Particularly, the Learned Bishop of Chester told Mr. Isaak Walton, that Dr. Sanderson said, There was a certain person there (Mr. Baxter knows whom he meant) that appeared to be so bold, troublesome, and illogical, as forced the meek Doctor to say, with an unusual earnestness, that he never met with a Man of more pertinacious Confidence, and less Abilities, in all his conversation. And the Reverend Bishop of Worcester in his Letter, p. 13. affirms, That Mr. Baxter's furious eagerness to engage in a Disputation to which his Brethren shown themselves unwilling, did wholly frustrate the way that tended to an amiable and fair compliance.  
His Petition for Peace then, was like his Pleas now, mere threatening and reviling. Take heed (says he, p. 5.) how you drive men by Penalties upon that which they judge doth tend to their Damnation. And p. 14. The denial of their desires would renew all our troubles. p. 18. they tell the Bishops of unmerciful Impositions. Nor did they deal better with the King, whom they desired to leave out of his Declaration these words: We do not in Our Judgements believe the practice of those particular Ceremonies we except against to be in itself unlawful; that is, we account them unlawful. They tell the Bishops in the close of the Second Paper, If they will grant those favours, it would revive their Hearts to daily and earnest Prayer for their prosperity: But p. 12. Should we lose the opportunity of our desired Reconciliation, it astonisheth us to foresee what doleful effects our Divisions would produce; which we will not so much as mention in particular, lest our words should be misunderstood. And p. 117. of their Reply: As Basil said to Valens the Emperor, that would have him pray for the life of his Son, If thou wilt receive the true Faith, thy Son shall live; which when he refused, he said, The will of God be done with thy Son: So we say too, If you will put on Charity, and promote the Church's Peace, God will honour you; but if you will do contrary, the will of the Lord be done with your Honours. Now what greater insolency could they have used, if the King had been as low as his Father, and the Bishops as obnoxious as Mr. Baxter and his Brethren; And who but Mr. Baxter could have thought by a hasty work of eight days, done in opposition to his Majesty's Commission, and as he confesseth, against the advice of some of his more sober Brethren, to justle out the Liturgy composed by many Martyrs and Confessors, and approved of by the Reformed Churches ever since the Reformation, as his Majesty tells him in that Declaration? To which, though they now say they would have submitted, yet could they not then at his Majesty's request read any part of the Liturgy; though they confessed they could have used almost the whole: But instead thereof, his Majesty complains in that Declaration, of their restless Spirits, who continued their bitterness against the Church, and endeavoured to raise Jealousies against his Majesty; and unseasonably Printed, Published, and Dispersed a Declaration to his Majesty's reproach. Their whole Petition was a Pharisaical Remonstrance of their own Godliness and Abilities, and the Profaneness of such as were not of their Persuasion; besides their frequent and fearful outcries of Persecution and Sufferings, when themselves had been the Persecutors for Twenty Years together, and as yet had suffered nothing but from their own guilty Consciences, and just fears.  
Well might the Loyal Party have answered those Complaints, as once their Independent Brethren did: Is there the least show of Oppression, Sorrow, or cause of Complaint, except it be that you are not suffered to oppress, vex, and gall your Brethren that join not with you? Can you feed upon nothing but the Blood of your Brethren, that though you are as capable of all Preferments, even Bishoprics and Deaneries, as any of the Loyal Clergy) you complain of Slavery and Oppression, because you cannot enslave and lead into Captivity? Is this to kill you with the Sword, that you cannot (again) kill your Brethren with the Sword? See more to this purpose in the Pulpit-Incendiary, printed 1648. p. 45. Your Renowned Protector Oliver speaks home to you at the dissolution of the Parliament 1654., in these words: Is it ingenuous to ask Liberty, and not to give it? What greater Hypocrisy, than for those who were oppressed by the Bishops, to become the greatest Oppressors themselves so soon as the Yoke was removed? And his Majesty in the Chapter concerning the Ordinances against Common-Prayer, to this effect: I see that those are the most rigorous exactors upon others to conform to their illegal Novelties, who were least disposed to the due obedience of lawful Constitutions: So that I know not whether they sinned more against their Consciences by violently opposing Our established Order, or violently imposing their own. We have one instance more of their dutiful behaviour to his Majesty, in a Pamphlet called The due Account and Petition, which was after the Debate; where they say, We must needs believe, that when his Majesty took our consent to a Liturgy to be a Foundation that would infer our Concord, you (i.e. his Majesty) meant not that we should have no Concord but by consenting to this Liturgy without any considerable alterations. Whereby they would cast the Odium of the Rupture on his Majesty, which they themselves notoriously caused; being resolved beforehand (their Profession in a Liturgy, and accepting his Majesty's Commission only to make some reasonable Alterations and Additions, notwithstanding) to have a new, or rather no Liturgy; but to be left at liberty to use their own Liturgy, or extemporary Effusions in all the most Solemn Administrations. And whether their Hypocrisy or Insolency in dealing thus with his Majesty, to whom they owed their lives, were greater, let the Reader judge.  
The King's Commission dated March 25th in the 13th of his Reign was directed to an equal number of Divines, as well on the behalf of the Church Party as of the Dissenters; among these, two, that had been Covenanters, were made Bishops, being esteemed Men of Moderation and Learning (viz.) Dr. Reynolds. and Dr. Gauden: Three others were of the Smectimnian Club (viz.) Edmund Calamy, Matthew Newcomen, and William Spurstow, who wrote several scandalous Pamphlets against Episcopacy and Liturgy, in Answer to the Right Reverend Bishop Hall, the rest were Persons that had been educated under the Discipline of the Covenant and Directory. Among these we find Mr. Richard Baxter, who had made himself considerable by his Turbulent Spirit and Bitter Zeal against Episcopacy and Liturgy, ever since the Year 1640, and was become the Head and Protector of divers Factions. And who so fit to be the Disputer and Chief Scribe in this Grand Debate as Mr. Baxter. It was he that drew up the Petitions and Addresses to the King; It was he that in Eight days time drew up another Liturgy, or rather a Directory, and insisted to have that received as the Rule of Public Devotion, to the excluding of our Liturgy, which had been used by the Church of England for more than One Hundred Years, and highly approved of by all the Reformed Churches. It was he that drew up the Exceptions against the Liturgy, though not like a Wise Scribe, for he brought nothing new out of his Treasury, but only such old Scruples, as had been long before confuted by the two Arch-Bishops Bancroft and Whitgift, and other Divines. And these with many other such Factious Pamphlets he procures to be Printed and Dispersed through the Nation. And as is if all his Fellow-Commissioners were but Ciphers, and he the only Person that made any Figure, Mr. Baxter undertakes to be the Disputant. At the first Congress of the Commissioners, there happened some Discourse among the Episcopal Party, how unreasonable, it was to disturb the Peace of the Church, for some inconveniencies in the Liturgy, at the hearing whereof Mr. Baxter says, He wondered at the marvellous Oscitancy of the Bishops, p. 343, as mistaking the matter to be Discoursed of, for Mr. Baxter had found out first Eight, than Ten, afterwards Thirty or Forty Tremendous Points, so Unlawful and Sinful, that Men fearing God could not submit to. Among these, the first unlawful Imposition which was by Mr. Baxter chosen to be the Subject of the first Disputation, was; That to enjoin all Ministers to deny Communion to all that dare not kneel in the reception of it on the Lord's day, is sinful. I shall not transcribe the whole Disputation, which the Reader may find, p. 346, etc. And only observe what Mr. Baxter hath spoken concerning that Ceremony; For he judgeth that posture as lawful, as for a Person to receive a Pardon from his Prince upon his knees. And Part 3. Of Christ. Direct. That no reason can been given, why a lawful thing should become unlawful; because a lawful Superior doth command it, else (saith he) Superiors might take away all our Christian Liberty, and make all things unlawful to us by commending them. And it is observable, that Mr. Baxter hoped to enforce his Argument, by adding to the Question of Administering the Sacrament, etc. On the Lord's day, because kneeling was forbidden to the Primitive Christians, by a temporary injunction on such days in honour of our Saviour's Resurrection, but was not intended as a standing Rule, nor practised in after Ages in any Church: The Case of Kneeling, etc. by the London Divines, Answers Mr. Baxter's, and all other Objections against it. It can't be expected that I should engage to Answer all the Cavils which Mr. Baxter hath raised against Episcopacy and Liturgy, which makes up well nigh one half of his Life, and indeed of his Conversation; yet I have seen a little Posthumous Book, called Mr. Richard Baxter 's last Legacy, etc. out of which sufficient Arguments may be urged, to confute all the Objections which he hath made in this, or any other of his Books, against our Episcopacy, Liturgy, or Conformity. So unformable was Mr. Baxter to himself, as well as to our Church.  
Yet I cannot pass by those Scandalous Reflections, with which he defames those Learned Bishops and other Divines, with whom he treated.  
Bishop Morly, says he, Was often there, and with fluent words and much carnestness, was the chief Speaker of all the Bishops, and the greatest Interrupter of us. [This Bishop was a Person well known beyond the Seas, by his Discourse against Militere and other Papists in defence of our Religion. In his Exile, he best knew Mr. Baxter, and affirms, as is noted, p. 13. of a Letter concerning him, That his furious eagerness to engage in a Disputation, to which his Brethren shown themselves unwilling, did wholly frustrate the way, that tended to an amicable and fair compliance; and Mr. Baxter was sensible that he spoke too much, and too boldly, and therefore might deserve to be interrupted by his Diocesan.  
Bishop Cousins was there constantly, and had a great deal of talk with so little Logic, natural or artificial, that none was moved by any thing he said, but two Virtues he shown; one that he was excellently well versed in Canons, Councils, and Fathers, which he remembered when we tried him; the other was, that as he was of a rustic Wit and Carriage, so he would endure more freedom of our discourse, and was more affable than the rest, but we took him not for a Magician. [It was no sign of a Rustic wit and carriage, that he could endure freely the Language and Behaviour of Mr. Baxter, with which the rest of the Commissioners were more offended. And his Two excellent Treatises of the Canon of the Sacred Scripture, and Transubstantiation, which were Two such Bones, as broke the Teeth of the Doctors of the Sorbone, and stick in their Throats to this day, nor will they ever be able to digest them, show that he wanted neither Logic, nor any part of Learning becoming an excellent Divine, though he never pretended to be a Magician; or to work such wonders as Mr. Baxter and his Disciples at Kidderminster are reported to have done, p. 80, 81, etc. Of Mr. Baxter 's Life.  
Bishop Hichman was of the most Grave, Comely, Reverend Aspect of any of them, and of a good insight in the Fathers and Councils; he spoke calmly and slowly, but was as high in his Principles and Resolutions as any. He was a Person of a Sedate and Christian Temper contrary to the passionate and furious transports of Mr. Baxter; a Person of serious deliberation, and constant resolution, as fit for a Privy Councillor as any of his Order, and this which was his singular Virtue, Mr. Baxter represents as his Crime.  
Bishop Sanderson of Lincoln seldom spoke, but his great Learning and Worth are known by his Labours, and his aged Peevishness not unknown. Mr. Baxter more than once noted this Bishop for a Partial and Peevish Old Man, but his profound Judgement and Mature Determination of such Subjects as he considered, such as his Tracts De Juramento, De Conscientia, his Volume of Sermons, and his occasional Cases of Conscience, are not to be paralleled by any Ancient or Modern Writer. Nor was he mistaken when he told the Bishop of Chester, as Mr. Isaak Walton affirms, that there was at the Savoy Meeting, one that appeared so bold, troublesome and illogical, as forced this meek Bishop to say with unusual earnestness, That he never met a Man of more confidence and less abilities in all his Conversation.  
Dr. Sterne looked so honestly, and gravely, and soberly, that I scarce thought such a face could deceive me; but when I talked of many Dissenters in the Nation, he turned to the other Bishops, and said, He will not say in the Kingdom, lest he own a King. [This is that Person that is supposed to be the Author of that excellent Book, The whole Duty of Man, and some other Works collected into a Volume in Folio; nor did he fail in his Conjecture, that Mr. Baxter was unwilling to own a King.  
Mr. Thorndike spoke a few impertinent passionate words. [Such as galled Mr. Baxter; but whatever his Presence seemed to Mr. Baxter, his Words and Writings are weighty and full of useful Knowledge and Learning.]  
Dr. Sparrow spoke but a little; yet with a Spirit enough for the imposing dividing Cause. [That is, he was constant to his Principles; a Virtue wanting in Mr. Baxter.]  
Dr. Walton, Bp. of Chester, asked me, Whether I did not say that if our Churches had no more than bare Liberty, as others had, without the compulsion of the Sword, that none but Drunkards would join in them. I answered, I only said that as they had been ordered, if they had but equal liberty for Volunteers, they would be like Alehouses, where many honest men may come, but the number of worse comers is so great, as maketh it dishonourable. [This Man set forth the Polyglot Bible, which for its worth, exceeded the Bibles set forth by the Kings of Spain or France. And what he charged on Mr. Baxter he himself proves to be true, in declaring the Conformists to be guilty of Schism and Perjury, which he says are worse than Drunkards.]  
Dr. Pierson and Dr. Gunning did all their work. Dr. Pierson was their true Logician and Disputant, without whom, as far as I could discern, we should have had nothing from them. He disputed accurately, soberly, and calmly, being but once in a passion. He was the strength and honour of that Cause, which we doubted whether he hearty maintained. [i.e.] They thought him to be an Hypocrite or Presbyterian, but his Vindication of Ignatius hath struck Mr. Baxter's, and others Discourses against Episcopacy, to the very heart, so as noon need to strike again. And his Treatise on the Creed hath done the like to the Cause of the Atheists and Socinians. But the reason why he speaks so well of this Doctor, was to raise his own Trophies in his conceited Victory over him.]  
Dr. Gunning was the forwardest and greatest Speaker, understanding well what belonged to a Disputant; a Man of greater study and industry than any of them; well read in Fathers and Councils, and of a ready Tongue, and I hear and believe of a very temperate Life, as to all Carnal Excesses; but so vehement for his high imposing Principles, and so overzealous for Arminianism and Formality and Church Pomp, and so very eager in his Discourse, that I conceived his Prejudice and Passion much perverted his Judgement; and I am sure they made him lamentably overrun himself in his Discourses. [The University of Cambridge where he long and deservingly possessed and adorned the Chair, give him a better Character, viz. for an accurate Disputant and excellent Divine, as well as for a Person who had a great power over his Passions and Appetite; but all these things made against him; for when some Persons of note interceded for him with the Committee that cast him out of his Chair, their Plea of his Learning and Holy Living was silenced by one of the Committee, who said, He was the more like to do hurt.]  
On our part, saith Mr. Baxter, Dr. Bates spoke very solidly, judiciously and pertinently when he spoke. And for myself, I thought the day and Cause commanded me these two things, which were objected as my Crimes, viz. speaking too boldly and too long. [I shall only refer the Reader to p. 90. of the third part of his Life, where to p. 98. he gives transcendent Encomiums to his Nonconformist Brethren, every one almost hath some extraordinary Praises for Learning and Godliness.]  
But, wherever he speaks of the Conforming Clergy, he bestows some of these black Characters on them, That they are proud, worldly, covetous, domineering, malignant, lazy, the Plague of the World, Troublers of Princes, Dividers of Churches, that will (being Hypocrites as to Christianity and Godliness) like Judas, that loved the Bag better than Christ, make themselves a Religion consisting of mere Corpse and the dead Image of true Religion. See his Prognostication dated (he says) when by the King's Commission we in vain treated for Concord 1661. p. 12, 13. of his Prognostication, with such Prejudice, it seems, he came to that Conference, which waxed so gross, that he quite lost his Faculty of discerning Light from Darkness, or good from Evil. So that though he was constrained to acknowledge the great Learning of the Bishops with whom he contended, yet he thought it sufficient to blacken them all, to say that they were for Conformity, (i.e.) in his sense for Persecution and Perjury. How unfit Mr. Baxter was to commit to History, either the Relation of our late War against the King, or of this Debate, or of the Primitive or Modern Bisops, appears by those Qualifications which he himself requires to the credibility of an Historian, as in his Preface to his Church History of Bishops, etc. (viz.) That he be impartial, a lover of peace, and not engaged in a faction; a sober, calm, considerate man, not one that is passionately rash, that shows a malignant spirit; one that extenuates or denies all the good that was in his Adversaries, and fasteneth on them all the Odium he can without proof; one that is not deeply engaged in a party; one that is of manifest hon●… 〈◊〉 conscience, etc. For want of which qualifications, it is truly observed by Dr. Maurice, that as his Church History was designed to disgrace Diocesan Bishops, so the Preface looks as if it were intended to disgrace his History. Nor must we believe our Senses, if we must believe that they were Episcopal men that begun the late War, when the contrary appears, by many other acknowledged Proofs and continued visible Effects related by Mr. Baxter himself.  
The Parliament having had long and late experience how troublesome and implacable such as Mr. Baxter were, proceeded to the establishment of the Church and public Worship, excluding none but such as would exclude themselves: And as a signal of his Majesty's impartial favour, he offered Bishoprics to three, Deaneries to two or three; more and other Dignities were given to several sober Persons that had been of another Persuasion. One Bishopric was accepted; one (which I suppose was Mr. Baxter) refused it. See p. 134. of First Plea. His reason I suppose was the same that he gave for not reading Common Prayer, p. 105. of Sacr. Desert. Should the Ministers that have suffered so long, but use any part of the Liturgy and Scripture Forms, though without any motive but the pleasing of God, and the Churches good, (it seems these Motives would not prevail for this Reason) what muttering and censuring would there be against them? This bold Man was afraid of the People. And in truth he has made it morally impossible for him to accept a Bishopric, having often declared by word, and published it in print, That the Office of a Bishop, as exercised in the Church of England, was Antichristian. And saith in his Method for peace of Conscience, p. 389. We had taken down the superfluous honour of Bishops as Antichristian; upon which (N.B.) the Devil set them to cry down also as Antichristian, Tithes, Maintenance, Priests, and Ministers: And moreover, that the return of such Men would be a great Plague to the Land, in Postser. to the True Catholic, p. 335. And Mr. Baxter knows there is an ancient Canon, That a man that had his hand in blood, might not be a Bishop. See p. 213. of his History. And p. 36. A Government which gratifieth the Devil and wicked Men.  
And now he gins to defame the Laws, as he had formerly done the Liturgy: and not having other means, he discovers his impotent malice in writing a Prognostication, dated when by the King's Commission we in vain treated for Concord, 1661. He observed, p. 40. That the Sectarian Spirit was like Gunpowder, ready to take fire on such injuries: And Mr. Baxter with his Prognostication, like Guy Faux with his Dark Lantern, is ready for the Exploit, and sorry only that it is not done. He intimates the Clergy to be proud, worldly, covetous, domineering, malignant, lazy, the plague of the world, troublers of Princes, dividers of Churches, that will (being Hypocrites as to Christianity and Godliness) like Judas, that loved the Bag better than Christ, make themselves a Religion consisting of mere Corpse, and the dead Image of true Religion. See p. 12, 13. He cries out of New Impositions, Subscriptions, and Oaths, words and Actions which they believe to be against God's Word. Doth not this aim directly at the Laws? P. 14. he says, Their Sufferings will make many otherwise sober Ministers too impatient, and to give their Tongues leave to take down the Honour of the Clergy: And this will stir up the People, and make them pray for the downfall of the Clergy, which they take to be Enemies of God and Godliness; and that to speak easily or charitably of such Men, is but to be lukewarm and indifferent between GOD AND THE DEVIL, p. 20. Some (of the Nonconformist Ministers) will think these Passions of the People needful to check the sierceness of the Afflictors: Some of the more injudicious hot-brained sort (who are the greatest number) will put them on, and make them believe that all Communion with any Conforming Ministers or Parish Churches is unlawful, and that they are all Temporizers, and Betrayers of Truth and Purity, that communicate with them: and carry about among themselves false Reports and Slanders; because they will think that the upholding of their Cause, which they think is God's, doth need the suppression of these men's Credit and Reputations, p. 25, 26. The godly and peaceable Conformists will get the love of the sober, by their Doctrine and Lives; but will be despised by the Sectaries, because they conform; and will be separated by the proud and persecuting Clergy, as leaning to the Dissenters; and thereupon will be under continual Jealousies and Rebukes: And perhaps new Points of Conformity shall be devised to be imposed on them, which it is known their Consciences are against, that so they also may be forced to be Non-conformists, because secret Enemies are more dangerous than open Foes: and so part of them will turn downright Non-conformists, and the other part will live in displeasure till they see an opportunity to show it. And these are the likeliest to cross and weaken the worldly persecuting Clergy. This is such a Prognostication, as that for which Mr. Baxter observes Mr. Vdal was condemned in Queen Elizabeth's Reign, in an Assize-Sermon on Psal. 2. And it is no otherwise a Prognostication than (Astrologers observe of Blazing-stars) they do irritate and dispose the Humours and Spirits of Men to disorderly Actions; to which the event shows that this Prognostication, and Mr. Baxter's influence on the People, hath had a malign Aspect, not unlike the Prophecy of Nostredamus' Son, That a certain great City should be burnt; and to fulfil his Prophecy, did procure it to be set on fire.  
My next Remark is on Mr. Baxter's behaviour at Kedderminster, where the Bishop of Worcester publicly declared, That he made the People believe that it was lawful for them to take up Arms against the King, and suffered or made them to scruple at those things which were lawful, which he himself confesseth to be lawful; and that he himself heard him to maintain such a Position as was destructive to the Legislative Power both of both of God and Man; (viz.) That the enjoining of things lawful by lawful Authority, if they might by accident be the cause of sin, was sinful. 
This was the chiefest Argument urged against Kneeling, etc. by Mr. Baxter.  See the Bishop's Letter, p. 4. and 6. Now though the known integrity of the Bishop is enough to make all good Men believe this Relation, yet the consideration of the Premises puts the truth of it beyond all doubt or exception. Was this behaviour of Mr. Baxter's a token of his Gratitude to those Bishops who gave him licence to preach in their Diocese; or to his Subscription to the Bishop of London (then Shelden) to those terms of peaceableness which the Bishop accepted, and Mr. Baxter voluntarily subscribed? p. 12. of his late Apology. If ever he did any thing toward Public Peace, he was drawn to it in vitâ Mineruâ, and soon retracted it; but to promote Divisions he laboured manibus pedibusque, with all his strength.  
His Book called The Cure of Church Divisions is the only Work of Mr. Baxter that hath any thing of Moderation; and yet as if he were sorry for what he had done, at Mr. Bagshaw's Exceptions against he, he says, Doth it not speak against Church Tyranny, unjust Impositions, Violence, and taking away Men's Liberties, and Rigour to Dissenters, from end to end? p. 7. of his Defence. It seems it was expected of Mr. Baxter that he should have called the Bishop's Sacrilegious Silencers of the faithful Ministry, Murderers of many hundred thousand Souls, perjurious, proud, tyrannical, covetous, formal Hypocrites, malignant haters of good Men, and then he had not incurred the blame of the People, p. 20. And to regain their good opinion of him, he hath since said all this again and again. Another part of Mr. Baxter's Character appears in what was done about the Indulgence; which by a Book called The peaceable Design, agreeing well with Mr. Baxter's Plea for Peace, seems to have been procured by the joint Endeavours of the Papists, and those that call themselves Protestant Dissenters; in which Book, p. 71. is this Objection: What shall we say then to the Papists? Answ. The Papist in our account is but one sort of Recusants, and the conscientious and peaceable among them, must be held in the same predicament with those among ourselves, that likewise refuse to come to Common Prayer. And p. 72. As for the common Papist, who lives innocently in his way, he is to us as other Separatists, and so comes under the like toleration. So that Herod and Pontius Pilate are confederate against Christ. But Mr. Baxter must lead the Chorus here also; for he much exceeds the Author of that Treatise, in his good opinion of the Papists: yet he says, Mr. Humphrey is a man of latitude, and tieth himself to no Party or Opinions of other men; And I (saith Mr. Baxter) so little fear the noise of the Censorious, that even now while the Plot doth render them most odious, say freely, 1. That I would have Papists used like men: And, 2. I would have no man put to death for being a Priest: 3. I would have no Writ de Excommunicato capiendo, or any Law compel them to our Communion and Sacraments.  
And is not this to open the door for Papists and fanatics to enter together? If the Laws, how severe soever, cannot keep them out, would not this Liberty bring them in? See p. 19 of Second Defence. If you will not bring the Papists in, he is resolved, for aught I see, to go to them: for p. 235. of First Plea, he says, It is but reasonable if on such necessity (i.e. the Penalties for Nonconformity) they should accept of favour from any Papist that should save them, etc. By which the Reader may judge, who is a greater Friend to Popery, the old Protestants, who have made Laws to keep it out; or the Dissenters, who would destroy those Laws to let it in.  
