EXTRACT of the royal Privilege. BY the grace and Privilege of the King, bearing date the 20th of January, 1643. and signed CONRAT, it is permitted unto the Sicur de la Mothe le Vayer substitut du Procurer general of His Majesty, to cause to be printed a book of his Composition, entitled, OF LIBERTY, AND servitude; for, and during the space of ten years. And defences unto all Printers or booksellers, either to imprint or sell it, without consent of the said Sieur de la Mothe, or those unto whom he shall give leave, under pain of two thousand livres of Amende, as in the same Privilege more at large it is contained. OF LIBERTY AND SERVITUDE. Translated out of the French into the English Tongue. And Dedicated to Geo: Evelyn, Esquire. VIRG. Eclog. 1. Melib. Et quae tanta fuit Roman● tibi causa videndi? Tit. Libertas: quae sera, tamen respexit Inertem. London, Printed for M. Meighen, and G. Bedell, and are to be sold at their shop at the middle Temple-gate. 1649. The author's EPISTLE. To my Lord, the most eminent Cardinal MAZARIN. My Lord, ALthough I know sufficiently, that your goodness moves you to accept favourably, even the least Productions of Wit, which are presented unto you: yet am I justly so diffident of mine own, that it hath suffered an extraordinary reductancy, before it could resolve to offer unto you this little Treatise, without the Consideration of its subject; and (as I must say) without the necessity of dedicating the same unto you: For, if one cannot but with sacrilege make use elsewhere of that which an holy Place did receive from our offerings; nothing but your sacred Purple aught to gather that, which another, who is no more, had deigned to receive into his Protection. Perhaps, your eminency may call to mind to have seen what I now dedicate unto you in the hands of the great Cardinal de Richelieu: I resign it now into yours; the most worthy (that I know) to handle all which those have touched: and if it hath need of any other recommendation to render it acceptable unto you, it is Philosophy, that, so much in your esteem, which hath dictated it, unto me. I am confident, MY LORD, that you will not disavow an affection which retains nothing in it, but what is altogether worthy of you. Philosophy is one of the most rich Presents, that ever man received from Heaven; it is that which elevates us unto the Contemplation of eternal things, and the Science which of all others affords to Princes, as well as to private men, the most agreeable Divertisement. Your eminency therefore, if it please, accept favourably that which is derived from so noble a place, and which an heart replete with zeal to your service (as mine is) offers, with so much obligation; This grace I promise to myself out of your ordinary goodness, and shall eternally remain, My Lord, Your must humble & most obedient Servant, De la Mothe le Vayer. The Translators Epistle, to George Evelyn of Wotton in the County of Surrey Esq SIR, I Make bold to present you here with a little Enchiridion, or Treatise of Liberty and Servitude: Which (in pursuit of otber books, to entertain the time withal) it was my chance to encounter amongst the Stationers at Paris. And, because it handleth a Subject, which this Age, (I know not by what destiny waited upon) doth everywhere seem to pretend unto; I thought most proper to nuncupate it unto you, whose real merits, and known Integrity so justly challenge a part in the management of those important affairs of this kingdom. Sir, Here is not any thing that I dare call mine own, save only the Translation, which importeth nothing but the hazard of every man's Censure who understandeth French; and my good inclinations towards you. The matter is another's, and entertained by Persons of that Eminency, that I dare presume no man will appear so hardy, as rashly, either to condemn, or prejudice it. This is the first time (as you well know) of mine appearing upon the theatre, which I shall prove to frequent but as Gentlemen who sometimes write plays, not often; But lest our little City run out at the Gates, I will here shut up this Epistle, desiring only the Liberty to remain, as I am, SIR, Your most affectionate Friend, and inviolable Servitor. PHILELEUTHEROS. Paris, March 25. 1647. To Him that reads. THis free subject, coming abroad in these Licentious times may happily cause the World to mistake both the Author, and the Translator; neither of whom by LIBERTY do understand that impious Impostoria pila, so frequently of late exhibited, and held forth to the People, whilst (in the mean time) indeed, it is thrown into the hands of a few private Persons. By freedom is here intended that which the Philosopher teacheth us: Nulli rei servire, nulli necessitati, nullis Casibus, fortunam in aequum deducere, &c. not that Platonique Chimaera of a State, nowhere existant save in Utopia. Verily, there is no such thing in rerum natura as we pretend unto; seeing, that whilst we bear about us those spoils of Mortality, and are subject to our Passions, there can be no absolute Perfection acquired in this life: And of this truth we have now had the experience of more than five thousand years, during all which tract (to this present Epoch of time) never was there either heard, or read of a more equal & excellent form of Government than that under which we ourselves have lived, during the Reign of our most gracious sovereigns Haltion days; The sole contemplation of which makes me sometimes with the sweet Italian to sing; — Memoria solatu Conrammentarm' 〈◊〉 Spesso, spesso vien à rapi●mi, E qualch' istant anchor, ringiovanirmi. Of which the memory No sooner strikes my brain But ah! transported, I Methinks wax young again. If therefore we were once the most happy of Subjects, why do we thus attempt to render ourselves the most miserable of Slaves? God is One, and better it is to obey One, then Many. Neque enim Libertas tutior ulla est, Mat. 26. 24. Claudian. quam DOMINO servire bo●●. That is,— In Nobilissimi, Doctissimique D. Translationem Alexandri Rosaei hexastichon. Quid sit Libertas, quid sit servire Tyrannis Justruis Angligenas hic Evelyne tuos. Quas pridem Authori debebat Gallia grates, Has debet linguae terra Britanna tuae. Ipse Author debet quem vestibus induis Anglis, Ornatéque doces Anglic● verba loqui. The TABLE of the CHAPTERS. THe Proem. CHAP. I. Of Liberty and Servitude in general. page 1 CHAP. II. In what our Liberty and Servitude consists. p. 10 CHAP. III. That no man can truly affirm himself to be free. p. 22 CHAP. IV. Of the Liberty philosophic. p. 39 CHAP. V. Of the Servitude of the Court. p. 87 The Conclusion. p. 128 Lemata si quaeris cui sint adscripta? docebo, Ut si malueris, lemata sola legas. Martial. Inquire you why this Table's put before? I'll tell; if you disgust it, read no more. The Proem. YOU did wonder Melpoclitus, to hear me say, that th●re were but very few men Free; and that those who were so esteemed to be, lived for the most part in Servitude; that albeit the whole World apparently breathed after Liberty, yet was she known but to very few people; and, that many men contended for her, without ever obtaining the least Possession thereof; as did the Trojans for the beautiful Helen, when she was in Egypt. Dion. Chrys. or. ult. This is that obliges me to make you participate of some Meditations, which I have heretofore framed upon this Subject, discovering you the greatest secret of my soul, and communicating unto you all, which the moral that I exercise doth furnish me withal together of most delectable, and most free thereupon. Let us therefore begin by some Considerations general of Liberty and Servitude. OF LIBERTY AND SERVITUDE in general. CHAP. 1. LIberty seems to be a Present of Nature, wherewith she doth even gratify all sorts of living Creatures: And therefore we see very few who conserve it not as carefully as they do their own lives; yea many, who often expose themselves, even unto death itself, to the end they may not lose the Possession of so great a good. L 1. c. 23. & l. 2. c. 5. Philostratus (who writes on this subject) relates that Apollonius refused to go a hunting with the King of Persia because he would not be a spectator of the Captivity of beasts, which they took contrary to the right of nature. And in another place he tells us, that although the Elephant be of all other Creatures the most docile and obedient to mankind; yet he cannot forbear in the night time, to deplore his servitude. Sundry Philosophers, and principally those of the sect of Pythagoras, are pleased to give them their Liberty: and many good anchorites have in that imitated them. Mendes, Pint. c. 98. Yea there are yet some Chineses who purchase Birds, & Fishes, out of mere Devotion, to exercise upon them the same act of charity. No man can deny but we have oftentimes beheld living Creatures perish out of anguish, and despair, after the loss of this precious Liberty. And certainly it is no wonder, that they should all be so passionate to retain it, seeing the very elements themselves, whereof they are composed, cannot, but with great difficulty, suffer the least Constraint. In vain doth any