THE HISTORY OF PHYSIC, Or, An Account of the Rise and Progress of the Art, AND The Several Discoveries therein from Age to Age. With Remarks on the Lives of the most Eminent Physicians.  
Written Originally in French BY Daniel Le Clerc, M. D. AND Made English by Dr. Drake, and Dr. Baden.  
With Additional Notes and Sculptures.  
LONDON, Printed for D. Brown without Templebar, A. Roper in Fleetstreet, T. Leigh, and D. Midwinter in Saint Paul's Churchyard, 1699.   

TO Sir Thomas Millington, Kt. Precedent of the College of Physicians of London, and Physician in Ordinary to his Majesty.  
SIR,  
THe Honourable Post, which you so worthily fill, gives a natural Title to your Protection to this Piece, which is the History of the first Rise, and earliest advances of that Faculty, which You so nobly defend in its declining Age. I call tt the declining Age of Physic, not from any decay that I observe in its Intellects, which perhaps are more vigorous and lively now than ever, but from a formidable Conjunction, which seems at this time to threaten the Overthrow of its Constitution, especially here in England. The Subversion of the College of Physicians, the noblest Branch that ever Physic bore, has been attempted not only by the open Assaults of its Professed Enemies, but likewise by the secret Machinations of some of its treacherous corrupt Members, whose ungenerous Designs have been mainly defeated by your Prudence, and unshaken Resolution.  
Quacks have been coevous to Physic itself; we meet with no Memoirs of a date early enough to show us an Age unmolested with that rascally sort of Vermin. But to prostitute a liberal Education to the basest of Submissions, and to stoop an honourable Profession to disingenuous practices, only to gain the favour and recommendation of a Pack of illiterate Mechanics, is an honour reserved for our Age and Country, where Interest tyrannises, and men are too impatient to wait the slow advances of Honesty or Merit, to be rich or great.  
It may seem strange to those that have not pierced to the bottom of this Mystery, that men should endeavour to subvert the Honour, and trample upon the Dignity of that Faculty, by the exercise of which they themselves aim to rise. But there is no Riddle in the matter; They have found out a shorter cut to Reputation than by Learning and Skill, which require Industry and Application; they steer their course altogether by Craft and Intrigue. They are refining upon the Policy of the Mountebanks; For they plainly see the Figure which the Doctor makes with the People is owing to the interest of the Fool, that recommends him. For this reason they endeavour to destroy a Society, whose Laws and Constitutions are a severe curb to all such mean indirect Practices, and which allow its Members no other methods of making their court to the world, than those of Justice and Charity; which latter these men have as much as in 'em lay endeavoured to obstruct. Of this the Office now erected at the College for the relief of the Poor is a sufficient Evidence; and in spite of the Malice of its Enemies, or the Iniquity of the Times, will, I hope, prove a lasting Monument to your Honour, and procure you the hearty respect, and thanks of all good men, as it does of,  
SIR, Your most Obedient Servant, J. D.   

TO THE READER.  
THe work, by many so much wished for, and so long desired, is I hope by this time pretty far advanced. Mr Le Clerc has in this first Volume, which is sent to prepare us for a better reception of those that are to follow, given us such a Specimen of his skill and exactness, that we have reason to expect with Impatience the Accomplishment of his Promise. A work of this nature carries so much difficulty, and so little Profit to the Undertaker, that few have the Ability requisite for such a Task, and fewer the Courage to engage in a Service so hard, for a Reward so small, and so precarious as Reputation. For, though Reputation be almost universally courted, 'tis for the sake of Popularity, and Preferment, which are supposed to attend it.  
For this reason perhaps it is, that the History of Physic has been so much neglected in this Age, that has with such wonderful Industry and Success, cultivated, and carried on this Science in all its Branches. The duty of a Historian obliges him to be just to others, and to assert their honour who deserve it, how contrary soever to his own Interest, or Inclinations, a thing directly repugnant to the general humour of the World, who affect to found their own Names upon the ruin of other men's, and think every one that hears well in the opposite Scale to themselves, and consequently that their only way to rise is by depressing others.  
But whether this perverse, malevolent Temper, a disease as common to, and as hard to be cured in Physicians as other men, indisposed 'em for a work so ungrateful, as the recording the Merits and Services of others, without any Prospect of reward to themselves for their labour: Or whether the general Application to the Improvement of the Art or Science itself, might make 'em neglect an enquiry, which they might think brought no real accession of knowledge to it: Or lastly, whether the reasonable care which every man might lawfully have of his own Interest, diverted 'em from a Study, which, giving no reputation of Practical Skill, was not likely to be attended with Profit; this useful enquiry lay dormant above fourteen hundred years, nothing considerable having been done in it from the time of Galen to our Author, that I know of.  
In the year 1611, Michael Doringius, a Germane Professor of Physic in the University of Hesse, published a piece de Medicina & Medicis, in the first part of which he treats expressly, Of the Rise, and Progress of Physic; wherein he pretends to give an account of the Inventors and Improvers of Physic, and the several Sects into which the Professors of it were split, and subdivided. But as our Author in his Preface rightly observes, this Book does by no means answer the Title. For, besides some general hints concerning the Fabulous Age of Physic, loosely put together; and a very slender account of the several sorts of Ancient Physicians incoherently patched up from Celsus and Galen, he has very little to the purpose of his Title. His main aim was to curb and refute the extravagancies of Paracelsus, whose  whimsical notions began about that time to prevail very much in Germany. For Paracelsus, by his application to Chemistry, (a study than not much in use) having made himself Master of some considerable Remedies, had partly by his Cures, and partly by his prodigious Boasting, gained such an Ascendant over the credulous Vulgar, and with them some not unlearned men, that seeing something more than they expected, they foolishly believ●d more than was possible of him. This Success, in conjunction with his natural Vanity, blew the man up so excessively, that he immediately laid claim to the Sovereignty of Physic and Philosophy, set up for a new Hypothesis, and a new Sect, and with the true Spirit of an Enthusiastic Reformer, very rudely and unjustly insulted and vilifyed all the great men that preceded him in either Study, especially Aristotle and Galen. This Insolence armed abundance of Volunteers against him, and engaged divers learned Pens on both sides in the Controversy, amongst whom Doringius made one, whose Book de Medicina & Medicis, whether we consider the Matter, Method or Design of it, must be accounted as it really is, a Polemical, not a Historical Piece. For those few Historical Remarks which he premises, seem rather to serve as an Introduction to his Argument, and to show the Antiquity and Excellence of the Sect, which he undertakes the defence of, than to make any part of the Original Design.  
Neander of Bremen seems to promise something more perfect and complete, (as our Author relates his design, or rather the Title of his Book.) But I have never seen this Book, as our Author likewise confesses he never had when he wrote his Preface, and therefore I can only observe concerning it, that this Piece could afford our Author no Method, or Assistance in the prosecution of his Excellent work hitherto.  
After these, the learned Conringius, Professor at Helmstadt, fell upon much the same Argument, which he treated of in several Lectures to his Scholars, and promised to publish complete to the World, but was prevented by death. It was afterwards published in Quarto, under the Title of Hermanni Conringii Introductio ad universam Medicinam, with tedious Notes by Christopher Schelhammer, his Scholar, and afterwards Professor in the same University, which serve rather to swell the Bulk, than raise the Value of his Author; and to make him more Voluminous, than Useful or Complete. The whole Work is divided into several Chapters, or Lectures, concerning the Nature, Constitution, and Invention of Medicine, or the Art of Physic, Of the Physic of the Asclepiadean Family, and the several Ancient Schools of Physic, Of the several Sects, and their Authors: The rest of his Chapters he bestows upon the several Members of the Faculty, (viz.) Physiology, Pathology, Pharmaceuticks, Semeioticks, Diaeteticks, Anatomy, Botany, etc. each apart, wherein after a few slight hints of the use of 'em in general, he proceeds to ennumerate, and censure the Authors that have written of 'em, whether Ancient or Modern  
Had this design been rightly and exactly prosecuted, 'tis probable our Author had been in great measure prevented. For though the Method in which they proceed be very different, yet the matter would have been in the main coincident. But whether Conringius, who perhaps intended these Lectures only as private directions to his own Scholars, for the choice of Authors in the course of their studies, who therefore might rest satisfied in the single Authority of their Master, did not think himself obliged to dilate on those matters, or Authors, which he recommended to 'em, or cautioned 'em of; Or whether coming out after his Death from the Notes taken by his Scholars during his Reading, these Lectures were mutilated by a hasty transcription; Or, which at last 'tis most reasonable to believe, that these Lectures were only Sketches of his design, rough Draughts of a Piece, which would have made a very different Figure, had the Author lived to have filled up his Design, and given the Finishing Strokes; The view which he gives of the Physic of any Age or Persons is very confused, short, and imperfect, His Characters of Authors superficial, arbitrary, and sometimes unjust.  
Nor is his Performance much mended by the hevy labours of his Disciple Schelhammer, whose Partiality, and want of Judgement, absolutely incapacitate him for the business of a Historian, or a Critic. His Passion for Aristotle and Galen is most remarkable in him; they are his Spectacles of Philosophy and Physic, without which the can't see any thing, nor comprehend how others should. Upon this account he bears an irreconcilable grudge to the English Physicians, particularly to Dr Willis, for not submitting their Reason upon all occasions to his two Oracles; and having used his own understanding to leading-strings all his Life, he wonders at the Boldness and Presumption of any one that dares trust his to its own Legs. I suppose, we need no other line to fathom the depth of this Gentleman's capacity, and to assure us that no great burdens of Learning are like to reach us that way. But if we consider his Favourites, the Cobweb Spinners upon Aristotle and Galen; and the plundering Compilers of tedious Dutch Systems of Practice, which he values by the Bulk, we have no great reason to be ambitious of his Favour, but rather to take his censure for a Compliment, and be proud of being out of his good Graces.  
Besides these, and the Chronology of Wolfgangus Justus, (which our Author says he has not seen, though in the fourth Book of this Volume in the Chapter of Diocles Carystius, he taxes him with a considerable mistake) there are some other small Pieces of Heurnius, Vanderlindan, etc. which afford some scattered hints; but such as are no bar to our Author's pretensions, as the first that has regularly trod this Path, in which no continued traces appear to guide him.  
I shall not attempt to forestall the satisfaction of the Reader, with a tedious account of our Author's Performance and Merit on this account. But I must be so just to him, as without trespassing upon any man's patience to observe, that Mr le Clerc is the first that has given us a distinct view of the state of Physic in the fabulous Ages of the world. He has taken exact care to settle the age of the several reputed Inventors of it, and from a confusion of Traditions, absurd, fabulous or uncertain, so judiciously to extricate the truth, as with a great measure of certainty to deliver to us no contemptible account of the growth, and increase of Physic during those dark times. As his light increases, his prospect clears up, and the second Book gives us a succinct, but a well digested account of the Progress of the Science, under the management and cultivation of the Philosophers, till the time of Hypocrates, whose Reputation and Abilities grew to such a height, as to overtop and obscure all that went before him, and even to cast a damp and a cloud upon the Merits of all that have succeeded him for so many Ages to this day. His third Book is entirely taken up with the History and Physic of Hypocrates, which he has so far exhausted, that scarce the works of that great man himself, can give us so just an Idea of his Merit and Abilities. He has with great accuracy and diligence, distinguished the genuine Works of Hypocrates from the spurious, and with as great Art and Judgement extracted a compendious System of the Philosophy and Medicine of that Father of Physic. From whence, if we have not the means of surveying minutely all the particular passages and beauties of it, we have at least the advantage of a more entire and uniform View, and may make a better Judgement of the whole. So that though from thence we don't learn the practice of Hypocrates, yet we may there see what occasion we have for it, and be readily referred to any thing, which we shall think fit to examine more minutely. If therefore a work of this nature does not immediately make us able Physicians, it makes us better Critics, and consequently t'other also, if we will employ our Judgements for the enlargement of our Knowledge, and not perversely abuse it to snarl at one another. The last Book of this Volume contains the account of the State of Physic, from Hypocrates to the Age of Alexander the Great, in which nothing of moment occurs, except some few Innovations in Physiology by Plato, Aristotle and Theophrastus, no considerable Memoirs remaining to us of the Practice or Opinions of the professed Physicians after Polybus the Son-in-law of Hypocrates, till Chrysippus, who gins the next Volume.  
One thing I think myself obliged to acquaint the Reader with, that neither the Author nor the other Gentlemen concerned in this version, may be held responsible for errors, of which I perhaps alone am guilty; which is, that in translating the first Book, I have taken the liberty to add some few Marginal Notes, which I thought of use to the Illustration of that part of the History, and which I have therefore caused to be distinguished from the Authors, which are referred to by Letters, as mine, by these marks * †.  
It may perhaps be further expected that I should say something according to custom for myself, and the Gentlemen concerned with me in this Version, and apologise for what we have done. For my part, I see no reason for't; if we have done our Author justice, an Apology is altogether unnecessary; if not, 'tis insignificant. We have thrown away our pains, as the Reader will his; and therefore I shall trust to the Merits of Mr Le Clerc, for an Excuse; if they will not serve, I despair of any better, and shall shift without, as those concerned with me must do likewise. If we give the Reader any satisfaction, 'twill be double to us, and we ask no more.   

The Author's Preface.  
●Ivers learned Men before me have designed 〈◊〉 the History of Physic; but none as yet put 〈◊〉 execution, none at least that has come to my ●●●wledge. Vossius intended it, and we find in 〈◊〉 of his posthumous pieces entitled, De Philo●●phia, several things concerning the Ancient ●●●sicians, the writings left by 'em, and the time 〈◊〉 which they lived; but it seems to be a Plan only, 〈◊〉 that a very defective one of a larger work; 
Cap. 2. paragraph. ultimo.  〈◊〉 its Author in one place gives it the title of 〈◊〉 History of Physic, in express terms.  
Meibomius and Reinesius, Germane Physicians, well known by their works, both promised ●he same History, but were prevented by Death. At present I know no man, that has any such design, the learned Monsieur Dodart excepted, a ●●mous Physician of Paris, whose work upon this subject is expected with impatience. If that appears suddenly, whatever disadvantage I may ●eet with from this clashing, I shall think it an ●onour to me, and esteem myself happy in jumping with a Man of his merit, in the same design.  
The late Monsieur Menage likewise wrote the History of the Ancient Physicians; but there is abundance of difference between a History of Physic, that is, a collection of all that relates to their person's, the titles, and number of their writings, ●nd a History of Physic, that is, to set forth the opinions of the Physicians, their Systems, and Me●●●ds and to trace step by step all their discoveries. This was in my opinion not within the reach of Monsieur Menage, who was no Physician; though his great learning sufficiently warrants to me his success in the other method. Tho yet I know not whether that were printed or not.  
Petrus Castellanus, Greek Professor at Louvain, published, before Monsieur Menage, a small book, of the Lives of the Physicians, both ancient and modern, printed in 1618., but he has omitted several both of the one, and the other, and says very little of any in particular.  
Neander, a Physician of Bremen, printed likewise in 1623., a book, wherein he treats of the Origine of Physic, its Antiquity and Nobility, of the Sects of its Professors, of its intervals, during which it was neglected, of its Revivals, and of the Works of those Physicians, that contributed to it, in which the Author has hit the true design of such a History, if he has not contented himself with generalities too lose; as has Doringius, another Germane Physician, who wrote a little Book, in 1611, concerning Physic and Physicians, the Rise, and progress of their Art, etc. Scarce has this Author filled three pages of a Book in Octavo in a large Letter with all that he says of Hypocrates, by which we may judge, how his performance answers the title. I have seen Doringius' Book, but could never see Neander's. Nor have I seen a piece of Wolfgangus Justus called the Chronology of the Physicians, both Ancients and Moderns, printed in the last Age.  
Among those Authors that treat of matters relating to the History of Physic, we ought to rank the famous Civilian Ti●aqueau. This learned Man in his thirty first Chapter of his Book concerning Nobility, which alone would make a reasonable Volume, takes occasion to start the question, Whether the Art of Physic derogates from Nobility or not? Where, after determination for the Negative, he shows, that Persons of the highest Rank have practised this Art; that a great many Physicians have been canonised for Saints, that several Po●es, Emperors, and Kings have practised Physic, as well as many Queens, and other Ladies of great Quality; nay, and divers Gods, and Goddesses, and almost all the ancient Philosophers and Poets; and beside the particular List of the Individuals of these several conditions, he gives at last a general Catalogue of almost all the known Physicians, ranged Alphabetically.  
All the aforecited Authors have written to the advantage of Physic, and left the Ancients in peaceable possession of the honour they have acquired, and maintained till th●se latter ages. Monsieur Lionardo de Capoa, a Neapolitan Physician of great reputation, is the only one, who in a Book published by him, wherein he treats of the Rise and Progress of Physic, made it his principal aim to show the uncertainty of it, overthrowing the Systems of almost all, particularly the Ancient Physicians; for amongst the Moderns he seems to side with those, that espouse the Cartesian Philosophy, and Chemical Principles, explained after his own Sense; at least he allows these two to be the foundations of the true Physic, which ought to be established. But the Physicians that ground their practice upon them, being very few, especially in Italy, he concludes Physic to be to this day very uncertain.  
We may allow Monsieur di Capoa to have prosecuted the History of Physic, so far as he has traced the Rise and Progress of it. But besides that he loses the Character of a Historian, choosing rather to combat as an Adversary the opinions, he dislikes, than to set 'em in their full light, and spinning his own reasonings to much greater length than those are of, which he opposes, he omits abundance of things of great importance to the History, of which he treats. The chief use of his Book is to disabuse those, that are prejudiced in favour of the Ancients. Nor are this learned Man's works of small use, especially in that Country, where every thing that's new, is indifferently condemned for that reason.  
'Tis apparent from what has been said, that no body has yet written this History, as I have already remarked, and that the Piece I now send abroad, is the first, that precisely handles this matter. This makes me hope, that the World will give me some grains the more of allowance, and looking upon this only as an Essay, will pardon more easily those faults, they may find in it. Nor in reality do I offer it for any more than an Essay, my Subject yet, as I may say, but putting forth its buds in this little Volume, which amounts not to a sixth part of the whole, ●nd which had not seen the light, but by this Specimen to try the relish, and sound the opinions of my Judges, that I may take my measures thereby in the Sequel.  
This may suffice to stop the mouths of those that may object, that I promise much, and perform little, that my Book does not make good its title, that the Mountain is in labour of a Mouse. If I thought they were of that opinion, for whose judgements I ought to have a deference, I would immediately resign to some body else. But if they think more favourably of me, I shall persist in hopes to improve, as I proceed, by the instructions I may receive. And I persuade myself, that Greater Wits, instead of accusing me of presumption in attempting a work, that requires more learning than I am Master of, will be foe just, as to make some reckoning even of my weak endeavour; and treat me at least, as Quintilian does a certain Author, whom he ranks among the indifferent ones. 
* Dignus vel hoc proposito ut ilium s●iss● omnia illa credamus.  He deserves (says he) the credit of knowing all that he ought to have known, for undertaking to write of so great variety of things, though for no other reason, than the boldness of the design.  
I shall not amuse myself with the several uses that may be made of the History of Physic, the title alone sufficiently shows, what is to be expected. I shall only take notice, that one may see, (as 'ttwere) with the cast an Eye by means of this History the principal Reasonings, and most considerable Experiences that have been found out from the beginning of the World, either for the prevention or cure of Diseases. The Books which Physicians daily write, are filled with their own proper Experiences, or their particular Reasonings, or those of others, to which, if they approve 'em, they endeavour to give a new turn; but we seldom see there, those that are not for their Palate; or at least we are not permitted to see the fairest side of 'em.  
'Tis not so with this History, which is obliged to penetrate into the very soul of every age, and ev●ry Author; to relate faithfully and impartially the thoughts of all, and to maintain every one in his right, not giving to the Moderns what belongs to the Ancients, nor bestowing upon these latter what is due to the former; leaving every body at liberty to make reflections for himself upon the matters of Fact as they stand related.  
This at least is my own Idea of the History in hand, and the end I proposed to myself in writing of it. I have disengaged myself, as much as possible, from all prejudice on this occasion, and have examined all the Authors that have come to my hands, by their own writings, and not by any written or verbal reports of 'em, or their works.  
I am convinced, particularly in the case of Hypocrates, that 'tis dangerous to rely upon the testimony of another. This ancient Physician having deservedly, and upon many accounts gained the esteem of all the World, and being looked on as a complete Model, every Author has made him the compliment of his own discoveries; or if any one were so tenacious, as not to part with an invention which he thought he had a just title to; he has immediately met with crowds of Opponents, that have used their utmost efforts, to show, that Hypocrates either said, or saw it before; a weakness not absolutely overcome to this hour. I have declined taking any party, or declaring for, or against the opinions I report; or if I have at any time taken more liberty it has been very rarely.  
As to the disposition of my work, the first part, as I have said, is the only one I publish at present, which contains chief the Physic of Hypocrates, that being of greatest importance in this Volume. The rest, which respects the the State of Physic before him, and after him, not being so considerable, though all of use to the History.  
The first part seems to contain nothing, but what is fabulous, or very uncertain. Yet even there, among the Fables of Esculapius, and other deified Physicians, amidst the weak Essays of the first Men to secure or disengage themselves from distemper, we discover the tracks of Medicines in in most places yet esteemed the principal; such as Bleeding and Purging, the antiquity of which is thereby established.  
We may see likewise in the second Book, that 'tis not absolutely true, that from Esculapius, or his Sons, to Hypocrates, there was a sort of interregnum in Physic, and that the six or seven hundred Years intervening between these two great Men were not time lost, as some pretend. On the contrary, it shows that during this interval the Foundations of rational Physic were laid, the Dissection of Animals introduced, and a new method of enquiry into the causes of distempers brought into play, for all which we are obliged to the Philosophers, Pythagoras, Alemaeon, Democritus, and others therein mentioned.  
From Hypocrates to the Period that closes the 4th Book, which I call the first History of Physic, we find nothing new, the term being very short. We only observe that the Philosophers of that time, the chief of which were Plato, Aristotle, and Theophrastus, pushed on a little further in imitation of their Predecessors their Anatomical discoveries, especially Aristotle. The Practical Foundation laid by Hypocrates, and his predecessors, remained very little altered in all that Time.  
There remains only the Physic of Hypocrates, which, as I have said, is the most considerable part of this first Volume. What that is, may be seen in the third Book. I shall only add, that, if any man objects, that I have not exhausted this rich Fund, but have left much unsaid, I acknowledge it. But this I assure him, that, to the best of my Judgement, I have made Hypocrates say nothing, but what he really did say, and that I have omitted nothing, that I thought very material, either in his reasonings, or his method.  
I have one word more more to add concerning the Language in which I writ. If I had written in Latin, I might perhaps have had more Readers, and the faults have been less visible; at least I might have hoped for as easy pardon as abundance of other Authors, that have written lately in it, though but indifferent Masters of it. 'Tis pure humour, that made me write in French. If my Book be worth the while, 'twill find Translators enough to make it of use to Strangers. And for the French 'tis sufficient, if they understand me, without being solicitous about the purity, or politeness of the Style, which seldom falls to the share of those that are but borderers upon the Country.   

THE HISTORY OF Physic.  

PART I.  

BOOK I. The Rise and Progress of Physic, from the beginning of the World, to the time of the Trojan War inclusive.  

CHAP. I. The Reasons that first put Men upon the Search after Medicine, and their earliest proceed therein.  
COULD the Bodies of Men, and other Animals, persist always in their natural state without any alteration, and every Part; whereof they are composed, do its duty, we should enjoy a perpetual course of that, which we call Health, or Life. But this admirable piece of Workmanship, like all the rest, is submitted at length to Dissolution: Not a moment pa●●es, which makes not some change, sensible or insensible. The Springs which move our Bodies are framed of Matter so tender, and so susceptible of all Foreign impressions, that no long time is required to wear 'em out, and being extremely subtle and ●ine, must needs be very brittle, and therefore frequently out of order: nor can it possibly last long in comparison with more solid Bodies, and consequently Death, which finally dissolves us; and the Distempers, which lead to it, are unavoidable.  
Nor are we to be surpriz●d at Dying, since we have more reasonable cause of wonder, that Diseases come not oftener, and Death sooner; which were inevitable, if among the numberless Springs, that actuate our Machine, some were not less necessary, others less nice. Some, like the main Spring of a Watch, give the motion, and set all the rest a going: Others, less essential, may receive great damages, and stand still, without stopping the motion of the whole. The Errors we commit in the use of those things, that are necessary for the maintenance of this Engine, as Meat, Drink, Exercise, and Rest, etc. (which are those, that usually produce the greatest alterations in the principal Parts) nor even the violent impulses of other Bodies, tend not always to its entire destruction; nay, often scarce cause a sensible disorder. But, if it so falls out, such is the wonderful contrivance of this Machine, that it can frequently shake off, unassisted, the Clogs that impede its motion, and recover its former state (or very near it); for, we must confess, that these frequent shocks wear, and destroy the Springs by insensible degrees.  
But, when this disorder rises so high, that it cannot be surmounted by all the force of the Machine in its ordinary course, that there is a necessity of Foreign Aid; as there are about it some Bodies hurtful to, and entirely destructive of it, so there are others helpful, and beneficial in its extremest need. The Beasts, under the direction of their Senses only, know how to refrain, and guard themselves from those; and to take the benefit of these. I shall not here take into consideration, what is commonly reported of the Instinct of Brutes; of that hereafter. 'Tis sufficient to take notice, that Men, who have Reason, have not failed to make use of it on these occasions.  
The kindness they have for their own Bodies has taught 'em, ever since the beginning of the World, to distinguish carefully between what was useful for the preservation of Life and Health, and what was destructive of 'em. They used their utmost endeavour to avoid the latter, but finding all their caution insufficient, and that it was not always in their power to avoid the Causes of Diseases, their refuge was to observe nicely the conduct of those that were fallen sick.  
Finding therefore, that, in their opinion, such or such an Error had hastened the death of some, and such and such Conduct the recovery of others, and that then they made use of things, not used in time of health, to which they attributed their recovery, they, for the future, avoided what they thought hurtful to the former, and try●d upon other persons in like cases; those things, which they thought so beneficial to the latter, and being confirmed by repeated Successes, continued the use of 'em.   

CHAP. II. Whether Medicine came immediately from God: And how the first Remedies were found out.  
WE have seen, what first induced Men to have recourse to Medicine, and what in general their management must needs have been on that occasion. If it be asked, Who taught Men to have recourse in their Sickness to things of which in Health they made no use? Most believe, that Men own their first knowledge of this kind to Divine Inspiration, immediately, and by way of Revelation, or Instruction.  
The Jewish, and many Christian Doctors, have inferred from Genesis, where 'tis said, That God caused all the Creatures to pass before Adam, that he might give 'em Names: That he, at the same time, received a perfect knowledge of all their qualities, and of the rest of the Creation; and consequently, that he was not ignorant of their Medical Virtues. Many yet are of another opinion: Of this first Man we shall say somewhat more, when we treat of the Inventors of Medicine. A second Argument to prove the celestial Origine of this Art, is drawn from those passages of Ecclesiasticus; 
* Cap. 38. Verse 1, 2, etc.  where he says, That God created the Physician, and the Physic, and that he hath given Science to Men, and that 'tis he that healeth Man, etc.  
All the ancient Pagans held their Gods to be the Authors of Medicine. The Art of Physic (says 
(a) Deorum immortalium inve●ti●n● consecrata est Ars Medica. Q●●● Tusc. 3.  CICERO) is Sacred to the Invention of the Immortal Gods; that is to say, This Art was looked on as Sacred, because invented by the Gods. The Author of a Piece among the Works of Galen, Entitled, The Physician, or the Introduction, tells us, That the Greeks ascribed the invention of Arts to the Sons of the Gods, or others of their nearest Kindred, who were instructed 〈◊〉 HIPPOCRATES makes God the Inven●●r: 
(b) De prise. Med.  They (says he) who first found the way of curing Distempers, thought it an Art that deserved to be as●●●●d to the Gods 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Artic. of Dem●c●i●us, l. 2. ; which (adds he) is the receiv●d Opinion.  

(d) D●● primum inventores suos assig●avi● Medicina, c●●●que dicavit. Plin. lib. 29. cap. 1.  They who were not precisely of this mind, yet ranked at least among their Gods the Men that invented Arts, especially Physic; either out of admiration of the Introducers of things so useful to Society, or as a public acknowledgement of the benefits they had received. 
(e) See the Articles of H●●●es, Osiris, Isis and Esculapius.  We shall bring Authorities and Instances, in confirmation of what we have now said, which will show in what manner the Heathens believed their Gods imparted their Aid to the relief of Men's Maladies, and the light required for the practice of Physic.  
The necessity of this Art once supposed, Reason, and Chance, might present Men with the first Remedies they made use of: Tho' the most ancient Instances we meet with, of the manner of discovering the Virtues of any Plants, render us indebted to Chance alone.  
There is a Fable, that 
(f) H●●im lib 〈…〉 do●. lib. 3.  GLAUCUS Son of MINOS King of CRETE, as he was pla●ing, tumbled into a Vessel of Honey, and abundance of time was spent in vain search after him. At length one POLYIDUS, a Di●i●●r, was sent for from ARGOS, who disco●●●●d where he was. MINOS finding him such a notable Fellow, presently concluded that he cou●d restore him to life too, and to compel ●i● to it, caused him to be enclosed in the same Tomb. The Conjurer thus put to his trumps with the Ca●●●ss, spied a Serpent making towards him, which h●●●●w. Presently after came another Serpent, who ●●●ing the other dead immediately scampered, and returned with a certain Herb, with which he co●●●r●d the whole Body of the dead Serpent, and brought him presently to life. POLYIDUS took the hint, and made the same experiment upon GLAUCUS, with the same success; thereupon he call●d to so●●, that p●ss●d by, who carried the news to the King, who presently set him at liberty.  
A les● incredible Fable than this, is that of MELAMPUS and the Daughters of PRAETUS. Melampus w●● a Shepherd, who observing that his Goats purged as often as they eat HELLEBORE, bethought himself to m●●e them ●at of it, and give their Milk to the aforesaid Ladies, who through a Malady, of which the Physicians give divers examples, thought themselves turned into Cows, which the Fable attributes to the wrath of Bacchus, or Juno, whom they pretended to surpass in beauty; however, the Shepherd's experiment succeeded, and the Lady's fancies were eased. MELAMPUS was Countryman to POLYIDUS. We shall have occasion to speak of both hereafter.  
If it be asked, Who reached Polyidus ●s Serpent, or Melampus' Goats, the use of those Herbs: Those, that believe, that God first taught Men Physic, wou●d answer, That God has the same care of Brutes, and has given 'em Instinct in lieu of Reason; of which they are destitute. But if this Instinct be real, it should be something superior to Reason, since it reveals to Brutus' directly those things, which the other does not discover to Men, till after abundance of turn and wind. 
(g) See the Article of Podalirius.  We shall have occasion hereafter to speak of Medicines discovered by Chance, and what Brutes have contributed thereto, when we speak of Bleeding.  
It may be objected, That I have attributed to Chance the discovery of certain Remedies, upon the Authority of Fables. Most Fables of this kind are founded upon true Histories, and I see no reason why this of Melampus may not be one of them; but there is no need either of Fable, or History, to establish what has been said of Chance. Every one is convinced, by the experience of himself, and others, that we suffer, or are benefited daily, in point of health, by using certain aliments, or taking certain things without consideration, which we do not ordinarily use. If we must allow that Chance has made known to us several Poisons, we must not deny, that the same Chance has made us acquainted with variety of salutary things; upon the proof of which, I shall not insist any longer.  
Not that Reasoning has contributed less to the discovery of Remedies than Chance; we must reason even upon what Chance presents us with, before we can make a right use of it. But this is not the only service, that Reasoning does us; if Chance alone has shown us the virtue of some Medicaments, Reason alone guided the first Physicians to the knowledge of divers others, without the interposition of Chance: They need but compare the Distempers one with another, and examine the nature of the Medicines in use, to find that way abundance of others before unknown. We shall give some Examples of this Method of making discoveries, when we come to examine the practice of the Cnidian Physicians, who are the most ancient we know.  
But how much soever of this nature we own to Chance, or Reasoning, it excludes not the concurrence of Providence. For it will be always true, That Physic is the Gift of God, in the sense, that we derive all our other blessings from the same source.   

CHAP. III. How Physic was practised among the most ancient People; and how, what is said of the beginning, or invention of Physic, is to be understood.  
AT first, in all probability, every body prescribed Physic, and 'twas a long time before it became a distinct Profession. Whoever had gained any experience upon himself, or others, repeated it upon the like occasion, and communicated to his Friends and Neighbours. Herodotus tells us, That the Babylonians continued that practice, even to his time. 
(a) H●rod●t. lib. 6.  The Babylonians, says he, carry their Sick into the Market, (for they have no Physicians) that all who pass by, and have ever had, or seen the like Distemper, may give their Advice, and encourage 'em to try, what themselves, or others, have us●● with success in the like case. The same Author adds, That they suffered no body to pass, till he had informed himself of the Sick Man's case. 
(a) lib. 16, etc.  Sirabo says the same, not only of the Babylonians, but of the Egyptians, and Portugueses likewise. The PORTUGUESE (says he) according to the ancient Custom of the Egyptians, bring their Sick into the Streets, and Highways, that all Comers, who have had the same Malady, may give 'em their Advice.  
If we consider the Antiquity of the Babylonians, or Assyrians, and Egyptians, who were the first People of whom we have any Memoirs, their practice may be quoted as an instance of the eldest Method of treating the Sick. The simplicity of this Method, seems at least to be a proof of its Antiquity, as 'tis the most natural beginning.  
But as every one is not able to form a just Experience, yet all indifferently clubbed theirs to the public Stock; they became thereby so numerous, that the care of distinguishing and selecting, must necessarily devolve upon some particular Person▪ whose whole and sole business, and employment, it became.  
In our enquiry into the birth, and beginning of Physic, we must distinguish between Physic in 
(b) Illud satis ●●t admo●cre, omnia qu●●●is consummarit à Natura initia duxisse: a●t t●llatar Medicina, qu●●x observatione ●●lubrium atque 〈◊〉 cont●ario●●●n, reperta 〈◊〉; atque ut 〈◊〉 ousdam ●●●●et, tota ●●●stat experimentis, Namque & vuinus deligavit aliquis, an●●quam haec Ars esset, & sebrem quiet & abstinentiâ, non quia rationem videbat, sed quia ●●●aletudo ipsa coe●erat▪ Quintilian. lib. 2. cap. 8.  the Natural State, as we suppose it to have been among the first Men, and as it was among the Babylonians, and Physic after it became an Art. The first is as ●id as Mankind, and has been in use in all times, and all Nations; that we may say w●●h P●●●●, That if some Nations have made shift without Physicians, yet none ever did without Physic. All the difficulty lies in assigning the time, when the latter commenced; that is, when they had gathered a sufficient collection of Observations, whereon to sound Rules to know, and distinguish Diseases by; and Precepts for the choice, and administration of Remedies, and for the regulation of Living, etc. Whether these Rules were true, or false, the Precepts just, or unreasonable, is not the question: For if it be asked, when this Art was brought to perfection? the true and ready answer is, That 'tis yet a great way short of that. The question here is, When those Rules and Precepts were first laid down, by which Physic became an Art?  
When we read in history, or Fable, that 
(a) See the Chapter of Esculapius.  the Invention of Physic is ascribed to this or that particular person, we are not to imagine him the first that ever gave a Medicine; what has been observed concerning Natural Physic refutes that conceit. 'Tis more probable, that those, to whom the Ancients gave the honour of the Invention of this A●●, were Men that applied themselves more pe●●●●●ly to it, and distinguished themselves by it; whether they were really the first that engaged in it, or that excelling in their Art, their greater lustre ●●scur'd the dim Lights of those that preceded 'em in it, and seemed to have made some progress in the establishment of that Art, of which these completed the System; or that, examining more narrowly the Subject of it, that is, the Body, and enquiring more ●●●ely into the Causes of Distempers, and of the Effects of Remedies, they first began to give the Reasons of the Precepts of their Art. Experience alone was sufficient for the Inventors of the first 〈◊〉, they had no need of more refined reasoning, than common sense furnished every Man with. The second were obliged to carry their speculations a little farther, grounding still upon Experience only. The third were obliged not only to Reason, but to join the study of Natural Philosophy to that of Physic.   

CHAP. IU. That Prometheus, by some reputed the first Inventor of Physic, is a feigned Person. The first Man the first Physician.  
OF all those that were accounted the Inventors of Physic by the Ancients, Prometheus only seems to have been an Inventor of the first sort. Aeschylus introduces him speaking thus of himself: You would be surpriz●d, if I should tell you all the Artisices and Subtleties that I have invented. This is the principal: If any one fell sick, and there was no relief for him, nothing that he cou●d eat, nothing that he cou●d drink, nothing to anoint him with, he must perish for want of Remedies, before I taught Men the use of sweetening Medicines, with which they might cure all Discases. He had said before, That he stole Fire from Heaven, which is the infuser of all Arts, that he might communicate ●em to Men; That he had made them Understanding, and Wise; That he had taught 'em to build Housek, that they mi●ht dwell no longer in Caves, as they had done before; To distinguish the Seasons; and observe the rising and setting of the Stars; To compose Letters, and form Words; To yoke Beasts, and six 'em to the Chariot; To break Horses; To build Ships, and make Sails. He adds, That he taught 'em to Divine; to explain Dreams and Oracles; to foretell things by the flying of Birds, and the entrails of Beasts, and by the Signs that appear in Heaven; to dig out of the Earth, Brass, Iron, Silver and Gold: In short, that all Arts came from Prometheus.  
PROMETHEUS has been taken for the same with MAGOG, from whom the Scythians derive themselves. But 'tis easy to show, that the Prometheus of Aeschylus, and the other Poets, is only an Emblem, or a Prosopopeia of the Wit and Industry of Man, or of his Prudence, which assisted him to discover all that was useful for Life and Society. I shall pursue this Subject no farther. I shall only take notice, that if any one would know who was the first Physician, or Patient, he shall find 'em both in the person of the first Man: The same Law that subjected him to Death, submitting him likewise to Diseases, at least to divers infirmities inseparable from humane Nature, there is no doubt to be made, but that he did all he could to secure himself against, or free himself from 'em. Sacred Writ assures us, that he liv●d long enough to have gathered abundance of Experience; but as the manner of living then was simple and uniform, (such at least we usually suppose it) and the constitution of those primitive Men so robust and hearty, that Distempers might be very rare, so that 'tis not likely he should have had opportunity to carry Physic to any great height, or reduce it to an Art. But since the Scripture is silent in the point, I shall proceed to what Pagan Antiquity has handed down to us.   

CHAP. V HERMES, or MERCURY, or THOTH the Inventor of Physic, by some confounded with MOSES.  
THE most ancient of those that have had the honour of the Invention in the second sense, (that is, to have reduced it to an Art) is HERMES, or MERCURY, Surnamed TRISME▪ GASTUS, supposed to be the same with 
(a) Borrich. de ortu, & progressu Chymiae, P. 63.  CANAAN Son of CHAM, as some learned Men think. Tho' their conjecture were so far ill grounded, that HERMES and CANAAN should appear to have been different persons, yet they lived at least at the same time, and HERMES must have been the elder. One of the ablest 
(b) Monsieur Eochart in his Phaleg.  Critics of this Age has prov●d, that CHRONOS, or SATURN, was the same with NOAH. Sancbhoniathon informs us, that HERMES, THOTH, or TAAUTUS, (as the Phaenicians and Egyptians call him) was one of the Counsellors of SATURN. Diodorus Siculus says, that HERMES was Secretary to OSIRIS and ISIS, the most ancient King and Queen of Egypt, who both calid themselves 
(c) Bibliotheque univ. & Histor. de Monsieur le Clerc. Tom. 3.  Children, or grandchildren of CHRONOS. Sancbhoniathon make; HERMES a Phaenician, and Son of Misor, who liv●d also about the time we are speaking of. 
(d) De naturâ Deor.  ●ice●o will have it, that there were five Men wh●●●●●e the Name of MERCURY. The fir●● 〈…〉 ●e, was Son of CAELUS and DIES; 〈◊〉 ●●●●toing not so cleanly befell upon the sigh● of PROSERPINA. The second, who was Son of VALENS and PHORONIS, has high abode under ground, and is the same with TROPH●●●US. The third was Son of JUPITER and MAIA, by whom of PENELOPE PAN was begotten▪ The fourth, whom the Egyptians make a scruple of ●aming, had NILUS for his Father. The fifth, whom the Pheneates keep, and who sl●w ARGUS fled into Egypt for it, where he taught ●em the use of Letters, and gave 'em Laws. The Egyptians, says Cicero, call him THOTH, and name the first Month from him.  
If Cicero had consulted the Tradition of the Egyptians, rather than that of the Greeks, 
(e) Atque haec quidem ex vetere Gr●●●●● s●●â 〈◊〉 sun. D● 〈◊〉 D●●r.  from whence he owns himself to have drawn all that he says on this 〈…〉 ●●●m'd have made THOTH the eldest of the MERCURIES, or he would have made the first, 〈◊〉 he calls the Son of CAELUS, to have brought the knowledge of Letters, and Laws, from Egypt into Greece, since if MERCURY came to Egypt from the Country of ARGUS, which was Greece, it wou●d follow, That the Egyptians had learned of the Greeks, what on the contrary the Greeks learned of the Egyptians, as their own Authors confess in a thousand places. This way MERCURY, or THOTH, will 〈◊〉 ●e the Son of CHAM; for CAELUS is JUPITER, and JUPITER the same with CHAM, or HAMMON, as the Greeks called him.  

(a) Praeparat. Evangel lib. 9  We find in Eusebius a Quotation of Artabanus, that says, That MOSES having taught the Egyptians to build Ships, and Machine's for raising of great Stones for 〈…〉; to make Aqueducts, and Pumps to d●●● Water; and divers Instruments of War: And especially, having invented Philosophy, drew the love of the people so to him, that the Priests paid him Honours ca●al to those they paid to their Gods. He adds, That the same Priests gave him the Name of HERMES, because he understood the explication of their Mystical Writings.  
That which made him believe that MOSES and HERMES were the same person, is, that some Greek Authors have written that MOSES was contemporary to Inachus, the Father of Io, who by some has been confounded with Isis, to whom HERMES was Counsellor, Artabanus finding so luckily to his purpose these two great Men, MOSES and HERMES living together, of the two made one, for the greater honour of the former.  
But, if HERMES were the Inventor of Physic among the Egyptians, as we shall see by and by, he must have lived a long time before MOSES: For MOSES himself tells us, That there were Physicians in Egypt four hundred Years before his time, in the days of Joseph, 
(b) Praecipit Joseph ministris suis Medicis ut conditent Patrem.  whose Corpse was Embalmed by the Physicians, according to the sacred Text.  
But beside, that Eusebius himself acknowledges, that Inachus was some Ages older than MOSES. The Scripture itself overthrows the position of Artabanus, where 'tis said, 
(b) Act. Apost. lib 7.  that MOSES understood all the Wisdom, and all the Learning of the Egyptians; which shows, that he learned of them, not they of him.  

(c) De Vit Mos.  Philo the Jew, enumerating the Sciences, that MOSES had learned of the Egyptians, mentions only Arithmetic, Geometry, Poetry, Music, and their Symbolical Philosophy, which was written in Hieropliphick Characters. And he adds, That the Greeks taught MOSES the rest of the Liberal Arts; that he fetched from the Assyrians those who taught him their Learning, and from the Chaldeans, of whom he learned the 
(*) Astronomy.  Science of the Stars. 
(d) Stromat. lib. 1.  But Clemens Alexandrinus says expressly, That MOSES was Instructed in Physic by the Egyptians. Now though the Error of Artabanus be very manifest, and this therefore not the proper place to pursue the Discourse of MOSES any further, yet that we may not be obliged again to resume it, I shall only hint in a few words, that probably this Prophet was skilled in Physic. We have had the testimony of Clemens Alexandrinus to the point, and we shall see in the sequel, that the great Men of Egypt applied themselves to this Study, and that MOSES might have learned it there. The Chemists 
(*) Experience convinces us that this can't be true in fact under a miracle; and it can't be any proof of his Skill in Physic, since he must be supernaturally informed, if he foreknew the effects of a supernatural production.  pretend, that his reducing to Ashes, or Calcining the Golden Calf, and scattering the ashes in the Water, and giving the Israelites of it to drink, is a sufficient proof that he perfectly understood their Art. This instance does indeed, directly conclude him very expert in metallics, if we suppose no Miracle in the case; but we shall, in the second Part of this History, show that this is no proof of his having been a Physician, the difference according to us being very great between Metallick, and medicinal Chemistry.  
To return to THOTH, or the MERCURY of the Egyptians, 'tis certain that the Egyptians, and all the Heathens after 'em, believed him the Inventor of all Arts, Sciences, 
(a) Diodorus Siculus, lib. 1. Jul. Cas. de Bell. G●ll. lib. 6. jamblich. de M●st Egypt.  as the Authors here cited testify, of whom the 
(b) G●den. Orat. suas. ad A●●i. Martian. Capell de Art. Grammar. lib. 3 Clem. ●●x. Strom. lib. 6.  latter attribute to him the Invention of Physic in particular. And therefore 'twas undoubtedly, that the Ancients usually represented Mercury accompany●d by the Goddess Hygicia, that is, Health, which he brought to Men by this Art.  
We read in 
(c) Antiq. Juda●●. lib. 1. c. 3.  Josephus, that the Sons of Seth understanding from Adam, that the World was to perish by Water, and by Fire, to preserve their discoveries in Astrology, contriv●d to build two Pillars, one of Brick, and the other of Stone, on which they Engraved all that they knew considerable in that Science, thinking, that if the Brick were destroyed by the Deluge, the Stone would remain. Josephus adds, that the Pillar of Brick remained in Syria in his time.  
Mercury took the same measures to transmit to Posterity the Monuments of his Knowledge. 
(d) Chronic. lib. 1.  Eusebius makes mention, u●on on the credit of Manetho, an Egyptian Priest, of certain Pillars on which THOTH, or the first MERCURY, had written many things in Hierogliphics; adding, that AGATHODEMON, or the second MERCURY, Father of Tat, transcribed 'em in Greek after the Deluge, and composed of 'em Books in the Sacred Characters, which were kept in the most secret places of the Temples of Egypt. Thus far Manetho. To examine whether this second Mercury be different from Cicero's or not, is not to our present purpose.  
jamblichus says also, 
(c) De Myster. Egypt. lib. 1.  That there were Columns in Egypt, filled with Writings containing the Doctrines of Mercury. The same Author remarks elsewhere, That Pythagoras and Plato received abundance of light from what they read in Egypt upon the Pillars of Mercury. 
(a) Plato in Timao, & Critia. Galen. contra Jalian. lib. 1.  PLATO himself, in two places, speaks of Pillars upon which the Egyptians, and other ancient People, writ their Laws, the History of their Times, and the most remarkable things invented by 'em. What we shall say in the following Article of the Pillar of Isis, will be a confirmation.  
Whether all that has been related of these Columns, and the Extracts made from 'em, so much boasted of by the Egyptian Priests, were true or nor, the Fame of 'em sufficed to bring forth aburdance of Writings, or Books, which passed for Copies of these Extracts, and were taken for the legitimate Works of MERCURY. jamblichus reckons 
(b) Th● the Books of the Ancients were very short, yet the number here is manifestly very much amplified. Some have reduced these Books to so many lines, or short paragraphs.  6525 of these Books. Of some of these, there remains no more than the Title; others have been preserved entire. There are yet some Manuscripts to be found in curious Libraries, which treat of Chemistry; of which we shall have occasion to take further notice, as likewise of the famous Table of Emerald of Hermes, in the Second Part of this History; in which we shall prove, That if HERMES were the Inventor of Chemistry, 'twas not of Medical Chemistry.  
Among the Books of Mercury, of which the Ancients make mention, and which relate to Physic, there were some already suspected, even in the time of Galen. 
(c) De simplic. Medicam. facult. lib. 6. in principio.  Such was that, which he says was attributed to the Egyptian Mercury, which contained the Thirty six Herbs of the Horoscopes. These, he says, were mere trifles only, that amused the Reader to the loss of his time.  
We have spoken before of the Hicrogliphical Books of MERCURY, which the Egyptians kept with so much care in their Temples. It was undoubtedly one of these Books, which Diodorus calls, in the singular number, the Sacred-Book, without naming the Author, by which all the Physicians of Egypt were obliged to regulate their practice. So that observing the precepts of that Book, they were justified, tho' the Patient died; but if they deviated from 'em never so little, his death was imputed to 'em, and they punished as Murderers. Clemens Alexandrinus goes farther, 
(a) Stromat. lib. 6.  There are, says he, which are most considerable, two and forty Books of HERMES; thirty six of which contain the Egyptian Philosophy, which they obliged their SACRIFICERS, or PRIESTS and PROPHETS, to read. The other six they caused their 
(b) A sort of Priests▪ so call●d from their wearing l●ng Cloaks; or because they carried upon certain occasions the B●d of Venus. These Pastophori were th●●● that practised Physic in Egypt.  PASTOPHORI to learn, as belonging to Physic. The first of these, continueth he, treats of the STRUCTURE of the Body; the second of DISEASES; the third of the INSTRUMENTS required; the fourth of MEDICAMENTS; the fifth of the DISEASES of the EYES; the sixth of women's DISEASES.  
If these Books were really MERCVRY●s, we can't deny him to have reduced Physic to in Art. He began with the Structure of the Body, or Anatomy, supposing it most natural to begin with the knowledge of the subject upon which we are to be employed. After this he described the maladies or changes which ●●sal this Body. The third and fourth Books 〈◊〉 of the Instruments, and Medicaments necessary for cure; that is, of Surgery, and Pharmacy. After these he proceeded to the Eye in particular, whose diseases are very numerous, ●●d require a peculiar care. Hence he treats ●●trately of those Distempers of Women, that are distinct from those of Men, and require a different cure.  
Nothing could be more exact; 
(c) See Conringius de Medicine. Herm cap 3.  but there is great reason to suspect, that these Books were written many Ages after HERMES, at a time when Physic had made great advances; ●nd there is no doubt to be made, but that the Egyptian Priests fathered upon their HERMESES some spurious piece of their own, or of 〈◊〉 able Physician. If the matter did not speak for itself, the aforecited jamblichus starts the suspicion, by telling us, That the Egyptian Writers being persuaded, that Mercury was the Inventor of all things, usually gave him the honour of their own Productions, or did themselves the grace to put his Name to their Books  
At this time no tract, or foot-step, remaining of those Books, of which Clemens Alexandrinus makes mention; we know no more of the pretended Physic of HERMES, than the generals already given. If some other Books ascribed to him, which have remained to our days, were genuine, we might clearly from them infer, that the Physic of HERMES was in great measure grounded on Astrology and Magic.  

(a) See the passage corrected by Selden (de diis Syris syntagm. 1.) Ita humanitas semper memor humanae naturae & originis suae, in illâ divinitatis imitatione perseverat, ut sicut pater, ac dominus, ut sui similes esseut, Deos secit aeternos, ita humanitas Deos s●os ex sui vultus similitudine sig raret. Asclep. Statuas dicis o Trismegiste? Trismegist. statuas o Asclepividesue qa tenus tu ipse diffidas? Statuas a●imatas, sensu, & Spiritu ple●●s, ●●●taque facientes, & talia; Statuas futurorum prae●●●as, ea quae ●or●è omnis vates ignoret in multis & vargis praedicentes imbeci●l tates hominibus facientes, easque curantes tristitiam laet●tiamque prom●ritis, etc.  There is a passage, which justifies our assertion in the Book called Asclepius, which was anciently taken for one of Hermes', of which the Latin Version now extant among us is imputed to Apuleius. This passage mentions certain Statues, that gave, and cured Diseases, and told things to come; and did divers other prodigious things.  
The Book of the thirty six sacred Herbs of the Horos●●pes, cited by Galen as before, however supposititious, is at least a proof that it was the common opinion, that MERCURY did not confine himself to Physic, otherwise they would never have fathered such Books upon him. The Title of this Book agrees very well with what Origen writes, 
(b) Contra Cells. lib. 8.  That the Egyptians say there are thirty six Damon's, or Gods of the Air, which divide the Body of man among 'em into so many parts: And adds, That the Egyptians had in their Language names for all these Daemons, and that invoking any of 'em, according to the part affected, they were cured.  
There are some other 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Liber.  Books which bear the name of MERCURY, which prove likewise, that Astrology made a great part of his Physic. The Ancients were so strongly possessed, that Magic, and Astrology, made a part of Physic, that some would place Zoroaster, an ancient King of Bactria, who is generally taken to be contemporary to Ninus King of Assyria, or who, according to Berosus, was the same with Cham the Son of Noah, among the Physicians, because he had the reputation of having been a very great Magician, or the Inventor of Magic.  
To conclude, 'tis probable Mercury might make use of some ordinary, or natural Medicines, but Antiquity scarce affords us any proof of it. The Herb 
(b) Vid. Ho●. Odyss.  MOLY, that MERCURY gave to Ulysses, as of force against the charms of Circe, is in the number of superstitious Remedies, but that which bears his Name, 
(c) Mercurialis, or Mercury.  and which is in common use, seems to have been employed by its Inventor, as now it is. To the Mercurialis we may add Coral, of which they say MERCURY taught the use against the bitings of Serpents, which was to drink it in pure Wine. The Author of the Hymn to MERCURY, which is fathered upon Orpheus, who reports this of Coral, speaks of MERCVRY's Grot, where all sorts of good things were hidden, where no diseases came, where remedy was to be had for the bitings of Serpents, for Lunatics and Lepers. So far Orpheus, but he does not tell the means MERCURY used on these occasions.  
I find nothing more particular concerning the Physic of HERMES, than that the ancient Egyptians derived from him in general, all that belonged to that Profession. 
(d) Po●iti● or. lib. 2. cap. 15.  Aristotle speaks of an ancient Law among the Egyptians, by which the Physicians were forbidden to move the humours, (that is to purge) before the fourth day, which if they did, 'twas at their own peril, and risque. This agrees with what was said before of the sacred Books by which Physicians were obliged to regulate their practice, and perhaps this Law might be contained in that Book ascribed to MERCURY. Diodorus takes notice, that the Egyptian Physic consisted mainly of Abstinence, Clysters, and Vomitories, but we have no proof, that this practice was established by HERMES.  
We have nothing more on this subject, but that after his death he was worshipped as a God; a practice that grew very frequent afterwards, as may be seen in the following Articles.   

CHAP. VI OSIRIS, or APIS, or SERAPIS, and ISIS, other Inventors of Physic.  

(a) Diodor. hb. 1.  There were anciently to be seen in the City of N●sa, which some place in Arabia, others in Egypt, the following Inscriptions upon two Pillars in Mystic Characters. The first says ●hus: My Father is CHRONOS the youngest of the Gods. I am King OSIRIS, who have extended my Conquests over the whole Earth, from the uninhabitable parts of the INDIES to those under the BEAR, to the sources of the DANUBE, and thence to the OCEAN. I am the eldest Son of CHRONOS, and have brought him a fair, and noble Race: I am Father of the Day; there is no place in the World where I have not been, and I have filled the Universe with my good Deeds.  
The second was in these words: I am ISYS, Queen of all this Country, who have been instructed by THOUT. No one can unbind, 〈◊〉 I bind. I am the eldest Daughter of CHRONOS, the youngest of the Gods; I am Wi●e, and S●●●er to King OSIRIS. I am the first that t●●gh● M●● Agriculture; I am Mother to King HORUS. 'Tis I that blaze in the Dog-Star. I bui●● the City of Buba●tus. Adieu, adieu, 〈◊〉, where I was bred. From these t●● Ins●●●●ions we may infer, first, That OSIRIS and ISIS, who have been taken for the most ancient King, and Queen of Egypt, were contemporary to HERMES, or THOUT. If the conjecture advanced in the Article precedent were well grounded, they would be of the same Family too. Others aver that THOUT was Couns●ll●● or Secretary to this King and Queen, without taking notice of any relation between 'em.  
We are told in the second place, by the Inscription of Osiris, That he had filled the World with his benefits. The same Auth●r, that recites the Inscriptions, tells us in the same Book, That the Egyptian Priests affirm HERMES to be the Inventor of ARTS and SCIENCES in general, and that the Kings (meaning the King OSIRIS, and Queen ISIS) had invented those which were necessary to Life. Of these Arts, none is so useful as Agriculture; of which ISIS boasts herself to be Inventress. The same invention is ascribed to OSIRIS; nor is it the only▪ one they share in common betwixt 'em. They are likewise said to have invented Physic, First 'tis said of OSIRIS, because 'tis said of APIS, who appears to have been the same 
(a) Plutarch. de I●●d. & O●y●id.  Person. APIS, says Clemens Alexandrinus, a Native of Egypt, invented Physic.  
Cyril who was of the same City with Clemens, says likewise, That APIS an Egyptian, one of the most considerable of those that served in their Temples, and who understood natural Philosophy, was the first that invented the ART of PHYSIC, and practised it with greater success than any that preceded him, teaching it afterwards to ESCULAPIUS.  
By this APIS, should not be the same with OSIRIS, who was King of Egypt, whereas the other was but a Priest; but we may either suppose Cyril to be mistaken, or that APIS was King and Priest at the same time. Be it as 'twill, Plutarch assures us, That APIS and OSIRIS, according to the Tradition of the Egyptians themselves, were but two different Names for the same person; which Strabo confirms, as does also 
(a) De curâ affect. gentle.  Theodoret.  
The same Author would have it likewise, that SERAPIS was a third name for OSIRIS. 
(b) Tacit. Hist. lib. 4.  Some ancient Authors maintain Serapis to have been the same with ESCULAPIUS. 
(c) De Idolatr. lib. 1. cap. 19  Vossius fancies that the Egyptians gave that name to Joseph, to whom they paid Divine Honours, in acknowledgement of the benefits their Country received from him; but if SERAPIS be the same with OSIRIS, he must be abundance older. We shall speak of the Temple of Serapis, in the Article of Esculapius.  
As for ISIS, Diodorus tells us, That the Egyptians affirm, that ISIS invented divers medicaments, and that she was very expert in Physic: For which, say they, being already raised to be a Goddess, she still takes care of the health of Men. Hence it is, that they, who implore her succour, find themselves immediately relieved. They say, That the reputation of ISIS is not founded upon vain Fables, like those of the Greeks, but upon evidence of Fact. That 'tis supported by the testimony of almost all the Universe, who honour this Goddess for the succour they find from her in Physic. ISIS, say they, reveals Medicines to the sick by Dreams in their sleep, which never miss their effect; so that instances are daily seen of those, that recover their health, even after the Physicians have given 'em absolutely over.  
This testimony of Diodorus is backed by divers others. But whatever ISIS did in Physic, we hear of no Books written by her as by HERMES. We have nothing remaining of her, except 
(a) Kerher. Oedip. Egypt. Borrich. de or● & progress. Chim.  Isis' Table, a piece very curious, and (as they say) very ancient, written in Egyptian Characters, and charged with Hieroglyphics; that is, with mystical Figures, or Emblems, which is in the Closet of the Duke of Savoy, of which we shall take further notice when we treat of the Table of HERMES, beforementioned. There were in Galen's time certain Medicines, that bore the name of Isis, which seem rather imposed upon em●● raise their value, than drawn from her invention.  
OSIRIS and ISIS being dead, they w●●e numbered among the Gods, as well as MERCURY. If it be asked, Why the Ancients made Gods of those that were mortal, and subjected to the same conditions with the rest of Mankind? Cicero 
(b) De Nat. dear. lib. 2.  answers, That 'twas an established custom in the World to deify those persons, that did any considerable services to Mankind, as did HERCULES, CASTOR and POLLUX, ESCULAPIUS, BACCHUS, etc. All these, whom Cicero here mentions, are much later than OSIRIS and ISIS, who are the first that had this honour done 'em. We are informed at least, by Sancthoniathon, 
(c) Eu●●b. praepar. Evang.  That the Phaenicians and Egyptians were the first, that held, as great Gods, the Inventors of things necessary to Life, and those that were thought to have done any mighty service to Mankind; and from them, says he, this custom has been receiv●d by all the rest. Clemens Alexandrinus says likewise, That the same practice was in use among the Chaldeans, and the Inhabitants of Arabia the Happy, of Palestine, and of Persia, and all the Barbarians in general.   

CHAP. VII. HORUS, APOLLO, or PAEON, another Inventor of Physic.  
THE Invention of Physic has been given likewise to Horus, or Apollo, Son of Isis. This Goddess, according to Diodorus, finding in the water her Son Horus, who was slain by Titans, not only restored him to life, but made him immortal also. He adds, That the name of Horus has been readered Apollo, and that he was believed to have learned the Arts of Physic, and Divination, of his Mother Isis, and that he was very useful to Men by his Oracles, and by his Remedies. By what is past, Horus appears not to be the Inventor of Physic, having been taught it by his Mother; but if he be the same with Apollo, the sequel will prove him to have had the credit of inventing this Art himself.  
Ci●●●, who as we have seen multiplied the Mercu●ies, will have it, that there were 
(a) De Nat. d●or. lib. 3.  four Apollo's, amongst which Horus seems not to be included, unless we make him the same whom he ca●●s the fi●st of all the Apollo's, Son of Vulcan, and Patron of Athens. If Mercury and Vulcan, (who according to Cicero were both Sons of Cal●s) were ●●●●ntan and Misraim, Grandsons of No●●h, 
(b) De or●. & ●rogr. Chi●●.  as B●rrichius fancies; and if Osiris and Is●● liv●d about that time, Horus their Son might be contemporary to the Son of Vulcan. And if, with the Author of the universal Biblio●heq●e, we sub●●●●te Osiris to Mercury, the Apollo of D●odorus, and Cicero, will be, if not the same person, yet Brother's Children at least.  
If there were really any one of that name, that signalised himself by his Physic, it must be the Son of Isis, tho' he were not the Apollo, whom Ovid 
(a) Inventum Medicina meum est Opi●erque per Orbe●● Dicor & ●●●●um subj●ct● potentia nobi●. Metamorph. lib. 1.  introduces laying claim to the Invention of Physic, and the Virtues of Plants. We may pass the same censure upon the Apollo of Ovid, and the rest of the Poets, as upon the Prometheus of Aeschylus, that he is a feigned person, by whom the Sun was signified. To this Star they ascribed the rise of Physic, or rather a power of Life and Death over Men, to cause Pestilences, and to disperse 'em; for the Sun, or its hea●, were esteemed the principle of Generation, and Corruption in all things, upon whose peculiar influence upon Animal Bodies, and those that surround 'em, Health and Diseases did immediately depend.  
Hyginus refines very much upon this, when he says, 
(b) Fab. lib 1.  That Apollo was the first Oculist, alluding to the light of the Sun, and the appellation given him by the Poets, the Eye of the World. For the same reason he is said to be the God of Divination, because Light, or the Day, discovers what was hidden in the Night. By this he became more famous than the others, and his Temples were more frequented by those, that came to know their Fortunes, than to cure their Distempers. Others have thought, that the Art of Divination was joined to Physic, upon the account of the Prognostics of Physicians, 
* This conjecture seems very natural, but I doubt the Art of Divination will appear to have been separated from Physic before the latter arrived at any great skill in the Prognostics, of which we find ●ot●ing before Hypocrates, but what the Coacae Praenotiones contain, which seem to be the collective Body of the knowledge of his Predecessors 〈◊〉 that ●ind. I rather think, that the Priests, who were the first Pr●●es● 〈…〉 introduced Divination first into Physic, that they might supply their 〈◊〉 in the latter by the imaginary ●●●s of th● f●rme●, and support their credit jointly by both, which they could not by either apart.  by which they frequently foretell, what shall befall the Patient in the course of his distemper; which is, what procures the greatest veneration for the Profe●●ion.  
It should seem by the Etymology of the word Apollo, which comes from a 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This etymology seems better grounded than that which deduces it from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to expel; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Greek word signifying to destroy, that the sick addressed themselves to him, as much out of fear of mischief, as hope of benefit; as they raised Altars to the Fever. Homer, where he once calls Apollo Saviour of the People, says a hundred times, that he wounds and smites afar off. He was Surnamed likewise Alexicacoes, the Chaser of Evil, but we find not that name in Homer.  
He was called likewise 
(d) Others fetch this word from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to cease, to put a stop, or appease; because appeased Diseases.  Paeon, from a Verb, which signifies according to some to heal, but vulgarly to strike. 
(e) Iliad.  Eustathius takes notice that Homer's PAEON, the Physician of the Gods, was Apollo himself. It was a common practice to give Apollo the Surname of Paean; Io Paean was the burden of all the Hymns sung in his praise. Servius 
(f) In Eneid. 12.  observes that Paean was a Doric word, in which Dialect it usual is to turn o into a, Paean for Paeon.  
The Scholiast upon Nicander is of another mind; Paeon, 
(g) Scholar in Nicand. Theriac.  says he, is Esculapius. There is a passage likewise in the Plutus of Aristophanes, where the Surname of 
(h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Finding favour with Esculapius Paeon, or Esculapius the Physician, as some translate it. This epithet might at first belong properly to Apollo, but it has been bestowed upon his Son Esculapius likewise, and after him upon all famous Physicians▪ whom they had a mind to do honour to. In this sense perhaps it is, that Homer says, that Physicians are of the race of Paeon. Hence come the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, medicabilis, curable; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the hand of a Physician. And Servius in the place before cited says, upon these words of Virgil, Paeonium in Morem, That Paeonius signifies Medicinalis, or belonging to a Physician.  Paeon is given to Esculapius.  

(i) Parere del S. Leonardo di Capoa intorno la Medicina.  A Learned Italian, who writ some years since in refutation of the Scholiast upon Nicander, alleges, That Esculapius was not yet Deify●d in the days of Homer; but we shall see in the sequel, that his Apotheosis was passed long before. We might support the Scholiast by the authority of Virgil, who attributes the raising to life Hippolytus to the power of the Herbs of Paeon, thereby plainly intending Esculapius, whom he presently after calls the Son of Phoebus.  
Artemidorus likewise confounds Esculapius with Paeon: 
(k) De Somo. interpret. ●ib. 2. cap. 42.  If you dream, says he, that Esculapius removes, or comes to any place, or into any House, 'tis a sign of the Plague, or other distemper; for 'tis on these occasions Men have need of this God. But if the sick dream so, 'tis a sign of recovery; for, adds he, this God is called 
(l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  PAEON. So far Artemidorus; but, here, it may be answered, that by Paeon is meant no more than Physician.  
Lucian, on the other hand, distinguishes formally between these two; for he introduces Hercules threatening Esculapius to maul him so, that 
(m) ●●alogues of the Gods.  Paeon himself should not be able to cure him.  
These different Authorities show us, that the Ancients were divided upon the matter. At last, if Homer's PAEON, who was Physician to the Gods, was any other than Apollo, or Esculapius, he not having informed us what Family he was of, we need perplex ourselves about the matter no farther.   

CHAP. VIII. ARABUS another Inventor of Physic.  
OF ARABUS I find nothing but these words in Pliny: 
(a) Lib 7. cap. 18.  The Egyptians will have it, that Physic was invented among them; others attribute the Invention to ARABUS, the Son of babylon and Apollo.   

CHAP. IX. ESCULAPIUS the most famous, or most generally known of the Inventors of Physic; or of those that brought the Art to some degree of Perfection. Wherein of CHIRON the CENTAUR, and the HEROES his Pupils; as also of MELAMPUS, and POLYIDUS.  
THE Egyptians, who attribute the invention of Medicine to Hermes, account Esculapius his Pupil. The aforecited Book, entitled Asclepius, which is the same name with Esculapius, introduces H●rmes and Esculapius talking together, like Master and Scholar. And Julius Maternus Firmicus says, upon the tradition of the Egyptians, 
(a) Lib. 3. cap. 1. de ●●●siri & Nic●pso.  That the God Mercury communicated the secrets of Astrology, and Mathematics, to Esculapius and Anubis; from whence we may infer, that he did not hid from the former his Skill in Physic, which was his principal Study.  
'tis the more probable, that Esculapius was instructed by Mercury, in that he was his Kinsman. 
(b) Sancthoniathon. 1. ap. Philon. 1.  Syd●c, or Sadoc, Brother of Misor Father of H●rmes, having first had seven Sons called D●●scures, Cabires, or Corybantes, had an eighth, which was Esculapius, whose Mother was one of the seven Sister Titan's Daughters to Saturn by his Wife Astarte. The Author from whom what is here said is drawn, adds, That the Cabires had Children, who found out wholesome Herbs, and remedies for the bitings of venomous Beasts, and that they made use of Enchantments.  
This was the Tradition of the Egyptians and Phaenicians concerning Esculapius, who, according to them, must have been of the same Age and Family with the rest of the Inventors of Physic; of whom we have spoken already. Clemens Alexandrinus alone, after having told us, that Esculapius was of Memphis, and that he improved Physic, which Apis invented, seems to make him later; for he says in another place, that he was Deified a little before the Trojan War; by which he seems to have confounded Esculapius the Egyptian, with Esculapius the Greek; of whom hereafter. But the Greeks make him not quite so old, as we shall see. Cicero after them says, that there were three Esculapius 's; the first, whom the Arcadians worship, was the Son of Apollo. He invented the Probe, to probe wounds with, and taught the use of Bandage. The second, was Son of the second MERCURY, Thunderstruck by Jupiter, and buried at the Cynosures. 
(a) See the Chapter of Podal●rius.  The thi●d, who was Son of Arsippus and Arsinoe, invented Purgation and Tooth-drawing  
If the first Esculapius of Cicero be the same of Pausanias, and Pindar speak, who was Son of Apollo and Coronis, he cannot be ve●y ancient, having been educated by the Centaur CHIRON, who lived but just before the Trojan War, and having had two Sons present at that Siege.  
All these Esculapius' may, in my opinion, be reduced to 
(b) See the Chapter of the Wife and Daughters of Esculapius.  one, so that it there ever were any Esculapius, 'tis probable he was a Phaenician, or an Egyptian; but he has been multiplied, as most of the rest before him, by the slight of the Greeks, with whom 'twas custe marry to adopt Egyptian Fables, that they might honour their own Country with the production of any extraordinary Persons. Hence 'tis that their Esculapius is so recent, their Annals not reaching much higher than the War of Troy.  
Yet this way should there be but two Esculapius', one Egyptian, and one Greek; but the same motive, that prevailed upon the Country in general, to naturalise this Physician, induced several Provinces, and Cities, to put in their particular claim, each setting up a Title apart, exclusive of all the rest.  
The Greeks have been so unsuccessful in their attempts, to find an etymology for the name in their Tongue, that 'tis alone a sufficient proof, that the word is not originally Greek. The Reader may, in the 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ab a privativo, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Siccari, quod impediret quo nitous ●omines siccarentur, vel more●●●tur. Or, according to the Etymologicum magnum, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Or, according to Tzetzes, because he cured Ascles Tyrant of Epidaurus, their names were compounded; and he, instead ●f being called simply Hepius, or Apias, as before, was named Asclepius.  Margin, see both theirs, and some etymologies drawn from the 
(b) Bochart derives Asclepius (whence the Latin Esculapius) from the Phaenician, Is Calabi, viz. Caninus, upon the score of keeping Dogs in his Temples; of which, the reasons hereafter. Others derive it from Ez, and Keleb, of which the latter signifies a Dog, the other a Goat, because of a tradition, that he was suckled by a Goat, and guarded by a Dog; of which more anon. Junius, Father-in-Law to Vossius, derives Asclepius from Ascalaphus, which signifies to change; Vossius de Philosophiâ. But in the same Tongue we find the words, Is Calaphot, A Man of the Knife, which etymology appears the more just, in that it expresses perfectly his Profession; his principal Talon being Surgery, as shall be shown.  Phaenician Language, and judge for himself. I shall here repeat, that 'tis probable there was but one Esculapius, and he a Phaenician; or which is tantamount, that if there was a Greek of the same name and reputation, that he borrowed both of the former.  
The Esculapius of the Cyrenians, was likewise unquestionably the same with the Phaenician; but of him, a word or two hereafter.  
However it be, Antiquity having left us nothing of the first, but the little we have cited, we must stick to the account the Greeks give of theirs. Of him by and by, but first a word or two concerning Chiron the Centaur, who was his Master.   

CHAP. X. The Centaur CHIRON, and the HEROES his Pupils in Physic.  
THE Centaur CHIRON was 
(a) Pindar. Pyth. Od. 6. Hygin. Fab. cap. 138. Apollo●. Rhod. Argonaut. lib. 2. etc.  Son of Saturn and Philira; and the Fable tells us, that the reason, why he was half Man, half Horse, (which the Poets call a Centaur) was, that Saturn, while he was with Philira, apprehending a surprise from his Wife Rhea, turned himself immediately into a Horse for a disguise. Others say, that Chiron was feigned to be half Man half Beast, because he understood Physic for both kinds; and Suidas says, that he wrote a Book called 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Horse-Med●cine. Perhaps the Fable has made a Centaur of him, because he was of Thessaly, the Country of those fictitious Monsters; for Thessaly being the place where they first began to back Horses, those that first, at a distance, saw a Man on Horseback, made but one body of 'em.  

(c) German. Caesar. in Arat. Phaenom.  Some tell us simply, that Chiron invented Physic, without specifying any kind. 
(d) Galen. Introduct. Plin. lib. 7. cap. 46.  Others say, that he first found Herbs, and Medicaments for the cure of Diseases, and particularly Wounds and Ulcers. 
(e) Plutarch. Sympos. lib. 3. qu. 1.  The Magnesians, his Countrymen, offer to him, for this reason, the first fruits of Herbs, or Plants; and say, that he was the first that wrote of Physic. From him, 'tis said, that Centaury, a Plant well known, took its name, as did also some others. They add, that Diana taught him the virtues of some other Simples. Others, after all, make him the 
(f) Hygin. cap 27.  Inventor of Manual Operation only. This conceit is founded upon the etymology of his Name, which is plainly deriv●d from a Greek word, which signifies 
(g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; from whence Chirurgery, which signifies working with the Hand.  a Hand, and from which the name Chirurgery is likewise derived.  
Surgery, or Physic, was not the only Science, of which Chiron was Master; he understood likewise Philosophy, Astronomy, Music, Hunting, War, and other Arts. His habitation was in a Cave of Mount Pelion, whither all the great Men of his Time resorted for his instructions in these Arts and Sciences. The Heroes, whom he educated, were Hercules, Theseus, Aristeas, Telamonius, Teucer, Jason, Peleus, Achilles, Patroclus, Palamedes, and Esculapius.  
He taught Hercules not only the Art of War and Astronomy, but Physic also; in which, according to Plutarch, this Hero excelled. Some interpret the passage of Euripides, which says, That Hercules hearing that Alceste was to die for her Husband Admetus, fought Death, and rescued her from him by force; after this manner. 
(a) Muret. Var. Lection.  Alcestis being so ill, that her recovery was despaired of, Hercules, by his Medicines, restored her to health. 'tis said, that he bore the Surname of 
(*) Expeller of Evil.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as well as Apollo, and for the same reason, that is, because he expelled Diseases. But 'tis more probable he was so call●d, because he cleared the World of divers Monsters, according to the Fable.  
'Tis argued likewise, that Hercules understood Physic, from the several Medicinal Plants, that bears his name. Theophrastus, Dioscorides, and other ancient Botanists, speak of a sort of Poppy, called Hercules ●s Poppy. There was also another Plant called Heracleum. The Nymphaea was likewise call●d Heraclea, according to Pliny; who says, that it sprung upon the Tomb of a Nymph, who died of Jealousy upon the account of Hercules, who had an Intrigue with another. There is also a sort of Panax, and some other Plants, named from Hercules. Yet to me it seems probable, that these names were given since his time, to denote the extraordinary force of these Plants, which they compared to the strength of Hercule● For a like reason the Epilepsy, or Falling-Sickness, was called the Herculean Distemper, not that he was ever troubled with it, or knew how to cure it, 
(*) Or rather because the strength of Hercules is not sufficient to bear up under it.  but because a power equal to that of Hercules is required to subdue so difficult a Malady. 
(a) Epistol. Abderit. ad Hippocrat. Justin. lib. 13. Scholar 〈◊〉 Apollon Rhod. Argonaut. lib. 2.  This Hero had a Daughter call●d Hepione, who understood Physic likewise. We shall see by and by another Hepione, Wife to Esculapius.  
Aristaeus King of Arcadia, and Son of Apollo and Cyrene, was by his Father committed to the care of Chiron the Centaur, who taught him Medicine and Divination. He is said first to have taught Men to make Oil, and 
(*) Arist●●● is said to have been the first that kept Bees, and to have produced ●em after a strange manner. Virg. Georg. 4.  Honey, and Cheese-curds, and divers other things useful to Society. To him is ascribed the discovery of the virtues of Silphium or Laserpitium, whose Gum, or Juice, inspissated, was very much in use among the Ancients; but 
(†) Some conclude it to be that kind of Ferula, which yields Asafoetida, and which by most modern Bonatists is call●d Laserpitium.  at present, we either have it not, or don't certainly know it, as the sequel will show.  
Theseus had his education in the same School, and Theophrastus' mentions a Plant that bore his name; whence some infer, that he found out the virtue of it, which was to loosen the Belly.  
Telamonius, and his Son Teucer, come in with these for an equal share of the knowledge of Physic. Philostratus vouches for the Father. And the 
(*) Germander.  Teucrium, a Plant which bears his name, and is very well known, is also, according to the common tradition, an argument that he was the first discoverer of it.  
Jason had likewise the reputation of a great Physician, 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, medeor, to to heal, or cure.  of which the etymology of his Name remains as a proof.  
Peleus also was admitted to the same honour, as well as his Son Achilles. The latter carried with him, to the Siege of Troy, a Lance given him by the Centaur, which had the virtue of healing the wounds it made, which Telephus experienced to his relief.  

(b) Lib. 25. cap 5.  Some, says Pliny, pretend, that Achilles' cur●d TELEPHUS with the Herb Achillea, which is a sort of a Yarrow, or Milfoil. Others say, That he found out 
* Some have (perhaps with equal reason) fancied Achilles the Inventor of Weapon Salue, or that he was possessed of the secret, wherein, according to them, consisted the virtue, supposed to have been in his Spear, of curing the wounds it made.  Vert de Grissel, which is of great use in Salves, and for that reason, say they, Achilles is painted scraping the Verdigrise, which is the rust of Copper, from the point of his Spear, and dropping it into Telephus 's wound.  
Homer tells us, that Eurypylus being wounded, requested Patroclus, the friend of Achilles, 
(c) Iliad. 2. subs. fin.  to communicate to him some of those excellent Remedies he had learned of his Hero 
(*) Patroclus having been Companion, and fellow Pupil to Achilles under Chiron, might reasonably have been thought not to have needed his Instructions.  the Disciple of Chiron, the justest of all the Centauris.  
To the authority of Homer we may join that of several other Poets, 
(d) Vindicianus, Sid●n. Apolhnari. Claudian. in Pan. de 3. consul. Honor. item ad Hadrianum.  who all agree that Achilles' learned Medicine of the Centaur Chiron.  
Whether Patroclus understood Physic or not, and especially Surgery, after what has been said, is scarce a question; for Eurypylus, in the  place, desires him to make an Incision into his Thigh, and draw out the head of the Arrow, with which he was wounded, and to wash the wound with water, and apply something to assuage the pain.  