To put life into the languishing Cause, he inspires it with a Dose called Sacrilegious Desertion of the Ministry rebuked; and declares, That as they had preached formerly without leave, so they would do it much more now; and says, That though it had cost some excellent men their lives, yet nothing but death, or utter disablement, should make them desist. So that his Pleas and his Practice before and since the Indulgence, show that he owned the King no great thanks for it: Yet being advised by a moderate hand not to abuse that Indulgence, he rails at him most intolerably; (you shall hear it by and by:) I will only ask Mr. Baxter, why the neglect to administer the Holy Sacraments was not as much Sacrilegious Desertion of the Ministry (whereof it is a chief Work) as the omission of preaching? For Mr. Baxter confesseth, That he had not baptised any, nor administered the Lord's Supper, for eighteen or nineteen years together; nor adhered to any Sect (no not the Sect of Diocesan Bishops) for twenty five years. See p. 119. of Answ. to Dr. Hinkley: Which to me seems to be not only a Desertion of the Ministry, but of Christianity itself. Certainly if he ought to do the one, he ought not to leave the other undone. That he and others are Pastors to no Church, that he never gathered a Church, nor hath he constantly joined in Communion with any Church, Answ. to the Bp. of Worcester's Serm. p. 64. 24. 62. 86. Yet p. 76. of his Book of Concord, he says, I constantly join with my Parish Church in Liturgy and Sacraments, and hope so to do while I live. But if he thought it his duty to preach, it was his duty to administer the Sacraments also; for preaching was never esteemed the sole Work of the Ministers: And they that omit this Duty, to refuse to hear the Universal Church of Christ, as well as the Church of England: For by Canon. Apost. the 9th, Whoever of the Faithful enter and hear the Sacred Scriptures, but stay not at Prayers and Communion, aught to be excommunicated as Disturbers of the Church. All Churches in the Primitive times did on every Sunday celebrate this Holy Sacrament; and all the faithful were wont to receive it. It is also very observable, that when our Church was to be settled, that some of the Presbyterians moved to have the Rubric struck out which obligeth the People to Communicate three times yearly; whereas some modern Churches have found it necessary to declare as the Council of Agatho did, (which Mr. Baxter accounts one of the best Councils) That those who receive not the Sacrament, ought not to be reputed as Christians. And St. Cyprian saith, This bread we crave every day, lest we who are in Christ, by the interposing of any grievous Crime while restrained, and not communicating, should be separate from the Body of Christ.  
And now prepare your ears against that nauseous Billingsgate Language and barbarous Censures, wherewith Mr. B. answers his learned Adversary 
* Dr. Fulwood.  in his Sacrilegious Desertion, for want of Arguments, p. 6. Railing Ruffian, p. 13. Selfish envious Conformists; the doleful pride and selfishness of the carnal part of the Clergy; a Silencing Diocesan, p. 25. Church-tearers, p. 105. Such Toys, p. 31. A few confident and silly Reasonings of Dr. Fulwood and other Pamphleteers; Usurpers, p. 39 Hear it now, for you shall shortly hear it from God, p. 8. I would give all the Money in my Purse to make me understand what the Church of England is, p. 35. Foolish superstitious Priests, p. 44. He talks of Per and Pers, p. 49. but lays his Scene in Utopia, and says, I know this is not our case in England, but if we must follow you into Utopia. Lest the Reader should not understand this, he speaks plainer, p. 74. I have been long of the opinion which you (viz. that are of a contrary opinion) will one day pardon, that perjury, perfidiousness, and persecution, proud contending who shall be greatest, and covenanting never in certain points to obey Christ against the world and the flesh, is not the way of God, p. 56, 57 Such confidence upon such insignificant reasons, is a great dishonour to the wit and humility of the Author, p. 59 Our excellent Successors, that do nothing but see the People's faces in the Church: You forbidden Baptism and the Lord's Supper to all that have not as large a Swallow as yourselves, p. 60. His want of common sense and modesty, p. 65. O with what face, p. 66. He tells us, p. 96. of some of the Nonconformists Principles and Purposes: They suppose that the Ministry doth not save Men, as Wizards think that Charms do heal Men by their presence, titles, names, or habits, by standing in the Reading-place or Pulpit, or being called the Parson of the Parish, or saying his set words over them when dead. (As if the Conformists did believe all this.) P. 10. They suppose that a greater number of the conformable Priests than they are willing to mention, do preach so ignorantly and dully in the Pulpits, and do so little of their private work besides, that there is great need of a far greater number of Assistants than all the present Non-conformists be. They are not able to confute the People, who tell them that their public Priests are so defective in their necessary qualifications for their Office, as that they hold it unlawful to own such for true Ministers, and encourage them by their presence, or commit the care of their Souls to such. P. 11. They think that the ejecting (the Non-conformists) from the Temples and Tithes did not degrade nor make them no true Pastors to their Flocks; and that the Magistrates putting another Parish Minister in possession of the Temple and Tithes, did not dissolve the foresaid relation. They think that the ejected Minister, foro Conscientiae & Ecclesiae vere sic dictae, retaineth still his ancient relation to his Flock, and part of them schismatically separate from him, and join with another Intruder that never had a lawful Call. P. 14. They think that Conformity would be in them such a composition of heinous crimes, as they forbear to name, for fear of seeming Accusers of others, and unpeaceable. P. 31. Look up man, without blushing; alas for these poor People that cannot try Sense from Nonsense. P. 61. His next hath no bounds, it grieveth me to read it. O Posterity, how will you know what to believe! P. 62. Here is much that would as handsomely serve Celsus, Julian, Porphyry, or Eunapius, p. 72. P. 25. I will not offend the Readers ears by giving them the names I think they deserve, but wish them to read 1 Thess. 2.15. which in words at length he puts in his Title page, They both killed the Lord Jesus, and their own Prophets, and persecuted us. And tell them, by what Names or Titles soever they be distinguished, that I, that am a dying man, would be loath to stand in their case before God: And if we were well agreed that there is indeed a God and a Christ, a Heaven and a Hell, we should easily be agreed in all the rest; (i.e.) Seeing you are not of Mr. Baxter's mind, you are very Atheists, and in a state of Damnation.) P. 132. I must tell you, that we cannot but think that you need Repentance, great Repentance, (that your Souls yet, if possible, may be saved, p. 74.) for sinning more, and that by public, deliberate, chosen covenanted, ministerial sin, protesting against Repentance. I conclude this Collection of many such great Calumnies which that little Book doth abound with, with his impudent Challenge; Come, and impartially debate the Case with us, who have been the greatest Causes of Protestant Divisions, Conformists or Nonconformists. These putrid, Pestilential Stinks and Corruptions are so unlike the Breathe of a mortified Christian, that the like never proceeded from any dying Man, except such a one as hath been dying Twenty years together, of which this is a shrewd Symptom; and another is as bad, that (as they say of dying Beasts) he bites deadly, Animamque in vulnere ponit. I challenge any Man to show in so little a Book, so great Pride, Malice, and Obloquy, on so slender occasion as the Indulgence, prepared by the means, and in favour of the Papists as well as the Presbyter. Mr. Baxter knew the Person against whom he wrote to be a Person of Great Learning and Moderation, as he had acknowledged under his own hand in his Book of Conformation, where he often quotes him; he calls him The Learned Mr. Fulwood in the Postscript, but now he is a mere trifler.  
But there is yet ultimus conatus naturae. And his restless Spirit grows more brisk and sparkling, as it is pouring forth from the crazy Vessel. By the great mercy of God, that most execrable. Plot of the Papists to Assassinate the King (whom God hath hitherto by a series of Miracles preserved) and the Church of England, against which the Gates of Hell have not, and we hope never shall prevail, was discovered, to the great joy of all true Protestants. And now while they are undermining the Foundations, Mr. Baxter (though a dying Man) lifts up himself, and gets on the top of the Fabric, to throw it down with all his might. This Polity he learned of his Predecessors, who on the intended Invasion 88 and the Gunpowder-Treason, when the Papists thought to have swallowed us up quick, took their advantage to thrust us into their Jaws, or at least to devour us themselves, if we should escape our other Adversaries. That he might act with less suspicion, and more success, he calls his Engines A Plea for Peace, which, as Bishop Stillingfleet observes, might be better called, A Plea for Discord and Division; And another called, The true and only way of Concord; so full fraught with impracticable Notions, and dividing Principles, as if his whole design had been to prove, that there is no true way of Concord among the Churches, Bishop Stillingfleet. But of this Book hereafter: Another Book claims precedency, whereof after great labour Mr. Baxter is delivered; but it proved a Monster full of Teeth and Claws, which he calls Church-History of the Government of Bishops; but is indeed (though very partial) a History of those Confusions which were raised in the Church by such as opposed the Orthodox Bishops. That the sight of this Monstrous Birth may not offend, let the Reader fortify his Eyesight with what Mr. Baxter himself hath prepared: For, telling us what History is credible, p. 2. n. 4. of that Tract, It ought to be, saith he, of One that is impartial, a lover of Peace and not engaged by Faction or Interest to one side against the other; a calm and considerate Man, not a passionate hasty Judge; a Man of manifest Honesty, Conscience, and Fear of God; not a Worldly, Wicked, Bloody, Unconscionable Man. Now let the Reader consider whether this Character agree with our Author: And then let the Reader take that other Antidote in the Preface— The Sectaries, saith Mr. Baxter, who rashly separate from some Churches, because of some Forms, Opinions, or Ceremonies, which almost all Christians on Earth have used in the former purer Ages, and still use, should be more cautelous in examining their grounds, and should hardly venture to separate from any Church, for that which for the same reason would move them to separate from almost all Christians in the whole World, if not unchurch the Church of Christ. And let the Reader satisfy himself, whether Mr. Baxter's Model be not such a Form. And may it not be said of Mr. Baxter, as he says of Dr. Heylin? He is so palpably partial, and of so malicious and bloody a strain, representing excellent persons as odious intolerable Rogues, that he is not to be believed? Judge by this one passage, p. 120. If our Neighbours, that commonly these Thirty Years last use the word God damn me, had put but thee instead of me, I should have suspected that the Councils and Bishops had made their Religion. To which add, p. 464. Have not the Ministers themselves been the principal instruments of taking down the Bishops, & c? And what have they got by it? I doubt not but the Reader will find the whole Collection to be a History of the Confusion and Bloodshed occasioned by discontented and ambitious Presbyters and their party, against the Orthodox, who suffered under Heathen Arian, and other heretical Emperors, by Popes, Heretics, and Schismatics, misapplied all to the Bishops and Councils; and often speaks more favourably of Heretics, viz. of Arius, the Novatians, and Donatists, who though they were usurping Presbyters, he calls them Bishops; and through their sides strikes at the Sacred Office, p. 276. of his Plea for Peace; It was by Bishops striving who should be Chief, that the Donatists set up: Whereas the Donatists were discontented Presbyters. And in the Schisms of those times, the Bishops were almost ever the chief Cause. The Almost will not save it from a Lye. But evident it is, whatever quarrel there was in all Church-History, wherein a Bishop was concerned, how Innocent, how Orthodox soever, Mr. Baxter makes him the cause of the Quarrel, and is his Adversary. Hereof I could give many instances, had not Mr. Baxter prevented me, having said and done enough to overthrow the credit of his History. However, I will show the Reader a Specimen of Mr. Baxter's Candour and Truth in relating Church-History. Doth not Mr. Baxter know (however he dissembles it) that Arius and Aërius, Novatus and Novatian, Majorinus Chaplain to Lucilla a Noble Woman, with Botruus, and Silesius, who first opposed Cecilian Bishop of Carthage, and set up for Bishops by the help of Donatus, who succeeded them, and gave name to the Schism, were all Presbyters? Till they dubbed one another Bishops, and then with whole Armies opposed their lawful Bishops, who with great patience and constancy withstood their malice. Read the History of the Donatists lately set forth, and see how they used St. Augustin himself. Mr. Baxter may as well ascribe all the Rebellion and Outrages, all the Blasphemies and Faction that have been made within Forty Years past, to the Bishops of this Land, whereto (its well known) the Presbyterians opened the way, and led the dance, as to impute what he doth to the ancient Bishops; and indeed he is not ashamed to assert both these notorious falsehoods. Mr. Baxter asks the Question, p. 429. of his Cure of Divisions; Who brought in the errors of the Arians, Eunomians, etc. And he Answers, They were Bishops or Presbyters: He would be sure to speak one true word. I shall not trouble the Reader with all that Mr. Baxter writes of the Arians, Nestorians, etc. in that voluminous Book, but refer him to what he says more briefly in his other late Works; for he repeats it in many of them. P. 27. of his Plea, He would not have the Arian Emperors made worse than they were, because they were for Toleration of both Parties; nor were the Arians themselves like the Socinians (saith he) because they acknowledged all save the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (i.e.) save the Divinity of Christ, which was all then in Controversy. How dangerously (saith he, as if he were pleading for the Arians) did Justine and most of the Ancient Doctors, before the Nicene Council, speak hereabout; and how certainly Eusebius and other great Bishops were Arians; and how the Council at Ariminum laid by the Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 endeavouring reconciliation, I need not send you to Philostorgus or Sondeus (Arian Authors) for proof. If the Conformist should have said half so much, he and the whole Church should have smarted for it.  
In the Dispute between St. Cyril and Nestorius, whether the Virgin Mary might be called the Mother of God, you may see how partially he describes both the Persons and Opinions, p. 271. of his Plea: Nestorius (saith he) was a Man of Study and Retirement, a poor garb, and a strict life, (i.e. a Presbyterian) abhorring public Contentions, and loving Quietness, till he got to be uppermost; and then he shown a peevish Zeal against Dissenters, called Heretics. Then for St. Cyril of Alexandria, whose Works praise him in all the Churches, Mr. Baxter hath scarce a good word for him, because he was the first Bishop that used the Sword, and persecuted the Dissenters: He was a Man (saith he) of great Parts, Spirit, and Power; but the Head of a Turbulent People. As to their Opinions, the Error of the Nestorians lay in his want of skill in speaking, saith Mr. Baxter, and the Controversy was about words rather than matter. Most of the People were for Nestorius, and most of the Courtiers and Clergy against him; and so was the Emperor, who deposed Nestorius, and restored Cyril: but Nestorius returned to his Monastery, and there lived four Years in Peace and great Reputation; but afterwards was Banished into Foreign Countries, and died. I wonder why after Four Years he should be Banished, if he had lived peaceably and quietly. Did not Mr. Baxter ever read how the Emperor Theodotius confirming the Decrees of the Third General Council at Ephesus, commanding, That none should dare to keep, read, or transcribe the wicked Books of the profane and sacrilegious Nestorius, but search them out, cause them to be burnt publicly; and that none permit them to have any House or Field to hold private or public Assemblies; and whoever adhered to Nestorius, should suffer the loss of his Goods? By which Edict (saith the Perfect) our pious Emperor knowing the Orthodox Religion to be the strength of the Empire, hath taken away all the seeds of Impiety. Edictum Theodosii in fine Concilii. I see no reason why Mr. Baxter should speak so favourably of Nestorius, though I have considered all that he writes, but that he might make his Readers think more contemptible of Cyril, who was so great, learned, and good a Bishop. Vincentius Lyrinensis, an approved Author, who lived near that time, writes thus: Infelix ille Nestorius subito ex Ove conversus in Lupum gregem Christi lacerare cepit; Cum enim hi ipsi qui rodebantur, ex magna adhuc parte Ovem crederent, morsibus ejus magis patebant. Nam quis eum facile errare arbitraretur, quem tanto Imperii Judicio electum, tanto Sacerdotum studio prosecutum videret, Qui cum magno Sanctorum amore, Summo populi favore celebraretur, quotidie palam divina tractabat eloquia, & noxios quoque Judaeorum & Gentilem confutabat errores. This is as much as Mr. Baxter could say for him: But what follows? Qui ut uni haeresi suae aditum patefaceret, cunctarum Haeresewn blasphemias insectabatur, cap. 16. and cap. 17. In audito scelere duos vult esse filios Dei; unum Deum, alterum hominem; unum qui ex patre, alterum qui sit generatus ex matre: atque ideo asserit Sanctam Mariam non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (i.e., sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (i.e. dicendam, quia scilicet ex eâ non ille Christus qui Deus, sed qui homo, erat natus. Quod si quis eum putat in literis unum Christum dicere, & unam Christi personam, non temere credat, hoc enim fraudulentiae causâ, & conceptus sen partus virginei tempore duos Christos fuisse contendit. Who will not believe this Father, that lived in those days, a Man of great Learning and Integrity, before a late prejudiced Person that serves a Party? Another instance of Mr. Baxter's racking Ecclesiastical History, to make it speak his sense against Bishops, is his account of Novatus and Novatian, one of which he calls an ill chosen Bishop of Rome, i.e. Novatian; though indeed they were both ambitious Presbyters: and Novatus and African Priest (saith Mr. Baxter) went to Rome to make Novatian a Bishop, p. 36. when Cornelius was duly elected before: Of which St. Cyprian saith, Agnoscant atque intelligant Episcopo semel facto, & collegarum ac plebis testimonio & judicio comprobato, alium constitui nullo modo posse, Epist. 4. ad Cornel. For indeed Novation was an ambitious Presbyter that contended against Cornelius to thrust him out of his Chair, for admitting those to his Communion who in the time of Persecution under Decius had denied the Faith, supposing that they could not repent after such a fall. In opposition to such, he calls his Faction the Cathari (which Mr. Baxter knows how to English.) This pure Presbyter sent for three Rustic Bishops, as my Author calls them, from Italy, to come to him at Rome, under pretence of mediating for him with Cornelius and the other Bishops. Being come he entertains them with plenty of good Cheer and Wine (which is still in fashion with that sort of People;) and when they had well drank, some of his Party force the Bishops to lay their hands on Novatian, and make him an Utopian Bishop: for it will puzzle Mr. Baxter to name his Title, though he call him an ill chosen Bishop of Rome; which Title he gives him, only to draw an Odium on the Bishops, though the great troubles brought upon the Church by their Errors and Schisms, were wholly the fruit of their Envy against Cornelius the lawful Bishop of Rome. Of which St. Cyprian also gives a full account, who caused the meeting of some Councils to suppress them. Yet Mr. Baxter (such is his Zeal for Anti-Prelatical Men) thus excuseth the matter: It was Zeal against Error, which made both the Novatians and the Donatists run into Error, p. 32. And though that long and sad Schisms did ensue, yet he thus excuseth it: The Rigour of the Novatians was increased by their offence at other men's sinful latitude and tepidity, p. 35.  
Chap. 3. Mr. Baxter treats of the Council of Nice, and the Heresy of Arius.  
P. 45. Mr. Baxter says, That Athanasius refusing to admit Arius to his Communion, caused much Calamities: And p. 46. They that had gathered Separate Churches, did communicate with Arius that they might be delivered from the Persecution of a godly Bishop, (i.e.) from Athanasius, whom Mr. Baxter confesseth to be a godly Bishop: but being Bishop, and opposing the Arian Conventicles, he is a Persecutor. That you may see the Partiality of this Historian, I shall give you a brief History of the growth of Arianism. Arius a Presbyter, was condemned in the first General Council at Nice, for denying the Deity of Christ, making him a Creature; for which he was banished by Constantine, as the cause of great Division and Corruption in the Church. But there was a certain Presbyter who grew into so great familiarity with Constantia the Emperor's Sister, as to persuade her that Arius had been abused by the Council, and did not hold the Opinions for which he was condemned: Whereupon Constantine recals Arius, and inquires into the truth of that report; and Constantia dying, recommends this Presbyter to the Emperor her Brother, as worthy of his favour; and when Constantine died, this Presbyter carrieth the News to Constantius, that his Father had bequeathed the Eastern Empire to him: Which being what he hoped for, he received the Presbyter into his Favour, and kept him in his Court; where first he infected some of the Eunuches with that Error, and by their means the Empress also, and so the Emperor himself. Socrates l. 1.19. and l. 2.2. This revived the Arian Faction: Arius is restored to Alexandria, from whence the multitude of his Followers having conspired the death of Athanasius, Constantine had removed Athanasius into Gallia, where Constans his Son then lived, who entertained him with some respect; and writes to his Brother Constantius to admit him again to Alexandria, or threatneth him with War, lib. 2. cap. 18. Whereupon Athanasius is restored, but his life is in perpetual danger, the Arians being more in number than the Orthodox. Hosius Bishop of Corduba, a Man of great Age and Learning, and a constant Assertor of the Truth, was shamefully whipped and tortured by them, lib. 2. cap. 26. And though they were condemned by the Councils of Milan and Ariminum, Constantius favours them, and threatneth the Councils. To him succeeded Julian the Apostate, than Jovianus, who reigned but Seven Months; then Valentian, who admitted Valens and Arian to partake of the Empire: All which time the Arians exercised great cruelty not only on the Orthodox Bishops, but against each other; for under them sprang up the Novatians and Eunomians, lib. 4. cap. 23. and lib. 5. cap. 20. who all agreed in the Arian Heresy, but persecuted one another: So did the Macedonians, lib. 2. cap. 13. and 35. and the Nestorians, who burned the Arian Church at Constantinople, lib. 7. cap. 20. vexed the Novatians and Macedonians, lib. 7. cap. 31. And all this by the instigation of Anastatius a Presbyter, lib. 7. cap. 32. Yet all these Tumults are imputed to the Bishops, who all the while suffered from the heretical Presby●… the true Ancestors of Mr. Baxter.  
Majorum quisquis fuit ille tuorum,  
Aut Pastor fuit, aut illud quod dicere nolo.  
Chap. 7. Mr. Baxter treats of the Tria Capitula.  
The Tria Capitula were three Chapters mentioned in the Council of Chalcedon, in which the Nestorians, who could not longer defend their Heresy under the Name of its Author, sought to cloak it under the Name and Writings of Theodorus Bishop of Mopsuestia; of Theodoret's Writings against St. Cyril; and an Epistle of Ibas unto Maris. These made the Tria Capitula, for which Pope Vigilius and some of his Party appeared: But the Emperor Justinian and the Catholic Bishops appeared against them. Many Sectaries who were condemned under the name of the Acephali, disclaimed this Council; others pretended it had approved of the Tria Capitula. Great Divisions ensued hereupon. Justinian knowing that the Council of Chalcedon had exploded that Heresy, sends forth his Imperial Edict, wherein accursing the Authors and Abettors of those Tria Capitula, he summons the Fifth General Council of Constantinople; at which the Pope refused to be present; noluit interest, saith Bellarmine; and the true reason was, because he favoured that Heresy, and approved not of the Council of Chalcedon, which was held without him, and did determine for the Prerogative of Constantinople against him. Vigilius, though he came not himself, sent his Decree which maintained that Heresy, and was confuted in the Sixth Collation of the Council of Constans. And they set forth a most holy Confession of their Faith, consonant in all points to that which the Holy Apostles preached; which the four former Councils explained, and the holy Fathers with uniform consent maintained.  
Now I would desire Mr. Baxter to resolve me, whether the blame of those Commotions which followed on this Dissension, is to be laid on the Emperor and the Catholic Bishops who sided with him in defence of the true Faith, against Nestorianism, as Binius and Baronius would have it; or on the Pope and his Italians, who pleaded for that Heresy; and together with the Agnoites, Gainaites, Theodosians, Themistians, and the rest of the Acephali, promoted and continued those Broils.  
Chap. 9 Consisting of about Sixty Pages, is spent about the Worshipping of Images, whereof he makes the Bishop's Patrons: Whereas many, both Emperors and Bishops, suffered very much as Iconoclastes. (i.e.) the destroyers of Images. Bishop Jewel challengeth the Church of Rome to show but one Authority, during Six hundred Years of the Church, for worshipping Images, and is not yet answered. The rise of which in brief, was this: The Arcans and Donatists having wasted the Church, made way for vast numbers of Infidels to enter in, who brought with them, and superstitiously honoured the Images of their Benefactors; and many ignorant Christians learned their customs: The Pictures of St. Peter and St. Paul we read of in Ancient History; but withal we read they were not permitted to be brought into the Churches. The opposition made against them, may be seen in the Magdeburg. In the year 754 the Bishops disputed against them, and in a Council at Constantinople, consisting of 338 Bishops. How Leo Isauricus and Gregory Bishop of Neocaesaria opposed them, is too large to repeat. It was about the year 787, that Irene, who was Daughter to a Pagan King of Tartary, gave public countenance to Image-worship. She ruling as Empress in the minority of Constantine her Son, promoted this Pagan custom: for, as Mr. Hales observes, Dux femina facti, she was a Woman of so Tyrannous a Spirit, that she caused the eyes of her Son Constantine to be put out; which struck a great awe into the Christians under her. One cause of her Cruelty to her Son, being his opposing this Image-worship. But finding one Tarasius to be of her mind, she makes him Patriarch of Constantinople, and calls a Council at Nice consisting of 350 Bishops, most of them Arians; and so about the year 787, they Decreed for Image-worship. But in the year 792, all was reversed by Charles the Great in a Council at Frankfort. One Decree mentioned by Mr. Baxter I shall remind him of; it is p. 213. A man that had his hands in blood, must not be a Bishop.  