man oppose himself to their inclinations: For as air and fire cannot be hindered from aspiring, the Earth always searches the centre, and the Course of the Waters will be so free, that there is no resistance, which to obtain it doth not surmount. By this it is evident how essential a thing liberty is to our animal part. Now if we consider the superior that informs us, and by which we term ourselves reasonable, we shall then no longer wonder at this common aversion of all men living against servitude. For without so much as touching the Prerogatives of our free will, and of that which is one of the most frequent Conceptions of our humanity, to wit, that the spirit cannot be compelled farther than (as after a sort) it doth consent unto; we know by the example of the Angels, that the immaterial substances are those which do most of all research the Independency. Was it not that which moved the most haughty of them all to covet an elation even above the Clouds, that he might thereby render himself like to the Almighty? in effect, Sum. par. 1. qu. 63. ar. 3. (as saith Aquinas) there was no appearance to believe, that Lucifer, and those of his Party had ever any intention to render themselves entirely like unto God; the most inferior of men, informed with common sense, would never imagine a thought so extravagant: how then should we attribute it unto Intelligencies, so pure, so illuminated as those were (of whom we speak) before their disgrace? doubtless it proceeded, from having affected to possess from their own selves, and independently, the Beatitude which they only enjoyed from the hands of God. And hence it is that the devil is named in Holy-writ Belial, D. Hier. s. c. 4 ad Eph. as who should say, one that desired to shake off the yoke, and depend no more upon any. Now since we thus naturally seek to be Free, and so by consequence fly Servitude, not only like the rest of animals, but much more in respect of that whereby we are distinguished from them; and for that which we communicate with the superior Intelligencies, it implies that man ought to be the most free of all sublunary Creatures. And yet, notwithstanding all this, it is possible, that there is generally, and in all respects, no greater slave than man himself. But of this we shall better inform ourselves if in the first place we a little Consider in what Liberty doth Consist In what our Liberty and our Servitude doth consist. CHAP. II. THere is a double liberty, to wit, that of the body, and that of the mind; whereof there is a third composed, which is mixed of these two; the Doctrine of Contraries would have us constitute so many different species of Servitude. As touching the corporal liberty, it is lost by the law of nations at what time any have been superior in war, and who instead of putting all their enemies to the Sword, reserved some unto whom life hath been given. This Reservation made the first Servants, or Captives, if we credit the Latin grammar: and the Greeks, Plato l. 6. de leg. have affirmed that Jupiter took from them one half of their Spirit, at the very same instant that he condemned them to so miserable a servitude. Notwithstanding, whether it were so or not, their Condition is contrary to that ancient Privilege of nature, whereof we have have newly spoken; and it is very likely it was this which obliged the first Indian Philosophers, .2. Hist. of whom Diodorus speaks, to prohibit by a law express, the use of Servants. I know very well that St Augustine maketh sin to be the author of this kind of servitude; .19. de Civit. dei. c. 15 observing, that there was no such thing in the world before the crime of Cham, what time he derided his Father, Gen. c. 9 who threw so great a malediction upon all his Posterity. But since wars, and discords have no other Origin, than only Sin itself, there is nothing in the Latin original (of which we speak) which doth not very well accommodate with the Text in Genesis: We are only to observe, that Christianity hath extirpated it out of most Places, where the corporal Servitude hath been well known, retaining very few slaves within all her extent; besides those, whom the enormity of their Crimes have rendered such. Thus hath corporal liberty been reestablished, which Consists in being absolute master of one's Proper Person, as being that which the most miserable amongst us may in some sort attribute unto himself, if their misfortures have not engaged them into the hands of infidels. The Liberty of the mind consists in the understanding, or in the will: if these two faculties do not jointly possess it according as the most Part of scholastiques affirm. 'tis by her, that the demigods of Antiquity have vaunted themselves of being free, even in the midst of Irons, and chains; Fortune having no dominion over the Operations of our souls; and all the Puissances of the Earth find themselves too impotent, to make it suffer the least violence. For although it appears that this Liberty consisteth in being, or not being able to apply these two parts of the spirit indifferently upon all things; yet that is not absolutely true: for certain it is, that our understanding cannot always impedite itself, that it should not Acquiesce at the Conclusion of a demonstrative syllogism, having before comprehended the first and second Propositions. Our Volunty cannot (after some sort) embrace the evil, considering it as evil, but doth it always, when it happens to be masked under some appearance of Good. And yet for all this, Reason obligeth us to maintain, that our Spirit doth no way hinder us, but that we may possess a complete and entire freedom; because, should these instances import in them any exception, this impious absurdity would ensue, that God himself should not be perfectly free, who knows, and loves himself, necessarily, and by the universal consent of all divines. Furthermore, this is a maxim stated in Philosophy, that the natural Powers never exceed the Limits of their formal object, always cohibiting themselves within those bounds, which God hath prescribed unto them: Now we must know that our intellect hath no other object certain, nor formal, than the Conception of that which is true; from whence it comes to pass, that they named verity, the sweet food and refection of our soul; nor hath our will any other certain, and fixed butt, then to unite itself with that which is good, naturaly abandoning what soever repugnant unto it. It follows then (without reversing the order of nature) that our Spirit cannot otherwise act, then as we have already spoken; and which indeed doth no way ruin it's Libertic, as by a moral reason we shall suddenly explicate, according to which we shall find, that to serve God is to reign, and to obey the just laws of nature, passes for a Species and kind of Liberty. Certainly, we do not imagine, that a Bird should be less free to fly, where he listeth, for not having power to do it under the waters; nor that a terrestrial animal, should be less free (in order to his walking up and down according to his fancy) because he cannot mount up into the heavens, supposing him capable of a desire so irregular. The same reason ought we to frame, touching our spiritual freedom, which is wholly uninteressed, seeing the will cannot be joined to evil, nor the intellect be satisfied with that which is false, if neither of these two parts be deluded by the appearance of good and true, for as much as it is wholly repugnant to their nature. These exceptions decided, it is very evident, that human liberty cannot consist in any other thing, than the independency of our Actions, as well those of the body, as those of the mind; since we ought not to render an account to any, but unto God, and our own Selves, that is to say, to this eternal reason, from which we all derive a beam of illumination, at the very instant of our Production into this of the world; it was therefore very necessary to know (that so we might the better be able to examine that which follows) whether there be any one who can vaunt himself of being truly free. That there is none can truly affirm himself to be free. CHAP. III. WE cannot deny but that Liberty is one of the most precious, and agreeable things of life, and therefore it is they have affirmed, That all the Riches of the Earth are not equivalent to its true estimate, Non bene pro toto Liber●as venditur auro. should it be exposed to sale; and that the Pythagoreans detested servitude by this my sterious precept (to wit) that none should wear a Ring, lest perhaps it might press, or seem to constrain the singer; passing it for a rule indubitable, that no man should submit himself unto any other, Alterius non sit qui suus esse potest. so long as he had opportunity to depend solely of himself. The philosopher's ground themselves likewise upon the value and sweetness of this Liberty, when they affirm that the soul of a Lover is better pleased, and is in effect, more in the Object where she loves, than where she informs and animates; for that there is nothing besides mere necessity which retains her in this last habitation, being altogether conveyed by