(a) Philostrat: in Heroicis.  Palamedes, by the instructions of Chiron, was no less a proficient in Medicine than the rest; for by his advice, the Plague, that ravaged all the Cities of the Hellespont, and even Troy itself, was stopped from coming into the Grecian Camp, which lay before the Town in a very unhealthy place. His method was to oblige 'em to a spare Diet, and much Exercise.  
This is what is reported of these Heroes, as to Physic. I meet with no particular cures of Chiron's making, except that of Phoenix 
(b) Apollodor. lib. 3.  the Son of Amintor, to whom he restored his sight, after his Father, in a fit of Jealousy, had put his Eyes out. Galen says, that the Greeks called malignant Ulcers, which were in a manner incurable, Chironian, because Chiron only could cure 'em; though it seems more reasonable to think they were so called for a quite contrary reason, that is, that Ulcers of that nature were despaired of by that incomparable Surgeon.  

* Vide Ovid. Metam. lib. 2. Posse mori cupies tum, cum cruciabere dirae Sangu●ne● Serpentis per sancia memora recepto, etc.  The Fable informs us, That Hercules having unawares wounded Chiron with an Arrow dipped in the blood of the Lernaean Hydra, the pain was so insupportable, that the Centaur's greatest trouble was, that being immortal he could not die Whereupon Hercules, to make him all the amends he could, unbound Prometheus, who consented to become immortal in the room of Chiron, who died according to his desire, and was translated to a place among the Stars.  
This Centaur had two Daughters; one of which made herself famous by her predictions, and skill in Physic: Her name was Hippo. The other was called 
(c)— V●cavit Ocyroen. non haec artes contenta paternas Edidicisse fuit, etc. Ovid. ibid.  Ocyroe, of whom Ovid testifies that she understood her Father Arts.   

CHAP. XI. MELAMPUS and POLYIDUS: Wherein is the first example of Purgation, and of a Mineral Remedy taken inwardly.  
THEY were both of Argos. The first was Son of Amithaon, and Aglais, or of Idomenca Daughter of Abas. He is one of the most ancient Poets known, of whom Homer himself makes mention. He wrote several thousand Verses u●on the Lamentations of Ceres, for the Rape of her Daughter, upon the Mysteries of that Goddess, and other subjects. He understood also the Art of Divination, and of Physic, two Arts in those days inseparable. There are yet some Books remaining under his name, which teach to tell Fortunes by Palpitations, by Moles, and other Natural Marks on the Body, which Books are manifestly spurious.  
We have already taken notice of the means Melampus used to cure the Daughters of Praetus, that had lost her Wits; which was to purge 'em with Hellebore, or with he Misk of his Goats, which had eaten it. Hence perhaps it was, that he had a 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Se●v●us in 3 Georg:  Surname given him, which seems to hint, that he was the first that used purging Medicines; for 'tis certainly the oldest instance we have of the use of 
(b) See the Chapter of ●odalirius.  Purgation. But 'tis more probable, that he was so named, because he was the first introducer of the pretended methods of Purgation; that is, by washing, and purifying those, that lay under any distemper e●●●er of Mind, or Body, or that were foul with Crimes; which was not done by Medical Purgation, but by superstitious Rites, such as pronouncing certain Verses, or Words, over the Party, or to apply to 'em, or give 'em Herbs gathered at times, and after a manner superstitious, or to wash 'em in Baths to that purpose.  
Mela●●pus used all th●se means to the Daughters of Praecus. He not only gave 'em Hellebore, but he used also 
(a) The wor● Charm comes from the Latin C●●●●●, which s●●● 〈◊〉 ●●●ong, Verse, w●●ther 〈…〉 ●●●try.  Verses, or Charms, and after caused 'em to bathe in a certain Fountain in Arc●●●a, called the 
* C●●● to qui●●● 〈◊〉 de f●●●e ●●ârit, Vicarages.— Ami●ha●●e nat●●●●●aeridas atton●●as postcu●●n per carmen & herb is Eripuit fur●is; purgamina m●n●●● in ●as Mi●●t aq●as: odjumque meri permanfit in undis. Ovid. Me●am. lib 15.  Cliterian Fountain, where they finished their purification. The liable tells us, That from that time whoever tasted that Water, contracted an aversion to Wine. 
(b) Apollodor. lib. 2.  If this cure was extraordinary, the reward was no less considerable; for he agreed with the Father of the Princesses, that he should give hi● one third of his Kingdom, another third to his Brother Bias, and to each of 'em one of th● Princesses to Wife.  
Another cure we find reported of Melampus ●o less memorable than the former. 
(c) Idem, lib. 1.  Iphiclus Son of Philacus, being unable to get Children, Melampus was desired ●o find him a remedy for his impotence; which he did thus. He sacrificed two Bulls, and cutting the en●●●●● to pieces, he drew the Birds together, i●●●●der to an Augury. Amongst the rest came a ●ul●ure, by whom he was informed, 
(d) M●lampas as an ●u●us, understood the Language of Birds.  tha● ●hylacus, formerly sacrificing some Rams, left the Knife, with which he had cut their Throats, all bloody near his Son, who, being very young, was frighted at it, and ran, and stuck it into a consecrated Chesnur-Tree, whose Bark afterwards covered it. The ●ulture added, That if Ip●●clus fetched that Knife, and scraping off the Rust, drank it in Wine for ten days together, he should soon be lusty and get Children. This counsel Melampus gave the young Prince, who obeyed 〈…〉 ●●●cess.  
This is the first instance of a Mineral Medicine taken inwardly. We shall see in the second Part of this History, what advantages 
* The rust of Iron being a natural production, can't be urged as an instance of Chemical Medicine, whatsoever similitude the Chemists may pretend it to bear to their artificial Crocus Martis.  the Chemical Physicians may draw from it. I can't tell whether this Medicine have any such essicacy, as is here ascribed to it; but Dioscorides employed it to a purpose directly contrary. 
(a) Dioscor. lib. 5.  The rust of Iron (says he) hinders Women from conceiving. But what is most remarkable, is that Iphiclus himself took it, and not his Wife.  

* Virgil makes him contemporary with Chiron, who lived till the time of the Trojan War, or very near.— cessere magistri, Phyllyrides Chiron, Amy thaoniusque Melampus, Georg. 3. de Peste.  Melampus lived two hundred years before the Siege of Troy. After his death he was looked upon as a God, Temples were built in honour of him, and sacrifice offered to him in several places of Greece. We have nothing to add to what was said in the beginning of this History concerning Polyidus, than that Melampus was his Great Uncle, if at least he be the same of whom Pausanias 
(b) Pausan. lib. 1.  makes mention. What induces us to believe him to be so, is that he says that Polyidus was sent for from Megara, to 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Lustrare, to wash with Lustral Water. A Water something like the Holy-Water of the Roman Catholics of our Times, but used with more ceremony.  purify a Man that had committed Murder, which was the business of the Diviners; of which sort Polyidus was.   

CHAP. XII. The History of ESCULAPIUS continued: Wherein by the way of CADMUS and BACCHUS, by some reputed the Inventors of Physic.  
THE shifting the Country of Esculapius, brings us at one step some Ages forwarder in the History of Physic. But tho' the Greeks had not purloined him from his Country, as we have shown, yet should we have been obliged to leap from Egypt, or Phoenicia into Greece, and leave untouched this great interval, for want of Memoirs of the state of Physic in those Countries during that time.  

(a) Or the Author of the B●ok, entitled, The Physician, which passes among his Works, but is supposed t● be written by another Physician named Herodotus.  Galen, supposing that Esculapius, that is, Esculapius of Greece, was the first that brought Physic to perfection, will have it, that all those, that preceded him in it, had no more than a bare Empirical knowledge of the virtues of some Herbs, which they had experienced upon some occasions.  
He was indeed forced to confess, that, before that, other Medicines, besides Herbs, were in use in Egypt, as Homer witnesseth; and that their custom of opening their dead, in order to embalm 'em, must needs have taught 'em divers things of use to Surgery in particular, but thinks all their knowledge owing to Experience alone, without Reasoning; whereas, according to him Esculapius completed Medicine, whose Physic he calls Divine, supposing him to derive it from his Father the God Apollo.  
We shall see by and by, that Es; culapius himself did not know much more than those Galen speaks of, who, in probability, are not much wronged by him. But, whatever th●●●●owledge were, since Antiquity has left us nothing of it, let us see what it has delivered concerning Esculapius.  
He was (as has been said) Son of Apollo and Coronis; of his ●irth Pausanias gives this account. 
(b) In Laconic.  〈◊〉 ●●us, being great by Apollo, going with her F●●●● Pelopo●csus, was delivered of a Son up 〈◊〉 Mountain in the Territories of Epi●au●us, where she left him. A Goatherd in the neighbourhood, missing his Dog, and one of his milch Goats, ●pon search found 'em both with the Child, the Goat giving him the Breast, and the Dog standing Sentry. He observing, besides this, that the Child was surrounded with coelescial Fire, conceived a great veneration for him. Others say, that he was the Son of Arsinoe, Daughter of Leucippus.  

* With Pindar ag●●●s Ovid in the main, ex cept that this latter ma●es Coronis to ha●● been of ●●●ssa, and her Lover of the same Country, and she slain by Apollo's ●●n hand: Pulehior in t●●â quam Larissaea C●rouis non fuit Aemonià, etc. Or. Metam. lib. 2.  
(c) Pythio●. Od. 3.  Pindar giveth another account of the matter. Coronis (says he) being great with Child, yet being lavish of her favours to Ischys, a young Arcadian, Apollo was so provoked, that he sent the Goddess Diana, his Sister, to Laceria, a City in Thessaly, where Coronis dwelled, to excite the Plague, whereof she died. But as she was laid upon the Pile, the God, remembeing the burden of her Womb, came, and snatched the Child out of the flames, and carried him to Chiron the Centaur to be brought up.  
He is by some reported to have been born at 
* Or Tricca, thence call●d Tricca●●s.  Trica, a City of the same Province. 
(d) ●e falls relig. lib. 1. cap. 10.  Lactantius says, That his Parents were uncertain, that he was exposed immediately after his birth, and found by Hunters nursed by a Bitch, that he was sent by the Hunters to Chiron, who taught him Physic. He adds, That he was a Messenian, but had his abode at Epidaurus.  
Others say, That Apollo himself taught him his Art. Be it as it may, he was so good a proficient, that he cured, as Pindar says, all that applied themselves to him, of all sorts of Ulcers, Wounds, Fevers, and Pains, by 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  soft Incantations, by sweetening Potions, by Incisions, or Remedies externally applied.  
By Incantation here may be understood the power of Music, which in many cases affords great relief. Apollo, the Father of Esculapius, being God of Music, and Chiron, his Tutor, no less a Musician than a Physician, he could not but be a great Master of both Arts. There is a passage in Galen, which may serve as a Comment upon this of Pindar. 
(f) De sanitat. tuend. lib. 1 cap. 8. . I have cured (says he) several persons, whose passions of mind have rendered their Bodies diseased, by calming the disorderly motions, and reducing their minds to their natural state of composure. If authority were required to establish this method, I could cite a very considerable one, which is that of Esculapius the God of my Country, who used to relieve those, whose violent agitations of mind raised an intemperate heat in their Bodies, with Songs, Farces, and Music.   

CHAP. XIII. Of CHARMS, and the manner how they were introduced into Physic. ESCULAPIUS used 'em, as did all the rest of the Ancients.  
THat this way of curing Diseases is very ancient, is past doubt, and that it was in use at this time we have the testimony of 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Odyss. 19  Homer, who tells us, That they stopped the bleeding of Ulysses, by means of Incantations or Charms.  
Esculapius joined this superstitious method of treating the Sick, to that was usually practised, which, according to Pindar, consisted of Potions, external Remedies, and manual Operations.  
'Tis very probable, that at first they had recourse to these three ways only, as the most simple, and natural. But finding them frequently ineffectual, they betook themselves to superstitious Means, perhaps out of a consideration 
* It is more probable, that they were first introduced by their Priests, who were the first practisers of Physic among the Ancients, and who being in other matters used to practice upon the credulity of the people, made use of the same artifice to maintain their reputation for Physic, a branch of their craft, that procured 'em not the least veneration. Accordingly we find abundance of supposititious Books, of this kind, fathered by 'em upon their Gods; a cheat not impracticable to 'em, considering the manner of transmitting all knowledge of this kind among the ancient Egyptians. , that if they did no good, they did at lest no harm. And tho' they might be (as many now think 'em) vain, and ridiculous, yet 'twas sufficient to establish the use of 'em, that several fancied themselves relieved by 'em. And as the Imagination is not only contagious, but also very powerful in subjects where 'tis strong and lively, things in themselves of no force or effect, might, by the mediation of Fancy, produce very sensible effects, which those that saw 'em, expected from 'em again, indifferently, upon all occasions. 
* The seeming efficacy of 'em, in cases determining of themselves by a natural Crisis, might contribute more than all the rest: For, in matters of Superstition among the ignorant, one shadow of success prevails against a hundred manifest contradictions, and encourages 'em against every days experience, as our Astrologers ca● witness.  Besides, this sort of Remedies being neither nauseous, nor painful, they were submitted to with less reluctance; but if all these reasons were insufficient to establish the credit of Superstitious Medicines, the power Religion has over the minds of Men, which is very great, was abusively employed to that purpose, and finished their submission to 'em.  
These are the arguments of those, that reject all charms as trifles; but the more numerous are those, that believe the fact not impossible, tho' the manner be inconceiveable: They bring the Holy Scripture to back their opinion. From thence at least they gather, that there were Enchanters in the time of Moses, and of the Apostles. It is said likewise in 
(b) Vid Hierozoicon. Bochart. lib. 3. cap. 6.  Psalm 58. That the Adder stoppeth her ears, and refuseth to hear the voice of the Charmer. And the Prophet Jeremy threatens the Jews with the coming of certain Serpents, upon whom Enchantments should have no power. I shall not enlarge upon this subject, tho' I thought myself obliged to take notice of it in my way.  
However it were, Charms, or Enchantments, made their way so well in Physic, that they have been practised in all Nations of the World, time out of mind. Nor is it among the simple, and illiterate only, that they have gained ground, for the wisest have paid no less deference to 'em, as shall be shown.   

CHAP. XIV. Of ANNULETS, and other sorts of CHARMS.  
Disease's were sometimes charmed by simple Words, or Magic Sentences, or Verses pronounced in the Ear of the Patient, or at a distance, with an intention of curing; which was accompanied with certain gestures, or motions of the Body.  

* Of these there are man● yet in request w●th many pe●●●●; one I met with in an old 〈◊〉 is mu●h cried up by those that deal in 'em the words and form are these. Inscribas chartae quod s●rib t●r Abracadabra. abracadabra abracadabr abracadab abracada abracad abraca abrac abra abr ab a Some reverse this way of writing.  Sometimes they wrote these Sentences upon certain things, and hung 'em about the Body of the Patient. These are what the Latins called Annulets, Amuleta, from the Verb amovere, to take away, or remove. They called 'em also Proebia, or Proebra, from prohibere, to forbid, or keep off. The G●●ek in the same sense called 'em Apotropeaa, Phylacteria, Amynteria, Alexiteria, Alexipharmaca, because they believed that these things did not only preserve, and defend 'em against all Incantations, or Charms, (to which they ascribed as much power to cause Diseases, as the Counter-Charms had to cure 'em) but that they also relieved 'em from Maladies arising from natural Causes.  
The matter of these Annulets was taken from Stones, Metals, Simples, Animals, and in general from any thing in the World. They engraved upon Stones, or Metals, either Characters, Figures, or Words, which often signified nothing, or were unintelligible to those that wrote 'em, and those that made use of 'em. They wrote likewise these words upon Paper, or other matter whatsoever. Or if they neither wrote, nor marked any thing upon matter proper for Annulets, they used abundance of superstitious ceremonies in their preparation and application; not to take notice of the pains they were at to watch a favourable disposition of the Stars. The Arabians named this last sort of Annulets, which derived their virtue chief from the influence of the Stars, Talismans', that is, Images.  
These Annulets were of all forms, and fastened to all parts of the Body; whence they were called also Periapta and Periammata, from a Verb, which signifies to put round about any thing. Some resembled a piece of Money, with a hole punched in 'em, to hang by a 
* Of this sort was the Gold given by our Kings, and the Kings of France, to those whom they touched for Scrofulous Cases, vulgarly called from thence the King's Evil.  string about the Neck. Others were made into Rings for the Finger, Bracelets for the Arm, Collars for the Neck, Crowns for the Head, etc.  

* Of this sort are the Bloodstone, the Snake-stone, the Eagle-stone, Moss of 〈◊〉 dead Man's Skull, Peony-Root, etc. to which mighty virtues are assigned by some. Vide boil of Specific Medicines, Philosphical Transact. etc.  Some Annulets there were, in which neither Charms, nor Superstition, had any share; tho' no body could account for the effects attributed to 'em. This sort of Annulets is yet approved by divers Physicians, tho' others give no credit to 'em. We shall have occasion to speak again of these, and the rest, in the sequel of this Work.  
As for the Charms ESCULAPIUS used, I can't see why they should be charged as matter of blame upon him, in an Age of the grossest Idolatry and Ignorance, which are yet so much in use with divers Christians, who ought to have an abhorrence for such Remedies, or at least more wit than to conside in such fooleries. Whether it were in imitation of Esculapius I can't tell, that his Countrymen, the Thessalians, have been so addicted to Incantations, that they were peculiarly remarkable for it; witness Apuleius his golden Ass, and abundance of other ancient Authors, who speak of Thessaly as the Country of Sorcerers.   

CHAP. XV. ESCULAPIUS embraced also the solid Physic, He is reputed the Author of CLINIC Medicine: Wondrous Cures reported of him, as raising of the Dead.  
CHarms were not the only Physic of ESCULAPIUS; what has been said, shows that he did not neglect the more substantial part of his Art. We shall see in the sequel, whether he brought Physic to the height of perfection, that some pretend, or not. Galen, in the place , where he says, That Esculapius cured Diseases by Music, etc. adds, That he ordered some to ride on Horseback, others to exercise in Armour; that he prescribed to 'em their several motions, and manner of arming. By this he should also be Author of the Gymnastick Medicine; of which hereafter.  
He had likewise the reputation of inventing 
(a) Hygin. Fab.  Clinic Medicine, so called from a Greek word signifying a 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; hence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an Epithet common both to the Physician and Patient, signifying as well him that is confined to his Bed, as him that visits him there. For a third signification, see Chap. of the Slaves Physicians.  Bed, to show that he was the first that visited the sick in their Beds; which supposes, that the Physicians before him did not visit their Patients at their Houses. This is confirmed by the practice of the Babylonians, who carried their sick to the Cross-ways for the advice of those that passed by. Chiron, perhaps, expected to be consulted at home. As for the Physicians of less note, 'tis probable they kept the Fairs and Markets to sell their Medicines, as our Mountebanks do now, without troubling themselves to repeat their visits, and observe the changes that happened to their Patients, as they do now.  
This custom introduced by Esculapius, became afterwards a mark of distinction between his Imitators, who were called Clinics, and the Empirics, or Market-Hunters. His method succeeded so well for himself, that no Physic was talked of but that of Esculapius. Castor and Pollux took him along with 'em, in the famous Expedition of the Argonauts, where some surprising cures, done upon Men given over for dead, got him the reputation of raising Men actually from the Dead. 
(a) Pindar: Pyth. Od. 3: Virgil. Aenead. 3.  The Fable adds, that, upon a complaint of Pluto, that, if he were suffered to go on, no body would die, and Hell would become a Desert, Jupiter slew him with Thunder, and with him Hippolytus, the Son of Theseus, whom he had restored to Life; and, at the request of his Father Apollo, translated him to a place among the Stars, under the name of 
* Anguitenens, by some taken for Hercules, by others for Esculapius. Vide Cir. de nat. dear. lib. 2.  Ophiucus, a Constellation above Scorpio.  
Pindar says, That Esculapius was prevailed upon to raise Hippolytus, by the promise of a great Sum of Money; which gave occasion to 
(b) Clem. Alexandr.  some to tax him with Covetousness: But Suidas refutes that scandal, and says, That he would have done as much for Pauson, or Irus, or the veriest Beggar of 'em all; and 'tis but reasonable, that the Rich should make up the deficiencies of the Poor. For, if at present we don't grudge the Physician his Fees, even tho' he kills his Patient, I can't see why Esculapius should raise Men from the Dead gratis. 
(c) Polyanthus Cyrenaeus de origine As●lepiadum. Voss. de Hist. Grae●.  Another Author says, That Esculapius was Thunderstruck for curing the Daughters of Praetus, a Cure already ascribed to Melampus, and not for restoring Hippolytus. But if we believe the Fable, not only Hippolytus received that favour from him, but Capaneus, Lycurgus, Eriphilus, Tyndarus, Hymenaeus, and even Glaucus the Son of Minos, of whom before with Polyidus.   

CHAP. XVI. Farther Authorities to prove that all the Physic of ESCULAPIUS was within a very little reducible to Surgery. PLATO's sense of his Physic.  
WE have heard the Fabulous account of Esculapius; but Celsus and Suidas talk more naturally of him. If we may credit the latter, Esculapius did not put Jupiter to the expense of Thunder, 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  dying of a Peripneumony; Human Physic, of which he was the Inventor, failing him at his need. Celsus likewise tells us, That Esculapius came by his mighty Fame much cheaper than is reported. 
* Hae● n●squam quidem non est. St. quidem impertissimae gentes herbas, allaque prompta in auxilium valnerum morborumque noverunt, etc. C●ls. Prasat.  There is no place, says he in his Preface, without Physic, for the most uncivilized Nations have the use of Herbs, and other familiar Remedies, for Wounds and Diseases. The Greeks, indeed, improved it farther than any other Nation, yet, even they, not from the first Original, but a few Ages ago; for Esculapius is the most ancient Author upon Record amongst 'em: Who, because he refined this Science a little, which was before rude, and amongst the Vulgar, was promoted to be a God. His two Sons, Podalirius and Machaon, followed Agamemnon to the War of Troy, where they were very serviceable to their fellow Soldiers; yet Homer does not mention any service they did in the Plague, or any other distempers, only that they cured wounds by Incision, and Medicaments. From whence 'tis plain, that they pretended to this part of Physic only, and that this is the ancientest.  

(a) Lib. 29. cap. 1.  Pliny agrees with him; Physic, says he, has raised its Credit upon a Lie, feigning that Esculapius was killed by Thunder, for restoring Life to the Son of Tindarus, and others, which made a mighty noise about the Time of the Trojan War; since which we have been better informed in the Historical Truth of Fact, for all his skill lay in the cure of wounds.  
We may urge likewise, that if Esculapius, or his Sons, had been Physicians, they would have known how to Diet their Sick better, a principal part of a Physicians skill: 
* Athenaeus uses this instance as an argument of the temperance of Homer's Heroes, which begat so good a Constitution, that tho● wounded they might drink Wine; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, pernicious in inslamations, thick, and very nourishing; and this Nestor, the wisest of the Greeks, advises Machaon, the skilsullest in these Matters, to do every day, so long as he should be laid up. From hence Athenaus infers, that 'twas not the practice of the great Men of Times to drink Wine, but upon extraordinary occasions. But whether● this Advice was suitable to the Wisdom of Nestor, or the Skill of Machaon, I leavs the learned Reader to judge. Vid. Athenaeum, lib. 1. p. 10.  They wou●d not have given Eurypylus, when wounded, Broth made with Wine, Meal and Cheese ground in it; nor would Machaon himself, with a wound in his shoulder, have drank Wine, which Physicians hold to be hurtful to wounds.  
The answer Plato made to this objection, gives so particular an Idea of the Physic of Esculapius and his Sons, that I can't forbear citing it at length. 
(b) De Repub. Lib 3. This discourse is atridged by Maximus Tyrius, Serm. 29.  'Tis absurd, says he, that Men should want Physicians, not only for Wounds and Diseases, arising from an ill disposition of the Air, and the uncertainty of Wether, but from those too that spring from Sloth and Luxury, which, shilling 'em with Water and Wind, as if their Bodies were Lakes, or Sinks, have obliged the Successors of Esculapius to invent new names of Flatus, and Defluxions, or Catarrhs, never heard of before. What makes me conjecture at least, that these Distempers were unknown in Esculapius' time, is, That his Sons, at the Siege of Troy, did not forbid the Potion, that a Woman gave to Eurypylus, when he was wounded, made of Cheese ground, and Meal sleeped in Wine of 
* Homer calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; The great variety of ancient conjectures about the derivation of the name, shows the uncertainty of 'em; which, whoever is curious to know, may consult the Scholia of D●●vious upon the 11th Book of the Ilias, and Athenaeus, p. 30. N●● is it less uncertain, what sort of Wine it was. Athenaeus gives us two descriptions of it directly contrary one to a●●ther. For the first, see the so e●●ing Note, the other we find pag. 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Here the Pramnian Wine is neither thick 〈◊〉 sweet, but a rough, hard, strong Wine. The testimony of Aristophanes, which he immediately subjoins, is to the same purpose, that the Athenians neither loved harsh grating Poets nor crabbed Pramnian Wine, that cortracted their Brows, and their Anus. The Reader may compare this passage with that in the note immediately foregoing and as he pleases take or rejest either.  Pramos; which are things that increase Phlegm. You will say, doubtless, that the draught was ridiculous, and not at all proper for a wounded Man; but you must know, that the Physicians that succeeded Esculapius, knew nothing of the Physic, now in use, before Herodicus; who is, as it were, the 
† So the Author translates it, whose words I thought it best to stick to, not having at present an opportunity of consulting the Original.  PEDAGOGUE of DISEASES. He being Master of the Academy, where the Youth exercised, and finding himself a Valetudinarian, contriv●d to make Gymnastick; that is, the Art of Exercising the Body: a branch of Physic, which brought both upon himself, and those that came after him, a great deal of trouble. How so, you'll say? Why he brought himself to a lingering death; for observing too carefully a distemper in itself mortal, which of consequence he could not cure, he gave himself so entirely to inquire after a remedy, that quitting all other affairs, 'twas the business of his Life to torture his own Carcase; so that, tho' the least deviation from his constant method of living, were a disease to him, he arrived not at Health, but at Old Age, which we call●d the PEDAGOGUE, or if you please, the GOVERNESS, or NURSE of DISEASES, not of the DISEASED. Oh! noble Fruit of his Art, yet such as the Man deserv●d, that did not know, that 'twas not out ' of Ignorance, or for want of Experience, that Esculapius forbore to teach his Scholars so painful a method, but because he was of opinion, That in all Cities, and well regulated Societies, where every Man has his task assigned him, no Man can, or aught to have leisure to be a Valetudinarian all his Life, and bestow his whole care upon his Carcase.  
To be convinced of the Justice of Esculapius' proceed, we need only to reflect upon the different conduct of Labouring Men, and Gentlemen, in such cases. If a Mason, or a Carpenter, falls sick, he desires his Physician to expedite his Cure by VOMIT, or PURGE, or Manual Operation, either by Incision, or Cautery. If he order him a long course of Physic, he tells him, That he has no leisure to be sick, that he can't afford to protract a Life of misery, and languish perpetually idle under the protection of Physic. He dismisses his Physician, and returning to his usual course of Life, falls to work, and recovers his health; or, if the Disease proves too mighty for him, he dies, and is rid at once of Life, and the troubles of the World. 
* I find our Masons, and Carpenters, and all other Artificers, of another mind, as fond of Life upon any terms, and as willing to be idle as e'er a Gentleman of 'em all, and I doubt they're so all the World over, whatever they might be in Plato's Commonwealth.  This no doubt is the true use, that all Mechanics ought to make of Physic, to whom Work is so necessary, that when they can follow it no longer, Death is a favour. But it may be objected, that with the Rich, that live upon their Rents, the case altars, for they can't be reduced to that hard choice of Working or Dying. But consider, that whatsoever a Man's Condition, or Profession be, the Public Good requires, that he should not be idle, but that every one should be industrious in his station; which cant be while he is wholly taken up about himself, and his solicitude for his health makes him fancy himself continually sick. Thus this new Physic is not only injurious to all the Individuals, but also to the Community in general. 'twas upon conviction of these Truths, that Esculapius limited his Instructions to the use of a sound Constitution, and good Education, and was contented to teach the Method of curing Diseases arising from external Causes, only by a few Remedies taken, or Incision made, without changing their 
* Planto in this place seems to contradict Hoginus before cited, who makes Esculapius the Inventor of Clinic Medicine. For if he was the first that confined the Sick to their Beds he was very far from not altering their course of Living, and permitting 'em to follow their ordinary occasions. But if what Plato ass●ms were in Fact the practice of Esculasias I should, in spite of his Apology, suspect a less honourable reason for it.  usual manner of living, or diverting them from their business. As for Valetudinarians, whose decay is inward, he would not undertake 'em, nor attempt to prolong their Lives, for fear, being enfeebled, and exhausted they should beget Children as infirm as themselves, neither thinking it for the good of the Valetudinarians themselves, nor of the Societies of which they were Members, that Men should continue in the World, who cou●d not live as others did. The Sons of Esculapius cleansed from the blood the wounds of Menelaus, wounded by Pandarus, and applied assuaging Ointments, but they did not caution either him, or Eurypylus, against eating or drinking of any kind, as thinking their Medicines sufficient to cure the wounds of Men of good habit of Body, and that were temperate, tho' they did drink Wine. As for Men, that were unhealthy, either naturally, or through intemperance, they thought it not expedient, either for themselves, or others, that they should live, and that Physic was not made for 'em, and that 'twas not their duty to cure 'em, tho' they were as rich as Midas.  
There is a great Analogy between this way of treating the Sick, and the management of new born Children among the Lacedæmonians, who used to plunge 'em over Head and Ears in Wine, tho' they knew it caused those, that were of tender constitutions, to die of Fits. They thought their pains ill bostow●d, upon any but hardy, robust Children, the rest, in their opinion, were not worth the rearing. Upon the same account, a sort of Robbers called Bohemians, bathe their Children as soon as born in the next Spring, to try, and season 'em for the fatigue of their way of living. 
* Durum a stipendious natosha slumina primum Deferimus sa voque golu duramus & undis. Aemid. lib. ●. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Galen. lib. 1. de ●●●ndâ Sa●●tate.  
This was the general Custom of the ancient Celtae, that lived near the Rhine; They laid the Child, as soon was born, upon a sort of Shield (super scutum) and put it afloat upon the Rhine; if it swum, the● received it as legitimate, otherwise they suffered it to perish as spurious. Hence Nazianzen, in an elegant Greek Epigram says, They essay 〈◊〉 the Rhine whether their Children were adulterate, or not, as they do Gold by the Copper. This Custom abundance of Authors take notice of, as Arist●●●. Polit. lib. 7. cap. 17. Claudian. 2 Ruffian. Nonnus Dionys. l. 23. Julian. Caes. Epist. ad Max. etc. Whether this were a true test, their Women best could tell, who had better proof, and no doubt laughed at the superstition of their Hasbands. But Calen gives us likewise another reason, which was at first to season them for the Hardships they were after to endure, as they harden Iron by plunging it red hot into cold Water; but he questions whether the Roman Bodtes would bear such usage.  
The like Custom is reported of several Nations in Africa to this day. How this practice may agree with hot Regions I dare not undtake to ●●termine, but I am confident 'twould be no test of the strength of their constitutions here, where for many reasons I am apt to think, the l●s●iest Children would be the most likely to perish by the experiment, when many more infirm might escape.   Virgil says the same of the ancient Latins.  
At this rate the good Esculapius was no extraordinary Physician for Ladies, or Hypochondriacks; but 'tis no Treason to doubt the Authority of Plato 's report. In all appearance Esculapius and his Sons knew no better; and the sequel will show, that at that time Diaetetick Medicine was absolutely unknown. 
† With us, the Country people in most p●●●to, that are r●●note from Cities and great Traeus, give their Sick over, when they refuse to eat Beef, Bacon, etc.  Those Ancients were, in that respect, about the level of the Country people with us now, who are yet so much strangers to a sick Diet, that if a Fever, or other distemper, gives 'em an entire disgust to their usual Food, they eat nothing at all.  
Galen, or Herodotus the Physician, had much reason to tell us, that the Physic of Esculapius was perfect, entirely consummate, and divine, for the Art had made but very slender advances in his time; and his own, and his Son's skill in it, were but very rude, as 
* Qui, quoniam adhuc rudem & vulgarem hanc scientiam paulò subtiliùs excoluit, in deorum ●umerum est receptus. Hujas deinde duo filii Podal●r us, & Machaon, etc. Cells. Praefat. pag. 1.  Celsus takes notice. Their skill, says this Author, and with him Pliny, seems not to have exceeded the limits of Surgery, as the etymology of the names 
(a) See Chap. the 9th and 10th.  Chiron and Esculapius seem to insinuate. The principal cure performed by the latter, and which gave him the reputation of raising Men from the dead, was evidently Chirurgical, being that of Hippolytus, who was torn, or broken to pieces by Horses; and we read not of any other, in which he used internal Remedies.  
These reasons, indeed, are not alone sufficient to exclude Esculapius, and his Sons, from the number of Physicians, since they might have extended their practice farther than we know. The argument drawn from Homer's silence of their other cures, is no necessary proof that they cur●d nothing but wounds; the gravity of Epic Poetry wou●d not suffer him to represent his Heroes pining with the Colic, or languishing under a Diarrhaea. 
(*) Celsus in the passage above cited, lays to great stress upon the silence of Homer, which in my opinion is of 〈◊〉 weight in this case. For besides the reasons here produced by the Author against it, it may be observed, that the Plague he mentions, was the grand Machine, upon which the whole Fable of the Iliad moves; Agamemnon had taken away the Daughter of Chryses, Apollo's Priest. Apollo resents the affront, and in revenge jane's a Plague among the Greeks; Chaleas their Augur finds out the cause of it, and advises a Sacrifice to the God, and Restitution, with a present to the Priest. Achilles insists violently to have this Advice put in ●●●cation; Agamemnon complies, and in return seizes upon Achilles' Mist●●●. Thence arises a quarrel between them two, which, with the consequences of it, is the main design of the Iliad. Now if Podalirius, and Macha●n, ●●u'd have ●ur'd this Plague, there had been no need of supplicating Apollo, and consequently no occasion of quarrel betwixt the two Generals, which had destroyed the whole Fable. This may serve as a caution not to ground 〈◊〉 much in matters natural, or historical, upon the Authority of the Po●t●, much less upon their silence; the want of which caution has led 〈◊〉 great a Man as Celsus (I can't say positively into an error, but) manifestly into false reasoning.  Nor is it a wonder, that Homer takes no notice of any service done by Podalirius and Machaon, to the Pestilentials of the Grecian Camp; for it may be inferred, from what he says upon that subject, that those Ancients thought the cure of that distemper much above the power of humane skill, and expected no relief, but what came immediately from their Gods, whose wrath they esteemed the only cause of it.  
But if we must not deny Esculapius, and his Sons, to have been Physicians, because we find no instances of their undertaking inward Maladies, yet we ought therefore certainly not to vouch 'em as such, without sufficient evidence. The testimony of Galen, that he cured Diseases by Music, and Exercise on foot, and Horseback, etc. may justly be suspected; for he, being of a 
(c) Pergamus, where he was worshipped, and had, a Temple no less famous than that at Epidaurus. Lucian says that he had a Shop, and practised Physic there. Vid. Lucian jearomenip.  City consecrated to Esculapius, was obliged to speak advantageously of the God of his Country, as himself calls him. The authority of Pindar, already cited, and of other Poets, who mention him, is insufficient, exaggerations being inseparable from Poetry. The almost universal consent of Antiquity, that acknowledge●d him, as the Inventor of Physic in general, and sacrifie●d to him as a God, that presided over the health of Men, is of much greater weight.   

CHAP. XVII. The common Opinion, which makes ESCULAPIUS the Author of Physic in general, reconciled to that which allows him the knowledge of Surgery only.  
The Antiquity, and Necessity of this part of Physic is shown, and how far ESCULAPIUS might carry it, is examined.  
TO reconcile the general Opinion to that of Celsus, we must suppose, that in the time of Chiron and Esculapius, Surgery was the part of Physic most in request, or looked upon as most necessary; the other, perhaps, being exercised indifferently by all sorts of persons, or not seeming to be of equal service:  
Not that men's Bodies were at that time differently made from ours now, or they exempt from inward distempers, altho' supposed to be more robust, and less subject to 'em, than we are; but when they were surprised (for instance) by a Fever, or a Pleurisy, they waited with patience the motions of Nature: If they took any thing, 'twas some 
(*) Such as we call Kitchen Physic.  familiar Medicine, which their own, or their Neighbour's experience, who made no profession of Medicine, furnished 'em with.  
These means often succeeded; but tho' this easy, common method, might be of use in disorders of the humours, 'twas plain, it could be of no service to a broken Arm, or Shoulder slipped, cases of this nature requiring a particular experience, and dexterity of hand, which were not to be acquired under long Practice: there was a necessity, that some should apply themselves more particularly to it, to succeed the better in it; and thence, by way of Excellence, they were called Physicians, because they cured Maladies, which others could not. They might, perhaps, cure some inward Diseases, but the fairest prospect of their Art lay not on that side. 'twas, undoubtedly, for the preceding reason, that Celsus esteemed Surgery to be the most ancient part of Physic; they could, in some measure, dispense with the other branch, but this must needs come into play almost as soon as there were Men; for if the strength of Constitution, and the simple and uniform manner of living, among the primitive Men, rendered 'em less obnoxious to diseases, they became not thereby invulnerable, nor excused from the accidents of breaking a Leg, or an Arm. If therefore the strength of Nature was no protection from these misfortunes, they must of necessity have recourse to other assistance. Those therefore, that signalised themselves by their address on these occasions, became very considerable, and were very much respected among Men for the visible need they had of ●em; which caused 
(*) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Iliad. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Hour to say, A Physician was worth more than abundance of other Men.  
Add to the certain need Men had of Surgery, the manifest relief they found by it, and the●e will no scruple remain, why this part of Physic should establish itself in the World earlier than the rest. 
(b) Estque ejus effectus inter omnes Medicinae partes evidentissimus. Siquidem in morbis cum multum fortuna conferat, ead●mque saepe sa●utaria, saepe vana sint; potest dubitali secunda vale●udo medicinae, an corporis beneficio contigerit. In his quoque in quibus medicamentis maximè utimur, quamvis pro●ectus evidentior est, tumen sanitatem & per haec frustr● quaeri, & sine his reddi saepe manifestum est. Sicut in oculis q●●que deprehend● p●●est; qui a medicis ●●ù vexati, sine hi● interd●m sa●●s. unt. At in 〈◊〉 pa●●e, quae manu ●urat, evident est, ●●●●em profecrum, ●t aliquid ali ahis adjuvetur, hine tamen plurinum trahere, Cells pr●sat lib 7.  The effects of it (viz. Surgery) are the most evident of any in Physic (says Celsus). In discases Fortune bears great sway; and the same things are sometimes beneficial, sometimes ineffectual; so that 'tis doubtful, whether the cure be owing to the goodness of the Remedy, or the Constitution even where Medicines are most necessary; tho' their use be somewhat more evident, they frequently fail of restoring health, which is often recovered without 'em. As sore Eyes, after 've been long tormented in vain by Physicians, sometimes do well when given over. But in cures by Manual Operation, tho' other things may be of some help, yet the main success is owing to that.  
Thus far Celsus. 
(*) The immediate terror, and anxiety, that wounds and fractures produced, either through great profusions of Blood, or agonies of Pain, procured a great veneration for those that afforded any comfort or relief. Whereas the advance of Diseases being less sensible, having seldom any thing of terror in their approach, 'tis probable that most of 'em were little heeded, till they were ready to determine by a natural Crisis, or were so radicated, that 'twas past the power of Physic, especially in its infancy, to relieve 'em. As for those acute distempers, that were of swifter execution, such as Pestilentials, they were generally mortal; by which means, Physic made but very slow advances, till after some Ages spent in collecting of Observations, it came to the height of reputation under Hypocrates.  Such visible relief could not but make an impression upon the most stupid people; an advantage the rest of Physic had not. Some have thought it a trifle, that they might absolutely dispense with the want of: Others that could not think so meanly of it, yet thought they need not be so solicitous about it, every one being Physician enough for himself; at most, that 'twas sufficient to consult his Neighbour. We see the Peasants, to this day, those especially that live remote from great Towns, arrive at a considerable age, without once making use of a Physician. 
† With us the Country People, in all acute Cases, and even in Chronical ones too, when they are so far gone that the symptoms begin to grow urgent, and the danger appears, have recourse to some charitable Lady, or skilful old Woman, that dispenses Cordials, and other Medicines, from a Receipt-Book, or to some confident Water-casting Quack, of which there are swarms every where. So far are they from slighting inward Diseases, that they catch at any the most delusive shadow of assistance. If they don't consult real Physicians, 'tis because of the difficulty or charge, the Patient being generally weak before he desires it, and unable to attend, or send for a Physician; and those whom they depute for that purpose being usually persons interested in the experce, content themselves with the cheapest, and easiest means of showing their care, satisfying themselves with a seeming, or superficial discharge of their daty. The same shifts are made in cases of Surgery.  But if any accident happens that requires the assistance of a Surgeon, he is presently sent for.  
The Greeks at that time were much upon the same foot; the Surgeon was all the Physician they had. 'tis further probable, that the Surgery of Esculapius, and his Son, was not arriv●d at the perfection 'tis now at, nor that Hypocrates brought it to, the use of Incisions and Cauteries not having been then so common as it has since been. These ancient Masters cou●d Set broken Bones, and reduce Joints dislocated; and if they had wounds under their care, contented themselves barely to make the Incisions necessary to draw out an Arrow, or Dart, from the part wounded, without extending that operation to the purposes for which 'tis now in use. Much less did they use the Cautery, or Application of Fire, as since; using only, on those occasions, a few 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ham. ●.  specisick Herbs, 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id.  or asswaging Remedies. This was the occasion that Chiron was reputed the Inventor of the use of Herbs in Surgery. The reception that the Romans gave their first Physician, that is, their first Surgeon, that came among 'em, confirms this conjecture. The method he used, which was that then in practice in Greece, where it was at that time pretty well improved, appeared to them so cruel and barbarous, that they looked upon him as the common Executioner. 'Tis not probable that they were wholly without Surgery before the arrival of that stranger, their continual Wars made that Art absolutely necessary to 'em; but being used to a milder method, such as we suppose Esculapius' to have been. the● cou●d not but think the new Surgery extremely harsh.  
I doubt not but it appears strange thus to degrade Esculapius, and his Sons; and 'tis hard to believe, that Men that knew, according to our supposition, little more than any ordinary Bonesetter, or Country Surgeon, should carry the honour of being the Inventors of Physic. But our surprise will cease, when we consider that Surgery, being one of the principal parts of Physic, and Esculapius and his Sons practising at a time, when there were no Physicians, but Surgeons, or who were also Surgeons, and were more considered upon that score, they might naturally enough pass for Inventors of an Art in general, of which they practised the part most in request in their time. In the second place we must take notice, that tho' Esculapius was more celebrated for his Surgery than Physic, yet it does not follow from thence, that he concerned himself not at all with the latter. 'Tis likely, as we have said, that he undertook inward Maladies as well as outward, and that he practised all parts of Physic, as did all that followed him, to Hypocrates, and long after him. This, in my opinion, is the most reasonable explication of these passages of Celsus and Pliny, and fittest to reconcile their opinion with that which is vulgarly received.   

CHAP. XVIII. Supposing there were two Esculapius', one an Egyptian, the other a Greek, we may thence infer, that the former had more knowledge than the latter, or that they both were severally the Inventors of Physic, each in his own Country: Wherein the manner, how this Art was transmitted from one Nation to another, is occasionally examined.  
MEntion having been made of another Esculapius, an Egyptian, and the Inventor of Physic, any one might suppose him more skilful than the Greek, and that he was Master of his profession in its utmost latitude. These two Esculapius' may reasonably be reduced to one; but if there must needs be two, an Egyptian and a Greek, 'tis possible that one might have a more extended knowledge than the other; but finding no certain information thereof, we leave the Reader to determine for himself. As to the latter, Surgery appears to have been his chief talon.  
Upon this a question may arise; Whether if there were two Esculapius', each were the Inventor of Physic in his own Country? To which it may be answered, That we see nothing to the contrary, but that each might pass for such among his Country Men.  

(a) Pluta●ch. Sympos. lib. 3. quaest. 1.  The Magnesians affirm, that Chiron was the first that wrote of Physic. The Tyrians maintain the same of their King Cadmus, to whom they offered first-fruits of Plants, out of a persuasion that he first taught the use of ●em in Diseases. Bacchus' King of Assyria, Lybia, and India, was by those people honoured as the Author of Medicine; whether it were because he discovered the virtues of the Ivy, or because he taught the use of Wine, which has caused him to be taken for Noah, they can't all be in the right, all that we can from thence infer is, that Chiron, Cadmus and Bacchus, were severally the first that introduced the practice into their own Countries: the same might be the case not only of the two Esculapius', but of divers others in distant parts of the World, whether at the same, or different times.  
It may be further questioned; Whether these Inventors, or reputed Inventors of Physic, have not borrowed one from another? Every one, perhaps, might at first make his own Experiments and Discoveries at home, without Foreign assistance, by which they were bounded, while unacquainted with Commerce; but beginning, one after another, to shake off their primitive Barbarity, and Traffic being insensibly established among 'em, their discoveries were at the same time exchanged, every one being desirous to imitate, or introduce into his own Country, what he found useful abroad. Thus Physic came to be established and perfected every where, as fast as they could unite, to their own, those Lights which were reflected from abroad.  
But, tho' the knowledge of these first beginners, in every place, were but very mean, compared with that of those that came after 'em, yet, because they laid the foundations, and were the most perfect of their Times, they were honoured, as if no possible improvements were to be made upon them.  
This, in my mind, is the just Idea of these reputed Inventors of Physic. But there is yet this difference between the first Esculapius, and the rest whom the Greeks mention, That if he be as old as is pretended, he will appear not only to have laid the first grounds of this Art in his own Country, as all the rest in theirs, but to be the ancientest of all.  
What we have just now said starts yet another question: Who were the first People that cultivated Physic? There's no question, but the Egyptians, or Phaenicians, were the first, who are likewise the most ancient People known. Egypt has been called, the Mother of Arts; and the Greeks themselves acknowledge, that they borrowed their Religion, and almost all the Sciences, and curious Arts. Phoenicia furnished 'em with the use of Letters; so that the Greeks, in a manner, held of these People all that was nice among 'em, which they received pretty late too; as did the Romans after them, who tarried a long time e'er they introduced into their State, what they in their turn derived from the Greeks of this sort of knowledge.   

CHAP. XIX. PODALIRIUS and MACHAON, Esculapius' two Sons, famous Physicians, or Surgeons; their Wives and Families.  

(a) See Eustath. in Il●ad. 4.  SOme Ancients have believed, that the latter was only a Surgeon, but that the former was a Physician. What has been said before of their Father, may determine that point. That Machaon was the eldest, may be inferred from what Q. Calaber makes Podalirius say upon the occasion of his death; That his dear Brother had brought him up like a Son, after their Father was taken into Heaven, and that he had taught him to cure Diseases.  

(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Tho' Homer always names Podalirius first, when he mentions both Brothers together, 'tis only for the convenience of his Metre. Machaon seems to have been esteemed, and preferred before his Brother, by the great Men of the Army. He dressed Menelaus, wounded by Pandarus, wiping first the blood from the wound, and not sucking it with his lips, 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which Portus in his Latin Version of the Iliad ●enders, Sa●●gut●●c exucto, Iliad.  as a certain learned Man, misled by the nearest signification of the word, that Homer uses, has written. And after having cleansed the wound, he applied some softening Remedies, as his Father did. 
† Tarda Philocte●ae ●sanavit cu●ra Machaon. Prop. lib. 2. This, and V●●gd●'s Testimony, that he was in laded in the Wooden Horse, are directly r●pagnant to Pausanias, and Q. Ca●●●er, who say that Machaon was slain before the Wa●l● of Troy, by E●rypylus, in single ●hat. For the stratagem of the Wooden Horse decided the fate of Troy, and this cure was made in his return. Vide infra.  Machaon likewise it was, that cured Philoctetes of a lameness, contracted by letting an Arrow, dipped in the Gall of the Lerncan Hydra, a Legacy of Hereules at his death, fall upon his foot. By this cure Machaon should have been a more expert Surgeon than Chiron the Centaur, who could not cure himself of a wound by the same 
‖ Chap. 1●.  weapon. As for the rest, both the Brothers were as well Soldiers as Physicians; and Machaon seems to have been very brave. Homer tells us of a wound he received in the shoulder, in a sally of the Trojans. He was likewise one of those that were enclosed in the Wooden Horse, that famous Machine by which the Greeks took Troy. He lost his life in single 
(c) Hygin. Fa●. lib. 1. cap. 81, 1●8, 113.  Duel with Nireus, or, as 
(d) Pausan. Lacoa. Q. Calaber. lib. 6. & 7.  some others will have it, with Eurypylus Son of Telephus, during the Siege of Troy. Both the Brothers are reckoned among the Gallants of Helen.  

(e) Pausan. in Messeniacis, St●●b. lib. 8.  Anticlea Wife to Machaon, was Daughter to Diocles' King of Messenia: By her he had two Sons, Nicomachus and Gorgasus, who resided at Pherae, and possessed the Kingdom of their Grandfather, till the Heraclians, at their return from Troy, made themselves Masters of Messenia, and the rest of Pelopernesus; from whence they drove both them, and others. Pausanias' mentions some other Sons of Machaon, as Sphyrus, Alexanor, and Polemoer●tes. Whether 
* This doubt is easily resolved, ●or his Wise'● Inheritance was Messenia in Peloponuesus, and his Subjects, or Soldiers, were Thessalians, a● Homer witnesses, of Trica, by some said to be the place both of his Fathers and his Birth. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Iliad. Δ  Machaon were a King in his own Right, or in Right of his Wife only, is uncertain; but Homer, in two or three several places, calls him 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Iliad. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Pastor of the People, which is the Title he gives Agamemnon, and the rest of the Kings. Pausanias adds, That he was buried in Messenia, whither Nestor had caused his Bones to be conveyed from before Troy.  
Podalirius, in his return from Troy, was cast upon the Coast of Caria by a storm, where he was entertained by a Shepherd; who understanding that he was a Physician, brought him to King Damathaeus, whose Daughter had got a fall from a Housetop. Her he cured by letting her blood in both arms, which so affected the King, that he gave her him for a 〈◊〉 and with her the 
† Not the Achaean Peninsula, called Pelopou●●sus, lying between the Aegaean and Ponian Seas, mentioned before as the Dower of 〈◊〉 Brother's Wife, but the Thracian, between the Propontis and the Eu●ing Se●●.  Chersonese, where he buil● two Cities, Syrna so named from his Wife Syrna, and Bybassus from the Shepherd, that received him after his Wreck.  
He had, among other Children, a Son called Hippolochus, from whom Hypocrates derived himself; as we shall see hereafter.   

CHAP. XX. The first instance of PHLEBOTOMY; Reflections upon the Antiquity and Invention of that Remedy, and of PURGATION; And, upon the opinion, that Brutes taught Men the first use of divers Medicines.  
THis is what is related of the Sons of Esculapius: The latter having given us the first instance of Blood-letting, it may deserve our further consideration. Stephanus Byzantinus, from whom we have taken this relation, not telling us where he had it, and being the only Evidence, the fact is yet very questionable.  

(a) Parere del S. Lionardo di Capo● intorno la Mcdicina.  A modern Author, before cited, thinks the silence of Homer a sufficient argument to prove that it was not known in his days; and that, if he had been acquainted with a Remedy of that nature, he would sooner have taken notice of it, than of a hundred other trifles with which he stuffs his Poem. But to this we may answer, That Homer not writing of Physic, his silence is no argument on either side in this case. If it be objected, that he has spoken largely of Moly, and Nepenthe, it may be alleged that the Laws of Epic, and Sublime Poetry, allow it. The 
* Tho there be a Plart still known by the name of homer's Moly, yet it may be looked upon as a Poctical Being, raised only to serve the Poet's turn, as an under Machine in the corduct of h●●●oem, no such qualities appearing, in reality, in the Plant that bears the name. Vide Odyff. K.  Moly being a sort of Counter-charm to Incantations, was as natural an Instrument of this sort of Poetry, as Enchantments themselves. As for the 
† The same sentence may without temerity be pr●nouned upon Nepeuthe. 'tis rather a Machine than a Medicine, and as such only aught to be considered by those that criticise upon this passqge of Homer. Th●se that sancy it to have been Opium must have very powerful imaginations to sinned the Analogy between 'em. Homer's was manifestly a Medicine for the mind, that was to comfort, and raise the Spiri●s of Yelemachus, who was dejected and desponding, upon the account of his Father's absence, and his Mother's troubles. From one of the Epithets, which Homer bestows upon it, the Proper name signifying its chief property is form●d. Vid. Ody●ss●●.  Nepenthe, tho' it were only Opium, as some conjecture, as 'tis a Drug of wonderful efficacy, Homer might very well give it a place, without derogating from the dignity of his Poem; but, when he spoke of the Remedies that Podalirius and Machaon used, in case of wounds, he contented himself with the general name of Lenitive Medicines, without specifying 'em.  
If this Author's Reasoning would hold good, we might as lawfully infer, that Purging was not used in Homer's time, because he takes no notice of it; which, in my opinion, is too improbable to be maintained.  
A Second objection against the antiquity of Blood-letting may be raised upon the authority of Cicero, who, when he reports the inventions of the first and third Esculapius, takes no notice of it. Yet this hinders not, but that it might be the invention of the second Esculapius, of whom Tully says nothing, but that he was brother to the second Mercury, and slain by thunder.  
What Diodorus, and Herodotus report of the Physic of the Egyptians, seems to prove that it was not practised by them; their prescriptions being confined within the compass of Diet, Clysters, Purges, and Vomits. If Blood-letting had been known to 'em, 'twas a remedy too considerable to have been forgotten. But it may be answered, that these Authors speak only of the ordinary niethods, that were practised every day; as if we should say, the 
* The Author see us to be very much a stranger to the practice of the English Physicians, who prescribe Bleeding, as frequently perhaps as most in the world, though not so indifferently in all cases as in Spain, etc.  English use Vomits very much, the Germans, Sudorifies; which is no argument that they do not sometimes let Blood, though in truth they do it but very seldom, especially the latter; and 'tis probable, Egypt being a Country much hotter than Greece, that they let Blood much more rarely.  
Of the time when Blood-letting was introduced we have nothing certain, nor of those that first used it. Hypocrates, who is the ancientest Author we have, and the first that has mentioned Bleeding, convinces us that 'twas not a new Remedy in his time, nor of late invention. For though he brings no formal arguments to the contrary, yet we may naturally infer so much; since in his time they opened all the veins they do now, those of the Arms, the Feet, the Forehead, the Nose, the Tongue, etc. They used likewise Cupping with Scarification, and were grown bold enough to open the Arteries both by Instruments and Fire. To arrive at all these different ways of letting Blood, does necessarily, in my opinion, requiro a long experience in that practice, it being impossible to advance so far at the first step, either in hardiness, or ability.  
As for Purgatives, Cicero, as we have seen, ascribes the invention of 'em to the third Esculapius; but supposing that, as well as what Stephanus Byzantinus reports of Podalirius' letting Blood, to be a Fiction, there are yet convincing proofs enough of their antiquity behind. Herodotus the oldest Greek Historian, and after him Diodorus, reports that 'twas usual with the Egyptians to give a Medicine, that both purged and vomited. This is imagined to be a fort of 
* The Author ought either to have named some other Author of these conjectures, or to have laid down his own reasons for 'em▪ since neither of the Simples named by him, nor any sort of Beer in common use has the qualities of the Egyptian Medicine. There is an herb in frequent use in many parts of England, with the skilful old women in the Country, that has both, that is, the L●urcola, or Spurge L●w●●l, which will (according to a vulgar error among 'em) work ei●●er ●pwards, or downwards, as the Leaves, which the● use, are shipped from the Stalk; but in truth will do either or both, a●●●rding to the st●er●th of the dose, and the Patient's cons●●tation. Tho' I think we n●●d not be at much pains in guessing at it, since almost all the Purging Medicines most autiently used had both faculties, (viz.) of moving to Stool, and Vomit, such were Hellebore, Elaterium, Spurge, etc. This Medicine wa●●●ll●d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to purge, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Purgation.  Rhadish, or an Herb resembling Seleri, or a composition like a sort of Beer.  
The Antiquity of Purging may likewise be further supported by the reasons already alleged in favour of Blood-letting; that is, by the variety of Purgatives already in use in the time of Hypocrates, as Hellebore, Elaterium, Peplium, Coloquintida, Scammony, and divers others. It is not probable that all these Medicines were discovered at a time. As for Elaterium, there is no doubt but it was known long before, having been in use among the Cnidian Physicians, who preceded Hypocrates. There is yet less reason to doubt the antiquity of Hellebore, if the history of Melampus be not fabulous.  
But waving all these proofs, I can't help believing Purgation to be very ancient, for a reason founded upon the necessary consequence of an experience, which must needs be almost as old as Mankind. 
* If the prin●tive mann●r of living were such, as in the beginning of this Book, our Auth●r, and with him m●●● learned men suppose it to have been; the simplicity of Men's diet, which consisted chief, if not altogether of Herbs and F●uit, sh●●'d rather have exposed 'em to Diarrhaea's, than Costiveness; and the Symptoms that generally accompany the former, which are Gripes, and Fai●n●●●, being more immediate, and terrible, than those of the lat●er, the observation of their own Bodies should rather have discouraged the use of Purgers, had they known 'em, than promoted an e●qutry after 'em. 'Tis probable, th●● the Medical use of Pargers was not known, till af●●● a series of obs●●●●tions had introduced a regular diet, and taught 'em in some measure to ●●●per it to their occasions. Then perhaps in obstinate and dangerous 〈◊〉, they ●●●ght venture farther by degrees. But when that happened is next to ●●up ●●ible to determine. As for the St●ries of Brutes, they may all, as 〈…〉 of Melampus as the rest, be rejected as Fables. Neither Hellebore, 〈…〉 other Parging ●●●t, that we know of, being so savoury, as to 〈◊〉 Brutes to eat. In these latter ages at least, they will starve rather than be s●rc'd to it.  For 'tis impossible they should have been long without observing the mischief of being costive, and the relief of evacuation either by Stool, or Vomit when the Stomach was oppressed. This probably must make 'em inquisitive after means to provoke Evacuations, when they were suppressed, or when they found themselves overcharged. Or, perhaps, some body having without design eaten some herb, that purged him, and finding himself better disposed, and more healthy after it, made his use of this casual experiment, and afterwards repeated it upon himself, or others, that he thought had occasion; or, after all, some body observing, that some diseases went off with Diarrhaeas, endeavoured to imitate, and assist Nature by such means, as chance had taught 'em, to loosen the Belly.  
Some such reason as this apparently started the first hint of Blood-letting. For the first men observing that loss of Blood often gave a check to violent distempers; or that large Hemorrhages at the Nose relieved pains in the Head; and that Women were out of order, when they wanted those evacuations, attempted by Art to open a way for that Blood which could not make any for itself.  
But though some evacuations of Blood be frequently necessary, and of benefit in distempers, it does not fellow, that men should as readily venture to imitate Nature in this case, as in that of Purging. This latter voiding only excrements by the natural way; whereas, Bleeding takes away a liquor, that appears so necessary to the support of life, that we scarce part from it without some horror, and that too is let out by an unusual way; besides, that Purgers were found out by chance, and taken into the bodies of the first men as their Food, which can●t be said for Blood-Letting.  
'Tis certain therefore, that Purging is much more naturally indicated, than Blood Letting, and that more reasoning was requisite to induce Men to open a Vein than to give a Purge, and for that reason I believe Purgation to be the eldest.  
Pliny, I know, tells us, that we are obliged to the Hippopotamus, or Sea-horse, who, being by over-feeding grown too fat, and heavy, pricks a certain Vein in his Leg, upon the most pointed thorn he can find, and when he has drawn Blood enough, stops the wound with Mud: whence Men had a precedent for Blood-letting. We may tack this relation to another the same Author gives us in his next Chapter, that the Ibis taught Men the use of Clysters, by putting his bill full of Sea-Water into his Fundament.  
Not but that Brutes might possibly teach men the use of divers Remedies. But 'twas in them as well as men, an accidental experiment. So 
(b) Vide Chap. 11.  Mclampus' Goats having eaten Hellebore more by chance, than by (what we call) Instinct, and their Master taking notice of it, helped him to the discovery of a great Medicine.  

* A more plausible story than any of these Virgil tells us of his Goats, Aencid. xii. Dictamnum genetrix Cretea carpit ab Idâ, Puberibus caulem Solus, & Flore comantem Pu●pu●eo, non illa seres incognita ca●ris Gramina, cum stigo volucres haesere sagitt●e. Whether this story be more admirable for the Sagacity ascribed to those Brutes, or the power of the Herbs, I leave those to dispute who have more leisure, but it has a great many Naturalist●●or Vouchers. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. They say that the Goats in Crete, when they are struck with an Arrow, eat Dittany, and the Arrow immediate●●●●ops from 'em. Arist●● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. Hist. anim. lib. 9 Elian. Hist. Var. l 〈…〉 D●os●or. l. 3. c. 37. Val. Max. l. 1. c. 8. Plutarch. de Solert. Ani●●● 〈…〉 Gryl●o. Cic de Divin. 3. Issdor. etc. Notwithstanding 〈…〉 great names, the Reader is left to believe as he pleases of the ●ct.  The same may be said of what some 
(c) Galen. Introduct.  Author's report that the way of Couching Cataracts, was learned by observing that Goats, that were troubled with 'em, recovered their sight by having pricked their Eyes with rushes, or thorns, as they brushed through the Woods. If this be not as very a Fable, as those of the Hippopotamus, or Ibis, 'tis at most but a lucky accident, of which good use has been made.  
Perhaps likewise, even without the aid of chance, the first Men might designedly try upon Brutes the effects of Simples unknown, before they ventured on 'em themselves. This way too Brutes might teach the use of 'em, but not in the Sense of the Naturalists. No body ventures to say, that ●●utes taught men the use of poisons, drawn from the Bowels of the Earth, of which nevertheless there are but too many.   

CHAP. XXI. Epione, Wife to ESCULAPIUS; Hygiaea, Aegle, Panacaea, and Jaso his Daughter.  
THe Etymology of these names shows 'em to be mere creatures of a wanton 
(a) Pausan. in Achaic.  Fancy, and a continuation only of the Sun's being the Author of Physic, under the name of Apollo. Esculapius is also taken for the Air. Hygiaea, that is Health, is called his Daughter, because our health depends chief upon the Air. Aegle, Light, or Sunshine, signifies that Air illuminated and purified by the Sun is the best. Jaso, and Panacaea, which signify Healing, and an universal Remedy, insinuate to us, that a good air cures all distempers. These four Sisters are feigned to be daughters of the Air, to show that we are beholding to the Air for Health, and all the blessings we are to hope from Medicine; this Air is supposed to be Son of the Sun, because to dispose it for the advantage of Health it must be, as it were, animated by that Star, from which it receives all its good qualities. To carry on the Allegory, Esculapius' Wife is named 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, lenifying.  Hepione, as if she shared with her Husband the faculty of asswaging Pain.  
This shame Esculapius, and his Fantastic Family confirm, what we advanced before, that there never was any Esculapius of Greece. As for Podalirius, and Machaon, who might perhaps be Men really present at the Siege of Troy in quality of Physicians or Surgeons, 
* The Poet probably in this consulted the dignity of his Poem, as he did in those Epithets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which he in divers places bestows upon Machaon. Not perhaps that he was a King, as out Author from this latter appellation argues. But in that he seems to me to infer too much, Homer not restraining it to Kings only. For he gives Alexander and others the same title, though they were not crowned Heads.  the Poet, I suppose, made 'em Sons of Esculapius for the greaten grace of the matter, as he says that Physicians in general are of the race of Paeon, Physician to the Gods; of whom before.   

CHAP. XXII. The History of ESCULAPIUS continued. Wherein, what is ascribed to him in Physic by the Ancients after his being deified, is set forth.  
WE have seen, what has been said of Esculapius considered as a Man. To preserve the Chronological order, we should suspend the relation of what concerns him in Physic after his deification, till the time in which it happened. But to avoid digressions, we choose to finish at once his History, Man or God.  
Among those, says Clemens Alexandrinus, who were heretofore in Egypt, and who were but Men, though the superstition of the People has made Gods of 'em, were Hermes of Thebes, and Esculapius of Memphis. This Author, who here makes Esculapius an Egyptian, and joins him with Hermes, who lived in the time of Noah, seems to make him much later, when he says, that he was deified but fifty three years before the Siege of Troy, and makes him contempory to Hercules, and companion to Castor and Pollux in their Voyage. We have already taken notice that he did apparently confound the Egyptian Esculapius, with the Grecian. Perhaps in this latter passage he has followed the Greeks, who believ●d their Esculapius no older.  

(a) In Corinthiar.  Pausanias' asserts of Esculapius, that from the very first he was none of those, whose reputation grew by degrees; and endeavours to prove his assertion by an expression in the Ilias, that calls 
* Pausani●s wrists this authority of Homer to a sense, that in probability the Poet never dreamt of. For Man, or Mortal is a common Epithet in Homer, even where there is no suspicion of any intended destincton of this nature.  
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Iliad Δ  Machaon a Mortal, the Son of Esculapius, which with him is all one with a Man Son of a God.   

CHAP. XXIII. Of the Temples built to ESCULAPIUS. In particular of that at Epidaurus; and of the several different representations of Esculapius.  
ESculapius being thus immortalised, Temples were built in divers places, and vows made, and Sacrifice offered to him, as the God of Health 
(a) Pausan. in Messen. & Corinthiac.  They erected likewise Temples to his Sons, and Grandsons. Among all that were built in honour of Esculapius, that of Epidaurus was the most considerable. This City was consecrated to him, either because he was born there, or because he had his abode there. In this Temple, which was five miles from the City, was his statue of Gold and Ivory, made by the famous Carver Thrasymedes. It was of an extraordinary size, and represented the God sitting upon a Throne with a Staff in one hand, and leaning with the other upon the head of a Dragon, with a Dog at his feet.  

(b) Albrieus de dear. imaginibus.  Esculapius was otherwise represented with a 
* He was sometimes represented as a Child by an Image, of the height of a Cubit. Vide Pausan. Arcad●●a. page 5●8.  
(c) He was sometimes represented with a beard.  long beard, habited like a Physician, sitting with a box of Ointment, and the necessary Instruments of his profession in his lap. In his right hand he held his beard, in his left a Staff with a Serpent twined about it, to signify, according to the explication of 
(d) De natura d●orum.  Phornutius, that the sick for their cure, must renew their Bodies and slip their Skins, as the Serpent does his. The Serpent, being likewise the Emblem of Attention, signified that Physicians ought to be very attentive to what befell their patients. The Staff signified, that those who recovered of any distemper, have need of much management, and good support to prevent a relapse. Others say, that Esculapius' Staff was full of knots, to show the difficulties in the study and practice of Physic. Festus, from whom this last remark is borrowed, adds, that this God wore a wreath of Laurel, because this plant is of use in divers remedies.   

CHAP. XXIV. How ESCULAPIUS is represented in some Medals. Of the figure of the Telesphorus, which is joined in some of 'em  
THere are yet some Medals of Esculapius remaining, 
* The curious M● Ch●lton showed ●e an Abinus, which bore on the reverse an Esculapius standing ●are from the Waste upwards, holding a Staff in his hand, with a Serpent twined about it. The Inscription was Albin: CAES. R C. O S I I  on which he is stamped at full length, with the Pallium after the Greek fashion, which exposes the body naked to the view from the Girdle upwards, leaning upon a Staff. In others he has a Cock at his feet, to insinuate that a Physician ought to be vigilant. In some others we find an Owlet, to show that a Physician ought to be as clear-fighted, and ready in the Night as the Day for the service of their Patients.  
In several Medals Esculapius is accompanied by a small figure, representing a young Boy covered with a Cowl. Monsieur Spon will have this to be an emblem of Sickness, the object of Medicine, because, among the Ancients, the Sick only wore the Robe, and Bonnet, whereas those that were in health went bareheaded. This Boy, or little Man, was called Telesphorus.  
Monsieur Patin mentions a Medal coined in honour of the Emperor Adrian, which bore on one side an Esculapius with his daughter Hygiaea; on the reverse a Telesphorus, with this Inscription round it. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Near the Telesphorus were these two letters OB. This learned Antiquary and Physician explains these words thus; Pergamenorum sub Cephalione, adding in an Italic Character, Telesphorus. He tells us, after Pausanias, that Telesphorus was a Deity of the Pergamenians, so named by the command of the Oracle; and that some translate this word 
* Possessed.  Daemoniac, or 
* One that speaks in the Belly.  Ventiloquus.  
This application induces me to think, that Telesphorus and Ob signified the same thing, finding elsewhere that this latter word is likewise rendered by that of Demoniac, or Ventriloquous Spirit. So Selden; 
(a) De Diis Syris Syntagmat. 2.  The word Ob is usually translated by that of Python, or Magician. But Ob was a Spirit, or Demon, that seemed to speak from within; sometimes from the Head, and sometimes from the Armpit; but in a tone, whether of a Daemoniac, or of a dead man, so low, that it seemed to come from some deep cavity in the Earth; so that whoever consulted it, oftentimes heard it not, but made what construction he pleased. Selden adds immediately; see the History of Samuel, whose Figure was raised to Saul by a Woman, from whose Pudenda Ob spoke, or was thought to speak. The Scripture in the 28th Chapter of the 1st book of Samuel calls this Pythonissa, or as the seventy translate this Ventriloqua, a Woman that had Ob; whence Saul makes this request to her; Divine to me, I pray thee by Ob, which the lxx render; 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Prophesy to me by the Ventriloquus. Ob therefore was a Ventriloquous Spirit.  
This conjecture seemed to me well grounded. But Monsieur Patin, has done me the favour to inform me that instead of OB, we should read T O B, this being more frequent upon Medals. He is likewise of opinion, that the two first Letters T O should be disjoined from the B, and read T O B, as two words, which signify according to him a second time. This second time is, says he, capable of variety of interpretation, either from the City where the Medal was coined, or from the Praetor or Pontifex under whom it was coined. He further observes this word, where the Telesphorus had nothing to no. If Monsieur Patin be not mistaken, especially in this last particular, my conjecture is entirely overthrown; for my part I readily submit to his authority in a matter, whereof he is so great a Master.  
Pausanias' observes that what the Pergamenians called Telesporus, was called Acesius at Epidaurus, and Evamerion in Messenia.   

CHAP. XXIV. ESCULAPIUS appeared sometimes in the form of a Serpent. His Voyage to Rome, to put a stop to the Plague: Of the Temple built for him in the Isle of Tiber. Some particulars concerning the Temple, and the place where it was erected.  
THe Serpent was so dear to Esculapius, that his usual appearance was under that Shape. In that he came to free Rome from the Plague, in its three hundred and fiftieth year. The Romans, says Aurelius Victor, sent ten Deputies to Epidaurus by the advice of the Oracle, to bring the God Esculapius to Rome. The chief of them was Q. Ogulnius; these Deputies being arrived there, and admiring the extraordinary size of the Statue, saw coming out of the Throne, on which he sat, a Serpent, that struck into 'em an awe rather of veneration, than terror, and traversing the City, through crowds of Spectators that were amazed at the Prodigy, went on board the Romans Vessel to the  of Ogulnius. The Deputies, transported with joy of the God's Company, arrived happily at Antium, where they abode some time, the roughness of the Seas not permitting 'em to pursue their Voyage. During this stay the Serpent conveyed himself into a Neighbouring Temple dedicated to Esculapius, and came aboard again some days afterwards, and they continued their course up the Tiber. Till arrived at this Isle in the River he leaped ashore. In that place a Temple was erected to him, and the Plague immediately ceased.  
Festus Fancies, that the Temple of Esculapius was built in the middle of the water, to signify the custom of Physicians, who cure their Patients by obliging 'em to drink water. 
(a) Lib. 29. cap. 1.  Pliny pretends that this Temple was erected in the Isle of Tiber to avoid receiving him into their Walls, so great was their aversion to the Art, over which he presided. But 'tis not probable they would use a God so scurvily, whose presence they had so earnestly desired, and who had taken the pains to come so far to their relief. 
(b) Quaest. Rom. 94.  Plutarch seems to have hit the true reason of this conduct of the Romans, who built him a Temple, without their City, in imitation of that at Epidaurus, which was five miles out of the City. He adds, that this reason, why these Temples were placed in the Country, was, that the Sick, who resorted to 'em, as a sort of Hospitals, 
* Or perhaps the Romans might fear to be frequently visited with infectious diseases, from the great resort of the sick to such a Temple, and therefore erected it at a distance, for the same reason that we build Pesthouses at a distance from great Towns. Or perhaps the Priests, who were yet but Novices at Rome, might fear too near an inspection into their juggling in that great City, and therefore chose a place where none could have admittance but those that came prepossessed in favour of the cheat.  might enjoy the benefit of the open Air.  
If AURELIUS' VICTOR's account been't a fiction, we may conclude that the Serpents of Epidaurus, which were easily tamed, were trained to this sort of juggling 
(c) Pausan. in Corinthiac. . 
* Qui sont de couleur brune, says our Author, but Pausanias his words are, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which seems to intimate that they were of a brighter yellow, than any other Serpents, pag. 136.  All Dragons, or Serpents, says Pausanias are consecrated to Esculapius, but especially a brown sort, which were very tame, and found only in the Territories of Epidaurus 
* Lucian affirms expressly that these Serpents are found in Pella in Macedonia, and that the Impostor Alexander furnished himself with one there. He further adds, that they would kiss the Women, suck their Breasts, etc. which familiarity (says he) gave occasion to the story of Olympias, Mother of Alexander the Great.  
(d) Vide Lucian. Pseudomant. . It was one of these Serpents. which Alexander the famous Impostor made use of, which he pretended to be 
* Our Author here has made a mistake, for the Impostor did not pretend the Serpent, but himself to be the Son of Podalirius, and the Serpent Esculapius.  the Son of Podalirius.   

CHAP. XXV. Of the Worship of ESCULAPIUS, which was every where the same, except at Cyrene.  
THe Rites observed at Epidaurus, were followed by all the Cities of Greece, where his Temples were. Pausanias pretends, that even the Esculapius of (a) Cyrene, was borrowed from thence, tho' he acknowledges this difference in their Worship, that these sacrificed Goats to him, which they did not at Epidaurus. But this Author being a Greek may be suspected of partiality to his own Country, which 'tis easy upon other occasions to convict him of. 'Tis 'Tis more likely that Cyrene, being a City of Lybia near Egypt, received from thence, the knowledge and worship of Esculapius, before spoken of. It is not probable, that the Cyrenians, if they had borrowed their Rites from Epidaurus, wou●d have varied 'em so far, as to sacrifice an animal so different from that used in Greece; which according to Festus was a Pullet, or a Cock according to Plato, whose reason for it deserves our notice. The Ancients, says he, offered to ESCULAPIUS the Physician, son of Phoebus, a Cock, which proclaims the approach of day, and of the Sun, thereby acknowledging themselves obliged for the day, or light of Life, to the Divine Bounty, which cures us of all evils.  
Before we leave the Temple of Epidaurus, we must observe, that there were in it several Pillars, whereon were engraved the names of those that were cured by the Gods, the names of their distempers, and the method of cure, all in the Doric Dialect. Pausanias says, that six of these Pillars or Columns, were remaining in his time; that there was one old Pillar remote from the rest, on which was an Inscription that Hippolytus offered to Esculapius twenty horses in acknowledgement for having been restored to Life by him.   

CHAP. XXVI. Of the ESCULAPIUS of Pergamus.  
Pausanias' observes, that one Archias having been cured of some distemper at Epidaurus, transported the Religion to Pergamus. This was the occasion of building a Temple to this God there; and not because he had a Shop there, as some learned Men, thro' misapprehension of a Passage in Lucian, have believed. This witty Droll introduces Jupiter complaining that his Altars were deserted, since Apollo set up his Oracle at Delphi, and Esculapius opened Shop at Pergamus; by which Shop he meant his Temple, whither People repaired for Medicines, as to a common Apothecary's Shop.  
One proof that this Temple was grown more famous than the former, is that Lucian in the aforecited passage mentions this only, tho' the other were remaining in his time, as we may infer from Pausanias, who was contemporary to him, or lived after him, and speaks of the Temple of Epidaurus as having seen it, adding that one Antoninus had built a House near it, to lodge Women in labour, and dying Men, because no one was suffered to be delivered, or to die within the Verge of the Temple.  
The Esculapius of Asia Minor seems to have been the most dexterous at culling his Customers; for the Emperor Caracalla took a journey to Pergamus, to consult him upon a distemper; and we find abundance of Medals of the Families of Antoninus and Aurelius, on which Esculapius is impressed, all coined at Pergamus. Perhaps the Priests at Pergamus had more address, than those at Epidaurus, which as we shall see, was of great use to inveigle the Multitude.   

CHAP. XXVII. Of ESCULAPIUS of Cos.  
THere was likewise a famous Temple of Esculapius in the Isle of Cos, which was burnt in the time of Hypocrates, after he had transcribed the remedies written on the Tables, which those that receiv●d their cures, used to hang up in the Temple as a public acknowledgement, and for the service of others in the same case after 'em. Strabo speaks thus of the Temple. There is in the Suburbs of the City of Cos, a celebrated Temple of Esculapius enriched with a great number of presents and offerings, among the rest an Antigonus of Apelles 's hand, a Venus rising out of the Sea, consecrated in our days to Julius Caesar by Augustus, who dedicated to his Father the Foundress of his Family; It is reported that for this Picture a hundred talents were abated of the annual Tribute paid by those of Cos. 'Tis said likewise that Hypocrates practised Physic upon what he learned from those consecrated Tables. Hypocrates, adds he, was one of the most illustrious Persons of that City, as was also another Physician named Simos or Simus. 
* Our Author forgets that Pausanias, of whom he makes so much use on this occasion, mentions that the Messenians, who contended for his Birth, had in his Temple many great curiosities, as the Statues of the Muses, of Apollo, of Hercules, and of Esculapius and his children; and particucularly a sort of Family Piece of Painting, wherein was his Mother Arsinoe, (according to the pretences of the Messenians) himself, and his two Sons, Machaon and Podalirius, drawn by Omphalion. And at Aegium a Statue was made by Damophon, whose workmanship Pausanias every where sets a great value upon. There were in other places abundance of other things very remarkable, which wheever has the curiosity, may consult Pausanius for.  Nothing is said of the rest of the Temples of Esculapius, scattered in great number up and down the world, especially in Greece.   