Another Heresy which makes the Church History to swell, is that of the Monothelites, of which Mr. Baxter speaks, ch. 8. And because he saith nothing of the rise of it, I shall. It was occasioned by one John Philoponus a Presbyter, who wrote subtly concerning it, and drew many to his Opinion, Anno 517. but all the time that Justinian was Emperor, they hide themselves, and propagated their Heresy in Conventicles; for it was condemned by 175 Bishops, in the fifth Synod of Constantinople, and confuted by the Learned Bishop Gregory Nazianzene, and by 603 Bishops in the fourth General Council at Chalcedon, and in the sixth Synod of Constantinople by 170 Bishops. But after the death of Theodosius, Philippicus succeeded, of whose Succession a Monotholite Monk had foretold him; and that if he would rescind the Decrees of the sixth Synod, and favour the Monothelites, he should reign long and happily. This made Philippicus to espouse that Cause; and presently he banisheth Cyrus' Patriarch of Constantinople, and many Orthodox Bishops: He maketh one John a Presbyter Patriarch, and filleth up the vacant Bishoprics with Presbyters of that Faction; and then assembles them, and confirms that Heresy. But the Bishops of the Western Churches resisted it, and sent thundering Letters against it. And it is no wonder that the Orthodox Bishops did hid themselves under this Tyranny, or that Philippicus found Presbyters to make Bishops in their room, who defended him and the Faction: For it is well known how many such in our Age adhered to usurping Powers, and defended as great both State and Ecclesiastical Heresies, as this of the Monothelites, and would not permit the Bishops to appear. But if these Presbyters had taken the name of Bishops under Cromwell, as the Monothelites did under Philippicus, you might with as much truth have affirmed, that innumerable Bishops did in the times of our Confusions defend Rebellion and Heresy, as, that the Bishops who suffered all manner of indignities from the Monothelites, did defend that Error, or raise those Tumults. This Philippicus within a year and half was deprived of the Empire by the same Soldiers that set him up; who put out his Eyes, and left him to die in Prison as a Tyrant. These instances (for I remember that I am writing a Character of Mr. Baxter, and not of the ancient Heretics) may suffice to acquaint the Reader of the ingenuity of this Man, who rails intolerably against others as corrupters of History, when it appears he had no other design in this Collection, but to serve his Hypothesis, and implacable malice against the Bishops, and enrage the People to set the Nation in a Flame. It is but a small matter for Mr. Baxter to support himself in Church History: He can bid open defiance to the Laws of the Land, which he calls tearing Engines, and Enemies to God's public Worship, and aught to be disobeyed, because it is written, Whether it be better to obey God or Man, judge ye.  
He gins with a modest complaint, p. 101. of first Plea; It is not the sense of the Liturgy (in that they seem satisfied) but a Statute of Parliament which we doubt of: it seems insufficient, if not impertinent, to tell us what is taken for the sense of the Church; for the doubt is, what is the sense of the Parliament, which we cannot otherwise know, but by their plain words, till they will otherwise declare their meaning: (i.e.) They must declare a meaning contrary to their plain words. But Mr. Baxter speaks plain enough, Plea the first, That the Laws required of them such Subscriptions, Covenants, Declarations and Practices, as they durst not do, because they feared God. A strange Parliament, to make so many Laws as a Man that feareth God cannot obey! If Mr. Baxter had any Fear or Reverence of Men, he would not thus Reproach the Governors, and Defame their Laws, and all the while cry out of Persecution. But what are those impious Laws? This you find in another Book called, A search for the English Schismatic; where he states the Case between the Diocesan Cannoneers, and the present mere Nonconformists; and though he determine not (as he says) which of them is the Schismatic, yet he makes the Book to be a pair of Spectacles for the Purblind to discern it, p. 43. This is just as he dealt by his first Plea, where he tells us he will not urge the Case, but mention Matters of Fact only: Yet in his Book of Concord, he says, To answer the earnest demand of our Reasons (against Conformity) by you the Lord Bishop of Ely, I have published an Historical Narration, etc. How did this answer the Bishop's earnest demand of Reasons, if it did not contain them, when Mr. Baxter says that was the end of publishing that Book? Any one that useth Mr. Baxter's Spectacles may see they were his Reasons, though he might well be ashamed to call them so. But as for those Spectacles that will so plainly discover the English Schismatics, a very skilful Artist hath turned into a Looking-glass, which if Mr. Baxter be not afraid to make use of, he may thereby see him whom he pretends to search for: it is called, A Discourse about Church Unity, in defence of the Bishop of Worcester. The Laws opposed, are such as were made on mature deliberation, to secure our Peace: The Act for Uniformity and Renouncing the Covenant: The Declaration, that it is not lawful on any pretence whatsoever, etc. The Book last mentioned, shows his Malice to the Parliament, in making false and odious Representations of them to the People, p. 457. It is scarce worth the notice, that he says the Parliament was drawn in by the Convocation to make those Acts: 
P. 13. of his Search.  this is but Scandalum Magnatum. He comes near to Blasphemy, p. 107. of his third Defence, where he pleads for excusing the ignorant People, who, when Divisions fall out between King and Parliament, do doubt which it is that should be obeyed: (He adds) Christ was drawn by Hypocrites to pay Tribute to Caesar, rather than offend; as if our Saviour did what he never intended, or really approved, to comply with Hypocrites. And who can wonder if he that speaks thus of the Master, should not stick to revile his Disciples, making the Conformists so many deliberately perjured Persons; and, which is in his own Language Mendacium magnum, That about Six thousand Persons that had gone the other way, did declare their assent and consent to a Book which they never saw, p. 69. of his second Defence, Mr. Baxter complains, 
Preface to Diocesan Bishops.  That at such time as he was turned out of all, he was never in so good a condition as to keep a Manservant (except when he traveled) nor a Maidservant, except an old Woman to provide him Necessaries; and lived in some upper Rooms of another Man's House: and yet (he says) he built a Tabernacle in St. Martin's to preach in himself, p. 55. of his second and lost One thousand pounds in the Exchequer He hoped, it seems to gain a reputation among the Factious, of being their great Centurion, who loved their Nation, and built them a Synagogue. But it is very observable, that if at such time as Mr. Baxter was turned out of all, he was in so low a Condition, that he got well by his Nonconformity, being able to part with a considerable Sum to build Tabernacles. One Intrigue I find darkly delivered, p. 250. of his first Plea: Even Bishops (saith Mr. Baxter) need to be remembered, that while the Wheel is turning, the upper side should not tempt Men to forget what side will be uppermost shortly and for ever. The words are ambiguous, like the old Oracles, and may be interpreted pro captu Lectoris, but whether he means the Revolutions of Providence, as by the turning of the Wheel seems most proper, or the Divine Judgement at last, it savours of equal Pride, Malice, and Uncharitableness. In Mr. Corbet's Funeral Sermon, p. 33. preached by Mr. Baxter, he speaks more plain: It seems (saith he) there is some great evil to come, when God takes away the best: yea, if it should be a forerunner of a better state, yet all save two of the old stock that dishonoured God perished: And it was by bloody Wars that Joshua and the new GENERATION were to possess the Land of Promise. But the Oracle is expounded by other Cabalistical Rabbis, who tell us boldly, the time of the Episcopal Persecution is but short: And on that confidence invite those whom Mr. Baxter calls the passive Conformists, to come over to them, promising them a kinder entertainment than they have had from their Brethren of the Conformity: Spes est fore ut Fanatici quos vocant, utamur illis aequioribus, saith the Celeusma, p. 34. There is now good hope that we whom they call fanatics, may show them more favour. Now whether these Men be not engaged in some Plot for the extirpation of the Ecclesiastical Government by Law established, to which end they so importunately plead for the Obligation of the Covenant, let the Reader judge. Time may discover what an ingenious Man hints in his Defence of the Bishop of Worcester, p. 68 I will tell Mr. Baxter a Secret which I have heard, but hope he will not put me to prove it, That the Parliament made good Laws, the Papists out of a pretended reverence to tender Consciences, hindered the Execution of them, and some leading fanatics had private Encouragement (to say no more) to set up a mighty cry of Persecution, to cast all the odium on a persecuting Church and Diocesan Cannoneers. Dr. Owen noses this hint: Some have reported (says he) that some of the Non-conformists at least do receive, or have received Money from the Papists to act their Affairs, and promote their interest; which he (very angrily) calls, a putrid Calumny, a malicious Falsehood, a frontless Lie: and for himself, he avows, that never any Person in Authority, Dignity, or Power in the Nation, or any that had any relation to Public Affairs, nor from them, Papist or Protestant, did once speak one word to him, or advise with him about any Indulgence or Toleration to be granted to the Papists. He says not that he never received any Money to promote a general Toleration, which he (thinking himself particularly reflected on) might have done in few words. And my Author desires Dr. O. to resolve him, Why a Fast was appointed by a certain Independent Pastor at that time on the fifth of November, which (as he notes) is no Popish Festival. 'Tis a miserable shift which the Doctor useth, speaking at large of the plain, open,  Evidence which the Non-conformists always gave, and continue to give, of their faithful cordial adherence to the Protestant Religion and Interest in the Nation; whereas ever since Forty one, they have notoriously scandalised, and as much as in them lay, ruined the Protestant Religion and National Interest.  
His dealing with Mr. Cheney is most unchristian; for in the Preface of his third Defence, he judgeth him a godly serious Man; yet, saith he, his Book is so dismal a piece in its extraordinary privation of common Reason, Truth, Charity, Tenderness, and Modesty, that I am constrained to think that honest Man is diseasedly Melancholy: and reports, that his Book is 〈◊〉 away as a fardel of dotage and shameless lies, p. 2. of Second Part. Yet if a sober Reader be admitted to judge, this melancholy Man hath so provoked Mr. Baxter's choler, that he seems quite to have lost his Reason, and betakes himself to Railing. One Argument Mr. Cheney may well boast of, which Mr. Baxter calls his Catholicon, concerning a confident Tenet of Mr. Baxter, That the Acts for Uniformity and Prefaces are parts of the Book of Common Prayer, to which we are to declare our Assent, etc. Now it is said in a Preface concerning the Service of the Church, That forasmuch as nothing can be so plainly set forth, but doubts may arise in the use and practice of the same; to appease all such diversity, if any arise, and for the resolution of all doubts concerning the manner how to understand, do, and execute the things contained in this Book, the parties that so doubt, or diversely take any thing, (as do now the Conformists and Non-conformists; for Mr. Baxter says, they could do and declare as the Conformists do, if they could get the sense of the Acts, etc. to be expounded so as the Conformists understand them) (N.B.) shall always resort to the Bishop of the Diocese, who by his discretion shall take order for the quieting and appeasing of the same; so that the same Order be not contrary to any thing contained in this Book: And if the Bishop of the Diocese be in doubt, than he may send for the Resolution of the Archbishop. Mr. Baxter answers, That the words make not the Bishop's Expositors of the Law or Book, as Judge, but as a Teacher only. Mr. Cheney replies, Any intelligent Man may help the ignorant to understand the things in the Book; but the Bishops are made decisive Judges, to order in what manner to understand, do, and execute all (doubtful) things in the Book, p. 212. And p. 213. he tells Mr. Baxter, The late Covenanters had not such Security for their Consciences, in taking that Oath in a sense varying from the precise Letter, as the Conformists have for their Subscriptions, etc. And thus the melancholy Man beat the Conjurer out of his Circle, and in his third Defence he takes no notice of it.  
As for Mr. Hooker, how contemptibly doth he speak of him, p. 74. saying, That a long tedious Discourse in him hath as much substance as one might put into a Syllogism of six Lines. And in his Preface to the Answer of the Bishop of Worcester, I am, says Mr. Baxter, past doubt, that Richard Hooker, Bp. Hall, Bp. Usher, were they now alive, would be Non-conformists.  
In the year 1681. comes forth Mr. Baxter's Apology for the Nonconformist Ministers, in justification of their preaching against Law. This he directs to the Right Reverend Bishops of London, Lincoln, Hereford, Carlisle, St. david's, and Peterborough, and others of their moderation, in some hope, though evil Men and Deceivers wax worse and worse. What his hope is, he tells them, If the ancient Christians might present their Apology in hope to Heathen Emperors, may I not so much more to Christian Bishops? You are more sensible than we, with what deep sense Men will shortly hear, Inasmuch as you did it to one of the least of these my Brethren, you did it unto me. See his Charity to those whom he calls our best Bishops! But in p. 233. he thus concludes: And now we humbly lay these Petitions at your feet, and beseech you for the souls of many hundred thousands, that you who call yourselves their Pastors, and the Fathers of the Church, will not deny them the bread of Life. We beseech you to come out of your Palaces a while, and be familiar with the People, and confer with all the Poor of the Parish, and dwell in some Country Village as we have done, (who choose the greatest Cities and Towns) that you may not see many hundred thousands damned by your means, and you have nothing to say when it is to late, but a non putaram: That the Instances of the Obduration of Pharaoh and the Pharisees, make you not afraid, lest wrath come upon you to the utmost, while you please not God, and are contrary to all Men, forbidding Christ's Labourers to preach to the Ignorant and Impenitent, that they may be saved, 1 Thess. 2.15. And O that God would make them sensible how many thousand Persons damnation is like to be charged upon them for what they have already done, for seventeen years hindering so many faithful Ministers! I must profess, if it were the last word that I should speak in the world, that I had rather be the basest Scavenger, yea, and suffer many deaths, than be found at the Judgement Seat of Christ in the place and guilt of those of you who have done what is done against the Gospel and Church of Christ in this Land. Doth not the Reader blush for Mr. Baxter, to read such arrogant Censures from a dying Man concerning his betters? and all this too causelessly, as I shall prove out of his own words. He asks the Question, p. 236. Why I writ all this to you, and not to his Majesty and the Parliament? I answer, It is not them, nor any of their Laws or Actions, which in all this Book I intent to speak against. (Mend. Mag.) For though he had indeed done it sufficiently in other, yet this Book was penned on purpose to justify the preaching of Nonconformists, though forbidden by Law. P. 102. He raiseth the Objection of preaching in Cities, etc. against Laws. And Answ. Did not the ancient Christians also disobey a lawful ●…er when forbidden? etc. As if Christian Magistrates were to be reputed as the Heathen Persecutors. But to omit this, p. 104. he says (N.B.) No Bishops have silenced us by Spiritual Government that we know of, but only as Barons by the Secular Laws, to which they gave their Votes, (and he acknowledgeth) all did not. And if any shall read the Preambles to those Acts, he may plainly see, the cause of making them was not only the late dreadful Experience which the Nation had of the Confusions caused by the preaching of such Men, but their present endeavours to reduce us to the like again; which (all those Acts notwithstanding) they are still labouring for. This is evident, that Mr. Baxter, though he were Ordained by a Bishop, and subscribed, (though as he confesseth, he had not read the Book of Ordination, nor exactly weighed what he subscribed to, p. 59 for it seems, he was a passive Conformist, and one that came into the Church to find a better opportunity to pull it down;) he did partake with Mr. Pryn in an Antipathy against Lordly Prelacy, and glorieth in being styled the Antisignanus Presbyterorum, p. 11. And p. 6. he tells us of one Fen, a famous Country Nonconformist, who with a loud voice would say Amen to all the Prayers in the Liturgy, except that for Bishops; to which his silence was accounted a dissent. Doubtless Mr. Baxter is of the same mind; he cannot pray for them, lest it should seem a compliance with Church Tyranny, and a frame of Government destructive of the Church's Ministry, p. 241. and with such Persons as professing themselves Fathers of the Church, are grand Enemies of Christ and Souls, and the Captains in the Army of the Devil, p. 243. I have heard a late Report of a Rebel in Scotland, who being under Condemnation, was put in mind of begging Pardon, and to say, God bless the King: but his Answer was, He would not purchase his life at so dear a rate. Let the Reader judge how near Mr. Baxter approacheth that temper, who will not, and cannot indeed pray for the Bishops as such, but rather suffer many deaths, than be in their case, etc. How amazing a passage is that, p. 135. When you are in the dust, the world will not be afraid of you, but freely tread upon you, Hic Jacet, (Mr. Love did as bad by Archbishop Land while he was alive) and cast up your bones to make room for others, and talk of you and your acts as freely as of King Henry the Eighth, Queen Mary, Bishop Bonner and Gardner, are now talked of. As if our Bishops were the Successors of those, and not of Cranmer, Latimer, Ridly, Hooper, and other Martyrs of that Age, who died for the Defence of that Reformation, which our Bishops still defend against both Papists and fanatics. But Etiam post mortem invidia: How solicitous is dying Mr. Baxter to bequeath a double portion of his Anti-Prelatical Spirit to the People; who by prophesying what they will be, tells them what he would have them to be; (i.e.) Perpetual and implacable Enemies to the Bishops, p. 187. And in his Prognostic, to which he refers, how often doth he croak over his Cant of Perjury, a sin meet for none but utterly debauched Consciences, and such as threatneth dreadful ruin. Such principles and practices would make us guilty of the perjury and impenitence of many hundred thousand persons, p. 154. And p. 219. Aggravated perjury, deliberate lying, rebellious profession of disobedience to God, owning great and public sins, corrupting holy Worship, etc. P. 221. The sins which we fear (viz. in Conformity) be of the greatest sort that Hell suggesteth, perjury, and owning the perjury of thousands, and doing that which is equivalent to the preaching of impenitency, and saying, Repent not, for I declare it is no sin, and lying deliberately, and making a public Ministerial profession of Usurpation and Church Corruptions, and of our resolution never to obey God in doing any duty of ours in order to a Reformation, etc. Will any Man believe that Mr. Baxter is so grievously persecuted, who hears him thus affronting the Laws, and reviling and provoking Authority? P. 200. It may be your great Patrons may die, or fall, or forsake you; and then your hearts are broken. It may be death (he seemeth to speak of a violent death, as p. 204. One Felton may end the great Duke of Buckingham, p. 205. Or they may meet with such Executioners as Cardinal Beton) may enter into your Families, and make you think what blood-thirstiness doth tend to. And you must consider also, that if blood or destruction be the means you trust to, you must set up a Shambles or Trade of Butchery, and make it the profession of all your lives, etc. which I abhor to relate what he there talks at large. And p. 226, 227. The world already thinks that the Clergy are so covetous, proud, and envious, that like the great Dog that hath got the Carrion, snarls at every little Dog that looketh at them, suspecting they come to take some from him: it is the common opinion, that the Clergy are the Incendiaries.  
Troublers of the World; and that the worst Princes left to themselves, are not half so cruel against the faithful preachers and practisers of Christianity, as if they persecuted it (eo nomine) as the proud and covetous Clergy are. Now that it hath been Mr. Baxter's work to effect this temper in the People, he gives us this instance, besides what I might mention in London and Kedderminster, p. 90. I love to instance where I dwell, and see because of certainty. This Market Town of Barnet ten miles from London, was so extremely addicted to your way, so impatient of the Directory and Ministry now cast out, that one who was their Minister in times of Usurpation told me, he was fain to leave them, and professed he was really afraid lest they would have put him into the Grave, and buried him alive, for burying a Corpse (without Common Prayer) according to the Directory: And now the Case is so much altered, that though the Town consists so much of Inns and Alehouses, a private meeting near the Church is so much crowded as the Churches were, and the Church is almost empty. Egregias vero laudes, & spolia ampla! the Inns and Alehouses are become Conventicles, by Mr. Baxter's Reformation, and the Church forsaken.  
From p. 197, to 210. you have a continued cry of the bloodiness of Bishops, comparing them to Foxes, Wolves, and Kites, that live on flesh, and devour those that are better than themselves, p. 201. Yet, contrary to all this clamour, he says, p. 104. No Bishops have silenced as by spiritual Government, (i.e. as Bishops) but only as Barons by the Secular Laws to which they gave their Votes, which yet all did not. Yea Mr. Baxter acknowledgeth their favour to himself in particular: For my part, (saith he, ibidem) I have one or two of their Licenses never recalled nor nulled. Are these Men such horrible Persecutors, who did no more than the whole Nation in Parliament have done for Peace sake? yet all their Silencing and Sufferings are charged most invidiously on the Bishops, as if it were done by their sole Authority: for one reason why they cannot give over Preaching is, p. 241. n. 11. It will be an encouraging compliance with Church-tyranny, to give over preaching as oft as Bishops forbidden us, because we will not take their Oaths, and be stigmatised with their PER. The Bishops as Bishops require no more now, than what was required when Mr. Baxter and others subscribed at their Ordination; and they are most likely to bear the PER, who act contrary, not they who act conformably to their Subscription. The great cry of Perjury is raised in favour of the Covenant: Yet Mr. Baxter, p. 112. of his Apology, says, I never heard abjuring (the Covenant) was required of the Ministers: they are only to subscribe, That there is no obligation on them or any other Person to endeavour any change or alteration of Government in the Church. And can this be thought a sufficient reason for Mr. Baxter a Man of 74 years old to cry out as a Child that hath fancied a Bugbear, till he puts himself into dangerous fits, and affrights all the Neighbourhood?  
So bold and bloody are his accusations against the Bishops and Clergy especially, for Persecution and Perjury, that if a Stranger should read them, he might think them mere Cannibals that lived on Humane flesh, or incarnate fiends that delighted in Sacrifices of Blood; though Mr. Baxter all the while knows them to be very innocent and tame persons. For though he represent them as Lions greedy of prey, yet dares he pluck them by the Beards, and disgorge his filth in their mouths; and after all imaginable provocations, trusts himself between their Teeth and Claws, as he is pleased to phrase it. So great a Master of Discipline is Mr. Baxter. But though he deal thus with the Bishops, yet he should not make so bold with the King and Parliament, and their Tearing Engines of the Laws, as to write whole Volumes in defiance of them.  
When the two Cromwel's were on the Throne, he taught a Doctrine quite contrary to his Apology for their practice then under King Charles. Then he taught us, That God never instituted Churches to be kept up in disobedience to those Christian Magistrates which he commands us to obey upon pain of Damnation. p. 352. of his H. Commonwealth. And Thesis' 319. That Disobedience to our Rulers, is in Ministers double treason and wickedness. And 240 Thesis, That it is necessary to the Church's peace, that no private Congregations may be gathered, or Antichurches erected, without approbation or toleration from the Magistrates: And that if private Assemblies be permitted unlimitedly, then, 1. It will be impossible to restrain Heresy, Infidelity, or Impiety: Yea, 2. They may meet to plot against the Magistrate. And no Assemblies whatsoever (he means besides those of the Parish-Church) are to be allowed by the Magistrate. And Thes. 263. If Magistrates forbidden Ministers to preach or exercise the rest of their Office in their Dominions, they are to be obeyed; as he instances in David and Solomon taking down and setting up Priests, and ordering Officers in the House of God. Were the two Cromwel's such as David and Solomon, to be entrusted with the House of God? and is King Charles like Jeroboam, whose interest it was to suppress the true Worship of God, and permit Calves to be set up at Dan and Bethel? I would fain see Mr. Baxter's Reasons for the Uniformity of the Churches then, more than now; and wherein Oliver and Richard did more Piously, Faithfully, and Prudently exercise the Government, than King Charles. I know it will grate on Mr. Baxter's spirit to have his Theses so often urged, seeing he hath desired the whole Book might be taken as non Scriptus; and that he retracts some things (though he adds) not all, nor tells us any particulars. But, Quid verba audiam, quum fact a videam? To what purpose serves a Protestation against plain matter of Fact, and daily practice whereby Mr. Baxter still vindicates many ill things delivered in that Book? which he doth expressly also in the close of his Preface to the Second Plea, where he affirms, That in all the times of Usurpation he said and wrote, that the King's Person is inviolable, and to be judged by none, either Peer or Parliament; and that neither the King may destroy nor hurt the Kingdom, nor the Kingdom the King. And then adds, That the very Book accused (viz. The H. Commonwealth) goeth on such principles, and hath not a word meet to tempt a man in his wits to this accusation. The contrary to which hath been often rehearsed, to Mr. Baxter's great regret. And his Brother Dr. Owen rightly tells him, That they who will take liberty to speak what they please, must be content to hear sometime what will displease. And I would desire him to reconcile the former Theses of the Obedience of Ministers under Cromwell, to his late Doctrine of resolved Disobedience to our present Governors. For p. 226. of his First Plea, he teacheth, That Pastors preached against the will of Princes for Three hundred years. And p. 26. That God wrought Miracles to justify such Preachers when forbidden by Christian Princes, who spoke freely after their Tongues were cut out; That there is a woe unto them if they preach not, and many woes to them that shall forbid them; which is the subject of his Apology.  