inclination, and a certain voluntary movement, towards the person where she hath placed her affections. But if Liberty deserve that we thus esteem of her, is it not a thing most strange, that we find so few men who are free? or (to say better) that the whole universe should be so desperately plunged in Servitude, that (to take it well) there is no difference between us who believe ourselves to be exempted from it, and the very slaves themselves, than according to the proportion of more and less? For let us now be but as attentive here, as indeed the subject doth justly merit, and diligently weigh this moral point but as equitably as Philosophy requireth we should do, in all that which concerns her; where shall we find any kind of Life, which doth not assubject those that are addicted unto it? what profession shall we find, which hath not her chains, and ties whereby thee doth even captivat those whom she employs? One would think that the most vile estate of life were the most exposed to the miseries of Servitude; because there she appears as it were all naked and with a very little qualification: should we yet farther examine other qualities of life, and but a little lift up the deceitful mask which disguises them, we should then easily discern, that there were indeed no condition of life whatsoever, which did not oblige us to a so much the greater subjection, by how much the more it is elevated above others, and which hath not its fetters in this, more rude and full of affliction, by how much the more precious they appear. The manacles of Astyages were not therefore the less weighty, and paynable, for being composed of gold or silver; Reniego de grillos aunque scene de oro, says the Spanish proverb; and in effect, there is no kind of great constraint more insupportable, then that which attends upon great authorities, and which is found mixed as it were with the most absolute power, by reason of the opposition of contraries, which renders their qualities the more active. Thence it is, that they very properly call dignities charges, their weight augmenting, with the prize of their exaltation; & may be said to be, (admit them more estimable than indeed they are, to examine them rightly) but honourable Captivities. Let Monarchs attribute to themselves whilst they please the power of disposing, according to their own fantasy, the lives, & goods of their Subjects; the crown is a fillet which presses the temples so hard, that an ancient did not believe any man ought to take it up from the ground, if he rightly understood it; And the reciprocal obligation of Kings to their people is so straight, that (in good Philosophy) if the republic appertains to Caesar, Caesar belongs much more to the republic. Let us therefore consider a little how many there are who precipitate themselves, without any obligation thereunto, into a voluntary servitude. Infinite is the number of those who sell their Liberty, to acquire oftentimes so inconsiderable a matter, that they would not afterwards have purchased it with their very Counters. They thirst after a slight reward, or some other trivial favour, and for which we should be sorry that we had given the least parts of our goods, causes us absolutely renounce all our own wills to follow that of others. Nay, we are so stupid, Epist. 42. says Seneca, that it should seem we do not perceive, how in so doing, there remains nothing more sordid and vile than ourselves, even by our own confession; seeing we value ourselves of less esteem, than our moneys, and the rest of that which we possess. But beyond all these servitudes which perpetually hold us under subjection from without, there are likewise servitudes interior, from which happily there is no man living can affirm himself to be truly exempt. Who is he that is not a slave to his passions? and where is the man that doth not at some time or other, experience the tyrann yof these rude Masters of whom Diogenes reproached Alexander? One serves loosely to his Ambition, another is importuned with Avarice; This man dresses altars to Fortune, That permits Gluttony to domineer over him; and there is, who suffers himself to be transported by the rage, and violence of Love. Certainly there is no servitude so difficult, as that which we are constrained to endure under such merciless Tyrants, nor is there any man who can boast of being free whilst he shall be compelled to live under their domination. What if we should here introduce the Arguments of the Stoics, who prove that vice is such an enemy to freedom, that they are two things altogether incompatible: it will then be easy to discern how far we are deviated from this liberty; seeing the most perfect amongst us is so deeply engaged into it. Arr. l. 2. c. 1. & 26. & l. 4 c. 1. There is not a man (say they) who deserves to be reputed free, but he only that lives according to his own pleasure: now it is very certain that no man would live in Vice, or that (at the least) desires the world should take notice of him for a vicious person, it being a thing the most unfortunate, & shameful in the World. It follows then, that in good reason we ought not to call any man free but such only as have utterly abandoned Vice, and then we shall easily perceive whether there be any who of right may attribute to themselves the quality of free men. Epictetus very pleasantly derided the Nicopolitans, who used to swear by the fortune of Caesar that they were in full possession of their Liberty; seeing the very naked term of their Oath, did evidently demostrate that they acknowledged the absolute power of the Emperor. But there is a great deal more reason to laugh at those who would pass for the most free of the World, because they do indifferently prosecute, and obey their depraved appetites, & for that they deny nothing, even not to one of their affections; it being from thence whence one may most evidently derive an absolute argument of their miserable slavery; there being no servitude more base, and dangerous, than that wherein Vice doth engage us. Therefore be it that we discourse of the liberty of the body, perhaps those who are in chains are not yet the most abject; or regard we the freedom of the mind, there is no person which doth not experience some species, & kind of constraint. Is there any man that can deny but that all such as are found living in an erroneous belief, and without the light of our true Religion, be not as so many Captivated souls that are daily forced to admit of false principles, or believe a thousand absurdit yes? But if the human liberty be a composition of those of the body, and of the mind together, there will not be found a man who ought to esteem himself free, which doth not equally possess both the one and the other. Thus it is they justify by so many considerations, that there is likely no man who can truly affirm himself to be free. And because if this proposition received the least exception, it cannot otherwise proceed than from those who profess to live within a Liberty Phylosophique. Let us therefore endeavour to know what it is. Of the Liberty Phylosophique. CHAP. IV. ALthough it appears by our precedent discourse, that one might well affirm of all men, as heretofore of the Romans, to wit, that they are as so many Animals borne to servitude; some Philosophers themselves having taken their infant swathbonds for certain presages of the captivity wherein we are to live the rest of our days; yet there were some amongst them who attributed unto themselves a prerogative (like so many Spartans) solely to possess an entire, and absolute liberty. It is in order to this opinion, that Philo the Jew hath composed a treatise expressly, to show that every honest, and virtuous man is undoubtedly free; and this it was which caused the Stoics to affirm, that besides their Sage there was none who was truly a King; as indeed according to their mode, he was the only man that might (with reason) be called rich, fair, happy, loyal, and magnanimous; The rest of men not retaining for their share, other than shadows and deceivable appearances of all these attributes; this wise man living in all so far above other men, that he might justly glory of being equal to the greatest of the Gods; In that Dion was nothing inferior to him, Plutar. des come. conc. contra les Stoiq. according to the Paradox of Chrysippus. Nay, and when it so pleased these proud Philosophers, they have even had the boldness to assert, that there wise man was more considerable here than love himself; because Jupiter was neither free nor happy, but by the excellence and privilege of his nature; whereas their Sage (such as they imagined him to be) enjoyed his liberty as well as his felicity, by the virtue of his mind, and might have yet been otherwise than he was, had he not elevated himself to a degree so eminent. Seneca (as a Stoic) hath in many places repeated this maxim; adding that Jupiter himself never exceeded his wise man, but in this sole point (to wit) that the first was free, and happy by a longer duration of time, than the other; which thing (Says he) renders it not a whit the more perfection, seeing (on the conrrary) it is always to be esteemed a great artifice, to comprehend much in a narrow compass. Now to the end it should not be imagined that it was only the Stoics which had declared themselves with so much presumption, touching the philosopher's liberty; you may perceive in Jamblychus (who has written the life of Pythagoras) c. 35. de vita Pyth. how he and his disciples persuaded themselves that they were as so many Gods upon earth, where they had right to excercise an absolute empire over the rest of mankind; and therefore it is well known they have affected the sovereign command in all places, where they have been able to establish themselves; and that they might execute this power with the more freedom, they held by tradition, and by a cabal confirmed amongst them, that all such as were not admitted or (according as they then used to speak) initiated into their mysteries, aught to be respected & used but as mere beasts; to which purpose they had so frequently in their mouths that verse of Homer, where Agamemnon is called a Pastor of the people; to intimate (according to their words) that they ought to treat them like the rest of Animals; and that he which commanded them, might dispose of them, as best him seemed good. In fine we gather both from the Greek and Roman histories, that to speak of Philosophers in general, they would live so freely, and so far extend the liberty of their profession, that Athens (the most free City of all Greece) could not endure them; and that the republic of Rome was oftentimes constrained to banish them out of her Territories. For I will say nothing of the lacedaemonians, nor of K. Antiochus, & Lysimachus; who entertained them not a whit more favourably; because one may perhaps presuppose, that the martial humour of the first, and the small inclination which these Princes had to the Sciences, importuned them (without any other consideration) to despise, and neglect men of a life purely contemplative. The History of those who retired themselves into Persia, under the reign of Cosroes, is very remarkable to this purpose: behold what I recollect from thence. In the time of Justinian, the greatest Philosophers within all the extent of his dominions, highly disgusted the corrupt manners of their age; but especially (as Agathias observes) L. 2. hist. the opinions at that time received in the Roman Empire, touch touching the Divinity. To the end they might be more at Liberty, and have nothing which might importune them in their fashion of living, and especially in point of their Religion, they took their refuge into Persia. A very short time after made them acknowledge how much they had mistaken themselves; finding there, neither that innocence of life, no● yet that repose which they so fully expected to meet withal. And altough Cosroes received them with all possible humanity, and courtesy, endeavouring by all means to retain them; yet they esteemed it for the greatest favour he could do them, that he would grant them licence to return back again to the place from whence they were fled; nevertheless (according as this Historian observes) their journey was not altogether inutill; for Cosroes calling them to mind a little after their Departure, in a treaty of peace which he contracted with the Romans, stipulated by express article (of which he had very great care) that none of those Philosophers should in the least manner be violated, nor constrained to abjure the opinions unto which they adhered, & embraced as the best. This story puts me in mind of the insolent demand which once, a most impious Portagues made at Lions unto Henry the third: to wit, that it might be permitted him, not to adore any other divinity in his dominions, save that only of the Sun: for without doubt, there may be both an excess, & a sin too, in desiring a liberty so extremely unconcerned, as that should neither submit itself to the laws of heaven, nor to those of reason. The transcendent indulgence of so great a freedom (to use Plato's own expressions) is the source, 8. de Rep & ibi. Fie. and fountain of an extreme servitude; because it renders us slaves unto our own selves, and proper passions: and the greatest libertine of all the Philosophers, Epicurus himself, hath accknowledged, that to return truly too on's self, and be perfectly free, a man should submit to the ordinances of Philosophy. And in truth, Paulus 2. ad cor. c. 3. v. 17 we learn out of a much better passage; that wheresoever the spirit of God is found, Paulus 2. ad Cor. c. 3. v. 17 there it is where we find an absolute freedom indeed. But that's to be understood of a filial liberty, which always goeth accompanied with an extreme reverence and respect, & such as is known by its opposition unto that servile fear, which never quits, nor forsakes the ungodly. For we know in another place, from a text which was dictated by the self same spirit of God; Job c. 11. v. 12. that there remains only man alone, whom vanity hath so far deprived of judgement, that he glories of being borne so free, as that he imagines he hath a right to live according to his own fancy; and who believes that it were an offer of violence towards his person to prescribe him laws or make him submit unto any sovereign what soever. Thereupon he is compared to those young foals which endeavour to shake off their yoke, not having as yet been accustomed unto it; and his brutality is admirally well represented to us by that of the wild ass, whom we behold running through the deserts without bit or bridle. And albeit we receive from Seneca all these lofty sayings of the Stoics which we have already produced; yet hath he in a thousand places confessed that there was no true Liberty, which did not acknowledge the empire of Reason. If thou wouldest submit all things unto thyself Ep. 37. (saith he in one of his Epistles) make it thy profession to obey this Daughter of Heaven: Thou shalt command all the rest, if thou render thyself pliable to her injunctious. And in another place he adds; that the most difficult of all other servitudes is, Praes. ad l. ●. nat. qu. that which subjects us to our own selves, and makes us to render obedience to all our depraved appetites; for that (as so many merciless Tyrants) they persecute us night & day, without permitting us the fruition of the least repose; so that there is no man can pretend to liberty, unless he do first absent himself from a subjection so cruel, and insupportable. And in his Treatise of an happy life, wherein he adviseth us that we should never take any thing in ill part, or with the least alteration of spirit, of all that which it pleases God, or Nature to ordain; he enters into this goodly Consideration, that we are all of us in this world as in an estate monarchical, where we ought to make it our glory to obey our sovereign's commands; and believe, that the most essential part of all our freedom consists, in willing that which is the good pleasure of his divine Majesty. And seeing the Liberty which the same Philosopher uses, (to pass sometimes out of one extreme into another) makes him affirm elsewhere, Ep. 17. & 29. that philosophy is so free, she neither fears the Gods nor Men; let us expound a little those bold words, as we have already done those of the Apostle, and assure ourselves, that Seneca hath not condemned but the base, and criminal fear, which is ever inseparable from vice, and so (by consequent) mortal enemy to those who make it their profession to love wisdom, and follow virtue. Having thus regulated what appertains to the philosophic liberty; taking it for resolved, that she never ought to extend herself to those things which are any way repugnant to Religion, Policy and good manners; it remains that we consider whether it be very likely there should any men be, who in all the rest do enjoy a true philosophic liberty; and who (not having more disirregular passions) despise Honours, Pleasures, Riches, and whatsoever other goods are not acquired or conserved but by the loss of our Liberty. For if the saying of one of the Antonines be true, Iul. Capitol. in Ant. Pio. that neither Philosophy, nor the Empire could ever have the power to take away our affections, we ought not then adhere to the affirmative opinion, which imports nothing more in this argument, than specious, and lofty swelling words, more proper to pusfe and swell us up unto vanity (on the subject whereon we treat) than afford us the least veritable & solid satisfaction of mind. I know very well that the philosophic contemplations imprint a certain audacity and confidence in the soul; which hinders us from being afraid of any thing, making us despise, and undervalue the greatest part of those things that are most esteemed of in the World. Aristippus did hereupon vaunt himself, that he had gathered this excellent fruit from philosophy, to be able to speak with resolution and confidence, without apprehension of any person whatsoever. Aristotle pronounced before Alexander, that it was not less lawful to men, who comprehended thoughts worthy, and veritable, such as we might have of things divine, to possess an heart