CHAP. XXVIII. Four Oracles, or Prescriptions of ESCULAPIUS given to sick men, engraved upon a Marble Table, found at Rome.  
IT were to be wished, that the Ancient had taken the pains to collect all that was written upon those Tables, or Pillars. Perhaps they might have done it, but their works su●s vived not till our times.  
Chance has preserved us one of these Tables found in the Isle of Tiber by Rome, where was the Temple of Esculapius. This Table is of Marble, and now to be seen in the Palace of Mapheo, on which is this inscription in Greek.  
The God, at this time, gave the following Oracle to one Caius, who was blind; That he should come to the sacred altar, and having kneeled should go from the right side to the left, and lay his five singers upon the altar, and put that hand upon his eyes. Which being done he saw very clearly, all the People being present, and expressing their joy, that so great miracles were done under our Emperor Antoninus.  
Lucius, having a Pleurisy, and being given over by every body, received from the God this Oracle. That he should come, and take the ashes off his altar, and mixing 'em with Wine, apply 'em to his side. Which done he was cured, and returned thanks to the God, and the People congratulated him upon his happy recovery.  
Julian vomiting blood, and his recovery being by every one despaired of, the God by his Oracle gave him this answer; That he should come, and take the Pine-apples upon his Altar, and eat of 'em three days with Honey, Which having performed, he was well, and came to return his thanks to the God in the presence of all the people.  
The God gave this Oracle to a blind Soldier, named Valerius Aper; That he should mingle the blood of a white Cock with Honey, and make a Collyrium, which he should put upon his eyes three days together. After which he saw, and came publicly to return his thanks.  
The first of these remedies is purely superstitious, the rest are natural, and not very unlike those in ordinary use with the Physicians, except the seasoning of superstition, which to this day makes Medicines seem more effectual to the greatest part of the World.  
In probability the Priests of Esculapius did not deal much in cures of the first sort; except when they had a mind to impose upon the people by some Counterfeit, prepared to cheat 'em with a shame disease.  
But when they had to do with men, that came to consult their God upon cases that were curable, it was for their credit to order means that acted naturally, which they might learn by the 
* If Hypocrates became so famous by transcribing what was inscribed upon the Tables hung up in the Temple at Cos (as some will have it) what hinders but that the Priests themselves, who had much greater advantages of that kind, should be so too. Besides, 'tis probable that they neglected no means of enabling themselves to do all that was possible, who pretended to so much more.  Study and Practice of Physic, or receive by tradition from their Predecessors; without any such occasion for the Devil's assistance 
(a) Observations sur les fieures. , as the late Monsieur Spon fancies they had.  
Those that fancy that all the Heathen Oracles were nothing but mere tricks, and roguery of their Priests, will be in no pain upon this subject.  
It seems to have been very easy for these Priests, to make the sick believe as they listed. And whereas these wretches were usually lodged for some days together, and their imaginations being entirely possessed with the reports of the Counsels, and Cures of Esculapius, they did not fail to dream at night, of what their minds were so absolutely taken up with all the day, and to take their dreams for the immediate inspiration of the God. It was not impossible, but that, following his pretended advice, 
* As sanciful men are naturally most suporstitious, so I doubt not but the greatest and best part of Escalapius' Customers were of that number, whose distempers being altogether imaginary, 'twas no hard matter to fit 'em with a cure as chimerical. For even yet the number of those, that labour under painful conceits, and are daily relieved by the application of superstitious, insignificant remedies, in which they have a strong faith, is very great. Of these I knew one, a person otherwise of very good sense, that was cured, as he thought, of the Sciatica, by wearing about his neck a piece of blank Paper, in which he was told there was a powerful charm written, but was forbidden to break the Seal; which his curiosity's tempting him to do, after his sancy had had three week's respite, immediately upon the disappointment he relapsed into the old complaint. But among the Heathens, whose Credulity was backed and encouraged by their Religion, 'twas no wonder to meet with shouls of easy Gulls, that crowded to be cheated. Not to mention that many of these Cures were effected by confederacy, where the God, or his Priest, and the Patient had a right understanding beforehand; like some modern Miracle-mongers. As to the cure of real distempers by sancy, I shall suspend my opinion, till I am satisfied of the truth of the fact, which yet I declare I am not.  the force of Imagination, and the confidence they placed in the Oracle, contributed very much to their cure, when it was naturally possible.  
They were so obedient, and so exact in the execution of the orders they received, whether by dream, or otherwise, that some have forborn to drink for fifteen days together, being so enjoyn●d, Galen, who makes this observation, complains, that his Patients were not by far so observant of his directions.  
There is no doubt, but this Spirit of Bigotry that reigned among those that had recourse to Esculapius, contributed very much to his establishment, how little virtue soever his remedies, or rather those of his Priests had.  
Suidas mentions a prescription of Esculapius of Athens, which is very odd. An Athenian named Plutarch and one Domninus a Syrian Philosopher, contemporary to Proclus, both consulted him upon different case, and were both ordered to eat Pork. The first would not comply, but in raillery ask the God, what he would have prescribed to a Jew in his case, obliged him to prescribe something else● Domninus, who, as the Story tells us, was really a Jew, notwithstanding the Law of his Nation against the eating of Swines-flesh, conformed to the direction, and found himself so well after it, that he eat it all the rest of his Life. And found himself the worse for a single days abstinence from it. His disease was a Spitting of Blood. This remedy appears extraordinary, but we shall see in the sequel some Prescriptions of the same sort in the same case by Physicians.  
Galen tells us also of some particular cures of his Esculapius. 
(b) De subfigurat. Empiric. De simp. Medicam. facult. lib.  A certain rich man, having been brought by a dream, from the middle of Thrace to Pergamus, he was advised by Esculapius to take a Medicine, whereof Vipers were an ingredient, and to rub his Body externally with it▪ Shortly after this Man becoming Leprous, his disease turning to a Leprosy, he was perfectly cured by the use of the Medicine, the God had taught him.  
This man perhaps had the Leprosy, before he came to Pergamus; but it being a disease not one cares to publish, he chose rather to put it upon the God, as sent by him, that he might signalise himself by the cure.  
We may see by this sample, that the Priests of Pergamus were not unskilled in Physic, this being a Medicine much esteemed by the Physicians in all ages in cases of this Nature.  
But 'tis something surprising, that Esculapius, who was so fond of Serpents, that he often took their Shape, should order 'em to be killed to make Medicines; unless we suppose, that Vipers are very different from the Snakes of Epidaurus, which were harmless, and were peculiarly sacred to him.  
These cunning Priests undertook no one, that wou●d not be exactly regular, as well in their Diet, as Physic, witness the 
(c) Philostrat. Vita. Apollon. Tyanaet.  young Assyrian, who in a Dropsy, wou●d eat and drink to excess. He supplicated and consulted the God, yet could not get so much as a Dream. At length, being very much incensed against Esculapius, he fell asleep and dreamt, that he sent him to Apollonius Tyanaeus. Being come to this Prophet, or Cheat, he complained grievously of Esculapius to him, who answered that the God gave Health to those only that were desirous of it, and not to those, that lived like him, as if their disease were a Pleasure.  
Galen says likewise, that one 
(d) De different. Morbor.  Nicomachus of Smyrna, being grown so big, that he could not stir, was cur●d by Esculapius, but he tells neither time, nor manner.  
Hither we may bring the Miracle, which, as Tacitus relates, was done in the temple of Serapis at Alexandria; Serapis and Esculapius being according to him the same. 
(c) Histor. l. 4.  Vespasian being at Alexandria, a man by the direction of Serapis threw himself at his feet, and begged that he would anoint his cheeks and round his ●yes with his Spittle. Another that had lost the use of his hand, begged by the same direction that he wou●d set his foot upon his hand. Vespasian at first laughed at 'em as banters; but being unwilling to be taken for a credulous man, yet betwixt the importunity of some, and the slattery of others, he began to entertain some hopes that the thing might succeed; and remitted 'em both to the examination of Physicians, who finding that the one had not absolutely lost his sight, and that the other's all was but a simple dislocation, which might be reduced, made their report, adding that perhaps the Gods had taken this matter into their care, as they had done the Prince himself, who was chosen by their means; that if the matter succeeded, the glory would be Caesar 's, and the scorn would fall upon the wretches themselves if it miscarried. Hereupon Vespasian set a good face upon the matter, ●ncouraging the spectators to put in execution the orders of Serapis. Whereupon the lame man recovered the use of his hand, and the blind man his sight: Those (says Tacitus) that were assistant at both these events, affirm yet the truth of 'em, 
* The man that has once solemnly vouched a lie, upon whatever motive he does it, though that showed cease, is obliged afterwards to maintain it for his own honour, if he has any; and if he has not, he is not an Evidence to be regarded.  when a lie is no longer of service to 'em.  
The Reader is at liberty to to make what reflections hereupon he pleases. We shall only take notice in the close of this Article, that though the Multitude were grossly  to this Superstition, yet there wanted not those among the Pagans that saw thro' the cheat, and knew it to be an artifice by which the Priests subsisted. This apparently was the sense of Philemon in Philostratus, who dreaming, that Esculapius told him, that he must forbear drinking water if he would be cured of the Gout, cried out as he waked, as if he had spoke to the God, and what would you have prescribed if you had had an Ox in cure.  
We need but observe how Aristophanes ridicules these Priests, and even their God himself. In his first Comedy he introduces a Servant saying; The Priest of Esculapius ha●ing put out the lights, bid us all go to sleep, saying, that if a●y one heard a rustling, that he should not stir, for 'twas a sign of the approach of the God; so we all laid ourselves quietly down. I, for my part, says the Slave, cou●d not sleep a with for the smell of a Mess of Soup, which an old Fellow had near me, and which assaulted my Nose most furiously. Being therefore very desirous to remove the offence, I listed my head softly up, and perceived the Priest clearing the Sacred Table of the Cakes and Figs, and making the tour about the several Altars, to see that nothing was left, and stuffing whatever he found into a Wallet, I fancied it a very pious action, and began in imitation to draw towards the Soup-dish. Then he, to whom the Slave made the relation, ask, if, being about such an action, he was not afraid of the God? He Answers, that he was really in some fear, but it was, lest he should get at the dish before him; for says he, I found already by the Priest what game he'd be at. Presently after he salutes Esculapius by a very 
(f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Merdivorus.  homely name.  
But it will perhaps be objected, that Aristophanes was an Atheist; as well as he whom Cicero makes to say, that the sick were more beholding to Hypocrates, than Esculapius. In the same rank they would put the 
(g) Dionysius, Tyrant of Syracuse.  
(*) He robbed the same God of a golden Table at Syracuse, drinking first to him the Poculum boni Daemonis; then ordering the Table to be taken away, jesting upon the ancient custom of removing the Table.  Prince that cut off Esculapius of Epidaurus his golden beard, saying, that 'twas an absurd thing, that the Son should have such a long beard, and the Father, (viz.) Apollo, (who was always represented as a young man) should have none.   

CHAP. XXIV. Japis, Linus, Orpheus, Musaeus, and Homer, Inventors of Physic, or some of the ancientest Physicians.  
THis may suffice on this subject. Let us now return to the time wherein Esculapius lived, and see what passed then, or presently after in relation to Physic. We have already spoken of the Heroes his contemporaries, the disciples of Chiron, as likewise of his Sons.  
The next we meet with after them, is Japis, whom Virgil introduces dressing Eneas ●s wounds, and says of him, that being very much beloved by Apollo, he offered to teach him Augury to play on the Harp, and to draw the Bow well; 
* Scire potestates herbarum, u●umque medzudi Maluit, & mutas agitare ingl●●us arts. Aeneid. lib. xii. Notwithstanding the several conjectures advanced by the Commentators, this passage seems yet sufficiently obseure. De la Cerda thinks the words Mutas arts to be directly meant of the sect of Physicians that distinguish themselves by the name of Empirics, who putting themselves only upon Fact and Experience, had no occasion to talk in their Profession; and that Japix is call●d inglorious, because those of that Sect, rejecting all reasoning in their art, became scandalously ig●want of Letters, or because the Physicians at Rome in Virgil's time were generally Slaves. But neither of these conjectures can be good. First, because the Sect of the Empirics had no being till several ages after the time of Japix. Secondly, because in the time of Japix, who by Virgil ●s accounted of him, must have been coevous at least to the Sons of Esculapms, Physic was no contemptible or inglorieus' art, sense it procured to it, Professors while living the highest veneration, and after death divine honours. See the preceding part of this History. 
What our Author here advances seems better grounded, but the sune objection lies against that likewise, it not being an a●t of s●ell same or reputation, since it made those that had any skill in it to pass for somewhat above humane condition.  
I suppose this word mutas to be opposed to Citharam the Harp which Apollo gave him, by which the Poet not only meant Music, but Poetry also, for which it is frequently put; and that by the word inglorius he means no more than unambitious; as one that for the practice of Physic neglected those other Gifts, which the Poet, as such, was obliged to prefer before it. For this reason he calls Physic Ars Muta, in opposition to Poetry and Masick, which were properly Vocales.   but that he rather chose to be able to prolong his dying Father's Life, to learn the virtues of herbs, and to cure distempers. (which Virgil calls a mute Art) though less glorious for him.  
The Commentators upon him have been very much perplexed to know, why he calls Physic so. Had Physic been in the time of Aeneas, or even of Virgil, upon the foot it now is, it had been a very improper Epithet. But we may see by the method Esculapius, and his Sons took, that they left their cures to speak for 'em. In Virgil ●s time the case was altered, and they reasoned too much. I suppose the word mutas to relate rather to inglorius; and that Virgil would thereby insinuate, that Physic was an Art that made no great noise in the world, and brought its Professor's no great glory; especially compared with Music, and those other Arts, that qualified 'em for entering the Lists, and being crowned in their Public Games, which was the highest honour they could anciently aspire to. The same may be said of Augury, which raised those that professed it to a great height. We find nothing more concerning Japis.  
Linus, one of the ancientest Poets known, having written of Fruits and Trees, is likewise ranked among the Physicians. He is pretended by some to have taught Orpheus, and to have been no less a Musician than he.  

* Why our Author postpones Linus and Orpherus to Japis I can't imagine, since they were, according to all accounts, contemporaries to Hercules and Aristaeus, and flourished 100 years before the War of Troy. Pausan. lib. 9 Tzetzes Hist. 399. Chil. xii. Virg. Georg. lib. 4.  Orpheus is so well known, that we shall not amuse ourselves with the Fables concerning him. The Greeks believed him to have been of Thrace, and give him a character very like that of Hermes Trismegistus, that is, for an universal Man. What is reported of his Music is well known. But what is more material to our History, is, that they looked upon him, not only as 
(b) Pausan Baeot.  a Physician, but as the Inventor of Physic, as one that first found the means of appeasing the anger of the Gods, and the manner of expiating crimes.  
There are yet some pieces of Poetry which bear his name, out of which we have already cited some 
(c) See the Chapter of Mercury.  passages relating to the virtues of certain Simples, and the cure of certain Distempers. But these pieces have been a long time esteemed spurious, though they be very ancient; for they were ascribed to him even in the time of Cicero, who says one Cercops was the Author.  
Pliny observes, 
(d) Primus ommum, guos memoria novit, Orpheus, ●uriosius de herbis aliqua predidit. lib. 25. Cap. 2.  that Orpheus first wrote of Plants any thing curious, or something too curious. For the Latin word signifies either. This may be construed of the exactness of Orpheus' work upon that subject. But Pliny elsewhere shows that by curiosity he there meant vanity, or superstition, to which the Genius of the Ancient Times was extremely inclined; and we are informed by 
(e) Pausan. Eliac.  another, that Orpheus passed for a great Magician.  

(f) D● Antidote. lib. 2. c. 7.  Galen likewise mentions an Or●heus, to whom he gives the surname of Theologus, who wrote of the manner of compounding divers Poisons. This surname seems to point out the Orpheus, whose History we are upon, whether these Books were truly his, or, which is more likely, fathered falsely upon him.  

* Pausanias, amongst ●ther inventions, ascribes the invention of Remedies for Diseases, and of certain Rites of Worship to him. But 'tis probable these Romedies were a● other than Charms, or superstitious Lustrations, and not such as acted by natural means; he being as has been observed reputed a Magician by the Ancients, and amongst the rest by Pausanias. Vide Baeotic.  Others have written that Orpheus was an 
(g) Pausan E●●ac. posterior.  Egyptian, and in all appearance he was older than the Greeks imagine.  
Musaeus, another ancient Poet, is supposed to have been his Scholar. 
(h) Ranaz act. iv. seen. two.  Aristophanes ascribes to him the teaching men remedies for distempers. Pliny joins him with Orpheus for the knowledge of Plants, but makes him the later Writer. But Pausanias maintains, that those pieces which are imputed to Musaeus, are the works of one Onomacritus.  
Homer having the reputation of having laid down rules in all the principal Arts, and in all the Sciences, could not fail of being dubbed a Physician. First, he was thought to understand Surgery, because he specifies the chief particulars of the method of dressing Wounds, as drawing out the heads of Arrows, or Darts lodged in the Flesh by means of Incision, to stop the bleeding, to wash and cleanse the Wound, and to apply Powders, or Medicines, that case pain. He was supposed likewise to be skilled in Anatomy, because he spoke of most parts of the Body. So he is complemented with the knowledge of Plants, for the mention of Moly, which served against enchantments, of the leaves of 
* Homer often mentions the manner of dressing and curing Wounds, but seldom the means, yet we may guests by his Potions of Pramnian Wine, Goat's Milk, Cheese, Barley-meal, etc. at his skill in Physic, the absurdity of which composition, especially in the case wherein 'tis prescribed, has already been objected to Machaon. As for the Moly and Nepenthe, they being Fabulous Medicines, are not to be insisted upon. The mention of the Leaves of Savin seem indeed to give some Countenance to their Opinion, who hold, that he understood Physic. But even in the use of that he is mistaken; for Savin will not cause Sterility, though it too often procures abortion. As for the Plague's ceasing upon the ninth day, I suppose it rather to have relation to the Magical Whimsies of those times than any natural Observation or supposed.  Savin, which cause Barrenness, and some others. We have already taken notice of his knowledge of Nepenthe, of which, a word or two in the following Chapter. They make him descant upon divers Medical Maxims, as when he observes that the plague ceased upon the Ninth day, they suppose an allusion to the opinion of those Physicians that hold that diseases terminate naturally upon odd days. He gives likewise directions for health, or for the cure of certain diseases, as when he introduces Thetis advising her Son Achilles to visit the Women, to draw him out of his Melancholy.   

CHAP. XXX. Diana, Latona, Pallas, Cybele, Angitia, Medea, Circe, Polydamna, Agameda, or Perimeda, Helena, and Oenone.  
Goddesses, or Heroines that contributed to the invention of Physic; or were at least of the number of those, who had the earliest knowledge of that Art.  
THe Women likewise put in for a share in the honour of inventing Physic, or some particular Medicines at least. Diana appears at their head, and claims the invention of some Herbs, of which number Artemisia, which 
(a) Artemis.  bears her name makes one; and some add 
(b) Apule●. Cell. de Verb. Herb. cap 13.  that she taught Chiron the Centaur the use of it; though others attribute the discovery of this plant to Artemisia Queen of Caria, of whom more hereafter.  
It is likewise inferred, that Diana understood Physic, from Homer's introducing her dressing the wounds of Encas; besides 'twas natural for her to know something of an Art, whereof Apollo her Brother was so great a Master,  
Latona her Mother is allowed some skill likewise for the same reason; and Homer joins her with Diana in the cure of Aeneas.  
Pallas, likewise is honoured with the discovery of some Plants, one of which is Parthenium or Feverfew, an herb of great use to Virgins, as Pallas was. Ovid 
(c) Faster. lib. 3.  advises the Physicians to sacrifice her, that she may favour 'em with her assistance; and there was at Athens a statue of Pallas with the surname of 
(d) Health.  Hygiaea, erected by the order of 
(e) Plutarch. in vitâ Pericl.  Pericles, to whom she revealed the  herb in a dream, as a remedy for one of his Slaves, who had got a Fall from the top of a Temple. She was likewise surnamed 
(f) Preserver, Saviour.  Sotera.  

(g) Diodor. sic. lib. 4.  Cybele, Mother of the Gods, had likewise the reputation of Teaching remedies for the Diseases of little Children.  
Angitia Daughter of Aeta, King of Colchis, 
(h) Sil. Ital. l 8.  was the first that discovered Poisonous Plants, or Poisons drawn from Plants. Of her the Marsi, a People of Italy learned to charm Serpents. She was otherwise called Angerona. We sinned at least an old 
(i) Reins. Inscript. 138. Class. 1.  In scription, wherein this name is joined to Angitia, without any point intermediate. 
(k) Mac●ob. lib. 1. Cap. 10.  Some think she was call●d Angerona, because the Romans, being epidemically afflicted with the Angina, or Quinsy, were delivered by means of vows made to her. Verrius Flaccus gives a different reason for it.  
Some make Angitia Daughter of the the Sun, and the same with Medea; who according to others was her Sister. This latter lived in the time of the Hero's Chiron's Pupils, and her adventures are pretty well known. 
(l) Pala phat. Fab. lib. 1.  What she did was so surprising, that all the World believed her to be an Enchantress. 'Twas said of her, that she made old Folks young again. The ground of which was this, that she had a secret, that died white hair black. She was the first that advised the use of hot Baths, to make the Body supple, and to cure divers distempers; which gave occasion to the People, who saw the preparation of Caldrons, Water, and Fuel, and could not guests at the use of 'em, to report, that she boiled Men. Old Pelias, notwithstanding his great Age, making trial of this new Method, and losing his Life by the experiment, confirmed the Fable.  

(m) Diogen apad Stob●um.  There are yet others who agree, that Medea was no Sorceress, but they give another account of the matter, they say, that she made the most tender, effeminate bodies lusty and vigorous, by teaching 'em the use of certain exercises, which made those that saw the change say, that she boiled their Flesh to make 'em young.  
Diodorus tells us further, that she cured by means of herbs the wounds of Jason, Laertes, Atalanta, and the Thespiades.  
Circe, a third Sister of Medea, and Angitia, is no less famous. Her skill in herbs got her likewise the reputation of an Enchantress, as well as Medea. Diodorus tells us, that Circe knew abundance of Plants good against Poison, She gave her name to that, which is called 
* Enchanters Night Shade.  Circaea. 
(n) Aulus Jealous lib. 10. Cap. 2. 〈◊〉 Cap. 8.  some Authors say, that she had a Son call●d Marsus, from whom the Marsi were descended. Whatever she were the 
(o) Ci●ero de Mat. Deor. lib. 3.  Circae ans looked upon her as their Patroness, and paid a religious worship to her. Those, that would be more particularly informed, why Circe was reputed a Magician by the Greeks, and that part of Latium, where she settled for the Country of Poisons, and Enchantments, may consult Monsieur Bochart's Phaleg.  
Polydamna, Wife to Thon, an Egyptian, is also of the number of those that understood Physic, having had skill in the use of divers remedies of the product of her own Country, as Homer observes. We shall speak of some of 'em under the head of Helen, who follows by and by.  
The same Poet certifies for Agameda Wife of Mulius, that she knew allike Medicines, that the ●●eth yielded, 
(p) Propert. lib. 2. Ele●. 2. 〈◊〉. in T●●●.  she was also called Perimeda, 
(q) Tiraquel. de Nobil.  some think her the same person, that Homer calls in another place Hecameda, that washed Machaon's wounds with warm Water.  
Helen, the beauteous Greek, so famous in Story, no less deserves a place here for her knowledge of the Medicine, which Homer calls Nepenthe, which she had of Polydamna. This Medicine as the Etymology of the 
(r) From the Particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, dolour.  name shows, was so admirable, that it eased all Griefs, and all Anger, and caused 'em to forget all misfortunes. A man could not weep, says the Poet, the day that he tasted it, though he had lost his Father, or Mother, or the dearest Friend in the World The properties of Nepenthe agree very well with those of Opium; the only difficulty is, that Helen mixed it with the Wine, she gave Menelaus' Guests to make 'em more gay, and not to stupify 'em. To this we may answer, that Opium has either of those effects, on those, that are very much used to it; and what is observable is this, that wonderful Drug comes from the same Country from whence Helen had her Nepenthe, that is Egypt.  
Oenone, Rival to the precedent, was no less skilful than she. 
(s) Ipse ratus dignam medicas mihi tra●dit arts, 
Admisitque meas ad sua dona manus.  
Quaecunque herba patens ad opem radixque medendi  
Vtilis in toto nascitur orbe, mea est.  
M● miser am quod amor non est medicabilis herbis.  
Destituor, prudens artis, ab arte meâ.  Epist. ad Parid.  (s) Apollo, says she, himself taught me Physic, and I know all the medical Roots, and Herbs in the World.  
We have already taken notice of some other Women, as the Daughters of Hercules and Chiron, the Wife, and Daughters of Esculapius, who were of this number likewise; and we shall have occasion to mention more hereafter.   

CHAP. XXXI. Athotis, Thosothrus, Jachen, and Solomon.  
Ancient Kings and Priests, that practised Physic.  
BEfore we examine the Progress of this Art, after the Siege of Troy, to which the Grecian Esculapius brings us, and with which we close the first Epocha of this history; we are obliged to re-ascend a little, and return into Egypt, the Country of the first Esculapius.  

* Scaliger. Can● Isagog. p. 222  We find there one Athotis,, second King of the first Dynasty of the Thinites, who, according to Manetho, was very skilful in Physic, and wrote himself some treatises of Anatomy The same Author joins with him one Thosothrus, a King of the third Dynasty, no less expert.  

(t) Galen. Inroduct. seu Medic.  The custom of embalming their dead in use among the Egyptians, gave 'em more convenience of learning Anatomy, than the Greeks had, who not daring to touch dead Bodies, cou●d only inform themselves by dissecting of Brutes, or when chance presented to 'em unhappy wretches, whose wounds were large enough to discover their Bowels.  
These Kings undoubtedly imitated their Predecessor 
(u) See the Chapt. of Osiris.  Osiris, who is said to have invented. 
(w) Vide Strabon.  In this Country, the great Men were so far from thinking this Art any diminution to their honour, that they engrossed it wholly to themselves, forbididing under great penalties any of the People to presume to meddle therein, under their Kings, Priests, and Grandees, to whom it was permitted. 
(x) Hist animal. lib. 2. c. 18  Elian says the same of the ancient Greece, that none but Princes practised Physic, meaning unquestionably the Princes, and Heroes beforementioned.  
Jachen, was undoubtedly of no less quality. He was, says Suidas, a favourite of the Gods, and very useful to Society, who lived in the time of Senyes King of Egypt, and who wrote very well of remedies drawn from Annulets, and Charms. Jachen, adds he, was very dextrous at curing diseases, and could stop the course of the Plagne, and temper the sultry heat of the Dog-star; for this a magnificent Tomb was raised to him, whither the Priests repaired in all Epidemical Distempers, and after the usual Sacrifices, took Fire from his Altar, with which they kindled Piles prepared in several parts of the City, and thereby purged the Air of the Infection, and stopped the progress of the distemper. When this King, and Physician lived is uncertain, but they were apparently very ancient.  
In imitation of the Kings of Egypt, their Neighbours the Kings of Judea apply●d themselves sometimes to the study of Philosophy and Medicine; witness their great King Solomon, of whom the Scripture says; that he wrote five thousand Canticles, and pronounced three thousand Proverbs; that he knew from the Cedar of Libanus to the Hyssop that grows upon the Wall, and that he wrote of Infects, of Fishes, of Birds, and all other animals.  

(y) Lib. 8. c. 2.  Josephus enlarging upon this, says, that God endued this Prince with such understanding and wisdom, that no other thro' all antiquity was comparable to him, that he surpassed abundantly the greatest, and most celebrated Egyptians. He composed, adds he, five thousand Books of Songs and Verses, and three thousand of Parables; he wrote of natural history from the Hyssop to the Cedar, and continued it thro' all animals, as well Birds, as Fishes, and those that live upon the Earth. For God had given him a perfect knowledge of their Natures, which he exercised in making Medicines for the benefit of Men, among which were some, that had the virtue of casting out Devils, so effectually that they dared not to return.  
This way of casting 'em out, is yet much in use with our Nation, and I have seen one Eleazar, a Jew, in presence of the Emperor Vespasian, his Sons, Captains, and Soldiers, dispossess divers. He hung at the nose of the Man possessed a Ring in which was set a Root, which Solomon used to that purpose, which as soon as the Devil smelled, he threw the Daemoniack to the ground, and quitted him. He repeated afterwards certain words, which Solomon left written, and in his name forbade him to return. But to show the effect of his charm more evidently, he filled a Pitcher of Water, and commanded the Devil to throw it down, to demonstrate by that Sign, that he had quit the possessed, which the Devil obeyed. I tho●ght myself obliged, says the Author, to make this relation, that no one might doubt the extraordinary knowledge, which God of his special Grace gave to Solomon.  

(z) Vide lib. zeron. Hamor▪  The Rabbis say, that Ezechias suppressed those Books of Solomon, because abundance put more trust in the power of the Herbs, than of God. 
* Trithemius mentions besides this three 〈◊〉 Books of Ma●i●k Liber Lamene. 

2. Penta●ulor●. libe●  
3. De O●●i●us Spirit●um Albertus m●●n●s five more. 

1 Liber Alme●●l.  
2. Liber nov●m ●●uni ruin.  
3. De nov●m Candariis.  
4. De tribus figuri● Spirituum.  
5. De Sigissis ad Dae noni●c●●, and se●●●al others, which 〈◊〉 all d●●●●edly 〈…〉.      The Book call●d Clavicula Solomonis, which is said to be an imaginary Book, yet is much sought after by those, that are inquisitive after Magic, supposes him to have written upon that subject. Sufficient Apology, has been made for him; but this passage of Josephus, shows that the Jews were strongly possessed with the opinion, that Solomon used Superstitions remedies in the cure of diseases, as the reciting certain words, and applying a Ring, which was a sort of Amulet, as we have before taken notice. It may perhaps be urged, that 'tis not impossible, that God should have communicated this knowledge to Solomon; but we find no examples of of any such cures in Holy Writ, and the words which the Prophets and Apostles pronounced on the like occasions, were only to signify their Commission, and Power received from God to cure all diseases, as In the name of God, or of Jesus Christ be thou healed. If they employed any matter, or made any application, it was of things common, and well known without any manner of ceremony, that might savour of superstition, like the application of the Ring, and Root, before spoken of. If Solomon did really stuff his Books with such remedies, he had 'em not from Revelation, as Josephus would insinuate, but from the correspondence he held with the learned Men of Egypt. This Prince lived about a hundred and seventy years after the Siege of Troy.  
I had forgot another argument of Solomon's knowledge of Physic, or at least of the constitution of a human Body, which is drawn from the following words of the 12th Chapter of Ecclesiastes.  
Remember now thy Creator in the days of thy youth, while the evil days come not, nor thy years draw nigh, when thou shalt say, I have no pleasure in them. While the Sun or the Light or the Stars be not darkened, nor the Clouds return after the Rain. In the day when the keepers of the House shall tremble, and the strong men shall bow themselves, and the grinders cease because they are few, and those that look out of the Windows be darkened; and the doors shall be shut in the Streets, when the sound of the grinding is low, and he shall rise up at the voice of the Bird, and all the Daughters of Music shall be brought low. Also when they shall be afraid of that which is high, and fears shall be in the way, and the Almond Tree shall flourish, and the Grasshopper shall be a burden, and desire shall fail, because man goeth to his long home, and the mourners go about the Streets; or ever the Silver cord be loosed, or the Golden Bowl be broken, or the Pitcher be broken at the Fountain, or the Wheel broken at the Cistern. Then shall the dust return to the earth as it was: and the Spirit shall return unto God, who gave it.  
'Tis easy to find that this is a description of old age, managed after the oriental manner, and of the several inconveniences that attend it, till they at last are terminated by Death, or the dissolution of the humane Body. The Sun, the Light, the Moon, and the Stars, denote the Wit, the Judgement, the Memory, and the other faculties of the Soul which daily decay in old men. The Clouds and the Rain are Catharr ●s and Defluxions, familiar to this Age. The Keeper's of the House, and the Strong men are the Senses, the Muscles, and the Tendons. The Grinders signify the Teeth. Those that look out of the Windows are the Eyes. The Doors shut in the Streets and the sound of grinding become low, signify the mouth which opens with pain to speak, and the necessity of eating slowly and without noise. The voice of the Bird denotes the morning, which is the time when old men get up, because they cannot sleep. The Daughters of Music that are brought low, signify that men leave off Singing at that age, and have not ●relish of Arts or Sciences. The fear and trembling of ancient persons, and their difficulty of going, is represented by what follows immediately after. The flourishing Almond tree is white hair. The Grasshopper being a burden is the body, which from a light and slender one, as it was before, is become gross and heavy. To conclude, the long home is the grave, and those that go about the streets are the mourning men or women that made a trade of waiting upon burials.  
The rest of the Emblem or Enigm is more difficult to explain. To succeed in such an attempt, a man ought to have the very same Idea of the parts of the body, as Solomon had. This is certain, that the sacred Author designed under these hidden terms to show the dissolution of our principal organs, and this is all we can pretend to know. As for what has been written of the Silver cord, which some interpret to be the Arteries, or the Spinal Marrow; of the golden Bowl, which some take to be the the membranes of the Brain, the Liver, or the Heart; of the Pitcher, which signifies the Skull, and the Wheel that denotes the Lungs; all this, I say, is but a bare conjecture that has no solid foundation.  
Perhaps there may be something in the writings of the Rabbis, that may help to interpret this passage. But if there is, I know nothing of it, and leave is to others to find it out that understand them. To these curious Gentlemen I likewise leave every thing else relating to Physick which it to be found in the Books of the Jewish writers. The informations we receive from this quarter are but very inconsiderable, if all the rest be of a piece, with the ridiculous Fable of the bone, called Luz, which according to them is found in the Backbone, which is the Root, and as it were the Basis of the whole frame of the human Body; so that the Heart, the Liver, the Brains, and the Genitals derive their original from this miraculous bone, which has this virtue or privilege besides that it cannot be burnt, nor ground, nor broke to pieces, but continues still the same, being as it were the bud of the Resurrection from which the whole Body of the animal shall shoot again, as Plants from their Seeds.  
Rilanus, from whom I have borrowed this passage, adds, that the Rabbis reckoned two hundred forty eight bones, and three hundred sixty five veins or ligaments in a man's body. Those that understand Anatomy will langh at this, but as little skill as these Doctors show in this Science, 'tis probable that they were not much better versed in it, in the time of Solomon, or those Egyptian Kings, whom we mention in the beginning of this Chapter. Their Superstition was no less then, than when the Rabbis flourished, who plamed an infinite number of Fables upon the world, as the account we have given of the Physic of these ancient times sufficiently testi●ies,    

THE HISTORY OF Physic.  
PART I.  
BOOK II.  By Mr. BROWN. 

CHAP I. Of what happened to this Art from the time of the Trojan War, to that of Peloponnesus.  
WE have hitherto set down almost every thing, that the earliest times of antiquity furnish us with, relating to Physic. If the Reader is surpized to see the account so uncertain and mixed with Fables, to the time of the Trojan War, he will have more reason to be so, when he is informed that even after this period, if we may believe Pliny, 
(a) Sequentia ejus, (Medicina a Trojanis temporibus) mirum dictu, in nocte dentissimâ latuere, usque and Peloponucsiacum bellum. Tunc eam in lucem revocavit Hypocrates. lib. 19 Cap. 1.  Physic lay buried in a most profound darkness, till the Peloponnesian War broke out, when Hypocrates as it were revived it, and brought it to light.  
'Tis at lest the space of seven hundred years, from the first of these Wars down to the second. Celsus does not descend altogether so low as Pliny; but we want only about fourscore years, which distance of time there is between Pythagoras and Hypocrates, the first having lived in the lxth Olympiad, and the second in the lxxxth. Behold now after what manner he speaks of the latter.  

(b) Cells. Praefat.  After those whom I have mentioned (that is to say, the Sons of Aesculapius) there was no person of reputation that practised Physic, till such time as men began to apply themselves more earnestly to the study of learning, which being as prejudicial to the body, as it is serviceable to the mind, it so fell out, that those who pursued it with the greatest application, having destroyed their health with the perpetual Meditations, and Watch, had more occasion for Physic than other Men. For this reason the science of healing Maladies was at first considered as a branch of Philosophy, so that we may justly affirm that Physic and Philosophy were born together. This is the true cause why we find several of the ancient Philosophers very well skilled in Physic, among whom we may reckon Pythagoras, Empedocles, and Democritus, as the most considerable.  
What this Author says here, viz. that Physic and Philosophy began together, is only pursuant to what he had advanced before, and we have already observed, that all the Physic of the Sons of Esculapius and of their contemporaries, wholly consisted in healing of wounds.  
If we must assign a reason for this great Vacuum which these Author's remark to have happened here in the History of Physic, we may say that the knowledge of those that practised it during this interval, being shut up within the narrow bounds of Empiricism, men were content with knowing a few Remedies, which experience had shown to be proper for certain Diseases, without reasoning either upon the cause of the illness, or the operation of the remedies, so that these remedies being handed down from Father to Son, and never going out of the Family, there was no necessity to write upon this subject.  
This being supposed, we are not to wonder that since these Physicians did not make themselves known by their writings, which is one of the surest ways of preserving our memories, their names are buried in oblivion. Another reason, no less forcible than the former, is this, that those who succeeded Aesculapius and his Son, how great soever their skill and experience might be, lived in a fabulous age, and having no opportunity to assist at so celebrated a Siege as that of Troy, they wanted a Homer to immortalize their names.  
Vixere fortes ante Agamemnona  
Multi, etc.  
One might however have expected that the Historians would have done what we could not hope from the Poets, but the History of these times is generally so confused and defective, that the Physicians are not the only persons that have reason to complain of it. We don't certainly know when Homer lived, but much less the place where he was born.  
Therefore though we should allow with Celsus, that during this space of time, there was no Physicians of any note, whose memory is preserved down to us, we ought not to impute it to them, but to the Age wherein they lived, and it does not follow that Medicine was not cultivated before his time, whom he supposes to be the restorer of it.  
Isidore of Sevil more clearly discusses this question. Apollo passes among the Greeks, says he, for the author and inventor of Physic. His Son Aesculapius improved this Art, or at least had the reputation of doing it, but being killed by a Thunderbolt, 'tis said that ever since that Physic was forbidden, and that the art perished at the same moment with its Author; having been concealed or buried for almost 500 years, till the Reign of Artaxerxes King of Persia, when Hypocrates the Son of Asclepius of the Isle of Co, discovered it again to the world.  
If we were to believe the account this Author gives us, the reason of the interruption of Physic is evident enough. After Esculapius' death, no mention was made of this Art till the time of Hypocrates; but in all appearance he was but ill informed of what happened during that period he sets down, as he was of the true name of the Father of Hypocrates, whom he calls Asclepius by a gross mistake, imagining, I suppose, that he was call●d Asclepiades, by the same Analogy that Homer calls Achilles Peleiades, because Hypocrates was the Son of Asclepius, just as Achilles was of Peleus: Whereas in truth, the name of Asclepiades belonged in common to all the posterity of Esculapius, whom the Greeks call Asclepius. What Isidore adds immediately after, about the three Sects of Physic, is argument enough that he had taken no great pains to inform himself sufficiently in this matter.   

CHAP. II. Of the Asclepiadae, and the Schools which they erected.  
THe descendants of Aesculapius, who are call●d Asclepiadae, have been believed to preserve this Art in their family without interruption. We should be able to say something more particularly to this point, if the writings of Eratosthenes, Pherecides, Apollodorus, Arius of Tarsus, and Polyanthus of Cyrene were now extant, who took care to compose the history of these Successors of Esculapius. But although the Works of these Authors are lost, yet the names of some of the Asclepiadae are still preserv●d, as appears by the list of the predecessors of Hypocrates, who call●d himself the seventeenth in order of descent from Esculapius.  

(a) Epist. Paeti ad Artaxerxem.  The Genealogy of this Physician is still remaining in the following manner. Hypocrates, of whom we shall speak hereafter, was the Son of Heraclides, who was the Son of another Hypocrates, the Son of Gnosidicus; the Son of Nebrus; the Son of Sostratus the third; the Son of Theodore the second; the Son of Crisamis the second; the Son of Lostratus the second; the Son of Theodore the first; the Son of Crisamis the first Son of Cleomitides; the Son of Dardanus; the Son of Sostratus the first; the Son of Hippolochus; the Son of Podalirius; the Son of Esculapius. Stephanus Byzantinus bestows two Sons more upon Gnosidicus, besides him already mentioned; the first of these two was called Aenius, and the second Podalirius.  
It may be said, perhaps, that this Genealogy is fabulous; but supposing some mistake or interpolation in this succession of the Asclepiadae, 'tis at lest certain that there were several branches of the Family of Esculapius, besides that from which Hypocrates was descended, which latter was distinguished by the surname of Asclepiadae Nebrides, which was given it for the sake of one Nebrus, who was very famous for his great skill in Physic, and to whom the Priestess of Apollo gave a very advantageous character, according to the Author's observation, whom we cited last. We shall take occasion to say something hereafter of Gnosidicus, Heraclides, and the other Hypocrates, in the following Book. As for those that came before them, we ingenuously own that we know nothing of them.   

CHAP. III. Of the several branches of the Asclepiadae, and the three different Schools which they erected.  
AS we have already observed, there were other branches of the Asclepiadae, that were dispersed in several places. 
(a) Galen. merhod. med. lib. 1.  We find mention of three celebrated Schools erected by them; the first was that of Rhodes, which happened to fail first by the failing of this branch of the Successors of Esculapius, which seems to have fallen out a long while before Hypocrates, since he does not speak of it, as he does of that of Cnidus, which was the third, and that of Co the second. These two last flourished at the same time as as the School of Italy, wherein were those Philosopher-Physicians of whom Celsus speaks, although the Grecian Schools were more ancient. These three Schools, that were the only ones that made any figure, by a Spirit of Emulation perpetually contended among themselves, who should make the greatest progress in Physic. However, Galen assigns the first place to that of Co, since it produced the greatest number of excellent disciples; that of Cnidus held the second rank, and that of Italy the third.  
Herodotus also makes mention of a School of Physicians that was in Cyrene, where, as we have taken notice already, there was a Temple of Esculapius, whose worship was different from that of the Grecians. From whence it may be conjectured, that there were likewise Asclepiadae of another sort.  
The same 
(a) lib. 3.  Historian mentions likewise another School of Physic, that was at Crotona, the Country of Democedes a famous Physician, contemporary with Pythagoras, which Physician, as Herodotus informs us, being ejected out of his City, by the severity of his Father Calliphon, came first to Aegina, and afterwards to Athens, where he lived in great repute. From thence he went to Samos, where he had an opportunity to heal Polycrates, the King of that Island of a troublesome distemper, which was worth him two talents of Gold. Some time after this, being taken prisoner by the Persians, he concealed his profession, but upon a discovery was obliged to undertake the cure of Darius who had dislocated his Foot, and of his Q●●tossa, who had a Cancer i● her Breast This Historian adds, that Democedes succeeding in these two cures, obtained so great a reputa-with the King, that he made him dine at his own Table; however he could not be induced to take up his abode there, for finding an opportunity to return to Greece, under the disguise of a Spy, he performed it accordingly, despising all the Honours that were shown him in Persia, and putting a trick upon those that had given him this Commission. After this he married, and took to Wife a Daughter of the famous Milo his Countryman.   

CHAP. IU. Of the School of Cnidus in particular.  
WE know no other particulars of the Physic of Democedes, nor of that of Crotona. Neither have we better Memoirs of the School of Rhodes. As for that of Cnidus, we may judge of the method of was followed there by some fragments still extant in Hypocrates. 
(a) De ratione virtuus in acutis lib. 1.  Those, says this Author, who compiled the Cnidian Sentences or Observations, have exactly observed all the Symptoms of every distemper, and how some of them took them: in a word, all that any person, who knows nothing of Physic, wou●d write after he had informed himself by the Sick of all that they had suffered. But, continues he, they have forgot the greatest part of those things which a Physician ought to know without hearing the relation of the sick party.  
The same Author has likewise observed, that the Cnidians used very few Medicaments, and that Elaterium, (which is a Purgative made of the juice of a wild Cucumber) Milk and Whey, were in a manner all the Medicines they used.  
We may infer from what Hypocrates h●s said in this place, first that these Physicians contented themselves to make an exact ennumeration or description of the accidents that attend a distemper, without reasoning upon the causes, and tying themselves to the prognostics. In the second place we may gather that they used but a very small number of remedies, which themselves, and their predecessors had tried. These two remarks are enough to let us see, that the Cnidians were purely Empirics, or at least that their chief perfection was not that of exact reasoning.  
They departed the farthest from this method, when they ventured to compare diseases, or remedies together, which by them was call●d Analogism. The Cnidians, says Galen, used to cure those that had an abscess in their lungs, after this manner. Having observed that a Cough threw up all that lay upon the lungs, they drew out the tongues of those that were troubled with the above mentioned distemper, and endeavoured to pour some drops of water down the aspera arteria, on purpose to raise a violent Cough by these means, which would make them discharge all the purulent matter in their Chest.   

CHAP. V Of the Physicians of Cos. Reflections upon their Physic, and that of the Cnidians.  
AS for what relates to the Physicians of Cos, we may likewise assert, that if the Coan prenotions, that are to be found among the works of Hypocrates, are nothing but a collection of the Practitioners of Cos, as several persons have believed, that they were none of the nicest reasoners, nay, we may say, that they did not take the least care to give an account of their Prognostics.  
From what has been said it will appear, that it is not altogether true that Pliny and Celsus have advanced, viz. that we meet with nothing of the history of Physic in so long an interval, but much less that Physic and Philosophy began together, as the latter asserts, unless he is to be understood about Rational Physic, that is to say, about that which is peculiarly employed in finding out the hidden causes of diseases, and assigning reasons for the operation of remedies; for 'tis certain, that this latter cou●d not begin but with the study of Learning and the Sciences. It will be objected to me without question, that I have here forgotten to speak of a thing, for which the Asclepiadae deserved most reputation, and which overthrows all that I have said about their manner of practice, which I maintained to be almost wholly empirical, viz. of their passing in the World for great Anatomists. 'Tis certain that Galen is of this opinion. At that time, says he, that Physic, was wholly confined within the family of the Asclepiadae, the Fathers taught their Children Anatomy, and accustomed them from their infancy to dissect Animals, so that this being handed down from Father to Son, it was needless to set down in writing, how every thing was done, since it was full as impossible for them to forget this, as the Alphabet which they learned at the same time.  
Several other passages we meet in this Author, by which we may see, that he really believed that the Asclepiadae were perfectly well skilled in Anatomy. But we may confront the authority of this Physician with that of the ancient Commentator upon Plato, who expressly says that the Philosopher Alcmaeon, of whom we shall have occasion to talk in the following Chapter was the first that dissected any Animal; which destroys all that Galen has advanced about the Asclepiadae, at least those of them that preceded Alcmaeon, with whom alone we are concerned, here for as for those that followed him, they were either contemporaries with Hypocrates, or else came after him.  
Tho we were destitute of the testimony of this Author, yet by the little progress, that was made in Anatony even in the time of Hypocrates himself, it seems at least probable, that men had examined the bodies of Animals but very superficially, which is remote enough from what Galen asserts, that Anatomy was in its perfection in the time of the Asclepiadae. And as for what he adds about a certain interval, which he pretends to have been between the most ancient Asclepiadae and Hypocrates, during which he would needs persuade us that Anatomy was neglected, the Reader will find in the Chapter of Erasistratus, what judgement he is to pass upon that matter.  
I would not be supposed to affirm, that the Asclepiadae had no manner of knowledge of the parts of bodies. It would be a great absurdity to maintain it, for without this knowledge they could neither practise Physic in general, nor Chirurgery in particular. Without doubt they knew very well, as for instance, the Bones, their Situation, Figure, Articulation, and all that depends upon them; for otherwise they could not have set them when they were broken or dislocated. Neither could they be ignorant of the Situation of the most considerable Vessels. It is likewise necessary, that they should understand where the Veins and Arteries lie, because they opened and burnt them continually; for we have already observed in the Chapter of Podalirius, that these operations were very common even in the first age of Physic. Besides, it was highly requisite, that they should very well know the places where the profoundest Vessels meet, to avoid the loss of blood, when they made any incisions, or when they cut off any of the members. In short, they were obliged to know several places, where there were Tendons and Ligaments, and some considerable Nerves; although they confounded these three different parts, and knew very little of the last, as we shall show hereafter. Besides this, they knew something in general of the chief Intestins, as the Stomach, the Guts, the Liver, the Spleen, the Kidneys, the Bladder, the Matrix, the Diaphragm, the Heart, the Lungs, the Brain; as well as the most sensible humours, such as the Blood, Choler, Melancholy, Phlegm, the Serosities, or Waters, and all the different sort of excrements that proceed from several parts of our body.  
It appears at first Sight, that the Asclepiadae, could not know all this without being Anatomists, or at least without having dissected Animals; but 'tis easy to demonstrate, that they might attain to the knowledge of these things without it. The first and most familiar instruction they had came from their Butchers, and their Sacrifices, and as for what relates to to a human body in particular, they were glad of any opportunity to instruct themselves, when they found any bones in the Fields, that were stripped of the Flesh either by Beasts, or the length of time, that these bodies had been exposed to the air, or when they found in some by places the carcase of some unfortunate Traveller, that had been murdered by Robbers, or the bodies of Soldiers, that died of the great wounds of they receiv●d in Battle. They considered them without giving themselves the trouble to make any other Preparation, besides what they found ready made to their hands, and took no notice of that scruple, which forbade them to touch any dead body which they found by accident. This was so great a scruple among the Ancients, that it appears from a passage in Aristotle, which we shall cite hereafter, that in his time there was no dissection of human bodies. Now this Philosopher lived above fourscore years after Hypocrates. 'tis true indeed, that the Egyptians, as we have already taken notice, having been accustomed of old to embalm dead bodies, were furnished by this means with an opportunity to know the true disposition of some parts of the body, which they must needs lay open, when they separated them from others to preserve the rest; and it might so happen, that the Asclepiadae reaped some advantage by these discoveries of the Egyptians, but as the chief intention of the latter was the preserving of Bodies, so they scarce proceeded much farther, than it was necessary for them to go on with their design.  
I have thus recounted the several means by which these ancient Physicians discovered the structure of bodies after the Death of the animal; but the best School they had, and indeed that which instructed them better than any of the rest, was the Practice of their Profession, which daily gave them an opportunity, to see in living bodies what they were not able to discover in the dead, when they dressed Wounds, Ulcers, tumors, Fractures, Dislocations, and performed other Chyrurgical operations. And as Physic was preserved in the Family of the Asclepiadae for several Ages, where it passed from Father to Son, so the traditions and observations of their Fathers and Ancestors supplied the want of experience in each particular man. This last opportunity joined with the former, has made several Physicians, who liv●d a long while after them, and of whom we shall make mention hereafter, to call it an easy and natural, though a long way, to gain the knowledge of the humane Body: maintaining, that this way alone was sufficient for practice. We shall find in the Fifth Book, what were the reasons that induced them to this, as likewise what other Physicians had to say upon this occasion.   

CHAP. VI Of those Physicians that were Philosophers, and first of Pythagoras, and Xamolxis his Slave.  
HItherto, as we have observed, it does not appear that Reason had been very much consulted in Physic, the whole knowledge of which Art seems to have totally consisted in discerning and knowing Diseases rather by their signs than by their causes, and using a few simple Medicaments, that were almost all taken from Herbs, or the practice of some magical or superstitious Remedies. The Philosophers were the first that interloping in this Art, at the same time introduced the fashion of reasoning into it These Gentlemen added to it that part which is called Physiology, and considers a humane body, which is the subject of Physic, such as it is in its natural state, and endeavours to assign reasons for its functions and operations, in examining the parts thereof, and all that belongs to it, by Anatomy, and the principles of Physic. Not that it appears by any of their writings, or by the Titles of their Books that they had ever been what we call Practitioners. Empedocles, of whom we shall talk hereafter, is the only man among them who is reported to have performed a cure. All the rest appear to have devoted themselves rather to the Theory than Practice of Physic.  
Pythagoras, who lived about the lx Olympiad, and founded the Italic School, is the most ancient we know of those that began to take this Art into their consideration. This Pihlosopher neglected no means nor opportunity to render his knowledge universal. With this design he travelled into Egypt, which was the Country of Arts and Sciences, and learned all their curiosities. 'Tis very probable he borrowed all the knowledge he had in Physic from thence, of which we have nothing remaining but a few small fragments, which however sufficiently discover a Spirit of superstition so remarkable in the preceding Physicians, as we have already observed, that which relates to Physiology being very inconsiderable. 
(a) Diogen. Laert. Hist. Philos. Galen.  He believed that at the time of Conception, a certain substance descended from the Brain, which contained a warm vapour, from whence the Soul and all the Senses derived their original, while the Flesh, the Nerves, or Tendons, the Bones, the Hair, and all the Body in general, was made of the Blood, and other Humours that meet in the Matrix. He added, that the Body of the Infant was form, and became solid in forty days; but that eleven, or nine, or more generally, ten months according to the rules of harmony, were requisite to make him entirely complete; that all that happened to him during the whole course of his life, was then regulated, and that he carried it along with him in a Series or Chain, proportioned to the Laws of the same harmony abovementioned, every thing falling out afterwards necessarily in its own time. At the end of this Chapter we shall examine what he meant by this. He likewise asserted, that the Veins, the Arteries, the Nerves, are the cords of the Soul. According to him the Soul spreads itself from the Heart to the Brain, and that part of it which is in the Heart, is the same from whence the passions proceed, whereas Reason and the Understanding reside in the Brain. This opinion, which belongs in common to him and the sacred Writers, perhaps came first from the Chaldeans, with whom he had conversed.  
As for the causes of Distempers, he had learned without question all that was believed concerning them in the same School, and in that of the Magicians, whom he had likewise consulted. The Air, said he, is all filled with Souls, or Demons and Heroes, that send dreams, and signs, and diseases to men, and even to beasts, and 'tis for these Demons or Spirits for whom 
(b) Se● the Chapt. of Melam●as and Polyidus.  lustrations and expiations are performed; and in short, all that the Soothsayers and men of the like profession do upon these occasions.  
From the same place he has borrowed all that he has written concerning the Magical virtues of Plants, of which he composed a Book, which some ascribe to a Physician, whose name was Cleemporus. As for what regards their natural qualities, Pliny only informs us that Pythagoras had a particular esteem for Cabbage. We shall see hereafter that he was not the only man among the Ancients that set a value upon this Herb, and looked upon it as a good remedy in case of several distempers.  
There are still remaining some precepts which he gave, relating to a man's managing of himself to preserve his health. He said, that a man ought to accustom himself to the most simple diet, and that which may be had in all places. ●or this reason he would eat no flesh, and lived only upon Herbs and Water. He likewise prohibited the eating of Beans, either because they make the blood gross, or for some other mysterious reasons mentioned by the Ancients. Living after this manner, it was an easy matter for him to follow the advice which he gave, viz. not to have any thing to do with women, but when we have a mind to become weak. Lastly, it was a saying of his, that a man ought never to be immoderate in any thing that relates either to business or nourishment.  
He makes health to consist in a sort of harmony, but does not descend into the particulars of it. He said the same thing of virtue, of all that is Good in whatsoever respect, and of God himself, so by this harmony he meant the relation or just proportion, which all parts ought to have together, or the natural order of all things. But what has been said already of this same harmony which Pythagoras observed in order of things that happen to every individual man in his life time, makes it credible that there was some greater mystery concealed within.  
This mystery, perhaps, might be much of the same nature with that which this Philosopher found out in numbers, each of which, according to him, have somewhat remarkable in them, some of them being a great deal more perfect than others. The odd numbers, for instance, were more considerable, and had more force in them than the even numbers; the first representing the Male, and the second the Female. But the number of seven was the most perfect of all.  
The Reader may find in 
(c) ●ib. Cap. 6.  Macrobius, and 
(d) 〈…〉  Aulus Gellius, wherein this perfection consists. To this opinion chief is owing the Doctrine of Climacteric years, the discovery whereof is attributed to the Chaldeans, from whom Pythagoras perhaps borrowed them. Each seventh year of a man's life is called by this name, and 'tis the receiv●d opinion that at this time a man runs the greatest risk in relation to his life, or health, or what they call the goods of fortune, by reason of the alterations and changes that happen at these years.  

(c) Lib. 3 C. 4.  Upon the same opinion, according to Celsus, is founded the belief of some Physicians about the force of the seventh number in diseases, and the difference they made between odd and even days, as we shall see hereafter.  
Those that have said that Pythagoras left nothing behind him in writing, and that all we know of his opinions is only taken out of the Books of his disciples, may perhaps deny that this Philosopher maintained such assertions. 
(f) De dieb decretor. lib 3. cap. 8. etc.  Galen, who is of opinion for other reasons than those that are drawn from the force of numbers considered in themselves, that a due regard ought to be had of the numerus Septenarius, and even, and odd days, seems to question whether Pythagoras held that opinion. 'Tis so easy, says he, to discover the absurdity and vanity of what is pretended concerning the virtue of numbers, that it is strange how Pythagoras, so discreet and wise a man, cou●d attribute so much power to numbers. This Philosopher had time to examine them, and to admire the result of their combinations, since History reports him to have been well versed in Arithmetic and Geometry, but these Sciences ought rather to have given him an aversion for such wretched trifles.  
Zamolxis, whom the Getae adored as a God, is generally said to have been a Slave of Pythagoras, although others suppose him to have been much more ancient. He passes for one that had great skill in Physic, but all the particulars we know of him, are that he used to say, that a man could not heal the eyes without healing the head, nor the head without the rest of the body, nor the body without the soul, and he pretended the that Greek Philosophers being ignorant of this Maxim, for that very reason failed in the cure of most diseases. The remedy that he used to heal or cure the Soul, was that of Enchantments, not such as Esculapius used, if we may take Plato's word for it. The Enchantments which Xamolxis meant, says this Philosopher, were nothing else but virtuous discourses and conversations, which, as he adds, produce wisdom in the Soul, and that being once acquired, 'tis an easy matter to procure health to the head and to the rest of the body. But by what some 
(g) Herodotus and Strabo.  others have written concerning the means which Xamolxi● used to make himself pass for a God, we may find, that he was capable of using Enchantments, even in the proper and common sense.   

CHAP VII. Empedocles, Alcmaeon, Epicharmus, and Eudoxus, the Disciples or Followers of Pythagoras.  
Empedocles was one of the most celebrated disciples of Pythagoras. 'tis believed that like his Master, he joined Magic to Physic: or that his Physic was Magical. But in some places he lets us see that sometimes at least he applies himself to natural agents, where he tells us, that the Pestilence and Famine that ravaged Sicily his native Country so often, are occasioned by a South wind, which finding a passage through certain holes in the mountains, made great destruction in the plains: So he advised them to stop up these holes, after which the Country was free from these two cruel persecutors. He gave another testimony of his great knowledge, in remedying the stench of a river that infected the air in a certain Province, which he brought about by digging Canals, by which he brought two other rivers into the bed of the first.  
If this Philosopher got so much reputation by these Contrivances, he was no less famous for the extraordinary cures he performed. Diogenes Laertius tells us, that he was particularly admired for healing a woman, who was looked upon to be dead, finding it was occasioned by a suffocation of the Vterus. He named this malady from a Greek word, which signifies without respiration. He pretended that one might live in such a condition the space of thirty days. He gave out that he had infallible remedies for all sorts of diseases, and for old age, nay that he was able to raise the dead.  
He had a very singular opinion about the manner of the formation of Animals. 
(a) Galen. de Semin. lib 2. Cap. 3.  He believ●d that some parts of their bodies were contained in the seed of the male, and others in that of the female, and that the Venereal appetite in both Sexes proceeds from this desire that the disunited and separated parts have to be rejoined.  
As for 
(b) Id de Hist. Philosoph.  Respiration, he supposed it to be performed after this manner. As soon as the humidity, which at the beginning of the formation of the Foetus was very plentiful, gins to lessen, the air succeeds it, insinuates itself through the pores, after which the natural heat endeavouring to get lose, it casts the air without, and when the heat reenters, the air follows it again. The first, continueth he, is called inspiration, and the second expiration. The Foetus or Infant in the mother's womb, according to him, has the use of respiration.  
Hearing is performed by the means of the air, that strikes the interior part of the ear, which winding in the form of a Cockleshell, and being joined to the highest part of the body like a little Bell, discerns all the impulsions of the air that enter into it.  
The Fl●s●● is compo●●d of an equal proportion of each of the four Elements; the Nerves of fire, earth, and two parts of water; the Nails are made of Nerves condensed by the contact of the air. The Bones seem to be composed of equal parts of water and earth, but for all this they were made of the four Elements, among which the water and earth were predominant. Sweat and Tears proceed from the thinner particles of blood  
The Seeds of Plants are as it were their Eggs, which fall from them when they are ripe.  
Empedocles writ concerning Physicism Verse, and composed six thousand, 〈◊〉 upon th●● argument. He had so great an esteem for this art, that he pretended that Physicians (to whom he joined Soothsayers and Poets) had much the pre-eminence before other men, and came near the immortal Gods. He had a disciple call●d Pausanias, who was likewise a Physician.  
Empedocles was born at Agrigentum, a City of Sicily, and according to Diogenes Laertius, flourished about the 84th Olympiad. Suidas pretends that he followed the profession of a Sophist at Athens. His death was extraordinary. Some say, that being desirous to examine the fire of Aetna with too much curiosity, he came so near that he was consumed by them. Others have affirmed that this was an effect of his vanity, and that he was ambitious of dying thus, that disappearing all of a sudden, he might be taken for a God.  
Alemaeon, another disciple of Pythagoras, was of Crotona; he particularly applied himself to the study of Physic. His name deserves to be preserved to all posterity, if what a 
(c) Chalcid●● in Platou●s ●imaum.  Commentator upon Plato tells of him be true, viz. that he was the first that anatomised Animals, to instruct himself in the several parts of their bodies.  
The Reader will be surprised that it was so long before Anatomy was introduced into Physic, and will hardly conceive how they came to bestow the name of Physicians, or even of Surgeons, upon men that under stood nothing of it. But this wonder will vanish, when he considers that I have already said upon this subject in the Chapped of the Asclepiadae.  
As Alcmaeon's Writings have had the ill fate to be destroyed by time, we know but little of his Anatomy, but what we find in Galen, which indeed more properly belongs to Physiology. He supposed that the Hearing was performed by the ear, being hollow within, as we find all hollow places refound when the voice penetrates them. As for Smelling, he pretended that the Soul, whose chief seat, according to him, was in the brain, received all odours by attracting them in respiration. He imagined that the Tongue distinguished tastes by its humidity, by its moderate heat, and its softness. The Seed, according to him, was a particle of the brain. The Foetus was nourished in the womb by drawing nourishment on all sides of its Body, which is like a Sponge.  
Health, according to its Hypothesis, depends upon the equal mixture of heat, dryness, cold, and moisture, nay, even of sweet and bitter, and other things. On the other hand, diseases arise when one of these predominates over the rest, and by that means destroys their union and society.  
Epicharmus of the Isle of Cos, was likewise a hearer of Pythagoras. He writ of natural Philosophy and Physic, and is frequently quoted by Pliny, when he describes the virtues of any simple. 
(d) tiraquel. de Nobilitate cap. 31.  'Tis reported, that his Writings are still to be seen in the Vatican Library.  
Eudoxus received his instruction from Archytas, a famous Pythagorean. He lived somewhat later than the abovementioned. 
(e) See the Chapt. of Chrysippus.  We shall have occasion to speak of him hereafter.   

CHAP. VIII. Of Heraclitus, Democritus, and some other Physicians that were Philosophers.  
THe Pythagorean Philosophers were not the only persons that concerned themselves with Physic. Heraclitus the Ephesian (who lived in the 69th Olympiad, that is to say, about the same time with Pythagoras, and had a Philosophy peculiar to himself) applied himself likewise to the study of Physic.  
History informs us, that this Philosopher, pushed on by his morose austere humour, which occasioned the report that he always wept, retiring into a solitary place to avoid the conversation of mankind, and living only upon water and herbs, fell into a Dropsy. This obbliged him, to repair to inhabited places to find better conveniences of being cur●d; not that he did it to have the advice of the Physicians, for instead of following their direction, he was in hopes to expose their ignorance to the world, by making them witnesses of the cure which he expected to work upon himself.  
He once demanded of them in obscure terms, as his manner, 
(a) Diogenes' Laeat.  if of rainy weather they could make dry, which not being understood by the Physicians, he dismissed them, and shut himself up in a Stable, where he covered all his body with dung, hoping by that means, to consume or drain the superfluous moisture that was in his entrails, but he did not succeed in his design, for he died of this disease soon after. Heraclitus ●s aim in putting this question to the Physicians, was to instruct them that they ought to endeavour to cure distempers as God cures those of the great bodies that compose the world, by balancing their inequalities, and setting contraries in opposition one to another. For, said he, all things go in our bodies after the same rate as they do in the world; Urine is formed in the bladder like rain in the second region of the air, and as the rain proceeds from Vapours that arise from the earth, and being condensed produce clouds, so urine is produced from exhalations arising from the aliments that find their passage into the bladder.  
Others relate, that Heraclitus put this question to the Physicians, whether it were possible to press the bowels of any one so as to get out all the water that was contained in them, which the Physicians affirming to be impossible, he exposed, himself naked to the Sun, and afterwards managed himself in the Stable, as is related above; the consequence of which was, that he was devoured by Dogs as he lay in the dung, being so weak, that he was not able to help himself. In short, others have delivered this story otherwise, and affirm that Heraclitus was cured of this swelling, and died long after this of another distemper. The most remarkable opinion he held, I mean that relates to Philosophy, was this, that Fire was the beginning of all things, that every thing came from Fire, and that every thing is done by Fire. We shall have occasion hereafter to make some reflections upon this opinion. He is reported to be the author of this Sentence, 
(b) Vide At●e●●um.  that there were no such blockheads and fools in the world as Grammarians, except Physicians.  
Democritus was born in the 77th Olympiad. He applied himself to Physic, as he did to all other Sciences, and was so desirous to become learned, that he spent all his patrimony in travelling to see the most celebrated and famous men abroad. He had been in Egypt, Persia, Babylon, and the Indies, where he conversed with Philosophers, Geometricians, Physicians, Priests, Magicians, and Gymnosophists.  
Diogenes Laertius has given us the Titles of several Books written by Demceritus concerning Philosophy in general, and Geometry. He likewise composed some about Physic in particular; the first is entitled Of the nature of man, or of the Flesh, which in all probability is the same that we find under the same title, among the works of Hypocrates. He writ another Treatise about Plagues, which is cited by Aul' Gellius under this title Of the plague and pestilential diseases. A third treated of Prognostics, a fourth of Diet, or the method of regulating nourishment; a fifth of the Causes of distempers, and of things that were proper or contrary to the body, by considering the time. In some other Books he endeavoured to find out the causes of Seeds, of Trees, of Fruits, and of Animals. There is, in short, another which is entitled 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Se● the Chapter of Theophratius, lib. 4.  about the Stone, that is to say, according to the Chemists about the Philosopher's Stone. Some Greek Books that treat of Chemistry are still remaining, which carry his name, and are many-scripts in the Library of the Lovure But learned men look upon them to be spurious, as we shall see more largely hereafter.  
Pliny likewise citys in abundance of places Democritus ●s Books concerning Plants, in which he seems to have principally considered their Magical or Supernatural Virtues. Democritus, says this Author, who was more devoted to the Magicians than any one since Pythagoras, relates more incredible and monstrous Stories, than even he did. The Reader may consult the 17th Chapter of the 24th Book of Pliny, to see more of this. Among other things we may find there a remedy or composition to have fine Children. This composition is made of Pine-apples bruised with honey, myrrh, saffron, and palmtree wine, adding to this a drug, or simple, called by him Theombrotion, and milk. According to this Author's direction a man must drink of this immediately before he goes to his Wife, and she likewise must drink of it as soon as she is derivered, and all the while she suckles her Child.  
Pliny speaks in the same place of an herb, which Democritus called by a Greek name, that signifies 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  bashful, and contracts its leaves when a man touches it. Throphrastus' likewise makes mention of this plant, which is the same with what we now call the sensitive plant, which is very well well known. If there was no more superstition or Magic in the other places of Democritus than there is in this, Pliny wronged him when he accused him of it. But 'tis evident from what this Author adds, that the Books of Democritus were full of these trifles, and Tatian a Christian Rhetorician, and disciple of Justin Martyr, has likewise observed, that Democritus writ nothing but fabulous stuff.  

(c) Lib. 11. cap. 3.  Columella citys two Books of Democritus, one of which was entitled of Agriculture, and the other of things that have an Antipathy to one another. One may judge of the contents of this latter Book by the following citation. Democritus, says Columella, affirms that Caterpillars and other infects that destroy the greene's in gardens, d●e immediately if a woman that has her menses walks two or three ●●●ns over the bodes, with her f●●t ba●●, and ●air dishevelled. But it must be observed that the same Columella 
(f) 〈…〉.  elsewhere tells us, that the Books, that in his time were attributed to Democritus, were written by one Dolus or Bolus Mendesius, an Egyptian, and who perhaps is the same with him whom 
(g) Lib ● c. 7.  Galen calls Horus Mendesius. 
(h) 〈…〉.  Celius Aurelianus makes mention of two other Books, that went under Democritus' name, but he looked upon them to be spurious. One treated of Convulsive diseases, and the other of the Elephantiasis. In the former of these Books we meet with a remedy against madness, which consisted in a decoction 〈◊〉 Origarum, that was to be drunk out of a round ●up fashioned like a Bowl. In the second he advises to bleed those that are infected with an Elephantiasis, and give them of a certain herb, which he does not name.  
We shall conceive a more advantageous Idea of Democritus, by what remains to be told of him. The same thing in a manner happened to this Philosopher, which befell Heraclitus. He retired like him to a solitary place, that he might be more at liberty, but there was this remarkable difference between them, that whereas the former wept continually at the follies of mankind, the other laughed incessantly. 
(i) See the Letters at the end of Hippocrates' works.  This strange behaviour made his Countrymen of Abdera take him for a fool, so they sent to Hypocrates, desiring him to come and cure him. This Physician arriving there, found him employed in dissecting of Animals, and enquiring the reason of it, he told him, 'twas to discover the effect of folly, which he looked upon to be the cause of the bile. By this Hypocrates discovered that the world was exceedingly mistaken in their opinion of him, and after a long conversation, wherein among other things Democritus told him, that the madness and folly of Mankind was the cause of his perpetual laughter; he took his leave of them very well satisfy●d, and assured the people, that this Philosopher was so far from being a fool, that on the other hand he was the wisest of men.  

(k) Diogen. baert.  'Tis likewise reported, that in the presence of the same Hypocrates, Democritus was able to distinguish the Milk they brought to him, telling them it was of a black She-goat, which never had but one Kid, and that by only looking upon a certain woman, he knew that she had been deflowered the night before.  
After this interview, these two great men entertained a very high esteem for each other, and kept a mutual correspondence. 
(l) Var. Hist. lib. 4. cap. 20.  Aellan observes that Hypocrates writ all his Books in the jonic Language for the sake of Democritus, although that famous Physician was a Native of the Isle of Co, where the Doric Dialect was in request. If this were true, a man might gather that Democritus was born at Miletus, as Lacrtius tells us, and not at Abdera, since the first of these Cities is in jonia, but the other in Thrace.  
However, 
(m) Tune qu●que inat●●iam rijus inven●t ad ●mnes ●●curjus h●nunum, cujus prudentia menstrat. 
Salmon posse viros, & magna exempla daturos.  
V●●v●●●m ●n pa●zia, crass●que sub aere nasci.  
●id●●●● curas, ne● n●n & g●adia vulg●,  
Intestine & lacrimas cum fortunae ipse min●●●.  
Man●●et la●ueum, mediumque ostenderet unguem.  Sat. X.  Juvenal was of opinion that he belonged rather to Abdera than Milctus, and from his Birth in so stupid and brutal a Country, makes this reflection, that great men may be born under the grossest air.  
If we may believe Petronius, Democritus drew juices from all manner of herbs, and spent most of his Life in making experiments upon Stones and Plants, but perhaps these experiments considered the several natural curiosities more, or at least as much as the practice of Physic. What we find in Seneca, that Democritus had found out the secret to soften Ivory, and to make Emeralds of boiled Flint stones, and whoever considers that they had the trick in former ages, to make a past for the counterfeiting precious Stones, is a sufficient proof of what I have already asserted, or of the use that Democritus made of his discoveries.  
He likewise believed that we were so far from having any signs, by which we could form a certain judgement that a man would shortly die, that we wanted indications sure enough for a Physician to rely upon that a man was dead. Celsus who citys this passage, calls Democritus, Vir jure magni nominis, a person that had deservedly a great reputation.  
This Philosopher died when he was above a hundred years old. 
(n) Di●g●● La●●●  'Tis reported of him that being weary of his Life he daily retrenched some part of the food, but his Sister desiring him not to die, till a festival which drew nigh was over, that she might not lose the pleasure of being at 'em, he commanded some hot bread to be brought to him, and lived several days with only smelling to it. 
(o) Athenaeus lib. 2. cap. 7.  Others say it was the smell of Honey which produced this effect. It has been likewise affirmed that he made himself blind, that he might be less distracted in his meditations. Tertullian pretends the reason of this was, because he could not behold the Sex without emotion. But 'tis much more probable that he became blind by accident, or by old Age. But after whatsoever manner it happened, 
(p) Quest. Puse. 5.  Cicero observes that this Philosopher easily comforted himself for the loss of his sight, that if he was not able to distinguish black from white, yet he cou●d perfectly well discern good from bad, justice from injustice, etc. judging himself to be happy, though deprived of the pleasure which the variety of colours affords.   

CHAP. IX. An explication of some of the Philosophical opinions of Democritus, which seem not to have been rightly explained.  
THis is not a proper place to treat of the opinions of Democritus, as they have a respect to Philosophy. But I cannot forbear to explain a passage of Diogenes Laertius, and another of H●sychius Milefius upon this subject, which may give the Reader some difficulty. Democritus, according to the latter of these authors, supposed that Atoms and a Vacuum were the principle of all things, and that all the rest depended upon opinion or judgement.  
To understand his meaning aright, 'twill be necessary to cite this passage, as it is in the original. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Latin Interpreter has thus translated; rerum primordia atomos & inane esse censuit, caetera omnia ex opinion statui posse dixit. We meet with the same words in Diogenes Laertius, with this difference, that he adds to the end the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is not in the former; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and they are thus Translated, Caetera omnia legitimum esse opinari, which either signifies just nothing, or at best must be thus understood, as if the Author when he said that a man was at liberty to believe what he pleased of the rest, we ought to understand it of what immediately follows, that there are an infinite number of worlds, etc.  
DEMOCRITUS  
The learned 
(c) Gassend. lib. 10 Diogen. Laert. tit. Unde qualitates rerum concretart.  Gassendus had carefully examined this passage of Democritus, and thus explains it: Democritus was of opinion that all the several qualities we find in things, such as colour, heat, etc. only existed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, league, dependant upon a certain law; not that they depend upon any institution of men, as the Interpreters understand the place; but this Philosopher employs upon this occasion a word proper to his own Country or Province, and at the same time makes use of a Metaphor; to show, that as the justice or injustice, the honesty or dishonesty, the merit or infamy of humane actions depends upon what the Laws have established, so likewise that whiteness or blackness, sweetness or bitterness, etc. in natural things, depended upon the disposition or different situation of Atoms. This learned man was much in the right, when he observed that Democritus had made use of a word that was particular to his own Country, but he is mistaken in what he says afterwards. To conclude, I have not remarked that some Philosophers of a more modern date than Gassendus, and who come very near the opinion of Democritus, have ascribed the honout of it to him.   

CHAP. X. Of some Physicians who were contemporaries of the preceding Philosophers, and first of Acron, reputed to be the chief of the Empirics.  
THere was a famous Physician contemporary with Empedocles, whose name was Acron, born likewise at Agrigentum as well as that Philosopher. 
(a) Lib. 29. Cap. 1●  Acron, says Pliny, was author of a Sect in Physic which was call●d the Empiric sect, a name formed from a Greek word which signifies experience, because this Sect rejected reasonings upon things, and kept wholly to experience. This Author adds, that Acron had been recommended by Empedocles the Physician, who had a great repute among the people.  
Casaubon was of opinion that when Pliny writ this Passage, he thought of Acron's Epitaph composed by Empedocles, and mentioned by Laertius, 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Acron of Agrigentum the most eminent of Physicians, the Son of an eminent Father lies interred in this craggy rock, in the most eminent place of his eminent Country.  
But 'tis evident from the Cacaphony which the Letter r makes in the Greek, where 'tis to be found in every word, that it is nothing but raillery, as 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Suidas has well observed. Empedocles perhaps composed this Epitaph, with a design to ridicule the vanity of the man, who, by a dull allusion to his own name, called himself 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  the most excellent of Physicians. To confirm this opinion, Diogenes Laertius informs us a little before, that this Philosopher hindered Acron from obtaining a certain place, which he would have begged to build his own Tomb in 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  because he is, said he, a Physician of the first rank; and that Empedocles having made a discourse about equality, perhaps to prove that all men were equal, turned himself towards Acron and asked him what Epitaph would you have engraved upon your Tomb! what think you of this Acron of Agrigentum, etc.  
This raillery perhaps was occasioned by the jealousy of this Philosopher, who was concerned to see Acron considered as the chief man of that Art to which he pretended himself, upon which I have a reflection to make of some importance to the history of Physic, which is, that the ambition of Acron, or the good opinion he had of himself, entirely destroys the abovementioned Hypothesis of Celsus, concerning the birth or beginning of Physic; for if this art owed its original to Philosophy, and there was no knowledge of it before the Philosophers, it is not probable that Acron, who came after them, or at least after Phythagoras, should be so bold, as to pretend to the first place among the Physicians to their prejudice. 'Tis certain that there were Physicians before Philosophers, but their Physic, as we have observed, was wholly empirical like that of Acron.  
'Tis not improbable, that the reason why this Physician passed for the chief of the empiric sect, was because he attempted to maintain that ancient way of practising Physic, against that which the Philosophers his contemporaries affected to introduce.  
The above-cited Passage of Pliny seems to favour this conjecture, but 'tis probable that author was mistaken. That empiric Sect, which Pliny speaks of, did not begin till long after Acron; 'tis agreed that he was an Empiric also, but after the manner of the Asclepiadae, and all the other Physicians that preceded him; that is to say, his Physic wholly turned upon Experience, without much reasoning; but for all that he was not of the Empiric Sect, for the first Physicians could not properly be called Sectaries, if we may be allowed to use this term upon this occasion. We shall consider below what this Sect was, and who were the founders of it.  
I can●t tell whether Suidas was not likewise mistaken, or did not confound Acron the Empiric with another, where he says that Acron exercised the profession of a Sophist at Athens, as well as Empedocles. 'Tis not to be doubted but that he speaks of the former, because he joins him with Empedocles, and adds that Acron writ in the Doric Dialect (which was spoken in Sicily) a Book entitled, Tke Art of Physic, and another which treated of the manner of living in Health. If our Acron was a Sophist, he did not confound this profession with that of a Physician, otherwise he had not passed for an Empiric.  
We find in Plutarch that Acron was in Athens in the time of a great Plague, which happened at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, and he ascribes to him the advice of the lighting of great fires in all the Streets, with an intent to purify the air.   