Can Mr. Baxter wonder that no Man Answers these Books of his, when the smoke, and flame, and stink of them is so horribly mischievous and inaccessible, as if it came forth from the Bottomless-pit? And this is the work of his Fellow-labourers, of whom he says, p. 163. There is not this day on Earth a more conscionable, godly, faithful Party of the Ministers of the Gospel, than those that are now ejected, silenced, Nonconformists in England: And his Testimony (he speaks it of himself) shall be believed when the Defamers and Calumniators shall not.  
These Books and some other, (of which hereafter) he covers over with much combustible matter, prepared many years past, against such false and bloody Plotters (i.e. the Bishops) as would persuade the King and People that the Nonconformists are Presbyterians and fanatics: That it was such Presbyterians that killed his Father; and that their principles are rebellious, and that they are plotting a Rebellion and his death; and lastly, that this is the Genius of the Parliament. I hope whatever Mr. Baxter may do, no other Man's Conscience doth accuse him of such horrid crimes. All this we have in the Title-page of his Second Plea for Peace: But as the Learned Doctor observed of the First Plea, it looks as if he had designed these Books on purpose to represent the Clergy of our Church as a company of notorious lying and perjured Villains. These and divers other Firebrands he fixeth in the top of the Fabric, as if that could not be purged but with Fire, pretending it was guilty of many heinous Sins in the Constitution of it: And when that Reverend Doctor endeavoured to quench those Juniper-coals which had well-nigh set all in a flame, he flies in his face, charging him with pleading for Presumption, Profanation, Usurpation, uncharitableness, and Schism, p. 73. of his Answer to the Dr's Sermon. Again, when the Dr. said, that preaching in opposition to the Laws established, is contrary to the Doctrine of all the Nonconformists of former times; Mr. Baxter replies, p. 21. This Assertion is so rash and false in matters of notorious fact, that it weakeneth his reverence of the Doctor's judgement in matters of Right, p. 8. So that the Doctor might well say, that he wrote that Book in a continued fit of Anger. And how could it be otherwise, seeing that, as Bishop Burnet relates of the Earl of Rochester, when God gave him a sight of his sins, that he confessed he had been drunk five years together: So Mr. Baxter had been distempered with an habit of wrath and rage against the Government of the Church ever since he was Nineteen years old; how could he choose but write with the spirit of Gall and bitternest against such an Adversary as would dissect him alive, and discover all the Distempers of that dying Man? And what could Mr. Baxter do less than call the Doctor's Sermon a Schismatical Sermon, that would so divide Mr. Baxter that makes Union impossible in any Church but what he himself shall give being and union to? And yet this Man of Wrath is angry with himself, that he was not more angry with the Doctor: For p. 12. of Second Defence, I profess (says he) I felt so little passion in writing that Book, that I think verily I sinned all the while for want of a livelier sense of the sin and hurt which I was detecting by my Confutation. And in his Title-page, dividing the Doctor's Book into Accusations, Reasonings, and History, he pronounceth them all untrue; i.e. (in plain English) You lie, Sir, in all that you have written. Perhaps Mr. Baxter may not account this Passion, but Zeal; And his admirers say, he is a Stranger to Spite and Anger; but he hath a very quick and earnest temper of mind, and his stile is very keen and pungent. Yea, and they think it lawful for him too, to make the Scripture serve his passion, and rail in holy Language; for doubtless his Disciples think that in the Title-page, 1 Tim. 6.5,6. well applied to the Doctor, Perverse dispute of men of corrupt minds, and destitute of the truth, supposing that gain is godliness; from such withdraw thyself; which in plain English is, that the Doctor is one of those Men, and you are bound to have no communion with him: For Mr. Baxter (though under another name) represents the Doctor to be a most unskilful, proud, partial, obstinate, cruel impertinent Adversary. Yet Mr. Silvester in his Preface, speaking of the Author (i.e.) Mr. Baxter says, I have heard him great and copious in commendation of several Prelates and Conformists, and that he particularly mentioned the Reverend Bishops of Worcester and Eli, (i.e.) Bishop Stillingfleet, and Bishop Patrick as Persons greatly admired, and highly valued by him, and of their readiness to serve the Public interest both Civil and Religious, he doubted not, it was therefore his bitter Zeal that transported him to write such scandalous invectives contrary to his Knowledge and Conscience. But as Mr. H. says, in defence of Mr. Baxter, Some Men have humours and ways of their own. And this, it seems, is the proper humour of that Party; They think with Jonah, they do well to be angry, that God hath spared us so long; and because he suffered their Gourd to spring up and cover their heads for a time, whereof they were exceeding glad, now that he hath suffered a Worm to strike it, and make it whither, and the Wind and the Sun beats on their heads, they are desperately angry for their Gourd, and justify their anger even against God; they do well to be angry even unto death, Jonah 4.9.  
His Treatise of Episcopacy, he says in the Title-page, was meditated 1640. when the etc. Oath was imposed; written 1671. and published 1680. by the call of Mr. H.D. and the importunity of our Superiors, who demanded the reason of our Nonconformity: The design was, the concord of all the Protestants who can never unite in the present impositions, and for necessary reformation of Parish-Churches, and those abuses which else will keep up in all Ages a succession of Nonconformists; and to give an account why we dare not covenant by Oath or Subscription to endeavour the (amending) alteration of the Church-government, etc. (i.e. in plain English) against an Act of Parliament. P. 140. of his Second Part, we have this pathetical Exclamation: Alas Lord, How long shall Christ's enemies (the Bishops) be Pastors of his Flocks? and the seed of the Serpent be the great Instrument that must break the Serpent's head; and the lovers of sin be they that must be the suppressers of it; and those employed to teach in Knowledge, who themselves will not know; and to preach up Holiness, that will not endure it? And p. 124. The truth is, that is an excellent person to us, who is an odious and contemptible person to the Prelates. If he will make the People believe that Presbyterians are Rebels, and Disciplinarians are seditious brainsick fellows, living in Hypocrisy: And that praying without Book, and much preaching, is Fanaticism; and that none are worthy to Preach the Gospel who will not swear to be true to the Prelatical interest: That Drunkenness in a conformable Man is a tolerable infirmity; and that their ignorantest Nonsense is fit to save Souls and edify the Church, than the Labours of the Holy and Learned Non-conformists: That Calvin was a Rogue (as Salmasius said of the Learned Dr. Hammond:) That Cartwright and Amesius were discontented factious Schismatics, unworthy to preach or be endured; this is a Son of the Church, and an excellent Person. P. 213. of the second Part, Confect. 3. He says, That to Swear, Subscribe, etc. That though Millions should swear to endeavour a Reformation of Episcopacy in their Places and Callings by lawful means (which is his addition, there is no obligation lieth on any one of them so to endeavour it) the Lord have mercy on that Land, City, or Soul that is guilty of it. And Consect. 4. All carnal Interest, and all carnal Reason, is on the Diocesans side; and all the lusts of the heart of Man, and consequently all that the Devil can do; and therefore while carnal Christians make a Religion of their Lusts and Interests, and Pride, and Covetousness, and Idleness are more predominant than the fear of God and the love of Souls, no wonder if the Diocesans Cause prevail with such. Consect. 7. Take but from such Prelates the Plumes it hath stolen from Magistrates and Presbyters, and it will be a naked thing and simple name. He says in the Preface, The Sufferers will call the Prelate's Persecutors, Wolves in Sheep's clothing, who are known by their fruits, their teeth and claws. P. 163. part 1. It is the Prelacy that maketh almost all the Sects that be in England this day; (whereas those little Foxes were not heard of until the Wild-boars had broken down the Fences of Episcopacy) and when they see what Ministers, and how many hundred of them are silenced, and what Fellows are set up in their stead, they think they can never ●…y far enough from such Prelates: and we that dwell among them do take them that dislike their course and ways, to be generally the most religious and sober People in the Land, (but I think Mr. Baxter spoke in jest, when he adds) excepting always the King and Parliament. And p. 167, 168. That before the Prelates had again ruled seven years, there were seven and seven against them, for one that was so before: Which is a notorious falsehood, there being a general Conformity until a Toleration was granted. And p. 161. he proclaims thus: I am one of the eighteen hundred that have been silenced by better Authority than the Prelates alone; yet I think I am bound in Conscience to exercise the Ministry which I received, whatever I suffer: and if the Sword straitened me no more than my Conscience of the Bishop's prohibition, I should be very little hindered; for that (saith he) is vanished into Air, p. 163. And so it seems is the power of the Sword too with him: for that he means by better Authority, the Laws established by King and Parliament. And yet this Man had taught other Doctrine: for p. 30. of his first Plea, Princes and Rulers may forbid all that preach Rebellion and Sedition, and punish them if they do it; and may hinder the incorrigible, whose preaching will do more hurt than good, from exercising the Ministry in their Dominions. P. 32. They should see that their Kingdoms be well provided of public Preachers and Catechists, and may be due means compel the ignorant to hear and learn what Christianity is. Sect. 36. They may, when a People's ignorance, faction, or wilfulness make them refuse all that are truly fit for them, urge them to accept the best, and may possess such of the public Temples and Maintenance, and make it the People's duty to consent, as is aforesaid. (No great need then of the People's consent, which Mr. Baxter so much contends for.) Sect. 37. They ought to hinder Preachers from uncharitable and unrighteous railing at each other, and unpeaceable controversies and contentions. And p. 35. sect. 40. They may make their own Officers circa Sacra to execute their Magistratical Power; and if they authorise any particular Bishops or Pastors to exercise any such power as belongs to the Prince to give, not contrary to Christ's Laws, etc. we judge that the Subjects should obey all such even for Conscience sake. P. 117. We deny not (saith he) but if the generality of the Ministry obtain their liberty by some small tolerable sin or error, and the sounder part be few and unnecessary in that Country, prudence obligeth them to go to some other place that needeth them, and never to exercise their Ministry where in true Reason it is like to do more hurt than good. And of this he maketh the Magistrate Judge, p. 265. of his Way of Concord. Yet p. 244. of his Plea, he says, That though the execution of the Laws have cost some excellent Men their lives already, we may know, that no execution short of death or utter disablement, will make the most conscionable forsake their duty. And p. 249. Why we should not speak openly rather than in secret; and what but a Spirit of Envy or Carnal Interest, cross to the interest of Christ, should grudge at such preaching, we cannot tell. Nor can any one reconcile these Contradictions.  
One thing I shall observe from his Church-Historian, mentioned in the Preface, That when Philip Nerius set up his Oratorian Exercises at Rome, it was found necessary (to win the people) to use large, affectionate, extemporate Prayers, Expositions, and Sermons. Yet when the Bishop of Worcester says, This practice was brought into England by the Jesuits, to bring the Liturgy into Contempt, in the Preface to his History of Separation; Mr. Baxter replies, p. 12. That this is a sad saying, and that there is no probability that the Jesuits should be the first setters up of this way in England, (though the Bishop gave two instances of it in Matter of Fact.) And says in the Preface to his second Defence, That the Bishops' Book is made up of three parts: 1. Of untrue Accusations: 2. Untrue historical Citations abundance: 3. Fallacious Reasonings. As if there were not one true word in the whole Book: though even this imitating of Philip Nerius in extemporary Exercises and separate Meetings, is by Mr. Baxter himself paralleled with ours as the Original and Copy, p. 22. of Preface to Mr. Baxter's Now or Never: The Meetings of the Oratorians and their Exercises, are so like those now abhorred by many, etc. Then comes forth his first and second Plea for Peace. Of the first, the Bishop of Worcester says, It seems to be designed on purpose to represent the Clergy of our Church as a company of notorious, lying, perjured Villains, for conforming to the Laws of the Land, and Orders established, with no less than thirty Aggravations of the Sin of Conformity. And Mr. Baxter in his Answer seems to justify it: And with a great deal of vainglory, in the latter end of that Book printeth a complimental Letter sent him from Mr. Glanvil in 1661. to show how he loves the Applause of Men; of which, he says, he had been surfeited with Humane Applause, p. 133. which rather than he would want, he blows a Trumpet himself in another Book called the Only way to Concord, saying in the Preface to Bishop Morley and Bishop Gunning, I am fully persuaded that in this Book I have told you a righter way of Christian Concord, more divine, sure, harmless, and comprehensive, fitted by Christ himself to the interest of all good Men, yea of the Church and all the World. He speaks as if he had gotten an infallible Spirit, and had not only the Presbyter, but the Pope in his belly. Whereas that way of Concord will rather prove a means of perpetuating Discord and Divisions in the Church. In that Book he calls the Bishop's Thorns and Thistles, the Military Instruments of the Devil, and accounts them to be mad Dogs; applying a Welsh Proverb to them, Though thy Dog be thy own, trust him not when he is mad; in the Premonition. He rails at the Laws in a Verse of Ovid: 
Id quod natura a remittit, Invidiè Jura negant.  (After the Contents.)  
The Bishop of Worcester propounded several Concessions to be made for the ease of the Dissenters, viz. The use of the Cross, the Surplice, Kneeling at the Sacrament, etc. (in the close of his Preface;) which Mr. Baxter rejects, saying, That the benefit would redound sibi & suis, (i.e. to the Bishop and his Party) not reaching our necessities, but much better than nothing, p. 21. of his second Defence. Nothing will satisfy him, but the altering the Species of Episcopacy, changing the Liturgy for a Directory, and repealing such Acts of Parliament as were made to secure the Peace of the Nation against such seditious Persons and Practices as had once destroyed it. And p. 84. of his third Defence, part 2. Mr. Baxter threatneth another destruction to it: for comparing the Constitution of our Church to a separating Wall, or dividing thorny Hedge, he professeth, That he (An. 1660.) once made it the most earnest action of his life, to prevent the building of this Wall or Hedge: And adds, I will do the best I can while I live to pull it down. And I believe him: for than he hopes he shall be set up not as a Parochial Bishop, but an Archbishop, succeeding the Apostles in the ordinary Office of Government; or at least as an Officer of the King. And I have heard of a Proposal, that Dr. Owen and Mr. Baxter may be two of the first Archbishops. P. 66. of the last part of that Book, he says, That which hath been the chief cause and engine of Division, will never become the means or terms of concord: but such are the multitude of unnecessary, uncertain, humane Decrees, Laws, and Canons of Faith and Religion, whatever the proud and ignorant say to the contrary. (Yet Solomon said, In the multitude of Counsellors there is safety.) P. 59 In a word (saith he) Councils of Bishops have been but Church Armies, of which at first the Patriarches were Generals, and afterward Popes and Emperors, who fought it out for victory. And p. 71, 72. he condemns the Lutheran and Calvinist, the Erastians' and Behemists, as well as the Diocesan ways of Concord: And adds, What the Independants have done towards Division and Separation, it is in vain in this Age to recite; and many wise Men think that the Presbyterians overviolent rejecting of all Episcopacy, setting up unordained Elders, and National Churches, as headed by National Assemblies, are divisive and unwarrantable, as their making by the Scotch Covenant the renouncing of the Prelacy to be the Test of National Concord also was. What remains then? Nothing but Mr. Baxter's Model is the Only, Only, Only way of Concord: More sure, divine appointed by Christ himself, etc. But where any Person should find that Rule of which Mr. Baxter speaks so confusedly himself, is the great Question; for thus he concludes that Book: 1. Approving the best: 2. Tolerating the tolerable: 3. Sacraments free, and not forced: 4. The intolerable restrained, the Test of Toleration being this: 5. Whether such tolerated Worship do more good or hurt: 6. Magistrates keeping all in peace, would heal us. But alas, Magistrates, Laws, and Power, are resisted: Every Faction count themselves more tolerable than others, yea condemn others as intolerable; and judge of men and things at best, by their agreeing with their own persuasions; and so the Only way of Concord will leave us still in Confusion. Yet Mr. Baxter fearing the Book would fall into the hands of bad Neighbours, he sends it forth with the highest Commendations. In the Preface to his second Defence, I value it (saith he) above all the rest, being assured that the Churches will never otherwise be healed, than by that impartial, sure, and easy Catholic way, which some have reviled, but none since that I know of confuted; nor need they: for it so confutes itself, that there needs no other confutation but the reading of it. Here it is that he calls the Clergy Tyrants, p. 37. Thorns and Thistles, grievous Wolves, and the Military Instruments of the Devil. P. 123. Under the name of Bishops, they are Troublers, Persecutors, and Destroyer's. P. 47. Here he says, That to tell them as Mr. Dodwel doth, that no unlawful thing is imposed, will as much satisfy them, as if he had said that lying, perjury, and deliberately covenanting against God's Precepts, and for corrupting his sacred Doctrine, Worship, and Discipline, are lawful things. P. 9 of his last part, He accounts all Bishops and Pastors that have not the consent of the People, to be Usurpers. And infers, p. 10. If the Temple or Tithes be given to a Priest of Bishop not lawfully called or consented to by the Flock, and another be lawfully called (i.e. by the People) whom the Magistrate casteth out of the Temple and Tithes, it is the People's duty to adhere to him that is justly called; it is not always a duty to adhere to him whom the Magistrate imposeth: the Churches met against the will of the Magistrates above three hundred years. As if our Magistrates were Heathen Persecutors: for Christian Magistrates (he says, p. 143.) must keep peace among all, both approved and tolerated, and not suffer any unpeaceable Preaching or Disputes which tend to destroy Love and Quietness, nor suffer railing Calumnies against each other to be published or printed. Now whether Mr. Baxter's way be the Only way of Concord, or needs any other Confutation, let the Reader judge.  
And such as the Way of Concord, such are the Pleas for Peace, (i.e.) Pleas for Schism and Division, and such Trumpets as give no uncertain sound to a War. For he proclaims the terms for Uniformity to be to them morally impossible, and is grieved that he must set forth an unarmed Defence. He tells the People of many heinous sins in their Conformity, though he had formerly encouraged it, and conformed himself as a Layman. But now Godfathers and Godmothers, the Sign of the Cross, and kneeling at Sacrament, reading the Apocrypha, the Office of Burial, all are offered to the People as sinful; or they are encouraged to think them so: for Mr. Baxter thinks it is a sin in Magistrates to punish them for their Nonconformity. But the great quarrel is against the Laws for Subscription and Renounceing the Covenant, etc. of which he speaks dreadful things; calls them the tearing Engines of the Law; represents the Magistrates as Persecutors, and the Clergy as a company of notorious, lying, and perjured Villains. And tells the Magistrates (in the Epistle, for they were the Legislators) It is now seventeen years since near two thousand Ministers of Christ were by Law forbidden the Exercise of their Office, unless they did conform to Subscriptions, Covenants, Declarations, and Practices which we durst not do, because we feared God. (As if the Magistrates had no fear of God.) The reason of which Impositions, it is God, and not we, must have an account of from the Convocation, etc. By which, etc. he must mean the Lawmakers. He says, He had read the Books written for Conformity, and thinks Mr. Tombs had written more for Anabaptistry, a late Hungarian for Polygamy, many for Drunkenness, Stealing and Lying in case of Necessity, than they for the terms of Conformity, as the Conformists describe them.  
His second Plea is to the same tune: It was published (saith he in the Title Page) to save our lives and the Kingdom's peace from the false and bloody Plotters, who would persuade the King and People that the Non-conformists are Presbyterians and fanatics: And next, that it was such Presbyterians that killed his Father: That our Principles are rebellious, etc. and in the Preface makes this Challenge; I desire those that seek our blood and ruin, to tell me, if they can, what Body or Party of Men on Earth have more sound and loyal Principles of Government and Obedience. He says indeed, p. 109. We are far from designing any abasement of the Clergy; nor do we deny or draw others to deny any due reverence to them; yet he calls the Bishop's Popish Clergymen, Thorns and Thistles, and the Military Instruments of the Devil; and complains of tearing Engines, Goals, starving, and bloody persecution, ruin, and death.  
The very reading of such things are to an ingenuous Person a sufficient Confutation of his Books, which being so many, (for he tells us he hath written Eighty Books, and many of them in the Plural Number, by a consult it seems with the Brotherhood) I am fearful to meddle farther with, lest I should provoke the Legion (as some Learned Men already have) to rend and tear them in pieces. Such a Character as I have begun, if it were drawn by some Person that hath known the Man and his Communication from the beginning of our Wars (for I have discovered no more than what he was pleased to tell the World in his Writings) would be more effectual to silence and shame him, than all the Laws of the Land, or all the Arguments of his Learned Adversaries, how cogent soever: for he is resolved as long as he lives to have the last word, and to answer all that shall be said against him with downright railing Exclamations to the People, sophistical Evasions, and rather than fail, with plain Self-contradictions. And of late days his wont is to confute his Adversaries as a young Scholar did Bellermine in one word, Mentiris. But if contradictio sit oppositionum Maxima, (as Mr. Baxter grants) there is not a more common Liar than he, who hath beyond any other so frequently and flatly contradicted himself (for of contradictory Propositions, if the one be true, the other is false, i.e. a lie.) And this being another fit medium to confute many of his Writings, I may, if occasion serve, make up one Volume more of Mr. Baxter's Works, such, as though he be able to split a hair, he shall never be able to reconcile. Sir Roger L'Estrange hath given an Essay how far Richard differs from Baxter. So did the Reflector on his Sacrilegious Desertion; and though but in a few Particulars, yet it put him to a Nonplus, and set him a whining, saying, I can reconcile my own words, though he cannot: And all is not contradiction which Men that understand not words think so, p. 148. of his third Defence. And p. 151. I never taught Mr. L'Estrange to understand my Writings; but I can reconcile more than he can: as if they understood not the difference between a Negative and Affirmative Proposition. So that considering with what Contumely, instead of Argument, he hath answered the Bishop of Worcester, I think no discreet Man will trouble himself to answer his Impertinences. The Impleader of his first and second Plea, answered all that was considerable in those Books, and reflected on his Book of Concord and Prognostication; who returns scarce any thing but a Mentiris, even sometimes when the Impleader repeated Mr. Baxter's own words. The Impleader answered that bold Challenge of Mr. Baxter in his second Plea, to show what Party of Men were of more sound Judgement than the Non-conformists in point of Obedience, p. 72. shows who were Presbyterians, who began the War, who killed the Royal Martyr: on what rebellious Principles they went, and who are plotting a Rebellion: of what dangerous consequence his immoral Prognostication is like to be. Which things Mr. Baxter takes notice of in his third Defence, but in all haste seeks to evade them, and complains p. 146. of his third Defence, that the Impleader rakes up the actions of the evil Civil War, as if that were any thing to the present Cause; that he heaps up abundance of untruths: that he had fully confuted them before; and then takes up an Exclamation, O miserable World! where the very Preachers of Holiness, Love, and Peace, go on to the Grave and Judgement, and Eternity, fight against Holiness, Love, and Peace. And whether Mr. Baxter be one of that number, let the Reader Judge.  
If any shall demand to what purpose I have collected all this? I should not have presumed to give such an Answer as Mr. Baxter hath prompted, p. 151. of his third Defence, To show whether I be not a giddy, mutable, self-contradicting Fool and Knave. I should only have inferred, that notwithstanding all his Pretences to Piety and Peace, he may probably have some evil Designs against both; for the Things related are mostly Matters of Fact, recorded by his own hand; and therefore I hope his seduced Followers will consider to what manner of Guide they have committed the conduct of their Souls; and what probability there is of gathering Grapes from such Thorns. And because by the mouth of two or three Witnesses every thing is established, I shall conclude with the Testimony of two or three credible Persons of his own Fraternity: The first is Mr. Herle, a noted Presbyterian, who, as Mr. Bagshaw reports, said of Mr. Baxter, That it had been happy for the Church of God if Mr. Baxter 's Friends had never sent him to School. The second is Mr. Cawdry, who was of the same Opinion. And he mentions a third Person, as knowing in the Mystery of Godliness as either of them, who said, That notwithstanding the great noise raised about Mr. Baxter, he would end in flesh and blood. But these Testimonies are nothing to that whereby the great Judge, before whom he hath so often Summoned others, will sentence him ex ore suo.  