elevated, and a courage invincible; than to those who swayed the government of the whole universe, and commanded the most absolutely here on earth. Diogenes is represented us (in the conference which he had with this great Monarch) discoursing with him as with his inferior. Being once a slave, he requested his Master who was to sell him (unto him that offered most) to demand whether in stead of a servant anybody had need of a Master: boasting himself to be no more a Captive at that time, than an enchained Lion; who always makes his Keepers more afraid of him, than he apprehendeth his Keepers. For all this it is possible that we may on the one side be free, and and yet in slavery on the other: Thus one thinks himself free from ambition who is basely enthralled to the passion of Love, or Avarice; and the importance is, to find out whether our humanity be capable to enjoy by the virtue of Philosophy, a liberty so free and independent, as they are used ordinarily to decipher us out in the schools. But to speak soberly concerning this matter; it appears this free man, which she represents us under the name of Sage, to be rather an Idëa of that which may be the scope of our desires, than any thing in good earnest: our Jmagination for the most part forms unto herself a subject which she takes pleasure to embellish with such an equipage of rare qualities, to render it accomplished, that its beyond the ordinary power of Nature to render it a true existence. And there is much reason to believe, that this wise man, or this free person (of whom the philosophers speak) is not less difficult to find out, than the Orator of Cicero, the Arckitect of Vetruvius, the pyramid of the Egyptians, Herod. l. 2. and the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} of the Grecians; Notwithstanding all this I believe verily, that there are some men to be found in all ages, who extremely approach this merit; and I am persuaded that we have known some, even in these our times; although they make it for the most part their chiefest care to keep themselves hidden, and incognite; yea methinks there have been some beams, which have even darted forth to us of certain virtues so transcendent, that in mine opinion, they might well pass for perfect copies finished from those Originals, which the ages past would have presented unto us. But these are productions of Nature, so rare, that we may well number them amongst the most prodigious, and stupendious miracles: or (to say better) these are effects so particular of the Divine munificence (whensoever it pleaseth him to communicate himself here beneath) that there is far more reason to adore the bounty of God; than to imagine it the least merit of the Creature. In effect, what is more strange than these great genius', who being perfectly acquainted with the necessitudes of our life (which we may haply reduce to a very few) equally despise goods, konours, and whatsoever elevates the Empire of Fortune? The rest of men are her slaves, and consecrate Altars to her, as unto some great Divinity. These are they who make it their glory to provoke her, and oppose their Courage against her puissances. Doubtless, behold the most strange, and most considerable spectacle that may possibly be; Ecce res magna habere imbecilitatem hominis, securitatem Dci. Sen. Ep. 54. to see the powers, the independency, the assurance of a God (as the Heathen speaks) united to the imbecility, and frailty of our human nature. So it is, that if there be found any entire, and absolute liberty amongst us, doubtless it is residing in these heroic souls, of whom I will ●ender you here, two or Three of Antiquity for Examples: expressly abstaining to speak of so many holy personages wherewith Christianity doth daily furnish us, because in this chapter, we pretend to consider this philosophic only which appeared in the world a great while before it could be irradiated by the beams of the gospel. The Christian school retains its reasons, and its discourse apart. There we learn, that the greatest glory of our Intellect, is not to know, but to believe; as the glory of our will is not to command, but to obey. As touching philosophy, she is not always so austere; for oftentimes she descends to the satisfaction of an infidel, as well as of a true believer. Epictetus shall be the first whom I will produce, to show that many of those of whom we treat, have pretended to be free men, even amidst chains; and to possess this independency of spirit, which truly no fetters are able to captivate; but withal, making only a part of this human liberty, according to our precedent considerations. This great man was a Stoic, as you may perceive by his Enchiridion or Manuel compiled by Arrien his disciple, being a summary of the morality which those of their Sect made profession of. His most memorable discourses have been communicated unto us by the same Arrien, who hath composed four books of them, and so couched them in writing, as an excellent Painter uses to draw his lineaments, to represent us the figure of a soul, by so much the more free, & heightened, as his adverse fortune endeavoured (it should seem) to suppress it. This was a Ball which rebounded towards heaven, proportionably to the force whereby it was cast against the earth. In effect, although he saw himself reduced to the hard condition of Servitude, and to be one of the slaves of Epaphroditus, captain of Nero's guards; yet he always appeared incomparably more free than his Master. One day that Epaphroditus gave him a certain rude blow on the Leg. Epictetus told him, dryly, that he should have a care he did not break it; This unmerciful hangman having at that instant redoubled the stroke, with such violence as he br●ke the bone: Epictetus added, (with a smile worthy of all Ages to be admired) Did not I tell you, that you'd fool and break my Leg? L. 7. Contra celsum. I know well that Origen has censured the impiety of Celsus, for daring to prefer the above named Epictetus unto JESUS CHRIST: but this does not hinder that the virtue of the first, should not deserve to be very much esteemed, although (truly) there be no proportion of God to us, and of the Creature to the Creator. Let us also observe that St Augustine was not restrained by this consideration, to hope, or (at the least) ardently to desire that God had mercy upon Epictetus' soul, being not able to leave off admiring the extraordinary mortification of his senses: and I have seen in the work of a Doctor of the Ambrosian college of Milan, that Saint Carlo Borhomeo heard no lecture which more pleased him, than those which discoursed of this Philosopher collected by Arrien. It is very certain, that the generosity and liberty of the soul, which Epictetus made always to appear notwithstanding his corporal servitude, and of which he hath left us so many important precepts in writing, acquired him such a repute, that the very lamp of earth, wherewithal he used to illuminate his lucubrations, was sold for three thousand drachmas, after his decease; at so high a value, was all which appertained to him esteemed: and truly, it may well be said, that for the constancy, liberty, and freedom of the superior part, there was never any person which exceeded him. A very little time before Epictetus, Rome had seen another excellent Philosopher called Demetrius; this is he of whom Seneca speaks these goodly words, that (in his opinion) nature had produced him to show the age wherein he lived, that a greater genius might protect himself from being perverted by the multitude; L. 7. de benes. c. 8. & 13. although he were not able to redress it; so incorrigible always it is. And because he had acquired a very high reputation by that open profession which he made of philosophic liberty, the Emperor Calligula would have always had him about his person, supposing it a thing very easy to have gained him by a present of moneys. Demetrius laughing at the thoughts of this Prince, and rejecting with disdain that which was proffered him: if the Emperor (Says he) would tempt me; if he have any design to corrupt me, he needs not trouble himself twice; let him at once send me his diadem, & then see; Toto fui illi experiendus Imperio. if the price of an Empire were capable to shake my liberty: Certainly, behold terms which well deserve to be collected by Seneca, and consecrated by him even unto Eternity itself, with all the recommendation which he hath bestowed upon them. For my part, I do not believe that its possible to produce an Example more express to make us comprehend with what generosity a philosophic soul doth undervalue treasures, honours, and generally whatsoever others have in esteem, to preserve themselves the inestimable good of liberty. One Action of Socrates is so patt for this purpose, that I should esteem it criminal not to allege it, albeit he were not the common father of Philosophers, and he, out of whose brain (as out of some high mountain) all their different sects are derived, like so many separated rivulets. This man of a life irreproachable (to speak morally, Apo. 1. & 2. whom Justine Martyr affirms to have