CHAP. XI. Of Herodicus, the Inventor of Gymnastick Physic.  

De iis qui lero a Numine corripiuntur.  WE shall conclude this Book with the history of Herodicus, of whom we had occasion to speak, when we delivered Plato ●s opinion of Esculapius' Physic. He was born at Selymbra a City of Thrace, as 
(b) This word u●deriv●d from a Greek Verb, signifying to exercise.  Plutarch affirms, or rather at Lentini in Sicily, and was brother to the famous Rhetorician and Philosopher Gorgias He liv●d in the time of the latter Philosopher's abovementioned. He was a Physician, and Master of an Academy besides, where the youth came to exercise themselves, which gave him an opportunity to introduce Gymnastic, that is to say, the art of exercising the body into Physic, having himself by the help of exercise, if not wholly cured, yet stopped the farther progress of a Ptisick, under which he laboured; so that this troublesome disease did not hinder him from arriving to a very advanced age.  
Galen seems to make Esculapius the author of Gymnastic, as well as the other branches of Physic, where he says that Esculapius ordered some to ride on Horseback, and to exercise themselves in their arms, and that he showed them the several sorts of motions they were to express, and after what manner they were to be armed. Medea likewise, as we have already observed, practised something of this nature, but although we should grant that they already knew the great advantages of exercise, and prescribed certain rules upon this head, yet 'tis probable that Herodicus went much farther, and that he was the first man that improved it into an art, which he call●d the Art of Gymnastic Physic, or the art of exercising one self for his Health.  
Long before the time of Herodicus several sorts of exercises were used in their public sports, that were celebrated in many places of Greece with solemnity. The institutors of these Games proposed hereby to divert the people, and to make men's bodies more active, vigorous, and fit for war, as also to obtain the favour of their God, in the honour of whom they were kept. The end of those that were personally engaged in these sports, was to carry off the rewards that were allotted to the Conquerors. The same thing was practised in their Academies, which they called Gymnasia and Palaestrae, i. e. places proper for one to exercise himself in. We cannot precisely tell the time when these sorts of Academies were first begun to be erected; what we know for certain is, that the Greeks were always looked upon to be the first inventors of them. The Reader may consult Hieron Mercurialis, for his farther satisfaction upon this subject. Herodicus who was Master of one of these Academies, having observed, that the young People that were under his conduct, and learned their exercises, were very healthful for the most part, imputed this immediately to the continual use of them, and afterwards carrying this first reflection farther, which was natural enough, he came to be of the opinion, that mighty advantages might be drawn from exercise, if instead of the above mentioned ends, the principal aim a man proposed to himself by it, was the acquiring or preserving of his health; so that he need have recourse to no other Physic than this.  
Having foreseen that Gymnastic might be divided into three sorts; 
(c) The military Gymnastick was that which the youth practised to harden, instruct, and f●t themselves for the Art Military. The Athletic looked upon as vicious, because thereby they proposed no other end but to win the prize a● the Public Games, without making themselves serviceable any other way to the Public; and took care only of their Bodies, totally neglecting their Minds. Quod corpora in faginâ, ani●●●n marry & veterno erant; says Seneca.  the Military, the Athletic, and the Medicinal; he left the two first to apply himself to the latter, and prescribe rules to be observed in it, according to the difference of persons, Temperaments, Ages, Climates, Seasons, Distempers, etc. setting down exactly the diet, the sorts of habits, and the particular exercises that would best suit with them according to the respective circumstances abovementioned.  
I don't know whether he succeeded so happily in this project, as the experiment made upon himself, of which History makes mention, would induce us to believe. Hypocrates, who had been his Disciple, does not give him an advantageous character upon this account, where he says, that Herodicus killed several that were ill of Fevers, with too much walking, and wrestling, and fomentations; nothing being so prejudicial to persons in such cases, as hunger, wrestling, running, rubbing, etc. Herodicus, (adds Hypocrates) pretending to overcome the fatigue occasioned by sickness with another fatigue, drew upon his Patients sometimes inflammations, sometimes pains on their side, etc. and made them pale, livid, and wholly out of order.  
However this censure of Hypocrates did not hinder him from making use of some Gymnastick on some occasions, although he did not look upon it to be good in the cases abovementioned, and most of the Physicians that came after Herodicus took so great a fancy to this sort of Physic, that they have always considered it as an essential part of their profession. We have lost the writings which Diocles, Praxagoras, Philotimus, Erasistratus, Herophilus, Asclepiades, Theon, Diotimus, and several others composed upon that subject; but by the fragments that are still remaining in Galen, or other Authors that have cited them, we may easily know in what esteem Gymnastick was among the Ancients.  
The Physicians were not the only persons that recommended it. The generality of men were so fully convinced of the great advantages, and also the pleasure that accompanied it, that abundance of people spent the greatest part of their lives in places appointed on purpose to exercise in, that were afterwards erected in all the Cities of Greece.  
'Tis true, these Buildings that went under the name of Gymnasia,, were not solely applied to Gymnastick Physic, for at the same time they were put to several other uses. They contained several Apartments for several purposes, large Squares, and great Porticoes, or covered Allies of a vast length, fit for to walk or run in. There was a particular place for the Philosophers, the Rhetoricians, and men of Learning, where they assembled and disputed. Thus the Academy and Lyceum, two places of exercise in Athens became famous, one of them being chosen by Plato, and the other by Aristotle, to teach Philosophy in. This separate place for the Philosophers was called Exedra, which in Greek signifies a Seat, because there are benches in it for this purpose.  
There were other Apartments set aside for the young men, that came to exercise themselves under Masters called Gymnastae, who had some Servants under them that were called Paedotribae. The Wrestlers likewise met there. The exercises performed were chief playing at quoits, throwing the dart, or certain heavy machine's that were called balteres, shooting out of a bow, playing at ball, wrestling, cuffing, leaping, dancing, running, riding, etc.  
Part of these exercises were also practised indifferently by all sorts of persons for their health, but the Apartments that were more peculiarly applied to this last use, were the bathing rooms, those where they were undressed, or where they ordered themselves to be rubbed, anointed, etc. Every one used these exercises as he thought convenient. Some went no farther than one, while others applied themselves successively to more. Men of learning began with hearing the Philosophers, and other Virtuosos; after this they played at Ball, or employed themselves in any other exercise, and at last went to the Bath.  
One may wonder, and reasonably enough, how Plato comes to inveigh so furiously against Gymnastic, and the inventor of it. Nothing appears to be more natural than this sort of Physic, which every man of good sense ought to prefer to the use of Medicaments, that are infinitely more troublesome and dangerous. But we must know that when this Philosopher declaimed so powerfully against Gymnastic, he had his head full of the Idea●s of his Republic, wherein laying it down for a rule, that every man should contribute to the public Good, he looked upon those that minded nothing but their health, to be a sort of unprofitable persons that were only good to themselves.  
And although he has recommended exercise in general, yet he blamed Gymnastic, considered as an Art, and particularly as it comprehended the Dietetic, or that part of Physic which regulates our food, because it was too long and tedious a course, and those persons, that would exactly follow the rules of it, were obliged to live in too confined and strict a manner, and indeed to practise a sort of continual Physic, which almost wholly turned them aside from those occupations for which they were designed.  
Plato has another observation about Herodicus or his Maxims as they relate to Gymnastic, which is very particular. He tells us then, that this Physician advised some 
(d) Plat. Phaed. in princip.  to walk from Athens to Megara, which is twenty five miles, and as soon as they had touched the Walls of that City, to come back the same way, without stopping a moment. In all appearance this is a calumny upon him, and perhaps such stories as these were told at Athens to ridicule the Physicians that followed the rules of Gymnastic.  
The Romans did not begin to build those places of exercise, till long after the Greeks, but when they once took a fancy for them, they infinitely surpassed them both in the number and magnificence of these buildings, as we may judge by the noble ruins that are yet remaining. Nay, they doted upon them at Rome to such a degree, that according to 
(e) Vix C●is 〈…〉 2.  Varro's remark, though almost every man had one to himself, yet they were scarce content.  
Those that wou●d be throughly instructed in all that rela●es to Medicinal Gymnastic, may consult the learned Mercurialis, who has gone to the bottom of this subject. Besides, the Reader will find in the continuation of this History, several things relating to this occasion, and also concerning Herodicus, by which he will more plainly and fully discover the use of Gymnastic in ancient Physic.   

CHAP XII. Reflections upon what has been said before.  
THis is the sum of what we could meet with most considerable, in that interval which may be called the first age of Physic. We have in a manner fetched all our materials from Greece, for want of monuments to instruct us what passed in other Nations; and for the future we shall more seldom leave that Country, since the Greeks cultivated Physic as well as they did the other arts, with more care and application in the succeeding times, and indeed communicated them to almost all the world besides.  
One would be apt to imagine, at first sight, that all we can find of the progress of Physic in the first and second period of time, which we have run over, is very inconsiderable. Every thing in this compass appears either fabulous, or uncertain, and at least excremely confused, and the discoveries that were made in it are but few in number, and very superficial, if compared to those that have been made since.  
Nevertheless, if Physic rather consists in effects than in discourses, and if the invention of remedies is of greater importance than all the reasonings that can be made upon diseases, as we shall see hereafter, we shall be satisfied that these first Physicians knew almost every thing that was essential to Physic, or at least passes for such now in most parts of Europe●● and that they used in a manner all the fundamental remedies, and those that are most depended upon. All Physicians, if we except a f●w out of the number, look upon bleeding and purging to be most universal remedies: Now 'tis certain, by the proofs that we have brought, that they were used in the  times.  
Neither were they defective in other the most ordinary practices of Physic. They knew how to make use of Milk, Whey, and Baths, that are to this day the principal arms of the Physicians, against the most stubborn and obstinate diseases. Neither were they unacquainted with the 
(a) See the head of Hypocrates.  Poppy, and even with 
(b) See the Chapt. of Helen and Polydamna.  Opium, that great and universal anodyne.  
In short, 'tis very probable that they were masters of several 
(c) Vid. lib. 5  Specisics, and perhaps more than we have, since the principal bend of their studies carried them that way.  
This was it, without dispute, which occasioned 
(d) De Priscâ Med.  Hypocrates to say, that the whole circle of Physic has been established long ago, and that the world had found out the way to make abundance of discoveries, which wou●d serve to make new ones, provided that the party who went upon the search was fit for such an undertaking, and being acquainted with all that was already discovered, would follow the same tract, The man, continueth he, who rejecting this counsel, takes another road, and pretends to have discovered some new tract, not only imposes upon himself, but the rest of the world. This old way was that of observation and experiments; from which the following ages deviated too much.  
But I foresee that the stiff asserters of the Antiquity of Chemistry, will not fail to object that I have forgotten that, which in their opinion; does the greatest honour to ancient Physic, viz. the knowledge of that Art. If I had been of their opinion, I had found an opportunity to have defended it, when I was upon the History of Hermes Trismegistus, whom they pretend to be the Inventor of Alchemy. But for me, I ingenuously own, that my eyes are not quicksighted enough to discover the least footsteps of this Art in these ancient times. I shall endeavour to answer the arguments of those that maintain the contrary in the second part of this work. But that they may not be prepossessed against me, before they have heard what I have to say for myself, I must tell them before hand, that we ought carefully to distinguish between Alchemy, which pretends to the melioration or transmutation of Metals, or the way of making Gold and Silver out of any other matter, and Chemistry, which proposes for its only end, the preparation of medicaments, and the preserving of health. The former perhaps is of great antiquity, the love of riches being as old as the world, and in all appearance men try●d all manners of ways to get money ever since the beginning. But we shall satisfy the Reader that the latter was invented but a few years ago.  
HIPPOCRATES.    

THE HISTORY OF Physic.  
PART I.  
BOOK III.  

CHAP I. How far Hypocrates carried this Art.  
WE have already seen that Physic, which at first was practised either by all sorts of persons indifferently, or by some particular men, who made it their sole profession, fell at last into the hands of the Philosophers about the lx Olympiad, whether because they had more occasion for the assistance of this Art for the reasons alleged by 
(a) 〈…〉  Celsus, or because professing to study nature, they believed that a knowledge of the humane Body, which 〈…〉 most admirable of all her works, was absolutely necessary to such a design. But Philosophy and Physic happening to be much enlarged and cultivated afterwards, for the space of about 80 years, men were forced to separate these two professions, since either of them was enough to employ a man's time entirely.  

(b) Demo●riti autem (ut quidam crediderunt) discipulus Hippocr●es Cous, primus quidem ex omnibus memoriâ dig nis, ab studio sapientiae disciplinam hanc (medicinam) separavit, Vi● & art & facundia infignis Cells. Praefat. lib. 1.  Hypocrates was the first that undertook to make this separation. He had not strictly addicted himself to that sort of Physic, that was hereditary in his Family, but made as great advances into Philosophy, as any man of his age, but believing that the speculations of this latter Science were not so useful to Society, as the practice of the former, he retained so much Philosophy as would enable him to reason justly in Physic, which he made his principal, or rather his only study.  
Soranus pretends that Hypocrates was born in the Isle of Co, in the first year of the 80th Olympiad, but others make him older, as we see below. His Father's name was Heraclides, his Mothers Phaenarete or Praxithea. We have already seen, when we had occasion to speak of the Asclepiadae, that on his Father's side he pretended to be the 17th in order of descent from Esculapius; nor was he less noble by the mother's side, as being the 19th descendant from Hercules.  
He was not content with learning Physic under his Father; he had Herodicus abovementioned for his Master in that faculty. He was likewise the disciple of Gorgias the Sophist, Brother to that Physician, and according to some, of Democritus the Philosopher, as we gather from the above-cited passage of Celsus. But if he learned any thing of this latter 'twas in all probability, by the conversations chief which he had with him, when he was entreated by the Abderites to come and cure this Philosopher. It is likewise credible, that he was a follower of Heraclitus, as we shall see hereafter.  
If Hypocrates was not looked upon to be the first inventor, yet all antiquity gives him this honour at least, of being the first that reestablished it after Esculapius and his Sons. It may also be affirmed, that by the great reputation he acquired he has effaced the glory of all that preceded him, except the God of Physic himself; so that in the History of Physic, we cannot conveniently stop any where between the God and him, or make any considerable Epoch, but in passing all at once from one to the other, although there was above seven hundred years' difference between them.  
Pliny makes Hypocrates the author of Clinic Physic, which we have ascribed to Esculapius, for 'tis not probable, that it was so long before the custom began of visiting the Sick in their bed; but what distinguishes this Physician so eminently from those that came before, is, that according to the observation of the same author 
(b) Primus Hippocrates medendi praecepta clarissimè tradidit. lib. 26. cap. 2:  he is the first that clearly laid down the precepts of Physic, reaping great advantage from the knowledge of the age he lived in, and making Philosophy serviceable to Physic, and Physic to Philosophy. 
(c) Lib. de decenti habitu.  We ought to join, says the same Author, Philosophy with Physic, and Physic with Philosophy, for a Physician that is a Philosopher is equal to a God.  
Upon this account the 
(d) The Greeks called 'em 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Reason, or Ratiocination, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Opinion or doctrine. The Emp●i all Physicians' 〈◊〉 claim to him likewise.  Dogmatic, or Reasoning Physicians, called so in opposition to the Empirics, have unanimously owned him for their head, as being the first that assisted reason with experience in the practice of Physic. The Philosophers mentioned by us in the preceding Book, were well enough versed in the art of reasoning, but wanted experience or practice. Hypocrates is the first person who possessed both one and the other.  
This may seem to contradict what I have already advanced upon the credit of Celsus, viz. that Hypocrates separated Physic from Philosophy. For a Salvo to this seeming contradiction, we need only suppose, that Hypocrates, who was descended of a Family, where he as it were sucked in Physic with his Milk, finding this Art in the hands of Philosophers, who had lately engrossed it to the prejudice of the Asclepiadae, thought there was no better way to support the declining honour of his house, than by using his utmost efforts, besides the knowledge derived to him by tradition, to acquire all that learning which gave these new Physicians so great a reputation in the world. But after he had made himself Master of it, he openly declared, that although the lights of Philosophy were very serviceable to give a man a just Idea of things, and to conduct methodically and in the right way such as designed to carry arts to perfection; yet however that Philosophy was not sufficient of itself to perfect a man for all professions, if he did not descend to the particulars, which did not belong to its jurisdiction; that Philosophy had nature in general for its object, but that Physic in a special manner applies itself to nature as it had a relation to man, whom she considered under the different circumstances of health and sickness; that it did not follow that a man must be a Physician because he was a Philosopher, unless he had studied humane body in particular, and instructed himself in the several changes that befall it, and in the proper methods to preserve or restore; that since 'tis impossible to acquire this knowledge without long experience, he ought to employ his whole time this way, and quit the general name of a Philosopher for that of a Physician, though this obliged him by no means to forbear Philosophising in his profession. And this is what Hypocrates meant by joining Philosophy with Physic, and Physic with Philosophy.   

CHAP. II. Of the Philosophy of Hypocrates.  
IF we may believe 
(a) De Nat▪ Facult. lib. 1.8 2. De deecret. Hipp. 5. Method. med. lib. ●e Element 9  Galen, Hypocrates no less deserved the first place among the Philosophers, than the Physicians. He likewise affirms that Plato has rejected none of Hippocrates' opinions, that the writings of Aristotle are only a Comment upon the Physiology of the latter, and that Aristotle is nothing but the interpreter of Hypocrates and Plato, from whom he borrowed his Doctrine of the first qualities, ●ot, cold, dry, and moist. 'tis true, Hypocrates seems in some places to declare for the four Elements, air, water, fire, and earth. This at least must be acknowledged that in his Book of the nature of man, he opposes those Philosophers who only maintain one. But he establishes another system in his first Book of Diet, where he makes mention of no more than two principles, fire and water, one of which gives motion to all things, and the other nourishment and increase. These contradictions, with some others that we shall take notice of hereafter, proceed from the many interpolations in the works of Hypocrates. The passage we cited last, is one of those, which anciently were supposed to belong to another Author.  
What is more certain, and of greater importance to the business in hand, Hypocrates makes it appear in most of his Writings, that he acknowledges a general principle, which he called nature, to which he ascribed a mighty power. Nature is of itself sufficient to every animal, and that in all respects. She performs every thing that is necessary to them, without needing the 〈◊〉 instruction from any one how to do it. Upon this foot, as if nature had been a principle endued with knowledge, he gives her the title of just, he ascribes a 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For Power, Faculty, or Virtue. It is sometimes employed to signify the height of 'em.  virtue, or virtues to her that are as it were her Servants. 
(d) Lib. de alimento.  There is, says he, one only faculty, and there are more than one. 'Tis by these faculties, that all operations are performed in the bodies of animals. They distribute the blood▪ the spirits, and heat thro' all parts, which by this means receive life and sensation. He affirms elsewhere, that it is this faculty which gives nourishment, preservation and growth to all things.  
The manner wherein nature acts, or its most sensible administration by the means of the faculties, according to him consists on one side in attracting what is good and agreeable to each species, and in retaining, preparing, or changing it, and on the other side in rejecting whatever is superfluous or hurtful, after she has separated it from the good. The Physic of Hypocrates generally turns upon this hinge, as also upon that inclination, which, as he supposes, every thing has to be joyn●d with what agrees with it, and to remove from all that is contrary to itself supposing first an affinity between the several parts of the body, which is the reason that they sympathise reciprocally in the ills they suffer, as they share the good that arrives to them in common; according to the great Maxim which he establishes 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  that every thing concurs, consents, and conspires together in the body, with relation to the animal O Economy, as we shall find more particularly in the following Chapter.  
Thus I have shown what it is that Hypocrates calls nature. He no otherwise describes this principle of so many surprising operations, unless it be that he seems to compare it to a certain heat whereof he speaks after this manner. 
(f) De Car●●bus.  What we call heat or hot, seems to me to have something of immortal in it, that understands all, that sees and knows as well what is present, as what is to come. At least we find a great resemblance between the effects which he ascribes to that heat, of which more hereafter, and those which he attributes to nature.  
As for the rest, although Hypocrates acknowledges in some places, fire, water, air, and earth, or fire and water in particular, to be the first elements of the bodies, yet he seems in others to admit three different principles, the solid, the liquid, or the humid; and the Spirits, which he explains otherwise 
(g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Equidem lib. vi sect. viij.  by the container, the contained, and that which gives motion. But as he particularly made use of these principles to explain all the accidents of humane body, we shall forbear to give his meaning of them, till we come to that Chapter.  
In one of Hippocrates' Books, which is entitled, of Flesh, 
(h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the latter is more natural, and answers the subject of the Book better.  according to others of principles, we find something very singular concerning the formation of the universal world, and of Animals in particular. He at first supposes that the production of man, or his being, that he has a Soul, that he is in health or that he is sick, all his good and ill fortune in the world, that he is born or dies to proceed from things 
(i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  elevated and above us, or the celestial bodies. By this we may understand the Stars, the influences of which, according to this Author, have no small power over humane bodies. But he explains himself, when he ascribes all the abovementioned things to that immortal heat, of which above, that is generally supposed to be the same thing with what he calls nature in other places.  
The greatest part of the heat, continues he, that I have described, having gained the highest place, at the time of the Chaos, formed that which the ancients called the Aether, another part of this heat, or the greatest part of the heat which remained, continuing in the lowest space, which is called Earth, there was a meeting of Cold and Dry there, and a great disposition to motion. A third part keeping the middle space between the Aether and the Earth, made what we call the Air, which is likewise somewhat hot. At last, a fourth part, that lay nearest to the Earth, and was the thickest and most humid of all, formed what we call water. All these things having been jumbled together by a circular motion, at the time of the abovementioned Chaos, that portion of heat which continued in the earth, being dispersed into several places, and divided into several parts, in one place more, and less in another, the earth was dried up by this means, and formed as it were 
(k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  membranes or tunicles, in which the matter growing hot, as it were by a sort of fermentation, that which was most oily and least moist, was quickly burnt, and so formed the Bones, but that which was more viscid, and in some measure cold, not being combustible, formed the Nerves, or rather the Tendons and Ligaments which are hard and solid. As for the Veins, they were formed of the coldest and most viscid parts, the more glutionous parts being dried by the heat, and from thence came the Membranes and Skins, of which they are composed. The cold particles which had nothing in them oleous or viscid, being dissolved, produced the humour or liquor which these Membranes enclose. The Bladder with its contents were formed after the same manner, as were also all the other cavities.  
In those parts, continueth Hypocrates, where the glutinous exceeds the fat, the Membranes are made, and in those where the fat is stronger than the glutinous, Bones are produced. The Brain ●●ing the 
(l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Capital City.  seat or proper place of cold and glutinous, which the heat could neither dissolve not burn, 'tis first of all form of the membranes in its supersede, and afterwards of bones, by the means of a small portion of fat, which the heat had roasted, the marrow of the backbone is made after the same manner, being cold and glutinous like the brain, and consequently very different from the marrow of the bones, which being only fat is not covered with any membranes. The heart having likewise a great deal of glutinous matter in it, became ha●d and glutinous flesh, enclosed in a membrane, and hollow. The Lungs being near the heart are thus form. The heart by its own heat presently dries up the most viscid part of the moisture, makes a sort of scumm full of Pipes and Channels, being likewise filled with divers little veins. The Liver is made of a great quantity of moist and hot, that has nothing fat or viscid in it, so that the cold being too strong for the hot, the humid is coagulated or thickened.  
Upon the same foot Hypocrates reasons about the production of the Spleen, the Reins, and some other parts. What we have already cited may serve to give a Specimen of his manner of Philosophising. Upon which I make this reflection, that this System of Hypocrates seems to be not very different from that of Heraclitus; the heat by which the former supposes all things to have been produced, being very near the same thing with fire, which according to the latter was the origine or principle of all Bodies, as we have observed above in the Chapter of that Philosopher. Several passages may be taken out of the first Book of Diet to confirm what we have advanced. In a word, says he in one place of this Book the Fire has disposed all things in the body in imitation of the Universe, etc.  
But while we are upon the Philosophy of Hypocrates, lest the Alchemists should take it ill at our hands, we must by no means omit this passage in the first Book abovementioned, viz. that those that work in Gold, beat it, wash it, and melt it by a gentle Fire, because a violent fire is not proper for such a business. 'Tis pretended that Hypocrates here, had an Eye on the mystery of the Philosopher's Stone, of which we shall have occasion to speak in the second part of this History.  
And this may suffice for his Philosophy. Let us now descend from the general principles of bodies, to the particular principles of the human body, and leaving all Philosophical reflections, let us see what observations we can find in Anatomy there, for those properly belong to the History of Physic. Those that are minded to see more particularly how far Hypocrates carried his Philosophy, may consult the Books de Flatibus, de natura hominis, the first de natura pueri, de dieta, and some others. But the Reader ought to be informed, that the abovementioned treatises are suspected to be spurious, and not to belong to him. His opinion concerning the seat of the Soul is to be found in the following Chapter.   

CHAP. III. Of the Anatomy of Hypocrates.  
'TIs a difficult matter to give a just extract of the Anatomy of Hypocrates, for three things hinder us from knowing so much of this subject as it is necessary we should. In the first place we find several contradictions in the writings of Hypocrates, or rather in those that are ascribed to him. Secondly, though we should heap together all that he says of each part, 'twould be an imperfect account, and not very coherent, Lastly, though so many faults had not crept into the Text as there have, or there were less disagreement in the original MSS. yet his stile is so concise, and there are some places in him so obscure, as being frequently expressed in terms peculiar to himself, that are not to be found elsewhere, that 'tis extremely difficult for one to understand him aright, though he is never so great a master of the Greek Language.  
For this reason we should very much regret the loss of one of Galen's Books, entitled, The Anatomy of Hypocrates, if we had not just reason to suspect this Author of partiality, when he engages for the interests of this ancient Physician, sufficient proofs whereof we shall see below that purely belong to Anatomy.  
The helps that a man might expect to find upon this occasion from the modern Commentators, is but inconsiderable. If any light is to be had from them, we ought rather to trust the ancient interpreters than those of our Age: because it is to be feared, that the latter, full of their new discoveries, imagine they see them every where, like those that can discover in Homer the most hidden mysteries of all Arts and Sciences; or those quicksighted Genelemen, that can find the Philosopher's Stone, in all Books whatever, let the matter they treat of be what it will.  
That we may not be charged with being guilty of this prepossession, which we have condemned ourselves, we will faithfully set down all that we could find relating to this argument in the works of Hypocrates, and take particular care not to omit the least thing about which the Anatomists of the following ages have had different opinions, or pretended to make any discovery, that so we may give every man his due, and rob none of the praise that really belongs to them.  
I will not pretend to confine myself to a certain order, but indifferently set down every thing as it comes to hand, and refer the Reader, that expects a continued description, or a greater insight into the nature, connexion, situation of the parts of the body, to a full treatise of Anatomy, which he will find in the Chapter of Galen.  

(a) De locis in homine.  The nature of the Body, (says Hypocrates) is the principle or foundation on which all the reasoning of Physic is built. One would be apt to infer from hence, that he had a mind to recommend Anatomy as one of the principal means by which we may discover the nature of the body. What helps to confirm this conjecture, we find that immediately after he teaches what is the situation, composition, and use of the several parts. 'Tis undeniable, that Hypocrates would have us study the nature of the body, but we may discover by some other places, that he thought we could arrive to the knowledge of it no way so well, as in the practice of Physic, for he laughs at those who fancied themselves to be great Physicians, because they knew something in Anatomy. 
(b) De Prisc. med'cin.  Some Physiciansiand Philosophers, says he, pretend that a man can't understand the art of Physic, unless he knows what man is, what is his first formation, and after what manner his Body is made. But for my part I am of opinion that all that has been said or written about nature by these people belongs more to the art of Painting than it does to Physic, and am persuaded that a man can't know nature clearly, but by the means of Physic, as those that are well skilled in that art, will soon perceive. Here he seems to address himself to the Philosophers that preceded him, and to these of his own time, who, as we have observed, had thrust themselves into this profession, and were the first that began to instruct themselves in Anatomy. It has been remarked above that the Asclepiadae, the Predecessors of Hypocrates, had other helps of knowing the humane body besides Anatomy. As for Hypocrates, 'tis probable that he did not neglect this latter way, as being related to Philosophy, which he had carefully studied. There would not be the least pretence to doubt of this, if the little Book or fragment attributed to him and entitled little Book or fragment attributed to him and entitled Anatomy, was really of his writing, but this is not certain, since Erotiam who has given us a Catalogue of Hippocrates' Books, makes no mention of it. Be it as it will, we shall see anon how far he advanced in this Science, either by Anatomy, or any other method which we have touched upon in the Chapter of Asclepiadae.  
Hypocrates owns in one place that the 
(c) Lib. de Aliment.  Veins come from the Liver, which is the origine and fountain of them, as the Heart is of the Arteries. In another place he maintains that the Veins and Arteries proceed equally from the Heart. 
(d) Lib. de Carnibus.  There are two hollow Veins that come from the Heart, one of which is called the Artery, and the other the Vena Cava. At that time all the Blood Vessels were indifferently called Veins, and the word Artery properly signified the 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  aspera arteria, or the Windpipe. Nay, Hypocrates gives the name of Veins to the Ureters, and seems to bestow the same appellation upon the Nerves, as we shall take notice below; besides there are but few places where he formally distinguishes the Arteries from the Veins, and where he calls them Arteries, which may render the credit of those books, or at least of those passages suspicious, where this distinction is to be found.  
The Artery, adds he, immediately after, contains more heat than the Vena Cava, and is the receptacle of the Spirits. There are other Veins in the Body besides these two. As for that which is reported to be the largest of all, and next to the heart, it runs thro' the Belly and the Diaphragm, and dividing itself into two streams, visits either Kidney towards the Loins. Above the heart this Vein divides to the right and to the left, and ascending to the head, distributes itself to either Temple. We may, continueth he, join the other Veins to this that are also very large, but to speak all in a word, all the Veins that are dispersed thro' the whole Body, come from the Vena Cava, and the Artery.  
Here are already two opinions concerning the Origin of the Veins and Arteries: There is a third likewise to be found in two several passages in Hypocrates, whether in respect of the Origin of the Veins, or in respect of your distribution. 
(a) Lib. de Ossium naturâ & de Natur. humanâ.  The largest veins of the Body, are, says he, disposed after this manner. There are in all four pair; the first pair come out behind the head, and descending down the back part of the neek, on each side of the spin, come to the Hips and Thighs, pass on thro' the Legs to the outside of each Foot. For this reason, in all pains of the Back and Hips, bleeding in the veins of the Hams and external Ankles, are of great relief; the second pair coming likewise from the Head, run behind the Ears down the Neck; they are call●d the Jugulars, and run within the Spine down the Loins, where they divide on either side towards the Testicles and Thighs, and the inside of the Hams, from thence through the inward Ankles to the inside of the foot. For this cause, in all pains of the Testicles and Loins, bleeding in the veins of the Hams and internal Ankles is very serviceable. The third pair come out of the Temples, and run along the Neck towards the Shoulders and Lungs, from thence one turning from the right a little towards the left, runs under the Breast, to the Spleen and Kidneys, the other likewise turning from the left to the right, runs under the Breast to the Liver and Kidney. And these two branches terminate in the Rectum. The fourth part coming out of the fore part of the Head and Eyes, run under the Lungs and the Clavicles, and from thence thro' the upper part of the Arm, pass over the bending of the Elbow, to the back of the Hands and Fingers, and thence they return again thro' the palm of the Hand, on the inside of the Elbow, and under the Arm to the Armpits, and upon the surface of the side, one to the Spleen and the other to the Liver. At length both branches running over the Belly, terminate in the privities.  
To salve the contradiction between these two last passages, it may be urged that the Book of the nature of the Bones, from whence this latter is drawn, is not Hippocrates', but Polybius, his Son-in-Law's. Neither Galen nor Erotian take notice of this Book among the works of Hypocrates. They have not so much as taken notice of the name, though they seem to have explained certain words found in it.  
There is a passage of 
(b) De Generate. Anim. lib. 3. cap. 3.  Aristotle, wherein this Philosopher speaking of the Origin and destribution of the Veins, and relating the several sentiments of the Physicians thereupon, citys these very words of this Book of the nature of the Bones, which we have translated, and citys them as Polybius'. This proof were sufficient, but it removes not all the difficulty; for we read the very same words in the Book of Human Nature, which Galen maintains strongly to be Hippocrates', pretending to prove it by the Authority of 
(c) Platon. Phaedr.  Plato, who, as he says, has quoted a passage out of it, though others have ascribed this Book to Democritus. Nevertheless Galen himself 
(d) De Hippocrat. & Platon. decre●. l. 6. c. 3. But Pelops. Galen's Master, was of another mind, maintaining, that Hypocrates held, as himself also did, that the Veins and Arteries, as well as Nerves, had their Origine from the Brain.  denies this later opinion touching the origin and destribution of the Veins, to be Hippocrates', or even Polybius'; but affirms that it must have been foisted surreptitiously into the Text. But this is not probable, for we find the same opinion in the Book de locis in Homine.  
There is another difficulty relating to the Book of the flesh or of the principles, from whence was taken what we said in the first place, that the Veins and Arteries came out of the Heart. Aristotle in the  passage, after having remarked that almost all the Physicians consented with Polybius to bring the veins from the Head, concludes they were all in an error, not knowing that they came from the Heart, and not from the Head. If Hypocrates be the Author of that Book of the Flesh, wherein this opinion of Aristotle is plainly laid down, how is it likely this Philosopher should not know it? Why should he not as well have read the Writings of Hypocrates, as those of Polybius?  
From hence we may infer, that this Book is no more Hippocrates, than that of the Nature of the Bones: Perhaps Aristotle chose rather in this place to cite Polybius or Synnesis of Cyprus, and Diogenes Apolloniates, Physicians of small reputation in comparison of Hypocrates, than to cite Hypocrates himself, whose Name we sinned but in 
(e) Polit●c. li. 7. cap. 4.  one place of his Works, and there mentioned only en passant; perhaps, I say, he has omitted to quote him out of malice or envy.  
Plato showed more honour, having made honourable mention of him in several places. Perhaps the Book in question was not Hippocrates', for neither do we find the Title of it in the List that Erotian gives of his Works.  

Of the description of the HEART.  
Amongst the Anatomical Books ascribed to Hypocrates, there is none written with more exactness than that of the Heart, which being very short, we give you here the entire Translation of it.  
The Heart, says the Author of this Book, is of a Pyramidal figure, its colour is a deep red. It is encompassed on all sides with a closed Membrane, in which is a small quantity of moisture like Urine; so that the Heart is as it were in a sort of Bladder. It was formed after this manner, in a Case, for its better defence. Of the Liquor, there is but just as much as is necessary for the refreshment of the Heart, and to preserve it from being overheated. It distils from the Heart, which draws to it part of the moisture, which the Lungs reserve from the Drink. For when any one drinks most of it falls into the Stomach, the OEsophagus 
(a) The Gullet.  being as it were a Tunnel which receives what we swallow whether Liquid or Solid. But the 
(b) The upper-part of the Windpipe.  Pharynx draws a little of the Liquor into its cleft, the Epiglottis, which is as it were the lid of the Pharynx, hindering the greatest part of it from falling into it. As a proof of this, if we make any Animal whatsoever, especially a Hog, drink Water tinged with blue or red, and cut his throat while he is drinking, we shall find this water charged with the Tincture. But every one is not fit to make this experiment. We are not to make any difficulty of believing that part of the drink slips into the Aspera Arteria. But it may be asked how comes it then to pass, that in drinking too swift, the Water getting into the cloven of the Pharynx, raises a violent Cough. It is because the quantity of the Water being too great, opposes directly the return of the Air from the Lungs in expiration. Whereas when a little slips in at the cleft, slipping gently down the sides of the Aspera Artiria, it hinders not the Air from Rising. But on the contrary facilitates the passage by moistening the 
(c) Windpipe.  Aspera Arteria.  
The Heart draws the moisture from the Lungs at the time of inspiration, and after the Air hath serv●d the use of the Heart, it returns by the way it came. But the Heart sucks up a part of the moisture which passes into its Bag, letting the rest return with the Air.  
This Air being returned as far as the palate. 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  escapes thro' a double passage, and it is necessary that it should go out and the moisture also, they being of no use to the nourishment of the Body. How can Wind and Crude water serve for the nourishment to a man, not but that one and tother have their use, for they serve to fortify the Heart against the Evil it is naturally afflicted with, that is excessive heat.  
The Heart is a very strong Muscle, not for its Tendons, but for the hardness and compactness of the Flesh. It has two distinct Ventricles in one enclosure, 
(e) E. v 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  one on one side, and t'other on tother, which are not like to one another; the one is on the rightside, at the mouth of the great Vein, and the other on the left, and they take up almost the whole Heart. The cavity of the first is greater than that of the latter, and is more soft, but it extends not quite to the point of the Heart, the extremity of which is solid, it appears as if it were sewed or fixed to the Heart. The Left Ventricle is situated directly under the Left Nipple, to which it answers in a right Line, and where its pulsation or beating may be felt. Its sides are thick, and it has a cavity like that of a 
(f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Mortar, which answers to the Lungs, which moderate by their nearness the excessive heat of this Ventricle; for the Lungs are naturally cold, and receive a further refreshment by the inspiration of the Air. Both these Ventricles are rough, and as it were corroded within, especially the Left. 
(g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  The natural fire or heat which is born with us, has not its Seat in the Right, and it is something wondrous that the Left, which receives from the Lungs an Air, which is not tempered or mixed, should be the most rugged; it was likewise made thicker than the other, for the better preservation of the aforesaid heat. The Orifices of these Ventricles are not visible, till the Ears of the heart be first opened or cut off, and its head or basis: When they are cut off, we find two Orifices in either Ventricle, but the Vena Cava which comes out of one of them, is not seen after it is cut. These are the Fountains of Human Nature, and from hence flow those Springs that serve the whole body. These are the streams that give life to Man, and when they dry up he dies.  
At the Exit of these Veins (the Vena Cava, and great Artery) and all round the mouth of these Ventricles, there are certain soft and hollow bodies called the Ears of the heart; they have not, however, any perforations like the Ears, nor do they serve to hear sounds, but they are the Instruments by which Nature draws the Air, and show themselves the Work of an Ingenious Workman, who considering the Heart ought to be very 
(h) The Author says this place is very obscure, that he has translated it as well as he could; that if he has not succeeded extraordinarily in it, that he has for his comfort the company of the rest of the Interpreters in his misfortune.  solid, as being formed of blood coagulated or thickened at the mouth of the veins, and that it ought to have likewise the faculty of drawing, has fixed Bellows to it as Smiths do to their Forges, that it might draw the Air by this means. In confirmation of this, we see the Heart in one part continually agitating itself, and the Ears in particular to dilate and subside in their turns. I am likewise of opinion, 
(i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  the small veins draw the Air in the Left Ventricle, and the Artery in the Right. I say likewise, that that which is soft, is most proper to draw and to be inflated, and that it was necessary that 
(k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by which the Author supposes the right Ventricle of the Heart to be meant.  
* But I rather think, that the Auricles were still intended, as by comparing them with the precedent and subsequent expressions will appear.  what was fixed to the Heart should be refreshed, since it partakes of the heat; but the Engine which draws the Air ought not to be so large, lest it should overcome the heat.  
I ought likewise, says Hypocrates, to describe the hidden Membranes of the Heart, 
(l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  which are an admirable Work; some are spread within the ventricles of the Heart like Spider's Webs, they close the Orifices of the ventricles of the Heart, and send their threads into the substance of the Heart. They seem to me to be 
(m) See the Chapter of the Nerves.  the Nerves or the Tendons of this Entrail, and the Origin or Place from whence they spring 
(n) T●● Aorta signifies the great Artery only in all the succeeding Anatomists, h●● Hypocrates, under that name, comprehends the Vena Arteriosa also.  the Aortae. These Membranes are disposed by pairs; for to every Orifice, Nature has framed three, which are round above in the form of a Semicircle. Those that know these Membranes, wonder how they can shut the Aortae.  
And if any one 
(o) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which words Foesius translates thus: Siquis veteris instituti probè gnarus, mortui animalis corde exempto, hanc quidem demat, illam vero reclinet, neque aqua in cor penetrare, nec; Flatus emitti poterit. And Cornarius, much after the same manner. Siquis veteris, eximendi cor mortui, moris goarus, aliam auferat aliam reclinet, neque aqua, etc. 
Why these Translators render the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by that of Mos, or Institutum, which it does not signify, is a mystery to me; it ought to be translared Ordo, with relation to the Membranes: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, according to Erotian, is an Attic Word, signis●ing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Order. I explain als● the Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ancient, by the term Natural, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Ordo vetus, seu naturalis. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says Erotian, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 auferat, I read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 firmet, which I suppose to be the true reading, but that the former crept into its place through the error of the Copyists, misled by affinity of the sound of those two Words.   who understands the ancient Order (or the natural Order and Disposition of this Membrane) takes out one rank (or keeps one rank stretched) and closes the other, neither water nor wind can get into the Heart. These Membranes are disposed with more Art, or more Exactness, on the Left-side than the Right. The reason of this is, because the Soul of Man, or the Reasonable Soul, which is above the other Soul, has its Seat in the Left ventricle of the Heart. This Soul has not its nourishment from the Meat which comes from the Belly, but from a pure luminous Matter separated from the Blood. This Matter which serves for Aliment to the Soul, is abundantly furnished from the neighbouring Receptacle of the Blood, and casts its Rays round, as the Natural nourishment, which comes from the Intestines and Belly, is distributed into all parts; and for fear, lest that which is contained in the Artery, should hinder the course of the nourishment of the Soul, and give a check to its motion, the Orifice of this Artery is closed as aforesaid, for the great Artery is nourished from the belly and intestines, and not by this first or principal nourishment. But the great Artery is not nourished by the blood, which we see, as is manifest by opening the left ventricle of any Animal, for we find it quite empty, or find nothing in it but serous humour, or a little Bile, and the aforesaid Membranes, but the Artery is never without blood, nor the right ventricle. This Vessel therefore gave occasion to the making of those Membranes for the passage out of the right ventricle, is likewise furnished with Membranes, but the blood moves upon that side but feebly. This way is open on the side, to carry the blood thither for its nourishment, but it is shut towards the heart; so that way is left for the air to pass insensibly from the lungs to the heart, not in great quantities, for the heat which in this part is but feeble, would be overpowered by the cold, the blood not being naturally warm, no more than water which receives its heat from elsewhere, though most believe it's hot in its own nature.  
This Book of the Heart will give us the greatest Idea of the Anatomy of Hypocrates and his exactness, but it is one of those that is not acknowledged, either by Erotian or Galen. What the Author says in the beginning of this Book, of the passage of one part of the drink into the Lungs, being a very ancient Opinion, and maintained by Plato, who must have it from the Physicians that preceded him, of which Hypocrates was most considerable; we might infer, that the Book in which this Opinion is maintained is his: but those who forged this Book, might on purpose insert this opinion to warrant its antiquity. We shall see hereafter further proofs that it is spurious, in the Chapters of Aristotle and Erasistratus. This opinion is repeated in the Book of the Nature of the Bones. It is indeed amply refuted in the fourth book of Diseases, but most Authors agree this later book not to be Hippocrates'. We shall find something more of importance in the Chapters of the Fibres.  
We have seen already three different Opinions taken from the Writings of Hypocrates, concerning the Origin of the Veins; there is yet a fourth, and what is more particular. This later opinion is to be found in the same book with the third; I mean the book of the Nature of the Bones, in which the Veins are derived from the Head. The passage is this: The veins which are spread through the body, and which give it 
(p) See the Chapter of the Nerves.  the spirit, the flux and the motion, are all branches of one Vein; whence it draws its Origin, or it terminates, I know not, but supposing a Circle a beginning is not to be found.  
Something like this is what we read in 
(q) De locis in hom. sub initia.  another place. There is no origin or beginning in the body, but the parts are equally both beginning and end, for in a Circle there is no beginning. There are some other passages parallel to these. 
(r) Lib. de Alumen.  The nourishment comes from the inward parts to the hair, nails, and outward superficies. It goes likewise from the external parts and superficies, to the internal. All agree, consent and conspire together in the body. And a little after: 
(s) Ibid.  The great Principle reaches to the extremities, and the extremities to the great Principle. 
(t) Ibid.  The Milk and the Blood come from the superfluity of the nourishment, or are the remainder of the nourishment of the body. 
(u) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The same word is to be found in the first book of Diet. We find there likewise these following words: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to turn about, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gyration, or turning round; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, terms used by Hypocrates, to signify the Mechanism of our bodies, by an allusion to the methods used by Artificers of all sorts in their Shops.  The Circulations go a great way in relation to the Faetus, and to the nourishment; after the nourishment is performed, what remains returns and turns to Milk, and becomes nourishment to the Mother, and afterwards to the Faetus. And again, the same way which leads upwards, leads also downwards; or, there is but one way which goes both upwards and downwards.  

(w) De Loc. in Hom.  All the Veins communicate, and run one into another; for some are joined immediately together, others communicate by small veins, which run from the Trunk of one to another, and which serve to nourish the flesh.  

(x) De Natur. hom.  There are a great number of different veins which come from 
(y) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So read all the MSS. says Foesius. Yet Galen reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from the Vena Cava.  the Ventricle or Belly, by which the nourishment is conveyed into all the parts of the body. The same nourishment passes also from the great veins, as well internal as external, to the belly, and the rest of the body. These veins supply one another reciprocally with nourishment, those without to those within, and those within to those without.  

(z) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epidem. lib 6. sect. 6.  The flesh draws from the belly, and likewise from without; and our senses discover to us, that all the body is transpirable, from within to without, and from without to within. Hypocrates speaks in another place of the 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 De Diet. acut. See the whole passage at length in the Chapter of Blood letting.  rest of the blood and spirits in the Vessels, which supposes a precedent motion.  
We have both related and rendered as exactly as possible, the foregoing passages concerning the motion of the blood, spirits, and nourishments in the body, because they seem to point at the most considerable Anatomical discoveries of our Age. Hypocrates did unquestionably acknowledge a sort of circulation of the blood and humours: the aforecited passages are in express words. He uses also in another place, a term by which the Greeks used to signify 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, lib. de humour. in prin.  the reflux of the Sea, to express the return of the humours from the skin to the centre of the body.  
It is necessary here, to avoid a fallacy, in giving to Hypocrates the honour of a discovery reserved to our Age, to make the following Remarks. It is apparent that this ancient Physician held this flux and reflux, or this circulation, to be made through the same Vessels which carried and brought back indifferently from the Centre to the Circumference, and from the Circumference to the Centre again. As for what escaped the known Vessels, it passed according to him 
(c) De morb. lib. 4.  thro' insensible channels, and ways undiscoverable, which yet were open as long as the Animal lived, according to the principles laid down by him and related by us, that all consents, conspires and agrees together in the body, or that all is transpirable from within to without, and from without to within.  
If these Principles served his turn in this case, the attraction spoken of before, and the faculties subservient to Nature, brought him off easily for the rest; that is, that the motions of the blood and humours were usually determined by necessity and attraction. 
(d) De Nat. ●uer.  The blood, says he, which by the order of nature descends but once a month to the Womb, flows thither every day while the 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Seed or Faetus therein contained, draws what is necessary for it, according to its strength, and has its respiration greater or less. at first, the respiration of the Faetus being very small, little blood comes from the Womb; but as by this respiration increases the Faetus draws more blood. and it descends in greater quantities into the Womb.  
Nor does the Faetus only draw, but all the parts likewise. 
(f) De Morb. lib. 4.  The Ventricle or Stomach, says Hipporates elsewhere, is a fountain which furnishes all the body when it is full; but when it is empty, it draws in its turn from the body which exhausted it. The Heart, the Spleen, the Liver, and the Head, are the fountains which supply the other parts, and in their turns draw from them. There are in Hypocrates a hundred passages like these, some of which we shall take notice of in the sequel. The Office of Nature, or the Faculties, is, according to him, to regulate the attraction, and provide for all the necessities of the Animal; Nature, as we have observed, or its Faculties, nourish, and make every thing to grow and increase.  
We shall add but a word or two more upon the subject of the motion of the blood in the Veins and Arteries, by which we may judge of the Idea Hippocratet has had of it. There are, says he, 
(g) De loc. in Hom. This Book is by universal consent agreed to be genuine.  two other 
(h) By this name Hypocrates understands as well the Arteries as Veins.  veins which beat continually; these veins are the only ones in the body that contain no blood, for the blood turns from 'em. Now that which turns away, or returns, is a contrary motion to that which comes forward on that side; so that the first retiring, or withdrawing from these veins, and that which comes from above, endeavouring to descend, they do not agree, but push one another by turns, and mix and circulate one with another, which produces the pulsation or beating of these veins.  
We say nothing at present of the extraordinary motions of the blood and humours; we reserve them for the next Chapter. I know that some of the greatest 
(i) Riolan. and several others.  Anatomists and Physicians of the Age, Men very learned in the Languages, and all sorts of Literature, have done, and yet do believe, that the aforecited passages go abundance further. We shall have occasion to examine their Opinion in the Second Part of this History.   

Of the BRAIN.  

(k) Lib. de Gland. Galen supposes this Book to be spurious.  The Brain is reckoned by Hypocrates among the Glands, because it appeared to him of the same nature, being white, fryalble and spongy as they were. And he believed, that the Brain sucked up the superfluous humours of the body like the other Glands, which being all of a spongy nature, imbibe, says he, moisture easily.  
But there is this further of the Brain; That the Head being hollow and round, draws incessantly, like a sort of Cupping-glass, the moisture from the rest of the body, which rises in the form of a vapour; after which, it being overcharged, it sends it down to the lower parts, especially the Glands, from whence come Defluxions and Catarrhs.  
Hypocrates in some other places, makes the Brain 
(l) Lib. de Morb. sacro.  the Seat of Wisdom and Understanding, altho', as we have seen before, he lodges the 
(m) Lib. de Cord.  Soul, which is the same thing with the 
(n) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Understanding in the Left Ventricle of the Heart. Hypocrates takes notice elsewhere, that the Brain was 
(o) De loc. in hom.  clothed with two Membranes, the one thick and the other thin. We shall have further occasion to speak of the Brain and its Membranes, when we speak of the Senses and their Organs.   

Of the NERVES.  
If Hippocrates' Anatomy of the Brain be very scanty, he has yet less of the Nerves. To understand rightly the following Remarks, we must take notice that the Greek Anatomists that came after Hypocrates, distinguished three sorts of parts which were before confounded; the Nerves called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which are the passages of the Animal Spirits, which communicates sense and motion to all the parts of the Body, the Tendons, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which come from the Muscles, and serve to contract or extend the Members and the Ligaments, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which serve peculiarly to strengthen the Articulations of the Bones. Hypocrates has given the first of these names indifferently to all the three parts; so that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Nerve, did as well and as often signify in him a Tendon and a Ligament. He seems sometimes to mean by it a Nerve, tho', according to Galen, Hypocrates uses generally the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in that signification.  
There is a passage in the prenotions of Cos, where he speaks of 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  internal Nerves and slender Nerves, by which may be understood the Nerves properly so called.  
There is likewise another passage, wherein those names seem to be given to the true Nerves. 
(b) Lib. de Oss. Nat.  The Rise or Origin of these Nerves, says Hypocrates, is from the back part of the Head, continuing along the Spine of the Back to the Ischium; whence come the Nerves which go to the Privities, to the Thighs, the Legs, the Feet, and the Hands, and distribute themselves even to the Arms, one part going into the Flesh, the other along the Bone, 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Perone to the Thumb, while it traverses the flesh to the rest of the Fingers. It goes also to the Blades of the Shoulders, to the Breast, and to the Belly, through the Bones, and through the Ligaments. There come also others from the Privities, which taking their course by the Anus, tend toward the cavity of the Hips, proceeding afterwards part upon the upper part of the Thigh, and part under the Knees; they continue to the Tendon and Bone of the Heel, to the Feet, and some to the Perone, and some others to the Reins.  
Hypocrates seems here to speak of real Nerves, yet when he comes in the same Book, to assign the use of the Nerves, which he designs by the same name, he confounds them with the Tendons. The Nerves, says he, serve to bend, to contract, and extend the Members.  
In this later place, the word 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Nerve may perhaps signify a Tendon, whereas in the former it signifies a Nerve. But if Hypocrates knew the Nerves, he seems to have been a stranger to their use, for in the same passage he gives there the proper Office to the veins. By the whole passage we may see what he thought of the uses of some other parts: The Bones, says he; give the form to the Body, and support it. The Nerves bind, contract and extend the Members. The flesh and the skin unite all the parts together. The veins which are spread through the whole body carry 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  the Spirit, the flood or facility of flowing, and the motion. By these veins which carry the Spirit, etc. we are to understand the Arteries, by what has been before observed of the Office Hypocrates allots them. There is yet another passage in the fourth Book of Diet, where he speaks of the passage of the spirits through the veins and through the blood; and observes, that 'tis their natural way. Convulsions, the Palsy, sudden Speechlesness and Vertigoes, are there taken notice of as effects of the interception of the spirits in the veins; and the Apoplexy seems to be intended by the name of 
(f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Interception of the veins. See anon the passage at length, in the Chapter of Blood-letting.  
As for the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which as we have said generally signified a Nerve, we must examine the principal passages wherein it is found, that we may give the truer judgement of it. The following are the most considerable passages. We shall first propose one, wherein Hypocrates, after having laid down some of the Symptoms that accompany a dislocation of the Thigh bone forward, adds, 
(g) Lib. de Artic.  That in such a dislocation they feel abundance of pain, and that there is a suppression of Urine, because the head of that bone presses upon very considerable Nerves, so that it causes a Tumour in the Groin. Galen, upon this passage says, 
(h) In Lib. de Artic. Comment. 3.  That by these considerable Nerves Hypocrates meant the Nerves which go along with the Vein and Artery through the Groin, which are call d 
(i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  considerable, or of great power, because they are near the spinal Marrow, and come out at the same place with those that go to the bladder. Hence it is, that the head of the Thigh-bone being displaced this way, the bladder itself suffers, and such an inflammation arises, that no Urine can pass. It sometimes also happens as Galen says, That the Urine is stopped with the greatness of the inflammation, which reaches to the neck of the bladder and the sphincter Muscle, and stops by that means the passage.  
If the suppression of Urine spoken of, arises from the compression of the Nerves designed by Galen, we should rather attribute this symptom to a Stupifaction, or a sort of Palsy of the bladder, than to an inflammation of it, an inflammation being not so natural a consequence of the compression of the Nerves as numbness; but Hypocrates himself seems to acknowledge, that this inflammation is the effect of the pain preceding, and this makes me suspect, that by these Nerves he meant no more than the Fibrous and Tendinous parts of the Muscles of the bladder, or near it.  
We find in the same Book another passage, wherein Hypocrates seems to design the Nerves by the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. If you would, says he, cauterise or burn the skin under the Armpits, you must take care of going too forward, or taking too much, for fear of hurting some considerable Nerves, which are near the Glands of that part. Galen would have it, that Hypocrates here points at the Nerves that come from the spinal Marrow to the Arms; and, indeed, it seems as if he could mean nothing else. Nevertheless, what Hypocrates adds presently after, persuades me that he designs nothing but the Tendons of the Muscles which draw the Arm downwards. You must know, says he, that when you have lifted up the Arm very high, you cannot lay hold on the skin of the Armpit, at least not so as to extend it; the Arm being lifted up, the skin which was under the Armpit disappears, or can't be pinched: And you must further take care of the Nerves, which in this posture advance, and are extended very much, which must in no manner be hurt. He uses also in this place the same name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
The same Book likewise furnishes us with a third passage, wherein we meet the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, repeated several times it is in speaking of the Articulations of the Vertebrae; but all that he says there, seems better explicable of the Ligaments than of the Nerves properly so called.  
We find likewise in another 
(k) De Morb. vulgar. lib. 2. sect. 4.  Book of Hypocrates the following passage: There are two Nerves, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which come from the Brain, which passing behind the great Vertebrae, draw sidewards from above towards the Gullet or Oesophagus, and touching the Artery on both sides, join again as if there were but one, and terminate where the Vertebrae and the Diaphragma take their Origin, or are joined. Some have supposed that these Nerves parting in this place, tended towards the Liver and towards the Spleen. There is another Nerve which proceeds from each side the Vertebrae along the Spine, and passing obliquely over the Vertebrae, disperses itself into the sides. And these Nerves, as well as the Veins, (of which I spoke before) seem to traverse the Diaphragm, and terminate in the Mesentery: These Nerves re-joining again at the place where the Diaphragm takes its Origin, and passing through the middle below the Artery return to the Vertebrae, and at last lose themselves in the Os Sacrum.  
It is impossible to translate this passage well by reason of its obscurity; it is taken from a fragment of Anatomy in the Book before cited, which appears to be out of its place, having no coherence with any thing, either antecedent or consequent, yet Galen has commented upon this Book of Hypocrates, 
(l) Comment, in lib. de arti●.  for he relates some of the first words of the passage we have translated, which proves that the fragment from whence it was taken, was inserted even in his time in the place where we now find it. Galen contents himself to insinuate in two words, that this passage treats of real Nerves, without giving himself the trouble to explain it entire; and perceiving that this passage was little for the honour of Hypocrates, he goes about to excuse him, saying, What he writ was only for a 
(m) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Memorandum for himself, and not to treat exactly to the bottom of this matter. And to give the more credit to it, he adds, That the first and third Books of his epidemics were the only Books which Hypocrates finished, or that he wrote with any design of publishing. The passage here meant being taken out of the second, which, according to Galen, was but a sort of Meddly which the Author had not digested; this may be so, but he ought to have shown that Hypocrates had elsewhere spoken better, or more clearer, on this head.  
It is to no purpose to perplex ourselves to find in an Author what he has not; if we should allow that this ancient Physician, and the Asclepiades his predecessors, knew or had seen some considerable Trunk of Nerves, as it was hard if the practice of Chirurgery gave them no occasion, they appear not to have distinguished them well from Tendons or Ligaments, nor to have known the true use of them.  

(n) See the Chapter of Blood-letting.  The forecited passage, in which Hypocrates assigns to the Veins and Arteries the Office of the Nerves, is a convincing proof of his Ignorance on that subject; but there cannot be a better proof than we find in the Writings of this Physician, and the manner of his reasoning with 
(o) Vid. lib. ●.  Alcmaeon, and other Philosophers of his time, about Hearing, Smelling, and the rest of the Senses; therein we do not see that either one o●t other so much as suspected the share the Nerves have in Sensation.   

Of the Organs of SENSE.  
We have seen before Alcmaeon's Opinion: The following descriptions of the Organs of Sense are taken from Hypocrates. 
(a) Lib. de Carn.  The Ears, sa's he, have a hole which butts upon a bone as hard and dry as a stone, to which is joined a Fistulous cavity, or a sort of passage obliqne and narrow, at the entry of which there is a Membrane extremely fine and dry, whose dryness, as well as that of the bone, produces the sound, the Air being reflected by this bone and by this membrane. After which, without mentioning the Nerves, he endeavours to prove that whatever is dry sounds most. In another place he says, 
(b) De Loc. in Hom.  That the cavities which are about the Ears are made only for the better hearing of noises and sounds. And he adds, That whatever comes to the Brain by the Membrane (which encompasses it) is distinctly heard, that for that reason there is but one passage which pierces in this place to the Membrane which is spread over the Brain.  
As for the Smelling he says, The brain being moist, has the faculty of scenting or smelling, by drawing in the odour of dry things with the air, which runs a-thwart 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lib. de Carnib. 4.  certain dry bodies. The Brain, adds he, reaches even into the cavity of the Nose; in this place there is no bone between them, but only a soft cartilege like a Sponge, which can neither be called bone nor flesh.  
He describes the Eye after this manner: There are, says he, some small veins extremely slender, which go 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, into the sight or eye. Lib. de loc. in hom.  into the eye through the Membrane which encloses the Brain. These veins nourish the sight of the eye with a Liquor extremely pure, which comes from the brain, in which the Images of things appear to the eyes; the same veins, if they dry up, extinguish the sight. There are also three Membranes which encompass the eye, of which the first is the thickest, the second is thinner, the third is extremely fine, which preserves the liquor or humour of the eye. The first being hurt, the eye is out of order: The second being broken, puts it in great danger, that it puffs outward like a bladder: But the third, which preserves the humour, is that whose breaking is of worst consequence.  
What follows we find in another 
(c) Lib. de Carn.  Book. We see for this reason, or after this manner, vision is made.  
There is a vein which runs from the Membrane of the Brain, which passing through the bone, enters into each eye. By these two veins, the most subtle part of the viscid humour of the brain distils as it were through a Streiner, and forms round about it a Membrane like to that which is transparent in the eye, which is exposed to the air and winds, which is formed much after the same manner that other Membranes are; but there are several Membranes about the eye, which are like to that which is transparent within. In this transparent, the light and luminous bodies are 
(f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  reflected, and by this reflection vision is made. Vision is not made by what is not Diaphanous, and does not reflect. The rest of the white about the eye is a sort of flesh, and what we call the sight appears black because it is deep. The Tunicles which are about it are black for the same reason. We call, says he, a Membrane or Tunicle, that which is like a skin, which is no way black of itself, but white and transparent. As for the moisture which is in the eyes, it is something viscid, for we have sometimes seen, after the breaking of the eye, that there came out a thick humour, which is liquid while it is warm, but solid as Incense when it is cold.  
Those that think that Hypocrates knew as much as we do now, may say that he called the Optic Nerves veins. 'Tis true this name signifies variety of things in this Author, for he gave it not only to the Arteries, but likewise to the Vessels which contained no blood, such as the Ureters, because they are round, long, hollow and white, like veins. He does indeed sometimes distinguish certain veins by the Epithet of 
(g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  veins that hold blood, but 'tis not in opposition to the Nerves, but to certain Vessels which he calls 
(h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, lib de Ossium Nat.  veins that are very slender, and contain but little blood. He talks also of a Nerve full of blood, which according to Erotian should be a vein, tho' others understand by it the Panniculus Carnosus. A learned Interpreter of Hypocrates pretends that he gave to some veins the Epithet of hollow, to distinguish them from veins that were 
(i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vid. Foesii O●comom. Hipp●c. invoce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  solid; but I find not this later word in Hypocrates, though the hollow veins there cited might be meant of the veins and arteries in general, which are both hollow Vessels. The same Interpreter says elsewhere 
(k) Id. in voce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  that Hypocrates in one place, comprehends under the name of Veins, Nerves, Tendons and Ligaments, which he appears not to me to prove. Rusus Ephesius tells us, That the most ancient Greeks call the Arteries Nerves; if it be true that Hypocrates called the Optic Nerves veins, he ought to have said that the Ancients reciprocally called the Nerves by the names of Arteries and Veins.  
All that we can gather from all this is, that the inaccurateness of Hypocrates, and other Authors of those Times, in distinguishing different Vessels by different names, shows that they had but a very superficial knowledge of them. Perhaps the word 
(l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Vein was a term as general amongst them as 
(m) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  that of Vessel amongst the Anatomists since, which signifies indifferently a Vein, Artery or Nerve, or even the ureters, or any other parts that serve for the conveyance of Liquors or Spirits. If it were so, the Ancients run no risk when they call all the Vessels veins without distinction.   

Of the FIBRES.  
Before we quit the Nerves, we must examine the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whose plural makes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by which it is pretended that Hypocrates signified equally a Fiber and a Nerve. Some says Erotian will have this word to signify a Nerve, others explain it only of the Fibres, whereof the Nerves are composed. The Greek Authors that have written of Plants, have called by this name the Nerves or Strings which appear on the back of Leaves, and the strings at the end of Roots. The Anatomists have given the same name to the small strings which are in the flesh, and other parts; and the Latins have translated it Fibrae. Hypocrates has undeniably used the word in that sense; as when he observes, that the Spleen is full of strings or fibres. He takes notice also of the Fibres in the blood; but it is pretended likewise, that he signified the Nerves by it. To prove it, a passage is cited, where he says, 
(a) De Ossi●m Natur.  That the heart has Nerves or Fibres which come from all the Body.  
He uses there the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which we find not where else; but Foesius reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This latter word may as well be rendered Fiber as Nerve; that which inclines us to the later signification, is what he adds as a proof, That the Seat of Thought is rather about the Thorax than any other place of the body, because this agrees with the opinion of those who bring the Nerves from the Heart, as we shall see hereafter: But, perhaps, neither the common reading, nor that of Foesius, are true. And we ought to read with Cornarius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. habenas, the Reins changing one letter it altars not the pronunciation. This Author translates this passage thus. The Heart is situated as in the straits of a passage, that it may hold the Reins for the guidance of the whole Body. For this reason Thought has its Seat about the Thorax or Breast, rather than any other part. The changes of colour also are produced by the opening and shutting of the veins by the Heart; when it opens them it looks fresh and lively, when it shuts them we become pale and wan.   

Of the MUSCLES.  
There is little more to be found in Hypocrates concerning their Muscles than their name. The following passage is the first that takes notice of them, 
(a) Lib. de Arte.  The parts whose flesh is turned round, which is what we call a 
(b) Muns.  Muscle, have all a belly or a cavity. 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  For all that is not composed of parts of a different nature, whether it be covered with a Membrane, or whether the flesh covers it, all that is hollow, and while it is well, it is full of spirit, but when it is diseased it is filled with a sort of water, or corrupted blood. The Arms have flesh of this sort, the Thighs and the Legs the same, as well as the most meager and fleshless parts.  
We find in another place the word 
(d) De Off. Nat.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which can be nothing but an Adjective to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is understood, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Musculi adductores, or adstrictores: The Muscles which serve to draw back or gather together. He speaks there of the Anus. I know not whether there be any other particular wherein the action of the Muscle is touched. As for the names, the succeeding Anatomists distinguished the Muscles; he has spoken in one place of the Muscle called 
(e) Lib de Artic.  Psoas.   

Of the Oesophagus; of the Stomach or Ventricle; and of the Guts.  

(a) Lib. de Anatom.  The Oesophagus, according to Hypocrates, is a Tunnel which reaches from the Tongue to the Stomach, which is the place where the Meat it putrified, or is concocted. We find both these expressions in Hypocrates: He calls the Stomach, in the passage we have cited, the putrifying Belly, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.) 
(b) Lib. de Aliment.  He uses elsewhere the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is which gins to putrify, speaking of the nourishment or food in the stomach. But we find much oftener the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Coction, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to Concoct. This digestion, according to him, is made by the heat of the Stomach, which he calls a part all Nervous, which joins to the Liver on the Concave-side.  
We must further take notice, that the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, signify the same thing in our Author. The latter signifies often in Hypocrates the Orifice, or mouth of any Vessel or part whatsoever, as of the Bladder, of Gall, the Matrix, etc.  

(c) Lib. de Anatom.  Hypocrates seems not to distinguish more than two Guts, one which is strait, about the length of a dozen Cubits, being afterwards full of folds; some, says he, call it Colon. And he observes in another place, 
(d) De Morb. Epidem.  This Gut in a Man is like that of a Dog, but that in a Man it is bigger. This Gut is suspended by, or fastened to a part which he calls Mesocolon, that is the middle of the Colon, and that part itself is fastened to the Nerves which come from the spin of the back, and pass under the belly. The second named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is furnished with abundance of flesh all round, and ends in the Anus. Elsewhere he says, This latter Gut is Porous, and adds some particulars concerning the Intestines, which shall be remembered when we come to the Reins.   

Of the LIVER.  
Hypocrates says of the Liver, that it abounds more with blood than the rest of the Bowels, and that there are in it two eminencies which they call Ports.  
He says further, That the Liver has five Lobes, or is divided into five Parts. We have seen before, that he has made in another place the Origin of the Veins. He observes that several Bronchiae pass from the Heart to the Liver; and with these Bronchiae, the great vein by which the whole body is nourished. He elsewhere calls this vein 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  the Liver-vein; he assigns to the Liver the Office of separating the Bile, which it does by the means of its veins, which draw whatever is Bilious, or proper to make Bile in the Aliment.   

Of the SPLEEN.  
The Spleen beginning from the last of the short Ribs on the Left-side, stretches its self out like the print of a Man●s foot; it receives one vein that divides itself into an infinite number of strings like the threads of a Spider's web, which are full of blood, and diffused through its whole substance. It is fastened, or hangs to the Omentum, which it furnishes with blood by divers small veins. Hypocrates says in one place, that the Spleen is 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Fibrous. He says also, that it is soft and spongy, and by that means draws from the Ventricle which it is near to, part of the moisture which comes from the drink, the rest being afterwards sucked up by the Bladder of Urine.   

Of the LUNGS.  
The Lungs have, according to Hypocrates, five Lobes like the Liver; they are cavernous, rare, and pierced with divers holes like Sponges. 
(a) De prise. Med.  For this reason it draws from the neighbouring parts the moistures they contain.   

Of the Membrane which separates the Belly from the Breast.  
The name which Hypocrates gives to this Membrane, which separates the Belly from the Breast, is the same by which the Greeks signified 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  the Mind or Understanding. The most ancient Physicians called it so, out of a persuasion that it was the Seat of the Understanding, making it to divide the function attributed, as we have seen before, to the Heart, which is near it.  
Not that this was the generally received opinion; it was believed false, even in the time of Hypocrates. If the book of the Falling Sickness be his, the Author of this book expresses himself thus: The Part which is called Phrenes, is falsely so call●d and at random. This name is grounded upon an (b) opinion, and not upon any thing real; for I sce not how this part contributes to Prudence or Understanding. All that it does is, that when any one is surprised with any great and sudden joy or grief, it beats, and causes thereby a sort of uneasiness or pain; for it is sine, and more strongly upon the stretch than any other part of the body, having no belly or cavity to receive what is good or what is bad, but being alike encumbered with one or tother. This part, says he, perceives, or has sense, but it is not the Seat of Wisdom no more than the Heart; wherefore the name of this is as improper as that of the Ears of the Heart, which have no hearing.  
In another place Hypocrates says of this Membrane, That it has its Origin near the Backbone behind the Liver; and in one, that it is nervous and strong. He says yet in another place, That this Membrane causes madness and folly when the blood stagnates there, or moves too slowly.   

Of the Reins, the Ureters, and Bladder of Urine.  
Our Author speaking of 
(a) De Off. Nat.  the Reins, numbers them amongst the Glands, or at least he seems to think that they have Glands, and those more gross than the rest of the body; but it seems more probable that he meant the Glands near them, whatever they were, than those of this part.  
He had said a little before to the same purpose: That the Intestines had the biggest of all, which drew the moisture therein contained. He believed, That the Reins drew likewise the moisture from the nearest Glands, and sent it to the Bladder▪ He supposed in another place, That this moisture came from the drink; and that the Reins, by a faculty peculiar to themselves, having sucked a part from the veins near which they are situated, it filtered, or run through the substance of ●em like water, and descended into the bladder by the veins which lead thither, while the rest of the drink soaked immediately through the Intestines into the same bladder, the Intestines or Intestine, being very spongy and porous in the part contiguous to it.   

Of the Organs, and manner of Generation.  
We find in Hypocrates, the names of the principal parts distinguishing the boxes, but he says nothing of their structure. He has this only concerning the Vesiculae Seminales, That there are on either side the Bladder, little bodies like ●oney combs, in which the seed is contained. He believed that it came from all parts of the body, but particularly from the Head, descending by the veins behind the Ears down the spinal Marrow, and into the Reins. As for the manner of Conception, and the formation of the Faetus in the Womb, he pretends that the Seed both of the Male and Female being mingled in the Womb, grow thick and hot, or spirituous; after which, the Spirit contained in their Centre expandy itself, and draws a part of the Air which the Mother breathes; by means of which mixture, these two Seeds in receiving refreshment, are nourished or inflated, till it forms about itself a small Pellicule, which afterwards contains others under it, which are all fixed together.  
At this time the blood of the Mother flowing into the Womb, and fixing there, produces a sort of flesh; from the middle of which shoots the Navel, which is a Pipe hanging down from these Pellicules, by which the Faetus breathes, is nourished and increases. That the Faetus is nourished by the Navel, is repeated 
(a) De Nat. Puer.  in more than one place, yet notwithstanding this, Hypocrates elsewhere affirms, 
(b) De Carnib.  That it is nourished by sucking at the Mouth, that otherwise it could not have excrements when it came into the World in its Guts, and would not so readily suck at the Breast if it had not before done something like it.  
Hypocrates continuing to speak of the formation of the Child, says, That the flesh before spoken of being formed, the blood of the Mother, which is drawn every day in greater quantity into the Womb, by this flesh which breathes, causes the Pellicules to swell, and that it causes foldings in the outward ones, which filling themselves with this blood, produce what is called the Chorion. Afterwards as the flesh grows, the spirit distinguishes or disentangles the parts, every one going towards its like, the thick to the thick, the clearer or thin to the thin, the moist to the moist, every thing repairing to its proper place, or to the quarters of those of the same nature, from whence they had their Origin; so that what comes from the thick remains thick, and the moist, and the rest accordingly, the heat after all bringing the bones to the hardness they are of. After this, the extremities of the body shoot outward like the branches of a Tree; the Parts, as well internal as external, are better distinguished, the Head erects itself above the Shoulders, the Arms separate themselves from the Sides, and the Legs spread themselves out; the Nerves or Ligaments go to the Joints, the Mouth opens, the Nose and Ears shoot out of the Head and are perfected, the Eyes are filled with a pure humour, and the distinctions of Sex appear; the Entrails are distinguished and ranged, the Infant gins to breathe by the Mouth and by the Nose, the Belly is filled with Spirit or Air, as are the Guts also, and the Air comes to them likewise by the Navel. At length the Guts and Belly open so, that a passage is made to the Anus, and another from the Bladder outwards. Hypocrates, or the Author of this Book, having reasoned thus of the formation of the body of a Child, shows that Plants are produced after the same manner, and explains their growth from Seeds by the same principles. He hints likewise, that Birds in the Egg have the same formation, but enlarges not much thereupon. The yolk of the Egg is, according to him, the matter of which they are produced, and the white their nourishment. From all which he concludes, That Nature is the same, and acts after a uniform manner, in the generation of Men and Plants, and whatsoever springs from the earth; in which, his opinion is the same with that of 
(c) See the Chapter of Empedocles.  Empedocles.  
What Hypocrates says of the manner of his discovery, that the mixture of the Seeds in the Womb is soon covered with a skin, is pretty remarkable: He had opportunity to inform himself therein, by means of the advice he gave a Musicianess Slave, who being gone six days, to the great prejudice of her Voice, and her Master's profit, to leap several times upon the ground; which she having done, the Seed came away with noise. It was like, says he, to a raw Egg without a shell, the liquor of which was very transparent. He saw there very fine white Fibres upon the Membrane, which contained this liquor, which being mixed with a thick blackish red Matter, which made the whole Membrane appear red, there was in the middle of this Membrane something very fine, which he took for the Navel, and it was about the beginning of the place of the Origin of the Membrane.  
The Author continuing to examine what happens to the Embryo in the Womb, from the time that its body is formed, to the time of its birth, says, That the body of a Female has all its Parts distinct, at the end of forty days at farthest, and the Male at thirty. For which he gives this reason, That the Seed which produces a Female is more feeble and moist than that which produces a Male. He gives also another reason drawn from the time of women's evacuations after Labour, which for brevity sake we shall omit here. He adds, for the difference of Sexes, That Males are begotten when the Seed of both Male and Female is vigorous; and Females, when their Seed is weaker or moister, and has less heat. He observes, That the Males come from the right side of the Womb, which is stronger and hotter, and the Females from the left.  
The Body of the Infant being thus rough drawn, grows continually, drawing to itself the most Oily part of the blood of the Mother, which makes its bones become more hard, the finger's part, and nails come upon their ends, hair upon their heads, and other parts of their bodies. After three months the Male gins to stir, and the Female generally after four; tho' there may be sometimes some variation. The Infant being come to its just growth and bulk, and not finding any longer sufficient nourishment from the Mother, gins to stir violently, and breaks the Membranes in which it was wrapped, and so procures its exclusion, which happens usually in the tenth month. Being born, it's nourished with the Milk of its Mother, or a Nurse. The matter of which this Milk is composed, is the most fat and oily part of the Aliment, after this manner. The Womb, as it grows big, presses the Omentum and Belly, and by that compression obliges 'em to discharge their fat, which is presently sucked into their Breasts; the veins of which dilate themselves afterwards more and more, by the sucking of the Infants.  
This, according to our Author, is the manner of the formation, and increase of Infants in the Womb, and of their coming into the World; which is to be understood of ordinary cases, which exclude not the extraordinary ones, whereof in some Books written for that purpose, Hypocrates gives a particular Account.   