If any think Mr. Baxter is too severely handled, let him consider it is by a Rod of his own making, though it be smartly applied; and that though he be a thousand times more obnoxious than the worst of those Bishops whom he so Calumniates, yet hath he spoken maliciously and falsely of them; which the Collector hath not done by him. The best is, the words of such a scandalous Person will not be taken as a blot. And I desire my conforming Brethren not to be troubled at the Rail or Reproaches of this Zealot; and that they would forbear troubling him, who, as he saith, hath been a dying Man almost these forty years. And though I never spoke nor thought half so ill of him, as he hath recorded of himself; yet I shall charitably hope and pray, That if he live to see himself in this his own Glass, he will yet at last repent of those Sins which he cannot but condemn as very heinous and dangerous in the sight of God and Man. I shall be so charitable as to propose a method to ease him from one great fear. Mr. Baxter seems much troubled to think that his Adversaries may have the last word of him. Now I perceive that Mr. Hicringle by opposing the Bishop of Worcester, hath ingratiated himself with Mr. Baxter, 
Preface to Second Defence.  of whom he doth not come much short in confident boasting of himself. It is a difficult matter to infuse to him the Art of Defining and Distinguishing, by which Mr. Baxter is able to evade any Argument: But this defect may be supplied, if Mr. Baxter bequeath him his Eighty Books, and enjoin him especially to study his Arguments for Separation, and the heinous sins of Conformity, which he shall find often repeated, and to apply them on all occasions. But let him not do as in his Naked Truth, conceal the Name of his Benefactor, but quote him totidem verbis; and so Mr. Baxter may have the last word as long as the Faction continueth. But if this fear be thus removed, I question whether a greater will not follow (viz.) of being like Jeroboam, who having set up Calves at Dan and Bethel in opposition to the established Worship, is recorded to have made Israel to sin, not in his life-time only, but long after his death: and how dreadful the final Sentence of such a one may be, I commend to Mr. Baxter's most serious Meditations. But if Mr. Baxter, who so solemnly citys others to Judgement, continueth to go on impenitently to that dreadful day, I shall yet pray for him as he doth for the Conformists, Lord have mercy on him. And because I doubt not but his Friends and Disciples will raise a Monument to perpetuate the Memory of their Master, I shall commend this Characteristical epitaph.  

Hic jacet RICHARDUS BAXTER, 
 Theologus Armatus, 
 Loiolita Reformatus, 
 Haeresiarcha Aerianus, 
 Schismaticorum Antisignanus: 
 Cujus pruritus disputandi peperit, 
 Scriptitandi Cacoethes nutrivit, 
 Praedicandi zelus intemperatus maturavir 
 ECCLESIAE SCABIEM, 
 Qui dissentitab iis quibuscum consentitmaximè: 
 Tum sibi cùm aliis Nonconformis 
 Praeteritis, praesentibus, & futuris: 
 Regum & Episcoporum Juratus Hostis: 
 Ipsumque Rebellium Solennae foedus. 
 Qui natus erat per Septuaginta Annos, 
 Et Octoginta Libros. 
 Ad perturbandas Regni Respublicas, 
 Et ad bis perdendam Ecclesiam Anglicanan 
 Magnis tamen excidit ausis.  
Deo Gratias.     

REFLECTIONS ON Some Material Passages.  
First concerning the Marquis Antrim.  
MR. Baxter had related in his Penitent Confession, N. 22. That he had read the King's Letter in Spain to the Pope, promising to venture Crown and Life for the Union of Christian Churches, including the Roman; and whether it be true, as the Scots say, That the King put the Broad Seal to a Commission for the Irish Rebellion, he determines not; but it's past doubt, that the Marquis of Antrim had his Commission, (if Mr. Baxter means that he had a Commission) for the Irish Rebellion in the first Insurrection; yet he himself says, That if a Subject had seen such a Commission, he was bound not to believe that the King was the Author of it, p. 16. of second Plea for Peace. What ground then had he for his confidence, that Sir Philem O Neale had such a Commission as was boasted of? But the Cheat was undeniably proved; but Antrim's Commission was not heard of till after the end of the War; and then there appeared no Evidence of it; nor do we find it mentioned in any History of that War. I shall therefore set before the Reader Mr. Baxter's Relation of that pretended Commission, and then show that his presumption could have no other ground, but his vile Opinion that the Royal Martyr was a Papist, as he maliciously represents him; or from the Relation of Ludlow, or some other of the Regicides in that Scandalous Pamphlet, which is Mr. Baxter's chief Authority, called Murder will out.  
That I may clear the Prejudice of such Readers as are too ready to give Credit to this Relation of Mr. Baxter, I desire them to take notice that this Commission to Antrim is pretended to be granted to authorise that Insurrection of the Irish, wherein Two hundred-thousand Protestants were massacred; which, if it had been true, how vainly and foolishly did Sir Phelim O Neale act in Counterfeiting another Commission, and pleading that to countenance their Rebellion, if they had an Authentic one? Had Antrim such a Commission, and never made it known to Sir Phelim O Neale, or to the Lord Muskerry and Mackguire? Or if these Men had known of such a Commission, would not they, or one of them, at least have confessed it when their Lives and Estates were offered them upon that Condition before their Execution? And did not all three deny that they knew of any Commission from the King, or that he was privy to their Rising? How then is Mr. Baxter past doubt, that the Marquis of Antrim had that King's Commission? which he aggravates as followeth.  
I had forgotten one Passage in the former War of great remark, which put me into an amazement. 
Part 3. of Mr. Baxter's Life, p. 83.  The Duke of Ormond and Council had the Cause of the Marquis of Antrim before them, who had been one of the Irish Rebels in the beginning of that War when two hundred thousand Protestants were murdered.  
His Estate being sequestered, he sought Restitution of it when Charles the Second was restored. Ormond and the Council judged against him as one of the Rebels. He brought his Cause over to the King, and affirmed that what he did was by his Father's Consent and Authority. The King referred it to some worthy Members of his Privy Council to examine what he had to show. Upon Examination they reported, that they found that he had the King's Consent, or Letter of Instructions for what he did; which amazed many. Hereupon his Majesty, Charles the Second, wrote to the Duke of Ormond and Council, to restore his Estate, because it appeared that what he did was by his Father's Order or Consent.  
Whereupon the Parliaments old Adherents grew more confident than ever of the righteousness of their Wars: And the very Destroyer's of the King, whom the first Parliamentarians called Rebels, did presume also to justify their Cause, and said, That the Law of Nature did warrant them.  
But it stopped not here, for the Lord Mazarine, and others of Ireland, did so far prosecute the Cause, as that the Marquis of Antrim was forced to produce, in the Parliament of England, in the House of Commons, a Letter of King Charles the First's, by which he gave him Order for his taking up Arms; which being read in the House, put them into a silence: But yet so egregious was their Loyalty and Veneration of Majesty, that it put them not at all one step out of the way which they had gone in. But the People without doors talked strangely: Some said, Did you not persuade us that the King was against the Irish Rebellion? And that the Rebels belied him, when they said they had his Warrant or Commission? Do we not now see with what mind he would have gone himself with an Army into Ireland to fight against them?  
A great deal more, not here to be mentioned, was vended seditiously among the People; the sum of which was intimated in a Pamphlet which was printed, called, Murder will out; in which they published the King's Letter, and Animadversions on it. Some that were still Loyal to the King, did wish that the King that now is, had rather declared that his Father did only give the Marquis of Antrim Commission to raise an Army, as to have helped him against the Scots; and that his turning against the English Protestants in Ireland, and the murdering so many hundred thousands there, was against his will; but quod scriptum erat, scriptum erat. Although the old Parliamentarians expounded the Actions and Declarations, both of the then King and Parliament, by the Commentary of this Letter, yet so did not the Loyal Royalists; or at least thought it no reason to make any change in their Judgements, or stop in their Proceed against the English Presbyterians, and other Nonconformable Protestants.  
Mr. Baxter adds in the Margin, We are not meet Judges of the Reasons of our Superiors Actions, p. 83. part 3. of Mr. Baxter's Life. By which he seemeth to intimate that the Matter of Fact, how odiously and maliciously soever reported by him, is true; but he leaves it to others to consider and judge of the Reasons of it. He might with much more Ingenuity and Candour have practised himself that Advice which he gives to others in the second part of the Non-conformists Plea for Peace, p. 16. That if Subjects saw a Commission under the Broad Seal to seize the Guards, destroy the Kingdom, or deliver it to Foreigners, they were bound to judge that the King was not the Author of that Commission. Subjects should not have ill thoughts of Kings; though they be sinful, their Faults are neither to be aggravated nor divulged. This is good Advice, and would have utterly destroyed the pretence of Sir Phelim O Neale, and those bloody Papists that joined with him in that execrable Massacre, for which they pretended a Commission under the Broad Seal; whereas it appeared that the Broad Seal then in Scotland, 
See Burlace's Hist. of that War, p. 29. part 2.  had not been applied to any Commission or Patent in some months before the date of that pretended Commission. And the Forgery plainly appeared at the Trial of Sir Phelim O Neale, who, at his Trial, and also at his Execution, though he was offered Pardon for Life, and Restitution of his Estate, if he would own that he had a Commission from the King to Authorise what he had done, he affirmed constantly, That he had no such Commission from the King, nor was his Majesty privy to their Insurrection. This Relation is attested by Dr. Ker Dean of Ardah, who was present at his Trial and Execution, and affirms the same in a Letter printed Febr. 28. 1681. a Copy of which I shall give you when I have told another part of his Confession, viz. That he having found a Patent of the Lord Caulfield's, when he seized on Charlemount-Castle, to which the Broad Seal was annexed, he caused a Commission to be drawn agreeable to his own purpose, and caused that Broad Seal to be affixed to it, and so gave it out that he had the King's Commission for what he did.  
Now for the further clearing of the Royal Martyr from this foul Imputation, it will appear that he had Intelligence from abroad, that great Companies of Priests and Soldiers were from several Countries hastening into Ireland; and that others from Ireland held Correspondence with divers Soldiers of that Nation then in Foreign Service, which gave Suspicion that there would be some Trouble in that Nation: whereupon his Majesty, in a Letter drawn by Sir Henry Vane, and sent to the Lords Justices in that Kingdom, charged them with great Care and Diligence to secure themselves against what was likely to happen; a Copy whereof is subjoined.  
DR. John Ker of Ardagh, being present in the Court in Dublin when Sir Phelim O Neale was Tried and Examined about a Commission, which, as was said, he had from Charles Stuart, for levying the War in Ireland, did testify that the said Sir Phelim O Neale answered, That he never had any such Commission; and that it being proved in Court by Joseph Travers and others, that the said Sir Phelim had such Commission, and did show it unto the said Joseph and others in the beginning of the Irish Rebellion; the said Sir Phelim confessed, That when he surprised the Castle of Charlemount, that he ordered one Mr. Harrison and another Gentleman to cut off the King's Broad Seal from a Patent of the Lord Caulfield's which he found in Charlemount, and to affix it to a Commission which Sir Phelim had ordered to be drawn. And the said Mr. Harrison did, in the face of the whole Court, confess that by Sir Phelim's order he did stitch the silk Cord or Label of that Seal, and fixed the Label and Seal to the said Commission. And the Court urging the said Sir Phelim to declare, why he did so deceive the People; he answered, That no Man could blame him to use all means to promote the Cause he had so far engaged in. And upon the second day of his Trial, some of the Judges told him, That if he could produce any material proof that he had such a Commission from Charles Stuart, to declare and prove it before Sentence had passed against him, that he the said Sir Phelim should be restored his Estate and Liberty. But he answered, That he could prove no such thing: Nevertheless they gave him time to consider of it till the next day; upon which day, Sir Phelim being urged again by the Court, he declared again That he never could prove any such thing; and that he could not in Conscience calumniate the King, though he had been frequently solicited thereunto by fair Promises and great Rewards while he was in Prison. And proceeding further in this discourse, he was stopped before he had ended what he had to say: And the Sentence of Death was pronounced against him.  
And the said Dr. Ker further declares, That he was very near the said Sir Phelim when he was upon the Ladder at his Execution, and that one Marshal Peak, and another Marshal, before the said Sir Phelim was cast off, came riding towards the place in great haste, and cried aloud, Stop a little: and having passed the Throng of Spectators, one of them whispered with the said Sir Phelim; and the said Sir Phelim answered in the hearing of several hundreds, of whom I was one, I thank the Lieutenant-General for his intended mercy; but I declare before God and his holy Angels, and all you that hear me, that I never had any Commission from the King for what I have done in Levying or Prosecution of this War, and do hearty beg your pardon, etc. To the Testimony whereof the said Dr. Ker did subscribe his Seal Febr. 28. Anno Dom. 1681.  
Sir Henry Vane's Letter to the Lords Justices concerning some Informations of Danger in Ireland.  
Right Honourable,  
HIS Majesty hath commanded me to acquaint your Lordships, with an Advice given him from abroad, and confirmed by his Ministers in Spain and elsewhere, which in this Distempered Time and Conjuncture of Affairs deserves to be seriously considered, and an especial Care and Watchfulness to be had therein: which is, That of late there have passed from Spain (and the like may well have been from other parts) an unspeakable number of Irish Churchmen for England and Ireland, and some good old Soldiers under pretext of ask leave to raise Men for the King of Spain; whereas it is observed, among the Irish Friars there, a Whisper runs, as if they expected a Rebellion in Ireland, and particularly in Connaught. Wherefore his Majesty thought sit to give your Lordships this Notice, that in your Wisdoms you might manage the same with that dexterity and secrecy, as to discover and prevent so pernicious a Design, if any such there should be, and to have a watchful Eye on the Proceed and Actions of those who come thither from abroad, on what pretext soever. And so herewith I rest,  
Your Lordship's most humble Servant Henry Vane. Whitehall, March 16. 1640.  
The Original Letter was found among the Papers of Sir John Parsons, one of the Lords Justices.  
Moreover, Archbishop Usher saw a Letter of the King's own Writing to the Lords Justices to the same purpose about the same time, as he affirmed to Bp. Hacket, who relates the thing in the Life of Archbishop Williams, part 2. p. 19 So that there can be no colour of his Majesty's designing such an Insurrection, against which he often repeated his Solemn Protestations, published Declarations, and made many Overtures to the Parliament of England for the Suppression of that Rebellion, concerning which his Meditations in the Twelfth Chapter of his Book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he says enough to satisfy any but an Infidel: as first, That the Sea of Blood which had been there barbarously and cruelly shed, was enough to drown any Man in eternal infamy and misery, whom God should find the malicious Author or Instigator of its effusion; and that there was nothing that could be more abhorring to him, being so full of sin against God, disloyalty to himself, and destructive to his Subjects.  
Yet some Men, saith he, took it very ill not to be believed, that what the Irish Rebels did was by my privity at least, if not by my Commission: But these knew too well, that it is no news for some of my Subjects to fight, not only without my Commission, but against my Command and Person too, and yet to pretend they fight by my Authority, and for my Safety. But as I have no Judge but God above me, so I can have comfort to appeal to his Omniscience. Which he doth with this Imprecation in a Soliloquy immediately following, in these words: If I have desired or delighted in the woeful day of my Kingdoms Calamities; if I have not earnestly studied, and faithfully endeavoured the preventing and composing of these bloody Distractions; then let thy hand be against me and my Father's house. And the Restoration of his Son in so wonderful a manner, seems strongly to assert the Father's Innocency.  
The beginning and progress of that barbarous Massacre, will appear in divers Authentic Papers in Mr. Nalson's Collection, part 2. p. 543. But I need mention no more concerning the King's obstinate aversion to Popery, than what he says in the following Letter to the Heads of the Popish Party.  
A Letter by the King's Order to the Lord Muskerry, etc.  
HE tells the Rebels— Your Party it seems is not satisfied with the utmost that his Majesty can grant in Matters of Religion, that is, the taking away the Penal Laws against Roman Catholics in that Kingdom; and his Majesty hears that you insist upon the Demands of Churches for the Public Exercise of your Religion, which is the occasion that his Majesty hath commanded me to write thus frankly unto you, and to tell you, That he cannot believe it possible that rational and prudent Men (had there been no Professions made to the contrary) can insist upon that, which must needs be so destructive to his Majesty at the present, and to yourselves in the consequences of his Ruin. Wherefore my Lords and Gentlemen, to disabuse you, I am commanded by his Majesty to declare unto you, That were the condition of his Affairs much more desperate than it is, he would never redeem them by any Concession of so much wrong, both to his Honour and Conscience. It is for the defence of Religion principally that he hath undergone the Extremities of War here, and he will never redeem his Crown by sacrificing it there. So that to deal clearly with you, as you may be happy yourselves, and be happy Instruments of his Majesty's Restoring, if you will be contented with Reason, and give him that speedy assistance which you well may; so if nothing will content you but what must wound his Honour and Conscience, you must expect that, how low soever his Condition is, and how detestable soever the Rebels of this Kingdom are to him, he will in that point join with them the Scots, or any of the Protestant profession, rather than do the least act that may hazard that Religion, in which and for which he will live and die. Having said thus much, by his Majesty's command, I have no more to add, but that I shall think myself very happy if this take any such effect as may tend to the Peace of that Kingdom, and make me  
Your affectionate humble Servant. Cardiff, Aug. 1. 1845.  
This Lord also, at the time of his Execution, did most solemnly, as he hoped for Salvation, declare the King's Innocency as to that War.  
When the Reader hath seriously considered the import of this Letter, I earnestly entreat him to read the second Meditation of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, relating to the Death of the Earl of Strafford, and I dare appeal to his Conscience, of what quality soever he be, whether it were morally possible for such a Person who so passionately, and for many years till his very death almost, daily bewailed his constrained and unwilling assent to his death, to have a Conscience so seared and void of all sense, as in case he had been wilfully and designedly guilty of promoting and maintaining that barbarous War, wherein as well the Blood of those that fought under my Lord Ormond by his undoubted Commission, as of those that fought against him by a falsely pretended one, might justly have been charged on him, if that pretence had been true, to have lived about Seven years, and died without any regret of Conscience for so much Bloodguiltiness.  

Bishop Hacket's Testimony on July 24. 1654.  
AT Rigate in Surry I had conference about this Defamation with that excellent Primate of Armagh, saith he, Stop their mouths with this that I shall faithfully tell you. Sir Will. Parsons, our Chief Justice, was much entrusted with the King's Affairs in Ireland; he deceasing, his Friends sent his Papers to me. In his Cabinet I found a Letter written by the King, to warn him to look well to the meetings of the Popish Irish, for he had received certain Intelligence out of Spain, that they were upon some great Design of Blood and Confusion, etc. I was so scrupulbus, saith Bishop Hacket, to forget nothing of this Relation, that before I stirred, I wrote down the speaker, the words, the place, the year and day. Page 197. part 2. of Archbishop Williams 's Life.   
There needs nothing more to be said of Mr. Baxter's being past doubt that Antrim had the King's Commission for the Irish first Insurrection, than what the King replied to that virulent Remonstrance of no farther Addresses, p. 289. of the King's Works, printed 1662. That if the Irish Rebellion can be justly charged on the King, than I shall not blame any for believing all the rest of the Allegations against him.  
The Regicides in the last Charge against the King, did not impute to him any hand in the first Insurrection in Ireland; but only his continuing Commissions to the Prince and other Rebels, and to the Earl of Ormond, and to the Irish Rebels and Revolters associated with him. Mr. Baxter it seems could have proved much more, that he gave a Commission to Antrim for that War, wherein two hundred thousand Protestants were slain.  
I am not so well read in the managing of that War, as to find Antrim named, either as Commander, Counsellor, or Confederate, until the Cessation was treated of July 19, 1643. and the first public Employment of Antrim was his being sent with Muskerry into France to the Queen, when the Confederate Papists were in a low Condition, to desire her and the Prince to compassionate them, and restore them to their Protection, making many Protestations of their Duty, and applying themselves to his Majesty's Service; but this was when the King was in Prison; and what they promised for the King's Service, or what they performed, we find not. See Burlace's Hist. p. 119.  
His Majesty's Answer to the two Papers concerning Ireland, delivered by the Parliaments Commissioners at Uxbridge, which is to be seen, p. 553. in his Works, do abundantly justify the Cessation of Arms made with the Irish by Ormond.  
The Letter of Charles the Second, printed in the Pamphlet called Truth brought to Light, which I suppose is the same in that other Pamphlet, called Murder will out; says— Our Referrees report that they have seen several Letters of our Royal Father's hand writing, and several Instructions to the said Marquis concerning his treating and joining with the Irish in order to the King's Service, by reducing them to their Obedience, and by drawing some Forces to them for the service of Scotland; and that besides the Letters under the King's hand, they had sufficient Evidence and Testimony of several private Messages and Instructions from our Royal Father, and from our Royal Mother, (N.B. This was probably in 1648. when the King was like to be murdered, for than we find Antrim and Muskerry were with the Queen and Prince in France) with the privity and direction of the King our Father. So that this was done to reduce the Papists to Obedience, and to draw some Forces for his Service, he being then in Extremity. Supposing then that all this were true, of which I doubt, because Antrim still adhered to the Pope's Nuncio, and opposed Ormond; who can justly blame the King for employing and interfering one Rebel against another to save his Life. To conclude, although the Protestations of Sir Phelim O Neale, Muskerry, and Mackguire, at the time of their deaths, denying that they knew of any Commission of the King's for raising or countenancing that Irish Insurrection, when if they had owned it they might have saved their Lives and Estates, and the Regicides could not mention it in their Charge at his Trial, be a sufficient Evidence of the King's Innocency, yet his Majesty's frequent Asseverations, solemn Imprecations, and dying Protestations, make it past doubt, that Marquis Antrim had not a Commission from Charles the First for raising or encouraging that bloody War, wherein Two hundred thousand Protestants were murdered.  
When I first read this Relation of Mr. Baxter's, it called to my mind that which the present Bishop of Worcester said concerning him, That he would die leaving his sting in the wounds of the Church; which he hath verifed in the History of his Life. And I may add, That he hath poured forth the very bottom of his Gaul to blacken the Memory of the Royal Martyr. I cannot therefore let it pass without some Remarks upon it.  
And first, I considered what Authority he had for this Report, and I found in the Margin that he quoted only a Pamphlet called Murder will out; which was a scurrilous Libel, written, as is believed, by the infamous Ludlow, who was one of the King's Judges. Now to give some colour to this Pamphlet, Mr. Baxter bestows Notes of Admiration, as that it is of great remark, and put him into Amazement, and he seems to wonder how he should forget it in his former Relation of that War. The Substance of the Relation is, That Antrim's Estate being sequestered when Charles the Second was restored; and that having applied himself to Ormond, and the Council in Ireland, they judged against him as a Rebel; so that in all probability he had no Order or Commission from Charles the First to produce: but coming into England, he pleads to Charles the Second, that he had his Father's Consent and Authority. For proof whereof the King referred his Cause to some of his Privy Council, who, on Examination, found that he had his Fathers the King's Consent. But none besides, Mr. Baxter says the Letters were a Commission for the first rising; and probably the Plea which Antrim then made, was grounded upon some Order which he had received from Charles the First while confined, or from King Charles the Second whilst he was yet but Prince of Wales: for by Burlace's Relation, p. 199. the Confederate Catholics being distressed by their Enemies, they sent Antrim and Muskerry to the Queen and the Prince in France, to take Compassion of their miserable Condition: and both the Queen and Prince told them, That they would shortly send a Person qualified to treat with them, who should have power to give them whatever was requisite to their Security and Happiness. And they returned to Ireland well satisfied with what was then granted them, which probably was very large, the Prince being then wholly at his Mother's dispose; and how far the King might remember what Orders and Concessions he had made them at that time, or some time afterwards, this was that which prevailed for the restoring of Antrim to his Estate, and not any Order from K. Charles the First. But here it is to be noted, that these things were transacted in the Year 1648. when the King was a close Prisoner, and therefore no Commission could be had from him; much less is it like that he had given Antrim a Commission in the beginning of that War which was in 41, which was denied by Sir Phelim O Neale, and the Lords Mackguire and Muskerry, at their several Executions, and was never pretended by any of the leading Papists in their Declarations or Confessions. Or if they had pretended any such Order or Commission, who could believe any reality or truth in it, when it is most certain, that the King did commission the Noble Ormond, as his Lord Deputy, to manage that War for his Protestant Subjects against those bloody Rebels, which continued for several years; which, as the good King complains in that Twelfth Chapter of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, were to represent him to the World as a Cyclopic Monster, whom nothing would serve to eat and drink but the Flesh and Blood of his own Subjects,  
Mr. Baxter adds, That Antrim was forced to produce in Parliament a Letter of King Charles the First, by which he gave him order to take up Arms. Mr. Baxter is the first that I have heard or read to mention this particular, and by the event it appears, that either there was never such a Letter produced, or what he pretended to be the King's Order and Instructions, was not for raising the first War, (for then doubtless some of that Parliament, who had engaged against the King in the late War, would have been loud and clamorous enough, but they were all silent, and went not a step out of their way) but a Cessation being agreed on, some of the Popish Party being beaten, and in fear of utter ruin, thought it more eligible to join themselves with my Lord Ormond, than become a Prey to the Parliaments Army, who were resolved on their utter Extirpation. This was in the Year 1648. and then, for aught I know, he might have something to plead for himself with Charles the Second. I remember that there was a Case brought into the House of Peers, between the Lord of Ormond and the Lord of Anglesey, wherein the former was Accused by the latter for the Cessation of Arms made by him, and his joining with some of the Papists, wherein the Lord of Ormond was acquitted by his Peers. I have not the Case by me, but it will give much light to this Affair.  