been a Christian long before Christianity itself; and whom many of our Doctors have not as yet dared absolutely to exclude Paradise) was desired by the King of Macedon, Archelaiis, that he would come unto him: he dwelled not long on the resolution which he was to take hereupon; and his answer was, that he was not so inconsiderate as to apply himself to a man whose benefits he knew not how to recompense. However Seneca (who believed he could penetrate even into the very interior of Socrates) L. 5. de be●●f. c. 6. assures us, that the fear of prejudicing his liberty, & delivering himself over unto an inevitable servitude, was the only ground of his refusal. Whosoever will be free aught to imitate Socrates in that. He that cannot despise the Court of Princes, etc all that which the Court can promise of goods, pleasures & dignities, can never enjoy a pure and philosophic Liberty: and he it is only who (Philosopher like) values liberty according to her due estimate, that voluntarily abandons all things to the end he may enjoy her. This is that Diogenes had very well learned, when of all the favours which Alexander offered him, he accepted none but that of rendering him the beams of the Sun, which the person of this Monarch hindered him from enjoying, by interposing of himself. And when he replied to those who called the Philosopher Callisthenus happy, (because of the many favours which the same Prince conferred upon him at the beginning) that for his part, he esteemed him most unfortunate, in that he could not dine, or sup, but at the pleasure of Alexander. I could yet let you see by sundry other examples, that which these already prove touching the philosophic liberty. Anaxagoras to the intent he might procure this freedom, absolutely quitted his Patrimony to him that would accept thereof. Liberty caused Heraclitus, as likewise Prometheus, to resign their sceptres into the hands of their brothers. And Empedocles renounced the government of a Monarchy (which was presented him) for the love he bare unto her. I might add that Pythagoras made almost the same reply to Hiero; Diogenes to Antipater; Zeno to Antigonus; Stilpon to Ptolemy; Xenocrates, Ephorus, and Monedemus, to Alexander, which Socrates did unto Archelaus: but I suppose to have sufficiently cleared two things; the one, that this liberty is not absolutely entire; because she is oftentimes only intellectual; the other, that she is so rare, because of her solutive faculty from whatsoever most strictly obligeth, and restrains our affections; so as we may very well indulge those who doubt of her real Existency. For if the least imaginable constraint, or trivial engagement, be capable to dispossess us the fruition of so great a good; and if this Spanish sentence, Quien me at a, me mata; he which binds me, kills me, be (as I take it to be) the most proper d●vise, that a man may assume who pretends to be in the philosophic liberty; who is it, I pray (following our precedent conjecture) that hath the face to attribute it unto himself? Truly, I do very much doubt whether there be any man can do it with conscience, which being so, we shall not make it any difficulty to repeat in this place; That perhaps there is none at all, who can truly affirm himself to be free. The Examples of Demetrius and of Socrates advertiseme (in that which remains) to refflect upon the servitude of the Court, as it stands in opposition to the greatest Liberty which is the philosophic, by the greatest servitude which we presume to be that of the Court. Of the Servitude of the Court. CHAP. V. SEeing the end (as the first in our intention) is that which regulates all our actions; it is no wonder at all that where the greatest recompenses are proposed, there should also be found the most laborious, & difficult travails; and that the pretensions of the Court being so eminent, and (as it were) almost infinite, obligeth those that attain them, unto extreme servitude. There is nothing to which a Courtier doth not submit himself that he may comply with this sweet hope which never lets him be at rest, and which the Italians have very aptly termed, the bread of the miserable. The Flies cannot be hindered from following the honey, although one Ant travails more way in a few hours (according to the proportion of his body) in searching some grains of corn, than doth the Sun in all his quotidan revolutions. It is the Prey which makes the most solitary and cruel of wild beasts to quit the forest: and a fairer bait obliges the poor fish to precipitat himself into the net, or at least to swallow the hook; but the passion which all these silly Creatures have for that which they most affect, is not comparable to the desires of Courtiers, who bequeathe the fairest days of their life, and voluntarily renounce their liberty, upon the empty belief which they have to be one day able to satisfy the uttermost of their desires: For albeit experience hath taught the world, that the service of great men is like unto long voyages, from whence indeed some there be which return rich; but where the most part also miserable perich: and although it be easy to observe that few of those who plunge themselves into this vast Ocean of the Court, ever arrive at their desires, and can boast themselves of having transported pearls from thence; yet will nobody (for all this) take warning, and gain by the sad example of others. Every one promises unto himself fortune more propitious than any of his companions found her; and as one vessel happily arrived from the Indies, is the cause why an hundred others undertake the voyage, (without considering that a thousand have been Shipwracked) so the good fortune of one sole Courtier is the cause that there be innumerable who embark themselves to steer the same course which the other hath gone before, notwithstanding all the hazards of a sea so full of pirates, as is the Court, and so obnoxious to all sorts of weather. But to leave Allegories, and as it were with the finger point out that which we have already spoken touching servitude, and which in it is almost impossible to evade; we shall consider it in the one, and the other part of the body and of the mind, according to our divisions already established; and shall make it clear, that if there be no slaves more miserable, than those who are daily in chains, Courtiers may in that sense pass for the most unhappy amongst men. I should be very sorry that any man should take this which I am about to deliver for a satire, and that which I have read in books for a description of those things which I might have observed in the Court of Princes: in effect, I reflect on nothing here save the ancient Courts, those of Barbarians, and Tyrants, from whence I gather all the proofs of my discourse. The liberty which I assume to allege, what the Philosophers of that time have declared against them, is a sure testimony of the steam which I make of the Courts of Christians; and above all, that of Ours, which would never permit me to speak in this manner were it guilty of the same defects: besides, it would be both impertinent, and unjust, that I should be blamed for that, which so many others have done before me; and since a Pope (such a one as was Pius the second) durs● before his Pontificat, and during the time he was yet called Aeneas Silvius, L. de miser Curialium. describe all the miseries of Courtiers, protesting that he did i● without design to offend either the Emperor Fredrick his Prince, or his Court; why should any man take in ill part these philosophic reflections which I propose upon the same subject; and that which hath nothing of the asperity which this Author, and infinite others, have mixed in their writings treating upon this matter? And if I have been (as it were) compelled to observe certain vices in general of the Court, occasion may offer itself (another time) to proclaim the virtue thereof, and to speak particularly of its merit. For my part, I do not believe that any (except such as have never seen the Court, or so much as heard speak of the air, & fashion of living there) can be ignorant of the extreme personal subjection which he is obliged to render day and night, unto those men whose favour he desires to obtain. There is nobody in that Country but aught to be even ready to mutilate, and dismember himself like Zophyrus, that by so doing he might insinuate, and serve to the advance of what he there searcheth; Not, that where the service of one's Prince is concerned, a man should not be obliged even to expose both his life, and fortune for a subject so worthy: all Nations have unanimously consented to this politic principle (to wit) that there is no death more glorious, more meritorious, than that which is received for the affection to his Souveraign and love of his Country: Notwithstanding, there is a great deal of difference betwixt the actions which have so noble an object, albeit they cannot otherwise than testify a necessary servitude, and such, whereof we shall here produce Examples, which have for their foundation nothing but an infamous flattery, and a servile baseness of spirit. Philip of