Of the seventh and eighth Month's Birth.  
There are two Books, one Entitled, The seventh Month's Birth; and the other, The eighth Month's Birth. The first of these Children may live, and arrive at a good Age, but not the second; which, according to our Author, must necessarily die in its entrance into the World, or presently after. The reason that he gives of this difference is, That seven months after conception the Child in the Womb being perfectly formed, and already pretty strong, altho' it has some time to grow, moveth very vigorously, which causes the Membranes, in which it is involved, to stretch a little, as we see the Ears of Corn open some time before the Grain is ripe. It happens sometimes that this distension being greater than the Membranes can bear, they break and the birth must follow. This Birth being too early, most of them that are born at that time die immediately. But as we have observed, the Infant having at that time his body completely formed, some however escape with due care.  
As for those that remain longer in the Womb, after the relaxation of the Membranes, Hypocrates supposes that the strong efforts they have made, renders them weak and sick for forty days; so that if they are born in that time, the fresh efforts which they are obliged to make to force their way into the World, quite ruins their strength, and certainly kills them, whereas those that outstay the term, especially those that have forty days more to recover in, being born in full strength, easily survive.  
These two forty days are the last of seven, which Hypocrates supposes to pass between the time of the conception and the birth of Children, who come according to the ordinary course of Nature.  
He supposes at least, that if the Child does not stay the full seven times forty days, which carries the time of birth ten days over nine months, reckoning as he does thirty days to a month, it ought at least to be entered into the last forty days; as those are that are born between the beginning and end of the ninth month.  
He thought likewise that it was sufficient for Children, that came in the seventh month, that they were entered into the seventh. For which reason, he puts those that are born at the end of one hundred and eighty two days, and a small part of a day, in the number of those Children that comes at seven months complete, tho' this number of days, after his way of reckoning, makes but six months and two days, and wants eighteen days to complete the fifth forty.  
That which persuaded Hypocrates that Children born at seven months were more likely to live than those born at eight; and that seven times forty days were required between conception and a mature birth, was, That he supposed the number seven to be the most perfect of all numbers, and to have a mighty influence not only in the formation and birth of Children, but even over the life, death, and distempers of Men; according to which he says in one place, 
(a) Lib. de Carn.  That the Age or Life of Man is of seven days, or is governed by the number seven; that all that befalls him, or all that respects the Oeconomy of his body, is regulated by the number seven by Septenary periods. In which he followed the opinion of Pythagoras, acknowledging with him certain Laws 
(b) De partu septimes & Epidem. lib. 2. sect. 6.  of Harmony, by which the whole Universe is governed, which consists in the conjunction or union of certain Numbers, of which seven is the most powerful. But whatever was Hippocrates' reason for assigning these positive times of birth, 'tis very remarkable that the whole World has submitted to his Decision, and his Authority alone has been the Rule and Standard to all the 
(c) Septimo mense nasci perfectum partum receptum est propter autoritatem doctissimi viri Hippocratis. Paulus lib. 7. § de statu hominum. He is cited upon the same account by divers other Lawyers.  Lawyers and Emperors of Rome in their Laws upon this subject.  
We shall close the Account of his Anatomy with this digression, taking notice only, that there are in the Writings of Hypocrates many things concerning the Bones, their number, figure and contexture; and that it is the part of Anatomy in which he is of all the most exact, as being the most necessary to the practice of Surgery, particularly that which relates to Fractures and Dislocations, which he understood excellently well, as we shall show in proper place: However, we thought not fit to take further notice of it here, because 'tis a part of Anatomy least disputed in aftertimes, and because we shall give a complete System of Anatomy, wherein the Osteology will be comprised in the Chapter of Galen.  
This is what we would observe of the Anatomy of Hypocrates: We shall find something relating to it in the next Chapter, and after in that of Erasistratus.  
Of the Causes of Health, and of Diseases; their subject and principal differences.  
Hypocrates, as we have shown, laid down three Principles, the Solid, the Liquid, and the Spirits, which he sometimes explains 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  by that which contains, and that which is contained, and that which gives the motion.  
He seems to lay down these Principles only to Animal Bodies, and that he designed by 'em the three principal substances whereof they are composed.  
By that which contains, we may understand the solid Parts, as the Bones, the Nerves, or the Tendons and Ligaments, the Cartilages, the Membranes, the Fibres, and other like Parts.  
By that which is contained, Hypocrates particularly meant four sorts of Humours, or liquid Matter, 
(b) De Nat. hom.  found in the body: The Blood, the Pituita or Phlegm, the yellow Bile, and the melancholy or black Bile, of which we may make two sorts of different humours, as we shall see by and by.  
By that which gives the movement, he designed what is otherwise called Spirit, which according to him is a substance like Air, from whence it is drawn, and is diffused through the whole body.  
Hypocrates says, That the blood is naturally hot and moist, of colour red, and sweet to the taste: The Phlegm is cold and moist, white, viscid and saltish; the Bile yellow, dry, viscid and bitter, and drawn from the fat part of the blood or aliments; the melancholy, black, cold and dry, very viscid, windy, and very fermentative.  
The Body of Man is composed of four Substances; 
(c) De nat. hom.  on these depend health and sickness. Men are well when these humours are in their natural state, or while they balance one another in quality, quantity and mixture. On the contrary, they are sick when the quantity of any of these is less or greater than it ought to be, or when it is discharged from the rest upon any particular part of the body, and especially when they are not mixed together as they ought to be. We must define health and sickness from what we have said of 'em: Hippocrate● himself has given no express definition, except of sickness, in one place, which he calls 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Lib. de Flatib.  all that incommodes Man; but this is too general.  
He thought that the blood, in good condition, nourished; and that it was the fountain of the vital heat; that it caused a fresh colour and good health. That the yellow Bile preserved the body in its natural state, hindering the small Vessels, and secret Passages, from being stopped, and keeping open the Drain of the Excrements. He thought it actuated the Senses, and helped to the concoction of the Aliment. The black Bile was a sort of Ground, which served as a support and foundation for other humours. The Phlegm serv●d to supple and facilitate the motion of the Nerves, Membranes, Cartilages, Joints and Tongue, and other Parts.  
Besides the four first qualities which Hypocrates attributed to the Humours, as moisture, dryness, heat and cold, it is apparent that he believed they had, or might have abundance of others, which all had their use, and were never hurtful but when one prevailed over the rest, or was separated from them. Take his own words: 
(e) De pris●. Med. & lib. 2. in the Chapter of Alcmaeon.  The Ancients, says he, did not believe that the dry, the cold, the hot, or the moist, nor any other like quality, incommoded a Man, but that whatever exceeded, or prevailed, of any of these qualities, and which Nature could not overcome, was that which incommoded the Man, and that which they endeavoured to take away or correct; so of the sweet, the most sweet was the strongest, as of the bitter or sour, that which was most bitter and most sour; in short, the highest degree of every thing. These are, says Hypocrates, the latest discoveries of the Ancients in the body of Man, and which were hurtful. There are really in our bodies, bitter, sweet, sour, salt, rough, and insipid, and abundance of others which have different faculties, according to their quantity or quality. These different qualities are insensible, and do not hurt so long as they are in due mixture; but if these humours separate, and lodge apart, than their qualities become at once both sensible and inconvenient. From what Hypocrates has here said we may gather, that he did not suppose the Matters we have spoken of to act only by what the Philosophers call●d first qualities; so far from that, that he says a little after, That 'tis not the hot that is of any mighty power, but the sour, the insipid, etc. whether within a Man, or without a Man, whether in regard of what he cats, or what he drinks, or what he applies outwardly, in what manner soever, concluding that of all the faculties, there are none less active than heat and cold.  
What we have said of the separation of the humours from one another, relate to what Hypocrates says in divers places, that the humours move. This motion, which is the cause of several distempers, expresses sometimes by a term, it signifies 
(f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, impe●● 〈◊〉, ●●●dine incenli.  a Fury, like that of some Animals that grow Lustful at certain times.  
There are other passages by which Hypocrates seems to impute Diseases, 
(g) Lib. de affects nib. & lib 〈◊〉 de Morb.  to two of these humours only, the Bile and Pituita, as they offered either in quantity or quality, or place. But as he speaks elsewhere of two sorts of Bile, these two humours may be split into three, and with the blood make four.  

(h) Lib. 4. de Morb.  In some other passages he adds a fifth, which is Water, of which he supposes the Spleen to be the Spring, as the Liver and the Brain are of the Blood, the Bile and the Pituita. Some of his Commentators make this Water the same with the Melancholy, to which Hypocrates seems to substitute it. I cannot see how to reconcile their opinion with the Idea he had of that humour; he looked upon't, as we have said before, as a sort of Lee of the rest of the humours, which will by no means agree with water. Nor are they nearer their point for making two sorts of Melancholy, one of which we have been speaking, and another which ought rather to be called black Bile, which is only the yellow Bile turned black, as he supposed, by being overheated and burnt, this having nothing in common with water. The only support of the opinion in question, is, that he says in the same passage, that this water is the heaviest of all the humours: I see no reason why we should not object that this is another System, 
(i) It is ascribed to Polyblus his Son-in-law. See Book 4. Ch. 1.  since it has been always suspected that Hypocrates was not the Author of that Book. This water might be something like what Hypocrates elsewhere calls Ichor, by which he meant any sort of clear, thin Liquor, formed in the body of a Man, whether sound or unsound. So he calls by this name what runs from a malignant Ulcer, and speaks in several places of sharp and bilious Ichors, and burning Ichors.  

(k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  We find yet a third System of the Causes of Diseases in another book, Entitled, Of Winds or Spirits, which is mixed with the Works of Hypocrates, but most suppose it not to be his. The Author of this book uses sometimes the word Wind, sometimes Spirit, with this difference, That the latter signifies the Spirits or Air, and Wind enclosed in the body, but the former the Wind without; from whence nevertheless, he derives that within by means of the Air drawn by respiration, and the Air contained in the Food we take. This book upon reading, seems to be one of the most rational and coherent of all Hippocrates' Works. He looks upon the Air and the Spirits to be the true Causes of health and of diseases, even in preference to the humours, which here are only collateral Causes, as the Spirits mix with 'em. But this later opinion may be reconciled with that which we have before allowed to be Hippocrates', concerning the effects of the humours; only alleging, that all that has been attributed to them, in relation to health or sickness, supposes an impulse of the Spirits as the first movers, and that therefore Hypocrates named them, as we have said before, that which gives the motion.  
There is, according to Hypocrates, as great a variety of external Causes of health and diseases, as there is of things without the body of Man which may act upon him, as there is of diversity in his Conduct, and of accidents in the course of his Life.  
From this Hypothesis, it is plain that Health and Sickness in general depend upon the following Causes: On the Air which surrounds us, what we eat and drink, sleep, watching, exercise; what goes out of our bodies, and what is kept in, and upon the Passions. In this number likewise, are ranked those foreign bodies which occur, and are sometimes useful, yet may often dissolve, cut or break the union of the Parts of ours. Poisons and venomous Animals are likewise reckoned among these later Causes.  
We shall not engage any further in the Causes of Distempers in particular, that would lead us too far out of our way: And we may the more easily be dispensed with, because we shall have occasion to take notice of all that is proper here in the Article of Galen, whose System is more clear and methodical than that of Hypocrates, whose Principles he follows in almost every thing.  
We shall take notice only of two things; first, the Relation that Hypocrates finds between some of the external and internal Causes. For example, he compares the four Humours with the four Ages of Man, with the four Seasons of the Year, and with the Climates: Infancy, the Spring and temperate Countries, aught, according to him, to produce blood, and by consequence more sanguine Distempers than Bilious, Pituitous, or Melancholic.  
Youth, Summer, and hot and dry Countries, produce Bile, and all the maladies which spring from it. Middle Age, Autumn, and Places of a heavy unequal Air, cause Melancholy and melancholic distempers. Old Age, Winter, and cold moist Countries produce Phlegm and phlegmatic Distempers.  
He carefully examines what sorts of Food produce blood, ●ile, etc. It treats also the effects of sleeps, watch, exercise and rest, and other external Causes , and all the benefit or mischief we may receive from them. In the second place, we shall take notice, that of all the Causes Hypocrates makes mention of, the two most general are Diet and Air, which he examines with all the care possible. First, he has composed several books upon the subject of Diet only; he has taken exact care to distinguish what is good and what is bad, for the condition the Person is in. And he was so much the more obliged to it, because his method of Practice turned almost wholly upon it; that is to say, upon the choice of a certain Diet, whether in respect of 
(l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Lib. de Alimento.  quality or 
(m) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Lib. de Alimento.  quantity, or time, and the proper seasons of giving it, as we shall see anon.  
He considered also the Air very much, and all that depended on it. We have seen in the Lump what he thought of the four Seasons, and several Climates. He examined likewise what Winds ordinarily blue, or extraordinarily: The irregularity of the Seasons, and even the rising and setting of 
(n) Lib. de D●●t. lib. de acre, etc. lib. de humour. lib. 4. de Morb. Aphorism. 1. lib. 3.  Stars, or the time of certain Constellations; as of the Dog-Star, the North-Bear, and the Pleyades; as also the time of the Solstices, and of the Equinoxes, these days in his opinion producing great alterations in distempers, of which he has not explained the manner.  
From hence may be inferred, that Hypocrates looked upon the knowledge of Astronomy as necessary to a Physician, and that he believed that the Stars had some influence over our Bodies. With this agrees, what he elsewhere says of the things of 
(o) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Heaven, which he numbers amongst the Causes of distempers, and with what we have taken notice of before, page the 9th, That according to Hypocrates, our health, our life, our death, and all that respects our being, depends upon things raised above us. And it seems likely, that he meant something like this, when he talked of something 
(p) Prognost. lib de Nat. Mul●ebr. lib. de Morb. Sact.  Divine in the Causes of distempers. Some of his ancient Commentators believed, that when he spoke after this manner, he alluded to what was upon these occasions said by 
(q) What Galen means by saving, That those that ascribe the Diseases to the Gods, cite the Authority of those that wrote, what they call Histories, is hard to be understood. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  the Poets, especially Homer, who attributes to the wrath of the Gods the Diseases that befall Men. But Galen is not of their mind, and he has reason to give them this reprimand, 
(r) In lib. Progn. come. 1.  That they that Comment upon, or Interpret an Author, ought not to say whatever themselves think true, or what they think the Author ought to have believed, but what is really his opinion, whether true or false. Galen maintains, That Hypocrates not where attributes to the Gods the Cause of Distempers; and he proves that Hypocrates was not of that opinion: first, for the reason he gives of some Symptoms of a particular distemper, which he describes, and of the name he gave that distemper. He called those which were seized by it, by a name which signifies 
(s) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, lib. deratione vict. in acut.  stricken, undoubtedly from the vulgar opinion, that those that were taken with it were in some manner struck by some 
(t) This must be the consequence of Galen's reasoning, which otherwise is worth nothing.  Deity as it were by Thunder. But Hypocrates expressly takes notice, that the Ancients gave it this name, because those that died of it, had, after their death, their sides livid and mortified, as if they had received blows. He proves it in the second place, from one of the Books of Hypocrates, inscribed De Morbo Sacro; that is, of the Falling-Sickness, wherein the Author endeavours to root out the vulgar prejudice that the Gods sent certain Distempers among Men. These Arguments of Galen may be supported by what Hypocrates says 
(u) Lib. de aere aquâ, & locis.  elsewhere of a distemper peculiar to the Scythians, which passed for Divine; of which we shall speak hereafter.  
To return to the signification of what Hypocrates called Divine in Diseases, Galen concludes that he meant no more than the Constitution of the Atmosphere, which is equivocal, because the Air may be disposed in so particular a manner, that we may acknowledge something in it Supernatural. This Sense, followed by some of the Modern 
(w) Gor●haeus, Fernel.  Commentators, who think that the Divine of Hypocrates depended upon the qualities of the Air; but upon such qualities as they called occult or hidden, because they had no relation with the ordinary, or those which were called first, that is, hot and cold, dry and moist, nor with any other known quality. Yet this is not the meaning of Galen in this place, nor of Hypocrates himself, who seems to express himself in favour of the former opinion, when he says in the Book cited last save one, That the Disease called Sacred rises from the same causes that other distempers do; that is, from the things which go and come, or which are subject to change, such as the Sun, the Cold, the Winds, which suffer perpetual vicissitudes. Now tho' these things, says he, be Divine, we are not to imagine this disease any more Divine than the rest, but all diseases ought to be looked upon as Humane and Divine at once.  
It may perhaps be objected, That it is doubtful who is the Author of this Book, but if we observe the constant Custom of Hypocrates to take exact notice of the Seasons, in which, or after which, the Diseases that he would describe appeared, we shall see, that whatever distemper he speaks of, even the Plague itself, he mentions nothing but the ordinary changes of the Air, as hot or cold, or moist or dry. For example; That a rainy Spring was preceded by a moist Winter, or followed by a scorching Summer, that such and such Winds blew, etc. without saying one single word of the particular and hidden qualities of the Air, which are supposed to produce extraordinary distempers.  
'Tis true there are some passages in his Writings, on which they pretend to found the occult qualities aforesaid, which Galen admitted as well as the Modern Authors before cited We find there, first, the very word 
(x) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. de Aliment.  hidden Cause. Galen affirms, that when Hypocrates speaks of Epidemical Distempers, which he says come from the Air, or that which we breathe, which is charged with 
(y) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which Galen renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  an unwholesome vapour, or a vapour proper to breed Diseases, that this unwholesome vapour did not act according to the ordinary qualities, but by an occult property absolutely inexplicable.  
Yet I don't see that Hypocrates has explained himself concerning the nature of this Vapour, nor the influence of the Stars, or their manner of acting upon inferior Bodies, tho' he supposes their action. This vapour seems what he in another passage calls 
(z) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, inquinamenta, lib. de Flat.  Impurities or Infections of the Air; but he says not wherein this infection ●onsists. We shall close what relates to the Causes of Distempers with this Remark, That in the same place where Hypocrates derives all Epidemical distempers from the Air, he endeavours to prove that they do not come from the Aliments like ordinary distempers; where we see, that according to him, the Air is the most general Cause of all Diseases.  
The Humours and Spirits being, as we have seen, the Causes of Health and Sickness, the solid or containing Parts, which are the third sort of substance in the composition of Animal Bodies, must be the subject of them, because they are sound or unsound, according to the good or ill disposition which the humours and spirits produce in them, and as the impressions made upon them by foreign bodies, and those things that are without them, are beneficial 〈◊〉 mischievous. This consequence may be justly drawn from several passages of Hypocrates, such as the two following: 
(a) De Nat. hum.  When, says he, any of the humours is separated from the rest, and lodges apart, the place from whence it came must be out of order, and likewise that where it is lodged in too great quantity, suffers sickness and pain. The second passage is this: 
(b) Ibid.  That the Diseases which come from any part of the body, that is considerable, are the most dangerous; for, says he, if the disease 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  must rest, that is to say, l●dge in the place where it began, when a Part that is of great importance suffers, the whole body must suffer.  
We find no Train, nothing prosecuted far, concerning the difference of Distempers, in Hypocrates; all that we can gather is, That the different Causes of which we have spoken, and the different Parts of the Body, produce as great a variety of Distempers; according to this passage, 
(d) Lib. de Aliment.  the differences of Diseases arise from the following things: From the nourishment, the heat, the blood, the phlegm, the bile, and all the humours. As likewise from the flesh, the fat, the veins, the arteries, the nerves, the muscles, the membranes, the bones, the brain, the spinal marrow, the mouth, the tongue, the throat, the stomach, the intestines, the diaphragm, the belly, the liver, the spleen, the reins, the bladder, the womb, and the skin. Some of these distempers Hypocrates held to be the mortal, others dangerous, the rest easily curable, according to the Cause from whence they sprung, and the Parts upon which they fell. He distinguishes likewise Diseases in several places, from the time of their duration, into 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  acute, or short, and 
(f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  chronical, or long; this likewise is referred to the different Causes , acute Diseases being caught by the bile and the blood, in the flower of Man's age, or in Spring time, and Summer. The Chronical, on the contrary, are produced by the phlegm, or the melancholy, in old Age, and in the Winter. Of these distempers, some are more acute than others; the like of the Chronical. We shall see in the sequel the duration of one as well as tother.  
Hypocrates distinguishes distempers likewise by the particular Places where they are prevailed, whether ordinary or extraordinary. The first, that is those that are frequent and familiar to certain Places, he called 
(g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Endemick Diseases; and the latter, which ravaged extraordinarily, sometimes in one place, sometimes in another, with which at certain times numbers were seized at once, he called Epidemic, that is Popular Diseases, as the Plague, the most terrible of all. He made likewise a third, opposed to the former, which he called 
(i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  straggling distempers, including all the different sorts of distempers which invade at any one season; in a word, those distempers, some of one sort, and some of another. He distinguished those which were born with us, or were 
(k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  hereditary, from those that were contracted afterwards. He made a difference likewise, betwixt those of 
(l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  a kindly nature, and those of a malignant; the first of those, which are easily cured and frequently; the second, those which give the Physicians a great deal of trouble, and are seldom overcome by all their care.  
Of the remarkable Changes that happen in Diseases, particularly of the Crises; and Critical days.  
Hypocrates made four Stages in Distempers; the 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  beginning of the Disease, its augmentation, its state or height, and its declination. These last are Diseases that end happily, for in others Death supplies the place of the declination. In the third Stage, therefore the change is most considerable, for it determines the fate of the sick Person, which is usually, or oftenest done, by means of a Crisis.  
Hypocrates called Crisis, that is, Judgement, any sudden mutation in sickness, whether for the better or the worse, whether health or death immediately succeed.  
This change, according to him, is made by Nature, at that time Absolving or Condemning a Patient. To apprehend his meaning aright, we must recollect his Idea of Nature, which he represents as the Directress of the whole Animal Oeconomy.  
If therefore Diseases be only a disturbance of this Oeconomy, as we may conclude from what he has said before of their Causes, Nature and Diseases, must be at eternal opposition; but as in the conflict, or difference betwixt 'em, Nature is, as it were, both Judge and Party, she ought generally to have the better, for this reason the word Crisis is taken for a favourable Judgement, which terminates happily the diseases.  
Nature's way of acting in such cases to destroy her enemy, is to reduce those humours, whose discord occasions that of the whole body, to their usual state, whether in relation to their quantity or quality, mixture, motion, the places they are possessed of, or any other manner, by which they become offensive. Amongst the means which Nature employs to this end, Hypocrates insists more particularly upon what he calls 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. De rat. vict. in acut.  Concoction of the humours. This is her first aim: By means of this Coction she makes herself Mistress, and brings us things to a good Crisis. The humours being brought to this pass, whatever is superfluous and hurtful empties itself presently, or at least, it is very easy to evacuate them by such means, as we shall speak of when we speak of the Cure of distempers, or of the assistance which the Physicians give to Nature upon these occasions, what is superfluous being evacuated, which is done either by Bleeding, by Stool, by Vomit, by Sweat, by Urine, by Tumours or Abscesses, by Scabs, 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Pimples, Spots, and other things; Nature easily reduces the rest to the condition they were in before the accession of the disease.  
But we must take notice, that these Evacuations are not looked upon as the effects of a true Crisis, unless it be in Considerable quantity, small discharges not being sufficient to make a Crisis. On the contrary, they are a sign that Nature is depressed by the load of humours, and that she lets them go through weakness and continual irritation. What comes forth thus is crude, because the distemper is yet too strong; while things remain so, none but a bad or imperfect Crisis is to be expected, which signifies that the distemper triumphs, or at least is of equal strength with Nature, which is attended by death, or a prolongation of the disease, during which Nature often has leisure to attempt a new Crisis, more happy than the former, after having made fresh efforts to advance the concoction of the humours. We shall speak of the signs of Concoction or Crudity, and some other marks of the Crisis, in the following Chapter.  
What is chief to be observed here, is, That concoction cannot be made but in a certain term, as every fruit has a limited time to ripen; for he compares the humours, which Nature has digested, to Fruits come to maturity.  
The time required for this depends upon the differences of distempers, touched on in the preceding Chapter. In those which Hypocrates calls very acute, the Digestion or Crisis happens the fourth day; and those which are only acute upon the seventh or the eleventh, 
(c) Aphor. 23. Sect. 2.  or the fourteenth, which is the longest term that Hypocrates allows in distempers that are really acute, tho' in some places he seems to stretch to 
(d) Lib. de Crisib.  the twentieth and one and twentieth days; nay, even to 
(e) De dieb. cri●ie.  the fortieth and sixtieth days.  
All diseases that exceed this latter term are counted Chronical; and whereas in those that exceed fourteen, or at most twenty days, every 
(f) To made this Account come right, the fourth day must be counted twice in the middle of e●ry seven-night, and twice also at the beginning of the third. We shall see the progression of these numbers as they lie in Hypocrates.  fourth day is a Critical day, or at least a Remarkable day, by which they may judge whether the Crisis, upon the following fourth day, will be favourable or not In those which come from twenty to forty, he reckons only the sevenths; and those that exceed forty, he gins to reckon by twenties, as appears by the progression following, which contain the days particularly marked by Hypocrates, the first of which is the fourth, from thence he goes to the seventh, the eleventh, the fourteenth, the seventeenth, the twentieth, the seven and twentieth, the thirty fourth, the fortieth, the sixtieth, the eightieth, the hundredth, the hundred and twentieth; beyond which, the number of days has no power over the Crises, which are referred to the general changes of the Seasons, some determining about the Equinoxes, others about the Solstices, others about the rising or setting of certain Stars or Constellations; or if numbers have yet any place, they reckon by Months, or whole Years. So Hypocrates will have it, that certain diseases in Children are 
(g) Aphorism. 28. Sect. 3.  judged in the seventh month after their Birth; others in their seventh, or even their fourteenth year.  
I have yet one Observation to make concerning the twentieth and one and twentieth days, that both of them are equally set down as Critical days in different places 
(h) Lib. de Cris. de di●b. Crit. Apho. 36. Sect. etc.  of the Works of Hypocrates. The reason which he gives in one of these places, why he prefers the former of these days before the latter, which would make up their Account the three Septenaries complete, is because that the days of sickness ought not to ●e reckoned entire, 
(i) Lib. de partu Septimest.  the years and months being not composed of entire days.  
Nevertheless, this reason does not hinder him from putting down the one and twentieth day for the true Critical day, as almost all the other odd days, to which he appears so strangely affected in the case of Crises, that he says, in one of his Aphorisms, That the sweats that come upon the 3d, the 5th, the 7th, the 9th, the 11th, the 14th, the 17th, the 21th, the 27th, the 31th, or 34th days, are beneficial; but those that come upon other days, signify that the sick shall be brought very low, that his disease shall be very tedious, and he subject to relapses. He says further expressly, in another Aphorism, 
(k) Aphorism. 61. Sect. 4.  That the Fever which leaves the Sick upon any but an odd day, is usually apt to relapse. Galen explaining this passage, pretends that we ought to read a critical day instead of an odd day; but he gives himself a needless trouble, the same thing occurring in divers places, as in the second Book of his epidemics, where there is a passage parallel to the , and another which says, That those that die, die of necessity upon an odd day, if the distemper be long upon an odd Month or Year. More of this subject may be found in his fourth Book De Morbis, where what has been said of odd days is looked upon as the received Opinion of all the World; so that tho' it should be objected that this Book is not Hippocrates ●s, but his Son-in-Law Polibius', the proof will yet remain in full strength, for this Author does not lay this down as his opinion only, but as a notion generally established.  
Galen was obliged to declare against odd days, for the same reasons he rejects the dignity of the number seven, and other numbers, which by the Pythagoreans were esteemed to have a certain virtue in themselves, as being more perfect than the rest; and altho' he allows that the Crisis falls out upon the seventh days, yet he does not impute this effect to the power of the number, but to the Moon, which governs the Weeks which consists of seven da●s, whether Hypocrates thought of the Moon's influence upon this occasion, but he talks in one of his Books before-cited; 
(l) D● partu Septimest.  of a harmony resulting from the union of certain numbers more entire and certain than the rest, it shows plainly that he meant in the sense of Pythagoras, which Celsus takes notice of when he says, 
(m) Verum in his quidem antiquos, ●u●c celebre● admodum Pyth●go●ici numeri fefellerunt, lib 3. cap. 4.  That the Pythagorean numbers, which were very much in vogue at that time; that is, in the time of Hypocrates, misled the ancient Physicians into Error.  
But whatever was Hippocrates' opinion of the power of his odd, and other Critical days, he confesses that it falls out otherwise sometimes; and he gives an instance of a salutary Crisis coming upon the sixth day, and the like upon the fifteenth, but these are very rare instances, and therefore don●t overthrow the General Rule.  
Before we quit this head, we must take notice, that besides the changes which determine the fate of the Patient, Hypocrates speaks often of another sort of a change, which is when the disease, instead of terminating, changes 
(n) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  the Species, as when a Pleurisy turns to an inflammation of the Lungs, a Vertigo to an Epilepsy, a Tertian Fever to a Quartane, or a continual, etc.    

CHAP. iv Of other accidents or symptoms that accompany Diseases, and those that happen before or after them. Of the signs by which Hypocrates distinguished one from the other, and knew beforehand what would be the success, or future event.  
THE vast esteem Hypocrates gained is chief owing to his great Industry, in strictly observing the most minute circumstances of Diseases, and his exact care in nicely describing every thing that happened before, and every accident that appeared at the same time with them; as also what gave ease, and what increased the malady, which is what we call the method of writing the History of a disease.  
By these means, he not only understood how to distinguish one disease from another, by the signs which properly belonged to each, but by comparing the same sort of distemper, which happened to several persons, and the accidents which usually appeared before and after, he cou●d easily foretell a disease before it came, and afterwards give a right judgement of the success and event of it.  
He seems also in 
(a) Lib. 1. d● diaeta, sub princip.  a certain place, as if he would insinuate that he is the greatest Physician that can put this in practice, or can teach a method how to tell the Patient beforehand, what shall happen to him in the course of his distemper, which is what we call giving the Prognostics of a disease.  
'twas by this way of prognosticating that he came to be so much admired by all the Ancients, who, without doubt, were throughly convinced of that Maxim, which he owes to himself, viz. 
(b) Lib. praenotion. in princip.  That that Physician, who upon the appearance of some certain signs in a disease, can tell his Patient what he has hitherto suffered, and what will happen to him every day; and after having received information from him, he not only speaks further of those things he omitted before, but also lays down beforehand what will come to pass, 'tis he shall have the reputation of knowing perfectly the condition of the Patient, and make him entirely resign himself to his management. And as it is not always in the power of the Physician to save the Lives of the sick, for that reason Prognostics will be serviceable in some measure to secure him from reproach.  
Hypocrates understood so well the Doctrine of Sign●, that it may very well be said to be his Masterpiece; and Celsus makes this remark, 
(c) B●●●nsio●●● 〈◊〉: Medi●i, quamvis in curatio●ibus mu●●●nt, ta●●en ●●●c Hipp●c●at●m optime p●●●agisse ●a●e●ur, Lib. 2. praf●●.  That the Physicians that lived after him, tho' they found out several new things, relating to the management of diseases, yet they were obliged to the Writings of Hypocrates for what they knew of Signs.  
You find a vast number of these Signs almost every where in his Writings, but they are particularly collected in his Book of Aphorisms, and three other Books, that treat of nothing but that subject alone; the Prenotions or Prognostics, the Predictions, and the Coacae Praenotiones.  
Galen, because they were very faulty, would not allow the two last to be of Hippocrates' writing, He adds further, That what is valuable in them is taken out of the two first, and from the Books of Epidemical Diseases; notwithstanding, many Learned Men, both Ancient and Modern, have writ Commentaries upon them, and had 'em in great esteem.  
To be able to make a tolerable guess from a Prognostic, that is to say, to be capable to tell beforehand, that, from the appearance of such and such a thing, this or that shall necessarily follow, the observation ought to be made from its seldom or neverfailing; one Experience alone, or even 2 or 3 being not sufficient to give an Authority; which cannot be said of all the Prognostics of Hypocrates in general. As to some of them, one would rather judge they were Remarks made in particular cases, by those that exactly observed what happened to every Patient, from the beginning to the end of his distemper; and who, by comparing what they saw first with what followed after, thence concluded good or ill success.  
This is what Galen hints at, when he tells you, that one part of these Prognostics were abstracted from the Books of Epidemical Diseases. He adds, That if any one designed to make himself Master of the Art of Prognosticating the success of Diseases, he thought that the best means to succeed wou●d be to look into the Histories of them, delivered to us by the most learned of the Faculty, and from thence draw conclusions suitable to his intent. This method in effect wou●d prove very good; but to avoid the danger of being mistaken, 'twou'd be necessary to collect an infinite number of Observations on all distempers, of what nature soever they are, to be able to find out amongst them a sufficient number of cases exactly alike in every sort of disease, so that he might speak for certain, that in such a disease, when such a sign, or rather such and such signs appear, the Patient shall die; and on the contrary, when he sees other signs, the Patient shall escape.  
For example, if of twenty Patients that in continual Fevers have bled several drops of blood at the Nose, or that have but gently sweated in the head or breast, fifteen or eighteen of them die; and if of twenty that have bled in abundance, and have also sweat all over the body, as many of them have escaped as of the others died, one may generally infer that the first accident is of fatal consequence, and the second a good Prognostic. But it does not at all appear, that those that have collected these Prognostics, and particularly the Prenotions of Cos, have always taken care to have as many examples of every case as they propose would be necessary to put a confidence in. The life of Man is too short for that, it●s what Hypocrates himself has confessed, as you'll see further in what follows. The advantage which this ancient Physician gained to himself in this point, is, That he could supply the defect of his own experience in the service and assistance he might receive from that of his Predecessors the Sons of Aesculapius, supposing them to be Men of capacity sufficient for experiences, which to produce as they ought to be, Hypocrates has also owned to be very difficult. He was so throughly convinced of it, that he made no difficulty to acknowledge, that one might easily be deceived, particularly in what relates to Prognostics. Predictions, says he, in cases of acute diseases, are uncertain, and no one can justly tell whether the Patient will live or die. In the following account you'll see further proofs of the modesty and sincerity of this Author.  
'Twas not only from the composition of Man that Hypocrates drew signs, to know and foresee diseases and the consequences of 'em. The natural functions, the actions and manners of every particular person, their behaviour, their constant way of living; in a word, all the circumstances that have any relation to the customs and habits of Men, and what happens whether before, or at the same time, with the distemper, by our own fault, or the indiscretion of others, by the internal disposition of our body, or as it is in relation to things external which influence it; all this, I say, furnished this Father of Physic with signs, by which he judged of the state of body they were in, in relation to distempers present or to come.  
The first thing Hypocrates considered, particularly when he was concerned in an acute disease, was the looks of the Patient. 'tis a good sign with him for a Patient to have the visage of one in health, and the same which the Patient himself had whenhe was well; as it varied from this, so much greater the danger was apprehended to be. This is the description which Hypocrates gives of the looks of a dying Man: When a Patient, says he, has his Nose sharp, his Eyes sunk, his Temples hollow, his Ears cold and contracted, the skin of his Forehead tense and dry, and the colour of his Face tending to a pale green, or Led colour, one may give out for certain that Death is very near at hand; unless, as he adds further, the strength of the Patient has been exhausted all at once by long watch, or by a looseness, or being a long time without eating The Physicians have called it the Hippocratick Face, to denote that they have taken this observation from Hypocrates. The lips hanging relaxed and cold, are likewise looked upon by this Author as a confirmation of the foregoing Prognostic.  
He also took several of his signs from the disposition of the Eyes in particular. When a Patient can't bear the light, when he sheds tears involuntarily, when in sleeping some part of the white of the eyes is seen, unless he usually sleeps after that manner, or has a looseness upon him, this sign, as well as the precedent ones, prognosticate ill. The●e is deadened (as it were with a mist spread over them, their brightness lost) likewise presage death, or is a sign of great weakness. The eyes sparkling, fixed and fierce, denotes the Patient to be delirious, and that he is already, or soon will be seized with a Frenzy▪ When a Patient sees 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  any thing red, and like sparks of fire and lightning pass before his eyes, you may expect an Hemorrhage; and this often happens before those Crisis●s which are to be by a loss of blood.  
The posture in Bed shows also the condition of the Patient. If you find him lying on one side; his Body, Neck, Legs and Arms a little contracted, which is the posture of a Man in health, it is a good sign. On the contrary, if he lies on his back, his arms stretched out, and his legs hanging down, it●s a sign of great weakness, and particularly when the Patient slides, or lets himself fall down towards the feet, which denotes the heaviness of his body, and approaching death. When he lies on his belly, unless it be customary to him, 'tis an indication of his being delirious, or that he is gripped.  
When a Patient in a burning Fever is continually 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  feeling about with his hands and fingers, and moves them up before his face or eyes, as if he was going to take away something that passed before them; or on his Bed and Covering, as if he was picking or searching for little Straws, or taking away some filth, or drawing out little flocks of Wool, all this is a sign that he is delirious, and will die. Amongst the other signs of a present or approaching delirium, he adds also this: When a Patient that naturally speaks little, gins to talk more than he used to do; or when one that talks much becomes silent, this change is to be reckoned a sort of delirium, or is a sign that the Patient will soon fall into one. The frequent trembling or leaping up of the Tendons of the Wrist, presage likewise a delirium. As to the different sorts of them, Hypocrates is much more afraid of those that run upon doleful, or dismal subjects, than those that ramble upon matter of diversion, accompanied with gaiety and pleasant humour.  
When the Patient breathes fast, and is oppressed, it's a sign that he is in pain, and that the Parts above the Diaphragme are inflamed. Breathing long, or when the Patient is a great while in taking breath, shows him to be delirious; but easy and natural respiration is always a very good Prognostic in acute Diseases. It appeared that Hypocrates depended much on respiration in matter of signs, by the care he took in several places to describe the different manner of a Patient's breathing, respiration oppressed, rare, great, little, that which is great or long outward; that is to say, in the time of expiration; that which is little or short within, that is, when you draw in your breath; that which is as it were doubled, etc. Continual watch in the same diseases are a sign either of present pain, or a delirium near at hand.  
All Excrements, of what nature soever, that are separated from the body of Man, furnished also Hypocrates with signs, from which he drew many consequences. He made no difficulty at all in examining into the Urine, the Stools, the Wind, the Sweat, the Hawkings and Spittings, the Mucus of the Nose, the Tears, the filth of the Ears, the purulent Matter of Ulcers, etc. as materials from whence he drew signs, that gave him the greatest certainty in relation to the quality of the humours.  
But for all that, we must not believe what a Modern 
(a) Cae●ius R●●●●, in. in antiq●●ection.  Author says of Hypocrates, That he was so hot in seeking all occasions of improving himself in the knowledge of his Profession, that he was not asham●d to taste even of the very Excrements. If any one writ this of him before this Author, perhaps 'twas only in raillery, who to put the ridicule on this famous Physician, applied to him the Epithet which Aristophanes gives to Aesculapius, which we have mentioned in the first Book; it's what the Author we have quoted seems to acknowledge himself, when he adds further, That others attribute the same to Aesculapius.  
It must be owned Hypocrates enquired into all these things, according to their several qualities; that is to say, to their colour, smell and consistence, in relation to the Heterogeneous Matter, or what he found out of the common course of nature, according to its heat, coldness acrimony, &c as well as in regard to its quantity; to the Parts from whence it issued, the time of its continuance, the manner, and other circumstances of its issuing out. No one can deny but that there were some of the things they have mentioned, which he judged of by the taste, they had; not that the judgement was made from his own, but the taste of the Patient. For example, He drew some certain signs from the 
(a) Lib. de humoribus.  Spittle being salt or sweet, and from sweat, or from tears, or the excrements of the Nose, which had a saltness or sharpness. There is only the experiment of the wax of the Ears, which according to him is 
(b) Epidem. lib. 6. sect. 5.  sweet in dying Persons, or those that will die of such a distemper, and bitter in those that will live. I say there's only this experiment, which seems to be out of the power of the Patient to make; but there's no reason why the Physician should not, if he thinks convenient, have it done by those that attend the sick, or by persons that are every day employed in the most vile Offices.  
There's another passage where Hypocrates, speaking of the Excrements of the Belly, says, That in some certain cases they are 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Coac. Praenot. vers. 641.  saltish. There's also another place, where he makes mention of a sort of a Fever which he calls a salt Fever, on which Galen makes this remark: That although saltness commonly shows itself by the taste, and not by the touch, yet we ought to explain what Hypocrates says here, in relation to touching and feeling; that it is not meant of the Patients, but of the Physicians, who in feeling his Pulse perceives something rough or poignant, as if he touched salt flesh, or that had been laid in Brine. I believe that one may, in effect, judge of a certain sort of saltness by the touch, and that that of the Excrements, which is mentioned in the first passage that was quoted, may be known by the manner of their pricking the Anus at their coming out; but in this case 'tis the Patient, and not the Physician that can judge of it.  
Amongst all the Excrements, the Urine and Stools, were what furnished Hypocrates with most of the signs, which served for almost all distempers. I give you here the chiefest of his Observations concerning Urine. The Patient's Urine is, in his opinion, best, when the sediment, that is to say, the thick part, or that which falls to the bottom, is white, soft to the touch, and of an equal consistence. If it continues so during the course of the distemper, and till the time of the 
(d) See the precedent Article.  Crisis, the Patient is in no danger, and will soon be well. This is what Hypocrates called concocted Urine, or what denotes the concoction of the humours. And he observed, that this concoction of Urine seldom appeared thoroughly so but in the days of the Crisis, which happily put an end to the distemper. 
(e) Lib. de Crisibus.  We ought, said Hypocrates, to compare the Urine with the purulent Matter that issues from Ulcers. As the Pus, which is white, and of the same quality with the sediment of Urine, we are now speaking of, is a sign that the Ulcer is on the point of closing, or being healed up; whereas that which is 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 See before in the Chapter of the Causes of distempers.  clear, and of another colour besides white, and of an ill smell, is a sign that the Ulcer is 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  virulent, and by consequence difficult to be cured. So the Urines, which are like this we have described, are only those which may be named good, all the●est are ill, and differ from one another only in the degree of more or less. The first never appear but when Nature has overcome the Disease, and are a sign of the concoction of humours, without which you can't hope for a certain cure, as we have observ●d in the precedent Article. On the contrary, the last are made as long as the crudity remains, and the humours continue unconcocted. Amongst the Urines of this last sort, the best are reddish, with a sediment that is soft and of an equal consistence; which denote that the disease will be somewhat tedious, but without danger. The worst are those which are very red, that are made at the same time clear, and without sediment, or that are muddy and troubled in the making. In Urine there's oftentimes a sort of a 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  cloud that's hanging in the Vessel where 'tis received, the higher it rises, or the farther distant it is from the bottom, or different from the colour we have described, when we spoke of sediments, the more there is of crudity. That which is white, and clear as water, is also a sign of great crudity, and sometimes of Bile being carried to the Brain. Th●● which is yellow, or of a sandy colour, denotes abundance of Bile. That that's black is the worst, especially if it has an ill smell, and is either altogether muddy, or altogether clear. That whose sediment is like to large ground Wheat, or to little flakes or scales spread one upon another, or to Bran, presages but ill, especially the last. The Fat or Oil that swims sometimes upon Urine, and appears in a form something like a Spider's web, is a sign of a consumption of the flesh and solid parts. The making of a great quantity of Urine is a sign of a Crisis, and sometimes the quality of it shows particularly how the Bladder stands affected.  
In fine, we ought to observe that Hypocrates compared the disposition of the Tongue with that of Urine: That is to say, when the Tongue was yellow, and charged with choler, the Urine of course must be of the same colour. And on the contrary, when it was red and moist, the Urine was accordingly of its natural colour.  
The Excrements by Stool that are soft, yellowish, of some consistence, and not of an extraordinary ill smell, that answers to the quantity of what's taken inwardly, and that are voided at the usual hours, are the best sort of all. They ought also to be of a thicker consistence, when the distemper is near the Crisis, and it ought to be taken for a good prognostic, when some Worms round and long are evacuated at the same time with 'em. But tho' the Matter excreted be thin and liquid, yet notwithstanding it may give some comfortable hopes, provided it makes not too much noise in coming out, and the evacuation be not in a small quantity, nor too often, nor in so great abundance, nor so often, that the Patient is faint with it. All Matter that's watery, white, of a pale green, or red, or frothy and viscous, is bad. That that's black, like grease, and that that's livid like the colour of Verd-de-gris, are the most pernicious. That that's pure black, and is nothing else but a discharge of Choler adust, or black Bile, always prognosticates very ill, this humour, from what part soever it comes, never appearing, but it shows at the same time the ill disposition of the Intestines.  
The Matter that's of several different colours, denotes the length of a distemper, and at the same time that it may be of dangerous consequence. Hypocrates places in the same Class the Matter that is bilious, or yellow, and mixed with blood, or green and black, or like the dregs or scrape of the Guts. The Stools that consisted of pure Bile, or of all Phlegm, he also looked upon as bad.  
Matter cast up by Vomiting aught to be mixed with choler and phlegm; where you see but one of these humours alone, 'tis worse. That that's black, livid, green, or of the colour of a Leek, is of dismal consequence. That that smells very ill is so likewise; and if at the same time it be livid, death is not far off. The vomiting of blood is very often mortal.  
The spittings that give ease in diseases of the Lungs, and in Pleurisies, are those that come up readily, and without difficulty; and 'tis good, if they are mixed at the first beginning with a great deal of yellow; but if they appear of the same colour, or are red, a great while after the beginning of the distemper, and are salt and acrimonious, and cause violent Coughing, they are not good. Spittings purely yellow are bad; and those that are white, viscous and frothy, give no ease. Whiteness is a tolerable good sign of concoction in regard to Spittings, but they ought not at all to be viscous, nor too thick, nor too clear. One may make the same judgement of the Excrements of the Nose, according to their concoction and crudity: Spittings that are black, green, or red, are of very sad consequence. In inflammations of the Lungs, those that are mixed with choler and blood presage well, if they appear at the beginning, but are bad if they arise not till about the seventh day. But the worst of all the signs in these distempers, is, when there is no expectoration at all, and the too great quantity of Matter that is ready to be discharged this way, makes a rattling in the throat or breast. After spitting blood, next follows the discharge of purulent Matter, which is the cause of a Consumption, and at the end death.  
A kind good sweat, is that which arises in the day of the Crisis, and is discharged in abundance all over the body, and at the same time from all the parts of the body, and carries off the Fever. A cold sweat is bad, especially in acute Fevers, for in others it●s only a sign of long continuance. When the Patient sweats no where but in the head and neck, it's a sign the disease will be long and dangerous. A gentle sweat or moistness of some Part; for example, of the head or breast, gives no relief, but denotes the seat of the distemper, or the weakness of the part. Hypocrates call●d this sort of sweat Ephidrosis.  
As long as there is a collection of purulent Matter in some part of the body, the Patient is in pain, and the Fever abates not, but when the Pus is concocted, both Pain and Fever goes off. The qualities of good and bad purulent Matter you have seen described before, when we spoke of those that related to Urine.  
The 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That is to say, the Parts under the short-ribs. These Parts are chief the Liver, the Spleen, the Stomach, the Gut call●d Duodenum, and part of the Colon.  Hypochondria, or the Abdomen in general, ought always to be soft and even, as well on the right side as the left. When there is any hardness or unevenness in those Parts, or heat or swelling, or when one cannot endure to have it touched, it●s a sign the Intestines are indisposed.  
Hypocrates also enquired into the state of the Pulse, or the beating of the Arteries. He is, according to Galen's observation, the first of all Physicians we have knowledge of, that made use of the word 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gal. de differ. & gener. pulls.  Pulse in the sense it's now commonly taken; that is to say, for the natural and ordinary beating of the Arteries. For you must know, that the most ancient Physicians, and Hypocrates himself, for a great while, understood by this word the extraordinary pulsation, or the violent beating that's felt in a Part inflamed, without putting your ●●ngers there to feel it too.  
But the same Galen that gives this account of Hypocrates, fails not to observe in another place, that the business of the Pulse is the only thing in all Physic that this Physician has so slightly touched upon. Some Greek 
(a) Theophil. Protospathar. lib. de Urin. & Pulls.  Authors more modern than Galen, have also made the same remark; nevertheless, one may collect from the Writings of Hypocrates, several Instructions upon this subject. As when he says, That in 
(b) Epidem. lib. 4.  Fevers very acute, the pulse is very fast and very great; and when he makes mention in the same place of trembling pulses, and those that beat slowly; and when he observes, in speaking of the white flow of Women, that the pulse that strikes the fingers faintly, and in a languishing manner, is a sign of approaching death. He remarks also in the Coacae praenotiones, that Lethargic persons have their Pulse languid and slow. He says also in another place, 
(c) Epidem. lib. 6.  That he whose vein, that is to say, Artery of the Elbow beats, is just going to run mad; or else, that the person is in a very great passion of anger.  
These Quotations make it appear, that Hypocrates was not wholly ignorant of the signs taken from pulses. But it must be own●d, if he has given us some Instructions on this subject, that it did not appear that he made any use of them himself, or reduced them to practise. We find little or nothing of it in his Books of Epidemical Diseases, except the two passages we have quoted, tho' these Books are a sort of a Journal, where he mentions a great number of Histories of Diseases that he has managed. It's surprising, that in other respects he should be so exact in his Observations, even to the most minute signs and circumstances of a disease, yet say nothing of the pulse of the Patients. How could one judge that he knew, whether they had a Fever or not? Or that he distinguished the different degrees of it, when he spoke nothing of the pulse? It's probable he did not depend much on this sign; I'll tell you what I think furnished him with the knowledge of the pulse. Perhaps the different degrees of heat or cold, which the Patients endured in their Fevers, the greater or less want of rest, and particularly their manner of breathing, which he commonly observed with care, was what he thought of greater importance to be taken notice of, or at lest what informed him whether they had a Fever or not, and whether this Fever required consideration, or was of little consequence.  
We might add a great many remarks to the precedent ones, if one wou●d exhaust all the matter relating to signs Those we have touched upon, have relation chief to Prognostics. We●ll speak of others, that serve to distinguish and give us knowledge of distempers, when we make an enquiry into each particular.  
If Hypocrates hit right in his Prognostics, 'twas the effect of his judgement, his exactness, and the particular attendance he gave in every case that presented itself, which was the occasion of what●s justly said in Galen, That 
(a) Dedifficult respir. lib. 2.  Hypocrates of all Physicians was the most diligent and industrious. Application to observe every thing that happened to a Patient, seemed to be so proper to his Character, that you never see, so great a Philosopher as he was, that he was near so much taken up with reasoning on the accidents of Diseases, as in faithfully reporting them. He was content to observe well what these accidents were, to distinguish Diseases by them, and to judge of the event of those that he had actually in hand, by comparing them with the like which he had had before in his management; and he did not commonly give himself the trouble, to give a reason why such a thing happening such other would necessarily follow. The Empirics, which were a Sect of Physicians that arose after him, and of whom we shall speak in the following discourse, for this reason disputed with the Dogmatical or Reasoning Physicians, maintaining they had the advantage to have this Father of Physic on their side, pretending that his method was not different from that of his Predecessors the Asclepiades, which was also the same these Empirics followed, and looking upon Hypocrates as one of the Authors of their side.  
Galen had some reason to exclaim against them in this point, and there is no doubt but that Hypocrates reasoned, and also sometimes philosophised in his profession, as you have seen before. But the Empirics had not been altogether in the wrong, if they had plainly said that Hippocrate's Philosophy was none of the best, and that they preferred the descriptions all naked as they are, which he gives of Diseases and their Accidents, and his Instructions or Remarks on the manner of managing them to all the Reasonings they can find any where in his Works, on the Causes of the same distempers. It's certain at least, that 'tis chief on this account, I would say, on that which the Empirics looked upon as the most advantageous, that Hypocrates has recommended Physic to posterity, and gained admiration even from those, that otherwise did not consent with him to his principles, as we have already observed, and as you●ll afterwards see. We may also add, That the Books of Hypocrates, that consist most of Reasoning, or that contain most Philosophy, are those which are attributed to other Authors; as the Book of the Nature of Man; that of the Nature of an Infant; that of Winds; the first of Diet; and some others.  
As to what remains, we ought to make this Remark, That the Skill of Hypocrates, and of all the Physicians that came after him, and that imitated him in relation to Prognostics, made the people, that knew not how far their knowledge could extend in this matter, look upon them as Prophets, and require of them things that were above their power. Some of them were glad to amuse the Vulgar, and keep them in this opinion, for the profit they hoped to gain from it, saying, Since the People are willing to be deceived, so let them be.  
That that puts several of our Physicians now upon the pursuit of this uncharitable and dishonourable Maxim, is their observation, That in effect the World will be deceived; and that they often see Physicians, that thinking themselves other ways qualified enough to satisfy reasonable Patients, will not become Conjurers and Mountebanks, are those that have the least business, or that quit it: And what do they quit it for? To insinuate themselves amongst a wretched sort of People, that sometimes can neither write nor read; and that some may come seeking for them a great way off, to know of them, upon the sight of a glass of Urine, what distemper they discover, which if the Patient was present they could know nothing at all of. When I talk here of the People, I would not have it meant simply what they call the Mob or Dregs of the People; the Vulgar, or People, which I mean; meet equally in all conditions, and always makes the greatest number in all Societies. It happens also, I know not how, that some Men, that in other things have good Sense and Knowledge, and are very skilful in other matters, seem to be wholly deprived of their Understanding and Judgement, when it acts concerning these pretended Prophets, from whom they receive as great impressions as the meanest of the people.  
To return to Hypocrates; it's a thing very remarkable, and that which adds very much to his Merit and Reputation, that having lived in an Age when Physic was, as you have seen, altogether Superstitious, yet suffered not himself to be carried down the Torrent with the rest; so that neither his Reasonings, or his Observations, nor his Remedies, have the least mixture of this weakness, so common in those Times, and yet common still even amongst some Physicians. We don't see that his Prognostics had any other foundation than from the pure nature of things. It●s true, in his Book of Dreams, he talks of some Sacrifices or Ceremonies which ought to be performed to some certain Deities, according to the nature of the Dreams we dreamt. But these were only Duties, which Religion necessarily engaged Men to. His good sense appeared in another place, particularly when in the same Book he solves Dreams, by what has been said or done in the day time; from whence he draws consequences to judge of the condition of the body, according as 'tis charged with Choler, Phlegm, Blood, etc. which he brings in as the Causes on which depends the difference of Dreams, and the circumstances that accompany them. We'll speak one word more of the aversion he had to superstition, in what related to Remedies, and the cure of Diseases, when we come to the Chapter of Purgation.   

CHAP. V Of the sorts of Diseases that Hypocrates knew, gave names to, or described.  
THE particular Diseases, which are mentioned in the Writings of Hypocrates, may be reduced to five different Classes. The first is of distempers, whose names have been never changed, and that have been known ever since to the Greek Physicians, by the same names and signs as they were distinguished by this ancient Physician. This first Class is the most considerable, and contains alone a much greater number of distempers, than the four following put all together. The second includes those which have not preserved their names, altho' they have been known and distinguished by the accidents which Hypocrates attributed to them. I put in the third Class some distempers which he gave no name to, but only a simple description of. And in the fourth, those, that tho' they are named and described exactly in the Works that are allowed to be his, yet notwithstanding have not been known since that time, either by their names, which were grown out of use, or by the description the Author gives of them. The fifth and last Class, is of those that have names which were no longer known, and that at the same time there were no descriptions of; so that we can speak almost nothing of them but by conjecture.   

CHAP. VI A Catalogue of the Diseases of the first Class, or of those whose Greek Names are preserved, and have always continued very near the same.  
WE'll rank every one of these Diseases in an Alphabetical order, according to their English Names, which are partly derived from the Greek, which we'll put at the bottom of the page.  

A 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Abscess or Aposthume. 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Alphus, a cutaneous distemper 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Alopecy, a disease of the head, when the hair falls off, or is thin in several places. 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. These are the common names to the part and its diseases.  Almonds, diseases of this part, inflammation, suppuration, ulceration. 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Anus, the falling down, relaxation, or invertion of it. Vid. Hemorrhoids, inflammation of the Anus. 
(f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Ancyle or Ancylosis, a contraction of the Joints. 
(g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Aphony, loss of voice. 
(h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Apthae, Ulcers of the mouth. 
(i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Those that were taken with this disease were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is to say struck, v Thunder struck and Pleurisy. Hypocrates also confounds sometimes Apoplexy with Palsy, where he gives the first of these Names to both Discases.  Apoplexy, a sudden privation of sense and motion. Appetite, loss of Appetite; v. Loathing. Appetite deprav●d of those that eat earth and stones, v Colour, and the distemper of Women with Child. 
(k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Afterbirth retained. 
(l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Asthma, a sort of difficulty of breathing; v. Dispnea. 
(m) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This last word signifies the action of miscarrying.  Abortion. 
(n) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Weasels Arms. 'Tis the name that Hypocrates gives to those that have such arms.  Arms shorter, and of a less proportion than they ought to be.  
B 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This last word signifies also Bunch backed.  Bounch-backed. 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Branchus, a sort of a defluxion, hoarseness. 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; a common name to the Glands of the Groin, and their Diseases.  Buboes, swell of the Glands in general, and particularly those of the Groin. Brain inflamed, v. Inflammation. Brain gangrened, v. Sphacclus. Brain moved, v. commotion. Brain dropsical, v. Dropsy. 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Bloodshot of the Eyes. 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  A dry Bloodshot. 
(f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Baldness. 
(g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, corpulent.  The body torpid or languid. 
(h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Blood, vomiting of blood; great loss of blood by Stool in a burning Fever. Loss of blood, v. Haemorrhage. 
(i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, barren Women.  Barrenness, v. Womb. (k) The Bladder closed or stopped, v. Urine. Tubercule of the Bladder, v. Tubercule. Stone of the Bladder, v. Stone.  
C 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  CAchexy: An ill habit of the fleshy parts of the body, caused by the corruption and abundance of humours. 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Cancer, a sort of a Tumour. 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  An outward Cancer. 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  An inward Cancer. 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  An hereditary Cancer, or that's born with one. Cancer of the Throat, of the Breast, of the Womb, and of other parts; a Cancerous Ulcer. 
(f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Cardialgy, pain of the Stomach, Heart burning. 
(g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Carie. 
(h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Carus, a sort of a dead sleep, and out of which there's no raising the Patient. 
(i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Cataphora, another sort of extraordinary dead sleep. 
(k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Catarrh, or defluxion upon some part, v. Rheum. 
(l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  A salt Catarrh, nitrous, acrid, and hot. 
(m) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Catarrhs that kill suddenly. 
(n) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Catochus, A Disease, in which the Patient continues inflexible, with his eyes open, without knowledge or motion. 
(nn) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Carbuncle, a sort of Tumour. Causus, v. Fever. 
(o) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Cholera, a sudden discharge of humours upward and downward. 
(p) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  A wet Cholera; a dry Cholera. Chordapsus, v. Ileus. 
(q) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Coma, a sort of a dead deep sleep. 
(r) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Coma watching, a sort of dead sleep, or sleeping with one's eyes open. 
(s) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Contusion or Bruis. 
(t) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Convulsions, involuntary contractions of the Muscles. 
(u) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Coryza, a sort of Catarrh, a heaviness of the head, with a Rheum. 
(w) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  An ill colour, paleness or greenness of look, in persons that have a depraved appetite, and eat earth or stone. 
(x) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, v. Rupture.  The chapping of the Tongue or Lips. 
(y) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Commotion or Concussion of the Brain. 
(yy) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Cold in the extreme, which is felt in certain Fevers, and can scarce be taken off. 
(z) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Chilblains. 
(zz) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Cough.  
D. 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  DElirium. 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Diarrhaea, Looseness. 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Dysentery, violent pains in the Bowels, accompanied often with a flux of blood. 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Dispnaea, difficulty of breathing in general. 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Disury, a difficulty of making Water, with pains. v. Strangury, and Urine suppressed. 
(f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Distortions, v. Luxations. 
(g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. water.  Dropsies of many sorts; general and particular. 
(h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; that is to say, that comes under or between the fleshy parts.  Dropsy call●d Hyposarcidios. 
(i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Dropsy call●d Leucophlegmatia. 
(k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Dropsy caused by Wind. 
(l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Dropsy dry. 
(m) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  Dropsy of the Lungs. (mm) Dropsy of the Breast, caused by the breaking of the Pustules rising on the Lungs: Dropsy of the Eesticules, of the Womb, of the Head. 
(n) Vid. lib. 2. de morb. & lib. de internis aff●c●●●nib.  Disease, called Sacred; the Disease of Hercules; the great Disease: Falling-sickness, v. Epilepsy. The dry Disease, the belching Disease, the Disease of the hollow veins, the Disease of the Hypochondra, the putrifying Disease, the gross Disease, the Disease of the Scythians, the black and blue Disease, the black Disease, the Disease called Cura, the Phaenician Disease: See the Diseases of the following Classes. The Disease of Virgins, v. Virgins. Diseases of Women with Child, that have their Appetitites depraved, v. Appetite. 
(o) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Deafness, v. Ear, hearing.  
E. 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  EMphrosthotonos; a sort of Convulsion, where the Body is forced to bend forward. 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This name is given to all sorts of Imposthumes by Hypocrates, who in other places by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, purulent Lungs, means sometimes this distemper, or another that comes very near it, and calls those that are subject to it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Empyema; a collection of purulent Matter in the Thorax. Ephelides, v. Spots. 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Epilepsy; Falling-sickness, Passio Sacra, Morbus Comitialis, the Disease of Hercules, etc. 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Epilepsy of Infants. 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Epinyctides, a sort of Pustules. 
(f) Hypocrates means those that have this impotence by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Erection hindered, or want of Erection. 
(g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Erysipelas, a sort of Tumour, St. Anthony's Fire; Erysip▪ of all the Parts of the Body, of the Face, of the Lungs, of the Womb: Erysipelas, with Ulcers malignant, with corruption, and falling of the hair. See this underneath, in the Diseases of the third Class. 
(h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Exanthemata, o●●●●sings on the skin, the different sorts are these: Exanth. accompanied with an itching and heat, as if ●hey were on fire Exanth. or little spots round and red. Exanth. like spots that remain after the stinging of Gnats. Exanth. which resemble the wheals left after whipping. Exanth. where the skin appears as if it was torn. 
(i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Ecstasy, a Trance, being ravished, or forgetting one's self. 
(k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Ecstasy with Melancholy. 
(l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Extension violent of the Fibres, v. Distortion. 
(m) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Ears, swell behind the ears, v. Parotides. 
(n) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Ears moist in little Children. 
(o) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Pains in the Ear. 
(p) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Noise and singing in the Ears. 
(q) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Push or Pimple on the Eyelid. 
(qq) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Eyelids sore, scabby. 
(r) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Eyelids beset inside and outside with Excrescences of flesh, in the form of Figs or Warts. Tubercle, or a little swelling of the Eyelids, v. Wart. 
(s) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Inversion of the Eyelids. 
(t) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Eyelids when the hair is turned inward. 
(u) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Eyelids joined or clung together. 
(w) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Eyes , as your Squint-eyed persons have. 
(x) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Clouds or Mists appearing before the eyes. Speck and Scars, some white, some of other colours, that hinder sight, v. Pupil. 
(y) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Cataract in the eye. 
(z) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Ulcer of the eye. 
(zz) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Eye burst, v. Pupil. Eyes inflamed, v. Opthalmy. Eyes clung together, v. Eyelids.  
F. 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  FLesh superfluous, or Excrescence of the flesh, v. Pudenda: Falling away of the flesh, v. Erysi●elas. 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Face awry, without any other illness. 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Fire, v. Fever. 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Wild-sire, a sort of Tetter or Ring-worm. 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Fever. 
(f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  F. Intermittent. 
(g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  F. continual. 
(h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  F. Quotidian. 
(i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  F. Tertian. 
(k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Hemitritus, or Tertian and half. 
(l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  F. Quartan. 
(m) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  Fever of five, of seven, of nine days each. 
(n) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  F. of a day. 
(o) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  F. of a night. 
(p) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  F. burning, otherwise called Causus. 
(q) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  F burning, called fire. 
(r) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  F. kind. 
(s) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  F. malignant. 
(t) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Fever that has exacerbations. 
(u) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  F. burning. 
(w) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  F. cold. 
(x) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  F. Lipy●y; or the outward Parts cold, while the inwards are burning. 
(y) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  F. moist 
(z) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Fever dry. 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  F. salt. 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  F. windy. 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  F. red. 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  F. livid. 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  F. pale. 
(f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  F. restless. 
(g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Fever inconstant. 
(h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  F. long and slow. 
(i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  A little continual Fever. 
(k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  F. errand. 
(l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  F. acute. 
(m) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  F. terrible to the sight. 
(n) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  F. whose heat is soft or rough to the hand. 
(o) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  F. killing. 
(p) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  F. soft or gentle. 
(q) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  F. accompanied with the Hickup. 
(r) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  F. where the light is dim. 
(s) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Fever laborious or tiresome. 
(t) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  F. moderate in its heat. 
(u) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Fever irregular. 
(w) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Fever vertiginous. 
(x) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Fever that has the appearance of a Tertian. 
(y) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  F. viscous. 
(z) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Fever caused by pure Bile. 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  F. of the Winter. 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Fistula a sort of Ulcer. (b) Fistula in Ano, v. Tubercule. 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The first is also meant sometimes in Hypocrates for the Months.  Flux or loss of blood of Women that continues much longer than their Months, and whose colour is sometimes red, now and then white, sometimes yellowish, etc. See a little further in the cure of the Diseases of Women, v. Months. 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Fluxion, v. Catarrh, Rheum, Branchus, Corysa. 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. You find also the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which answers to the English word stupid, and signifies foolish, senseless, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Folly, Thunderstruck, a distemper where one is deprived of all sense on a sudden as if struck with Lightning, v. Apoplexy. Another disease, where they have after death their sides black and blue, as if they were murdered, or bruised with Lightning, v. Pleurisy. 
(f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Fractures of the bones. 
(g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Frica Rigour, shaking with the cold. 
(h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  A Felon or Bile: Flow of Women, v. Flux. 
(i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Fear in sleeping, the distemper of little Children.  
G. 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  COntinual Gaping. 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Gripes. 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; that is to say, black and dry corruption; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 corruption; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Gangrene. 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Gums; the itching of the Gums of Infants. 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Gums full of round Carbuncles, or little black and blue swell. 
(f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Black Gums; Impostumation of the Gums. Glands, v. Bubo's, scrofulous humours. 
(g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Glaucosis or Glaucoma, distemper of the eye. 
(h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Gongronae swell, a disease of the Neck. 
(i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Gout. 
(k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Gout, with hard stony Matter in the Joints, v. Tubercules. (l) Gravel, v. Stone, Kidneys. (m) Gut, the great Gut inflamed. The falling down of the great Gut, v. Anus. Gripes, v. Dysentery.  
H. 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Hoarseness, v. Branchus. 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Hunger. 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Hemorrhage; loss of blood in general. 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Hemorrhoids; swell of the Anus. Hemorrhoids, with the falling down of the Anus, v. Anus. 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Herpes, swell ulcerated that run farther and farther. 
(f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Hickup. 
(g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Hypochondra; ('tis the name which Hypocrates gives to the Parts that are immediately under the short Ribs) swollen, tense, with rumblings, etc. These are the different dispositions of the Parts, and the Accidents or Signs that precede or follow certain Diseases; the disease of the Hypochondra, v. in the distempers of the second Class. 
(h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Hypoglossis; a swelling under the Tongue. 
(i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Hearing; hardness of hearing, v. Deafness. 
(k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Hair; the disease when the hair falls off from all Parts of the Body, v. Alopecy, baldness. 
(l) 〈◊〉 'tis the name of those that have their heads of this shape.  Head sharp like a Sugar-Loaf. 
(m) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Pain in the head. 
(n) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Heaviness of the head. 
(o) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  Pain of the head, with purulent Matter running from the Nose. (p) Pain of the head, caused by water enclosed in the Brain, or within the Skull, v. Dropsy.  
I. 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  ITch. 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Jaundice, or Icterus, a Disease of the skin; the yellow or pale Jaundice arising from the Liver; black Jaundice from the Spleen; other sorts of this disease, v. Ileus. 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, v. further on in the Article of Diocles.  Ileus, a distemper of the Guts, one within the other, that the Excrements can't pass. 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Ileus accompanied with the Jaundice. 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Ileus bloody. 
(f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Inflammation; such a disposition of Parts, that you feel an extraordinary heat and burning, whether there be a swelling or not. Inflammation of the Lungs, v. Peripneumony. 
(g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Epidem lib. 5. sect. 7.  Jaw mortified, fallen after a pain in the Teeth; and after having had Excrescences of flesh upon it.  
K. 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  KIngs Evil; distemper of the Glands. (b) Kidneys, Reins, v. Nephritis.  
L. 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Heard Labour, v. Purgations and Afterbirth. 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; prorrhetic. lib. 2.  Lameness, settled Lameness. 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Those that had this distemper were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a name common to all those that had their Livers indisposed.  Liver, inflammation and pain in the Liver; Liver inflated hard, and Impostumated. 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Leprosy, a distemper of the skin. 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Lethargy, a sort of sleepiness, with a Fever, and memory failing: A sort of Lethargy where the Lungs are affected. 
(f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Leuca, a distemper of the skin, that becomes white in some places. Lips, Ulcers of the Lips, v. Apthae. Lichon. v. Tetter. 
(g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Lientery, a disease when you void by Excrement your Food the same you took it in, or but a little changed. 
(h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Loins, pain in the Back or Loins. 
(i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Luxations or distortions. Lungs inflamed, v. Peripneumony. 
(k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Lobes of the Lungs convulsed. Dropsy of the Lungs, v. Dropsy. Little swell or knobs of the Lungs, v. Wart. Swell of the veins in the Lungs, v. Varix.  
M. 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  MOuth; the ill smell of the mouth. 
(aa) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Wry mouths, Ulcers of the mouth, v. Apthae. 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Madness, v. Folly. 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Raving madness. 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Melancholy, or melancholy distempers. 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Months in too great a quantity. 
(f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Months in too small a quantity. 
(g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Months without colour. 
(h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Months without mixture 
(i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Months stopped. 
(k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  Months purulent, like pieces of Membrances, or Spider's Web, consisting of phlegm, matter, black, grumous, acrid, bilious, salt, etc. Months that ascend towards the breasts, etc. v Flux and Purgations. 
(l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Mola, a lump of flesh growing in the Womb.  
N. 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; they are so named that have their necks awry.  NEck awry. 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Nauseating of Victuals common to Women with Child, and accompanied with an inclination to vomit. 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Nephritis; a disease of the Kidneys, accompanied with pains, suppression of Urine, and other symptoms, v. Stone. Nose, more than ordinary moistness of the Nose; a sort of defluxion, v. Coryza. 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  Navel inflamed, ulcerated, and open from the birth. 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; 'tis so they are called by Hypocrates, that have this distemper, which he gives no name to as such.  Nyctalopy, a distemper of those that see better in the night than in the day.  
O. 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  OIdema; swell and tumours in general, v. Tumour. Omentum, or the Caul; the falling down of it into the Groin, v. Tumour. 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Opthalmy, or inflarnation of the eyes, moist and dry 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Opisthotonos, a sort of Convulsion, where the body bends backward. 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Orthopny, a sort of difficulty of breathing, that the Patient can●t lie down in his Bed, v. Dispnea, Asthma.  
P. 
(a) We find this case at the beginning of the fourth and sixth Poo● of the ●p demie●s.  PAlate; Imposthumations and Ulcers corroding the Palate. The falling or separation of the bone of the Palate and the Teeth, from whence follows the sinking of the Nose. 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Palpitation of the Heart; Palpitation of the flesh in all parts of the body; Palpitation between the Navel and the Cartilege, that●s towards the stomach. 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; this name in common in Hypocrates both to Apoplexy and Palsy; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; some part of the body that's become Paralyti●n, or that has lost its sense and motion You find there also the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to relax in speaking of the Parts that are Paralytic. become they are relaxed and lose, without s●ren th●●●●up●●rt th●●. 'tis from this Verb that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●●der●v'd Palsy, but I do not find it in Hypocrates. He means in another place by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in a species of this distemper.  Palsy, a privation of sense and motion, universal and particular 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Paronychia or Panaris, a Whitlow, or sore under the nails that's very painful. 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; he speaks also of a distemper of little Children, that he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which seems to be the same; and he explains this word in another place by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, swell that rise behind the Ears as the Satyrs have; or rather, which makes 'em resemble Satyrs, which are painted with ears standing up, ●s those have that are troubled with swell behind 'em. He also calls the same swell 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because the Satyrs were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the jonians. You'll see in another place another signification of the word Satyriasmus.  Parotides, swell of the Glands behind the Ears. 
(f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Pudenda, excrescence of flesh at the entrance of the secret parts of Women, the rotting and falling off of the hairs of those parts, v. Eresypelas. 
(g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Peripneumony, inflammation of the Lungs. 
(h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Perirrhaea, a great discharge of humours, particularly by Urine. 
(i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Plague and Pestilential distempers. Phagedaena, v Ulcer. White phlegm, v. Leucophlegmaty. Phlegmon, v. Inflammation. 
(k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Phlyctenae, a sort of pimples and rise on the skin, like those that come after a bourn. 
(l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; This word comes from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is the name the Ancients gave to the Diaphragm, and signifies also the Soul or Mind, because they believed the Soul had its seat in the Diaphragm.  Phrenesis, an acute Fever, with a strong delirium. 
(m) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to consume, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to melt.  Phthisis, a disease when the body consumes away 
(n) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Phthisis of the back. 
(o) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Phthisis nephritick, or that comes from the Reins. 
(p) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Phthisis from the Hips. 
(q) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Phthisis, from the general habit of body; that is, from the flesh. 
(r) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  Prickings all over the body, and in particular at the end of the tongue. 
(rr) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Pityriasis, a disease when the hairs fall off, and Scurf or Scales rise on the skin of the head. Pleurisy, a pain in the side, with a continual Fever. 
(t) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Pleurisy moist, when the Patiented expectorates. 
(u) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Pleurisy dry, when he does not spit at all. 
(w) For this reason, those that were in this oondition were call●d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is to say struck, as well as those that fell into an Apoplexy. See before Apoplexy.  Pleurisy, in which after death the sides are black and blue, like those that have been struck with Thunder. 
(ww) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Pollutions Nocturnal, v. Seed. 
(x) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Polypus, an excrescence of the flesh in the Nose. 
(y) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Well describe it more particularly in the diseases of the third Class.  Putrefaction of the flesh of the Pudenda. Putrefaction, v. Gangrene. 
(z) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  The Pupil of the eye spoilt. 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, v. Glaucoma.  The Pupil of the eye whitish, of a silver colour, of the colour of Sea-water, of a Sky-colour. 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  The Pupil out of its place. 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  The Pupil appearing less or greater, and angular. 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  The standing out of the Pupil, when the eyes burst. 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  A Scar on the Pupil. 
(f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Ulcer of the Pupil, v. Sight and Eyes. Pulsation of the Hypochondra, v. Palpitation. 
(g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  Purgations, that follow the suppression of the Lochia Purgations, 
(s) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  or the matter of them ascending even to the Lungs and Head, and issuing out of the Nose and Mouth, etc. Pustules, pimples or rise on the skin of several sorts, v. Exanthemata, Terminthi, Epinyctides. 
(h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Pustules arising from sweat that's acrimonious, with a corroding salt that ulcerates the skin.  
Q. 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, these are two different sorts.  Quinsy, a distemper of the Throat. 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Quinsy, extending itself, or throwing itself on the Lungs. Quinsy, following an inward luxation of the vertebrae of the Neck, and which ends in a Palsy.  
R. 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Rise on the skin, or pimples, v. Exanthemata. 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Restlessness of Patient's impossiblity to continue in one place. 
(c) v. Dispnaea.  Respiration hindered, v. Dispnaea, Orthopnaea; Asthma, Rheum, v. Defluxion. 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. We know not precisely what Hypocrates meant by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, it seems 'tis that part of the back which is just against the Diaphragm, which we said was what we called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Rupture of the breast or back. 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: from thence comes the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 'Tis so Hypocrates calls those that have any Vessel broke in their body, or any Imposthume that's open, v. Chapping.  Rupture, or breaking of some Vessel or Imposthume within the body.  
S. 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Tuttering, v. Tongue-tied. Stone, or the 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Stone in the Kid●●ies and Bladder. 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Spitting blood; Skull when its bones separate one from another, v. Sphacelus. 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Swooning, Swelling, v. Oidema 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Stupefaction. 
(f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Spine of the back bent inwardly. 
(g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Spine of the back that goes awry, or that bends to right or left. 
(h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Sudden surprise or stupefaction. 
(i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Scab, skin 
(k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  rising up in Scales. 
(l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Snoring. 
(m) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Spleen, inflammation of the Spleen. 
(n) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Spleen swollen. 
(o) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  A great Spleen, Sporting, v. Snoring. 
(p) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Frequent Salivation, Sa●●ri●smus, v. Parotides. 
(q) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Sciatick, Scrotum, v. Tumours. 
(r) To 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Seed, involuntary flux of Seed, v▪ Pollutions. Deep sleep, v. Carus, Catochus, Coma, Lethargy Sphacelus, a sort of Gangrene, v▪ Gangrene. 
(s) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Strangury, Urine coming out drop by drop with pain, v. Dysury. Suffocation of the Womb, v. Womb. 
(t) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Superfetation. 
(u) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Spots on the Legs by being too near the fire. 
(w) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Spots on the face by being too much in the Sun White specks in the eyes, v. Eyes. 
(x) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Stones big or swollen. Varices, and other swell of the Stones, v. Tumours. 
(y) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Sight, dimness of sight; the sight of those that see better in the night than in the day, v. Nyc●alopy. 
(z) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Loss of sight, blindness, v. Pupil, Eyelids, Eyes.  
T. 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  TEtters. 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Teeth; pains in the Teeth. 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Teeth benumbed. 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Grinding of the Teeth. 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Teeth gnashed one against the other. Rotten Teeth, v. Sphacelus. The falling out of the Teeth, falling down of the Jaw, and of the Palate, v. Jaws, Palate. 
(f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Tongue-tied, that causes an hesitation in speaking. 
(g) Those that have this imperfection are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Too great a volubility of the Tongue, that occasions stammering. 
(h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Tenesmus, or pain in going to Stool. 
(i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Terminthi, a sort of Pustules. 
(k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Tetanus, a sort of Convulsion, where all the Muscles are extended, and the Body strait. 
(l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Trembling. 
(m) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Tubercules, or little swell of divers sorts. Tubercule behind the Ears, v. Parotides. Tubercule on the Gums, v. Gums. 
(n) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Tubercule crude in the Lungs. 
(o) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Tuberc about the Bladder. 
(p) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Tuberc. in the Vrethra. 
(q) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Tubercules, or little hard swell rising in the face. 
(qq) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Tuberc. hard and stony of the joints of gouty persons, and that oftentimes come on the Tongue. 
(r) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Tuberc. hard about the Anus, whence follows an Abscess, and at last a Fistula, or a fistulous Ulcer that perforates the Gut. 
(s) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Tumours and swell in general, v. Oidema. 
(t) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Hard Tumours 
(u) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Scrofulous Tumours, v. Kings-Evil. 
(w) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 'Tis the general name thut Hypocrates gives th●s. Tumours, and mentions the several species of them, which. we have taken notice of.  Tumours of the Groin, of the Scrotum, of the Testicules caused by the falling down of the Omentum, or the Intestines; or by the Varices of the Testicules; or by water collected in the Scrotum. 
(x) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Typhomany, v. the distempers of the fifth Class. Typhus, v. those of the fourth.  
U. 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  UVula relaxed. 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Uuula contracted. 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Uuula as it were dissolved or corrupted. 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Varices; veins swollen, or very much dilated: Varix of the Lungs. 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Veins obstructed, that hinder the motion of the blood. 
(f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Veins throwing out blood upon the brain, v. in the following Classes. 
(g) This disease is described by Hypocrates, but he gave it no particular name.  Virgins, the Diseases of Virgins. 
(h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Ulcers. 
(i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Erotian.  Ulcers of the head, with a running humour like honey. 
(k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; those which he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is to say, that eat and corrode; there are several sorts of 'em.  Ulcers malignant and corroding. 
(l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Fistulous Ulcers, v. Fistula. 
(m) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Scrofulous Ulcers, v. Kings Evil and tumors. 
(n) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Urine stopped; difficulty of making water: Urine coming out drop by drop, v. Dysury, Strangury  
W. 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; it●s a common name to all distempers of the Womb, but it signifies also in particular the suffocation of the Womb.  WOmb; several distempers of it. 
(aa) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  It's being out of its proper place. 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  The falling down of the Womb. 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Suffocation of the Womb and Mother. The swelling of the Womb, caused by water or wind, v. Dropsy. Excrescence of flesh growing at the entrance of the outward neck of the Womb, v. Pudenda; swelling and hardness of the orifice of the Womb. The closing of it, causing barrenness or suppression of the Months. The folding or twisting of the orifice. The orifice too much open. Womb putrified, inflamed, full of phlegm, ulcerated, cancerated, etc. v. further on the cure of the Diseases of Women. 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  A Wart, Tubercule, or little swelling on the Eyelids. 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Wounds. 
(f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Warts. 
(g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Worms. 
(h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Worm's round and long. 
(i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Large and smooth. 
(k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Worms called Ascarides, which are about the Anus, and sometimes in the Pudenda of Women. 
(l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Vertigo. 
(m) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Vertigo, with a mist over the eyes.   
You see what are the Diseases of the first Class, which we leave at the present, with a design to give the definition, or the more exact description of them, and to observe some other circumstances relating to their Nature, Signs and Causes, in the Chapter of Galen.   