All the talk without doors, which Mr. Baxter says was murmured by the People, was probably the scandalous Suggestion of his inveterate Malice to that good King, against whom he had been an active Enemy during that War; and would now justify himself and others upon this late and false pretence, That the King gave his Commission to Antrim for that Insurrection, wherein Two hundred thousand were slain.  
But that the Veracity of Mr. Baxter in relating of History may appear, I will set before the Reader one notorious Instance which he produceth, p. 199. of the third part of his Life, in these words— Many French Ministers sentenced to death and banishment, came hither for refuge, and the Churchmen relieve them not, because they are not for English Diocesans and Conformity. Where I shall take notice of the gross falsehood of first the Matter of Fact; and secondly, of the Reason and Occasion of it.  
First, As to Matter of Fact, viz. That the Churchmen did not relieve those French Ministers, who being Sentenced to Death and Banishment, fled hither for refuge; this is so loud a Lie as needs no Bell to proclaim it. The Matter of Fact is so notoriously evident to the contrary of what Mr. Baxter reports, that almost every Churchman in England can disprove it. The Reverend Bishop of London did most affectionately compassionate their Case, and made competent provision for a great number of them, as tenderly as a Father could do for his Children. He sent down some into every Diocese of the Province of Canterbury, with earnest desire to the several Bishops to provide for them; in order whereto, several of those distressed Ministers were fixed in beneficial Curacies. The Register for the Bishop of Exon hath Recorded the several Names of such French Ministers as were Ordained by him to Exercise their Ministry in the places hereafter mentioned. Mr. Johannis Jacobus Mauzino was Ordained Presbyter to Officiate at Barnstable, March 22. 1685. Mr. Jacobus Sanxay Ordained Presbyter, and settled in the Parish-Church of St. Olaves Exon. Mr. Johannis Calvetus and Mr. Johannis Guardian Giury were both Ordained Presbyters. Mr. Daniel Cauniers was Ordained Presbyter, and Inducted to a competent Benefice called East-Budly in Devon, May 25. 1686. Mr. Peter Pabouleus was Ordained and Settled at Falmouth. Mr. Andrew Coyaldus de Sante Ordained and Settled at Darmouth. Mr. Lodovicus Beenaudea● Ordained and Settled at Biddiford. Divers others, who had been Ordained at London, were sent hither and provided for. But how great the number was which were Settled in and about London, and other Dioceses, is too large to be inserted here. Therefore Mr. Baxter's Affirmation, That the Church men relieved them not, is notoriously false, and a Scandalum Magnatum.  
Secondly, Nor is the Reason which he gives for their not relieving them less scandalous; for it was, saith Mr. Baxter, because they were not for English Diocesans nor Conformity: whereas all the Persons , did submit to Episcopal Ordination, and declared their Conformity; which accordingly they did practise in their several Congregations, having the English Liturgy translated into French for that purpose. Can Mr. Baxter have discovered so gross a falsehood in any Writing of a Conformist, he would have branded it with all the Notes of Infamy that his snarling Rhetoric and Malice could have invented. But I shall make only this Reflection upon it, viz. That this Calumny is one of the last Periods in the close of his written Life, which once more called to my remembrance what the Bishop of Worcester said of Mr. Baxter, That he would die leaving his sting in the wounds of the Church.  
But where went the Charity of Mr. Baxter and those liberal Friends who made him their Almoner? He tells us, That this did begin and end at home to help the silenced Ministers and the Poor. Such Poor probably as frequented their Conventicles; for these are every where the Objects of the Presbyterian Charity; though none boast more that they are Men of Catholic and Universal Charity. But it was particularly designed to increase the number of such as followed them for their Loaves. Had any Man the opportunity to inspect the Subscriptions of the several Bishops, Deans and Chapters, and other Dignitaries of the Church, as also of both the Universities, towards the Relief of the Refugees, he may find not only a bountiful Supply for the present, but Provision made for their future Subsistance, as Brethren, and professed Members of the same Church, with us who want not the countenance or encouragement of the Conforming Clergy to this day.  
My great Age and Infirmities (being now within one year as old as Mr. Baxter was at the time of his death) do enforce me to omit many other Remarks of Pride, Hypocrisy, and Contradictions, which he that runs may read in this and other Writings of our Author, which I leave to the Observation of such as better knew the Man and his Communication, and shall make only this one Reflection more on his partiality in censuring the Conformists and Non-conformists of all sorts and degrees.  
And first, the Reader may see his hyperbolical Commendations of his Nonconforming Brethren, from p. 90. to p. 99 of his Life, where he gives the Character of such of the Eighteen hundred silenced Ministers as were his Neighbours, not speaking by hearsay but personal acquaintance, which were between Forty and Fifty, besides many whom he had forgotten; and about Forty London Ministers, with Fifteen Independants; and others of several parts that were Fellow-sufferers with himself. All which, if they deserved the Titles which he gives them, he might have Canonised them as Saints in Heaven, on better grounds than he hath done by Brooks, Pym, and White in his Saints Everlasting Rest.  
As to the Lay-brethrens of the Separation, he gives the pre-eminence to those of his own Flock at Kidderminster: And p. 85. part 1. he says, Some of the poor Men did competently understand the Body of Divinity, and were able to judge in difficult Controversies; and so able in Prayer, that few Ministers did match them in order and fullness, in apt Expressions and holy Oratory with fervency. And of Six hundred Communicants, which Mr. Baxter had there, he says, there were not above Twelve of whom he had not good hopes of their Sincerity. And this he imputes to his own Labours; For before I came thither, there was about one Family in a Street that worshipped God, and called on his Name; but before I came away, there was not passed one Family in the side of a Street that did not so, p. 88, 89. And he adds this reason of their proficiency, That being Weavers, they could set a Book before them, standing in their Looms, and edify one another by reading or talking. Of such Tradesmen and Freeholders, he says, that they are the strength of Religion and Civility in the Land; though such made up the Mob which begun and continued our Wars, and destroyed our Religion by dividing it into innumerable Sects and Factions. So that Mr. Edward's observed in his Gangreena, that in the space of four years after that Episcopacy was laid aside, there were more Heresies started in this Land, than had been known in the Universal Church from the foundation thereof.  
As to his Censures of such as lived in Conformity to the established Religion, he is as impartial as Death, condemning them all as a profane and persecuting Generation, in a Book called Cain and Abel: How he hath branded the best of our Kings and the Clergy, hath been already shown: How he Censures the Parliament and their Laws, which he calls the tearing Engines that woried Two thousand Ministers, casting them out of their Possessions into Poverty and Prisons to starve and pine away; and for imposing such Oaths, Subscriptions and Declarations, as any Man that feared God could not comply with, is such a Common Place, that I wonder it was no more taken notice of.  
After this Censure of the Parliament, Mr. Baxter speaks of the Nobility and Gentry in general, p. 134. where he saith, I more than ever lament the unhappiness of the Nobility and Gentry, and great Ones of the World, who live in such temptations to Sensuality, Curiosity, and Wasting of Time about a multitude of little things, whose Lives ●…re too often a Transcript of the Sins of Sodom, Pride, Fullness of Bread, and abundance of Idleness, and want of Compassion to the Poor. And p. 89. That Gentlemen and Beggars and Servile Tenants are the strength of Iniquity in the Land; though it was not very civil to put the Beggar on the Gentleman, yet it was much worse to join them in the Bonds of Iniquity, and make the Comparison between them and the Tradesmen so odious, that these are reputed the strength of Religion and Civility; but the Gentry and their Tenants and Beggars, the strength of Iniquity. And he instanceth in Sir R. Clare and Sir John Packington, who much hindered his Success in gathering Proselytes in Kidderminster. He gives this Character of Sir R. Clare, p. 94. part 1. That he was an old Man of great Courtship and Civility, very temperate as to Diet, Apparel, and Sports; seldom swore any louder than by his troth; one that shown him much personal reverence and respect beyond his deserts, and conversed with love and familiarity. One that sent his Family to be Catechised and personally Instructed, which swayed with the worst among that People to do the like. But being ruled by Dr. Hammond, he liked not of Mr. Baxter's Preciseness and Extemporary Prayer, and abstained from the Sacrament, which Mr. Baxter delivered to such as sat or stood at the receiving it, which gave offence to Sir R. Clare: whereby (he says) Sir R.C. did more to hinder his Success than a multitude of others could have done. And on such an account all the Conforming Gentry are the strength of Iniquity. And although the Poverty of Mr. Baxter's People, whereof the Master-workmen lived but little  than their Journeymen, from hand to mouth, p. 94. was a help to his Success: the Poor receiving the glad tidings of the Gospel, and being usually rich in faith. Yet for those that frequent the Churches and Common Prayer, they are coupled with the Gentry, as the strengtheners of Iniquity; whereas the Laws have provided such a Competency for their Maintenance, as may keep them from beggary, which the Law alloweth not: but in truth the multitude of Beggars in occasioned and increased by those many Families that depend upon the Trade of Weaving, who living but from hand to mouth, are forced, on the decay of Trade for a few Weeks, to beg for their Subsistance, or to do worse; of which such places as abound with Men of that Calling have sad experience. I have enlarged this Remark on Mr. Baxter's Charity, because, as an Error in the Foundation, it runs through the whole Narrative of his Life, and as a Root of bitterness, invenometh all that it brings forth. What Credit can his Profession of Endeavours for Love and Peace, and his Pleas for Concord obtain, when he will allow of no other way of Concord but what he himself fancied, and all Christian Churches have condemned? I only entreat the Reader of this, or Mr. Baxter's Description of his Life, to carry in his mind those properties of Christian Charity, mentioned in 1 Cor. 13, 4, 5, 6 and 7th Verses. Charity suffereth long, and is kind. Charity envieth not, vaunteth not itself, is not puffed up. Doth not behave itself unseemly, seeketh not her own, is not easily provoked, thinketh no evil, rejoiceth not in iniquity, but rejoiceth in the truth. Beareth all things, believeth all things, endureth all things. And then apply these Rules, as the Apostle doth, v. 1, 2, 3. That though one speak with the Tongues of Men and Angels; though he have the Gift of Prophecy, and understand all Mysteries, and all Knowledge; and though he have all Faith, so that he could remove Mountains; and though he bestow all his Goods to feed the Poor, and have not Charity, it profiteth nothing. And as St. James, chap. 1. V 4. If any man seemeth to be righteous, and bridleth not his Tongue, that man's Religion is vain.   

Mr. LONG's ANSWER TO Mr. BAXTER's LETTER, Dated July 26. 1678. And now printed in the Appendix to his Life, p. 108, 109, 110, 111.  

Mr. Baxter's Letter.  
SIR,  
I Find that in a Book of yours, defending Schism against Mr. Hales, on pretence of opposing it, you were pleased to think many passages in my Writings worthy of your recital to your ends; I thank you that you chose any words for peace, which some may make a better use of than yourself: But I think, if you had referred Men to my own Books to read them, with what goeth before and after, they would have been more easily understood. I understand by your Book that you think that you are in the right, which is the most that I have yet learned out of it; unless it be also that you think the Non-conformists be not yet hated and afflicted enough; or that he that sweareth must ascend by treading upon him that feareth an Oath? I am in some doubt lest you have wronged our Prelacy, by so openly proclaiming the Enmity of so great a Man as Hales against them, and by enticing Men by your noise to read his Book, which you contradict; which if they de, I doubt your Confutation will not save them from the Light. But the reason of my troubling you with these Lines, is only to crave some satisfaction about two or three Matiers of Fact in your Book, which would seem strange to me, did I not find such things too common in Invectives against silenced Ministers; and did I not know that it is part of Satan's work to persuade the World, that no History hath any certainty of Truth, that so Sacred History may be disadvantaged.  
I. One is in these words, p. 110. When they had in the grand Debate given in their Objections to the Liturgy, some of the Brotherhood had prepared another Form, but a great part of their Brethren objected many things against that; and never as yet did (as I hear of) agree upon any other, nor I think ever will. I crave the justice of you to tell us, which was that you call the Grand Debate? and who those were that dissented? or what proof you have of any such things? Either you know what you say, or not? If not, and yet publish it in such a manner, while you are accusing others of sin? What is this to be called? If you did, it is yet far worse. Either you speak of the Westminster Assembly, which made the Directory; or of the Commissioners in 1660. Not the first sure; for none I think was yet ever vain enough to pretend that they thus drew up another Liturgy. It must needs be the later: of which this is past denial by any but the— 1. That the King's Commission under the Broad Seal, authorised us to make some [additional Forms]. 2. The late Archbishop of Canterbury, Dr. Sheldon, when we came according to appointment, to try by friendly Conference, what Alterations each Party might yield to for our desired Concord, without any injury to their Consciences, began with a Declaration, That we being the Plaintiffs, they would no further proceed to treat with us, till we had given them in entirely in writing, 1. What we blamed in the Liturgy; and our Reasons of it. 2. And what we desired as better. Mr. Calamy and others said, [This was plainly to deny the Conference which we were Commissioned for.] And they would have broke off, had it not been for me, who requested them rather to yield, and undertake it, than give them occasion to charge us with Tergiversation and Refusal of any lawful thing; though I easily saw that the Motioner thought thereby to break us, as disagreeing when we came to perform the undertaking. While others drew up their Exceptions against the Liturgy, they appointed me to draw up the Additional Forms. But remembering the Bishops [what we desired instead] I drew up a Liturgy. It must needs be very imperfect, being done (in necessary haste) in eight days. Dr. Reignolds only thought that we should be blamed for offering a whole Liturgy instead of Additional Forms. I told him first, It was but to be added to the old, if reform. 2. And they might cut off all that they thought superfluous upon Debate, even all that the Bishops should except justly against; for we did but offer it to them, professing we were ready to alter any thing upon their reasons. Hereupon Dr. Reignolds yielded, and it was often read over among us; only the Prayer for the King being thought too long, Dr. Wallis was appointed to draw up a shorter, which he did; all the rest standing as I wrote it: It was agreed to without one dissenting voice: Nor had we one Objection sent us in by any other. I was appointed at a meeting with the Bishops at the Savoy, at once to deliver them this Liturgy, a Reply to their Answer to our Exceptions, and a Petition for Peace and Concord; all which they had appointed me to draw up, and had examined and consented to. We waited for an Answer to all, and never had an answer to any one of them; but they kept them, and said nothing of them. I was especially desirous to have heard their Exceptions against our Liturgy (where they thought we would have disagreed among ourselves) and urged some of them to it, and could never get a word of Answer or Exception, which made me wonder; as well knowing, 1. How very willing some were to have found it faulty: 2. And how hard it is, in necessitated haste, to write such a thing that shall not be liable to many Exceptions. Yea, when Roger L'Estrange after wrote against us, he saith little at all against the Liturgy, save that we left men at too much liberty. To which we then said, That imposing and restraining was not our work, but the Bishops; who, we supposed upon debate, would have too much done it. Now if this full Concord, and no Answer or Exceptions from them that extorted this Work from us, be agreeable to the Report you make; or if you have here dealt like a Minister of Truth, I pray you help me to discern it. The Book, with the rest, was printed long ago; most of them by some poor Scriveners, that being used in transcribing, had got a Copy, and did it for gain.  
II. Another passage is p. 293. No sinful act being required to make Ministerial Conformity unlawful (which if there had been, they or some other would and ought to have discovered it, and then, I doubt not, it would by Authority have been taken away; but that being not done— Here I desire you to satisfy me in a few things: 1. When even our public Reply and foresaid Petition against the old Conformity, were never answered to this day, is it ingenious to take this for a Confutation, barely to say [It is not done?] Should I say [It was never yet discovered that Episcopacy is lawful] would you not have called me— as long as Saravia, Bilson, Hooker, etc. are unanswered? 2. Do you not know what abundance of old have thought they discovered the sinfulness of Conformity (Bradshaw, Nicols, Ames, Parker, Jacob, Cartwright, etc.) and what Blondel, Salmasius, Gersom, Bucer, Didoclave, etc. have written against Prelacy; and some of late against our Conformity, (Cawdry, Hickman, and others yet unanswered) And is this your dry Denial a rational Confutation? 3. Would not your words make the ignorant believe that we have the liberty of the Press, and may do it if we will: and do not the Act of Parliament, and the several Searches of the Press, and the Printers refusal, show how false such an intimation is? It may be some small Pamphlet may, with much ado, creep out; but so cannot any thing that is full and satisfactory? Our Cause is a mere stranger to our Accusers; (it seems even to such as you) because we cannot have leave to print it: A few have heretofore, when the watch was less strict, got somewhat out, to little purpose (Mr. Hickman's was beyond Sea) but nothing that may make us well understood. And is it fit work for a Minister to blame men thus publicly for not doing Impossibilities? 4. It must be supposed that you know these things: 1. That the Law forbids us to deprave or speak against the Liturgy upon grievous Penalties. 2. That the Canon excommunicates us ipso facto, that is, sine Sententia Judicis, if we do but say that there is any thing that a man may not with a good Conscience conform to. 3. And that our present Governors are against it. 4. And that for doing it we are sure by Conformists to be called Disobedient to Authority, and Seditious. 5. And that we are so accused by you commonly for preaching when forbidden, which is as much our vowed duty sure as writing. And do you now tell us, That we ought to discover it if there be any sinful act commanded? Will you warrant us against the Charge of Disobedience, or do you drive us on that, which if we do, you know we are already judged to Excommunication, Jails and Ruin? We have long begged of Parliament men, that we might but once have leave to speak for ourselves (which we never had as to the new Conformity to this day) and that we might petition for such leave; and they tell us these fifteen Years almost, There is no hope: it will but ruin you. I have offered two of the most eminent Bishops to beg it of them, or any, on my knees, that we might but once publish the Case and Reasons of our Dissent: And is it not enough to be fifteen or sixteen Years ejected, silenced, scorned, accused as unworthy to be endured, and to be silently patiented, and never answer for ourselves, nor have the common justice of being heard, but we must have the additional abuse, to be told that we ought to do it? Yea, many of the Conformists (O with what face!) have published to the World, that we take not the things which we refuse for sins, or dare not say so of them; when even the far easier Conformity 1660. we did by word and writing declare to be sinful, and in our Petition for Peace (printed) protested, That did we not take it to be sinful, and hazarding our Souls, etc. we should never have stuck at Conformity to them. And it is no small number of sins so heinous which we suppose since imposed, that we dare not so much as name them, lest we displease you, and make you say, that we render the Conformists such heinous sinners! But I will allege your Authority when any of us are next blamed for discovering the heinous sinfulness of Conformity, as we yet believe it would be to us. If you say that the Licensers would licence our Writings if we did it with sobriety; 1. You know that the Canon and Law is against it. 2. I shall then in justice challenge you to make it good, I here promise you an account of my Nonconformity when ever you will procure it licenced. 3. And which way got you so strong a faith, as to be past doubt, That did we discover any sinfulness, it would by Authority have been taken away. Make this true yet, (after near Two thousand Minister have been near sixteen years ejected and silenced, and many killed by imprisonment, and the People of the Land divided and distracted by the tearing Engines) and you shall have the honour of being the greatest healer of our breaches that ever risen in the days of my remembrance. But if it be not true—  
III. The third passage is p. 69, 70. throughout. These are great things to be spoken so boldly. 1. Do you suppose your Reader one that never read Church History? What work the Bishops made for Arianism, for Nestorianism, for the Eutychians und Acephalites, against Nazianzen, Chrysostom, etc. for the Monothelites, about the Tria Capitula, for Images, against Emperors and Kings, setting up the Pope, and decreed the deposition of all Princes that obey him not, and making Loyalty to be Haeresis Henriciana: How the River Orontes at Antioch hath been coloured with the Blood, and the Graves of the Monks and People, that fought it out in the streets for the several Bishops? What work they made at the first Council at Constance, the first and second at Ephesus, the Council at Chalcedon, and many another? How many Ages they were, and yet are the Army of the Pope, to subdue Princes and Nations, Truth and Justice, and set up the Evil that now reigneth in the Christian World? How even against the Pope's will they made the best King and Emperor Lodovic. Pius, as a Penance, resign his Crown and Sceptre on the Altar to a Rebel Son, and sent him to Prison? He that ever read but Baronius, Binius, or other Episcopal History, will pity you. Can you name one Presbyter for very many Bishops, that have been the Heads or Fomenters of Heresy, Schism or Rebellion? And yet Presbyters were more in number than Bishops? Innumerable Bishops, saith Binius, were in the Monothelite Council under Philippicus. Of all things that ever befell the Christian Church, I scarce know any thing comparable in shame and mischievous effects, to the horrid Perfidiousness, Contention, Schism and Pride of Bishops; Cursing one year by hundreds all that were of one Opinion; and another year all that were of the contrary, as the Times and Interest and Emperors changed. And if Arius or Novatus, Aerius and Donatus, (which are all you name were the beginners of any Schism, how many hundred Bishops were the promoters of them all, save that of Aerius against themselves? And is it any honour to Episcopacy, that Arius, and Aerius (an Arian) were not Bishops, when they are said to be Seekers of Bishoprics, and to divide because they could not obtain them? Sure they were Prelatical Presbyters: What honour were it to Episcopacy that you are no Bishop, if all these, and such things, were vended by you in hope of a Bishopric, or some Preferment? I will never whilst I breathe trust a Bresbyter that sets himself to get Preferment, no more than I will trust a— But did you know, or did you not, that as for Novatus and Novatian, one of them was an ill chosen Bishop of Rome, and the other a promoter of his Prelacy? And that as for Donatus, there were two of them; one of them a Bishop: and that the Donatists' Schism was merely and basely Prelatical, even whether their Bishop or Cecilianus should carry it? and that their rebaptising and re-ordaining, and Schism, was because they took none to have power that had it not from their Bishop, as being the right? (like our reordainers.) And are these Instances to prove what you assert? Were it not for entering upon an unpleasing and unprofitable task, I would ask you, 1. Who that Juncto of Presbyters was that dethroned the King? was it they that petitioned and protested against it? 2. Whether it was not an Episcopal Parliament (forty to one, if not an hundred) that began the War against the King? 3. Whether the General and Commanders of the Army, twenty to one, were not Conformists? 4. Whether the Major-Generals in the Counties were not almost all Episcopal Conformists? (The Earl of Stamford was over your Country.) 5. Whether the Admiral and Sea-Captains were not almost Episcopal Conformists? (As Heylin distinguisheth them of Archbishop Abbot's mind disliking Arminianism, Monopolies, etc.) 6. Whether the Archbishop of York were not the Parliaments Major-General? 7. Whether the Episcopal Gentry did not more of them take the Engagement (and many Episcopal Ministers) than the Presbyterians? 8. Whether if this Parliament, which made the Acts of Uniformity and Conventicles, should quarrel with the King, it would prove them to be Presbyterians and Non-conformists? 9 Whether the Presbyterian Ministers of London and Lancashire did not write more against the Regicides and Usurpers, and declare against them, than all the Conformists, or as much? And the Long Parliament was forced, and most of them cast out, before the King could be destroyed. And when they were restored, it made way for his Restoration. And Sir Thomas Allen Lord Mayor, and the City of London's inviting General Monk from the Rump into the City, and joining with him, was the very day that turned the Scales for the King. But all these are Matters fit for your better Consideration than our Debate.  
Your Servant, Ri. Baxter.   

Mr. LONG's Answer.  
Mr. Baxter. SIR, I find that in a Book of yours defending Schism against Mr. Hales, on pretence of opposing it, you were pleased to think many passages in my writings, worthy of your recital, to your ends.  
Answ. Whether my Book which you mention, or that of Mr. Hales do most oppose Schism, is sub judice. Had Mr. Hales opposed it, I wonder how you and so many Schismatics, quoted him against Obedience to Authority, Episcopacy, and Liturgy, barely on pretence of things scrupled; and seeing I oppose Mr. Hales in most of the Passages that concern Schism by your Arguments, it must be you or he that defend it, and not I.  
That I thought some Passages in your Writings worthy of my recital, and to my end, was first, Because I thought your end to be the same with mine, (i.e.) to promote Peace and Unity, and to destroy Schism and Division: For it was once your Resolution, to speak for Peace while you had a Tongue, to write for Peace while you had a Hand, and to live to the Church's Peace while you had an hour to live, and could do any thing that could promote it. And I hope you did not verba dare.  
Secondly, Because, as Mr. Hales was a Man in great esteem with you, upon the account of that Tract, so are you with some others; and therefore I could not think of a better Argument ad homines. And I find that you with others, did urge fiercely the Authority of Mr. Hales, p. 2. of the Exceptions at the Savoy, in these words; To load our public Forms with private Fancies on which we differ, is the most sovereign way to perpetuate Schism to the World's end, etc. which you resume p. 8. of your Reply. Though the Reverend Bishops had answered, We hearty desire, that according to this Proposal, great care may be taken to suppress private Conceptions of Prayer, lest private Opinions be made the Matter of Prayer in public, is it hath and will be, if private Persons take liberty to make public Prayers. And on second thoughts, I find you to agree with them, p. 201. of the Cure of Divisions, in these words; Every Separatist, Anabaptist, Antinomian, doth too willingly put his Errors into his Prayers. On which words Mr. Bag shaw in his Antidote, p. 7. doth thus Paraphrase; By mentioning of Separatists as a distinct Body of Men from the Antinomians, Quakers and Anabaptists, it is evident he can mean no other but his Presbyterian and Congregational Brethren.  