Macedon having been constrained to wear a fillet, by reason of a wound which he had received on the head; the greater part of those of his Court come abroad with the like, as if they had all of them had the same occasion. His son Alexander contracted this ill habitude to carry his head awry, which was the cause that there appeared not a man in all his equipage, but such as inclined their necks likewise to the same side. The Young Dionysius was naturally purblind, and the wine which he loved excessively did much shorten his sight; by and by, all his followers feigned themselves blind, every man jossling his fellow, and stumbling at every foot: 1. ● & 10 and Atheneus observeth, that being at the table, they counterfeited, and made semblance not to find the dishes, affecting also to sit in the place where the King used to spit upon them, with other the like sordidityes, which it were a shame to report. This kind of voluntary blindness puts me in mind of that which one writ of the Emperor Hadrian: the extraordinary love which he had for Antinous (whether because of his exquisite beauty; or for that he offered himself a victim at the sacrifice which was celebrated for the prolongation of the Emperor's life) gave him a passionate desire to have this young boy placed amongst the number of the Gods; Hadrian had no sooner declared himself thereupon, but immediately those of his Court protested (contending who should first bring the tidings) that they had seen the soul of the fair Antinous ascend on high, and take his place as a new star, in that part of the heavens, where we do at this day observe the constellation which beareth h●s name. And indeed one ought never approach greater powers (according to the saying of Xenophanes) unless we be resolved to practise all kind of complaisance. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} The agreeableness of dissimulation doth almost every day surmount the homely simplicity of truth; nay, and some would have it pass for a rule of Court, Gul. ●●. to confess that he perceived the stars, if another would maintain it to be night at high noon; or, being become a little better versed in the Court; to excuse ourselves, for that we have mistaken the moon for the sun. So it is, that besides this shameful captivity of all the senses, we are basely obliged to submit unto those of other men's. The person of a Courtier is so little in his own power, that (to take it rightly) he enjoyeth it not but as a thing merely borrowed, and as having engaged the propriety which he possessed there. For (without speaking at all of ordinary duties which consume even almost all the precious movements, and actions of this life; and without touching an infinity of perils wherein it's necessary he should expose himself almost every moment) the sole complaisance doth sometimes cause him as it were out of frailty to deprive himself even of a part of his body. Lucian tells us that the Eunuch Combabus, favourite of Seleucus and passionately beloved by the Queen Stratonica his wife, had no sooner declared to the Assyrian Court (to the end he might thereby avoid all calumny, and suspicion) that he had dismembered himself of the parts which he wanted; but suddenly those whose hopes 〈…〉 did the same, and volunt arily deprived themselves of that, which only rendered them men, to the end they might not lose their expectations, and continue themselves in the good graces of Combabus. This shall suffice to demonstrate how great the servitude of the Body is. It will be needless to insist much upon that of the mind; seeing this is the most common of all other maxims of the Court; never to have other will, than that of great men's; nor to judge of any thing whatsoever (if there be any means to avoid it, until they have first passed there opinion; that so nothing may be spoken which may be obnoxious to the least exception. There is perhaps no religious vow whatsoever, that exacts of us any so entire a renuciation of all the actions of our proper will, as doth the interest of the Court, and the design of making a fortune there. From thence is it results this great conformity to the inclinations of Princes, and that if Fra●cis the first testified his affection to letters, all the world will be learned; not esteeming him a good Courtier who bred not his children Scholars: On the contrary, doth any Prince despise the Sciences, every one affects barbarism? Lux, and superfluity was established through the dissoluteness of Henry the third, as was Piety when he assumed the weed of a Penitentiary. In fine this is a thing universally acknowledged of the world that the Court is a place of perpetual dissimulation, where one always walks with the visage in Mascarado, where one seignes to desire that which he most abhorreth, and where there is no one act produced of free will, unless it be that by which we embrace a voluntary servitude. But as touching the operations of the Intellect, they are in Court so much the more subject, as the prostitution of this part is effected without much violence, in those who make all other considerations whatsoever, to give place to those of profit; such is the most frequent custom of the Court, after that a man is never so little engaged in the enchantments of this Circe's; and verily, I less wonder at some men, who indulge themselves this liberty, to represent the terrestrial Gods rather such as they ought to be, than such as really they are. These (I say) are not the most culp●ble (although sufficiently blame worthy) who content themselves in styling their vices, imperfect Virtues, and discover every day goodly names which serve for coverture unto all their defaults. But this is a thing altogether deplorable, having respect to the liberty whereof we speak, when we submit even unto the basenesses of the mind, and to flatterings so enormous and ridiculous, that one even appears to have made bankrupt all manner of judgement. Alexander the great was constrained to hear one of those infamous cajolleries, L. ib. 6. when one of his court (whom Atheneus nameth Nicesius) protested to him that the very flies which sucked his blood, became more valiant, and gave stings more courageously than other flies did. The Philosopher Anaxander (notwithstanding his profession) treated this Monarch after the same manner, when upon a clap of thunder (which was very terrible) be desired that he would say whether it were not he, who (as son of love) did but even now thunder so loud. Constantine was compelled to stop the mouth of a Priest, Euseb. l. 4. de vit. Const. c. 4. who told him that his virtues merited not only to command (as he did) during this life; but likewise to reign in the other also, with the son of God. Procopius (or to say better he that hath made the Anecdots under his name) representeth the great civilian Tribonius, not ashamed to use these terms unto Instinian: P. 61. I swear to your imperial Majestic, that this great piety which you always exercise, giveth me extraordinary apprehensions, that I shall behold you suddenly assumed into heaven, when we least expect it. To this likewise are conformable those words of Hesychius, touching the impiety of Tribonius in his life; And we know also, that at an entry of Demetrius into Athens, one told him, there was none other God save himself; or that, if any, they were busy in sleeping, & taking their repose, during the time he acted. After this sort it is, that crimes so easily immingle themselves, and that in an extreme impiety we may observe a wonderful strange dissoluteness of mind, which is for the most part attended with a fear, which never abandons even the very slaves themselves. Harpagus being asked by Aslyages, if he had well relished the flesh of his son, of which he now but newly had eaten with a prodigious inhumanity; answered, that at the table of his sovereign, there was nothing ill, and that whatsoever was done by his command was to him most agreeable. Lib. 1. & 3. Herodotus (whorelateth us this story) doth yet furnish us with another upon the same subject: Cambyses having placed for his butt or mark, the heart of a young boy which he transfixed with a dart in the presence of his Father, demanded of him, what his opinion was of the shot, to whom the father answered, that he did not believe even Apollo himself could have leveled more exactly. Truly I am of Seneca's judgement, that although the cruelty of the Tyrant was very notorious; yet was the reply of the Father far more impious. Sceleratius telum illud laudatum est, L. 3. de ira c 14. quam emissum. At the least no man can deny, that these are not examples sufficiently pregnant, to show what may be expected from the liberty of the judgements of the Court; where we ought to resist even the most just, and sensible movements of nature, to the end we may say nothing which may displease such as are feared, and adored there. If Alexander will be taken for one of the Gods, the Priests of Jove are the first who attribute unto him the rays of the deity, and acknowledge him for the real son of Hammon. But haply these mental captivities would appear less strange to us, suffered