CHAP. VII. The distempers of the second Class, or that have not preserved the names which Hypocrates gives them, tho' they have been known by the accidents or symptoms that he ascribed to them.  
THis is the description that Hypocrates gives of a disease he calls 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  the drying or dry disease: These, says he, that are seized with it, can neither be without eating, nor can their stomaches bear or digest what they have eaten. When they don't eat, their Guts rumble and make a noise, and they feel a pain in the orifice of their stomach; they vomit sometimes one sort of humour, sometimes another. They throw up Bile, Spittle, Phlegm, and acrid Matter; and after they have vomited, they think themselves a little better. But when they have taken any nourishment, they are troubled with belchings, their face looks red, and they burn like fire. They think they have a great occasion to go to Scool, and when they come there, oftentimes nothing but wind comes from them. They have pains in their head, and feel prickings all over their body, sometimes in one part, sometimes in another, as if they were pricked with Needles. Their L●gs are heavy and feeble, they consume away, and grow weak by little and little. He adds further, This distemper is of long continuance, and does not leave the Patient till hes old, supposing he does not die before that time.  
This description agrees pretty well with a disease which is call●d in the following discourse the Disease of the Hypochondra: That which Hypocrates calls the Belching Disease; that is to say, where they belch frequently, is a species or branch of the same, as well as the black distemper he speaks of a little after.  
As to the disease which he names 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Care a grievous disease.  Care, that according to his report is very dismal, you may place it under the melancholy distempers, of which Hypocrates himself speaks in another place, and which we have put amongst those of the precedent Class. In this distemper, says he, you feel something like a thorn pricking your entrails. Those that are taken with it are extremely restless and unquiet, they avoid the light and company, they are pleased with darkness, and are afraid of every thing; the Membrane that parts the Abdomen from the Breast swells out. When you touch them they fell pain, and are very much afraid of being hurt; they dream horrid dreams, and think they see of a sudden frightful Objects, or dead Bodies.   

CHAP. VIII. The Diseases of the third Class, which are those which Hypocrates gave no name to, but which we mây, or think we may, know by the description he gives of them.  
HIppocrates speaking of the accidents that happen to those that have a large Spleen, says, That their 
(a) Prorrhetic. lib. 2.  gums are corrupted, and their breath smells ill He adds, That if they have not some Hemorrhage, and the mouth does not smell ill, they are troubled with Ulcers and Cicatrice's, or black spots on their Legs. Some pretend 'tis the distemper which Pliny speaks of, and is at this time very common amongst the Northern People.  
Hypocrates in another place giving an exact relation of several accidents that accompanied a distemper that was become Epidemic, and of which he observes more died than lived after it, says, That the accidents or symptoms were reduced to these, 
(b) Epidem. lib. 3. sect. 3.  Erysipelas' or malignant Tetters, sore Throat with hoarseness, a burning Fever with a delirium, corroding Ulcers in the mouth, swell on the Pudenda, inflammations of the Eyes, Carbuncles, disorders in the Bowels, great loss of Appetite, troubled Urine, and in large quantities, sometimes doziness, and at another time watch, no entire or perfect ceasing of these disorders so as for the better, or to be termed a happy conclusion of them, but a change that produced Dropsies and Consumptions.  
After having begun in this manner, he adds, That in several of these Patients, the very small Ulcers degenerated into Tetters, or Erysipelas', which spread themselves in all Parts of the body, and came particularly about the head to Men of sixty years of age, upon the least neglect of their distemper. At the same time, says he, further, That they actually applied remedies, of a sudden there arose Inflammations and Tetters, which spread themselves all about. When these Tetters came to suppuration, you might see flesh and Tendons fall off from several, and their bones come away from them; and that which runs from these Ulcers, was not like to purulent Matter, but was a particular sort of corruption of several colours, and in great abundance. Those also that happened to have the same about the Head, lost their hair from the Part; as also from the Chin, the bones were seen altogether waked, and some of them dropped off. These symptoms were sometimes with a Fever, sometimes without, and commonly they were in greater fear than danger, at least those, when in the distemper, the Matter came to a good digestion and suppuration, for they most of them, escaped. But those whose Erysipelas, or Inflammation, did not suppurate, almost all of them died, in whatever Part the Erysipelas came, the same thing happened. From one a whole Arm wou●d fall off; that is to say, it would iutirely lose all the flesh that covered it. With another, the sides, or any part of the body, before or behind, were exposed to the same danger. And it sometimes happened, that the whole Hip, Leg or Foot, were left altogether naked, without any flesh; but those whose Abdomen, or Privy Parts, were touched with it, suffered more than all the rest.  
I have drawn at length the description of this distemper, that we may compare it with that of some others, which we shall speak of in the sequel of this History, and which have been looked upon by the greatest part of Physicians as new, and not known in the time of Hypocrates, nor a long time after him, altho' they are found accompanied with symptoms which have a relation with some of those we have touched upon. You'll find also other examples of diseases, which have been thought new in regard to those that are found described in Hypocrates, or which they pretend had their beginning at a certain time. 'Tis what we●ll inquire into as opportunity shall offer itself; and 'twas chief in regard to this, that I thought myself obliged at least to give an account of the Names of the diseases this ancient Physician had knowledge of; that, as we have already said, we might compare his descriptions with those that follow.  
We may put in this Class the distemper peculiar to the Scythians, which Herodotus makes mention of, and attributes to the anger of Venus Urania, whose Temple was pillaged by them. This is what Hypocrates has writ of it: Many, says he, among the Scythians become Eunuches, do every thing that Women are accustomed to do, and talk or discourse as if they were so; from whence they are called Effeminate. The Inhabitants of the Country, that impute the Cause of this distemper to God, or the Deity, have a great veneration for those that are seized with it, and in a manner worship them, for fear the same thing should happen to themselves. For my part, continueth Hypocrates, I believe truly, that these sorts of distempers are Divine as well as others, and that there's no distemper more Divine or Humane one than another, but that they are all Divine; that every one has its particular nature, and that there is never a one where Nature has not its part. I'll tell you then from whence I think this malady comes. The Scythians are subject to certain Rheumatisms on the Joints, which are very stubborn, and continue a long time; which happens to them, because they are continually on Horseback, and their Legs hanging down. When this distemper has had its period they become Lame, by reason of the contraction of their Thighs, and the manner of their management is this. At the beginning of this distemper, they open the veins behind the Ears, and being weakened and dispirited by the loss of a great quantity of blood they fall asleep; and some of them, when they awake, find themselves well. In my opinion, they ruin themselves by this manner of management, for those that have their veins behind their Ears opened, become uncapable of generation; and that's their misfortune. When they come to their Wives and find they are not fit for enjoyment, they are not immediately much concerned, but when they find they continue impotent, than they imagine they have offended the God, or the Divinity to whom they ascribe the cause of their disgrace. After which they take the habit of a Woman, and publicly declare they are no longer Men; they converse with the Women, and appear in all respects as such. We must observe, that there are none but the richest of the Scythians, or those of the greatest quality, that are subject to this disease, and that the poor are never seized with it; without doubt, the reason of it is, because the first are almost always on Horseback, and the latter but seldom. If this disease was more divine than others, it ought not to attack the wealthiest, and the greatest Men only, but be equally common to all. It should rather happen, that the poor People should be more exposed than the rich, especially if the Gods take pleasure that Men should admire and adore them, and for that reason bestow their benefits on them. For the rich offer Sacrifices and Oblations to 'em, serve 'em, and erect Statues oftener than the poor, because they have wherewithal to do it; whereas the other have not, and instead of adoration oftentimes curse the Gods, that they have not given them Plenty and Riches. So that it wou●d be more agreeable to reason, that the poor and needy should be punished with this disease, for their wickedness, rather than the rich. This distemper than is truly Divine, as I said at first, but all others are so too, and come naturally at the same time to all People.  
The opinion of Hypocrates, concerning the distinction that the Gods ought to make between the Rich and the Poor, in relation to Sacrifices, might give an occasion to some to accuse him of taking too great a liberty in Matters of Religion; but they might as well, and with the same reason, blame Homer, when in several places he introduces Jupiter laying aside all business, to go and take part of a Collation; that is to say, to sup up the smoke of a Sacrifice of the Ethiopians, with all the Train of Gods after him. It appears also, by what Hypocrates says relating to the cause of this distemper, that he was not at all superstitious, as we have observed before, and his thoughts on this subject are very well worthy of the Age in which Socrates lived, with whom he was almost contemporary. It seems probable to others, that this distemper of the Scythians fell upon the Rich oftener than the Poor, by the same reason that we see every day, that Persons of Estates are more subject to the Hypochondriack Affection, than those of meaner Fortunes, which you●ll easily find to be true.   

CHAP. IX. Diseases of the fourth Class, that have not been known to the Physicians that lived since Hypocrates. neither by the description he has given of them, nor by the names he gives them, which have not been in use since.  
AMongst the distempers of this Class, which are not many in number, no more than those of the two precedent ones, the most remarkable are these two; the 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Typhus, and 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  the thick or gross disease: these are the names which Hypocrates gives them. Some of his Commentators were of opinion, that the first of these was a sort of a burning Fever, which caused a delirium with stupefaction. You'll see by the description whether they have hit right.  
According to our Author, there are five sorts of Typhus': The first is really a continual Fever, that takes away all the strength of the Patient, accompanied with pains in the belly, and a heat or inflammation in the eyes, that he cannot look steady upon any thing; besides, not being able to answer to any that's asked him, by reason of the great pain he lies under, unless when he is just dying, than he talks, and looks stern and bold.  
The second sort gins with a Tertian or Quartan Ague, and after that come pains in the head. The Patient spits in abundance, and throws up some Worms by the Mouth; his eyes are painful to him, his visage looks pale, he has a tumour or soft swelling in his feet, and sometimes all over the body; sometime his breast and back pain him, his belly rumbles and makes a noise, his eyes look fierce, he hauks and spits much, and his spittle sticks to his Throat, that makes his voice squeak.  
The third sort distinguishes itself from the rest, by the mighty quick sharp pains in the joints, and sometimes all over the body. The blood corrupted by the Bile stops, and is coagulated about the Hips; and the Bile detained in the joints growing hard like a gravel stone, the Patient becomes lame.  
The fourth sort is known by the great tenseness, rising up, and heat of the belly; after which follows a Looseness, which sometimes leads the way to a Dropsy, and is also accompanied sometimes with a Fever.  
The fifth and last has for its signs, a paleness and transparency of the whole body, like that of a bladder full of water, yet without any swelling; on the contrary, the body is extenuated, dry and feeble, especially towards the neck-bones and the face; the eyes are very much sunk in, and the body also is sometimes black. The Patient seldom winks with his eyes, he feels about with his hands upon the Covering of the Bed, as if he wou●d pick Wool or Straws. He finds himself more charged and fuller after eating, than when he was well; he loves the smell of a Lamp put out; he has oftentimes pullutions when he sleeps, and the same thing happens to him when awake.  
So much for the Typhus; the thick or gross disease is no less particular, and there is more than one sort of it. The first is caused by phlegm and choler, which discharge themselves in the Abdomen and inflate it, and are evacuated up and down like a Torrent. The Patient is taken with a shivering and fever; the pain passes from the Abdomen to the Head, and when it descends to the entrails it causes a Suffocation. Sometimes the Patient vomits sour phlegm, and sometimes salt; after vomiting he has a bitterness in his mouth, red heats appear on his side, and he stoops in the back; he cannot endure to be touched in any part; and the pain that he feels is so violent, that there's a sort of palpitation or pulse in the flesh; his Testicules are contracted, the heat and pain is continued at the same time, even to the Anus and Bladder. He makes thick water, like that of those that are dropsical; the hair falls off from his head, his feet are always cold. At last the pain fixes particularly on the sides, back, and nape of the Neck; and it seems to the Patient, as if something creeped, or run all about his skin. Sometimes there's a remission of the distemper, other times there's nothing at all of it. The skin of the head becomes red and thick. This distemper continues six years, sometimes ten. Towards the end the Patient sweats in abundance, and the sweat is of a very ill smell. He has oftentimes pollutions in his sleep, and the seed he ejects is bloody, and of a livid colour. It seems at first as if he was describing the Cholera Morbus, or some sort of Colic, but that which comes after has no great relation to that.  
The second sort of the thick distempers, is caused by boil alone, that discharges itself on the Liver and Head. The Liver swells up and presses upon the Diaphragm. The Head, and particularly the Temples, are immediately seized with pain. The Patient is not right in his understanding, and sometimes he sees but very little; an Ague and Fever succeed after the foregoing symptoms. This comes at the beginning of the disease, and then you have by times great remissions, at other times but small ones. The longer the malady continues, the pain grows greater, the Pupils of the eyes are dilated, and the Patient sees not a jot; that tho' you put your finger before his eyes he perceives nothing, and does not so much as wink. But if he has some little sight remaining, he's continually pulling out with his fingers the little flocks of Wool from the Covering, thinking they are louse or nastiness. But when the Liver extends itself further towards the Diaphragm, the Patient raves, and fancies he has before his eyes all sorts of creeping things, or wild Beasts, or armed Men; he would fight with them all, and talks and acts as if he was in an engagement. If you don't give him liberty he threatens, and if you let him go he falls down. He has always his feet cold; if he sleeps 'tis with continual tossing; he's scared with frightful dreams, and when he awakes relates all he has done or seen. At other times, he lies a whole day and night without speaking a word, breathing with a great deal of difficulty. He is delirious by intervals; he comes to himself, answers to all questions that are asked him, understands every thing that is read to him, but a little while after relapses to his former condition. This disease, says our Author further, falls chief on Travellers, or those that passing through uninhabited places, have been frighted with the sight of some Spectre or other.  
The third sort is occasioned by phlegm, which appears by the circumstances the Patient is in, who has a taste as if he had eaten Radishes. This distemper, or the pain that accompanies it, gins in the Legs, from whence it rises to the belly, and diffusing itself in the Intestines, makes a great noise there; after which the Patient vomits up sour putrid phlegm, but this evacuation gives him no ease; on the contrary, he falls into a delirium, and feels a pain so troublesome and uneasy in his bowels, and by times a pain in his head so violent and fixed, that he has neither his Understanding nor his Sight, but very confusedly; he sweats plentifully, and his sweat smells ill, but it gives him ease. The colour of the Patient is the same as in a Jaundice; and this distemper is not so mortal oftentimes as the precedent one.  
The fourth sort takes its rise from 
(a) You'll see in the Catalogue of the common distempers at the end of this Chapter, what Hypocrates understood by white phlegm.  white phlegm, and comes after Fevers that have continued a long time. This distemper gins with a swelling in the face, it tends afterwards to the Abdomen, which swells also. The Patient has a pain upon him like that after hard Exercise, and his belly feels sore, as if it was pressed with a great burden: The feet swell also. If Rain falls on the ground, he can't bear the smell of it; and if by chance he's exposed to the Rain, and smells this smell of the ground, he immediately falls. This distemper has some intermissions, but lasts longer than the precedent one; its continuance is for six years.  
We don't find that our Modern Practisers, nor even those amongst the Ancients, that came after Hypocrates, have described any particular distemper attended with so many accidents or symptoms all at once; and we must confess, those we are come to specify are so many in number, that one would think it impossible for all to happen in one and the same disease. And that that's yet more particular in it is, that Hypocrates, or the Author of the Book we have quoted, makes four or five sorts of each of these distempers, which appear so different one from the other, that we cannot apprehend why they are ranked under the same general name.  
'Tis that is the reason that the Physicians of After-Ages, that easily knew a Dropsy, for example, a Consumption, a Pleurisy, by the Characters which Hypocrates gave of each, yet knew nothing of the two diseases in question. We may infer from thence, either that the Typhus, and thick disease, are no longer in being, and that no body now is affected with them, or that no body at all ever was, and that they are feigned distempers, and only described to please a humour or fancy. We ought not to rest satisfied with the first conjecture, tho' 'tis not impossible that some diseases may cease to be, as well as they pretend new ones arise: This question shall be treated of hereafter.  
There's rather a probability, that those that described this distemper did it to deceive us. You shall see after what manner one may presume the thing came to pas●.  
First, We must know that the 
(a) Prosper Ma●●a●●●, a Roman ●hysici●●, that writ a Commentary on Hipp●crates, about the beginning of this Age, is almost the only person of another opinion.  greatest part of the Authors, as well Ancient as Modern, do agree, That the Book wherein these diseases are described is not of Hippocrates' writing, but belongs to some of the Works of the Cnidien Physicians, who are mentioned in the foregoing Book. That which confirms this opinion, is what Galen particularly remarks, viz. That these Physicians reckoned up four sorts of Jaundices, three sorts of Consumptions, different from those that are specified in the Catalogue of the diseases of the first Class, and that they multiplied after the same manner the sorts of several other distempers, without reason or necessity. 'tis then in the same Book that we find all these distinctions, which is an argument that it was after their usual manner of writing. Hypocrates was so far from using the same way, that he 
(b) De diaetâ in ac●tis, lib. 4.  himself has blamed 'em for making too nice a distinction of Diseases, as if a distemper ought always to be called by a different name, because it differs from another in a little trivial thing, when 'tis the same as to the Essentials or Charactaristicks, by which the genus and species of them are really distinguished. 'Tis the same mistake that Galen found fault with the Empirics for, who for want of method, had a greater regard to the symptoms or accidents, of which there might be an infinite variety, than to the distemper itself; whence it came that they multiplied diseases ad insinitum.  
The same defect in method, which was the cause that the Cnidiens made distinctions when there was no necessity for it, produced that disorder and confusion you find in the description of the Typhus and thick Disease.  
In one word, the fault of these Physicians lay in this, That they joined the symptoms of many diseases to one alone, not distinguishing those that were proper to certain particular distempers, and inseparable from them, from those which are common to many.  
Lastly, It may be that the fault was in the Copiers, and that these ancient Pieces having passed through an infinite number of hands, have been confusedly mixed with observations different from them, without the Authors having any share in the disorder.  
We may add to these distempers, that that's called the great distemper of the hollow veins, and that that's named the vomiting of the veins on the Brain; these names which were ill imposed, or that did depend on the particular Idea which these ancient Physicians had of the Body, having been neither better retained, nor known, than those mentioned before.   

CHAP. X. Distempers of the fifth Class, or which have names that are no longer known, and at the same time have no description given of them, which is the reason we can speak nothing of them but by conjecture.  
HIppocrates makes mention of a distemper, which he calls the 
(a) Pro●●●●tic. lib. 2 sub●s●nem.  Pthinick Discase. The likeness between the words Pthinick and Pthisick, has given occasion to some Interpreters to believe that he treated of a Consumption in this place: But the more Learned agree, that there's a fault in the Greek Text, and that instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, we ought to read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The Phaenician Disease. Their opinion is founded upon this, viz. That they find this last word in the Commentators of Hypocrates, who add, That he understood by it a distemper common in Phoenicia, and in other Eastern Countries, which seems to be nothing else but an Elephantiasis. That which confirms this Explanation is, That Hypocrates treats in the same place of distempers, that have a near relation to it; such are the Leprosy, Tetters, and the distemper call●d Leuce. I'll only make this remark, viz. That Galen, who is the Author of a Commentary, might be deceived in this, only because he thinks that the distemper of Phoenicia is precisely the same that's call●d Elephantiasis, whereas it may be it had only a bare relation to it; and that by this distemper of Phoenicia, Hypocrates had understood the 
(b) See the Commentary 〈◊〉 Mr. Le Clere on Leviticus.  Leprosy of the Jews, that was a sort of a Leuce, that might have some symptom common with an Elephantiasis, without being the same.  
The Commentaries of Hypocrates, which we'll speak of hereafter, furnished us with other examples of distempers, which we can have no knowledge of further than by conjecture, because their names are no longer in use, and besides there●s no description given of them. Such is the disease which Hypocrates calls 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Epidem. lib. 1.  Tangae, which is thought to be a sort of a Tumour. Such is also that that's called 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Epidem. lib. 7.  Hippouris, whereby 'tis guessed that he means a certain defluxion, which throws itself on the genital Parts of those that ride too often, or sit too long on Horseback, and is obstinate, and continues a long time, or a weakness, or some indisposition of the same Parts, arising from the same Cause. And that which he calls 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ibid.  Anemie, that's thought to be a swelling of the veins, caused by windy blood, which puts them in danger of being broke. You may put in the same rank the 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Epi●em. lib. 4.  Typhomany, which thought to be a swelling is taken for a disease that's part Lethargy and part Frenzy, and that that's called 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Epidem. lib. 6. Sect 3. See above in the distempers of the first Class, at the word Parotides.  Pherea.   

CHAP. XI. Of the means to preserve Health.  
AFter having seen in what Health and Sickness consists, what the subject of them is, and what are the causes and differences; in the next place, we ought to speak a word or two of the Advice that Hypocrates gave to those that were in health; after which, we'll inquire into the means he made use of to cure those that were sick.  
One of his principal Maxims was this: 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Epidem. lib. 6. ect 4. Aphor. 20.  That to preserve health, we ought not to overcharge ourselves with too much Eating, nor neglect the use of Exercise, nor avoid Labour. He said in the second place, That we ought by no means to accustom ourselves to too nice and exact a method of Living, because, said he further, those that have once begun to act by this Rule, if they vary the least from it, find themselves very ill, which does not happen to those that take a little more liberty, and live somewhat more irregularly.  
Notwithstanding this, he does not neglect to make a diligent enquiry into what those that were in health made use of for nourishment in those times. Upon which, I can't forbear making this observation, That in those days they were not so delicate by much, as we are now, which appears by the care Hypocrates takes to tell what is the quality of the flesh of a Dog, of a Fox, of an Horse, of an Ass, which he would not have done, if at that time they had not been used for Eatables, at least by the common People. We will not relate here what Hypocrates has writ concerning other sorts of Provisions, it's sufficient to know that he examines all those that are now in use. For example; Salads, Milk, Whey, Cheese, Flesh as well of Birds as of four footed Beasts; fresh and salted Fish, Eggs, and all manner of Pulse, and the different sorts of Grain we feed on, as well as the different sorts of Bread that are made of it. He also speaks very often of a sort of liquid Food or Broth made of Barley-Meal, or some other Grain, which they steeped for some time, and boiled with water; but as this has a regard more particularly to the manner of Dieting the Sick, we'll speak a little more of it in the following Chapter.  
Hypocrates is full as nice on the subject of Drink; he takes a great deal of pains to distinguish the good waters from those that are bad. The best, in his opinion, aught to be clear, light, without smell or taste, and taken out of Fountains that turn towards the East. The salt waters, and those that he calls hard, that is in my opinion heavy, or that overcharge the stomach, and those that rise out of Fenny ground, are the worst of all; as also those that come from melted Snow. But tho' Hypocrates makes all these distinctions, yet he advises those that are in health to drink of the first water that comes in their way, which agrees with the Advice he gave before, not to be too exact in the manner of living. He speaks also, but 'tis but two words, of Alom Waters, or that partake of the nature of Alom, and of those that are hot, without enlarging further on their qualities or use; we only perceive by it, that he had a knowledge of Mineral Waters.  
As to what relates to Wine, he advises in some places to mix it with an equal quantity of water; and Galen observes, that Hypocrates regulates by that the just proportion we ought to keep in this mixture: So that, says he, the Wine by its power might drive out what's hurtful to the body, and the water serve to temper the acrimony of the humours. But my thoughts are, that he does not treat in those places but of particular cases, that are there stated; and perhaps it was from the vast quantity of Wine they drank in those times, where they almost never drank it pure. You may see also, that Hypocrates regulating the quantity of the Wine which ought to be drank according to the different Seasons of the Year, says, That in the Summer time you ought to mix a great deal of Water with the Wine, in the Spring and Autumn a little less quantity, and in the Winter 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; that is to say, Wine more pure, or less mixed, which is opposite to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Wine very much mixed.  less than in any other time, which supposes that in all times you ought to drink a mixture. Besides, he gives a distinct account of several sorts of Wines then in use, exactly describing their qualities.  
Exercise, which Hypocrates advises to those that are in health, as well as to those that are infirm, aught to be used according to the Rules, and with the Precautions he has set forth, which are the same we touched upon en passant in the foregoing Book, upon the occasion concerning Herodicus, who we said was the Author of the Gymnastick, or the Art of Exercising, for health. On which we must observe, that Hypocrates himself, in the three Books entitled, Of Diet, and in the Book of Dreams, which is the sequel of the precedent ones, pretends that 'tis to him the obligation's due for the same thing; that is, for the invention of the Art of Exercise, which completes Diet; but these Books have been looked upon ever since, from the time of Galen, to be of another's writing, and were then attributed, according to the said Galen's remark, to Eurypheus', Phaon, Philistion, Ariston, or to some other Physician, that liv●d just about the same time that Hypocrates did. If I durst give my opinion with the rest, I should say that the Books in question might be of Herodicus' writing, who has passed by the consent of all the Ancients for the Inventor of the Gymnastick. However it is, the Advices of the Author of these Books, in relation to the Art we are going to speak of, depend upon the different times one ought to take to walk in, and on the condition the person ought to be in before he does it; whether it ought to be fasting, or after eating somewhat, in the morning or evening, in the Air, the Sunshine, or Shade; whether he ought to be naked or clothed; when he ought to walk slowly, and when 'tis necessary to run; all this in respect to different ages and temperaments, and with the design of bringing the body down, of dissipating humours, or of gaining some other advantage from it.  
Wrestling, tho' it be a violent Exercise, was numbered with the rest. There's also mention made in the same place, of a Play of the hands and fingers, which was thought good for health, and called Chironomie; and of an Exercise, which was performed round a sort of a Ball hung up, which they called Corycus, which they struck forward with all the strength ☞ they had with their hands. You may consult the  Mercurialis, that searches to the bottom of these things.  
And as you have seen in the Chapter concerning Herodicus, that Baths were included in the Gymnastick, as well as the custom of rubbing and anointing one's self, you●ll find several directions in this Author upon all this. But Galen observes, in relation to Baths. that they were not ●et common in the time of Hypocrates himself, which he gathers from a passage of this ancient Physician; where he says, 
(a) De Diaeta in acutis.  That there are few Houses, where you find things necessary for a convenient Bath. You'll see in the next Chapter, what Hypocrates thought of Baths, and the benefits that might be expected from them.  
As to what remains, seeing health does not depend solely on the good use, and regular management of Diet, nor on Exercise or Ease; and that besides, 'tis of importance to be regular in other things we have mentioned before, when we treated of the Causes of Health, such are sleep, and watch, the air, and other bodies which are about us; that which ought to be separated from our Bodies, or retained there; and lastly, the Passions. I say, the preservation of our Health depending on all these Causes, Hypocrates has not failed to give us Rules for all.  
To begin with those things which ought to be separated from our Bodies, or there retained, he would have us take great care not to load ourselves with Excrements, or keep them in too long; and besides, the Exercise we are speaking of, which carries of one part of 'em, and which he prescribed chief on this account, he would have us excite or rouse up Nature when it flagged, and endeavoured not to expel the rest, or take off those impediments which resisted its efforts. 'Twas for that principally he made use of Meats proper to loosen the body; and when those means were not sufficient, he would have us have recourse to Clysters and Suppositories.  
The composition of Clysters for persons that were thin and emaciated, consisted of Milk, and oily unctuous substances, which they mixed with a decoction of Chick Pease; but for those that were Plethoric, they only made use of Salt or Sea-water. You'll see in the Chapter of Purgatives, which you'll come to presently, other compositions of Clysters, and other particular circumstances relating to this remedy; we shall also speak there concerning Suppositories, and the manner of preparing them.  
Hypocrates also advised Vomitives as a great preservative against distempers, which he caused to be taken once or twice a Month, during the Winter and Springtime. The most simple of them were made of a decoction of Hyssop, with an addition of a little Vinegar and Salt. He made those that were of a strong and vigorous Constitution, take this Liquor fasting, whereas those that were thin and weakly took it after Supper. But as Vomits are remedies which are used also in distempers, we●ll speak of them likewise at the same time we do of Purgatives.  
Coition is wholesome in Hypocrates opinion, provided you consult your strength, and do not pursue it to an excess, which he always finds fault with upon all accounts, and wou●d have it also avoided in relation to sleep and watching. You find also in his Writings, several remarks concerning good or bad. Air; and he makes it appear, that the good or bad disposition of it does not depend solely on the difference of the Climate, but on the situation of every Place in particular, which, in regard to this, he carefully examines into, not to insinuate, that you ought to be too scrupulous on this point, or to oblige any one to quit his Native Country, or the place where one's fixed, to seek a better, which would disturb Society, but to let the Physicians know what sorts of distempers are apt to reign in one place more than another, that they may endeavour to prevent them, or make it their study to get a proper remedy; and from the effects of the different situation of Places, compare things in relation to Health and Sickness. Lastly, Hypocrates knew the good and bad effects of the Passions, and would have us, in regard to them, use a great deal of moderation.   

CHAP. XII. The Practice of Hypocrates, or his manner of managing distempers. General Maxims on which this practice is founded.  
IF we reflect on what was said before of the power which Hypocrates attributed to Nature, in relation to the Animal OEconomy, and to Distempers, in particular, of which Nature, according to him, is the Arbiter and Judge, determining them in a certain limited time, and by regular movements, as we remarked when we spoke of Crises', we'll immediately infer, that this opinion must carry him so far, as to be contented, for the most part, in being a Spectator of what the strength of Nature performs, without doing any thing on his side on this occasion.  
We shall also be confirmed in this opinion, if we consult the Books, entitled, Of Epidemical Distempers, which are, as it were, Journals of the Practice of Hypocrates; for you'll find from thence, that this ancient Physician does very often nothing more than describe the symptoms of a distemper, and what has happened to the Patiented day after day, even to his death or recovery, without speaking of any remedy. 'Tis not nevertheless absolutely true, that he never did it, as you●ll see by the sequel, but we must agree that he did it but very little, in respect of what has been practised in the succeeding Ages. We'll see presently what these remedies are, after we have given an abridgement of the principal Maxims on which they are founded.  
Hypocrates said in the first place, That Contraries or Opposites are the Remedies of their Opposites. That is, supposing that some certain things were opposed one to the other, we ought to use them one against the other. He explains this Maxim in the Aphorism, where he says, That evacuation cures those distempers which come from repletion, and repletion those that are caused by evacuation. So heat destroys cold, and cold heat, etc.  
Secondly he said, That Physic is an addition of what's wanting, and a substraction or retrenchment of what's superfluous; an Axiom which you also find explained by this, That there are some juices or humours, which in particular cases ought to be evacuated or drove out of the body, or be dried up; and some others that you ought to restore to the body, or cause to be produced there again.  
As to the method you should take in it, for addition or retrenchment, he gives this general caution, That you ought to take care how you evacuate or fill up all at once, or too quick, or too much; and that 'tis equally dangerous to heat or cool again on a sudden; or rather, you ought not to do it, every thing that runs to an excess being an enemy to Nature.  
Hypocrates allowed in the fourth place, That we ought sometimes to dilate, and sometimes to lock up; to dilate or open the 
(aa) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  passages by which the humours are voided naturally, when they are not sufficiently opened, or when they are closed; and, on the contrary, to lock up or straighten the passages that are relaxed, when the juices that pass there ought not to do it, or when there passes too much of them. He adds, That we ought sometimes to smooth, and sometimes to make rough to the touch; sometimes harden, and sometimes soften again; sometimes to make more fine or supple; sometimes to thicken; sometimes to excite or rouse up; and at other times, to stupify or take away the sense, all in relation to the solid Parts of the Body, or to the Humours.  
He gives this fifth Lesson, That we ought to have regard to the course the humours take, from whence they come, and whether they go; and in consequence of that, when they go where they ought not, that we make them take a 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Derivare.  turn about, or carry them another way, almost like turning the course of a River. Or upon other occasions, that we endeavour, if possible, to 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Revellere.  recall, or make the same humours return back again, drawing upward those which tend downward, and downward those which tend upward.  
He remarks also, That we ought to carry off, by convenient ways, that that's necessary to be carried off, and not let the humours, once evacuated, enter into the Vessels again.  
He gives also this following Instruction; That when we do any thing according to Reason, tho' the success be not answerable, we ought not easily, or too hastily, altar the manner of acting, as long as the Reasons we had for't are yet good. But seeing this Maxim might sometimes deceive, here's another of them that serves for a corrective or limitation. We ought, says our Author, to mind with a great deal of attention, what 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  gives ease, and what creates pain; what's easily supported, and what cannot be endured.  
The Lesson that follows is one of the most important; 
(b) Epidem. lib. 6.  We ought not, said he, to do any thing rashly: We ought to pause, or wait, without doing any thing; this way if you do the Patient no good, at least you'll do him no hurt.  
In extreme illness, we ought, in his opinion, to use Remedies of the same nature; that which Medicines cure not, the Sword does; what the Sword does not, the Fire cures; but what the Fire cannot cure, aught to be looked upon as incurable. Lastly, He cautions us not to undertake desperate Diseases, which are beyond the power of Physic.  
These are the principal and most general Maxims of the Practice of Hypocrates, all which suppose this Principle which he has laid down at the beginning, That Nature itself cures Diseases. We shall see more of the particulars in the following Chapters, as we examine the Remedies he made use of.   

CHAP. XIII. Of the Remedies which Hypocrates made use of; and first of all of Diet, and of a regular method of Living.  
DIET was the first, the principal, and oftentimes the only Remedy, that Hypocrates made use of, to satisfy the greatest part of the intentions we have touched upon: By these means he opposed moist to dry, hot to cold; he added or supplied what was deficient, and took off from what was superfluous, etc. and that that was to him the most considerable point he supported Nature, and assisted it to overcome the cause of the Malady; and, in a word, put it in a condition to do of itself what was necessary for the cure of Distempers.  
The Diet of the Sick is a Remedy that is so much Hippocrates' own, that he was as desirous to pass for the Author of it, as of that of Persons in health, which we have treated of before. And the better to make it appear that it is a new remedy, he says expressly, That the Ancients, that is to say, the Physicians that were before him, had writ almost nothing concerning the Diet of the Sick, having omitted this point, tho' it was one of the most essential parts of the Art. The method we have seen Aesculapius and his Sons make use of, in their management of the Sick, in relation to that, is a proof that Hypocrates spoke truth: To his testimony we may join that of Plato's, who endeavours even to justify, in this respect, the conduct of these first Physicians, as we remarked in the same place. So that what Pliny has said, that Hypocrates was the Inventor of the 
(a) See above in the beginning of the Chapter concerning Hypocrates.  Clinic Physic, may be made appear, or said with a more just Title, of Diaetetick Physic, the name which was given to the most noble part of all the Art, after the division of it some Ages after, as you'll see in its place; which shows how much they depended, in those ancient Times, on the benefit which Patients received from a good conduct, in relation to eating and drinking.  
In Chronical distempers, Hypocrates Dieted his Patients one way, and in Acute another. In these last, which are those that require more particularly an exactness in relation to Diet, he preferred liquid food to that that was solid, especially in Fevers; for that he made use of a sort of Broths made of Barley that was cleansed to which he gave the name of 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifies to bray or take off the busk.  Ptisane, which was a common name as well to these Broths, as to the flower of the Grain, of which they were made. See after what manner the Ancients prepared a Ptisane: They first steeped the Barley in Water till it was plumped up, and afterwards they dried it in the Sun, and beat it to take off the husk. After that they ground it, and then having let the flower boil a long time in the Water, they put it out into the Sun, and when it was dry they pressed it close. 'Tis properly this flower, so prepared, that's called Ptisane. They did almost the same thing with Wheat, Rice, Lentils, and other Grain, but they gave these Ptisanes the same name with the Grain, Ptisane of Lentils, Rice, etc. whereas the Ptisane of Barley was called simply Ptisane for the excellency of it. When they had a mind to use it, they boiled one part of it in ten or fifteen parts of Water; and when it began to plump in boiling, they added a drop of Vinegar, and ever so small a quantity of Anise, or Leek, to keep it from clogging, and filling the stomach with wind. Hypocrates prescribes this Broth for Women that have pains in their Belly, after being brought to Bed. Boil some of this Ptisane, says he, with some Leek, and the fat of a Goat, and give it to the Woman in Bed. You won't find this Ragou very odd, if you reflect on what he has said before of the manner of Living at that time. He preferred the Ptisane to all other food in Fevers, because it softened and moistened much, besides that it was of easy digestion. If he was concerned in a continual Fever, he would have the Patient begin with a Ptisane of an indifferent thick consistence, and go on by little and little, in lessening the quantity of Barley-flower, according as the days drew nearer, when the distemper was to be at its highest pitch; so that then he did not feed the Patient, but with what he called 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In this time also they made use of for nourishment, Broths made of a sort of grain, or flower made into little grains, which they called in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say Grain, and in Latin Alica. You'll see more particularl what it was in the Chapter of Galen, or in that of Dioscorides.  the juice of the Ptisane; that is, the Ptisane strained, where there was but very little of the flower remaining, to the end that Nature being discharged in part, from the care of digesting the Aliments, it might the more easily hold out to the end, and overcome the distemper, or the cause of it.  
As to what belongs to the quantity of Aliment, and the time of giving it, he caused the Ptisane to be taken twice a day by Patients that in their health used to eat two Meals a day, not thinking it convenient that those that were sick, should eat oftener than when they were well. He also durst not allow eating twice a day to those that fed but once when in health, but was willing they might come to't by little and little. In the Fit of a Fever he gave nothing at all; and in all distempers where there are exacerbations, he forbidden nourishment whilst they continued. He let Children eat more; and those that were become Men, or Old, less, giving nevertheless a great deal of allowance to the Custom of every particular person, or to that of the Country.  
And tho' he was of the opinion that too much ought not to be allowed to the sick, for fear of nourishing their distemper, yet we must observe, that he was not of the judgement of some of the Physicians of his time, who prescribed them long Abstinence, especially at the beginning of a Fever. The reason he produced for't was, they weakened the Patients extremely the first days of the distemper, which obliged them afterwards to give them more nourishment in the height of their illness; which was the time, in his judgement, when they ought to give the least. He blamed the Physicians for using them after this manner, 
(a) He called it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. He also described too great abstinence by the terms of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, hunger, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to kill, to strangle.  That they dried up their Patients like Herrings, before there was any occasion for't, and destroyed them for want of nourishment. Besides, in acute distempers, and particularly Fevers, Hypocrates made choice of nourishment that was refreshing and moistening; and he proposed, amongst others, Spinach, Gourd, Orage, Melon and Dock. He gave this sort of nourishment to those that were in condition to eat, or could take something more than a Ptisane.  
The ordinary drink that he most commonly gave to his Patients, was made of 
(b) They called this drink in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and in Latin Mulsa.  eight parts Water and one Honey. In some certain distempers they added a little 
(c) When there was some Vinegar in it they called it Oxymel.  Vinegar. They had also another sort of drink, like that we spoke of before, which one of the Sons of Aesculapius drank when he was wounded. 
(d) They called this drink 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, mixture.  This drink was more or less mixed, and differently made up, according as the distempers were. You find one 
(e) Hippoc. lib de Intern. affect lonibus.  prescription of it designed for a consumptive Person; the ingredients consist of Rue, Anise, Selery, Coriander, juice of Pomegranate, the roughest red Wine, Water, flower of Wheat and Barley, with old Cheese made of Goats Milk.  
Hypocrates did not approve of giving nothing but Water to the Sick; and tho' he prescribed them oftentimes the drinks we are now speaking of, for all that he did not entirely forbid 
(f) See further on in the cure of Diseases, upon occasion of the Pleurisy.  Wine even in acute Distempers and Fevers, provided they were not delirious, nor had pains in the head. The quantity of water he would have them put in't in health, made him judge that it wou●d not be hurtful to those that were sick, if taken after the same manner. Besides, he took care to distinguish the Wines proper in these cases, preferring to all other sorts White-Wine, that's clear, that has a great deal of water in it, and has neither sweetness nor flavour.  
This is the Diet that was used in acute distempers. As to that in Chronical Diseases, you'll see how it differed from the first by the examples we shall bring of the cures of them. We'll only remark beforehand, that Milk and Whey were very much made use of on this account, whether in lieu of nourishment, or that Hypocrates looked upon them as Medicines.  
We have seen before, that Baths and Exercise were part of the Diet of Persons in health, it was also of those that were sick. There were many Diseases which Hypocrates judged the Bath necessary for the cure of; and he shows all the conditions requisite to receive advantage from it, amongst which these are the principal: That the Patient that baths keep himself still and quiet in his place, without speaking, and let those be doing that bath him, either by throwing water over the head, or by wiping him dry; and that they keep for this last purpose Sponges, instead of the Instrument which the Ancients called Strigil, which served to rub off from the skin the dirt and nastiness which the Oils or Unguents they anointed themselves with left upon it. That they take care beforehand not to catch cold. That they do not bathe themselves immediately after eating or drinking; and that they abstain also from eating and drinking immediately after they come out of the Bath. That regard ought to be had, whether the Patient has accustomed himself to bathe in his health, and whether it did him good or hurt. Lastly, That they abstain from bathing, when the body is too open or too costive, or if they have not discharged before, or are too weak; if they have inclinations to Vomit, or a great loss of Appetite, or that they bleed at Nose. The advantage you receive from the Bath, and the good it does, according to Hypocrates, consists in moistening and refreshing, in taking away weariness, in making the skin soft, and the joints pliant; in provoking Urine, and in making the Nostrils moist, and other Pipes open. He goes as far as two Baths a day in his allowance, to those that are accustomed to't in their health. We'll speak afterwards of a sort of particular Bath, or half Bath, in the Chapter concerning external Remedies.  
As to the Exercise of the Sick, Hypocrates approved of it very much in Chronical distempers, as you'll see by some examples of Cures which we'll speak of hereafter; tho' he thought it not convenient in acute distempers, and openly blamed his Master Herodicus, who fatigued even those that were in Fevers with violent Exercises, as we have observ●d in the precedent Book. 'Tis not that he thought a Patient ought always to lie a Bed, he did not at all commend laziness or the faint heart of those that could not leave their Bed; or rather would not, tho' they were able. 
(g) Epidem. lib. 6.  We ought, says he, sometimes to push the timorous out of Bed, and rouse up the lazy.   

CHAP. XIV. Of Purgation; under which are comprehended all the ways of emptying, or discharging the Bowels and Stomach.  
WHEN Hypocrates saw that Diet was not sufficient to ease Nature of the burden of humours, that were too abundant, or corrupted, he made use of other means to evacuate them, and to satisfy one of the intentions we have touched upon before, which is to diminish, or to take away what is superfluous. These ways were first of all 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to purge, to cleanse; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; that signifies also to purge, to eva●uate. He makes use of the wo●d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Medicine. You'll see further in the Chapter of Herophilus, and in that of Asclepiades, the reason wherefore the word Medicine signified a purging Medicine, and other significations of the same word.  Purgation, which comprehends all the contrivances that are used to discharge the Stomach and Bowels. Tho this word signifies also in particular, the evacuation of the Excrements of the Belly, and other humours, that come from all parts of the Body, which is made by Stool, after having taken some Medicine by the Mouth; on which we must not forget to remark, after what manner Hypocrates conceived this Medicine to operate. He imagined, that a purgative Medicine, after it was in the body, first evacuated the humour that agreed most with its nature; after which, it attracted and purged the other also. 
(b) De nat. hom.  Just after the same manner, said he, as every Plant attracts from the earth first of all the juice that is agreeable to its nature, and afterwards juices that are different, so a Medicine that ought to purge the Bile, first attracts the Bile; but if it be too strong, or its operation continues too long, when it finds no more Bile, it than purges Phlegm, and after Phlegm the black Bile, and last of all the Blood. This opinion agrees with what has been said in the Chapter of the Philosophy of Hypocrates concerning Attraction; by means of which, this Physician would have most things performed that relate to the Animal OEconomy.  
The purgatives which they used in his time, had most of them their purging and vomiting quality from the salts in them; or if they had not always the latter effect, at least they purged almost every body violently.  
These Medicines are white and black Hellebore; the first of which, is one of the most violent Vomits that can be given. The Cnidien Berries, which are nothing else but the Seeds of Thymelaea; Cneorum, which is also a Medicine taken from Thymelaea or Chamelaea. Peplium, which is a sort of a Milk Thistle, or Tithymallus, as well as Peplus. Thapsia, the juice of Hippophaes, a sort of Rhamnus. Elaterium, which is also the juice of a wild Cucumber. The Flowers of Brass. Coloquintida, Scammony; the Magnesian Stone, which is a sort of Loadstone.  
Hypocrates speaks also of Cnicus, which is taken for Carthamus; and of a sort of Poppy, which he calls 
(a) Lib. 3. de morbis. See further in the Chapter of Remedies that cause sleep.  white Poppy, and puts it in the rank of Purgatives. But we ought to take care, not to confound it with the white Poppy now daily used.  
As these Purgatives were for the most part very brisk, this ancient Physician accordingly was mighty cautions when he had a mind to use them; he did not prescribe 'em in the Dog-Days; he never purged Women with Child, and seldom Children and old People. The principal or most frequent use he then made of Purgatives was in Chronical Distempers; in acute ones he was much more wary in this respect. Of all the Patients in Fevers, or others in acute Distempers, which he gives the History of in his Books, entitled, Of Epidemical Distempers, which we said were as it were Journals of his Practice, there are very few of them in which he says he has given Purgative Medicines. He also takes notice expressly in the same Books, 
(b) Vide historiam Scomphi pleuritici, Epidem. lib. 5: in princip. historiam Scamandri & alias sequentes.  that these Medicines having been given in certain cases in the Diseases which he was treating of, had produced very bad effects.  
One would think we might conclude from thence, that Hypocrates absolutely rejected the use of Purgatives in these distempers, but it●s plain from other places that he was not of this opinion. He actually gave Purgatives in Acute Diseases as well as Chronical, but not foe often, as we have already remarked.  
He was of opinion, for example, 
(c) De ratione victus in acutis.  that purging was good in a Pleurisy, when the pain was below the Diaphragm, giving in this case black Hellebore, or some Peplium mixed with the juice of Laserpitium, which was our Assa faetida, as you'll see in the Chapter of Dioscorides. He declares besides, in several places, that you may give Purgatives in acute distempers, setting forth the precautions requisite for it, as you'll see by what follows.  
The principal Rule Hypocrates gives relating to Purgation is this: That you ought only to purge off the humours that are concocted, and not those that are yet crude, taking particular care not to do it at the beginning of the distemper, lest the humours should be stirred up, or very much 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, nisi turgeant. We do not well know what he means by turgere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is a term that expresses properly the motions of Animals. The greatest part of the Commentators are of opinion, that his meaning was to describe a sudden motion of the humours, which swell up and endeavour to discharge themselves of some side, or throw themselves on some part. Aphor. 22. Sect. 1.  disturbed, which happens pretty often. The understanding of this Axiom depends on what has been said before of the concoction of humours in the Chapter of Crisis'. By the beginning of a distemper, Hypocrates meant all the time that passed from the first day to the fourth complete. He was not the first that made remark, that it would be of ill consequence to stir the humours, or purge before that time; we have seen, in the first Book of this History, that the Egyptian Physicians had already made this observation, Hypocrates might have learned it from Democritus, who had continued a long time in that Country, or he might have travelled there himself, supposing that the Asclepiades, his Predecessors, had not also made this discovery themselves.  
There is another Aphorism, which appears diametrically opposite to the precedent one; 'tis that, where 'tis said, That in the beginning of distempers we ought to stir the humours: that is to say, to purge what we think we ought to be stirred. This Aphorism has given a great deal of trouble to the Physicians of the succeeding Ages, who have endeavoured to reconcile it with the first. Galen has got off from the matter on this occasion, by explaining the word to stir up, to signify using all the Remedies that are necessary for the ease of the Patient; amongst which, he reckons particularly bleeding and purging. So that the stirring up, which Hypocrates advises in this Aphorism, in his opinion is performed by the first of these Remedies, rather than by the last; that is to say, Purgation might be admitted sometimes at the beginning of distempers, but very rarely. But a third Aphorism, which explains that which we are going to quote, appears contrary to the sense of Galen, 'tis the twenty-fourth of the first Section, which says, That we ought seldom to purge in acute distempers, and do it in the beginning, after having carefully examined if the case requires it. Galen salves the apparent contradiction between this Aphorism and the first, by saying that it is in distempers that continue a long time, that we ought always to wait the concoction before we purge, but that in acute ones we may do it at the beginning when the humours are turgid. And he adds, that the case being rare, it's what obliges Hypocrates to caution, that you examine well into all things on this occasion, before you use this Medicine.  
It actually appears, that Hypocrates purged sometimes at the beginning of acute distempers; and besides the Aphorism we have just now read, he says in another place in express terms, That we ought to purge at that time in Fevers, when the Urine of the Patient is troubled, but we ought to abstain from it if it be clear. Nevertheless, we must agree, that he did it rarely as matters went. That which has been said at the beginning, that amongst a great number of persons sick of these distempers, which he speaks of in the Books we have quoted, he finds but very few of them to whom he has given Purgatives, is at least a proof of it.  
Besides, he gives this important Advertisement, which has some relation with the first Aphorism, 
(a) De ratione victus in acut.  That those that endeavour to take off inflammations in a part by purging Remedies, draw nothing from the Part where the inflammation is, by reason of the great tenseness of it, and because the distemper is yet crude; on the contrary it dissolves, or corrupts that that remained found in the Part, and that held out against the distemper.  
We must also observe, that Hypocrates, 
(b) Aphor. 9 Sect. 2.  before he Purged any one, would have them make their body or their humours fluid; that is, that they would dilute them sufficiently, to the end they might be more easily evacuated.  
Lastly, he said, That we ought to give to the Choleric, or in choleric distempers, Medicines to purge choler; in Phlegmatic, those that purge phlegm; in Melancholic, those that purge melancholy, or black choler; and in the Dropsy in particular, those that purge the Waters.  
He added, That we knew if a Purgative had drawn from the body what was fit to be evacuated, according as we found ourselves well or ill upon it. If we found ourselves well, 'twas a sign the Medicine had effectually expelled the humour that offended. On the contrary, if we were ill, Hypocrates pretended, whatever quantity of humours were come away, that the humour that was the cause of the illness was not, not judging of the goodness or badness of a Purge by the quantity of Matters that were voided by it, but by their quality, and the effect that followed after it.  

(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to vomit; from whence comes the word Emetic, which signifies vomitive.  Vomiting is also a manner of Purgation, which operates upwards, and draws up also further than from the stomach, if it be a little strong. We have seen before what were the Vomitives Hypocrates prescribed by way of precaution to persons in health.  
In regard to the sick, he advised them sometimes the like, when his intention was only to cleanse the stomach. But when he had a mind to recall the humours from the most hidden recesses of the body, he made use of brisker Remedies; and white Hellebore, which we placed amongst the Purgatives, was one of those he used oftenest for this effect. Particularly, he made the Melancholy and 
(b) De Diaeta liber primus.  Mad folks take it; and it is from the great use all the Ancients made of this Remedy in the like cases, that 'tis become a Proverb, To have need of Hellebore: as much as to say, To have lost one's senses.  
He gave it also in defluxions, which come according to him from the Brain, and throw themselves on the Nostrils or Ears, or that fill the Mouth with Spittle, or that cause stubborn pains in the Head, or a weariness, and an extraordinary heaviness, or a weakness of the knees, or a swelling all over the body. He gave it also to 
(c) De morb: lib. 1. & de intern. affect.  consumptive persons in Broth made of Lentils, to those that were ill of the Dropsy called Leucophlegmatia, and in other chronical distempers; but we do not find that he made use of it in acute distempers, unless in the 
(d) Epidem. lib. 5.  Cholera Morbus, where he says he has used it with benefit, tho' in this distemper they had vomited but too much already, but in this case vomiting was cured by a vomit. Some took this Medicine fasting, but most took it after Supper, after the same manner we said was practised in regard to vomits, that were ordered to be taken by way of precaution. The reason why he gave this Medicine most commonly after eating, was, That in mixing with the victuals, it might lose a little of its acrimony, and operate with less violence on the Membranes of the stomach. He gave also sometimes of a Plant called Sesamoides, with the same intention to cause vomiting; and sometimes he mixed it with Hellebore. Lastly, We ought to observe, that he gave in some certain cases Hellebore, which he called 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  soft or sweet, which had some relation to the quality of this Remedy, or to the quantity that he gave of it, which might be less on this last occasion.  
When Hypocrates had a mind simply to keep the body open, or make an evacuation of the Excrements contained in the Intestines, without drawing from too far, he made use of Simples chief to produce this effect; for example, of the Herb Mercury, or of Cabbage, the juice and decoction of which he ordered to be drank. He used Whey for the same effect, and also Cows or Ass' Milk, adding a little salt to it, and letting it boil sometimes. Or if he gave Asaph's Milk alone, he caused so great a quantity of it to be taken, that it must of necessity loosen the body. He prescribes 
(b) De ration. victus in acutis.  in one place even sixteen hemines of it, and every hemine contained nine Italian Ounces of liquor. I know not whether there be a fault in this passage or not; we find in the seventh Book of Epidemical Distempers, an example of a young Man, to whom he gave nine hemines in two days, which is much less. We might also say, that the time necessary to take this quantity of Milk in, being not specified in the first passage, nothing hinders but that we understand, that it ought to be taken in more than a days time. As to what remains, I know not whether, when Hypocrates makes mention of certain Demi-purgatives, or of a manner of 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Subpurgare, lib. de vict. ratione in acutis dum de pleuritide.  purging, that's in the middle between Clysters and Purgatives, properly so called. I know not, say I, whether he means the juice of Mercury, of Cabbage, and other Remedies, we have been speaking of, or whether he had other Medicines. Or lastly, Whether his ordinary Purgatives, taken in a less Dose, would not produce this effect.  
He made use also of 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Suppositories and 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to cleanse. The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from whence is derived that of Clyster, signifies in Hypocrates the Instrument with which they gave the Clyster.  Clysters, with the same intention to loosen the body. Suppositories were compounded of Honey, the juice of Herb Mercury, of Salt of Nitre, of Powder of Coloquintida, and other sharp ingredients, to irritate the Anus, which they put into a round form like a Ball, or round and long, of the shape and length of a finger. You have already seen before, what were the Clysters which Hypocrates prescribed to persons in health; those which he made up for the sick were sometimes of the same composition. At other times he took the decoction of Blits, or other Simples, in which he dissolved some Nitre and Honey, and diluted it with Oil, or some other ingredients, according as he had a mind to attract, to wash, irritate or soften; or according to the distempers he had to engage withal. The quantity of the liquor came to about four hemines, that is thirty six Italian Ounces; which seems to make it plain, and that he did not order it to be taken all at once, but at several times.   

CHAP. XV. Of the Purgation of the Head, and that of the Lungs in particular.  
HIppocrates also proposed to himself sometimes to 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  purge the Head alone. He put in practice this Remedy, after he had purged the rest of the body, in an Apoplexy, in inveterate pains of the Head, in a certain sort of Jaundice; in a Consumption, and in the greatest part of Chronical Distempers. For that he made use of juices of several Plants; as for example, the juice of Selery, to which he added sometimes Aromatic Drugs, making them snuff up this mixture into their Nostrils. He used also Powders compounded of Myrrh, the flowers of Brass, and white Hellebore, which he also made them put up into the Nose to make them sneeze, and to draw the Phlegm from the Brain through this part. He also made use of, for this effect, an Instrument or a Drogue, which he calls Tetragonon; that is to say, that that has four Angles, but we know not what he understood by it. They did not know it even in the time of Galen, who guests it to be 
(a) See the Commentaries on Hypocrates in Galen.  Antimony, or certain tables or flakes that you find in Antimony.  
He undertook also to purge or cleanse the Lungs, or the Breast in particular, in the distemper called Empyema. On this intent, he commanded the Patient to draw in his Tongue as much as he was able, and when that was done, he endeavoured to put into the hollow of the Lungs a Liquor that irritated the part, which raising a violent cough, forced the Lungs to discharge the purulent Matter which was contained in them. The materials that he used for it were of different sorts; sometimes he took the Root of Arum, which he ordered to be boiled with a grain of Salt, in a sufficient quantity of Water and Oil, dissolving a little Honey in it. At other times, when he intended to purge more strongly, he took the flower of Copper and Hellebore: after that he shook the Patient violently by the shoulders, the better to loosen the Pus. This Remedy, which is found in 
(b) De morbis lib. 2 & de internis affectionibus.  two places of the Works of Hypocrates, is attributed by Galen to the Cnidien Physicians, which we have spoke of in the precedent Book. The Physicians of the succeeding Ages have practised it no more, whether they had no Patients that would suffer it, or whether they thought it of no benefit, which is most probable. These ancient Physicians invented this Remedy to raise a cough upon what they observed, that it was the only means by which the Pus could be naturally evacuated from the Breast, and be as it were pumped out of the Lungs.   

CHAP. XVI. Whether Hypocrates made use of Purgations or Superstitious Purifications, which we spoke of above.  
WE have seen in the first Book of our History, that Melampus and Polyides used certain Purgations or Expiations, which had regard to Crimes as well as Distempers. It seems Hypocrates also approved of this practice, when he says, 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Lib. de decenti habitu.  That a Physician ought to have knowledge of the Purgatives or Purifications beneficial to life. 
(b) A Modern Translator of Hypocrates.  Cornarius has understood it this way; and, in effect, we cannot explain this passage or word otherwise, for he does not treat here of the Purgations that we spoke of in the foregoing Chapter: And the other Interpreters or Commentators on Hypocrates, that have taken it in this latter sense, are mistaken.  
But we may say, That seeing he meets with variations in the Original 
(c) Some Manuscripts read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the singular, which entirely altars the sense, and that signifies nothing if you don't refer it to the follewing word, which is also very obscure.  Manuscripts, in relation to the word in question, and that all this passage, there being comprised in it, that which immediately follows, is but obscure, perhaps Hypocrates meant to speak quite another thing. 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  A freedom from Superstition, which is one of the qualities he requires in a Physician, in the same place where he makes a parallel betwixt a Philosopher and one of this Profession, appears contrary to it. For how indeed does the necessity which he would impose on a Physician to understand purifications, which consisted of some superstitious ceremonies, agree with the freedom from every thing that is superstitious. It's true, that another translator of Hippocrates' reads this last word otherwise, and takes it 
(e) Calvus translates as if ●e had read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  in the contrary sense. But the inclining to superstition, or a superstitious fear of the Gods, is not that which they have accused the Philosophers of no more than the Physicians, between whom, they say, Hypocrates endeavours to make a comparison in this passage.  
We have nothing to do besides but to read the Book entitled of the Sacred Distemper, to see how Hypocrates openly laughs at all the ridiculous ceremonies they practised in his time to cure this distemper, and in particular the expiations and purifications they performed on this occasion. We will not relate any thing he has said above, to avoid being tedious: we'll only remark, that he puts those that meddled with expiations, Magicians, Mountebanks, and impudent Boasters, that promise more than they mean, and have nothing to perform. We●ll remark, I say, that he puts all these sorts of fellows in the same rank, ending a long discourse, which he makes on this subject, with these words, more worthy of a Christian, than a Pagan, as he was. It is, says he, the Deity that purifies us, and washes us from our greatest sins, and from our most enormous crimes. It is the Divinity which protects us, and it is only in the Temples, which are the habitations of the Gods, that we ought to seek to purify ourselves of what●s unclean.  
I know this Book to be supposed to belong to some other Author: But however it be, that Hypocrates used only remedies purely natural, and never proposed any superstitious ones, is an Argument he was never for them. We may see further how he elsewhere 
(f) Lib. de his quae ad virginem spectaut.  rallies the women of his time that were troubled with the Mother, for offering to Diana rich Garments. He does not stick to say, that the Priests who advised these poor women thus, abused them wretchedly.   

CHAP. XVII. Of Blood-letting, and of the Application of Cupping-Glasses.  
BLood-letting was another method of evacuating or taking away the superfluity of what was in the Vessels and parts, which Hypocrates used. Another aim he had in it was to divert or recall the course of the Blood, which was going where it ought not to be. A third end of bleeding was to procure a free motion of the Blood and Spirits, as we may gather from the following passage.  

(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. He says elsewhere in the same sense 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; the Bladder slopped.  When any one becomes speechless of a sudden, Hypocrates says it is caused by the shutting of the Veins, especially when it happens to a person otherwise in good health, without any outward violence. In this case the inward vein of the right Arm must be opened, and more or less blood taken away, according to the age and constitution of the Patient. Those that lose their Speech thus, have great flushings in the face, their Eyes are stiff, their Arms are distended, their Teeth gnash, they have palpitations of the Arteries, they cannot open their Jaws, the Extremities are cold, 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Interceptiones Spirituum in venis.  and the Spirits are intercepted in the Veins. If pain ensues, it is by the accession of the black Bile and sharp humours. For the Internal parts being vellicated or irritated by these humours, suffer very much, and the Veins being also irritated and dried, distend themselves extraordinarily, and are inflamed, and draw all that can flow to them, so that the Blood corrupting, and the Spirits not being able to pass through the Blood 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. their natural passages.  by their ordinary passages, the parts grow cold, by reason of this Stagnation of the Spirits. Hence comes giddiness, loss of speech, and convulsions. If this disorder reaches to the Heart, the Liver, or to 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It ought to be observed that he makes no mention here of the brain, nor of the nerves.  the great Veins. From hence come also Epilepsies, and Palsies, if the defluxions fall upon the parties named, and that they dry up, because the Spirits are denied a passage thro' them. In this case, after Fomentation a Vein must be opened, while the Spirits and Humours are yet 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  suspended or unsettled.  
Hypocrates had also a fourth intention in bleeding, which was for refreshment. So in the 
(f) De morb. lib. 3. Th●s is one ●f these Books that are attributed to Polybius.  Iliac passion he order bleeding in the Arm, and in the Head; to the end, says he, that the superior Venture (or the Breast) may cease to be overheated. The particular intentions which Hypocrates might further have in the use of this remedy will appear in the examination of the particular cases wherein he thought it necessary. We shall see at the same time the caution he used in these occasions, what Veins he opened, what quantity of Blood he took, and circumstances relating to bleeding.  
We must here take notice, that his conduct was much the same in Bleeding as Purging, in respect of time and persons. We ought, says he, to let blood in acute diseases, when they are violent, and if the party be lusty, and in the flower of his Age. Hence it follows, first, that he let blood neither infants nor old persons; and I was surprised at a consequence which 
(g) Callimedontis puero propter in●erculum ad collum, secta Vena. Epidem. lib. 5. & 7. Nota, sars Riolanus, puero detractum sanguinem. Now in the Greek it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, filio Callimedontis, and not puero, as Cornarius has translated it, which led Riolanus into this mistake, who did not take the pains to consult the Greek Text, which he understood perfectly well, and which would have shown him that this Son of Callimedon might be in the flower of his age, or at least above that of an Infant. De Circul. Sang. cap. 3.  Riolanus draws from one passage of our Author, or by which he pretends to prove that he sometimes took blood from Children, because in the passage cited, the persons Age who is spoken of is not determined.  
Hypocrates elsewhere insinuates, that we ought to have regard to the time, both in respect of the disease, and of the season when we let blood.  
He adds in the passage first cited, by way of explication of what he means by distempers both acute and violent 
(i) De rati●ne victu●●n a●●●. : That blood ought to be let in great pains, and particularly in inflammations. Amongst which he reckons those which fall upon the principal Viscera, as the Liver, the Lungs, and the Spleen; as likewise the Quinzy and the Pleurisy, if the pain be above the Diaphragm. In these cases he would have them bleed till they faint, especially if the pain be very acute, rather he advises that the Vein should not be closed till the colour of the Blood altars, that from livid it turns red, or from red livid. In the Quinzy he blooded in both Arms at a time. Difficulty of breathing is also reckoned among the distempers that require bleeding; Hypocrates mentions also another sort of inflammation of the Lungs, which he calls a swelling or tumors of the Lungs arising from heat, in which case he advises to bleed in all parts of the body, and directs particularly to the Arms, the Tongue, and the Nostrils.  
To make bleeding the more useful in all pains, he directed 
(k) Epidemic. lib. 6. sect. 6.  to the Vein nearest the part afflicted; and he gives particular direction in a Pleurisy 
(l) Lib. de ratim. victus in acutis.  to open the inward Vein of the Arm on that side on which the pain is. For the same reason, in pains of the Head he opened the Veins of the Nose and of the Forehead. Upon the same account he blooded an Idumaean Slave in the Foot, for a great pain in the Hips and Leg, which put her into convulsions, contracted after Lying in.  
When the plain was not urgent, and bleeding was advised for prevention, he directed 
(m) De natura hominis.  to the parts farthest off, with intention insensibly to divert the blood from the seat of pain.  
The highest Burning Fevers, which show neither signs of inflammation nor pain, are not ranked by Hypocrates among the acute distempers that required bleeding. On the contrary, he maintains, that a Fever itself is in some cases a reason against bleeding. 
(n) Epidem. lib 2. sect 6.  If any one, says he, has an Ulcer in the Head he must bleed, unless he has a Fever. 
(o) Ibidem.  He says farther, Those that lose their speech of a sudden must be blooded, unless they have a Fever.  
Perhaps he was afraid of bleeding in Fevers, because he supposes, as it appears by some passages, that Fevers were produced by the Bile and the Pituita, which grew hot, and afterwards heated the whole body, which is, says he, what we call a Fever, and which in his opinion could not be evacuated by bleeding. He looks elsewhere upon the presence or abundance of Bile as an objection against bleeding. And he orders, 
(p) Epidemic. lib 6. sect. 3.  to forbear bleeding even in spitting of blood, though in a Pleurisy if there be Bile, that is, I suppose, in a Bilious Pleurisy, which is not accompanied with violent pain.  
To this we must add, that Hypocrates distinguished very much between a Fever which followed no other distemper, but was itself the original Malady, and a Fever which came upon inflammation. In these times, as Galen observes, the first sort only were properly called Fevers, the other took their names from the parts affected, as Pleurisy, Peripneumonie, Hepatitis, Nephritis, etc. which names signify that the Pleura, the Lungs, the Liver, and the Kidneys are diseased, but do not intimate the Fever which accompanies their disease. In this later sort of Fever, Hypocrates constantly ordered bleeding, but not in the former.  
We are not therefore to be surprised, if in all his Book of epidemical distempers we find but few directions for bleeding in the acute distempers, and particularly in the great number of continual and burning Fevers there treated of.  
In the first and third Book, which are the most finished of all, we find but one single instance, and that in a Pleurisy, in which two he stayed till the eigthth day of the distemper.  
Galen accounts otherwise for his Conduct in this case, 
(q) In lib. 2. Epidemic. 3. Comm. 1.  Hypocrates having said nothing of bleeding, not only in the case of Pythion, but likewise of several other Patients who seemed according to his own principles to want bleeding, as far as we can judge of them by his writings; We must necessarily conclude, either that he did not bleed them at all, or that he omitted the mention of it in the History which he gives of their Cases. Now it is not likely that he omitted bleeding when the case required it, this great man being so fond of that Remedy, as appears by those Works of his, which are acknowledged by all the World to be Genuine, such as the Aphorisms, the method of Diet in acute distempers, and that we have now in hand, where he says thus; I opened a Vein in the Arm upon the eighth day, and let out abundance of blood, as was necessary: If he blooded upon the eighth day in the case here mentioned, we have still more reason to believe he did it in the preceding. On the other side, it is not probable that he should forget to mention it, in a case wherein it was his ordinary practice, especially when he puts down Remedies of much less importance, not omitting so much as a Suppositor. Since therefore, says Galen, there lies some difficulty upon either of these opinions, we ought to determine for that which has least. This being supposed, I am of opinion that it was used to several of these Patients, but that the mention of it was omitted in the History of their cases, as a thing supposed of course. And I rather subscribe to this Opinion, because Hypocrates himself takes express notice of bleeding on the eighth day, which I imagine he peculiarly remarked, because it was a thing against the usual practice, supposing the mention of bleeding the preceding days, as being the common methods.  
Most of the modern Commentators upon Hypocrates are of Galen's opinion: But to this it may be answered, that Hypocrates being very exact, as Galen himself acknowledges, even in the relation of the most Minute Medicines he used, such as Suppositors; 'tis hard to think in this case he would omit the most considerable. To this we may add, that Galen himself maintains elsewhere, that Erasistratus, of whom we shall speak hereafter, never blooded any body, only for this reason, that in ennumerating the Medicines he made use of in several occasions, he makes no mention of bleeding. If this Argument will hold against Erasistratus, it will against Hypocrates. Besides, it was altogether of as great importance, that we should be informed of the Remedies, as of the Process of the distempers. The symptoms which arise, depending as much upon the practice of the Physician himself, as upon the nature of the distemper.  
In all probability where Hypocrates omits the mention of bleeding in any case, he did not use it, nor is this so much against his principles, as Galen would insinuate. On the contrary, he follows him therein precisely, as appears by what has been said already.  
If Hypocrates had blooded his Patients plentifully in Fevers in the beginning of their illness, as Galen pretends, he would not perhaps have had the opportunity of seeing so many Fevers terminate by Crisis, that is, by natural Evacuation, which come of themselves in certain days.  
This Ancient Physician laid so much weight upon the assistance of Nature and the method of Diet, which was his favourite Medicine, that he thought if they took care to diet the Patients beforementioned according to rule, they might leave the rest to nature. These are his true principles, from which he never deviates, so that his pieces of epidemical diseases, seem to have been composed only with an intention to leave to posterity, an exact model of management in pursuance of these principles.  
To return to the Rules that Hypocrates prescribes for bleeding, 
(r) Galen Comment●on Aphor. 6. lib 6.  'tis observable in all diseases which have their seat above the Liver, he bleeds in the Arm, or some of the upper parts of the Body, but for those that were below it, he opened the Veins below, as of the Foot, the Ankle, or the Ham. 
(s) De ratione victûs in ●cu●●s sub ●in●m.  If the Belly was too Laxative, and bleeding was thought necessary, Hypocrates ordered the Looseness to be stopped before bleeding.  
Almost all these instances hitherto regard scarce any thing but acute distempers. We find several concerning chronical diseases. A young man complaining of a great pain of his Belly, with a great rumbling while he was fasting, which ceased after eating: This pain and noise continuing his meat did him no good; but on the contrary, he daily wasted, and grew lean. Several Medicines, as well Purgers as Vomiters were in vain given him. At length it was resolved to bleed him by intervals first in one Arm and then t'other, 
(t) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, till he was without blood. Epidemic. lib. 5. sub Principio.  till he had scarce any blood left, which perfectly cured him.  
Hypocrates let blood also in the Dropsy, and even in a Tympany; in both these cases he prescribes bleeding in the Arm 
(u) De affection●●. . In a disease arising from an overgrown Spleen, which is attended by divers other symptoms, he proposes bleeding several times repeated at a Vein of the Arm which he calls the Splenatick Vein. We shall speak more of this Vein hereafter.  
He proposes in another place 
(w) De Morbis lib. 2.  bleeding under the Tongue in a sort of Jaundice. This perhaps was an Empirical Medicine grounded only upon experience, for the use of which he could give no good reason; and what confirms me in this opinion, is, that the Book wherein this remedy is mentioned is supposed to have been written by the Cnidian Physicians, who, as we have said before, were Empirics. Or perhaps it might be grounded upon some reason which is lost to us, because we have not the same Idea of the disposition of the Veins, and their sympathy with the several parts of the body, that the Ancients had. What Hypocrates advances elsewhere, that if we burn in any one the Veins or Arteries of the Temples, he can never procreate after, seems to be founded upon no better reason. We have as much reason to ask what particular communication there is between the Veins of the Temples, and the Organs of Generation, as between the Liver and the Spleen, which are the parts affected in the Jaundice, and the Veins of the Tongue. This difficulty would lie as heavy upon us as the other, if Hypocrates himself his not inform us 
(x) See for this the Chapter of the Anatomy of Hypocrates , that the Seed which comes from all parts of the body, and particularly from the Head, passes or descends by the Veins of the Temples, or behind the Ears; so that when one burns those Veins, one intercepts the passage of the Seed.  

(y) See the list of diseases known to Hypocrates.  This opening of the Veins behind the Ears was, as we have showed before, a familiar practice among the Scythians, by which they cur●d themselves of a certain sort of a Sciatica. There is no doubt, but that bleeding, as well as purging, which are two Medicines whose effects are not easily to be accounted for, must in many cases be Empirical remedies. It was sufficient for Hypocrates and the rest of the ancient Physicians, to know that they were serviceable in certain cases, to induce them to the use of them in those cases, though ignorant of the reasons of their operations.  
We see by what has been said concerning bleeding, that there were some occasions, in which he did not only bleed once in the course of a distemper, but that he did it very largely, continuing it sometimes even to swooning. Sometimes he blooded in both Arms at a time, in others he did it several times, and in several parts of the body, but he does not put down the quantity took at a time. The Veins which he opened were those of the Arm, 
(z) By the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, hand, the Greeks often understood all the arm; so that when they only meant the hand they said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the extremity of the hand, or of the arm. Hypocrates makes particular mention of two veins of the arm, or of the hand, one of which he calls Hepatitis, and the other Splenitis, supposing that the first came from the Liver, and the other from the Spleen.  the Hands, the Ankles on both sides, the Hams, the Forehead, behind the Head, the Tongue, the Nose, behind the Ears, under the Breasts, and those of the Arms; not reckoning those he burned, and the Arteries he opened, of which we shall speak under the head of his Surgery.  
Hypocrates likewise used Cupping-vessels, with intent to recall and withdraw the humours which fell upon any part. He contented himself sometimes with the bare attraction made by the Cupping-vessels, sometimes he scarified also, that is to say, he slashed or pricked divers holes on the place where the Cupping-vessel had been. We shall see more at large in the 
(a) See below in the Chapter of Celsus.  sequel the several sorts of Cupping-vessels in use amongst the Ancients, and the manner of applying of them. We shall speak likewise of their Cauteries, in the Surgery of Hypocrates.   

CHAP. XVIII. Of Diuretic and Sudorific Remedies.  
WHen bleeding and purging, which were the principal and most general means which Hypocrates used to take off a Plethora of the Blood or humours, were insufficient, he had recourse to Diuretics and Sudorificks. Which he insinuates in this passage, wherein nevertheless he makes mention of bleeding. 
(a) De ratione victûs in morbis acutis p. m 403.  All diseases, says he, are determined or cured by evacuations by the mouth, by stool, by urine, or some other such way, but sweeting is common to all, that is, takes off all alike.  

(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to urine●  Diuretic Medicines were of different sorts, according to the disposition of persons; sometimes Baths, and sometimes Sweet Wine, provoke urine; sometimes the nourishment which we take contributes to it: and amongst those Herbs which are commonly eaten, Hypocrates recommends Garlic, Leeks, Onions, Cucumbers, Melons, Gourds, Fennel, and all the biting things which have a brisksmell. With these he numbers Honey, mixed with Water or Vinegar, and all Salt Meats. But when he would drive it more forcibly, he took four Cantharideses, and taking off their Wings and their Feet, gave them in Wine and Honey. He gave these several Medicines in variety of Cronical distempers after Purging, when he thought that 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. See the Chapter of the Causes of Disease's.  the Blood was overcharged with a sort of moisture, which he calls Ichor, or in suppressions of urine; and when it was made in less quantity than it ought.  
Hypocrates used also sudorific or sweeting Medicines. There are also some cases wherein he would force sweat 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Satius urinam & sudorem provocare. De morb. mulier. 1.  as well as urine, but he does not tell what is to be taken for that purpose. He says in another place, 
(e) De Morb. Epidemic. lib. 6. sect. 2.  that good care ought to be taken when sweat is provoked, both how and when, but he tells not the means. There is only a single passage that I know of, wherein he mentions 
(f) Ibid. lib. 2. sect. 6. Vid. & Aphorism. 42. l. 7.  sweeting, by pouring upon the Head a great quantity of hot Water till the Feet sweat, that is, till the sweat diffuses itself over the whole Body, running from the Head to the Foot. After which he would have them eat boiled Meat and drink thereupon pure Wine, and being well covered with , lay themselves to rest. What he adds immediately after, that they should eat two or three heads of daffodils, does not seem to me at all to relate to the provoking of sweat, daffodils being reckoned by Dioscorides among the Vomitories. Hypocrates perhaps puts the Patient to his choice, whether to sweat or vomit. Perhaps the Narcissus of Hypocrates was not known afterwards by the same name, which has been the fortune of several other Simples whose names have been changed. I do not find any other sudorific Medicines taken at the mouth in Hypocrates.  
The Disease for which he proposes the aforesaid Remedies is a Fever, which is not, according to him, produced either by the Bile or the Pituita, but from mere Lassitude, or some other like cause. By this we see that Hypocrates did not approve of Sweeting in any other Fever than here pointed at.   

CHAP. XIX. Of the Simple Mediicines which change the disposition of the body and humours, as to their sensible qualities, without making any sensible Evacuation.  

(a) De affect. p. m 515, This Book has been attributed to Polybius. Upon this see what is remarked of refreshing remedies, below in the Chapter of acute Diseases.  THese Medicines, says Hypocrates, which Purge neither Bile nor Phlegm, that is to say, which are not at all purgative, act by cooling, or heating, by drying, or moistening, or by 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The first signifies to close, to thicken; the second to resolve, to dissipate.  closing and thickening, resolving and dissipating. To these remedies he joins those which procure sleep; but he does not say what are those remedies which cool and moisten; and 'tis probable, that what he calls Medicine in this place, served likewise for Food: Which he seems to insinuate a little after, when he says, that the Meat and Drink which men use in their health, aught to serve them when they are sick, choosing or preparing them according to the present occasion, of cooling or moistening, drying or heating.  
As this relates to the Diet of the sick, we may consult what has been before said upon that Head. Hypocrates used those Medicines which thickened, or resolved and dissipated, as well externally as internally, as well to draw the matter of an Abscess to the Head, as to resolve and dissipate a Tumour, or to thicken a sharp and thin Humour, or to attenuate or subtilise thick viscid uses. Of these more under the Chapter of his Pharmacy.   