This I have noted by the way, that what I said of his brethren's dissenting from his Reformed Liturgy (as he calls it) may not seem strange, seeing he so far differs from it himself; for there he gives liberty to all Ministers to Pray and Exhort, as they think fit: and here he declares against the Inconveniencies of it.  
Mr. Baxter. I thank you that you chose any words of mine for Peace, which some may make a better use of than yourself. But I think if you had referred Men to my own Books to read what goeth before, and after, they would have been more easily understood.  
Answ. They that read your words, which I have for the most part quoted, and hearty desire them to peruse, shall find, that I did not wrest, or misreport them. But in truth, if Men shall read your Actions before and after, they would find a great disparity between them and your Words. And if I had shown any fowl dealing in my Quotations, why did you not deal so fairly as to give one Instance.  
Mr. Baxter. I understand by your Book that you think that you are in the right, which is the most that I have learned out of it; unless it be also, that you think the Non-conformists be not yet hated and afflicted enough; or that, he that sweareth, must ascend by treading upon him that feareth an Oath.  
Answ. I am the more confirmed that I am in the right, because you say nothing to convince me of my Error, for which I should have thanked you. And if you have learned nothing by my Book, you may thank yourself; some Men must unlearn a great deal, before they are capable of learning any thing against their Prejudices and Interests. That I think the Non-conformists not hated and afflcted enough, is more than you can learn from my Book; and I challenge you to show any Passage there tending to the punishment of Nonconformists, equal to that, which your own Principles suggest: For you say, The Magistrate will quickly find that the Distractions of the Church will quickly breed, and feed such Distractions in the Commonwealth, as may make them wish they had quenched the fire while it was yet quenchable. The fire that began in the Church, may, if let alone, reach the Court, p. 209. of Confirm. You objected the like to another moderate Antagonist, p. 160. Sacril. Desertion; What good will our Sufferings do you? Do you feel yourselves ever the more at liberty when we are in the Common Goals? Are you the fuller when some Non-conformists want bread? but upon better information you saw cause then, and may now, to retract that obloquy.  
As for that other Insinuation that you should learn from me, That he that sweareth must ascend by treading upon him that feareth an Oath, you came too late to learn it out of my Book: If it had been there, the swearing to the Covenant taught that Lesson perfectly, how to ascend into their places that feared that unlawful Oath. Our lawful Subscriptions injure no Man. Pray where did you learn to load the Conforming Ministry with a Charge of Perjury, Perfidiousness, and Persecution, greatest, and covenanting never in certain Points to obey Christ against the World and the Flesh, as you too plainly insinuate p. 74. of Sacr. Desertion.  
Mr. Baxter. I am in some doubt, lest you have wronged our Prelacy, by so openly proclaiming the enmity of so great a Man as Hales against them, and by enticing Men by your noise to read his Book, which you contradict: which if they do, I doubt that your Confutation will not save them from the light.  
Answ. I am out of doubt why Mr. Hales is accounted so great a Man with you, (viz.) for opposing our Prelacy; and I perceive you practise the same way of growing popular. But the reading that Book of mine, (which if it have not answered Mr. Hales' Arguments, yet shows how he confuted them himself, when in his later days he was perfectly reconciled to that Sacred Function, and died as a Martyr in its Communion) cannot prejudice our Prelacy). He had indeed a fit of distempered Zeal, as other good Men may, but it was not hectical and inveterate: He had a strong Brain and sound Vitals, which restored him to a better Judgement; and that is all the hurt I wish you. But I pray Sir, when you say, That I defend Schism; had not you such a Notion as Mr. Hales, That the Bishops, who endeavour Conformity, are Schismatical. I find p. 29. of your Sacril. Desertion, that you call them the Sect of the Diocesan Prelates; and Schism in Fact, must lie on them, or you, and those of your Persuasion; who declare, That upon just Reasons you descent from the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy or Prelacy disclaimed in Covenant, as it was stated and exercised in these Kingdoms, p. 5. of your first Paper to the King. But your just Reasons for so doing are still in the dark. Reason's indeed you suggest, as well against the Primitive Bishops, in your History of Bishops throughout, as against our Prelacy: But oh! with what Injustice, with how much Malice are they insinuated! The Grotian Bishops (as you term them) were destructive of Religion, animating the haters of Piety, and driving Multitudes out of the Land, the most of them, twenty for one, being Conformists, Preface to Grotian Religion. So that it was safer in all places that ever you knew, for Men to live in constant Swearing, Cursing, and Drunkenness, than to instruct a Man's Family on the Lord's Day, p. 109. And again, p. 113, 114. Should one of you (i.e.) of the Episcopal Clergy, pretend to be the Bishop of a Diocese, you would have a small Clergy, and none of the best; and the People in most of the Parishes, that are most ignorant, drunken, profane, and unruly, with some civil Persons of your mind, who would be inconsiderable in the Crowd of the ungodly: for the cause of their Love to Episcopacy, is, because it was a shadow, if not a shelter, to the Profane heretofore; so that the Prelatical Church would be in the common account, near kin to an Alehouse or Tavern, to say no worse. Thus have you poured out as much Contempt upon that Sacred Order, as so slender a Vessel could hold. But none of this Filth will stick upon it, with those that can remember, The Agreement that was in the Worship of God, the solemn Sanctification of the Sabbaths, the discountenancing and punishing of Vice, the Love and Charity among Neighbours, which I myself do yet remember in this City, where I had my Education under that happy Government, before our late unhappy Wars; all which Blessings we do now again in some good measure enjoy. And if this be the way which you call Schism, I do resolve, by the Grace of God, living and dying, so to worship the God of my Fathers; nor will any but a Romanist account me a Schismatic for so doing.  
Mr. Baxter. But the reason of troubling you with these Lines, is only to crave some satisfaction about two or three Matters of Fact in your Book, which would seem strange to me, did I not find such things too common in Invectives against the silenced Ministers; and did I not know, that it is part of Satan's work, to persuade the World that no History hath any certainty of Truth, that so Sacred History may be disadvantaged.  
Answ. How strange soever the Matters of Fact may seem to you, I doubt not but they will appear to be true to the indifferent Reader: but that I have acted the part of Satan, to persuade the World that no History is true, that so I might disadvantage Sacred History, is most untrue: Nor have you (because you could not) mentioned any Instance that might colour it. But thus you dealt with Dr. Pierce, who having truly quoted and applied a Passage of Bishop Bancroft's in his Appendix to you, p. 254. you told him, That he could not have uttered more falsehood if the Devil had dictated to him. That my Book is an Invective against silenced Ministers, is already answered: That I am guilty of depraving Ecclesiastical or Sacred History, needs no answer, because there is no Charge. How notoriously you are guilty of this Crime, I shall show in an instance or two, besides that wherein you abuse the Primitive Bishops; of which hereafter. Show me, saith Mr. Baxter, in Scripture or History, that either there was ever de facto, or aught to be de jure, such a thing in the World as the Papists call the Church, and I profess I will immediately turn Papist.  
Answ. This was some ground for them that then said you were one, to think so of you: For what is more plain in Church History, than that there was the facto such a Church, as the Papists call the Church of Rome, one thousand years together, and which hath been acknowledged by Learned Men of your Persuasion; and if we may not believe this, how shall we believe there was any Church at all at Rome in St. Paul's days. But Mr. Baxter cannot be persuaded that there is any such thing as the Church of England, p. 35. of his Sacr. Desertion. I would give him all the Money in my Purse, to make me understand what the Church of England is, and yet our Ecclesiastical Histories will show that we have had the face and form of a Church among us before the days of the Conqueror. The Presbyterians did acknowledge the Church of Rome to be a true Church, Divine Right, p. 265. Will not you allow so much to the Church of England? The old Non-conformists generally granted it: And Ruthband says all the Reformed Churches acknowledge the Church of England to be their Sister. And you say, p. 263, 264. That almost all the Christian World is worse than it.— And if we deny Communion with such a Church, there hath been no Church to Communicate with these Thousand years. We are more beholding to Mr. John Goodwin, who says, p. 26. of his Zion College visited, That there was more of the Truth and Power of Godliness in the Church of England, under the Prelatical Government, than in all the Reformed Churches beside. And if Mr. Hickman say true, you have had Communion with the Church of England in all its Ordinances. It is then a Church, and a true Church.  
The second Instance is concerning Kneeling; for though you cannot be ignorant that our Saviour did kneel at his Prayers, and do confess that kneeling at Prayers was in use in the Apostles time, p. 110. of Grand Debate; and that it hath been practised in the Universal Church, ever since that Kings were its Nursing Fathers, yet from an occasional and temporary Constitution of the Church, restrained to the Lord's days throughout the Year, and to Week days only between Easter and Whitsuntide, and applied only to the duty of Prayer, not receiving of the Lord's Supper, (which you make different Actions, and say we are not to be in the Act of Praying, when we are in the Act of Receiving) from this temporary limited Order which they thought fit to continue only till the People were confirmed in the belief of the Resurrection, you tell your Kidderminsters', That it is against the Canons of the General Councils, and many hundred years' Practice of the Church, to kneel in the Act of Receiving on the Lord's day. Whereas you might with more probability have applied it against kneeling at Prayers, if there be now any obligation in that Constitution; and it holds much more against sitting, which was never practised in the Primitive Church, though you plead mostly for it. And you add, All knew that my judgement ever was for the lawfulness of kneeling at the Sacrament, Defence of Brinc. p. 34. And so you told the Episcopal Party, That you would rather kneel than disturb the Peace of the Church, or be deprived of its Communion. Whereby, as the Bishop of Worcester inferred, you confess that kneeling at the Sacrament is not sinful; and that not to kneel, when required, is to disturb the Peace of the Church; and that the imposing it upon penalty of being deprived of the Communion, is an effectual means to make those that otherwise would not kneel, to conform to it; and consequently the imposing it is not unlawful. But Mr. Baxter says in his Christian Directory, Part 2. p. 111. Q. 3. Sect. 40. says, For kneeling, I never heard any thing yet to prove it unlawful; if there be any thing, it must be either some word of God, or the nature of the Ordinance, which is supposed to be contradicted. But (1.) there is no word of God for any gesture, nor against any. Christ's Example can never be proved to oblige us more in this, than in many other Circumstances that are confessed not obligatory; as, that he delivered but to Ministers; and but to a Family; to Twelve; and after Supper; on a Thursday night; and in an upper Room, etc. And his gesture was not such a sitting as ours. And (2ly.) for the nature of the Ordinance, it is mixed. And if it be lawful to take a Pardon from the King upon our knees, I know not what can make it unlawful to take a sealed Pardon from Christ (by his Ambassador) upon our knees. Now if you knew not what might make it unlawful to receive the Sacrament kneeling, when you wrote your Christian Directory, which was long after your Disputation with the Bishops at the Savoy, you did not very advisedly urge with so much heat, That the requiring Communicants to receive it kneeling under such Penalties, was a sinful imposition. What? to receive a pardon from Christ upon our knees, this could not be sinful in the Receiver, nor could it be sinful in the Imposer: For there being nothing said by our Saviour concerning the Gesture, he hath left that to the determination of the Church. And if the Church may determine of the place and time of Public Worship, because they are not determined by Christ, why may it not determine of particular Gestures not determined by him? And I am glad, that on second thoughts, you cannot find what may make it unlawful: For, as you say, it would be intolerable in a Child or Servant, who when his Parent or Master bids him do a thing lawful or indifferent, or else he would beat him; should reply, Sir, I could have done the thing if you had not commanded it, but your Command renders it unlawful to me. I have said so much of this, which you account one of the most tremendous sins in our Conformity, as by your singling it out for the Subject of your Dispute which you managed at the Savoy with so much heat and importunity it doth appear.  
This concerning Kneeling, etc. is the third of those ten Particulars which are mentioned by Mr. Baxter, p. 131, 132, 133. and there he says that in their Exceptions and Reply, we have an account of what they take to be unlawful and inconvenient: 1. The Sign of the Cross. 2. The Surplice. 3. Kneeling at the Sacrament. 4. Pronouncing that Infants baptised are Regenerate. 5. Putting the Sacred Elements into the hands of Communicants. 6. The Absolution at the Sacrament. 7. Giving thanks for all that are buried. 8. Subscription to the Book of Common Prayer. 9 Not permitted to use Extemporary Prayers. 10. The Oath to the Bishops. These he judgeth contrary to the Word of God.— But until Mr. Baxter, or some other Nonformist, shall confute the Arguments of the London Divines, and others that assert the Lawfulness of these things, we have no reason to think of Alterations.  
The Reason of your writing to me, you say, is to crave Satisfaction about two or three Matters of Fact in my Book.— One is in these words, p. 101. When they had in the grand Debate given in their Objections to the Liturgy, some of the Brotherhood had prepared another Form; but a great part of their Brethren objected many things against that, and never as yet did (as I hear of) agree upon any other, nor I think ever will. And, as if I had not signified plainly enough that I meant the grand Debate at the Savoy, you question whether I meant the Westminster Assembly; when you yourself say that it was the Directory which they drew up; and that none was yet vain enough to pretend that they drew up another Liturgy.  
Answ. Mr. Baxter was then very vain to conjecture that I meant what was done by the Westminster Assembly; for, as he adds, it must needs be meant of the later, of which this is past denial.  
Mr. Baxter. That the King's Commission authorised us to make some Additional Forms. (And adds what Archbishop Sheldon propounded, which concerns not me).  
Answ. Instead of conforming to the King's Commission, Mr. Baxter says, that some of them drew up their Exceptions against the Liturgy, and appointed him to draw up Additional Forms. But I, says he, drew up a Liturgy which (the Prayer for the King being made shorter by Dr. Wallis) was agreed to without one dissenting Vote. I am glad to hear that all the Nonconforming Party did agree to a Liturgy, having so long acted according to the Directory. And if they could agree to such a Liturgy, as Mr. Baxter says, must be very imperfect, being done in necessary haste in eight days, I wonder that they could not be reconciled to that Liturgy which was so maturely drawn up by our first Reformers, Learned Bishops, and Holy Martyrs, which had endured many a Trial, and obtained the Approbation of the other parts of the Reformed Churches, and had been practised by many of those that then opposed it; and for their satisfaction was corrected in many things whereat they took offence. Besides, the King's Commission authorised them (if occasion should be) to make such reasonable and necessary Alterations, Corrections and Amendments, as should be by both Parties agreed to be needful to give Satisfaction to tender Consciences, etc. But avoiding, as much as might be, all unnecessary Alterations of Forms and Liturgy wherewith the People are already acquainted, and have so long received in the Church of England. And when Dr. Reignolds thought they should be blamed for offering a whole Liturgy, instead of Additional Forms, I thought I might rationally infer, that, as Dr. Reignolds observed, they might justly be blamed for offering another Liturgy so directly opposite to the intention of the King's Commission. And I wonder how Mr. Baxter could say this work (viz.) a new Liturgy, was extorted from them, when it was forbidden by the King. Or how there was such a full Concord, as Mr. Baxter speaks of, when the Prayer for the King contained some things fit to be omitted; and when Dr. Pearson and others wrote, that there was no necessity of Reforming the Church, either in Doctrine, Discipline, or Worship; and when Mr. Baxter says it must needs be very imperfect? I confess that the dissenting Party might agree to your Liturgy so, as to think it an imperfect hasty Work, free from Heresy, Blasphemy, or Treason; but not under your Notion, as fit to rival or thrust out the Public Liturgy; the Commissioners could not agree on those terms, seeing, as they observed, it left Men at liberty to use it as a Directory, by saying thus, as in the several Collects, or to this purpose, in a Prayer of their own conception; for you tell them, it was not your work to impose; and what uniformity in Worship could be expected, if some should use the Forms in the Liturgy, and others be left at liberty to use your Forms, or their own Conceptions? Mr. Calvin commended a Liturgy and Forms of Prayer, to prevent the Inconveniencies which might be occasioned by Extempore Effusions. And your Brethren in their Morning Lectures, affirm p. 58. That the heart may be easily deceived in Inlargements in Prayer, Opinion of the Person, Taking Expressions, Popular Applause, Flourishing Novelties and Notions, Satanical Illusions, Common and Ordinary Inspirations, such as are granted to Reprobates. All, or any of which, may make the heart dance in a duty, and yet it's possible, nay probable, the heart may dance after the Devil's Pipe.  
In the Preface to your Liturgy, p. 23. you would have your own Forms inserted into the several places of the Liturgy to which they do belong, and left to the Ministers choice to use the one or other. But first, this would aggravate that Grievance which you complain of, that the Liturgy is already too long. But secondly, this would be to raise Altar against Altar, and maintain two distinct Forms of Worship. And you doubted not but your correct Nepenthes, as you term your Liturgy, would be better relished by young Prelates than a Dose of Opium, to which you compare the Liturgy; though a sober use of Opium may be more useful to fix the Spirits, which so large a draught of your Nepenthes may make volatile and giddy.  
Mr. Baxter. I was especially desirous to have heard their Exceptions against our Liturgy and urged some of them (i.e.) the Bishops, to it, and could never get a word of Answer or Exception.  
Answ. Roger L'Estrange in his Relapse Apostate says in the Introduction, That though your Liturgy was addressed to the Bishops, yet from them, above all the rest, it was with more care concealed— That it was delivered to the Printer by Mr. Baxter, or his order, and being wrought off, this Nepenthes was barrelled up, and dispersed through the Nation without the knowledge of the Bishops.  
But supposing it had been delivered to them, it was not their work to view or correct your Liturgy, but that which the King in his Commission recommended to them: it was their duty to reject yours in gross, without Reflections on the Particulars. You add, Nor had we one Objection from any other. Yet I saw a Treatise by a very learned hand about that time, called, The grand Debate in case of Prayer resumed; proving that those Free Pravers which you so earnestly contended for, had no advantage above the prescribed Liturgy; and by that Person, and many other Writers, there was not one Objection made which was not answered and confuted. I desire therefore such Readers as do still adhere to Mr. Baxter's Arguments against the Common Prayer, to do themselves so much right, as to peruse what Dr. Comber hath written concerning the Method observed in the several parts of Devotion throughout the Liturgy, against the disorder of it objected by Mr. Baxter; and the several Cases of the London Divines against all Mr. Baxter's, or any other Objectors, concerning the Unlawfulness of any thing therein prescribed. And seeing in the Preface of his Majesty's Commission, he did express his Esteem of the Liturgy, and authorised the Commissioners to make such reasonable and necessary Alterations as by and between them should be agreed upon, avoiding as much as might be all unnecessary Abbreviations of Form and Liturgy; not only the King had been disobeyed, but the most pious Members of the Church might justly be offended, if any of the Commissioners should have condescended to such Alterations as were insisted on, which would have amounted to a confession that the Liturgy was a heavy burden to tender Consciences, a just cause of Schism, a Superstitious Usage, etc. upon which pretences the Alterations were desired.  
But first, It is not true that there was a full Concord as to your Liturgy; for the Reader may observe, that the King's Commission was granted to about forty Persons to review the Liturgy, and to make such reasonable and necessary Alterations and Amendments, as by and between the said Commissioners should be agreed upon to be needful and expedient, avoiding as much as might be all unnecessary Abbreviations of the Form and Liturgy wherewith the People are altogether acquainted, and have so long received in the Ch. of England; can any Man believe there was a full Concord (I will not say of all the Commissioners) to Mr. Baxter's new Liturgy, but among those of the Dissenters, that there should be a new Liturgy presented, when the Commission confined them to make only some necessary Alterations and Amendments of the old, expressly cautioning them to avoid, as much as might be, all unnecessary Abbreviations of the Form and Liturgy for the Reasons therein alleged: For though Mr. Baxter glorieth in this Exploit of drawing up a new Liturgy in eight days, yet he acknowledgeth it was very imperfect, and that Dr. Reignolds said they should be blamed for it: and the Reason of the thing, as well as the Example of Dr. Reignolds, was sufficient to convince all such as had any sense of their Duty, or hope of an Agreement. We find also (though Mr. Baxter intimates the contrary) that there was a particular Exception against the Prayer which he had made for the King, which was to be altered by Dr. Wallis; his Rubric also was disliked by them, as he confesseth. Besides, it is certain that a great part of the dissenting Brethren had sometime before conformed to the old Liturgy; not only Dr. Reignolds and Mr. Baxter himself, but Dr. Conant, Spurstow, Wallis, Manton, and generally all the rest; and the Amendments and Alterations which were made, being about Six hundred, were thought so reasonable and satisfactory, that divers who had dissented, did conform to it, notwithstanding that by reason of some other Subscriptions and Declarations, their Conformity was made more difficult, as did Dr. Reignolds, Dr. Gauden, Dr. Conant, Dr. Wallis, and Dr. Lightfoot, etc. Where then was this full Concord and no Exceptions? when they all agreed to a Liturgy; and Mr. Baxter's Model was a draught of Nepenthe, compounded of unknown Ingredients, as every one should fancy. And this I hope may be a competent help to make Mr. Baxter discern that the Report that I made (viz.) that some of the Brotherhood had prepared another Form; but some of them objected many things against that, and never as yet (that I heard) did agree upon any other, and I think never will, is a true Report, and such as becomes a Minister of Truth.  
Mr. Baxter. But I well know it is a part of Satan's work to persuade the World that no History hath any certainty of Truth, that so Sacred History may be disadvantaged.  
Answ. If it be Satan's work falsely to relate Matters of Fact recorded in History; and if it tends to so impious a Design as to disadvantage the Credit of Sacred History; I doubt not to make it appear in two instances, viz. in that Historical Relation which Mr. Baxter hath given concerning Bishops, and in that of the beginning of our detestible Civil War, of which I shall take occasion to speak, on two Assertions of Mr. Baxter in this Letter; the one is where he affirms, That of all things that ever befell the Christian Church, he scarce knew any thing comparable in shame and mischievous effects, to the horrid Perfidiousness, Contention, Schism and Pride of Bishops. The second is, That it was an Episcopal Parliament (forty or an hundred to one) that began the War against the King. On these two Assertions of Mr. Baxter, I say, I shall make it evident, that none hath done more to disadvantage the credit of Sacred History than Mr. Baxter hath done in the false Relation of other Histories, be a ready way to it.  
Mr. Baxter. Another passage is p. 293. (which being imperfectly related by Mr. Baxter, I shall give it the Reader in full) viz. (Ministerial Conformity being submitted to by many of the Assembly of Divines, and no sinful act required to make it unlawful, which if there had been, they, or some others, ought to have discovered it, and then I doubt not, it would by Authority have been taken away; but that being not done) the Ministers ought to conform by the same Rules as the People ought; which is granted by Proposition the fourth, and confirmed by Mr. Baxter 's practice in receiving the Sacrament.  
Answ. Mr. Baxter repeats only so much as is within the Parenthesis, on which he runs out into six grand Divisions, and under them into two, or three, and so under one into five Sub-divisions: The whole may be comprehended in these two; 1. That the Sinfulness of Conformity hath been already proved: And then 2dly, That we require impossibilities of them, because they have not the liberty of the Press. [Though the Liberty of the Pulpit be as much denied them, yet it is no impossibility to use that.] But I shall for the Reader's satisfaction consider the Particulars.  
Mr. Baxter. Do you not know what abundance of old have thought they discovered the sinfulness of Conformity, (Bradshaw, Nicols, Ames, Parker, Cartwright, etc.) and some of late against our Conformity, Cawdry, Hickman, and others, yet unanswered.  
Answ. I know what the most of those you name have written. And I know that what you say they thought to be sins, have by Whitgift, Bancroft, Hooker, Moreton, Burgess and Sprint been proved to be the Non-conformists duties. And as to the new Conformity, it hath by these Doctors, Faukner, Durel, Fulwood, proved to be lawful; and also by the Lay-Conformity of all the old Non-conformists, as well as by Mr. Baxter to be lawful.  
Mr. Baxter. And is this your dry Denial a rational Confutation?  