we them only to comply with those unto whom otherwise we cannot render too many respects. It would be no wonder to see that Favorinus betrayed the honour of his knowledge, and reason, in favour of an Emperor who commanded thirty Legions. And in effect, c. 7. when the ecclesiastic hath delivesed us the Precept never to make show of over great abilities before one's sovereign: It seems that he would incite us to this flexibility of mind, which we ought ever to have in presence of him, and those principal Ministers who do represent the Person of the King; and to whom he communicateth a beam of his lustre, and authority. But the mischief is, that we must oftentimes exercise this our obedience towards persons which do least merit it of their sovereign. We bear more respect to a favourite of Pompey's, than unto Cato of Utica. And the whole world hath observed the insolent authority of the Eunuchs in most of the Lev●ntine Courts; of Libertines, in that of the Ancient Italy; and of a number of the same state who have (in sundry places) abused the favour of their Masters. For Princes sometimes please themselves in imitating those great Architects, who remove huge Machines, with very small engines. They extremely delight to have power to act as causes universal, in changing (according as they seem good) the destinies of their subjects. And to represent him the better whose lively Image they are here on Earth, exalt some one from the Dunghill, even to the sublimest dignities and most important charges of their Palace. Men are their Counters, which signify in value more, or less, according to the Position which they are pleased to assign them. And after the same manner as every man may when he writes, make such, or such a letter of the Alphabet precede, which best him pleaseth; Kings are in possession to bestow the principal places of honour, and authority within their states, unto those whom some particular inclination causeth them to be preferred before others. In the mean time, whatsoever may be (for History makes it evident that the election is not always equal) we ought not less to submit our discourse, and reason to all their pleasures, than to the will of the sovereign himself; for that many times the Prince is not accessible, but through their mediation. The most inferior of his Petty Officers who hath the honour to approach his sacred person at the hours of his retirement, and private divertisments, may easily enough make, or mar, advance, or retard the most important affairs. And therefore it is, we see in the Acts of the Apostles, that those of Tyre, c. 12. and Sidon, desirous to be reingratiated with King Herod (who was offended at them) addressed themselves unto Blastus, Prime groom of the Privy Chamber, by his means to make their peace. And I well remember upon that, of a Persian tale, which perhaps is no jot inferior in subtlety to any one of those which the ancients have attributed unto Aesop. A King (says the fable) having made proclamation that they should assemble all the beasts of burden which could possibly be found, to serve in the war that he undertook; the Fox was no sooner advertised thereof, but immediately he flies; that he might avoid the peril of so unprofitable an employment; by and by he meets the wolf, who (instead of imitation) derides him, that he did not conceive that the ordinance only respected those beasts, who were proper for burden, from which they were altogether exempt; Do not you rely upon that, replies the Fox, for (I tell thee) that if those which be about the King once take the caprice, that we may serve as well as the rest, we shall likewise be compelled to go, or, at least, infinitely suffer, before his majesty can be rightly informed of our reasons to the contrary. It is no difficult matter to extract the sense of this ingenious story, and so judge of what importance the favour and Authority of those (We speak of) doth concern us. This is it which doth infinitely multiply the servitude of the Court, which renders the subjection much more insupportable, & that which makes it be numbered (as I conceive) amongst those felicities which the ecclesiastic reckons up; c. 25. even the happiness, not to have our liberty engaged unto those Persons who deserve not the least subjection unto them. The goodness of that government under which we live, giveth me the hardiness to explain my self with a liberty worthy the reign of Lewis the just; As he is one of the greatest Monarchs on Earth, and the most worthy to be admired; he is likewise the best of all, and such a Prince, that there is no imaginary liberty, which can possibly be so sweet, and advantageous unto us, as the obedience which we render him. After his example, the greatest of his Court, exercise an authority so well moderated, that I do verily believe to be able without danger (as well as without fear) to report the defects of others, and say in general, that which was almost continually blamed in the Palaces of other Princes. The theme which hath hitherto adduced me hath too far absented me from flattery, to add any thing which doth so much as approach it. And I know the genius of his Majesty, and of those who have the most power about him, to be so averse from those adulterate, & false praise (of which we have but newly spoken) as by that only, I should fear to become odious, and blame worthy, were I but so inconsiderate as to make use of them. Truly there is nothing which the most glorious Potentates ought so much to detest, as a flatterer, which ascribeth to them such extravagant, borrowed enconiums, when as they merit nothing but such as are proper, and veritable. And therefore it was that Lysippus boldly affirmed, he had more honoured Alexander, representing him holding a spear in his hand; than Apelles who had painted him brandishing & fulminating the lightning, like Jove himself. And indeed we read in the History of this great Conqueror, that he laughed at a certain Artist, who had the vanity, to undertake of the mountain Athos, to carve our the figure of Alexander, if he would but have given him commission; as also, how on a time he cast the book of Aristotle into the river, which he passed, as unworthy, because of some ridiculous, and incredible exploits, Lucian de scrib. hist. which he writ that Alexander had performed in a duel against King Porus, wherein he was never yet engaged. Attila was touched with the like resentment, when he condemned to the fire, in Pavia, the verses of a certain Poet; for that to render the pedigree of this Scourge of God the more illustrious, he had derived it from so far, till he extracted his descent even from the immortal Essences themselves. And verily they had (in my opinion) good reason so to treat them. For my part, I esteem modesty to be one of the most essential parts of Praise; nor should I believe I had yet rendered all the honour and respect, which I owe unto these Heroes, and to our great Le●is, were it not that the silence wherewithal I reverence them, and which I do voluntarily impose on myself, composed the better part of their Praise. The Conclusion. BEhold here, Melpoclitus, what hath so often traversed my thoughts, and of which I verily persuade myself, the meditation will not be altogether fruitless, in the necessity which sometimes engageth us to accommodate with the nevitable subjections of life: For, if it be true, that to affirm one's self free we ought to be exempt from all kind of eorporall, and Mentallc servitude; if there be no man who may challenge a right of attributing that liberty solely to himself; since very Kings themselves be not enfranchised from certain duties which do most strictly oblige them to their people: If those Philosophers who would be esteemed (in this respect) Paramount all crowns, and diadems, have rendered themselves slaves to vanity, as well as other men are of their Passions; If (I say) the servitude of the Court, diametricaly opposite to the philosophic liberty, captivate such a world of people (accordingly as we are compelled to demonstrate) may we not then well conclude that there is not any Person, who is absolutely free? which thing being so, every one ought to satisfy himself in that condition of life, to the which he findeth himself engaged, or (it may be) attached unto; although (happily he therein find likewise some species of subjection, since (that in fine) we are all obliged quietly to acquiesce, upon that which the Divine Providence hath determine● on this point of our LIBERTY. FINIS. Reader, The absence of the Translator (whilst the book was in press) and many errors of the Amanuensis, request thee either to pardon these Errata following, or else correct them thus. Page 6. line 13. for elation, read elevation, p. 12. l. 4. dele have, p. 18. l. 10. r. is repugnant. p. 27. l. 16, dele great. p. 30. l. 9 for They, r. The. Ib. l. 15. r. to renounce. p. 32. l. 4. for those rude Masters, r. those. &c. p. 45. l. 8. dele a. p. 47. l. 1. for importaned, r. imported. p. 58. l. 14. for disirrregular, r. disregular. p. 65. l. 5. for incognite, r. incognite. p. 66. l. 14. for genius', r. Geniuses.