CHAP. XX. Of Hipnotic or Sleep-procuring Medicines.  
HIppocrates speaking in the aforesaid passage of Remedies 
(a) We have observed in the preceding Chap. that the Book from whence this passage is taken, has been ascribed to Polybius, who, as we shall see below, was a greater reasoner than Hypocrates.  which procure sleep, says they produce this effect, 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  by calming or giving rest to the blood, neither does he tell us what these Medicines are. He speaks in several other places of a Plant which he calls 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Mecon, which is the name the Greeks call the Poppy by. But 'tis remarkable that he generally attributes to this Plant a purgative quality; which makes it plain, that he did not mean the Poppy by it. 
(d) De Simplic. Medicater. facultat. lib. 2.  Galen tells us that some took the Peplus which we have ranked before amongst the Purgatives, and Spatling Poppy for the same Plant; and in his Glosses upon Hypocrates he says, that Meconium and Peplus signified frequently the same thing in him. I suppose we ought to read Mecon, and not Meconium, Pliny taking notice that the Tithymale which is the same with the Peplus, was otherwise called Mecon, or at least Galen ought to have said that the Meconium was the Juice of the Peplus, and not the Peplus itself.  
We find notwithstanding in Hypocrates, some passages in which these two words Mecon and Meconium are taken in the same sense, in which the Greeks of the following Ages constantly used them, that is, the first signified Poppy, and the latter the Juice of it; which shows that in Hippocrates' time, two very different things were called by the same name; the Peplus which is a purging Tithymale, and the Poppy which is Astringent and Somniferous. He speaks likewise of a third sort of Meconium drawn from the Excrements, which name has been since given to the Excrements first voided by a Child newly born. In the second Book of women's distempers, he proposes 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, juice, is form that of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Opium in Latin. We may find in Dioscorides the difference between Opium, and Meconium.  the Juice of Poppy for a distemper of the Matrix, and as a proof that he meant the Juice of Poppy, which causes sleep, he calls it within a few lines after the 
(f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Hipnotic Meconium, to distinguish it from the other.  
From hence it is apparent that he knew the virtue of the Poppy, but it is observable that he used it very seldom; and I do not find that he proposes this Remedy in the cases to which it has been since applied, that is, in wake, and especially in pains. We shall have occasion to say more of this Remedy, 
(g) See below in the Chapt. of Heraclides Tarentum.  in the sequel, and of the use the Ancients made, and the doubts they had of it.  
There is another passage in Hypocrates, wherein he mentions the white and black Poppy 
(h) De vict. rat. lib 2.  in these words. The Poppy says he, is Astringent, the black more than the white, yet the white is so likewise, 
(i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  but it nourishes and is of great force. Dioscorides and Galen inform us, that the Ancients put Poppy-seeds in their Cakes, which they made of Meal and Honey, and sometime even into their Bread, as it is not likely they did it for nourishment. Perhaps there may be some fault in the Text of Hypocrates.   

CHAP. XXI. Of the Specific Remedies of the several distempers, whose operations are not accounted for.  
THe Medicines hitherto spoke of act after a sensible manner, and it was by their means that Hypocrates answered the general intentions which he proposed in the cure of diseases. There were other Medicines which he made use of for no other reason but the known success of them in several particular cases. His own experience, and that of his predecessors, was sufficient to establish the use of them, though he could not rationally account for their effects.  
We shall give some instances of these remedies in the account of Hippocrates' method of curing some particular diseases. But we must not forget here that these remedies were chief such as he inherited from his predecessors the Asclepiades, who being Empirics, did not much trouble themselves how their Medicines operated, so the Patients were cured. Tho Hypocrates relied very much upon the former sort of Medicines, yet he did not neglect these, for almost all the Physicians after him continued the use of both sorts in their practice, the one supplying the defects of the other.   

CHAP. XXII. Of the Remedies applied externally to divers parts of the Body. Of Compound Medicines in general, and of the Pharmacy of Hypocrates.  
AMongst the Remedies externally applied, 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifies Fire; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to warm; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to heat. This last word seems common to Fomentations, Cataplasms, and all exterior applications of Oils, and Unguents, which are used as lentfiers. In Latin Fomentum from Fovere.  Fomentations were the chief. These were a peculiar sort of Bath which Hypocrates used very often, and which was made several ways. The first was that, wherein the Patient 
(b) This sort of Fomentation was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to sit within. Lib. de Superfatat. de ratione victùs in acutis, de morb. 3.  sat in a Vessel, in a decoction of Herbs or Simples, appropriate to his Malady, so that the part aggrieved was soaked in the decoction. This was chief used in distempers of the Womb, of the Arms, the Bladder, the Reins, and generally all the parts below the Diaphragm. This Remedy might be referred to the Chapter of Baths, of which it is a kind.  
The second way of Fomenting, was to take warm Water, and put it into a Skin or Bladder, or even into a Copper or Earthen Vessel, and to apply it to the part affected; as for example, upon the side in a Pleurisy. They use likewise a large Sponge, which they dipped in the water or other hot Liquor, and squeezed out part of the water before they apply●d it. The same use they made of Barley, or Vetches, or Bran; which was boiled in some proper liquor, and apply●d in a linen bag. These Fomentations were called moist Fomentations.  
He used also dry ones made of Salt or Millet, made very hot, and applied in bags upon the part.  
The last sort of Fomentations was by way of Vapour, which steamed from some hot Liquor. We find an instance of this sort of Fomentations in the first Book of women's distempers. He cast at several times bits of red hot Iron into urine, and covering the Patient close upwards, caused her to receive the steam below. His design in these Fomentations, was to warm the part, to resolve or dissipate, and draw out the peccant matter, if any where, to mollify and assuage pain, to open the passages or even to shut them, according as the Fomentations were Emollient or Astringent.  

(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Fumigations were likewise very much used by Hypocrates for the following intentions. 
(d) De Morb. lib. 3.  In the Quinzy he burned Hyssop, with Sulphur and Pitch, and caused the Smoke to be drawn into the Throat thro' a Tunnel, which brought away abundance of Phlegm thro' the Mouth, and thro' the Nose, or else he took to the same purpose, 
(e) De morb. lib. 1.  Nitre, Marjerom, and Cress-seeds, which he boiled in Water, Vinegar and Oil, and while it was on the Fire, caused the steam to be drawn in by a Pipe. We find, particularly in Hypocrates, a great number of Fumigants for the distempers of Women, to provoke their Menses, and to check them, to help conception, and to ease pains in the Matrix, and the suffocation of it. He used on these occasions, such Aromaticks as were then known, as Cinnamon, Cassia, Myrrh, and several Odoriferous Plants, as likewise some Minerals, such as Niter, Sulphur, and Pitch, and caused them to receive the vapours into the Matrix, by means of a Tunnel.  

(f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Gargles, which are likewise a sort of Fomentations for the Mouth and Throat, were also known to Hypocrates. He used in the Quinzy, a Gargoyle made of Marjerom, Savory, Selery, Mint and Nitre, boiled with Water and a little Vinegar. When this was strained, they added Honey to it, and washed their Mouths frequently with it.  
They made likewise very great use of 
(g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. These three words Hypocrates uses to signify all that is proper to anoint.  Oils and Ointments, in order to mollify and to abate pain, to ripen Boils, to resolve tumors, to refresh after weariness, to make the body supple, and divers others particular intentions. We shall 〈◊〉 occasion to speak further of Ointments and Liquid Perfumes hereafter, in the Chapter of Prodicus, one of Hippocrates' Scholars. Hypocrates used sometimes Oil of Olives neat, sometimes he infused some Simple into it, as the leaves of Myrtle or Roses; this latter Oil was in great request amongst the Ancients.  
There were other sorts of Oils more compounded. Hypocrates speaks of an Oil or Unguent call●d 
(h) See Dioscorides.  Susinum, which was made of the Flowers of the Iris, of some Aromaticks, of an Ointment of Narcissus made with the Flowers of Narcissus, and Aromaticks infused in Oil. But the most considerable or the most compound Ointment that he mentions, is that which he calls Netopum, which he prepared particularly for Women. Hesychius tells us, that it was an Ointment consisting of a great number of Ingredients. Hypocrates speaks likewise of an Oil or Ointment of Egypt, which was compounded as it is elsewhere, of abundance of Aromaticks, which seems to be the same with the Netopum, or as Dioscorides calls it, Metopium. As for another Oil, which was called the white Oil of Egypt, Galen says 
(i) De simple. Medicam. facu●●●b. lib 2.  in one place, that it was only very fine Oil of Olives; 
(k) In glossis Hippocratis.  but in another place he tells us, that it was the same Oil or Ointment that was otherwise called Mendesium.  
Hypocrates used also a sort of Ointment which he called 
(l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Ceratum, which consisted chief of Oil and Wax, which gave name to the Medicine. The Composition of one Ceratum, which he recommends for the softening of a Tumour, and cleansing of a Wound, was this. Take the quantity of a Nut of the Marrow or Fat of a Sheep, of Mastic or Turpentine the quantity of a Bean, and as much Wax, melt these over a Fire with Oil of Roses, for a Ceratum.  
Sometimes he added mixed Pitch and Wax, and putting a quantum sufficit of Oil, made a composition of greater consistence than the former, which he called 
(m) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Ceropissus.  

(n) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Cataplasms were a sort of Medicament of less consistence than the two former. They consisted of Powders or Herbs steeped or boyl●d in water, or some other liquor, to which they sometimes put Oil. In the Quinzy, Hypocrates order a Cataplasm made of Barly-meal boiled in Wine and Oil. Cataplasms were used with intention of softening, lenifying, or resolving tumors, or ripening of the Abscesses like the Cerata; they had also cooling Cataplasms made of the Leaves of Beets or Olive, Fig or Oak Leaves boiled in Water.  
Hypocrates used also a sort of Medicines called a 
(o) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. De morb. muli●r. lib. 3.  Collyrium. It was compounded of Powders, to which was added a small quantity of some Ointment or Juice of a Plant, to make a solid dry Mass, the form of which was round and long, which was kept for use.  
Another Composition not much different from the other, but in the form, the Ingredients being much of the same nature, was a sort of 
(p) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈…〉 which 〈…〉, because 〈…〉 and 〈◊〉 li●e a 〈◊〉 cake. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈…〉 weight of a D●am. D● morb. 〈◊〉 ●ib ●.  Lozenge, of the bigness of a small piece of Money, which was used to be burnt upon Coals for a perfume, and to be powdered for other uses, as we shall see more particularly hereafter. We find likewise in Hippocrates ●s Descriptions for Powders, for several uses to take off Fungous flesh, and to blow into the Eyes in Opthalmies, etc.  
These are almost all the Medicines used externally. We shall have occasion to take notice of a certain Composition of this nature, in the Chapter of women's distempers. As for the Compound Medicines taken inwardly, they were either Liquid or Solid. 
(q) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Those which were in a Liquid form, were prepared either by decoction, or infusion in a proper Liquor, which, when strained, was kept for use, or by macerating certain Powders in such Liquors, and so taking them together, or by mixing divers Liquors together. 
(r) See the Ch. of ●he Diet of the Sick.  We have given before the preparation of a Potion, called Cyceon, and some others. The Medicines in 
(s) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to swallow something that is solid.  Solid form, consisted of Juices, inspissated, of Gums, Rosins or Powder made up with them, or with Honey, or something proper to give the necessary consistence to the Medicine. These were made up in a form and quantity fit to be swallowed with ease.  
Amongst the solid Medicines may be ranked that which is delivered in the first Book of women's distempers, under the Title of 
(t) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Vatican Copies read it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of several ingredients.  the Salt Medicine.  
There was a third sort of Medicine, which was betwixt Liquid and Solid, which was a sort of Lambitive, which they were forced to keep some time to dissolve in the Mouth, that they might swallow it leisurely. This Remedy was used to take off the Acrimony of those Humours which falls sometimes upon this part, which provoke Coughing, and other inconveniencies. Honey was the Basis of it, as we shall see in some descriptions to come, in the relation of some instances of distempers, cured by Hippocrates' method.  
By all this we may see what sort of Compound Medicines Hypocrates used. If the Book De Affectionibus be his, we may infer from thence, that he wrote particularly upon this subject. The Author in that Book quoting others which treat of Medicaments only. These Books bore the title of Pharmaca; and Pharmacitis, says our Author, ut Scriptum est in Pharmacis, that is, in Libris De Pharmacis Agentibus. The word Pharmacitis is an Adjective, to which the Substantive Liber, which is understood, must be joined. Pharmacitis Liber, the Book of Medicines. But this Book has been ascribed to Polybius, Son-in-law to Hypocrates; and it is remarkable that these Books, or this Book of Medicaments, is cited no where else by Hypocrates. Galen observes, that those sort of Books were very rare in those days, because the Ancient Physicians used to give a Receipt of the Medicines they used, with the History of the distemper they used them for.  
Another thing which is worth our Observation is, that the compound Medicines of Hypocrates were but very few, and consisted of very few Simples, four or five at most. We find indeed in Actuarius the description of a very compounded Antidote, which he calls Hippocrates' Antidote, for which he says, the Athenians presented him with a Crown. But this is plainly a fiction, and one of the specious Titles the Greeks used to give to their Medicines, to promote the sale, of which we shall see more examples hereafter.  
Here we must take notice, that Hypocrates understood Pharmacy, or the Art of Compounding or Preparing Medicines. 
(w) Lib. de Theriaca ad Pison.  This Galen endeavours to prove from a passage of the second Book of the epidemics, where he introduces Hypocrates speaking after this manner. 
(x) This passage is very obscure, as we find it in Hypocrates; and Galen, or the Author of the Book cited by us, give● it us very different from what it is in our Originaly.  We know the nature of Medicines, whereof so many different things are compounded, for all are not compounded alike, but some after one manner, and others after another. Some simples ought to be boyl●d quick, others slowly▪ They are likewise differently prepared. Some are dried, some are stamped, some are boiled, etc.  
The last observation we shall make upon the Pharmacy of Hypocrates is, that he not only understood the preparation of Medicines, but that he prepared them himself, or in his own House by his Servants, after his own directions This was the practice of the Physicians of those times, when neither Pharmacy nor Surgery were become particular professions.   

CHAP. XXIII. A List of the Simples used by Hypocrates,  

A  
AGnus Castus.  
Alica.  
Alom, Alom of Egypt, Scissil Al●m.  
 Alom.  
Almonds.  
Amomum. *  
Anagallis.  
Anagyris.  
Alkanet. *  
Ammoniac. Gum.  
Aneth.  
Anise.  
Anthemus, or Anthemis.  
Asparagus.  
Afterbirth humane.  
Asphodel.  
Atriplex. *  
Amber  
Ass its D●ng.  
Ash-tree,  
Apples.   

B  
Brass, and its Rust, Filings, Scales, and Calx.  
Birthwort.  
Baccharis. *  
Butter.  
Blites.  
Bulbus albus.  
Bulbus parvus growing among the Corn.  
Bembylium, a sort of Melissa. Erot.  
Bryony.  
Buprestis, the name both of a Plant, and an Animal.  
Beetles.  
Beans.  
Basil.  
Barley. Achilles' Barley.  
Bramble.  
Bull's Gall, Liver, and Urine.   

C  
CLivers, Goosegrass.  
Cachrys.  
Calamint.  
Calamus aromaticus.  
Cantharideses. *  
Capers.  
Cardamomes.  
Casia.  
Castor.  
Cedar, and its Rosin.  
Centaury.  
Chalcitis  
Chamaeleon.  
Chondrus.  
Coleworts.  
Chrethmus.  
Chrysocolla.  
Chrysitis.  
Cinnamon.  
Cneorum.  
Cnidia Grana.  
Cnicus.  
Colocynthis.  
Cucumbers Garden and wild.  
Conyza.  
Coriander.  
Crateogonon.  
Cresses.  
Cumine, vulgar, and Ethiopian.  
Cyclamen.  
Cyperus.  
Cypress.  
Cytisus.  
Craufish.  
Cheese.  
Clary.  
Carrots  
Cinquefoil.  
Cuttlefish, its Bones, and Eggs.  
Chalk   

D  
DOg.  
Daphnoides.  
Daucus.  
Dittany.  
Dittany of Crete.  
Dracontium  
Dracuncunculus.  
Docks.   

E  
EBony.  
Elaterium.  
Epipetrum.  
Erviolum.  
Ervum.  
Erysinum.  
Evanthemum  
Eggs.  
Elder.   

F  
FRankincense.  
Frankincense granulated.  
Flower, or Meal of several sorts of Grain, fine and course.  
Fenugreek.  
Fennel.  
Ferula.  
Figtree, Garden and wild, its Leaves, Wood and Fruit, etc.  
Frogs.  
Feverfew.  
Fox Dung.   

G  
Garlic.  
Goose Grass. Clivers.  
Goat, the Milk, Dung, Excrements of the Skin, Fat, and Horns.  
Gourds.  
Gall of Oxen, Swine, Sea Scorpion, etc.  
Galba num.  
Galls Nuts  
Glans Egypt.  
Grapes, and the mass of 'em after pressing.   

H  
HEmlock.  
Horns of Oxen, Goats, and Deer, rasped, and burnt.  
Hellebore, white and black.  
Heath.  
Herb Charien.  
Hedgehog.  
Sea Hedgehog.  
Hippomarathrum.  
Hippophae.  
Holoconitis.  
Hyssop vulgar, and Cilician.  
Hare's Wool.  
Hemp.  
Honey.  
Honey of Cedar.   

I  
JUncus odoratus  
Iris.  
Isatis or Wood  
Ivy.   

L  
LOadstone.  
Lettuce.  
Lagopyrus.  
Laserpitium.  
Laurel.  
Lentils.  
Lentiscus.  
Lees of Wine  
Lees of Wine burnt  
Lotus.  
Lupins.  
Lapis 

Cyanaeus  
Magnesius.    
Leeks.   

M  
MArsh Mallow  
Mugwort.  
Mushrooms.  
Milk, Asses, Cows, Mares, Bitch's.  
Mastic Tree.  
Mastic  
Malicorium.  
Mandrake.  
Mallow.  
Meconitis.  
(a) Meconium purgans.  
Meconium somniferum.  
Meconium, an excrement.  
Melanthium.  
Melilot.  
Mint.  
Mercury the Herb.  
Mulberries.  
Millet.  
Minium.  
Misy.  
Modus, a root.  
Molybdaena.  
Moss.  
Mustard.  
Mules Dung.  
Myrica.  
Myrrh.  
Myrrah Stacte.  
Myrtle.  
Myrtidanum.   

N  
Narcissus'.  
Nardus.  
Nitre.  
Nitre red.  
Nuts Thasian.  
Nettle.  
Navelwort.   

O  
ONions.  
Orache.  
Oats.  
Oak.  
Oil.  
Oenanthe.  
Oesype.  
Olive, Wood, Leaves, Gall, Fruit, Stones, and Oil.  
Origanum.  
Orobus.  
Orpiment.  
Orpine.   

P  
PImpernel  
Parsley Bastard.  
Pomegranate.  
Pepper.  
Panax.  
(b) Poppy.  
Peplium.  
Peplus.  
Pompions.  
Parsley.  
Parsley curled.  
Pencedanum.  
Poplar.  
Phaseolus.  
Philistium.  
Pine, and its Kernel.  
Peony.  
Pears.  
Pease, and dry.  
Purslan.  
Pitch.  
Prassium.  
Pseudodictamnus.  
Pennyroyal.   

Q  
QUick Lime.   

R  
RAisins  
Rhadish.  
Ranunculus.  
Root white.  
Resine.  
Rhamus'.  
Rhus.  
Ricinus.  
Rocket.  
Rose.  
Rosemary.  
Rubia.  
Rue.   

S  
SOthernwood.  
Silver, and its Flower.  
Spices of all sorts.  
Stag its horns, etc.  
Services, or Sorb Apples.  
Sea water.  
Succory yellow  
Sheep's Fat, Marrow, and Dung  
Saffron.  
Sagapenum.  
Sandarach, Gum.  
Savoury.  
Savin.  
Sage.  
Scammony.  
Squills.  
Scolopendrium  
Salt.  
Sa●●●f Thebes.  
Seseri  
Sesamum.  
Sesamoides.  
Spodium.  
Sulphur.  
Stavesacre.  
Staebe.  
Struthium.  
Stybis.  
Styrax.  
Soot.  
Sea Calves Lungs.  
Spelt.   

T  
THorn white.  
Thorn Egyptian.  
Turnip.  
Turpentine.  
Teda  
Terra Aegyptiaca.  
Terra nigra Samia.  
Thapsia.  
Thlapsi.  
Time.  
Thymbra.  
Tithymalus.  
Tithymalis.  
Torpedo.  
Tortoise.  
Tragus.  
Tribulus.  
Trefoil.  
Trigonum.   

V  
VIper.  
Verbascum.  
verdigris.  
Verjus.  
Vine, it's Wood, Leaves, and Tendrels.  
Vinegar.  
Violets 

white.  
blue.    
Urine.   

W  
WOrmwood  
Wax, white Wax  
Wheat.  
Whey.  
Worms.  
Wine, of several sorts.   

X  
XAnthium.   

Z  
ZEa.   
These are the names that occur in Hypocrates, except perhaps a very few, which may have escaped our notice. The Greek, like most other Languages, having suffered great alteration, and the names of divers Plants being changed, it became within 2 or 3 Ages different to determine what Plants Hypocrates designed by some of 'em; but the number of 'em is so small that the loss is not very considerable.   

CHAP. XXIV. Some instances of particular Cures of some Diseases, both Acute and Chronical.  
WE shall find here, besides the practice of the general rules before laid down, several particular Medicines of which no mention has been made. We have already seen Hippocrates' distinction between Fevers that were not symptomatical, but were of themselves the original distemper, and those which attended inflammations. We have observed, that in the first sort of Fevers Diet was the only Medicine, he not thinking it necessary neither to bleed or purge, or do any thing more than nurse them after the manner below laid down.  
We have seen likewise the use he made of bleeding and purging in inflammations, such as the Pleurisy and Peripneumonie, and his cautions in the use of them.  
In the first of these distempers he attempted to abate the pain of the side, or to dissipate the peccant matter, by applying Fomentations upon the part. In the case of the man that was not blooded till the eighth day of his Pleurisy, he takes express notice that the Fomentations had not at all abated the pain, which supposes him to have begun with them. Fomentations were, and have been a long time, almost an universal Remedy, and the use of Oils, Ointments, Cataplasms, and other external Medicines was near as common, as the sequel will show. Hypocrates did not only apply these Medicines to the part affected in the Pleurisy, whose seat is in the side: 
(a) De dlaeta in acutis.  He caused almost all the body, and particularly the Loins and Thighs to be anointed. Of those remedies which he gave inwardly in this distemper, he appears to have relied most upon those which promoted 
(b) De locis in hom  spitting. He proposes also the following remedy. 
(c) Diaeta acutis.  Take, says he, Sothernwood, Pepper, and black Hellebore, boil them in Vinegar and Honey, and give it in the beginning of the distemper, if the pain be urgent. He prescribes in the same case, as also in inflammations of the Liver, and pains about the Diaphragm, Panax boiled in the same Liquor; and intimates that these Medicines serve to loosen the Belly, and so provoke urine; so that black Hellebore ordered in the first prescription, must not be taken for a true purgative, because it would have been against his principles, but for a Medicine that only loosens the Belly gently, and was about the strength of a Clyster. In another place he allows urine 
(d) See the Chapter of Diet.  to his Pleuriticks, so it be not a strong Wine, and it be well diluted. He allows it likewise in a sort of inflammation of the Lungs and in a Lethargy, which makes me the less surprised at his ordering Pepper in a Pleurisy; and which is an argument that the intention of cooling, or the fear of heating, were not the strongest considerations upon which Hypocrates acted in the cure of acute distempers; although he recommends elsewhere to Pleuriticks, a drink made of Water and Vinegar, into which he sometimes put a little Honey, with an intention to moisten and expectorate. Perhaps this Pepper Medicine was one of the empirical Remedies before spoken of, the experience whereof he had without the reason.  
In a Peripneumonie, or inflammation of the Lungs, his practice was much the same, as in a Pleurisy. We have seen before that he let blood frequently. We shall only take notice here, that he endeavoured to clear the Lungs by Medicines, that attenuated or incided viscid matter, and helped expectoration. He particularly for this purpose, directs an 
(e) See the preceding Chapter.  Electuary composed of Pine-apples, Galbanum, and Attic Honey.  
We have seen that he ordered bleeding for those that suddenly lost their Speech, or who had any sumptoms of an Apoplexy, Palsy, or Convulsions, and other distempers of the like nature. After this he orders vomiting, and a purge of a great quantity 
(f) To the quantity of a dozen, and sometimes of sixteen heminae. See the Chapter of Purgers.  of Asses Milk. But this latter Remedy seems rather designed for those that were recovered of these distempers, or had overcome the first fit. The Fomentations likewise must have been used in the beginning.  
For Convulsions in particular he gave Pepper, and black Hellebore in Chicken Broth. He made them sneeze, bath, foment and anoint continually. 
(g) De locis in homine.  In another place he order a fire to be made on both sides the patient's bed, and gave him Mandiake Root in a small quantity, and applied Bags very hot to the Tendons behind, without specifying what Tendons he means.  
In a Quinzy he opened the Veins of the Arm, and under the Tongue and Breasts. He gave Lambitives and Gargles, which they were to use hot, and used Fumigations as we have taken notice already. He advises shaving the Head, and to lay a Plaster to it, as likewise the Neck, which was also to be fomented and covered with Wool. 
lib. 3.  (h) In great peril of suffocation he pierced the Windpipe, and put a Reed or Pipe into it. When the disease began to abate, he purged with Elaterium, to prevent a relapse. He began the cure of an Ileos' by Vomiting also; though in this distemper they vomit of themselves too much, as we have observed that he did in a Cholera, 
(i) See the Chap. of Vomitives.  which is likewise a disease whose chief symptom is vomiting. Afterwards he let blood from the Veins of the Arm and of the Head, and cooled all the Diaphragm, not the Heart excepted; and warmed all those below 
(k) See the Chapter of outward Remedies. , by placing the patiented in a vessel of warm water, and afterward anointing him continually with Oils, or applying Cataplasms as hot as might be endured. He used also upon these occasions Suppositors eight inches long, made with Honey only, and rubbed at the end with Bulls Gall. This Suppositor having drawn away the nearest excrements, he gave a Clyster. But if the Suppository had no effect, he thrust up the Anus the snout of a pair of Bellows, and having blown up the Belly and Intestines, he drew the Bellows and gave the Clyster. He gives a caution that this Clyster be made of things which do not heat very much, but such as dissolve the excrements: and after it is taken, he order the Anus to be stopped with a Sponge, and the Patient be put into warm water, and keep the Clyster as long as possible.  
He gins his Cronical distempers with the Exsiccating disease described before, and taken notice of as a kind of a Hypochondriacal affection. For the cure of this evil, Hypocrates proposed first walking and exercise; and in case of weakness, to make use of some carriage, and to make short Journeys. He adds, that they ought to take vomits and purges frequently, to use cold Bathing in Summer and to anoint in Autumn and Winter, with Oils; to drink Ass' Milk or Whey, to abstain from meats, either sweet or oily, and to use cooling things, and such as keep the Belly lose, and to take Clysters. He mentions 
(k) Epidem l. 5. sub p●in●. See the Chapter of ble●ding.  the case of a young man, something like the distemper we are speaking of, that was cured by repeated Bleeding.  
His Pthysical patients he first purged with pretty violent purges, such as the Berries of Thymelaea or Spurge. After which he gave them Asses Milk or Cow's Milk, mixed with a third part of Water and Honey, and afterwards all sorts of Milk, whether Cows, Asses, Goats, or Mares, either pure, or mingled as before, to which he added a little Salt, when he had a mind to make it purgative. 
(l) See the Chapter of the Chirurgery of Hypocrates.  He burned them likewise in the Back, and the Breast in several places, and kept the Ulcers open for some time. At last he had recourse to purging the head, 
(m) See the Chapter of Purgatives.  the manner of which has been given before. He dieted them in this distemper sometimes with Goat's flesh, and sometimes with Swine's, which was the advice of Esculapius, in the same case as we have seen before. He ordered likewise to those that could not easily expectorate the matter with which their Lungs were stuffed, to eat very fat salt Meats, in order to discharge the purulent matter, and cleanse the Lungs. He allowed them the use of Wine in small quantities, so it were not black and rough, but such as that which was an ingredient of the 
(n) See the Chapter of Diet.  Cyceon before mentioned, which was a potion he ordered in this case. He advised, in short, moderate exercising, and particularly walking.  
In an Empyema, which is a Disease akin to the Pthysis, caused by a Collection of purulent matter between the Lungs and the Pleura, which often comes upon Pleurisies, He proposes 
(o) See the Chapter of Cnidian Physicians, lib. 2. and in the same Book the Chapter of Purging.  purging of the Breast, of which before. He has yet another cure by means of Surgery, of which hereafter. He cured pains in the Head by first washing or fomenting it a long time with warm water, and afterwards causing sneezing, by that means drawing away the Pituita, which he called purging the Head. He forbade Wine, and recommended moistening. If these were insufficient, he opened the veins of the Nose and of the Forehead, and if still the distemper continued obstinate, he made 
(p) See the Chapter of Chirurgery below.  incisions upon the head, or 
(q) De locis in homine.  cauterised the veins in several parts of it, as we shall see hereafter. He cured the Intumescence, or the over-growth of the Spleen, which comes upon Fevers, by giving Hydragogues, and a Diet proper to diminish or purge phlegm. If this were not sufficient, he ordered burning in several places about the Navel, to draw out the water that way. 
(r) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. See the Oonomy of Foesius upon the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 What that Author says there is better than his translation of this passage.  In another distemper of the Spleen he advises to cleave Wood, and to use abundance of Exercise. Amongst the diet he orders in this case Dog's flesh.  
For the Dropsy he prescribed first a diet which tended wholly to dry the body, and to discharge the superfluous humours. (s) To this end, he order them to walk, and use as much exercise as possible, to do laborious work, sweat much, and sleep upon it. As for their diet, he advised them to eat things dry and sharp, 
(t) De ratione victus in acutis, & Epidem. lib. 5. v. 69.  which is the way to make much water; and to be strong, that they should eat Toast steeped in Black Wine, and Oil and Swine's flesh boiled in Vinegar, drinking otherwise but very little, and then of thin small White wine at first; but when the distemper grew upon them, strong black Wine. If it happens, says he, that the Patient has a difficulty of breathing, in case it be Summer time, or he in the flower of his Age and lusty, he ought to be blooded in the Arm. In the place where Hypocrates gives these directions, he seems to confound the cure of the Dropsy called Hyposarcidios, with that species that is occasioned by, or accompanied with Wind, which are the two kinds of this distemper mentioned in this place.  
There are, says he, two sorts of Dropsies, one called Hyposarcidios, which is not to be avoided when it is coming, the other which is with wind, which is not to be cured but by great luck, 
(t) See the list of Diseases known. to Hypocrates above.  which requires abundance of exercise, hard labour, and fomentations, and that they live very temperately and sparingly, that they eat things dry and sharp, etc. as before. I suppose the cure of the first sort of the Dropsy to commence at these last words, that what he said before in short of exercise, fomentations and temperance, respects the latter, at least, if the same method is designed for both.  
Besides these Remedies, Hypocrates proposes in other places Purgers that carry off Water and Phlegm, and not Bile. And again, 
(u) De intern. affect. This Book is ascribed to Cnidian Physicians.  he elsewhere distinguishes a Dropsy proceeding from the Liver, from that which arises from the Spleen. He order in the former of these distempers, a Medicine composed with Marjerom boiled in Wine, and Laserpitium to the quantity of a Tare. This potion was succeeded by Goat's Milk, of which four Heminae were to be taken with a third of Water and Honey. He ordered abstinence from solid nourishment for the first ten days, in which time he discovered whether the Diseases were mortal or not, and during that time a Ptisan boiled with Honey, and strained, and to drink a sort of White Wine which he specifies, and was not very strong. The ten days over, he allowed them to eat a Cock roasted, which they were to eat hot, and 
(w) See thereupon the Chapter of Diet.  Puppies, and a certain sort of Fish which he named, with the aforesaid Wine, but when the Water began to come to the Belly, he came to the Remedies , to the black rough Wine, to exercise, etc. For the Dropsy which came from the Spleen, he gave at first Hellebore in order to vomit, and afterwards he purged with (x) Cneorum, Juice of Hippophae, or Cnidian Grains, after which came Asaph's Milk to the quantity of eight Heminae, sweetened with a little Honey. If these Remedies failed, he had recourse to Surgery, as we shall see anon.  

(y) De morb. lib. 2.  For the Cure of a Quartan Ague, Hypocrates began with purging downward, which was succeeded with purging the head, after which he purged once again as before. And if the Ague continued, he let slip the time of two Fits, and then bathed them in warm water, and at coming out of the Bath gave him of the seeds of 
(z) I suppose there may be some mistake in the D●se of these Medicaments.  Henbane and Mandrake, the quantity of a grain of Millet each, Lasserpitium and Trefoil, each the quantity of three Beans, all infused in pure Wine. If the parts were otherwise lusty and healthful, and if a Fever came upon being over tired with a Journey, and afterwards turned to a Quartan Ague, he began with Fomentations, and afterwards gave a mixture of Garlic and Honey and Lentile Broth, in which was Honey and Vinegar. When the sick man had taken this Mess, he made him vomit; and after having bathed in a hot Bath, as soon as he was cool, he drank Ciceon with water, and in the evening was permitted to eat light victuals as much as he could. In the following Fit he bathed hot; and after being covered with abundance of  forced sweat, and drank a potion made with the Roots of white Hellebore of the length of three fingers, a Dragm of Trefoil, Juice of Laserpitium the weight of two Beans, with pure Wine; and if he had an inclination to vomit he vomited, if not, a vomit was given after purging the Head. At other times he should use a light sharp Diet, and if the Fit took him fasting, the vomiting Medicine was omitted.  
In a Diarrhaea and Dysentery, with gripes and swelling of the Feet, Hypocrates observes, that Meal boiled in Milk, that is, Milk-Porridge, was more serviceable than Goat's Whey, which he made use of before. He adds, that another person sick of the same distemper, did well upon eating boiled Asses Milk. He had before observed, 
(yy) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. We may see in this instance, which is in the beginning of the above mentioned Book, several other ways of using milk.  that Whey and Milk, in which red hot Flints had been quenched, had relieved a person in the same case, by which we may see that Hypocrates made use of any thing but Milk to these distempers. In another place he proposes for the same distemper Beans boiled with Rubia Tinctorum, in fat Broth. There is yet another very peculiar Remedy for a Dysentery, in the Chapter of the Writings of Hypocrates.   

CHAP XXIV. Of women's Distempers.  
THe body of Women being made otherwise than that of Men, as likewise its peculiar distempers; these depend chief upon the Matrix, and are very numerous, as we may see by the list before given. Hypocrates has attributed a great number of these to the displacing of the part aforesaid, which he supposes might not only be relaxed, and hang out, but that it might likewise be retracted as far as the Liver or Heart, and even to the Head, or turn Its Orifice to the right or left, or backwards or forwards. Of all these motions, that according to Hypocrates, which was accompanied with the most dismal symptoms, was the retraction of it, whereby it ascended and pressed the Liver, the Head, and the upper parts; this producing in Women a sudden change of Colour, grating of the Teeth, and other symptoms like Epileptic, a difficulty of breathing even to absolute suffocation, a privation of sense, and an universal cold, like death.  
To remedy this, Hypocrates ordered the upper part of Belly to be swathed, pressing the Matrix gently downwards, and forcing open their Mouths, poured down the richest Wine, and after they were come to themselves, gave them a purge, and after that Asses Milk. If the disease was obstinate, after having reduced the Matrix to its place, he gave them a decoction, in which was Castor, Conyza, Rue, Cummin of Ethiopia, Rhadish-Seeds, Sulphur and Myrrh. He burned under their Noses likewise stinking things, such as Wool, Pitch, Castor, Brimstone, Leather, Horns, and Feathers, and the snuff of a Lamp just extinguished, with intention to fetch them to themselves, to make them sweat, and to restore the Matrix. In the mean time he anointed below with sweet Oils, and Liquid Perfumes, such as that which he called 
(a) See the Chapter of exterior Reme. dies.  Netopum. He likewise used divers other Remedies both internal and external, amongst which we must not forget the Pessaries. These were a sort of Suppositors to thrust up the Neck of the Matrix; 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  they were made of Wool or Lint, mixed with divers other things, Oil, Wax, Powder, etc. it was made round and like a finger. In the disease before mentioned, Hypocrates made Pessaries made with Castor, Myrrh, Peucedànum, Pitch, Melanthium, and sometimes even 
(c) A sort of a Fly resembling Cantharideses. There was likewise an Herb of this name.  the Bruprestis, and Cantharideses, mixing all these with Ointments and Wool.  
It is observable, that the use of Pessaries was very common among the Ancients, and that it was almost the universal Medicine in women's cases. They used it almost for all intentions, to relax, to lenify, to draw, to irritate, to cleanse, and dry the Matrix, etc. using sometimes Oils and Fat, sometimes the juice of Herbs, sometimes things very irritative, as Nitre, Scammony, Tithimale, Garlic, Cummin, Cantharideses, and the like, and sometimes restringents, as the Rind and Flower of Pomegranates, Sumach, and sometime Aromaticks, and Plants of sweet Smell.  
Nor was it in the suffocation of the Matrix only that these Pessaries were in use, but in all other distempers of that part. They were employed to provoke or check the Menses, against Relaxations, superfluity of Humours, Ulcerations, and Inflammations, the Dropsy, Fluor Albus and Sterility; they procured Abortions and brought away dead Children, and the Secundines, and promoted the purgations of Women after Labour, etc.  
Hypocrates used yet other Medicines in the cure of the aforesaid distempers. We shall examine his method of treating two opposite distempers, the suppression of the Menses, and the too great quantity or too frequent returns of them. The first of these he cured 
(d) De moab. mul●er lib. 1. & de natura mulieb●i.  by purgers and vomits. And after the use of sharp Pessaries, Perfumes, Fomentations, and hot Baths twice a day, he gave inwardly several Medicines which experience had taught him to be very powerfully moving that way. He used sometimes upon this occasion Cr●thmus or Sampire boiled in Wine, made of the Tree called Taeda, the Herb Mercury and Chiches. But if these Remedies were too weak, he prepared a drink, in which were five Cantharideses without heads, wings, or feet; Water-caltrops, Anthemus, Smallage-seeds, and fifteen dried eggs infused in sweet Wine. To the same intention he gave likewise the leaves and flowers of Ranunculus, infused in the same Wine, Dittany of Crete, Hog's Fenel, Panax, Peonis Roots, Seeds of white Violets, the Juice of Colworts of Laserpitium to the quantity of a Verch, and Cress-seeds, these two latter infused in Wine or Bitch's Milk. Hypocrates used likewise divers other Simples not mentioned here.  
In an immoderate Flux, he charges to abstain from 
(e) Lib. de lo●● 〈◊〉 h●min●.  Bathing, and any thing that may heat, from all Diuretic Medicines or Laxative, and to make the Bed highest at the feet, and to use restringent Pessaries. 
(f) De morb. mul. lib. 2.  He ordered the Belly and lower parts to be fomented with a Sponge, or  dipped in cold Water, or to drink a composition of Parsly-seeds dried at the fire, and sifted, and the seed of Hedge Mustard prepared the same way; Peplium or Poppy-seeds, sifted with course Flower; Nettle-seeds, Moss of the Wild, Olive, gaul's, Rue, Marjorum, Pennyroyal, Barly-meal, Wheat-flower, Goat's Milk, Cheese, all made into a kind of 
(g) See the Chap. of Diet  Ciceon. Besides these Remedies which Hypocrates used in the beginning of the distemper, he applied likewise under the Breasts a large 
(h) Aphorism. 50. Sect. 5.  Cupping Vessel; but when the Flux of blood began to diminish and stop entirely, he used the following Remedies. He gave purges and vomits, and used lenifying and restringent Fomentations below, which was succeeded by a Cataplasm made of the Meal of Spelt, with the Bran of Wild Figs and Olive Leaves. After this he came to Cow's Milk, either raw or boiled, according to the condition of the Patient. Further he recommends the seeds of Erisimum, parched and drank with Wine, Perfume consisting of Vinegar, Sulphur, Spelt, Myrrh, 
(i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This last in my opinion was the name of some Plant.  and the fruit of the Serpent. These latter Remedies relate to a particular sort of bleeding, which he says come from the places below the 
(k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This word signifies several things in Hypocrates, and 'tis not always cas●e to guests what he means by it. See the word ●ungs in the List of Diseases.  Articulations. In another place he reckons hemlock among those inward Medicines: Take says he, as much hemlock as you can with three fingers, and drink it with water. We shall make some reflections upon these Medicines, in the Chapter of Heraclides of Tarentum.  
Those fluxes of blood, which were accompanied with an ill smell, sharpness, pain, and other symptoms, were cured much after the same manner. He gave white Hellebore, and afterwards some other purge, and then used the same astringents and lenifiers as before. We must not here forget, besides the Fomentations, he recommends the use of Clysters or Injections for the Matrix, in case of Ulcers and some other disorders of that part; these consisting of the same ingredients with the Cataplasms, Fomentations, and Pessaries. He used also in this cure Asaph's Milk, advising also by way of Diet, Herbs that were not biting, clammy Fish boiled with Onions and Corriander-seeds, in sweet oily pickle, Swine's Flesh, Lamb or Mutton, rather boiled than roasted, to drink small White Wine with a little Honey, not to use too much nor too hot bathing. The Matrix at length being sufficiently moistened, and the Acrimony of the humours taken off, he forbade bleeding absolutely, and closed all with a course of restringent Medicines, such as .   

CHAP. XXV. Of the Chirurgery of Hypocrates.  

(a) See more of this in the general Maxims of the practice of Hypocrates.  WHere Medicines failed, he had recourse to the Knife, and where the Knife was unserviceable, he sought Remedies from Fire. Hypocrates had from Chirurgery these two last Remedies, or the manner of using them, and several other ways of relieving men against their distempers. He practised Pharmacy by Chirurgery. The same person in those days exercised all parts of Physic in general; and he that advised a Medicine, or an Operation, prepared and performed them himself, or at least caused them to be prepared or performed by his Servants, that worked immediately under his eye and direction. This Galen takes notice of, and it is apparent from the bare reading the works of Hypocrates. In the Oath which he exacts of his Scholars, he obliges them not to Cut for the Stone, but to leave that operation to those who made a particular profession of it; which supposes that the exercise of all other branches of Surgery was allowed of. One of his Books likewise treating only of things relating to Surgery, is called the 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, See below, towards the end of the first Book of the second part.  Physicians repository, and not the Surgeons, which ought to have been the Title, if Surgery in those days had been a distinct Art from that of Physic. But instead of that, 
(c) We often find in Hypocrates the following words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which somewhat resemble that of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but don't exactly signify the same thing; the first of which words are used by our Author to signify the action or manner of operating, whereas the latter▪ although as we have observed before in the Chapter of Chiron, it signifies in strictness operation of the hand, yet has been given to the art itself, which teaches the manner of operating, and not to the action or operation itself.  Surgery had not so much as a particular name, or at least was not known by that name, nor is it to be found any where in the Works of Hypocrates, nor did begin to be in use, till the time of the division of Physic, of which we shall speak hereafter.  
But names altering not the nature of things, however the Art which teaches to cure distempers by Manual Operations, was called, Hypocrates unquestionably was Master of it, and it made up a great part of his practice in general.  
We have seen before that he burned or cauterised the Breast and Back of Pthisical men, and those whose Spleen was overgrown. The Instruments he made use of for this end, were sometimes 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. an Instrument proper to burn.  red hot Irons, sometimes Spindle's of Box, steeped in boiled Oil, sometimes a sort of Mushrooms, which be burnt upon the part, and sometimes what he called Linum Crudum. He made great use of all those ways of burning in all fixed pains settled in a particular part. As for instance, in the Gout or Sciatica he burned the Toes, Fingers, and Hips, with Linum Crudum. A famous 
(e) Doctor Sydenham.  English Physician not long since dead, compared this way of cauterizing to that of the Indians, with a sort of Moss called Moxa, but he was mistaken in it. He was led into this error by the ordinary interpreters of Hypocrates, who by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Linum Crudum understand Flax, whereas the Greek word signifies, Cloth made of Flax, which has never been whitened. The learned 
(f) See the sixth Book of the Varia Lectiones of Mercurialis, Ch. 2 Athenaeus lib. 9 Eustathius in Odyss. lib. 5. Hesychius, Phavorinus, and other Lexicographers.  Mercurialis, who was was no stranger to this latter signification, did nevertheless believe that in this place by burning with Linum Crudum, Hypocrates meant with Stupes or sine Flax; but 'tis more probable that the Ancient way of cauterizing with Linum Crudum, or rather with new flaxen Cloth was the same with that in practice at present in Egypt. 
(g) De Medicine. Egypt. lib. 3. cap. 12.  The Egyptians, says Prosper Alpinus, Rolled a little Cotton in a piece of Linen in the form of a Pyramid, and setting fire to the Cone of the Pyramid, applied the bases upon the place to be cauterised. In this operation it is not the fire only which burns the Caustic Oil, which distils along the Linen, contributes very much to it.  
Cauterizing was so familiar an operation to Hypocrates, that there is scarce any Chronical distemper wherein he does not propose it. In the approach of a Dropsy he cauterised the Belly in eight places about the Liver. In pains also of the Head he applied eight Cauteries upon that, two about the Ears, two behind the Head, two in the Neck, and two near the corners of the Eyes. When Cauteries were ineffectual, he made an incision all round the Forehead in form of a Crown, keeping the Lips of the wound open and supported by putting Lint between them, to give a vent to the blood and humours.  
The same incisions he practised in Rheums which fall upon the Eyes, and used them as well in the back as the head.  
Those that consider the violence and obstinacy of these sorts of distempers, especially they that are subject to them ought not to wonder if he has gone about to cure them by means as rigorous and severe; nor is it to be wondered at, that abundance of these distempers are reckoned now almost incurable, the aversion or horror for Remedies of that nature, being so much greater than it formerly was, when they were not acquainted with these gentle methods of Physics in use now adays.  
They made so little scruple of cauterizing or burning any part, that it was done even where there was no distemper. The Scythian Nomads caused themselves to be burnt in the Shoulders, the Arms, the Breast, the Thighs, and the Loins, to render their Bodies and Joints more lusty and strong, and to consume the superfluous moisture of the Flesh, which made them less able, as they supposed, to draw their Bows, and to dart their Javelins. They burned also the Arteries of the Temples, and behind the Ears, to prevent a 
(h) See above in the Disease● of the third Class.  defluxion upon their Hips, usual amongst them from too much Riding. To these Scythians we may add the Sarmatians, whose Women, according to 
(i) Lib. de Acre aquis, & locis.  Hypocrates, ride on Horseback, use the Bow and Javelin, while they are Maids go to War, and are not permitted to marry, till they have slain three Enemies, and sacrificed to their Divinity, according to the custom of their Country; after they are married, they are exempted from War, except upon urgent occasions. Their right Breast is burnt in their infancy, with a red hot Iron, to hinder it from growing, and to transfer the strength entire to the Shoulder and Arm of the same side. For this reason they were called Amazons, that is to say, without Breasts. Their History, whether true or false, is to be found more at large in Justin, Strabo, and others.  
Hypocrates used also in a pain of the head, arising according to him from a Water in the Brain, or between the Skull and the Brain, a Remedy yet more formidable than the former. He opened the Skull sometimes with an instrument that carried away a piece of the Bone, which was called 
(k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, An instrument for boring.  Trepanning, from the Greek name of the Instrument. This operation was chief invented for fractures of the Skull, to draw out by the hole small pointed ragged pieces of Bones, which in these cases pricked the membranes of the Brain, or to evacuate extravasated blood, or purulent matter, which caused several little symptoms, or to raise the Skull when it was depressed.  
If Hypocrates used these sort of Remedies for pains of the Head, or defluxions upon the Eyes, 'tis no wonder that he made use of Surgery in Diseases of more danger. He boldly opened the Breasts of those that were troubled with an 
(l) See above in the Cure of Chronical Diseases.  Empyema, when the gentlest Remedies proved insufficient. Fifteen days after he supposed the Pus to be formed or extravasated in the Breast of those that had a Pleurisy or Peripneumony, he put them into a warm Bath, and setting them upon a Stool, shook their Shoulders, and laying his Ear to their Breast, listened if he heard any noise, and on each side. This noise according to him was of least danger when on the Left side, and the incision made there with more safety. if the thickness of the Flesh, and the quantity of the Pus, hindered him from hearing the noise, he chose that side on which the inflammation and pain had been greatest: he made his incision rather behind than before, and as low as he could: and having first opened the skin between two Ribs with a large Razor, and afterwards taking one more narrow and pointed, he wrapped a Rag or something about it, so that nothing appeared but the point, so that it appeared only about the length of the Thumb-nail, and thrust it into that depth. The Pus being by this means drawn away in sufficient quantity, he stopped the Wound with a Tent of Linen fastened to a string, and for ten days together drew every day some Pus. The Pus being almost all drawn out, he syringed the Wound with Wine and Oil, and let it out about a dozen hours after. When the Pus began to be clear like Water, and a little thick, he put into the Wound a Tin Pipe, and as the humour spent itself, he lessened the Pipe, and suffered the Wound by degrees to heal up.  
The same operation he used 
(m) Lib. d● affectionibus  in a Dropsy in the Belly, making the incision near the Navel or behind near the Hips, and drawing off the Water contained; but he takes express notice that but very few are cured this way. In another place he gives this caution, that this operation ought to be used betimes, before the distemper got too much ground, and that care ought to be taken not to draw away all the Water at once, because those that lose all the Pus or Water at a time, infallibly die.  

(n) Lib. de 〈◊〉 affect  In a Dropsy of the Breast, after having prepared the Patient as in an Empyema, he lay●d bare the third Rib, counting from the last; and having bored it with a sort of Tropanum, he drew off a small quantity of Water, and stopped the Wound with a Tent of Linum Crudum, and having laid a soft Sponge upon it, he swathed the part, for fear the Tent should tumble out. For twelve days together he continued to draw, after that he drew as long as it would run, endeavouring likewise to dry the Breasts by Medicines, and a particular method of Diet.  
In inflammations of the Thighs, Legs, and Scrotum, he order boldly to 
(o) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  scarrisie the parts, or to prick them in several places 
(p) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  with a sharp Lancet. Hypocrates upon several occasions used the boldest and most difficult operations of Surgery. He opened the Back to discharge an abscess of the Kidneys; he drew dead Children out of the Womb, with hooks, or a hook to which he gave the name of a Claw, because it was like the Pounce of a Bird of Prey. He drew 'em out piecemeals when he could do no otherwise. But he gave particular proof of his address, in the cure of a distemper which he called Trichosis, which is, when the hair of the 
(q) De victratione in acutis. This place seems to me somewhat hard to be understood. I have endeavoured to translate it word for word. We shall see below the different ways of performing this operation.  Eyelids turn inwards, which cause prickings, with intolerable pain. He took a Needle and Thread which he passed through the upper and most distended part of the Eyelids downwards; he passed another below the place where the first was, afterwards sowing and tying these two Threads together till the Hairs fell out. They cut for the Stone likewise in this time, but Hypocrates seems not to meddle with it himself, that practice being already become a separate business, as it appears by the Oath he gives his Disciples, that they should not cut for the Stone, but leave it to those whose particular profession it was.  
Hypocrates practised all other parts of Surgery. He reduced broken or dislocated Bones very well; 
(r) The Book entitled, The Physician's Shop, that of Articulartions, and that of Fractures.  and the instruction contained in his Books upon that subject, are followed to this day, as well as what regards the knowledge and distinctions of the different sorts of fractures and dislocations, as in what relates to the proper Remedies for them. We shall not here particularise his rules upon this subject, whether concerning the extension which ought to be made before the reduction of the Bone to its place, or concerning the Instruments necessary to that purpose, or concerning the manner of bandage and situation of the parts after Reduction.  
Nor shall we lay down all that he relates concerning the cure of Wounds and Ulcers, how to stop the blood by Astringents, Ligature, or Cauterizing of the largest Vessels, to unite the Lips of a Wound by Sature, or otherwise, and to consolidate it; how to deterge or cleanse an Ulcer, to dry it, or to cause the Flesh to grow, and at last to Cicatrize it.  
We shall refer this to the Chapter of Celsus, who has given us a complete system of Surgery, taken in great measure out of Hypocrates, of which we shall give an extract. We shall only take notice, that the Powders, Olies, and Ointments which Hypocrates used in Surgery, were not drawn from Herbs only, as we supposed them to have been in the time of Chiron, Esculapius or his Sons. We find already in the time of Hypocrates, several sorts of Minerals in use, as Nitre, Ailom, Verdigriese, Flower of Brass,  Copper, Led, Spodium, Chalcitis, and others of the like nature.  
Besides the great variety of useful Maxims which Hypocrates delivers in Surgery, we find in his works some particular cases very instructive to a Surgeon, to caution him not to slight the minutest Wounds. To this end he relates 
(s) Epidem. lib. 7.  several instances of persons that died of very slight Wounds in the Forehead, the Bone of which was a little laid bare; in some others a simple Wound of the Finger or Foot has caused Convulsions, and been mortal to some; a bruise of the Finger, and to others a blow of the Hand upon the fore part of the Head given in play, has proved fatal.  

(t) Ibid lib 1.  Others after violent pain in the great Toe, and a few black spots coming suddenly upon a Tumour of the Heel, have died in two days.   

CHAP. XXVI. Opinions and Maxims of Hypocrates, concerning Physic, and Physicians in general.  

(a) De prisca medicina.  ALL Physic has been long since established, and the method and way of discovering, as they have already done, several excellent things which assist to discover several others, if the Inquirer be fitted for it; and being acquainted with the former discoveries, follows the old tract: he that rejects all that has been done before, and takes another road in his Inquiries, boasts of finding out of new things, but deceives himself and others with him.  

(b) Lex.  Physic is the noblest of all Arts, but the ignorance of those that practice it, and those that judge rashly of it, make it the least respected. What is further mischievous to Physicians, is, that 'tis the only Art, that there is no other punishment allotted for those that abuse it by evil practice, than shame or dishonour, of which such sort of men are insensible. They are a sort of Players that represent the persons that they are not; for there are abundance of Physicians by profession, but few in reality, whose works justify their pretences.  

(c) De prisca Medicina.  Physic, like other Arts, has its good and bad Workmen. 
(d) Aphorism. 1. lib. 1.  The Art is of great extent, life short, opportunity ●lippery, experience fallacious, and judgement difficult. It is not enough that the Physician does his duty, the Patient and those about him must do theirs, and things about him must be in convenient order.  

(e) Lex.  To arrive at any considerable degree of knowledge in Physic, the following conditions are necessarily required. First a natural aptness. means of instruction, study and application from the Youth, a docil and sagacious wit, diligence, and long observation.  

(f) Praeceptiones.  A Physician ought not to be ashamed to inform himself, though by the meanest people, of Remedies confirmed by experience. By this means, in my opinion, the Art of Physic grew up by degrees, that is by amassing and collecting observations of the several particular cases one by one, which being all put together, make one entire body.  

(g) De arte.  Some make it their business to decry others, without gaining any other advantages themselves, and showing a vain Ostentation of their Learning. In my opinion there is more wit in inventing and finding out things useful, which is Physic, and in perfecting what is not yet so, than to lay ourselves out in disingenous discourses, to destroy amongst the ignorant and unexperienced, those things that have been delivered by men of ability, and established by experience.  

(h) Ibidem.  Those that attack Physic upon pretence, that many die under the hands of the Physicians, have generally as much reason to blame the Conduct of the Patient as of the Physician. As if the latter could not but order amiss, and the former could never be irregular, which is but too frequent. But why should not they rather impute the death of the Patient to the incurableness of his distemper, than the unskilfulness of the Physician that had the care of him.  

(i) De ●●ise● medi●ina.  Not that Physicians never are in fault; those that are least so, aught to be least esteemed so, but it is hard to find one so judicious as is requisite.  

(k) Epidem. lib. 6.  The ablest Physicians sometimes are deceived by cases like one another.  

(l) Lib de flatibus.  Obscure and doubtful distempers are judged more by conjecture than Art, though in this case those that have experience are preferable to those that have not.  

(m) De victus ratione in acutis.  One Physician often approves what another does not. This exposes their Art to the calumny of the people, who therefore imagining it to be altogether vain, compare it to that of the Augurs, of whom one says of the same Bird, that if it appears on the Left side it is a good omen, if on the Right a bad one, and others the quite contrary.  

(n) Praeceptiones.  We ought never to warrant the success of a Medicine, for the minutest circumstances cause the distemper to vary, and make 'em sometimes more tedious and dangerous than we expected.  

(o) Lib de arte  The end of Physic is absolutely to cure Diseases, or at least to abate their violence; but those that are desperate, ought never to be undertaken, that is, where the distemper is of itself incurable, or become so by the total destruction of the Organs; for Physic reaches not so far.  

(p) Lib. de decenti habitu.  A Physician ought to visit his Patients frequently, and to be very attentive to every thing.  

(q) Lib de medico.  'Tis requisite for the credit of a Physician, that he should have a healthy look, and a good complexion; for men are apt to suspect, that he that has not his own health, can scarce be instrumental to procure it to another in the same case.  

(r) Ibid & de decent habitu.  A Physician ought to be decent in his habit, grave in his manners, moderate in all his actions, chaste and modest in the conversation he is obliged to have with Women; no loiterer, ready to answer every body with candour; sober, patiented, ready to do his duty without disturbing himself.  

(s) ●●●●ceptiones.  'Tis no dishonour to a Physician, when he is in doubt about the method of treating his Patient in any case, to call in other Physicians, and to consult with them, what is to be done to the benefit of the Patient.  

(t) Ibidem.  In point of Fees, a Physician ought to be honest, and good natured, and to have a regard to the ability of the Patient. On some occasions he ought neither to ask nor expect a Fee, especially if the Patient be a poor man, or a stranger, whom he is obliged to relieve.  
There are other occasions wherein the Physician may agree with his Patient before hand for his reward, that the Patient may with more confidence commit himself to his care, and be assured that he will not desert him.  

(v) D●prisca medicina.  Those that thought Physick an invention, that deserved to be attributed to the Gods, have not only followed the common opinion, but in my mind right reason also.  
This is what Hypocrates says of Physic in general. From whence we may draw two inferences of importance to our History. First, That there were a great number of Physicians in his time, although but few good ones. Secondly, That the use of Consultations was also then established. And lastly, That Physic was even then exposed to detraction and calumny, as well as since.   

CHAP. XXVII. Of the Writings of Hypocrates.  
COncerning the Writings of this Ancient Physician, there are three things chief to be observed. First, The esteem they have always met with. Secondly, The distinction between those Writings which are legitimate, and those that are supposititious. Thirdly, His Language and Style. In the first place the Writings of Hypocrates have been always had in particular veneration. Galen says, that what Hypocrates has delivered has always been esteemed as the word of a God, and assures us, that if what he writ be a little obscure thro' his brevity, or if he seems in certain places to have omitted some little things, he has nevertheless written nothing which was not very much to the purpose. The Works of Hypocrates, says Suidas, are very well known to all that study Physic; we have such a respect for them, that they think what he has said, to come out of a Divine Mouth, and not a Human.  
A plain mark of the esteem that all Ages have had for the Writings of Hypocrates is, that there is scarce any Author who has had so many Commentators. Amongst the most Ancient of them, Galen speaks of one Asclepiades, Rufus Ephesius, Sabinus, Metrodorus, Satyrus, Heraclides, Tarentinus, Heraclides Erythraeus, and one Zeuxis, to whom we may add Galen himself, and Celsus, who have often translated him word for word.  
We shall mention another party of these Authors in the sequel. He has had undoubtedly several others among the Ancients, without reckoning those that explained his obscure words, as we shall see by and by And the number of the Moderns is greater, as we shall show in its proper place.  
To come to the distinction of the true Writings of Hypocrates from the spurious, we shall begin with a List given by Erotian.  
This Author, who lived under Nero, distinguishing the Books of Hypocrates, or those which passed for such in his time, according to the subject of which they treated, ennumerates the following. The Books, says he, which relates to the Doctrine of signs, are the Book called the Prognostic, two Books of Predictions, (which too latter are not Hypocrates 's, as we shall show hereafter,) and the Book of the Humours. The Books which relate to Physic, and which are the most rational, are the Book of the winds, of the Nature of Man, of the Epilepsy, of the Nature of Children, of times and seasons. The Books concerning the manner of treating distempers, are the Book of fractures, of the articulations, of ulcers, of wounds, and darts of wounds, of the head, of the Physicians repository, that called Mochlicus of the Emeroides and Fistula's, of diet, two of diseases, of Ptisan, of the laces or parts in man, two Books of women's distempers, one of barren Women, one of Nourishment, and one of Waters. The Aphorisms and six Books of Epidemic diseases, treat of mixed matters. Those which follow concern the Art in general; the Book entitled the Oath, that called the Law, and that of the Ancient Physic. As for his Ambassador's Speech and the Speech at the Altar, they serve only to prove the kindness of Hypocrates to his Country, but concern not Physic at all. Galen speaks of one Artemidorus Capito, and one Dioscorides, both of Alexandria, who collected and published the works of Hypocrates together.  
He adds, that this Edition had the approbation of the Emperor Adrian, under whom they liv●d, and who had a great affection for Physic. However, Gal●z taxes them with taking too much liberty, and changing several words of the Text, which they did not understand. We don't certainly know whether the Catalogue of the Books of Hypocrates, published by these Authors, were greater than that which Erotian gives us, but 'tis probable it was, since Galen, who followed them very near, mentions several Books of Hippocrates', or that past for his, whose names are not met with in Erotian ●s Catalogue.  
T●ese Books are, that of Affections and other of internal Affections, and two others of Diseases Besides those mentioned by Erotian. Galen speaks also of an Addition to the Book called Mochlicus, which is the Book we now have of the nature of the Bones. He saw likewise the Title of the Book of the Glands, which passed for Hippocrates', though Galen thought it spurious. He acknowledged likewise the Book, entitled, That Seven months' Birth, the following, which is, of the Eighth Month's Birth, being but a part of the former. Galen seems also to speak of several Books of Diet, whereas Erotian quotes but one. And although that he believed not that the prenotions of Cos were Hippocrates', 'tis apparent that they passed commonly for such in his time, and that the seventh Book of Epidemic diseases, was likewise generally received, though Galen looked upon't as manifestly spurious.  
Suidas, the latest Greek Author, speaks this of the books of Hypocrates, at the end of the passage before cited. The first, says he, of the books of Hypocrates contains the Oath, the second his Predictions, the third the Aphorisms, a work above human capacity. The fourth contains that admirable collection which goes by the name of Hexecontabiblos, that is to say, consisting of sixty Books, which contain all the rest that relates to Physic and Philosophy.  
We have yet remaining as many as Suidas reckons, those whose Titles are found neither in Erotian, nor that I know of in Galen, are the following. The Book of the Nature of a Woman, of what relates to Virgins, of the Seed, of the flesh, of Superfaetation, of the time of children's breeding of teeth, of the Heart, of the Sight, of the Eye, of Anatomy, of the manner of drawing dead Children out of the womb, of the Physician, of decent habit, and of Precepts.  
We find at the end of the Collection of Hippocrates' works certain pieces under the name of 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  strange pieces. These consist of Letters, supposed to have been sent or received by Hypocrates, or written upon his account, of an Act of the Senate of the Athenians in his favour; two discourses mentioned by Erotian by the name of the Speech of the Embassy, or Deputation, and of the Speech before the Altar, of which the first is attributed to Thessalus, the Son of Hypocrates, the sccond to Hypocrates himself; of his Life and Genealogy written by Soranus, of a little book of Purgers, and another of the manner of giving Hellebore.  
We shall not trouble the Reader with all the Critics have said concerning the distinction of the true Writings of Hypocrates from the counterfeit, or supposititious. We shall only take notice that several were already suspected in the time of Galen, and Erotian himself, amongst those which they give us the list of. Some of these Books have been ascribed to the Sons of Hypocrates; others to his Son-in-Law, or to his Grandsons, or to his Disciples, or to his Predecessors, as the book of Articulations, and of Fractures, which some have thought to have been writ by his Grandfather, who was of the same name, though others have maintained that this first Hypocrates wrote nothing. They have likewise ascribed them to other Physicians, who lived either before, or at the same time with him, and to the Philosophers, as Democritus, who is supposed to be Author of the book of the nature of man. Galen, with abundance of reason, imputes this fathering of Books and Titles, so frequent among the Ancients, to the Covetousness of the first Copyers, and he tells us that the considerable sums, which the Kings Attalus and Ptolemy, who vied who should have the finest Library, gave to those that brought them the writings of great men, gave occasion to this falsifying of Names and Authors, and to the confusion we find in the disposition of ancient works.  
As we have said we shall not amuse ourselves with the judgement of the Critics. Those that have a mind may consult Mercurialis, who has written particularly upon that subject.  
It will be of use however to take notice that to those suppositions which we have spoken of must be attributed the contradictions found in some of the opinions of Hypocrates, some being directly opposite to others.  
In the second place we observe that 
(b) See the Chapter of the signs of Diseases.  these books of Hypocrates which are of the best reasoning are the most suspected.  
We must further take notice, that those pieces before called Strange, which are annexed to the works of Hypocrates, are most part of them, and perhaps all of them spurious, as we shall show more particularly in the following Chapter.  
As for the Style and Language of Hypocrates, which is the third thing to be examined, we must not wonder that Capito and Dioscorides did not always understand Hypocrates, though they were native Greeks. Erotian, who lived under Nero, had composed a Glossary, that is, a Dictionary of the Obscure and Obsolete words used by him, or ●at least of those which had not been of a long time in use in the Greek tongue.  
By this Glossary, which is yet extant, we are informed that several Authors had employed themselves upon the same subject before him, amongst which he names the following Xenocritus, a Grammarian, who he says was the first that wrote upon that subject: Callimachus, disciple of Herophilus; Bacchius; Philinus an Empirick; Apollonius Cittiaeus; Apollonius Ophis; Dioscorides Phocas, or rather Phacas; Glaucius another Empirick; Lysimachus of Cos; Euphorion; Aristarchus (this was in all probability the famous Grammarian) Aristocles; Aristopeas; Antigonus and Dydymus; both of Alexandria, the later also a Grammarian; Epicles▪ Lycus Neapolitanus; Strato; and Mnestheus. To these we ought also to add Galen, whose Glossary is yet remaining.  
We have 
(c) See the Chapter of the Anatomy of Hypocrates at the beginning.  already observed that the Style of Hypocrates is very concise, which makes it frequently difficult to understand him. To this may be added, that 'tis otherwise very grave, and Erotian observes 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. , that the Phrase of Hypocrates is the same with Homer ●s.  
His language seems to be properly jonique; and Aelian pretends, as we have seen 
(e) See Book the Chapter of Democritus.  before, that Hypocrates used this Dialect, in Favour of Democritus; whereas being himself of Cos, his Dialect should have been the Doric. But Galen observes 
(f) In lib. Hippocrat. de fractur. Comment. 1. , that the language of Hypocrates inclines somewhat towards the Attic; and he adds that some have said that he writ in old Attic.  
Be it how it will, it appears that there was a considerable change in the Greek Tongue, during the space of four hundred years, which might have elapsed between Hypocrates and the first that wrote a Gloss upon him, by the difficulty these Authors met with, although they were Greeks as well as himself, to understand what he meant by such and such a word. We have already seen an example of this kind in the word 
(g) See the Chapter of the purging of the Brain.  Tetragonon, which some took for a drug, others for an instrument, proper to purge the Head. For other words of this nature, Erotian and Galen may be consulted  
But it is further remarkable, that besides the obscurity which comes from the difficulty of the words in Hypocrates, there is another which comes from the faults crept into, and the different reading found in the Original Manuscripts of this Author, in which the works of Hypocrates shared the common fate of all the ancient pieces that past through abundance of hands.  
We shall bring only one instance of the Variation before spoken of, and we shall find one word which is not explained in any of the Glossaries, nor by any of the Lexicographers, or Dictionary writers. We read in the second book of his Epidemic Diseases, towards the end, the following words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Fabius Calvus, a Physician of Ravenna, who first translated Hypocrates into Latin, from a Greek Manuscript of the Vatican, by the order of Clement the seventh, translates this passage as if he had read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, meretrix, a Whore, instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, scortatio, fornication; and taking the following word for the name of a woman, he translates the whole passage thus, Meretrix Achromos Dysenteriae Medela, as if there had been in Hippocrates' time a Courtesan named Achromos, that cured the Dysentery.  
Cornarius and Foesius, more Modern interpreters of Hypocrates, Translate the same passage thus, Scortatio impudens vel turpis Dysenteriae Medela. 
(h) Tetrabibl. Serm. 3. Cap. 8.  Aetius and 
(i) Lib. 1. c. 35.  Paulus Aegineta affirm, that Coition sometimes cures old Diarrhaea's, and perhaps they allude to this passage. Supposing then we ought to read with Cornarius and Foesius, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as perhaps we ought, the difficulty will rest only upon the word 
(k) We might, if it were wor●● the while, derive it from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 usque and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 humerus, or if we writ it with a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not with a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, summus elatus, sublimis; as if Hypocrates meant Scortationem, quâ & ipsi humeri sublimes fiunt, id est, quae ad ex-, tremum usque ut cu●n Satyrico loquamur, anhelatur; & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 proprium sit verburn 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vei sine aspiratione 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, summis humeris luctet, ait idem Hipprocrates, de aliâ luctâ loquens. Lib. de intern. affect. Edit. Foes p. 549. dum de lienis morbo.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which, as we said before, is not be found in the Dictionaries.  
Those that take what Hypocrates here says for his advice, do him wrong, 'tis a simple note of fact which happened to some person in that case.   

CHAP. XXVIII. Of the Letters of Hypocrates, and other pieces annexed to his works, wherein are divers circumstances touching his Life and death, and the chief occasions he had to show himself in the exercise of his profession.  
AFter having spoken of the Writings of Hypocrates in general, we ought to examine those pieces which are tacked to them, and which, as we have said, appear under the title of Aliens. We have already seen wherein they have consisted, and shall begin with the two discourses mentioned by Erotian, as being the most Ancient. That which Hypocrates spoke at the Altar of Minerva, is addressed to the Communities and Cities of Thessaly, to whom he complains, that the Athenians had a design to reduce the Isle of Cos to their subjection, and prays their succour in that pressing danger. His discourse is very short. That of Thessalus on the other side is very long. It is addressed to the Athenians, and puts them in mind of the services they had received from the Predecessors of Hypocrates for a long time, and likewise from Hypocrates himself, and from his Family. The obligation which the Athenians are supposed to have had to these later, were first, that the Father refused to go to the Illyrians and Paeons', who had desired him and offered him great sums to come and free them from the Plague, which Ravaged their Countries; and having foreseen by the Course of Winds, that this disease would reach Greece, he sent his Sons, his Son-in-law, and his Scholars thro' all the Provinces, to give them necessary instructions to prevent taking the infection and went himself into Thessaly, and a little time after to Athens, where he did them great service, which the Athenians so far acknowledged, that they presented Hypocrates with a Crown of Gold, and initiated him and his Son, who speaks in the Mysteries of Ceres and Proserpina.  
He remonstrates to the Athenians, that they were further obliged to Hypocrates, and to Thessalus himself, in that this latter by the command of his Father, followed the Fleet of Alcibiades into Sicily, in quality of Physician, making all necessary preparations for the Voyage at his own charges, and refusing the Salary that was offered him.  
These are the Principal Articles by which Thessalus endeavours to make the Athenians sensible how much they were obliged to his Family. We shall examine only that of the Plague, which Hypocrates foresaw coming upon Greece, in which there is this difficulty. First, the time is not fixed, and we find nothing in other Authors concerning any Plague coming from the side of Illyria.  
Aetius indeed takes notice that Hypocrates being at Athens at the time of a Plague, advised them to light great Fires in the Streets to purify the Air, and make it more dry. Galen also reports the same of Hypocrates upon the like occasions, saying, that he ordered great Fires to be made in divers parts of every City in Greece, in which they were to cast Flowers, Herbs and Drugs of sweet scent. But herein there is this Essential difference, that he brings the Plague which he speaks of from Ethiopia, indicating thereby the great Plague so well described by Thucydides, which he says precisely came from the same part. But Ethiopia is directly opposite to Illyria, one being on the South of Greece, and the other on the North.  
It may perhaps be alleged, that there might be a mistake in the place from whence the Plague came, the thing yet being the same in fact. But if we will have this Harangue of Thessalus to speak of the great Plague of Athens, two great difficulties will arise upon it. The first is, that the Author last cited, who deserves to be credited, takes notice that the Plague was so furious, especially at Athens, that there was no great reason to brag of the Assistance of Physic. On the contrary, he assures us, that the Physicians themselves were puzzled, and they died indifferently with a Physician or without, that the Physicians themselves died faster than others, as conversing more with the Sick In this case I do not see what honour Hypocrates should gain.  
The second difficulty is that, if Hypocrates were at Athens at that time he must be born long before the Eightieth Olympiad, which is the time of his Birth according to Soranus, by which account he must be but thirty year old, in the second year of the Peloponessian War, and of the Eighty seventh Olympiad the time of that Plague, and consequently he could not have Sons old enough to practise Physics, and a Daughter married to a Physician his Scholar.  
To come nearer to the matter, we must follow the account of Eusebius, who says that Hypocrates flourished in the eighty sixth Olympiad; or of Aulus Gellius, who ranks him with Sophocles, Euripides, and Democritus; who, according to him, were a little older than Socrates. All Authors agree, that Socrates was born about the end of the seventy seventh Olympiad. Democritus was but a year older, but Euripides was born the seventy fifth Olympiad, and Sophocles the seventy third Olympiad. We ought therefore to make Hypocrates at least as old as the Tragic Poet, that what is said of him concerning the Plague of Athens may be true; for by this account he would be fifty years old, and consequently it was not impossible for him to have Sons that practised Physic. But it is more likely, that what Aetius and Galen, or the Author of the book concerning the Theriaca, which is amongst his Works, deliver, is false; and that they impute to Hypocrates, what 
(a) See above Book. 2. p. 225.  Plutarch, with more appearance of truth, ascribes to Acron, who lived long before Hypocrates If there were any other Plague which came from the side of Illyria, we know nothing of it.  
However it were, the Decree of the Senate of Athens, another piece of the same nature of the former, but more recent, speaks of a Plague which came into Greece, out of the Barbarous Countries, wherein Hypocrates and his Scholars did very great service; and it is added therein, that the King of Persia sending for him into his Dominions, which were infected with the same disease, and promising to load him with Honours and Riches; he despised his offers, and refused to go, looking upon him as Barbarian and an enemy to Greece, whereupon the Athenians in recompense of the useful advice he had given them, and of his Affection for Greece in general, honoured him with an initiation in the grand Mysteries as they had done Hercules before, gave him a Crown weighing a thousand pieces of gold, the freedom of Athens, and the right of being maintained all his life at the public expense in the Prytaneum, granting further to all the youth of the Isle of Cos the liberty of coming to Athens, and being brought up and instructed with the youth of that City.  
This was the purport of the decree of the Senate of Athens. What relates to the measures taken to invite Hypocrates into Persia, is supposed by the testimony of divers letters, which are pretended to be written upon that subject by the Ministers of Artaxerxes King of Persia, to inform him of the great reputation of Hypocrates, and to advise him to send for him, and by Artaxerxes himself, in pursuance of this counsel, or by Hypocrates, who answers haughtily to all the promises that are made him, that he has in his own Country whereupon to live, that he was not allowed to possess the riches and grandeur of the Persians, nor to cure Barbarians that were enemies to Greece. There are also other letters expressing Artaxerxes his resentments of Hippocrates' conduct, and terrible menaces to the Inhabitants of the Isle of Cos, in case they refused to send Hypocrates to him to be chastised; and the answer of those generous Islanders, who were not at all frighted at them, protested they would not deliver up their Citizen whatever might happen.  
What makes the credit of these letters still more to be suspected is, that Thessalus when in his speech he upbraids the Athenians with the obligations the Greeks had to his father, would undoubtedly not have failed to have turned these letters to his honour, if there had been any truth in them. But allowing some show of truth to those pieces which we have here examined, we must not pass the same judgement upon the other letters, supposed to be written or received by Hypocrates or others upon his account. They are certainly the work of some half-learned Greek, composed out of wantonness, or out of design to get money. Some of these, to whom Hypocrates writ were Philopaemen, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Cratevas, Damagetas, King Demetrius, and King Perdiccas, without reckoning Democritus and Phessalus the son of Hypocrates. As for Philopaemen, 'twould be hard to think that he meant the famous General of Achaia, because he was not born till about a hundred years after the death of Hypocrates. Much less can we think that the Dionysius he has spoken of, was the famous Historian of Halicarnassus, who lived under Augustus. But to what King Demetrius could Hypocrates write, since in his time there was none such in the world. The first of the name being Demetrius Poliorcetes the son of Antigonus, one of the successors of Alexander, whom Hypocrates could no more have seen, than the former. The same may be said of Cratevas, who lived at the soon but in the age of Mithridates, and Pompey, as we shall see hereafter. The Author of these letters having heard of a famous Botanist of that name, or having seen his works, thought he might very well make Hypocrates write to him without informing himself whether he or Demetrius, or the rest aforegoing, lived in his time or no. We find another ridiculous Anachronism at the head of Marcellus Empiricus his book, supposed to be directed to Maecaenas by the same Hypocrates. But though we had not these convincing proofs of the spuriousness of these letters, we need only read them to be satisfied they were not Hippocrates'. And I think a learned modern Physician too modest when he says, 
(b) Vix divino sine dignas Epistolas. Rhodius in Scribon. large.  that they scarce deserve to pass for the productions of the (e) divine old man. We may very boldly pronounce them scandalously unworthy. For example, what could be more impertinent than the order that Hypocrates gives to Cratevas, to gather him all the herbs he could find, without specifying any one, 
(c) This Title was commonly given to Hypocrates, as we shall see below.  to send them to him, because he is sent for to take care of Democritus. Add to this the Sentence which he subjoins, that it were to be wished that Cratevas could as easily pluck up the bitter roots of covetonsness of money or avarice, so that they should never shoot up again, as he could pluck up the roots of the herbs he desired of him. Had Hypocrates been as great a babbler in his medical writings as he is in these letters, we should have had no occasion to complain of his brevity. The letter directed to Dionysius is yet more merry than tother. He desires him to come to his house while he should be with Democritus. (For all the letters run upon this voyage, of which it seems he was to inform the whole world before hand) and to have an eye over the conduct of his wife, 
* That sh● play no pranks in his absence.  she has been very well brought up, by her father, says he, but the Sex is frail, and had need be kept within their duties, in which a friend may succeed better than relations, etc. We'll content ourselves with these two samples, by which the reader may judge, how they agree with the gravity of Hypocrates.  
As to the letters which Democritus and Hypocrates wrote one to another, there are two of the former; in one he speaks of the voyage that Hypocrates made to see him, and to give him Hellebore, having been called to that purpose by Democritus his fellow Citizens, who took him for a mad man, because he lived in a solitary place and laughed, and did not mind those that came to see him. You found me, says Democritus, writing of the order of the World, of the disposition of the Poles, and the course of the stars, and you judged thereby, that those that sent for you were fools, and not I Thereupon Democritus delivers in two words his opinion in Philosophy, concerning the Images or Species diffused through the air, of which his books as he says makes mention. He tells Hypocrates afterwards, that a Physician ought not to judge of his Patient by the aspect only, for in that case he (Democritus) should have run the risk of passing for a mad man in his judgement. He concludes with telling Hypocrates that he had sent him back the book which this Physician had written concerning madness, which book is immediately annexed after this letter. It consists but of one page, which is nothing but a repetition of some lines of Hippocrates' book of the falling sickness, which is likewise cited in this.  
The second letter, or the second book of Democritus addressed to Hypocrates, is entitled of the nature of man, which is the title of a book written by Hypocrates, which has been ascribed to Democritus, as we have already observed. This book or letter is very near twice as long as the former. It contains an enumeration of the principal parts of the body, and the offices they perform. There is nothing in it that deserves our observation, except what he says of the Spleen, that it sleeps, and is good for nothing, which opinion we shall see confirmed 
(d) See the Chapter of Aristotle and that of Eratistratus.  hereafter.  
There is but one letter of Hypocrates to Democritus now extant, which is much shorter than the two abovementioned. In the beginning of it he tells him, that if the Physicians at any time succeeded in this art, the people ascribed it to the Gods, but if they miscarried, they used to lay the blame upon them. I have, says Hypocrates, got more scandal than honour by my practice, and tho' I am advanced in years, yet I have not attained to perfection in this art, and even Aesculapius himself, the inventor of it, never carried it so far. After this he takes occasion briefly to mention his journey to Democritus, testifies for him that he is far from being mad, and desires him to write to him often, and to send him the books he had composed.  
The letters of Hypocrates to Damagetus give a more particular account of his conversation with Democritus, when he went to cure him, one of them is very long, in it he gives Damagetus an account of his voyage, and all that happened to him till his return. We have already seen in the preceding book the occasion of this journey, and the success of it. I shall say no more of it for fear of being thought too prolix; only give me leave to remark that these letters have nothing of the stile of Hypocrates. It may be easily imagined that the pretended madness of Democritus, and the journey with Hypocrates undertook with a design to cure him, afforded matter enough to make a sort of a Romance. To conclude, I don't know who this Damagetus was.  
The letter to King Perdiccas is of the same stamp with the rest, that is to say, equally spurious. We there find, as well as in that which is addressed to King Demetrius, some Anatomical observations, and some maxims relating to Physic, which however don't deserve to be taken notice of, except a few that are drawn out of the writings of Hypocrates.  
The small book of Purgatives contains some necessary precautions to be observed in the taking of them. It seems more probable that it is a collection of precepts given by Hypocrates upon this subject, than a genuine work of that ancient Physician.  
The life of Hypocrates written by Soranus, contains besides what has been said in the beginning of this book, an account of his country, his extraction, the time of his birth, his studies, and his masters: in short, an abridgement of the most remarkable things that happened to him in the course of his profession, till his death. Hypocrates, says Soranus, having lost his father and mother, quitted his own country, and fixed in Thessaly.  