Answ. A Confutation! of what? No rational Man would undertake a Confutation, of what others only thought, (and Idem est non esse & non apparere,) had the Long Parliament acted rationally when they armed themselves, if they had no other Enemy to fight against, but those false Reports of Germane Troops and Armies under ground, and Designs to blow up the Thames, which were sometime talked off? This were like Don Quixot, to fight with Windmills and Fancies of their own inventions; bring down your Objections from the Clouds, fix them somewhere that we may behold them, and try if they be formidable Gorgon's, as can at sight transform the Conformists into such heinous Sinners, a dry Denial is enough to confute the Man in the Moon. I will not say as you did concerning the Church of England, that I would give all the Money in my Purse to know what it is; but, as Caesar said of the ancient Britain's, who dwelled in Woods and Fastnesses, That it is less difficult to overcome them than to find them out; and when they shall appear, I have so much confidence in the good Nature of Mr. Baxter, that I may borrow Weapons enough out of his Magazine to turn them all into Dust; though he thinks that it is no small number of sins so heinous, that are imposed by Conformity, that he dares not so much as name them, lest he should displease and render the Conformists such heinous sinners. And p. 31. of Sacr. Desertion, That (Conformity) is a composition of such heinous Crimes as I forbear to name, for fear of seeming to be an Accuser of others, and to be unpeaceaable. This is as if he had told his Superiors to their Faces, That they were a company of ungodly Persons and cruel Persecutors, that their Sins were great for number, and heinous in their nature. But I will not name any particular, for fear of Displeasing, or being thought your Accuser and Unpeaceable.  
In such a case I think it not unreasonable if the Superiors had told Mr. Baxter that he ought to do it. But Mr. Baxter will excuse himself thus:  
Mr. Baxter. That Men ought not to be blamed for not doing Impossibilities.  
Answ. If the thing were impossible to be done, it is very  to pretend or attempt the doing of it. But wherein lieth the impossibility? 1. You say, The Law forbids it. 2. You are ipso facto Excommunicate. 3. Your Governors are against it. 4. It would drive you to Jails and Ruin? 5. We have begged leave of Parliament Men to publish the Case and Reasons of your dissent. But, good Sir, is not your preaching in Conventicles forbidden by the same Law under the like Penalties? and yet those tearing Engines, as you call them, do not make you forbear printing or preaching; nor do you want the liberty of the Press for divulging Seditious Pamphlets, and railing against Bishops and Conformity. The impossibility therefore doth not lie in these External Circumstances, but in the nature of the thing. There is no sinfulness in what is required in Conformity, and therefore it is impossible for you to show it. You tell us indeed that you have by your writing discovered the sinfulness of the old Conformity, and refer us to your public Reply and Petition against it; and that some Pamphlets, such as Cawdrys, Hickmans', &c. have crept out: but you confess nothing that is full and satisfactory, no not in any of Mr. Baxter's Writings; though he talks in general, That in our Liturgy there are some things that seem to be corrupt, and carry a repugnancy to the Rule of the Gospel, p. 11. of his Savoy Papers, where he spends 148 Pages in Exceptions against the Liturgy; which the Bishop's answer in these few words, p. 45. The Church hath been careful to put nothing into the Liturgy but what is evidently the Word of God, or hath been generally received in the Catholic Church; and if the contrary can be proved, we wish it out of the Liturgy. And this may answer that Enquiry of  
Mr. Baxter. Which way got you so strong a faith, as to be past doubt, that did we discover any sinfulness, it would by Authority be taken away. Make this true, and you shall have the honour of being the greatest healer of our breaches that ever risen in the days of my remembrance. But if this be not true—  
Answ. The strength of my Faith is built on the ground of my Charity, which teacheth me to hope and believe all good things of my Superiors, especially until I am assured of the contrary, and when they have made such good Laws, in Church and State, as many thousands of good Christians of tender Consciences, do submit to, and they themselves devoutly practice. I cannot think they would establish any known iniquity by Law, after their Profession which you have seen under their own hands; that if there were any such thing could be proved, as they had reason and judgement to discern it, so it was in their power to procure the amendment, and they wished it out. So that whatever your Faith be to believe there are such heinous sins in Conformity, I hope my Charity is agreeable to the Christian Faith, that if any such thing had appeared, it would have been taken away.  
Mr. Baxter. But I shall allege your Authority when we are blamed for discovering the sinfulness of Conformity.  
Answ. You have a greater Authority than mine, the Law of God; Leu. 19.17. Thou shalt in any wise rebuke thy Brother, and not suffer sin to be upon him. And of St. Paul, Eph. 5.11. Have no fellowship with the unfruitful works of darkness, but rather reprove them. Therefore, I say again, you ought to have done it, and to be plain, I see no reason why you have not done it, but because it is impossible to be done; you find all the Cavils which you have yet used to be insufficient, and would seem to reserve more cogent ones to keep up the Courage of your Party, and amuse their Consciences with Noise and Clamour, Fears and Jealousies, and so perpetuate the Schism. I cannot pass by one odious Reflection on our Governors, viz.  
Mr. Baxter. That near Two thousand Ministers have been near sixteen Years ejected and silenced, and many years imprisoned and killed, and the People of the Land divided and distracted by the tearing Engines.  
Answ. Such Language ill becomes Mr. Baxter, who, notwithstanding many Provocations, hath tasted so much of the Clemency of our Governors. Had you lived in the Marian days under Bonner, you durst not have said so much. But who were those Two thousand? In your Letter to Mr. Bagshaw you speak but of about Eighteen hundred, and you are not wont to mince the matter: A great number of them had possessed themselves of other men's Rights, and it was an Act of Justice to restore the Owners to their Rights. Mr. Baxter, I hear, was he that invaded Kidderminster, the Property of one Mr. Dance, whom he confessed to be a Man of an unblameable Life; but not thought fit for so great a Congregation, much more to have any Restitution made for all that was taken from him. As for those that had lawful Titles, some of them were altogether unqualified, as to Learning or good Lives; the rest ejected themselves for not obeying the Laws. There were no tearing Engines made use of. The lawless Practices of the Presbyterians, under the Long Parliament, deserved that name: whenas Mr. White their Centurist writes, There were about Eighteen thousand Ministers, all lawful Ministers, illegally ejected, both Universities deprived of their Scholars, who were driven to great Necessities, not suffered to teach Schools, no not in a Gentleman's House for the Education of their Children, twelve Bishops clapped into the Tower at once, the rest Sequestered, without any Provision or Respect to their Age, Learning or Piety. And I need not prove it to Mr. Baxter, who knows the truth of what I say, That that one Engine of the Scottish Covenant destroyed more in one year, both Laity and Clergy, than all the tearing Engines did ever since they were form into Laws.  
Mr. Baxter. The third passage is p. 69, 70. which though Mr. Baxter hath not, I shall here transcribe, and it may serve to Answer Mr. Baxter's Question; Can you name, says he, one Presbyter for very many Bishops, that have been the Heads or Fomenters of Heresy, Schism or Rebellion? and that (for his part) he knows nothing comparable in shame and mischievous effects to the horrid Persidiousness, Contention, Schism, and Pride of Bishops. In opposition to this I said in the place quoted, That Novatus and Novatian, Aerius and Arius, Donatus and his Fellow Presbyters, who assumed the Episcopal Power to themselves, had shed more Blood and committed more Outrages than were done under any instance of Episcopal Ambition; and that our late Schism at home, and the Wounds made by it are yet so open, that there needs no Rhetoric but our own Experience to teach us, that the little Finger of the Presbyterians is heavier than the Episcopal Loins. Let any Man sum up together the Mischiefs occasioned by the Avarice and Ambition of Bishops for One hundred Years together in this our Nation, and I dare engage to demonstrate that for Wickedness in contriving, for Malice and Cruelty in Executing, for Pride and Arrogance in Usurping, in Obstinacy and Implacableness in endeavouring to perpetuate unparallelled Confusions. Though some Bishops had done amiss, yet our Presbyterians have exceeded them all: For let me be informed, Whether for a Juncto of Presbyters, who had often sworn Fidelity to their Prince, and Obedience to their lawful Ordinaries, to abrogate these Sacred Obligations, and by dethroning one incomparable Prince, to set up many Tyrants, and by covenanting against one Bishop in a Diocese, to erect Two or Three hundred, and expose all the Clergy, that would not partake with them in their sins, to contempt and misery, be not an unparallel Mischief; Mr. Hales himself, whom Mr. Baxter so magnifies for his Book of Schism, found their tender Mercies to be cruel, whom they deprived of that plentiful Estate which he enjoyed under the Episcopal Government, being reduced to that Extremity, that he was forced to sell his Books to supply his Necessities. Let me be informed, I pray you, whether this be not more than any Bishop did, or could be guilty of? Such Indignities, Perjuries, Usurpations and Cruelties as these Men have acted against their just, lawful, and excellent Governors in Church and State, I believe have not been acted since Judas betrayed his Master.  
Mr. Baxter. These are great things to be spoken so boldly, saith Mr. Baxter.  
Answ. And they were bolder Men that acted them, say I. But I am at a loss what to say of them who were the first Incendiaries, the Boutefews, that blew up the Coals, and scattered such Wildfire through the Nation, as ran through every City, Town, and Village in the Nation; let Mr. Baxter speak his own thoughts of such: They may justly fear of being Firebrands in Hell, for their being Firebrands on Earth.  
The passage which Mr. Baxter thought not fit to recite, led me to consider what Mischief had been occasioned by the Ambition of Factious Presbyters; such as Novatus and Novatian, Aerius and Arius, Donatus and his Followers of old, and by a Juncto of Presbyterians in our own days: and he confesseth that Arius and Aerius were not Bishops; and he might have said it of Novatus and Novatian, Donatus and his Fellows, that they were not Bishops, but seekers of Bishoprics, and divided because they could not obtain them. Surely, says Mr. Baxter, they were Prelatical Presbyters: And concludes thus, I will never, while I breathe, trust a Presbyter that sets himself to get Preferment, no more than I will trust a— he might have said, as King James did a Highland or Border Robber.  
I doubt not but the Reader will observe with me what a pitiful shift Mr. Baxter was put to, when he says, That if Arius or Novatus, Aerius and Donatus, (which, he says, are all the Presbyters that I name, though I had named Novatus and Novatian, and could have mentioned many more, if an Answer to a Letter would have permitted it) were the beginners of any Schism, many hundred Bishops were the promoters of them all; which is as much as if he had said, That when these Presbyters had supplanted their Bishops, and assumed both the Name and Authority of Bishops to themselves, than those Bishops and their Successors promoted and formented the Schisms and Heresies which the first Inventors had broached against those Orthodox and Legal Bishops with all manner of violence and cruelty. And this is that fallacy that runs through Mr. Baxter's whole History of Episcopacy, wherein all the Tumults and Confusions, which the Offspring of those ambitious Presbyters had acted, is by him imputed to Bishops. Whereas in truth they were not otherwise Bishops than of their own making; and having usurped that title, did with force and bloodshed defend their several Schisms and Heresies, to the great molestation and disturbance of the true Bishops. I shall make this appear in what was transacted here at home: Thus we had an order of Orthodox and Learned Bishops as ever was in the Church from the Reformation, but were always maligned by the Presbyters: In the Year 1640. this malignity vented itself. Concerning other Particulars, as that of the Tria Capitula and Philippicus, mentioned by Mr. Baxter under this Head, I refer the Reader to the former Treatise for an answer.  
The Smectymnians writ scurrilous Pamphlets against them; the London Rabble are stirred up to Petition against them; Mr. Baxter himself having in Anno 1640. conceived a dislike of them, began to write his History of Bishops, to represent them as the Lords of Misrule; twelve Bishops are sent to the Tower, the Archbishop beheaded, the rest-sequestred, the Nation drawn into a Covenant against them, their Revenues employed to maintain a War against the King, and to gratify such Presbyters as had defamed and opposed them. Under those grew up the several Factions of Independents, Anabaptists, Quakers, and a Fanatical Army that set the whole Nation into a Flame, that continued to devour for 20 years together. Now suppose the Supreme Power (i.e.) the Parliament, as Mr. Baxter says, had advanced some of the most active Presbyters, as Superintendents, or Bishops and Archbishops, for Mr. Baxter approves of this last Order as Overseers of Bishops; would it become a true Historian to impute all the Disorders and Confusions that were acted by and under the several Factions and thus made Bishops, to that Order which were deposed, prescribed, and driven into Corners, or exposed to innumerable Affronts and Sufferings during all that time, and yet this is the manner of Mr. Baxter's dealing with those more ancient Bishops which he mentioneth (as a true Historian) throughout his History of Bishops.  
Mr. Baxter. Did you know or not that Novatus was an ill chosen Bishop of Rome, and Novatian a promoter of his Prelacy?  
Answ. I doubt not but Mr. Baxter knew that Novatus was merely a Presbyter, and that in his time Cornelius was Bishop of Rome, with whom Novatus had a quarrel for admitting such to his Communion, as in the days of Persecution under Decius, had denied the Faith, Novatus affirming, That they could not repent after their Fall; and hereupon he calls his Faction the Cathari. This pure Presbyter being at Rome, se sends for three Rustic Bishops (as my Author calls them) to come to him from Italy to Rome, where he caresseth them with plenty of good Victuals and Wine, and when they had well drank, some of Novatus his Party prevail with those Bishops to lay their hands on Novatus, and make him a Bishop; but whether a Bishop of Rome, as Mr. Baxter says, I have not read; but that Novatus and Novatian, who espoused his Opinion, and promoted his Faction, to the great disturbance of Cornelius the lawful Bishop, is notorious in Ecclesiastical History.  
Mr. Baxter. As for Donatus, there were two of them, one of them a Bishop; and the Donatist Schism was merely and basely Prelatical.  
Answ. Here I question your Fidelity; and have proved at large in my History of the Donatists, that the Schism was wholly Presbyterial: for the Bishopric of Carthage being void, Botrus and Celesius, two Presbyters, sought to supplant Cecilian, a Person of known Integrity, who was chosen Bishop of that Church: But Lucilla, a Woman descended from a Noble Family of Spain; abets their quarrel, and by great Gifts prevail with Botrus and Celesius, who had been defeated, to appear for Majorinus, who was Domestic Chaplain to Lucilla, and had been Deacon to Cecilian: these gather a great number of persons, whom they had drawn from the Communion of Cecilian, to meet at Cirta, where they pronounce Cecilian deposed as a Traditor, and set up Majorinus to be Bp. of Carthage, who dying shortly after, Donatus is by his Party chosen to succeed him; whom Cecilian accused for rebaptising those that came to his Party from the Catholic Church, and for degrading Bishops and Priests. And this was the rise of the Sect of the Donatists, under whom the Arian Heresy spread itself, and the Crew of Circumcellians arose, as may be seen at large in the History of the Donatists. This is a second Instance of the Schism begun by Presbyters, and of Mr. Baxter's fidelity in relating Church History, and imputing the Troubles caused and continued by Presbyters to the Bishops.  
The third instance is Arius a Presbyter of Alexandria in Egypt, who was bred up under Melitus another Presbyter, from whom Arius was taught, That Christ was not the Eternal Son of God, but mere Man from both his Parents. This Meletius held it lawful in times of Persecution to deny Christ, as he had done; and pleaded, That he had not denied God, but Man. For these Tenets Peter Bp. of Alexandria Excommunicated them both; but Peter dying, Achillus succeeded him, under whom Arius reading Lectures in Alexandria, began to publish his Heresy, and infected great numbers, insomuch that Achillus dying, he became Competitor for that Bishopric with Alexander, who being a Person of known Abilities and Integrity, was chosen by a general Suffrage of that Church, by this good Bishop. Arius was Excommunicated for opposing the Divinity of Christ, and teaching that he was not from Eternity, nor did partake of the Substance of the Father, being created in time, and was indeed more excellent than other Creatures, but not equal with the Father. He challenged to dispute these his heretical Opinions with Alexander, and a time and place was appointed; but as Arius was come to the place, an extreme pain in his Bowels seized on him, and going aside to ease himself, his very Bowels fell from him. But his Name and Heresy survived in another Arius, or (as History styles him, Arianus homo potius quam Arius) who opposed Athanasius in the Council of Nice; but upon a full discussion of the Arian Doctrines by that Council, his Heresy was condemned, the Books written for it were burnt, and an Edict set forth by Constantine, threatening Death to such as should conceal any of their Books. Now how long this Heresy prevailed, how many Catholic Bishops were banished and murdered for opposing it; how it spread like a Gangreen through all the Members of the Church, as you have set forth in your History of Bishops, is mostly true; but your imputing those Confusions to the Catholic Bishops, who were the Sufferers in all that time, being the defensive Party, I am bold to say is false: for under the Arian Schism, and by such as took part with them, as the Donatists, Nestorians, Eutychians, Macedonians, Acephalites, Monothelites, who often made havoc of one another, and all united to distress the true Bishops; all those Mischiefs which you mention in this Letter, and more largely in your Hist. of Bishops, were put in Execution for 140 years together, (i.e.) from the days of Constantine to the days of Constantius— nec dum finitus Orestes.  
Mr. Baxter. Were it not for entering on an unpleasing and unprofitable task, I would ask you, Who that Juncto of Presbyters was that dethroned the King?  
Answ. They were such as the Westminster Assembly, that dispersed their Members into the Country to animate the People to engage in the War against the King, and with Mr. Baxter, assisted in carrying on the War from the beginning to the end, and drew many thousands to engage in that War. Those that encouraged the Rabble of London to go to Westminster, and demand Justice of him, in such Tumults, as forced him to leave his Palace for fear of losing his Life: Those that seized his Towns, Forts, Magazines, and Ships to maintain the War against him: Those that animated Armies, with whom he was often present in Person, till they forced him to fly to the Scots: Those that sold and bought him as a Prisoner of War, and voted no more Addresses to him, but left him to such as at last barbarously murdered him.  
Mr. Baxter. Was it they that petitioned and protested against it?  
Answ. The King was dethroned long before any Presbyterians petitioned or protested against putting him to death: then indeed, when it was too late, the Ministers of London plead for him in these words; That the woeful Miscarriages of the King himself, which we cannot but acknowledge to be very many and great in his Government, have cost the three Kingdoms so dear, and cast him down from his Excellency into a horrid pit of Misery beyond Example; this is as one Paraphraseth it: We affirm and testify, that besides those of his evil Counsellors, the King's Personal Crimes and fundamental Errors in Government, too many and great to be mentioned, have cost England, Scotland, and Ireland so dear, that all the bloodshed, devastations, and rapine might be charged on him, and for these he is justly cast down from his Throne into so horrid a Pit of Misery, as to fall under a Sentence of Condemnation. This is such a Petition and Plea for the King, as those that are made for Peace, which are Arguments for Separation and Discord. Mr. Love, a great Presbyterian, in his Uxbridge Sermon, laid a Foundation of this in that Maxim, Melius pereat unus quam unitas. But Mr. Baxter exceeds all, in representing him as the Head of the Grotian Religion, which he says were arrant Papists: This is such a Slander as his barbarous Judges were ashamed to charge him with.  
Mr. Baxter. Was it not an Episcopal Parliament, forty or one hundred to one, that began the War against the King.  
Answ. They were indeed Episcopal Men and Conformists for the most part at their first meeting, but there was a Juncto among them that soon prevailed to silence and banish the Loyal Members, and then openly declared War against the King, and ruin to the Bishops. Mr. Baxter was one of those Episcopal conforming Men; but what he did hath been related: and he well knew of what Persuasion the five Members were, and those whom he Canonizeth as Saints in his Everlasting Rest: These had sometime been zealous Conformists, and the King's most Loyal Subjects; but did they continue such? The Bishops that began the Reformation had been Popish, but when they renounced the Pope's Supremacy and Romish Doctrines, and settled the Church on a new Foundation for Doctrine and Worship, no sober Man can say that the Reformation was either begun or carried on by Popish Bishops. The Case is the same: Those that began our war had been most of them Episcopal Men and Conformists; but when they imprisoned and sequestered the Bishops, threw off the Liturgy, and entered into a Covenant against King and Church, they were neither Episcopal Men nor Conformists. Of this sort were the Generals, Admirals, and other Officers by Land and Sea,  
Mr. Baxter. Whether the Archbishop of York was not the Parliaments Major-General?  
Answ. Not at the beginning of the War certainly, nor ever that I heard but from Mr. Baxter, that he had such a Commission from them. That Archbishop was with K. Charles at Oxford, and well received by him; nor did he ever appear in any Hostile Actions till 6 years after the beginning of the War; and the reason of that was to vindicate a particular right of his own, and not on account of the war against the King, as hath been proved in that Bishop's Life.  
Mr. Baxter. Whether the Episcopal Gentry and Ministry did not take the Engagement more than the Presbyterians?  
Answ. I pray Mr. Baxter remember what you were to prove (viz.) who began the War; and and is this which was done after the King's death (if it had been true) an Argument to prove that they began the War. I have read in several of your Books such a Relation of the beginning of our War, which will remain after you are gone; That the War was begun by Episcopal Men, such as were of Archbishop Whitgift's mind; That the great Commanders in War by Sea and Land, were Conformists; and I suppose I have said enough to disprove it: Let me therefore remind you of a foregoing passage in your Letter, viz. That it is a part of Satan's work to persuade the World, that no History hath any certainty of Truth, that so Sacred History may be disadvantaged; and now let the impartial Reader judge, whether Lucian or Mr. Baxter be the truest Historian. I confess you have engaged me in an unpleasing Work; but in may not be unprofitable, if what I shall add be duly considered: Let the Troubles at Frankfort be read over, and the groundless Contests and Animosities of some Presbyterians against such as adhered to the Doctrine and Worship of the Church of England, while both Parties were in Exile, and what you yourself have observed of their behaviour after they returned home, especially of Knox, Goodman, and others, how they flew in the face of Authority, and incessantly woried Q. Elizabeth during her Reign? No sooner were they called home, but some of them were so intemperate, impatient, and unpeaceable, that some of them turned to flat Separation, and flew in the Faces of the Prelates with reviling, etc. p. 150. of Gildas Salvianus. And if the History of the Factious for Presbytery, during the Reign of King James, and especially of King Charles I. be impartially read, you will find this odious Comparison incomparably outdone. This is proper to them, to overthrow whatsoever Estate they are admitted to, (says Bertius, in Orbis Breviario.) And this is the reason why Grotius was so condemned for a Papist, because in his Book de Antichristo, he wrote so much truth against these Men, Circumferamus oculos per omnem historiam; quod unquam seculum, vidit tot subditorum in Principes bella, sub religionis titulo, & horum concitatores ubique reperiuntur Ministri Evangelici (ut quidam se vocant) quod genus hominum, in quae pericula etiam nunc Optimos Civitatis Amsteladomensis Magistratus conjecerit, videat si cui libet, de Presbyterorum in reges andacia, librum Jacobi Britanniarum Regis, cui nomen Donum Regium, videbit eum, ut erat magni Judicij, ea praedixisse, quae nunc cum dolore & horrore perspicimus. King James spoke by Experience; and first he tells the Reader in his Preface, These rash heady Preachers think it their honour to contend with Kings, and perturb whole Kingdoms. And in p. 41, 42. Take heed my Son to such Puritans, very Pests in the Church and Commonweal; whom no Deserts can oblige, neither Oaths or Promises bind; breathing nothing but Sedition and Calumnies, aspiring without measure, railing without reason, and making their own imaginations, without any warrant of the Word, the square of their Conscience. I protest before the great God, and since I am here, as upon my Testament, it is no place for me to lie in, that ye shall never find, with any Highland or Border Thiefs, greater ingratitude, and more lies and vile perjuries, than with these Fanatic Spirits. And suffer not the Principles of them to brook your Land, if you like to sit at rest; except you would keep them for trying your patience, as Socrates did an evil Wife. He told his Parliament, in his Speech March 19 1603. The third which I call a Sect rather than Religion, is the Puritan and Novelist, who do not differ so much from us in points of Religion, as in their confused Forms of Polity and Parity, being ever discontented with the present Government, and impatient to suffer any Superiority, which maketh their Sect unable to be suffered in any well-governed Commonwealth. And now you may research your voluminous Baronius and Binius, and collect the Maxims and Practices of the Jesuits, who are not much elder than the Presbyterians, and if I do not match them in both from the Author's beforenamed; all which will not make up above one Volume of your twenty, and relate only the History of about six or sevenscore years, for yours of about sixteen hundred. I shall need to add only your own Theses concerning Government, and what I said will still appear to be true, That such horrid things as have been done by that Generation, have not been outdone by any other since Judas betrayed his Master. By these Relations Mr. Baxter may be informed, That something hath befallen the Church that for shame and mischievous effects, hath exceeded the Persidiousness, Contention, Schism, and Pride of Bishops.    

POSTSCRIPT.  
WHereas near half of Mr. Baxter's Life is filled up with repeated Cavils and frivolous objections against our Episcopacy and Conformity to the Liturgy and Discipline of the Church, which have been fully answered by many Worthies of our Church, to the satisfaction of imprejudiced Readers; yet because nothing will satisfy his Admirers but what is Mr. Baxter's own sense, I have collected such Answers as Mr. Baxter himself hath given to his own Objections, and printed them in a little Treatise called, Mr. Baxter's last Legacy to all sober Dissenters, which I doubt not may give them satisfaction if they deserve that Title.  
FINIS.