(e) We shall hereafter speak of this Physician.  Andrea's in his book of the Original of Physic, maliciously reports, that the reason of it was, because he had set the Library at Cnidus on fire. Others writ, that the occasion of this journey was to learn the practice of other places, and to furnish himself with an opportunity of understanding his profession better, by the different cases that daily came before him. But Soranus of Cos pretends that Hypocrates was influenced by a dream to make his abode in Thessaly.  
He made himself, continued this Author, to be admired by all Greece through which he travelled and practised Physic. One day amongst the rest being called, conjointly with Euriphon another Physician, but older than himself, to a consultation about Perdiccas' son to Alexander King of Macedonia, whom they gave out to be sick of a hectic fever, he soon found out that this Prince's mind was more indisposed than his body, and as he carefully watched all his actions, observing that he changed colour at the sight of Phila, Mistress to the King his father, he judged that he was in love with her, and found the means to cure him, by letting this fair one know the dangerous effects of her beauty. He was also desired by the people of Abdera to come and cure Democritus of his madness, and to free their City from the plague. After this Soranus informs us, how he refused to come to the Illyrians, and even to the Court of Artaxerxes, where this latter sickness raged; how he hindered the war which the Athenians were going to make upon the Inhabitants of Cos, by calling the Thessalians to their relief, and what honours he received from the Athenians themselves, the Thessalians, and all the Country of Greece. He likewise testifies that Hypocrates instructed his disciples in his art, without concealing any thing from them, and that he obliged them to take a certain 
(f) We shall speak of this Oath in the following Chapter.  Oath.  
Hypocrates, as we said in Soranus, died at Larissa, a City of Thessaly, at the same time with Democritus, being fourscore and ten years old, or fourscore and five, or a hundred and four, or according to others, a hundred and nine. He was buried between Gyrton and Larissa, and his sepulchre is shown to this very day, where a swarm of bees has fixed for a long time, the honey whereof Nurses come to fetch to cure their children of the Thrush. He is drawn in several pictures, having his head covered with a bonnet, like that of Ulysses, which is a mark of nobility, or else with his cloak, for which some assign this reason, that it was to hid his bald head, others that his head was tender, or else to show that this part, which is the seat of the soul, aught to be well guarded, or to show that Hypocrates loved travelling (for it was only upon this occasion and in that of war, or in case of sickness, that the ancients had their heads covered) or to signify the obscurity of his writing, or to instruct us that even in time of health, we ought to avoid whatever may hurt us. In short, others believe that the reason why he threw his cloak about his head, was that it might not hinder him in his business. There are great disputes about his genuine works, for Authors differ about them, and indeed it is a hard matter to say any thing certain of them upon several accounts. First there is a great deal of difficulty in the words he uses. Secondly in his Phrase or sense, for that is a thing that changes, and we write after another manner when we are young, from what we do in our old age. Soranus concludes with saying that Hypocrates did not love money, that his behaviour was grave and courteous, that he had a particular affection for the Greeks, of which he gave evident proofs in freeing whole Cities from the plague, for which services he had all the respect imaginable shown him. He adds, that Hypocrates left two Sons, Thessalus and Draco, who were likewise very famous in the same profession, and a great number of disciples.   

CHAP XXIX. Some other particulars about the travels of Hypocrates, his personal qualities, the commendations bestowed upon him, and what has been said against him.  
WE have already seen that Hypocrates quitted the place of his nativity, to reside in Thessaly. The Author of his life affirms, that he visited most parts of Greece, and followed his profession where e●re he came. It appears by his writings that his chief abode was in Thessaly and in Thrace, and we find that almost all the observations he has left us in his Books of Epidemical distempers, were made in these two Provinces, the principal Cities whereof he names, as Larissa, Cranon, Aenus, Oeniades Pherae, Elis, Perinthus, Thasus, Abdera, Olynthus. 
(a) In Libr. Hippocr. de articul. Comment.  Galen remarks likewise that he had been often at Smyrna, but tells us it was a different City from that in Asia minor, that carries the same name, 
(b) Variae Lectiones Lib. 2. Cap. 18.  Mercurialis was of the opinion that he traveled into Scythia, Lybia, and Delos, (by which Hypocrates means, according to Erotian, the three parts of the world known in his time, the first being taken for Europe, the second for Afric, and the third for Asia) because he speaks of these Countries in two places of his works; but this conclusion is not justly drawn.  
Hypocrates had occasion without doubt to see several Cities whereof he makes mention, being sent for thither to visit the sick, as we have observed already of the people of Abdera, who desired him to come and cure Democritus their Citizen.  
These Cities for the most part were but very small, properly speaking they were but so many Towns, so that one of them was not sufficient to maintain a Physician. 
(c) In libr. de articul. C●mment.  Galen seems to insinuate this when speaking of a certain case in Chirurgery which Hypocrates had not described or never seen, but which he tells us himself had seen five times, once in Asia, and four times in Rome, he acknowledgeth that perhaps he might never have met with such opportunities if he had not lived in great Cities, such as Rome, one quarter of which alone contains more inhabitants than the greatest of those cities, which Hypocrates had ever seen.  
In all probability Hypocrates alludes to this necessity that the Physicians of his time lay under to travel up and down, either for maintenance, or to find occasions to exercise their art, when he tells us in the little Book, entitled Law, of which we have already made mention, that a 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Physician who will acquire all the qualities that he reckons, or be in such a condition as he describes, must go from City to City and support the reputation of his profession by his works as well as his words.  
To come now to the Eulogiums which antiquity bestowed upon him in a superlative manner, he has not only passed by almost universal consent for the Prince of Physicians, but his opinions were respected as Oracles, and we have already observed what a particular esteem they paid to his writings. He has shared with Plato the title of Divine, nay, he has this advantage over that Philosopher that he was called the divine old man, by way of excellence, and without naming his name, whereas they used to say the Divine Plato.  
But lest it should be thought that Physicians were the only persons that had him in such veneration, Seneca calls him the greatest of Physicians, and the Author of Physic. Pliny likewise terms him the Father of all physic, and what makes more for the honour of Hypocrates, his authority alone suffices, in the 
(e) As we have already shown.  Law, to decide several difficult, and important questions. Macrobius goes farther than the rest, where he says that Hypocrates could neither deceive another, nor be deceived himself. But we must here remark, that this celebrated Physician was far from having any such good opinion of himself; he makes no scruple to own his faults. He openly said that 
(f) See the general Maxims of Hypocrates.  a man ought to understand Physic so well, as to make as few mistakes as possible; concluding, that in this profession he is most to be be commended, who commits the fewest errors; which supposes that no man is exempt from them. Celsus and Plutarch observe that Hypocrates has somewhere owned, that he was once mistaken in probing a wound in the head through the sutures of the scull, which had made him believe that the bone was broke. And 
(g) Name & Hypocrates clarus arte medicinae videtur honestissime fecisse, qui quosdam errores suos, ne posteri errarent, confessus est.  Quintilian commends him upon the score of this very same ingenuity. Neither do we find that he was afraid to cite examples of such patients as died under his hand: Of two and forty sick men, whose distempers he describes in the first and third Book of Epidem. Diseases, only seventeen escaped, all the rest died. For this reason we may believe him when he tells us (in the second book of the abovementioned Treatise) as he takes occasion to speak of a certain sort of Quinsy that was accompanied with ill symptoms, that all the persons he ever saw sick of it, recovered again. If they had died, continues he, I should have certainly told it.  
We may discover by this the character of an honest man, and indeed it is visible in all the maxims which we have already cited, as likewise in those comprehended in the Oath, 
(h) See in the following Book the Chapter of the Disciples of Hypocrates.  which he demanded of Disciples, the substance whereof is as follows, that a Physician is obliged to honour the person who teaches him this art as his own natural father, to let him participate of all that lies in his power in relation to the necessaries of life, to respect his children, or his posterity like his own brothers, and to teach them Physic in his turn if they have a design that way, without ask any gratuity, to communicate to them all that he knows in the same faculty, as well as to his own children, and to all such as will bind themselves by this Oath, but not to others; to order his patients such a 
(l) This comprehends all that a Physician is to do for his patient. See the Chapter of Diet.  regimen as he shall judge most convenient for them, and to the utmost of his power hinder them from any thing that may hurt them, never to give poison to any one, or advise others to do it; not to give women remedies to procure abortions, but to follow his profession like an honest man; not to cut any one for the Stone in the bladder, but leave the operation to those that make it their profession; that whatever house he comes into, he shall only do it with a design to cure the sick, and behave himself so that they shall not have any matter of suspicion against him, or be able to accuse him of doing the least injury to any one whatever, particularly of having abused any wife or woman, or young man, whether free or slave: in short, that he will take care to keep secret, and to conceal whatever he sees or hears while he is concerned, or otherwise when he shall judge that it is a thing which ought to be published. The conclusion is, that he wishes all manner of prosperity to him in this practice, if he kee●s his Oath religiously, and quite the contrary if he is perjured. The person that takes this Oath swears by 
(k) See for this Lib. 1.  Apollo the Physician by Aesculapius, by Hygia, by Panacaea, and by all the other Gods and Goddesses.  
Hypocrates has been reproached with violating this oath himself, as to that which relates to the procuring of abortions. We have spoken of this case already, but the book from whence this story is borrowed is said to have been written by Polybus. I don't know how to excuse this fact any other way.  
This is not the only accusation that has been urged against Hypocrates. Some have charged him, with setting the Library at Cnidus on fire. It has been likewise pretended, to decry his reputation, that he 
(l) Plin. Lib. 29. Cap. 1. See Book 1. above.  prescribed no remedies but such as he copied out of Esculapius' Temple in the Isle of Cos, making them pass for his own; which he was the easier able to do, since the Temple was burnt down soon after he had committed this piece of Plagiarism.  
'Tis true indeed that Hypocrates order those that are troubled with a Peripneumony, to take 
(m) See the Chapter of the Cure of Diseases in the third Book.  Pine Apples and Honey, which is the very same remedy that Esculapius prescribes in this case, as we have seen already. 'Tis likewise certain that Hypocrates advised ptysical people to eat fat and salted meats, as Esculapius counsels them to eat Bacon. But after all, if Hypocrates was lineally descended from this God, he might easily enough come to the knowledge of these remedies, either by tradition from his Ancestors the Asclepiadae, who were all Physicians, without being obliged to copy them in the Temples of Aesculapius.  
Among the things that have been said against Hypocrates, we don't comprehend what the Physicians of following ages have urged to confute his opinions, or to destroy the credit of his method. All which we shall examine, as occasion presents itself.   

CHAP. XXX. Of Phaeon, Euryphon, Philistion, Ariston, Pythocles, Philetas, Acumenus, Aegimius, Physicians contemporary with Hypocrates.  
'Tis not to be questioned but that there were several Physicians in the time of Hypocrates. The number of Physicians, or at least of those that bore that name, was always great. Hypocrates has observed it himself, where he says that there were several Physicians by name, but few that were so in reality, But we scarce know any of either sort that lived at the same time with Hypocrates, his reputation having wholly effaced theirs.  
Galen mentions four Physicians, who he says lived partly before Hypocrates, and partly at the same time. Their names are Phaon or Phaeon, Euryphon, Philistion, and Ariston. I don't know who the first was. As for Euriphon of Cnidus, he must needs be older than Hypocrates, since he passes for the Author of the Cnidian Sentences, that are cited by Hipocrates. However Soranus makes both of them meet at a consultation in Perdiccas' Palace, as we have already shown.  
As for Philistion he might very well pass for the contemporary of Hypocrates, since he was the master of Eudoxus, the Cnidian, who flourished in the CIII. Olympiad, of whom we shall speak hereafter. This Physician, I mean Philistion. was of Locri, or as some say, born in Sicily. I know nothing of his opinions, but that he believed with Hypocrates, 
(a) Aut Gellius lib. 17. Cap. 11.  that there was a passage for part of what we drink through the lungs. Neither do I know who was the brother of Philistion, whom, 
(b) Tardar. pass. lib. 2. Cap. 1.  Caelius Aurelianus citys, without naming him otherwise. Philistion has likewise written a treatise of Cookery, as Athenaeus has observed, and as we shall have occasion to show in the Chapter of Diocles in the following Book. Ariston has passed for the Author of Hippocrates' Book of Diet. Diogenes Laertius speaks of six men that have bore this name, without reckoning the father of Plato, but says nothing that one of them was a Physician.  
In the seventh Book of Epidemical Diseases there is mention just made of one Pythocles, of whom it is reported that he gave his Patient's water, or milk mingled with a great deal of water.  
To these we may join the 
(c) See the Phaedrus of Plato and Xenophon of the say and deeds of Socrates.  Physician Acumenus, a friend of Socrates, of whom Plato and Xenophon talk very advantageously. All that these Author's report of his opinions, is that he looked upon a walk in the open air to be much better 
(d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, We have translated these words after the sense of Mercurialis, which seems to be just.  than in Porticoes and other covered places.  
There remains an ancient Physician named Aegimius of Velia, or Elis; who according to Galen, was the first that writ about the Pulse, altho' the title of his Book was about 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cal. de differ. Pulls. lib. 4.  Palpitation, because at that time Pulse and Palpitation signified the same thing, as we may gather from some passages in Hypocrates, where the latter of these words signifies exactly the same with the former. If this Aegimius was not cotemporary with the abovementioned, he lived at farthest in the time of Diocles or Praxagoras, of whom we shall speak in the following Book.    

THE HISTORY OF Physic.  
PART I.  
BOOK iv Of what happened relating to this Art from the death of Hypocrates to Chrysippus exclusively.  

CHAP. I. Thessalus and Draco, the Sons of Hypocrates, Polybus his Son in law; some others of his descendants, and some persons of the same name with Hypocrates.  
HIppocrates left two sons, Thessalus and Draco, who followed the profession of their Father, and a daughter that was married to one Polybus, who was likewise a Physician. His two sons had each of them one, to whom they gave the name of their father, and this name was in such esteem in the family, that there were no less than 
(a) Suidas. See the Chapter of Praxagoras below.  seven one after another who bore it, who were all Physicians.  
Hippocrates' eldest son was of greatest reputation. He spent the greatest part of his life 
(b) Galen in lib. Hippocr. de nat. hum. Comm. 1.  in the Court of Archelaus, King of Macedonia. To him, as likewise to his brother and even to their children were attributed some of the Books found in the Collection of Hypocrates ', even before the time of Galen who calls Thessalus an Admirable man.  

(c) Galen ibid.  Polybus also risen to great reputation, and continued to teach the scholars of his father-in-law. There are yet some books remaining under his name, one of which treats of the means of preserving health, others of diseases, and one of the nature of the seed, which agrees almost in every thing with Hypocrates. 'Tis very probable that these books likewise are suppositious. Those which were found amongst the works of Hypocrates, and which were anciently ascribed to Polybus, do him more honour, being, as we have observed before, of all the books fathered upon Hypocrates, those wherein the reasoning is most exact and most coherent. From one of these books, entitled of the nature of the Foetus, is drawn the greatest part of what we have before laid down concerning the manner of conception, or of the formation of the Foetus in the Womb. We find likewise in the fourth book of Diseases, which has been laid with almost universal consent to the same Polybus, a very Ingenious System of the causes of Diseases, drawn from the four humours, established by the Author, which are 
(d) See upon this Book 3.  the Pituita, the Blood, the Bile, and the Water.  
Galen testifies for Polybus, that he never deserted the opinions of Hypocrates, nor made any alteration of him any more than Thessalus; but this seems not probable especially of the former if the book we have cited be truly Polybus', we see already in it some difference in the System, and we find further that the opinion concerning the passage of part of the drink into the Trachaea Arteria, which is, as we have observed, maintained in more than one place of Hippocrates' works, is vigorously opposed.  
We must not confound the sons of our Hypocrates with those of whom 
(e) Aristoph. in Nubibus 〈◊〉 Galen quod ●nimi mores sequantur temper. cor p. Cap. 4. Ath●naeu● l. 3.  Aristophanes, Galen and Athenaeus speak so brutish and lewd, that they gave occasion to the people of Athens to call all persons of that infamous Character the sons of Hypocrates. These were the sons of one Hypocrates an Athenian, who was himself esteemed a man of no worth.  
There is yet another Hypocrates among the Greek Authors who wrote of Veterinary, or the Physic of Beasts, which are collected into one Volume, or rather the Collectors have made bold with the name of the great Hypocrates, and have fathered works upon him in which he had not concern.   

CHAP. II. Prodicus Dexippus and Appollonius disciples of Hypocrates. Ctesias his Kinsman.  
HIppocrates was not contented to teach Physic only to those of his own family. As he practised Physic 
(a) Galen affirms this, and it may be gathered out of the Maxims of Hypocrates that have bee● cited.  out of a principle of humanity, and not purely for profit or glory, he imparted his knowledge to strangers, being the first of the Asclepiades that did it, so that Physic, which was before confined within the limits of one Family, was afterwards communicated to all the world, and might be learned by any that would apply themselves to it. We have seen already the Oath he exacted of his Scholars.  
One of the most considerable of these was one Prodicus of Selymbra, 
(b) Plin. l. 29 C. 1.  who is said to have invented the use of unguents in Physic, to have first anointed the body with those compositions, for preservation of health and for the cure of distempers.  
This Medicine became so common among the Ancients that they proceeded even to the abuse of it, especially after they had introduced Liquid perfumes or sweet-scented Oils, of which Virgil makes this complaint.  
(c) Casia was a sort of Sp●e infused in Oil of Olives to presume it.  Et Casia liquidi corrumpiturnsus Olivi. 
These being used as well for pleasure as necessity, and lewd women and effeminate men making the greatest consumption of them, this abuse grew so scandalous that sober persons were afraid to use them, lest they should be taken to use them to the same purpose that they did.  
For this reason 'twas that the Philosopher Aristippus who found these sweet Oils serviceable to him, made such imprecations against those Debauchees that brought a scandal upon the use of perfumes.  
But Pliny seems to confound this disciple of Hypocrates with his master. The Unguentarie medicine being a branch of the Gymnastick it is without doubt the invention of 
(d) See Book the 2  Herodicus, and not of Prodicus. The little difference there is between these two names, and especially between the H and the 〈◊〉 which are the two first letters occasioned of being put often one for the other, and in the Manuscript copies of Hypocrates the former is sometime called Prodicus sometimes Herodicus 
(e) Comment. lib. 6. Ep dem  Galen following the first reading, mentions two Physicians named Prodicus, of which one was of Lentini, the other of Selymbra, but he does not determine, of which he speaks in the place he comments upon, referring the reader to another place, where he says he has explained himself. The first seems very probable to have been Hippocrates' master, the other his scholar. As for their names, Plato and Plutarch always called the first Herodicus; for the better distinction, we may continue that name to him, and call the latter Prodicus.  
We have seen what Herodicus could do, Prodicus composed several works which are cited by Galen, but he seems to set no great value upon them. He accuses him for not following the method of his master, nor of the rest of the ancient Physicians; but of amusing himself to quibble upon words or names, which is never the sign of a man of ability in any profession whatsoever. Galen gives an instance of this false niceness of Prodicus upon the word Phlegm, which is a Greek word, and which the Latins have rendered by that of Pituita. All the ancient Physicians understood by it a cold thick humour, but Prodicus only would have the Phlegm to be hot; grounding upon the Etymology of the word Phlegm, which is derived from another Greek word which signifies 
(f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gal. de Hippoc. & Platen. decret. lib. 8. cap. 6, & de natural. facul. lib. 2. cap. 9  to burn, giving the name of 
(g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  snot to the first sorts of humour, which as we have said before, was otherwise called Pituita.  
Dexippus or Dixippus, another disciple of Hypocrates was a Coan as well as himself. Suidas tells us that he wrote a book of Physic in general, and two other of Prognostics. The same Author adds that Dexippus being sent for to Heccatomnus King of Caria, to cure his sons Mausolus and Pixodarus, who had each of them a desperate disease, which he refused, but upon condition that Heccatomnus should cease to make war upon the Carians; whereupon Vossius observes 
(h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Voss. de Philosoph.  that we ought to read the Coans instead of the Carians, it being more likely that Dexippus should endeavour to ease his own Country from a War; to which we may add, that it is not likely that the King made war upon his own subjects.  
Aulus Gellius tells us, that Dexippus or Dioxippus, as he calls him, was also for the 
(i) See the Anatomy of Hypocrates, and the Paragraph of Philistion in the Chapter foregoing.  immediate passage of the drink into the lungs. We know nothing of his method of practice, except that both he and Appollonius, who is the third of Hippocrates' scholars within our knowledge have both been censured for giving their Patients too much to eat, and letting them perish with thirst. Erasistratus said banteringly of them, that they made twelve doses of the sixth part of a Cotyla of water, which they put into so many little waxed cups, and gave their Patients one or two at most in the height of a burning fever. The Cotyla was a measure that held about nine ounces. Galen says, that this was a piece of malice in Erasistratus, who did it with a design through the scholars to scandalise the master.  
We have nothing further concerning Appollonius.  
Ctesias a Cnidian Physician came immediately after the former, being cotemporary to Xenophon. We are informed by 
(k) Lib. de Artic. comment. 3.  Galen that he was of the family of the Asclepiades, and Kinsman to Hypocrates. The same Galen takes notice that Ctesias corrected Hypocrates for teaching the way of reducing a dislocated Thigh-bone, pretending that this reduction was to no purpose, for the head of the bone being once out of its cavity, it could never be kept in after, what care soever were taken; but that it would slip out again. We know nothing more concerning Ctesias his Physic, except that being taken prisoner in the battle, wherein in Cyrus the younger was beaten by his brother Artaxerxes Mnemon, he cured a wound which the latter had received in the fight. After which he practised Physic seventeen years in Persia, and became as famous a Historian as Physician, by writing the History of Assyria and Persia, taken from the Archives of those Countries.   

CHAP. III. Opinions of Plato concerning Physic.  
AT this time also Plato lived, being born in the eighty eighth Olympiad. This Philosopher following the steps of Pythagoras and Democritus, and the other Philosopher Physicians, of whom we have spoken, wrote as they did, of several things relating to the Theory of Medicine, particularly of the Oeconomy of a humane body, and the principles whereof it consists. The Pythagoreans, says 
(a) Var. Hist. lib. 9 cap. 22  Elian, applied themselves very much to Physic, Plato also was very much addicted to it, as well as Aristotle and several other Philosophers. We shall take notice here, of what is most considerable upon that subject in the writings of Plato, as far as we understand him, which is not always very easy to do. We shall be a little the more large herein, because we meet with divers things which relate to several modern opinions, and others which serve to iliustrate those of Hypocrates.  
Plato having supposed two universal principles of all things, 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  God and Matter, the first form which he supposed Matter to take, was Triangular, and that from these Triangles the four sensible Elements were afterwards produced, the Fire, Air, Water, and Earth; of which all bodies seemed to him to be compounded.  
As for the humane body, he thought that its first formation commenced from the spinal marrow, which marrow was afterward covered with a bone, and these bones with flesh. In consequence of this, he held that the links which joined or fastened the soul to the body were in that marrow, which he called the seat of the mortal soul. The reasonable soul he lodged in the brain, which he said was a continuation of that marrow, and looked upon it as a soil purposely prepared to receive the divine seed. As for that part of the soul upon which depend Generosity, Valour and Anger, he placed it near the head, between the diaphragme and the neck, that is to say, in the breast; or in the heart, in which he followed Pythagoras. He held that the lungs encompassed the heart to refresh it, and to calm the violent motions of the soul which was lodged there, as well by the refreshment which it received from the Air in respiration, as from the liquor which we drink, which he supposed to fall in part into the lungs; 
(c) Gell. llb. 17. cap. 11. Macrob. lib. 17, cap. 15.  which made one of the Ancients say, that Plato gave posterity occasion to laugh, by meddling with that which was not his business. But he that said this did not consider that Hypocrates and other Physicians before spoken of, were themselves of this opinion, and that Plato apparently spoke only after them.  
This Philosopher imagined also another part or sort of soul, which desired not only meat and drink, and all that was necessary for the body, but which was the Principle of all appetites or desire in general. This soul was posted between the Diaphragm and the Navel, it was quartered in the lowest part, and farthest from the head, that it might not by its agitations and commotions, disturb the reasonable soul, which is the best part of us, in its meditations and thoughts for the common good. These troubles or disturbances of the inferior soul, were excited by Phantasms or Images presented to it by the liver, the liver having been polished and made shining, that it might reflect the Images which were communicated to it, to produce trouble, tranquillity or pleasure in the inferior soul, according as the liver is itself troubled by the bitterness of the Bile, or sedate and calm through the predomination of sweet Juices opposed to the Bile.  
Besides what we have already said of the heart and of the soul lodged there, Plato held this further concerning it. The heart, says he, which is at the same time 
(d) Vi●● Pag.  the source of the veins and of the blood, which 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 See pag.  whirls rapidly in all parts of the body, is set 
(f) See pag,  as a Centinel or Sergeant, that when the Choler is inflamed at the command of the Reason, upon the account of some injustice committed either without or within, by the desire or passions, presently all that is sensibly in the body, disposes itself by opening all its pores to hear its menaces, and obey its commands.  
The opinion of this Philosopher concerning the manner of respiration is no less peculiar. He believed that there was no vacuum in the world, but that the Air which escaped out of the Lungs and Mouth, in respiration meeting that which surrounds the body without, bushes it so, that it forces it to enter through the pores of the skin and flesh, and to insinuate itself into the most remote parts of the body, till it fills the place which the other left, after which making the same way out again by the Pores, it forces that without to enter by the mouth into the lungs in inspiration. We see by this that Plato confounded transpiration with respiration, pretending that both one and tother were performed together, as it were by two semicircles.  
As for the flesh, he thought it compounded of water, fire and earth, and a certain sort of sharp leaven, biting and salt.  
These are some of Plato's thoughts of a humane body in its natural state. As for the causes of its destruction, which are diseases, old age and death, he supposed in the first place that the bodies which are about ours, dissolved and melt it continually, after which every substance which gets lose or exhales, returns to the principle from whence it was drawn; he supposes in the second place that the blood which is, according to him, a fluid matter formed of the Aliments by a peculiar artifice of nature, which cuts and reduces them into small pieces, by means of 
(g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  fire, which rises in our stomach after the air or breath. He supposed that this blood, whose redness was an evident token of the impression of this fire, served to nourish the flesh and generally the whole body, and to fill up the vacant spaces of it, as it were by a sort of watering, or general inundation.  
This being supposed, he maintained that while we were young, this blood abounding in all parts, not only supplied what was dissipated or diminished of the flesh, which as was said was perpetual; but after having filled up what was wanting, it furnished matter of increase to the mass of the body, from hence it is, that in our youth we grow and become larger, but when we are advanced in years, more of the substance of our body is spent, than the blood can supply or restore, therefore we diminish by degrees.  
Those principles also of which our bodies consists, which Plato calls Triangles, which in our youth were stronger than those of which the Aliments were compounded, reducing them easily to a substance like themselves, become disunited and relaxed, by having so long endured the shock of other triangles, this causes old age, which is followed by death, especially where the triangles, whereof the spinal marrow consists, are dissolved and disunited, so that the bands by which the soul was fastened to it, are entirely broken, and let it lose.  
As for diseases which attack us in all ages, and precipitate the usual time of death, he supposed that our bodies being composed of the four Elements before named, the disorders of these Elements were the chief causes of them. These disorders consisted in the excess or deficiency of any of these Elements, when they did not preserve the proportion of their first mixture, or when they changed place, leaving their own place for another.  
To explain himself more particularly, he adds, that the fire exceeding, produced continual and burning fevers, that if the air overbalanced, it produced quotidian intermitting Fevers. If the Water, Tertian Fevers, and if Earth quartans. The Earth being the heaviest of all the Elements, must have quadruple the time to move itself in that the fire has and the rest of the Elements in proportion.  
Plato did not confine himself to these generals only, but proceeded to the particular explication of the changes that befall our bodies in relation to the blood and humours which are the immediate causes of distempers. While the blood, says he, maintains its natural state, it serves to nourish the body and to preserve health. But when the flesh gins to corrupt or to melt, and dissolve the humour which comes from it, entering into the veins, carries this corruption along with it, and changing the blood in several manners, turns it from red to yellow; and bitter, or sour or salt; so that that which was pure Blood, becomes part Bile and Phlegm or Serosities. What we call Bile, says Plato, is particularly produced from the dissolution of the old flesh, it is an humour that assumes divers forms, and is very changeable both as to colour and taste, but it is chief distinguished into two sorts, the yellow Bile which is bitter, and the black Bile which is sour and pricking. As for the Phlegm and Serosities, or Water, Plato seems to confound them, or to make but one sort of humour of them. The Phlegm according to him, is produced from the new flesh, and the serosities or waters, which are designed by the particular names of sweat or tears, are only the phlegm melted or dissolved. In another place he seems to confound the phlegm and serosities with the Bile, when he says, that what we call sour phlegm, is the same thing with the serosity of the black Bile But in the explication of the effects of these humours, he restrains himself to the two principal, which are 
(h) See Pag.  the Bile and the Phlegm, and he acknowledges that these two juices by their mixture with the blood are the causes of all distempers.  
When the Bile evaporates outwards, or discharges itself upon the skin, it causes divers sorts of humours, attended with inflammations, which the Greeks called 
(i) See Pag.  Phlegmons, but when it is confined within, it produces all sorts of 
(k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  burning diseases. The Bile is especially hurtful when it is mixed with the blood, it breaks the orders of the Fibres which are according to him small threads scattered through the blood, that it might be neither too clear nor too thick, to the end that on the one side it should not evaporate, and on the other, might always move easily in the veins. This Bile continuing its havoc, after having broken the fibres of the blood, pierces to the spinal marrow, and destroys the links of the soul before spoken of, unless the body, that is to say, all the flesh, melting or dissolving, breaks its force. When this happens, the Bile being overcome, and obliged to departed the body, throws itself through the veins upon the lower belly and the stomach, from whence it is discharged by stool and vomiting, like those that fly out of a Town in an uproar, and cause in their passage Diarrhaea's and Dysenteries, and other discharges, which prove often healthful.  
The sweet or insipid phlegm occasions tumors, and some impurities of the skin, and when it mixes with some little bladders of the Air, it is then called 
(l) A sort of Dropsy in Hypocrates. See Pag.  white Phlegm. If this Phlegm mixes with the black Bile, and penetrates into the receptacles of the brain, it causes the Epilepsy or Falling-sickness.  
The sour or salted Phlegm is the cause of all diseases, comprehended under the name of Catarrhs or Rheums, and brings disorder and pain upon what part soever it falls.  
We must here take notice of the Idea which Plato had of the Matrix or its properties, and some of its diseases. 
(m) See Pag.  the Matrix, says he, is an Animal, which longs impatiently to conceive, and if it be long disappointed of bearing Fruit, is is enraged, and runs up and down the whole Body, and stopping the passages of their Air, it takes away respiration, and causes great uneasiness, and an Anfinite number of Diseases.  
These were the sentiments of Plato upon the causes of diseases, upon all which we shall not trouble ourselves to make reflections. We shall confine ourselves only to what he says concerning the Acidity and saltness of the humours, it being of importance to our History to take notice of it, because of the several Systems that have been since built upon that foundation. Hypocrates had before spoken of the sour and the salt, but he has mentioned them only upon the account of their effect, without showing their Original, which Plato seems to have discovered, and therein to have made an improvement upon him.  
We may observe first, that the Philosopher speaks of an Acidity and saltness which is naturally in the body in a slate of health. Such is the sowrness and sweetness of the flesh, which he says, consists of Water, Fire and Earth, and besides that a sour salt leaven, as has been already observed. He does not say from whence this leaven comes, but by his manner of expressing himself it seems not to be drawn from the common Elements, but to be something different from the Water, Fire and Earth, which have their share apart in the formation of the flesh.  
In the second place, Plato held a saltness and sowrness, which were preternatural, which are in the humours which cause diseases. He seems further to deduce the sour and salt from the same source, with the natural sour and salt, that is from the flesh, which corrupting and dissolving, according to him, infect the blood, and turn it into Bile, and into Phlegm. But this latter sour and salt are something different from the former, tho' they come from the flesh, for this is an effect of their corruption, the other is the principle of the preservation. But Plato not explaining himself any further thereupon, neither shall we enlarge.  
He adds a third sort of sowrness, which is that of the black Bile, which of bitter, becomes sour, when the bitterness which is natural to it is alternated, and subtilised to a certain degree. It may be urged that the Greek word which we have translated 
(n) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  sour, might as well signify pointed or sharp, as sour; both in this latter passage, and in all those before cited. The Greeks having only one word, to express both meanings; but 'tis plain from the opposition in which Plato put this word to 
(o) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  bitter, that the former aught to be translated sour, and not pointed, which is not so naturally opposed to bitter, as sour is.  
Plato speaks elsewhere of sowrness, and holds that it has its Origine from things sharp and pointed, which have been subtilised or attenuated by corruption, and reckons it the occasion of Fermentations and Ebullitions, which arise when the gross and terrestrial humours begin to move, and to swell or rise up.  
It is observable that Plato to these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. which are Adjectives, joins the same Substantive that Hypocrates did, which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which according to the sense of Hypocrates, may be translated by the words force, power, faculty or virtue, as well as by the words savour or taste, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Sapor Acidus, sour taste, as Serranus translates it; as for the rest, Plato thought as Hypocrates did, that diseases had their fixed periods for duration. As the time of the life of every Animal is regulated by its lot when it comes into the world, this time can néither be hastened nor delayed, but by an effect of the passions; which come likewise themselves by a sort of necessity. So likewise diseases must of necessity have their course, and we ought rather to seek to temper them, and stop their progress, by means of 
(p) See the method of Hypocrates in acute diseases.  prudent diet and exercise, than by medicines, especially those which purge, which ought never to be used but in cases of extremity, otherwise of a small evil you make a great one, and of a single one many.  
By this we may see, that Plato did not deviate much from the principles of Hypocrates, and as he lived at the same time with him, or very near it, being born in the eighty eighth Olympiad, 'tis reasonable to believe, that he took many things out of his writings, having testified as he did, abundance of esteem of him. We may see by what has been said before 
(q) See the general maxims of Hypocrates.  the sentiments of Plato concerning the Gymnastick Medicine.  
We find in Galen the description of some medicines which bear Plato's name, as if he had been the inventor of them, but they were manifestly some other Plato's, or rather the name of this Philosopher was put upon them, to give them the more credit. We shall close with Plato's sense of the qualities to be required in a Physician. There aught to be, says he, in every great City good Physicians, who besides the study required to learn their profession, have lived in their youth, amongst multitude of sick people, and have themselves run thro' all sorts of distempers, being naturally infirm or Valetudinarians. This maxim is directly opposite to that of Hypocrates who requires that a Physician should be of a very healthy constitution.  
Some have observed that Plato designedly chose the Academy, which was the unhealthiest place of all Athens, to reside in with his scholars, only because it was unhealthy, out of a persuasion that the infirmity of the body, rendered the mind more vigorous. But we must beg leave to doubt, whether this was his Motive or not.   

CHAP. IU. Nicomachus, Aristotle 's Father.  
ARistotle's Father, whose name was Nicomachus, lived about the same time with Plato. He was of Stagyre in Macedonia, and Physician to King Amyntas, Father of Philip. He was of the Asclepiades as well as Hypocrates, and pretended to be descended from a Son of Machaon, of whom we have spoken before, who bore the same name with himself. This Physician wrote according to Suidas, six books of Physic, and one of Natural Philosophy, but we have nothing of them remaining.   

CHAP. V Aristotle.  
WE should speak here of some Physicians, who lived before this Philosopher, and were cotemporaries to his father, but after having seen what Plato, who was his master, contributed to the advancement of Physic, we thought it convenient immediately to subjoin what his scholar further added.  
Aristotle wrote two books Entitled 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Diogen. Lacrt. in ●it. Aristot.  of Physic, but there are none of them remainning; nor those the Title of which was 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  of Anatomy: Diogenes Laertius ascribes to him another book, the title of which was 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  of the Stone; this book is translated into Latin, in the Theatrum Ch●micum with another, which treats of the perfect Magistery; that is to say, of the Philosopher's Stone, but both these books are evidently suposititious.  
If Aristotle had ever writ any book, under the title mentioned by Diogenes Lacrtius, supposing that we ought to understand by the Stone, the Philosopher's Stone, this book would unquestionably have made more noise, amongst the Ancients, whereas we find neither tract nor footstep, in all the Authors extant, that wrote during the space of five hundred years, which were elapsed between the Author of this pretended book, and him that quotes it. It is not impossible, but that in the time of the later, the book in question was attributed to Aristotle, but it is more probable, that there is some fault in the Text. We shall have occasion to speak more of this, in the Chapter of Theophrastus which comes next.  
But it was not after this manner that Aristotle employed himself in Physic, 'twas in writing these other books which we first mentioned But since these books are lost, we should be obliged to conclude here, what concerns the Physic of this Philosopher, if his History of Animals, and of their parts and Generation were not happily preserved, wherein we find many curious things, relating to the History of Animals in general, and of their Anatomy in particular. 
(d) Plin. lib. 8.16. Athen. lib. 9 cap. 23 & lib. 8. cap. 11.  Alexander the Great, whose master he was, being inquisitive into the nature and different properties of Animals, obliged him to this task, and furnished him for it, with the sum of eight hundred Talents, which amount to almost a million of Gold, besides several thousand men, in the several parts of Asia and Greece, who had Orders to obey him, and to inform him of all that hunting and fishing had taught them, and to keep on purpose all sorts of Animals, to discover what was peculiar to them.  
With these helps, a perfect work upon this Subject might have been expected. Nevertheless the Ancients themselves took notice, that he advanced many a thing contrary to fact. He may upon this account be excused, by saying that he took them upon Credit from others, not having been able to act or view every thing himself. But supposing he were in some things obliged to trust to relations. As for Example, for certain Properties of Animals which only chance could discover, there are others, in which he ought to have made his inquiries himself, or at least to have been present, and directed those that were his Operators. Of this nature are those things which relate to Anatomy, what opinion can we have of his exactness in this particular, when we hear him affirm, that all Animals have flexible necks, composed of Vertebrae, except Wolves and Lions, in which though neck consists of but one bone, and that the bones of Lions have no matrow against all experience. (e) For his other Errors in the Anatomy of a Lion and Eagle and a Crocodile, those that are curious may consult the learned Borrichius.  
Those that published the dissection of a Lion at Paris, in the Academy of Sciences some years ago, have taken care to show, the Errors of this Philosopher, in the Anatomy of that Beast. All that they observe, may in fact be true, except one passage, in which they seem to make Aristotle say, what he never thought of. We find these words in one of his books (f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which the Latin Interpreter renders thus, videtur Leo Animalium omnium perfectissimum Animal, in assumendo maris formam. These Gentlemen explain these words, as if Aristotle had meant that the Lion has, by way of Excellence, and beyond all other Animals, the visible and apparent marks of the perfection of his Sex. These are their own words, and they urge as a proof, that the Philosopher was mistaken that the Vrethra of a Lion, that is the channel of the Virga, does not appear outward above three inches and a half. Their conclusion had been just, if Aristotle had meant as they think, and Borrichius with them that the Lion of all male Animals, had the parts which distinguished the Sex most large and apparent. But this in my opinion, was farthest from his thoughts, for I suppose he meant no more, than that the Lion, is of all male Animals, the easiest to be distinguished from his Female, by his Masculine Air, or that distinguishes himself from all other Males, by a fierce and truly Masculine Air, which is peculiar to him. I translate the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the French word Air, which might be rendered Species in Latin, which answers exactly to the Greek, the Etymology being the same:  
The dissections that Aristotle made, of several different sorts of Animals, Quadrupeds, Birds, Fishes and Infects, had taught him divers things concerning the use of the parts of each of these Kind's. We shall not go about to examine here, what he delivers of the difference of their parts and uses, because that would lead us too far from our Subject. We shall only touch here in a few words, upon what relates to the structure and use of parts, common to all perfect Animals, such as Men, and all Quadrupeds.  
Aristotle esteemed the heart, to be the Origen and Source of the veins and blood. The blood, says he, goes from the heart into the veins, 
(g) De Part. An. lib. 3. cap. 4. Those that find the Circulation of the Blood in Aristotle, will have some difficulty to get over this Passage.  but it comes not from any part into the heart. He says that there come two veins out of the heart, one from the right side, which is the largest, and the other from the left side, which is the least, which he calls the Aorta, (where by the by) we may take notice, that this Philosopher 
(h) Hist. Anim. lib. 3. cap. 5.  as Galen says, is the first that gave that name to the great Artery, which proves that the book (i) of the Heart, wherein this name is found, is not Hippocrates'. Aristotle thought that these two veins, distributed the blood to all parts of the body. He says elsewhere, that there were in the heart three Cavities, which he calls ventricles. Of these three ventricles, that in the middle, of whose situation he gives no other account, is the common principle of the other two, altho' it be the least; the blood which it contains is also the most temperate and pure. The blood of the right, ventricle is the hottest, and that of the left the coldest. This latter ventricle being the biggest of the three. These three ventricles, says he, communicate with the lungs, by vessels different from the two great veins, which disperse themselves thro' the whole substance of the Lungs.  
He made not only the veins of the vessels, which contain blood to come out of the heart; but he would have the Nerves also to take their Origine from thence; for which opinion this was his ground, 
(k) Hist. An. lib. 3. cap. 5.  The biggest Ventricle of the Heart, says he, contains small Nerves, and it is a true Nerve in its extremities, having no Cavity, and being stretched after the manner of Nerves in the place where it terminates, towards the Articulation of the bones. He says also in another place, 
(l) De part. Anim. lib. 3, cap. 4.  that there are abundance of Nerves in the heart, which are of great use, because the motions come from thence, which are made by contracting and extending.  
By this latter passage he seems to design the Tendons, which serve to dilate and contract the heart, and if we have observed before that Hypocrates confounded the Nerves with the Tendons and Ligaments, Aristotle does not appear to have distinguished them any better, nor to have known the use of the true Nerves.  
In another place he affirms, 
(m) H●st. Animal. lib. 3. cap. 5.  that the Nerves are not continuous, but scattered here and there, about the places of the Articulations, by which it is visible, he meant the Tendons. If he had known the use of the Nerves, he would not have said, 
(n) De part. Animal. lib. 2. cap. 10.  that none but the parts which had blood, could feel or had sensation; nor would he have maintained 
(o) De part. Anim. lib. 2. cap. 1.  that the flesh is the proper Organ of sensation; as for motion, if he attributes it to the Nerves, or says 'tis made immediately by the Nerves, 'tis easy to see, that the Nerves there meant, were either the Tendons or Ligaments.  
As for the common principle of motion and sensation, Aristotle places it in the Heart, which he looks upon also as the principle of the nourishment of all the parts of the body, by the means of the blood which it sends to them, as the Focus, which contains the natural fire, upon which depends life; as the place where the passions have their birth, and where all the sensations terminate. In a word, as the true seat of the Soul, and that not because the Nerves have their Origine from thence as some imagine, but because it is the reservatory of the blood and spirits. He formally maintains 
(p) l●b. de Spiritu.  that the spirits cannot be contained in the Nerves.  
But if Aristotle attributes such noble uses to the heart, the brain was in his opinion but a heap of Water and Earth, without blood and without sense. The office of this Cold Lump was, says he, to refresh and moderate the heat of the heart. But besides that, he gives elsewhere this Office to the Lungs, he does not account for the manner how the brain should be capable of discharging it. And altho' the brain be placed immediately upon the spinal marrow, and fixed to it, yet he pretended that the substance of that marrow was-quite different from that of the brain, being a sort of blood prepared for the nourishment of the bones, and consequently hot, whereas the other was cold. He made otherwise so little of the brain, that if he did not absolutely reckon it amongst the excrements, he thought it ought not to be ranked amongst the parts of the body, which had any continuity or union with the rest, that he looked on't as a substance of a peculiar nature, and different from all the rest of the body.  
As for the rest of the Viscera, as the Liver, the Spleen, and the Kidneys, he thought that their first and chief usage was to support the veins, which would be pendulous but for them, and to strengthen them in their place. Besides this first use, he assigned them some others. The Liver helped to the digestion of the meat in the stomach and the guts, by the warmth which it imparted to those parts; of which we shall speak more particularly in the Sequel. The Liver was not of such universal use, and is, according to him, but accidentally necessary to collect and concoct the Vapours which rise from the Belly; hence it is, that Animals, in whom these vapours take another course, have but a very small Spleen, as Birds, and Fishes, whose feathers and scales are formed and nourished out of this moisture. And these Animals for the same reason, says he, have neither kidneys nor bladder.  

(q) De part. Animal 〈◊〉 3 ●ap. 7.  The Kidneys also, according to him, are only for conveniency; their office is to imbibe part of the excrement which goes to the bladder in Animals, in whom this Excrement is in too great abundance, in order to ease the bladder. He adds a little after, 
(r) 〈…〉 9  that the humours filter, or run through the substance of the reins, in which he seems to touch upon the use afterwards found for these parts, but he speaks of it very obscurely.  

(s) Hist. Anim. ●b. 3. cap. 1.  The Testicles also are parts, made by nature for conveniency, and not of absolute necessity. He says, that there are two venous channels that come from the Aorta into the Testicles, and two others which come from the Kidneys, that these two latter contain blood, but the former none; that there comes out of the head of each Testicle another channel, bigger and more nervous, which bending backwards, and growing less, reascends towards the former, being contained in the same Membrane, which proceed to the root of the Virga. He adds, that this last Channel contains no blood, but a white liquor, and terminating at the Virga, or neck of the bladder, it meets there with an opening, which goes towards the Virga, round about which there is a sort of 
(t) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  husk or bark.  
This supposed, he says that when the Testicles of any Animal are cut off, all these channels spoken of shrink up, and that 'tis upon this retraction that those that are castrated cannot procreate; as a proof of this, he instances in a Cow, which being leapt by a ●ull after he was gelded, before these channels of the seed were retracted, proved with Calf. In another place, he explains himself more at large concerning the use of the Testicles, saying, 
(v) Hist. An. lib. 1. cap. 4.  That they are no part of the channels or receptacles of the Seed, and have no communication with them, but serve only as a weight to draw them downwards, and to retard the motion of the Seed, as Weavers fasten Stones to their Tackle. And as a proof of the uselessness of the Testicles, for the principal intention, he brings the example of Fishes and Serpents, who wanted, as he thought, those parts, yet did engender.  

(x) 〈…〉 lib. 〈◊〉 cap. 20.  He held, that the conception was made by the mixture of the Seed of a Man, with the menstrual blood of a Woman in the Matrix, allowing no share to the Seed of the Woman, which according to him was only an excrement of the Matrix, which some emitted, others not, yet were not for that less fruitful, or less sensible of the Pleasure of Coition, this Pleasure arising from a titillation caused by the afflux of the Spirits into the parts of Generation.  
As for the place and manner of digesting the food, Aristotle says, That the Aliment is first prepared in the mouth of Animals, whose food requires to be wet or mashed; but we are not to think that any sort of concoction is performed there, the meat is only reduced into small parts, so that it may be more easily digested and penetrated after 'tis descended into the superior and inferior Ventricle▪ which are both destined to this Office, that is, to digest the Aliments: And as the Mouth is the opening by which the nourishment enters unprepared, and the Oesophagus is the Tunnel by which it descends into the upper venture or the ventricle, there is need of more openings to carry the nourishment to all the parts of the body, from the belly and intestines, as out of a Cystern; and these openings or pipes are the veins of the Mesentery. As Plants, says the Philosopher, draw their nourishment by their Roots, which are dispersed in the Earth, so Animals draw theirs by these veins, which are as so many Roots, to draw from the Belly and Intestines the juice therein contained, these parts being to Animals as the Earth is to Plants. He says also, That these veins are branches of the great veins, and of the Aorta which go to the intestines. As for the Omentum, Aristotle thought that it assisted in conjunction with the Liver to the concoction of the Meat, warming the parts to which it is contiguous with its Fat which is hot.  
In explication of what has been already said, he held farther, that the Coction of the Aliments was performed partly in the superior Venture, and partly in the inferior, that the mass of the Aliments being yet too fresh, and not being sufficiently concocted, while it is in the superior Venture, that is, the Stomach, and being deprived of all its Juice, and all that is useful in it, so that nothing remains but thick excrement, when it comes at the bottom of the inferior Venture, there must necessarily be some space between these two, in which the nourishment is changed, and is neither crude nor excrement. This space, says he, is the thin Gut called Jejunum, which is immediately joined to the superior Venture, and by consequence lies between that Venture, wherein the Aliments were in part crude, and the bottom of the inferior Venture which contained nothing but excrement.  
These are the places, according to Aristotle, wherein digestion is performed. This digestion was, according to him, a sort of Elixation, that is, he thought, that the Aliments were prepared in the body, much after the manner that meat is boiled in a Pot, by means of the heat of the Neighbouring parts, the chief of which were, as we have observed, the Liver and the Cawl.  
We may see by this Gut which he calls Jejunum, and the distinction, that he makes elsewhere between the Colon, the Caecum and the Rectum, that the Guts were somewhat better distinguished than in the time of Hypocrates, who seems to have acknowledged but two, the Colon and the Rectum, as we have already taken notice.  
The use of the Lungs and manner of respiration, according to Aristotle were these. The Heart being inflated by too much heat, obliged the Lungs and Breast to swell and move, and by consequence to receive in the Air, which insinuating itself into the heart, refreshed it in its entrance, and returning carried off the thick hot vapours exhaling from it, and served at the same time to form the voice, the Air being necessarily obliged to enter into the Lungs as they rise for fear of a void, which is a thing nature abhors.  

(y) Hist. Anim. lib. 1. cap. 21.  Of the structure of the Ear Aristotle has not delivered much. He observes only, that 'tis turned within in the form of a Shell which terminates at a bone, which, says he, is like to the Ear, and whither the sound comes, as the last vessel which receives it. There is no passage from thence to the Brain, but there is one goes to the , and a vein which descends from the Brain to that place, that is, to the Bone of the Ear. 
(z) De Anima b. 2. cap. 8.  He says elsewhere, that hearing is produced by means of the External Air which moves the internal Air, or the Air enclosed in the Ear; and he adds, that if the Membrane of the Ear be indisposed, we cannot hear, for the same reason, we cannot see when the Tunicle of the Eye is in the same Condition.  

(a) De generat aninial lib. 2. cap. 6.  The Nose is divided into two Channels by a Cartilege. It has two veins, which are joined to the Brain, but they come from the Heart, these go into the Channel, which is the Organ of smelling, as it receives the External Air, and all that is diffused thro' it.  
The Flesh, as we have observed already, is the Organ of Feeling. The Tongue of Tasting, being soft and spongy, and of a Nature approaching to that of the Flesh.  

(b) Hist. An. lib. 1. cap. 11.  The Eye reaches into the Brain, and is situated on either side under a little vein. 
(c) Ib. cap. 9  The humour which is in the Eye which causes vision, is what we call the sight. 
(d) De Gen. An. lib. 2. cap. 6.  The Eye of all the Organs of sensation has this peculiarity, that it is moist and cold, or that it contains a humour that is moist and cold, which is not there at first, or which is not at first in its perfection, but is separated or distilled from the purest part of the moisture of the Brain, by the Channel that goes to the Membrane of the Brain.  
'Tis very plain from what has been said, that Aristotle allowed the Nerves no part in the production of sensation. Nor indeed could he acknowledge the Nerves or their office, retaining the Idea which he had of the Brain. The Diaphragme, which he calls Diazoma, or the Membrane which separates the lower Belly from the Breast, has, according to Aristotle, no other business than to divide these two Cavities, that the upper, which is the Seat of the Soul, may not be infected by the vapours which rise from the lower.  
This is the sum of what we could collect from the writings of this Philosopher concerning Anatomy. And we may observe, that both he and Plato called indifferently by the name of Veins the Veins properly so called, and the Arteries; that they did not give the name of Artery to any thing but the Windpipe; which they called 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, rough, or unequal in opposition to the Arteries properly so called, and by the Ancients named, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, laeves Arterlae smooth Arteries  Aspera Arteria from whence we may infer, that when we find in 
(f) See the next Vol. lib. 1. cap. of Erasistratus.  Hypocrates the word Artery in the sense of the Moderns, that this word has been foisted in, or that the Books in which 'tis found are not Genuine.  
The only place that I know of, wherein Aristotle seems to give the name of Arteries, to the Arteries properly so called is in his Book of the Spirit, wherein he says that the Skin is composed of a Vein, an Artery, and a Nerve, Of a Vein, says he, because the Skin yields Blood when 'tis pricked: Of a Nerve, because it can extend itself: Of an Artery, because 'tis transpirable. Aristotle seems here to have designed the real and true Arteries, and to allot to them only Spirit, according to the opinion of Praxagoras and Erasistratus, of whom we shall speak hereafter; which opinion perhaps they borrowed of him. Perhaps also this Book was none of Aristotle's.  
We must make one observation more concerning the Anatomy of Aristotle, which is, that he never dissected any thing but Brutes, and that in his time they durst not Anatomize a Humane body. Which he insinuates himself in these words 
(g) Hist. An. lib. 1. cap. 16. , The inward parts of men's bodies are unknown, for we have nothing certain thereupon, but we must judge of them by the resemblance which we suppose them to have to the parts of other Animals, which answer to each of them. I am surprised 
(h) Anthropograph. lib. 1. cap. 4.  that Riolan should maintain the contrary, and more that he should endeavour to prove it from passages of Aristotle, which are nothing to the purpose; but he is not the only one, whose Prejudice and Bigotry for the Ancients, has caused to make such false steps. We shall have occasion to say something more upon this subject in the first Book of the next Volume. Aristotle wrote also some Books of Plants, of which there are some yet remaining, but he treats of them rather as a Philosopher than a Physician.  
He was born in the ninety ninth Olympiad, and he died the 3d year of the hundred and fourteenth Olympiad, aged by this account about sixty three. He was the Son of a Physician, and of the family of the Asclepiades. He belonged also to Physick another way, which is not much for his honour. 
(i) Diogenes Laertius, & Hesychius Milesius in vita Epicuri.  Epicurus reproaches him with having spent his patrimony while he was young in debauchery, and that after he had been some time a Soldier, he betook himself to selling 
(k) We shall consider in the sequel the meaning of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 used by Diogenes Laertius on this occasion.  of Antidotes about the Markets, till Plato's School being opened, he applied himself to the study of Philosophy under him.   

CHAP. VI Theophrastus.  
THeophrastus, who succeeded Aristotle, took upon him the management of his School, and after his death did something likewise towards Physic. The most considerable of his works which remain to our times are his Books of Plants. But as Plants may be considered either as a part of Agriculture, of Natural History, or of Physic; Theophrastus, as well as Aristotle, seems to consider them chief as a Naturalist, and seems rather to have examined their Growth and Termination, and the parts whereof they are composed, than their Medicinal properties, although sometimes en passant he touches upon them too. But he having described several, we shall be obliged to take farther notice of him upon this account with Dioscorides.  
There are yet some small pieces of his remaining, concerning the Vertigo, Swooning, Sweat, and the Palsy, of which he treats rather as a Philosopher than a Physician; that is, he is inquisitive after the Causes of these Distempers only, without speaking of any Remedies. He says, that Vertigoes come when some strange spirit or superfluous moisture goes into the Head, or as he expresses it, about the Head, whether this comes from any sort of Food, as from Wine, or from any other humour, or from turning the Head round. For, adds he, the place about the Brain, or the Brain (an usual manner of expression among the Greeks) is naturally moist, and when any foreign Spirit gets in, it does violence after it is got in, and forces the natural moisture into the veins, causing it to turn round, so that this Spirit has the same effect, as if any body turned the Head round, it being indifferent whether it be done inwardly or outwardly.  
The Palsy arises from a chillness, or privation and want of Spirits or Spirit. For, says he, the Spirit is the cause of heat and motion, so that if it becomes motionless, the blood or moisture necessarily grow i'll. And for this reason we find the Feet be numbed, and sometimes the upper parts, when they are pressed by a Chair, or any other way, this compression stopping or interrupting the Spirit, that it cannot move as usual, causes the Blood to grow cold.  
By what has been said, we may see that this Philosopher suspected the Nerves on these occasions, no more than Hypocrates did, and was no better acquainted with their use than his Master Aristotle.  
We have also a Book of Theophrastus of Stones, wherein he treats of several sorts of Stones, as well Genuine as others, of their nature, the manner of their formation, and the places where they are found, etc. And as we may see by the Catalogue of his Writings, he gave to some of them the same Titles that Aristotle had done before to his; perhaps the singular number was substituted for the plural, in the Title of the Book of Aristotle of the Stone, of which before.   

CHAP. II. Heraclides of Pontus.  
ALmost at the same time there lived another Philosopher, who engaged in Physic. This was Heraclides of Pontus, who studied partly under Speusippus the Scholar of Plato, and partly under Aristotle. This Heraclides writ a Book of the cause of Diseases, and another entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; What he called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, without respiration, was a disease, in which sometimes, as our Author affirms, men lay thirty days without breathing, as if they were dead, yet the body did not corrupt. We have seen before that Empedocles cured a woman of this distemper, which is a sort of suffocation of the Matrix. Diogenes Laertius reckons fourteen famous men of the name of Heraclides, of which two were Physicians, and not counting him of whom we are speaking. The first, who was the eighth of the fourteen, was Scholar to Hicesius a Physician, of whom we shall speak hereafter; the second was a famous Empirick of Tarentum, whose History we shall likewise give. To all these Heraclides, we may add Hypocrates Father, and Heraclides Erithreus, of whom also hereafter.   

CHAP VIII. Diocles.  
'TIs time, to quit the Philosophers, and return a little back to reassume the Physicians. The first of this Profession after Hypocrates and his Family, that made any noise in the world, was Diocles Carystius, whom the Athenians for that reason called the 
(a) Theodor. Priscian's.  Second Hypocrates. 
(b) Plin. lib. 20. cap. 20. Celf. Praefat.  All the Ancients agree, that he came presently after the Father of Physic, whom he succeeded very near both in time and reputation. He's supposed to be Author of a Letter yet extant, Addressed to Antigonus, King of Asia, which shows, that Diocles lived in his time, and not in the time 
(c) tiraquel. de Nobil. cap. 21. and after him Wolfgangus Justus in his Chronologia Medicorum. Who also holds, that he lived both under Darius the Son of Hystaspes, and under Antigonus, though between those two Princes there passed two entire Centuries.  of Darius' Son of Hystaspes, as two modern Authors have written. But the Chronological Errors which we have detected upon the occasion of the pretended Letters of Hypocrates, show that we are not to rely much upon proofs of this nature, this Letter of Diocles being no less to be suspected than the others. Those that place Diocles in the time of Darius, Son of Hystaspes are manifestly in an error. Others have gone on the other side too low, if I be not mistaken. But however it be, we find in this Letter rules for preservation of health, which consist in foreseeing Diseases by certain signs, and preventing them by certain Remedies. The Body is there divided into four parts, the Head, the Breast, the Belly, and the Bladder; and there are Medicines there prescribed to preserve these parts, from their usual Distempers. He prescribed Gargarisms to purge the Head and Frictions. For the Breast he advises vomiting after Meals, and Fasting. He ordered the Belly to be kept open, not by Medicine, but by proper Diet, such as Blites, Mercury, Garlick boiled, the Herb Patience, Colwort Broth, confections with Honey. For the distempers of the Bladder he appointed some Diuretic Medicines, such as the Roots of Selery and Fennel boiled in Wine, with the water of the Decoction of Daucus Smyrnium, of Elder or Chiches.  
Diocles wrote several Books of Physic which are lost. Amongst the rest was one of Diseases, their Causes and Cure, a fragment of which is cited by 
(d) De Locis affect. lib. 3. c. 7.  Galen, concerning the Disease called the Melancholic or Flatulent Disease, wherein Diocles speaks thus. There is a Disease, whose seat is about the Stomach, which some call Melancholy, others Flatus, or Wind, in which, after eating things hard of digestion, men spit abundance of very clear Spittle; their Belches are sour, with Wind and heat in the Hippocondria, with a rumbling motion, not at first, but sometime after, and often violent pain in the Stomach, which extend in some even to the back. After the Meat is perfectly digested all ceases and returns again after eating. The same symptoms sometimes take a man fasting, and sometimes after Meals, and force him to throw his victuals undigested up again, and sometimes bitter hot phlegm, or so sour as to set their Teeth an edge. These distempers for the most part come in youth; but come when they will, they hold a long time. We may suppose they that are troubled with it, have too much heat in the veins which receive the nourishment from the Stomach, and that the Blood which they contain is thereby thickened. For it is plain that those veins are obstructed or stopped, from this sensible proof that the nourishment is not distributed thro' the body, but remains crude upon the stomach, instead of passing into the Channels which ought to receive it, and going the greatest part of it into the lower Belly, it is thrown up the next day by vomit. Another proof that the heat is greater than naturally it ought, is not only the heat which the parties feel, but the immediate relief they find by taking cold things. Diocles adds, that some hold that in these distempers the orifice of the Stomach, which is joined to the Guts, is in flamed, and that this inflammation causes the obstruction, and hinders the aliments from descending in due time into the Guts, and that by their stop the inflation of the Stomach, the heat, and other symptoms before mentioned are occasioned.  
Diocles had a peculiar opinion of Fevers. We must judge, says he, of things which we cannot see, by those which we can see; we observe that external inflammations, abscesses and wounds are attended by Fevers, therefore when a Fever takes any body, though we cannot externally discover any abscess, wound, or inflammation, we must however believe that there is some such thing within the body.  
His practice was much the same with that of Hypocrates. He blooded and purged after the same manner, and upon the same occasions. His particular method in every distemper may be seen in 
(e) Acuti Pass. l. 3 c. 17.  Caelius Aurelianus. The same Author reports, that Diocles caused all those that were troubled with the Iliack passion to swallow a Leaden Bullet, a Medicine of which I find no mention in Hypocrates, and which might perhaps be of Diocles' own invention. He distinguished between the Ileus and Chordapsus, which two names Hypocrates seemed to give to the same distemper. Diocles' signified by the former of these names a distemper of the intestina tenuia, and by the latter of the intestina crassa.  
He practised also Surgery, and invented an instrument to draw out the head of a Dart when it was left in the wound; which was called by his name in Celsus his time. He invented also the manner of 
(f) Galen de Fancy's.  Bandage for the head, which went also by his name.  
Galen observes, that this Physician was the first that wrote of Anatomical Administration, that is, of the manner and order of dissection, for the better displaying the parts of the body. He gave at the same time this account for the Silence of those that preceded him, and of the motives that induced him to write upon that subject. 
(g) De Adminis●. Anatom. lib. 2.  Before Diocles, says Galen, Physick being almost entirely limited to the family of the Asclepiades, the Fathers taught their Son's Anatomy, and bred them from their infancy to the dissection of Animals. So that it going from Father to Son by way of Manual Tradition, it was needless to write of the manner, because it was as impossible they should forget it as their Alphabet, which they learned almost at the same time. But the Art of Physic spreading beyond this family, by means of the Scholars of Hypocrates, Diocles wrote upon this subject in favour of those whose Fathers were not Physicians.  
Thus far Galen of Diocles, who nevertheless by Galen's own report had made no great progress in Anatomy. He satisfied himself with what his predecessors had done, who were no great Anatomists, as we have already observed.  
Galen testifies likewise for Diocles, that he practised Physic out of a principle of Humanity, as Hypocrates had done, and not for Pront or Glory, which were motives upon which other Physicians acted. He speaks of him elsewhere as a great man in his Art, and affirms, that he was master of it in every part.  
Athenaeus mentions a piece of Diocles which treated of Poisons, and another which teaches 
(h) This Book was entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  the manner of dressing victuals. Athenaeus tells us of several other ancient Physicians that wrote upon this latter subject, and mentions amongst others Philistion, whom we have spoken of before, Erasistratus, Philotimus, Glaucus, and Dionysius. Their design in probability was not so much to please the taste as to render the food more wholesome. Nevertheless Plato complains 
(i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  that the Art of Cookery was crept into Physic under pretence of dressing for health, whereas it had the quite contrary effect, and he asserts, that this Art is just of as much use in Physic, as 
(k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  the Art of washing and perfuming is to the Gymnastick, of which we have already spoken. He calls the art of Cookery and the art Washing and Beautifying, the flatterers of Physic and Gymnastick.  
Diocles wrote likewise the distempers of Women. He composed also a Book, entitled of the weeks, wherein he treated undoubtedly of the critical days after the manner of Hypocrates. There was also another Diocles of Chalcedon, who is cited by 
(l) Medicament. local. l. 7. c. 4.  Galen, but I know not when he lived.   

CHAP IX. Praxagoras.  
PRaxagoras came a little after Diocles, living at the latest about the time of Aristotle. His Father's name was 
(a) De dissectiones ●ulv. cap ult  Nicarchius. (b) He was at the Isle of Cos as well as Hypocrates, and of the same Family, that is, of the Asclepiades, with this peculiarity, 
() Method. Med. lib. 1.  that he was the last, the Family being extinct in him. This is the observation of Galen, with which Suidas does by no means agree, who says, there were seven descendants from Hypocrates, all Physicians, who successively bore his name, but I am rather apt to credit Galen.  
Praxagoras is reckoned the third after Hypocrates, who worthily maintained the honour of rational Physic. Galen speaks honourably of him, as a man that understood his business excellently well. He left several Books which are lost. Galen citys some of them, as that of the use of abstinence, those of the ordinary and extraordinary symptoms of Diseases, another entitled, of natural things, or things which naturally happen, and another of Medicaments.  
He passed in his time for a great Anatomist, but all that he wrote upon that subject being lost, we know nothing of his Sentiments, except that he believed with Aristotle, that the Nerves come from the Heart. He added 
(d) Galen. de decret. Hippocrat. & ●laton.  that the Arteries turn to Nerves as their cavities grow strait towards the extremities. He held with this Philosopher, that the brain was of little use, and looked upon it as only an appendix to the spinal Marrow. He maintained also that the 
(e) De dignosee●d. Pulls. l. 4. cap. 2.  Arteries contained no Liquor, an opinion which we shall see driven farther by Erasistratus. From hence we may conclude, that Praxagoras was the first Author that distinguished the arteries properly so called from the veins. The Physicians of the preceding ages having indifferently called both veins and arteries by the name of veins.  
Praxagoras was the first that distinguished with more exactness than before the humours or juices of the body. 
(f) See the Anatomy of Hypocrates and Aristotle.  Rufus Ephesius reports, that he said of these juices, that one was sweet, another 
(g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  equally mixed or temperate, 
(h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  another resemosed Glass, which was a sort of flegin very penetrant, another sour, another nitrous, another of the colour of a Leek, another salt, another bitter, another like the yolk of an Egg. He added besides these two other sorts of Juices, one which he called 
(i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Raking, that is, which produced a sense in the part, as if it were scraped with a Knife or some such Instrument, the other he called 
(k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. These names, as well as those taken from the colour of a Leek and the Yo●k of an Egg are really new. But those of sour; bitter, nitrous, etc. were applied by Hypocrates, to the same things before.  fixed. 
(l) Introduct cap● 9  Most diseases according to him depended upon these dispositions of the humours, and it was his opinion, that it was in vain to look any where else, than into the humours for the causes of health or sickness. 
(m) De sacultat. Nat. l. 2. c. 9  Galen limits the number of humours, which Praxagoras distinguished to ten, without reckoning the blood which makes eleven, but he does not specify what they were.  
There are divers specimen of the practice of Praxagoras in Caelius Aurelianus. Amongst other things we find that he was very much for 
(n) Ca●●s Aurelian rout. l. 3. cap. 17.  vomits. He gave them even in the Quinsey and in Convulsions, the same he did also in the Iliack Passion, as well as Hypocrates, but he urged them further, continuing them until the Excrements came up at the mouth, which is a symptom that comes in the extremity of this distemper, without giving a vomit. He seemed to be a very bold practitioner; for in this distemper, if the Remedies did not operate, he ordered an incision to be made into the Belly, and even into the Gut itself, and the Excrements to be drawn out, and the wound to be sewed up again. This example, and those before cited, shows that from the beginning of Physic, they tried all means they could think of to answer their ends, how dangerous soever. As for the rest, 
(o) R fus ●phesius.  Praxagoras followed pretty close the practice of Hypocrates. He believ●d the Fevers began in the Vena Cava, or that the seat of the Fever was in the Trunk of the Great Vein, between the Liver and the Kidneys. He had several Scholars, the most considerable of whom were Herophilus, Philotimus, and Plistonicus, of whom we shall speak in the following Book.   

CHAP X. Petron.  
WE must here take notice of one Petron or Petronas, who lived, as Celsus says, before Erasistratus, and Herophilus, and presently after Hypocrates. Galen 
(a) Comm●n in lib. 1. 〈◊〉 pox. de vict ●ration● in ●c●tis.  after having spoken of those who macerate their Patients by too long abstinence, blames this Petron for t'other extreme, that is, for feeding them too much. But Celsus before-cited, tells us something of his Method, which is very singular. 
(b) Celsus l. 3 cap. 9  Petron, says he, covered Men in Fevers with abundance of , that he might make 'em very hot, and very thirsty. And when the Fever began to abate a little, gave them cold water to drink; and if he moved Sweat, he thought he had freed the Patient, if not, he gave them more cold water, and forced them to Vomit. If either way the Fever was taken off, he gave them Roast Pork and Wine. If it were not taken off, he gave them Water, in which Salt was boiled, that they might cleanse their Stomaches by Vomit; and herein consisted his whole Practice.   

CHAP. XI. Menecrates and Critobulus.  
MEnecrates was of Syracuse, and lived in the time of Philip King of Macedonia, Father to Alexander the Great: He had so good an opinion of his profession, that he thought he might recall the times, in which Physicians passed for Gods. He relished extremely well 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. A Man equal to a God. An Epithet which he be stows likewise upon some other of his Heroes.  the Epithet, with which Homer compliments Machaon. He caused himself to be called Jupiter, but Philip mortified him very much. This Prince having received a Letter from Menecrates which began thus. 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To be joyful or prosperous.  Menecrates Jupiter wishes all Prosperity to King Philip, made him this answer; Philip 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; to be in health These were all common salutations in the Superscriptions of Letters. But this latter was used equivocally on this occasion.  wishes health to Menecrates; signifying thereby that he was brainsick, and that he might not doubt of it, Philip adds, that he advised him to go to Anticyra, an Island famous for producing Hellebore, used in the cure of Mad Folks, as we have already observed. Plutarch reports the same of King Agesilaus.  
Philip put also another signal affront upon Menecrates. Having invited him to a very magnificent Treat, he caused a Table to be provided for him apart upon a raised Platform, with a Pot of Incense upon it, and gave order, that while the rest of his Guests were plentifully treated at another Table, 
(e) Var. Hist. lib. 12. c. 5.  they should feed him with smoke. 
(d) P. 469.  Elian says, that Menecrates was at first very proud of the Honour that was done him, till hunger began to press him.  

(f) Deipnosophist. lib. 7. c. 10.  Athenaeus tells us several other Circumstances altogether as pleasant of his Conduct. Menecrates (says this Author) used to make all those that he cured of the Epilepsy enter into an obligation in Writing, that they would obey and follow him for the time to come, as Servants do their Master. Athenaeus adds, that one Nicostratus of Argos being freed from this Distemper by Menccrates, followed him by the name and in the habit of Hercules. Another called Nicagoras followed him in the habit of Mercury, Equipt with the Wings and Caduceus of that God. One Astycreon was the 3 d of his Train, with the name and equipage of Apollo, a fourth was rigged out like Esculapius. Menecrates himself had on a purple Robe, with a Crown of Gold on his head, and a Sceptre in his hand, with the Buskins of the Gods. With this Train of Gods he took a progress through the Cities of Greece. He wrote to King Philip in these Terms, You reign over Macedonia, and can when you please destroy those that are in health, but I can restore health and preserve it to those that have it, if they be obedient to me, and can secure them to old Age. Your Macedonians are your Guards and Followers, those that outlive Distempers are mine, for I Jupiter give Life.  
The History of this Physician will serve to divert the Reader, if it be of no other use. There was likewise another Menecrates, of whom we shall speak of in his turn, that we may not confound him with the former, 
(g) De Philosophia cap. 11.  as Vossius has done.  
There was at the same time another Physician of more prudence than Menecrates, he was called Critobulus. 
(h) Plin. lib. 7. cap. 37.  He succeeded so happily in drawing the Arrow out of the Eye of King Philip, and in the management of the Cure, that it occasioned no deformity to his Face.   

CHAP. XXII. Philip, Glaucias, Alexippus, Pausasanias, Alexais, and Androcydas.  
AMong the Physicians of Alexander the Great, was one Philip, an Acarnanian, in whom he reposed so much confidence, that he took before his Face a Medicine which he had brought him, before his Physician could read a Letter, which Alexander put into his hands, at the same time, by which he received advice, that Philip would poison him This may very well be the same Philip, who is by 
(a) Lib. 3. cap. 21.  Celsus called an Epirot, Acarnania being a part of Epirus. This latter Philip, says this Author, being at the Court of King Antigonus, and having promised to cure one of his Courtiers of a Dropsy of the mildest kind, had not the success he expected, through the irregularity of his Patient, who, instead of abstaining from meat and drink, as he was ordered, eat the very Cataplasms that were applied to him, and drank his own Water. 'Tis not impossible, but that the same Philip, who was Physician to Alexander, might be so also to Antigonus his Successor in Asia. This Physician followed in some measure the method of Hypocrates, who ordered his Patients to eat and drink very little in a Dropsy. The Author of this History adds, that another famous Physician, who was Scholar to Chrysippus, had before prognosticated, that the Patient would not be cured; and being told, that Philip promised to cure him, made answer, that Philip considered only the Disease, but he the humour of the Patient. This Physician in all probability could be none but Erasistratus, of whom we shall speak in the following book.  
Gla●cias, another Physician of Alexander, was more unhappy than the former. For Alexander imputing to him the Death of his favourite Hephaestion, who was his Patient in his last Sickness, caused him to be crucified.  
Plutarch speaks of two more Physicians to Alexander, or great men of his Court, whereof one was called Alexippus and the other Pausanias, saying that the first having cured Peucestas of a Disease, Alexander wrote him a Letter of thanks, and the latter intending to give Hellebore to Craterus, he wrote to him also partly to testify his concern for Craterus his Illness, and partly to exhort the Physician, to proceed with all the caution necessary, to make his Medicine effectual.  
Pliny mentions a Physician named Androcydas, who wrote to Alexander in these Term●, When you drink Wine, remember that you drink the Blood of the Earth; he adds, that as Hemlock is poison to a man, so Wine is poison to Hemlock.   

CHAP. XIII. Syennesis, Diogenes, Clidemus, Thrasias, and Alexias.  
TO the preceding Physician we may add, those that are cited by Aristotle and Theophrastus, and are not reckoned among the Ancient Physicians; as one (a) Syennesis of Cyprus, and one Diogenes Apolloniates of whom the former makes mention, reporting some fragments of their writing, by which it appears that they believed with Polybus, that the Veins have their Origine from the Head. One Clidemus of Plataea, cited by the latter, and one Thrasias of Montine, who bragged that he had a Drug of such a property, that it would kill without pain. The same Thrasias used to say, that the same thing would purge one man and not another, which he proved by the example of a Shepherd that eat a handful of Hellebore without being moved by it. To this Shepherd, he added one of his own Scholars, who was also a famous Physician, one Eudemus a seller of Medicines, and another Eudemus of Chio, who were all unmoved by Hellebore.      
FINIS.